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Origen, Bardaisan, and the Origin of
Universal Salvation*
Ilaria L. E. Ramelli
Catholic University of the Sacred Heart
Milan, Italy
* This article is a significantly revised and expanded version of a paper I delivered at the SBL
International Meeting, Vienna; 22-26 July, 2007. I am very grateful to all colleagues and friends
who discussed it with me at various stages and to the anonymous readers of HTR, who offered
helpful suggestions.
1 See most recently Panayiotis Tzamalikos, Origen: Philosophy of History and Eschatology
(Leiden: Brill, 2007); Ilaria L. E. Ramelli, Apocatastasi (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 2009); eadem,
"Christian Soteriology and Christian Platonism: Origen, Gregory of Nyssa, and the Biblical and
Philosophical Basis of the Doctrine of Apokatastasis," VChr 61 (2007) 313-56; eadem, "Origene
ed il lessico dell'eternita," Adamantius 14 (2008) 100-29.
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136 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 137
10 Eibert Tigchelaar argues against the supposed allusions to Bar Kochba in this Apocalypse ("Is
the Liar Bar Kochba?" in The Apocalypse of Peter [ed. Bremmer and Czachesz] 63-77), mainly on
the basis of the fact that they are not in the Greek fragments but in the Ethiopic translation, which
is often inaccurate and full of textual problems.
11 Montague Rhodes James, The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1924) introduction.
12 Enrico Norelli has pointed out some typically Petrine themes in the three apocryphal texts
that are related to the Petrine tradition: the Kerygmata Petri, the Apoc. Pet., and the Gospel of Peter
("Situation des apocryphes petriniens," Apocrypha 2 [1991] 31-38). There emerges an ancient Petrine
tradition historically connected with Antioch. From the doctrinal point of view, see Michel Tardieu,
"Here*siographie de 1' Apocalypse de Pierre," in Histoire et conscience historique dans les civilisations
du Proche-Orient ancien (Actes du colloque de Cartigny 1986; Leuven: Peeters, 1989) 33-39.
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138 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 139
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140 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
24 The reference to the Acherusian Valley and the Elysian Fields led,
suppositions of Norden and Dieterich that the sources of the eschatolo
Pet. were pagan more than Jewish, and especially Orphic. See Bremme
Buchholz, Your Eyes, 98-1 18, who shows how subsequently the Jewish her
its relationship to Jewish texts, the Apostolic Fathers, etc., has been inves
25 1 cite Buchholz's translation of the Ethiopic text in Your Eyes, 224-3
26 See Montague Rhodes James, "The Rainer Fragment of the Apoca
(1931) 270-79; Buchholz, Your Eyes, 152-55; James Keith Elliott, "The A
The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993) 593-613; Casp
"Offenbarung des Petrus," in Neutestamentliche Apokryphen (ed. Edg
Schneemelcher; 2 vols.; 5th ed.; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1989) 2:562
"The Apocalypse of Peter: An Account of Research," ANRW 2.25.6 (1
Conflict of Justice and Mercy," in idem, The Fate of the Dead, 132-48. T
Wesseley as a part of the Acts of Peter, in Patrologia Orientalis 18 (19
Karl Prumm, "De genuino Apocalypsis Petri textu," Biblica 10 (1929) 62-
Pet., and by James, who has given the best edition of it. More recently, K
Das Petrusevangelium und die Petrusapokalypse, which is not a complet
D. Ehrman remarks in his review in VC 61 (2007) 96-1 17, but includes a
of the Apoc. Pet. The editors question whether the second part of the Akhm
to the Apoc. Pet. but to the Gospel of Peter (on these texts, see also Enr
apocryphes pe*triniens," Apocrypha 2 [ 1 99 1 ] 3 1-83). In any case, the editors
fragment of the Apoc. Pet., with detailed notes, together with the other
27 See Buchholz, Your Eyes, 228 and 345; Elliott, "The Apocalypse of
Rainer Fragment," 271 for the Greek text. This section corresponds to ch.
whereas the section is completely lacking in the Akhmim fragment, which
a different recension. A detailed comparison between the Rainer fragment a
is provided by Buchholz, Your Eyes, 344-62. According to James, "The
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 141
telling them: 'You repent now that there is no time left for
the Rainer and the Bodleian fragments of this Apocalypse originally belong
recension, but even to the same manuscript.
28 Buchholz, Your Eyes, 348; Lautaro Roig Lanzillotta, "Does Punishment R
The Justice Pattern Underlying the Apocalypse of Peter? in The Apocalypse
and Czachesz) 127-57, at 151-52.
29 See Buchholz, Your Eyes, 342-62; 425-26. The Ethiopic text is much
of the Akhmim fragment, and includes a lengthy section on Christ's seco
judgment (chs. 1-6) and a shorter one on the Ascension (ch. 17) which are ab
fragment, as are the Ethiopic chs. 13-14. Furthermore, in the Ethiopic tr
of the damned comes before that of the blessed, whereas in the Akhmim f
the case. Moreover, in the Akhmim fragment both descriptions are narrate
tense, whereas in the Ethiopic only that of the blessed is such, while that c
a prophecy. The Ethiopic expands much more on the description of the dam
of the blessed. The Ethiopic seems to translate the Greek from the Bodleian
from the Akhmim recension. See ibid., 417-18.
30 This is rightly noted by Copeland, "Sinners," 98.
31 See Ilaria Ramelli and David Konstan, Terms for Eternity (Piscatawa
Heleen Maria Keizer, Life, Time, Entirety: A Study of A1QN in Greek Li
and Philo (Ph.D. diss., Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1999). This is why th
between the Rainer fragment and the rest of the Greek Apocalypse of Peter
of punishment noted by Peter van Minnen, "The Greek Apocalypse of P
of Peter (ed. Bremmer and Czachesz), 15-39, at 32 seems to be misguide
not mean "eternal punishment." (According to van Minnen, the Rainer frag
the cessation of the punishment of the damned, "is completely out of tune w
even with what little remains of the Greek, because the punishments are
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142 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
have no life left.' And they all will say: 'God's judgment is rig
and known that his judgment is good, because we have paid eac
his/her actions.'" The "aiOnios punishment" is the ultra-munda
the eternal punishment, and its aim is therapeutic and pedagogic
is stressed in Clement, Origen, and Gregory of Nyssa.32 Alth
in the Apoc. Pet. speak of "eternal" punishment for the dam
Jesus unequivocally announces their final salvation. There is no
however, since behind the Ethiopic "eternal" stands the Greek
in the biblical lexicon signifies "eternal" only when it refers t
means "ancient," "remote," "enduring," "divine, heavenly" or
future world."34 The adjective aicivioq for punishment and fir
both in the Bible and in the Apoc. Pet., does not imply their a
does not contradict the salvation of the damned expressed in cha
the beginning of Jesus' revelation to Peter (chs. 3-4), when Pe
the sinners' fate, says to Jesus: "O my Lord, please permit me
words concerning these sinners, namely, 'Better if they had n
Jesus immediately reminds him of God's mercy: "O Peter, why d
having been created would have been better for them? It is y
in this way! But you certainly do not have more mercy than G
them." If Peter pities the damned, but God is said to have even
Peter has, it is already possible to foresee an outcome of salva
after this, Jesus, who is about to speak of the eschatologica
Peter, who is worrying about the damned, that "there is nothi
God, nothing that is impossible for him" (4.5).35 In 5.8-9, infe
described through traditional images employed in the Gospels, su
cannot be put out" (7cup aopeaxov) and the "gnashing of teeth.
are evidently not deemed to be opposed to the eventual salvat
anticipated in chapters 3^ and proclaimed in chapter 14, wher
Jesus will pull the damned out of the torments. This is all the
that the Apoc. Pet. is a coherent text, endowed with a strong un
beginning we find hints of the notion of the salvation of the da
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 143
37 In fact, when sinners arrive at their punishment, they cannot realize that it
know perfectly well that it is the punishment of the other world. Likewise, in
didn't know that we would come to this 'eternal' place of punishment," wher
had xonoq ai(6vio<;, which means, not "eternal place," but "other-worldly plac
38 On which, in addition to Buchholz, see Monika Pesthy, "Thy Mercy, O Lord,
and thy Righteousness Reaches into the Clouds," in The Apocalypse of Peter
Czachesz), 40-5 1 . Pesthy is concerned only with the Ps. Clementine work entitle
of Christ and the Resurrection of the Dead, edited by Sylvain Grebaut in RO
307-23, 425-39. Both this work and another Ps. Clementine text that follows
the Judgment of Sinners (ed. Sylvain Grebaut in ROC 12 [1907] 139-51, an
are considered to contain Origenistic elements by Gianfrancesco Lusini, "Trad
Etiopia," in Origeniana Octava, 1 177-84. That these two writings form one
Roger W. Cowley, "The Ethiopic Work Which is Believed to Contain the Mate
Greek Apocalypse of Peter," JTS 36 (1985) 151-53.
39 See Buchholz, Your Eyes, 376-81.
40 See Ilaria Ramelli, "Origen's Exegesis of Jeremiah: Resurrection Announ
Bible and its Twofold Conception," Augustinianum 48 (2008) 59-78.
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144 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 145
43 "The just will contemplate sinners in their sufferings, and those who have pe
or handed them [to hostile people]." The sinners "will contemplate the place w
be living, and will take part in Grace. In that day the just will be granted that f
often have prayed," that is, salvation for the sinners (23.11-24.12). In H. P. Ho
Apocalypse, III, Akhmimite: The Apocalypse of Elias," Aegyptus 39 (1959)
Apocalypse of Elijah was based on that of Peter was already supposed by Jame
is accepted by Buchholz, Your Eyes, 60-61.
44 For an Asiatic context in the second century C.E., see Alistair Stewart-Sykes,
of the New Prophecy and of Epistula Apostolorum," VChr 51 (1997) 416-38;
Hill, "The Epistula Apostolorum" JECS 1 (1999) 1-53, who places the Epist
the first half of the second century, probably soon after 120 C.E., or at the late
the second century, on the basis of parallels with works of the same area and
contextual ization of its group, and the historical circumstances reflected in the d
also takes the document to reflect early-second-century traditions: Hills, Traditi
in the Epistula Apostolorum (2d ed.; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University P
45 The very expression in the Apocalypse of Elijah here occurs in Jesus' words:
for the sinners, and pray for them. . . . And I shall listen to the prayer of the ju
for the sinners." Editions: Epistula Apostolorum, nach dem dthiopischen und kop
Hugo Duensing; Bonn: Adolph Marcus und Eduard Weber, 1925); Manfred Hor
Epistula Apostolorum (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1965); Buchholz, Your Eyes, 47-48;
trans., "Epistula Apostolorum," in New Testament Apocrypha (ed. Edgar Hen
Schneemelcher; trans. R. Mel. Wilson; Louisville: John Knox, 2003) 1:249-84.
46 These Oracles as a whole are a collection of texts from different epochs, from t
B.C.E. to the fourth century C.E. Editions: Sibyllinische Weissagungen (ed. Alfon
Gauger; Diisseldorf-Zurich: Artemis, 1998); Peter Dronke, Hermes and the S
and Creations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Thomas H. To
Sibyl," StudPhilon 9 (1997) 84-103.
47 See Emil Schiirer et al.. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Je
Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1986) 3/1:645; Sibyllinische Weissagungen (ed. Alfons
Dieter Gauger) 418-19. According to Jane L. Lightfoot, The Sibylline Oracles
Press, 2007) 150, the author of books 1-2 is a second-century Christian.
48 See Gerard J. M. Bartelink, "Die Oracula Sibyllina in den friihchristlic
Schriften von Justin bis Origenes," in Early Christian Poetry (ed. Jan Den Boeft
Leiden: Brill, 1993) 23-33.
49 So James, The Apocryphal New Testament, 521-24; Elliott, "The Apocalypse
50 There will be no seasons or days, no marriage or death, but a single long d
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146 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 147
end he will have mercy on all, by way and for the sake of his
these words to Michael: "Put him [Adam] in Paradise, in the th
the day of dispensation, which is called oikonomia, when I shall
all, through my most beloved Child" (pone eum [Adam] in Par
caelo, usque in diem dispensationis qui dicitur economia, quando
misericordiam per dilectissimum Filium meum). The term omni
relevant, since in the documents I have analyzed so far it is no
that all the damned will be saved, whereas here it is said that
be bestowed upon all.55 Here, as in the Apoc. Pet., the centra
universal salvation is manifest (per dilectissimum filium)', this
by Origen, who ascribes to Christ a crucial function in the apok
should be stressed.56 By way of example, I limit myself to quot
text, Comm. Rom. 4.10, from which it is clear that Origen has
depend on Christ, and in particular on his sacrifice: "I declare t
effectiveness of Christ's cross and of this death of his are so gr
to set right and save, not only the present and the future aeon
past ones, and not only this order of us humans, but also the h
powers."57 In Cels. 8.72, too, it is Christ-Logos who determines
which is made possible by the complete elimination of evil: "
powerful than any illness that may exist in the souls: he appli
necessary therapy, according to God's will, and the end (teXoq
in the elimination of evil."
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148 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
60 E.g., in Strom. 2.15.69-71; 7.16.102.1-3; 7.6.34.1-3 regarding the rcvp aicoviov, which is not
"eternal" but "of the other world." See Ramelli, Apocatastasi. Clement also regarded this world as
a place of instruction, a 7iai6ei)xf|piov.
61 Compare to Peter's description of the drcoKaxdcrcaaK; rcdvxcov as dvd\|rui<; in Acts 3:20-21,
a passage Origen, and probably Clement, read as referring to the eventual universal restoration.
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 149
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150 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
64 On Bardaisan, see, among others, Han J. W. Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa (Assen: van Gorcum,
1 966), with an overview on the sources concerning Bardaisan; Ilaria Ramelli, "Linee generali per
una presentazione e per un commento del Liber legum regionum, con traduzione italiana del testo
siriaco e dei frammenti greci," Rendiconti delVIstituto Lombardo, Accademia di Scienze e Lettere
133 (1999) 311-55; eadem, "Bardesane e la sua scuola tra la cultura occidentale e quella orientale:
il lessico della liberta nel Liber legum regionum (testo siriaco e versione greca)," in Pensiero e
istituzioni del mondo classico nelle culture del Vicino Oriente (ed. Rosa Bianca Finazzi and Alfredo
Valvo; Alessandria: Dell'Orso, 2001) 237-55, with further documentation; eadem, Bardesane Kata
HeimarmeneS (Bologna: ESD, 2009).
65 See, e.g., Tloka, Griechische Christen, 47-50 and 64-76, 79-85.
66 The heresiological accounts on Bardaisan, after Drijvers, have been further investigated by
Alberto Camplani, "Rivisitando Bardesane. Note sulle fonti siriache del Bardesanismo e sulla sua
collocazione storico-religiosa," CNS 1 9 (1998) 5 1 9-96; on the Origenistic controversy, see especially
Elizabeth A. Clark, The Origenist Controversy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992)
and Emanuela Prinzivalli, Magister Ecclesiae. II dibattito su Origene fra III e IV secolo (SEA 82;
Rome: Augustinianum, 2002).
67 For Origen's polemic against the gnostics, see below; he also constantly opposed the Marcionites,
who separated the OT and the NT, their respective divinities, and justice and mercy in God. For
Bardaisan's refutations of gnostics and Marcionites the main sources are Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 4.30;
Jerome, Vir. ill. 33; Epiphanius, Pan. 56, and Moses of Chorene, Patmut'iwn Hayoc' 2.66.
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 151
68 For Gregory's polemic against astrology, see, e.g., Beatrice Motta, "L'as
fatum di Gregorio di Nissa," in La cultura scientifico-naturalistica nei Padr
Incontro di studiosi dell'antichita cristiana, Rome, 4-6.V. 2006; SEA 101; Ro
2007) 677-84. Above all, Gregory adopted Origen's defense of free will and doct
see Ramelli, Gregorio di Nissa Sull'anitna, first integrative essay.
69 E.g., Drijvers, Bardaisan', idem, "Bardaisan of Edessa and the Hermeti
1 90-210; Taeke Jansma, Natuur, lot en vrijheid. Bardesanes, de filosoof der Ar
(Cahiers bij het Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift 6; Wageningen: Veenman, 1
"Liberty et destin dans l'Antiquite tardive," RTP 121 (1989) 129^+7; Javier
d'fcdesse: la premiere philosophie syriaque (Paris: Cerf, 1992); John F. H
Milieu and the Birth of Syriac," Hugoye 10 (2007) 1-34, who describes B
"philosophical works in Syriac" (31).
70 Ute Possekel, "Bardaisan of Edessa: Philosopher or Theologian?" ZAC
71 On Origen as fully philosopher and fully Christian and the polemics that t
among both pagans and Christians, see Ilaria Ramelli, "Origen, Patristic Phil
Platonism: Re-Thinking the Christianization of Hellenism," VC 63 (2009) 10
72 See, most recently, Tloka, Griechische Christen, ch. 2, with my revie
(2008) 641-45; Christoph Markschies, Origenes undsein Erbe (Berlin: de Gruy
a review of mine forthcoming in Adamantius.
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152 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
75 Pan. 56: ATtoAAxovitp 8e xa> xo\> Avxcovivoi) exaipcp dvxfjpe Jiapaivo'uuevcp dpvr|aao6ai
xo Xpiaxiavov ecruxov Xeyeiv, 6 8e axe86v ev xd^ei 6uoA,oyia<; Kaxeaxri, Xoyoix; xe cruvexoxx;
djceKpivaxo, imep evcEfieiaq dv8pei<o<; anoXoyox>[ivo<;, 8dvaxov \ir\ 8e8ievai <|>r|aa<;, 6v dvdyKT|
eaeaOai, Kdv xe xq> paaiXei ufj dvxeircoi (Apollonius, Antoninus's friend, exhorted him to deny
that he was a Christian, but Bardaisan resisted and almost joined the number of the confessors. He
replied with intelligent discourses, courageously defending piety, and said that he did not fear death,
since it would necessarily come, even if he had not opposed the emperor.)
76 Porphyry, De Styge, fr. 376 Smith (ap. Stob. 1.3.56 = 1.66.24-70.13 Wachsmuth), places the
composition of Bardaisan's work on India at the time of the emperor "Antoninus from Emesa," i.e.,
Elagabalus; the same is indicated by Moses of Chorene, PH 2.66, who locates Bardaisan's floruit
under "the last Antoninus." Elagabalus's name was Varius Avitus. Now, Bardaisan's interlocutor in the
Liber is Avidd, the Syriac transposition of Avitus. In the initial frame he is presented as a heathen who
is philosophically interested in Christian monotheism and theodicy. Moreover, the other interlocutor
is the young Philip, who might even be M. Julius Philippus "the Arab," from Bostra, who was either
a Christian or not hostile to Christianity; see Ramelli, "Linee generali," 315-18. Origen's letters to
Philip and his wife in defense of his own orthodoxy (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 16.36.3-4) and the hostility
of all pagan sources to Philip may suggest that he was a Christian, as is implied by Eusebius, Hist,
eccl. 6.34, who mentions that a bishop forbade him to take part in the church's prayers on Easter's
eve before penitence for his crimes (cf. Jerome, Vir. ill. 54). John Chrysostom, Bab. 6 identifies
that bishop with Babylas of Antioch, who died during Decius's persecution, which was a reaction
to Philip according to Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.39.1. Philip's contemporary, Dionysius of Alexandria,
a disciple of Origen, in a letter speaks of emperors who were said to have been publicly Christian
(oi XexGevxeq dva(j>av86v Xpiaxiavoi Yeyovevai, ap. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 1.7.10), which cannot
but refer to Philip. On Philip, see Pat Southern, The Roman Empire from Severus to Constantine
(London: Routledge, 2001) 71-74. Favorable to the theory that he was a Christian are John M.
York, Philip the Arab, the First Christian Emperor of Rome (Ph.D. diss., University of Southern
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 153
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156 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
What should we say, then, concerning the new race of us, the Christians,
whom Christ established in every land and in all regions at his coming? For,
behold, in whatever land we are, we are all called Christians, from the one
name of Christ. And in the same day, the first of the week, we come together,
and in the prescribed days we fast. And neither do our brothers who are in
Gaul marry men, nor are those who live in Judea circumcised . . . nor do those
who live in Edessa kill their wives who commit fornication, or their sisters,
but they separate themselves from them and hand them to God's judgment.
Nor do those who live in Hatra stone thieves, but in whatever land they are,
and in whatever place, local laws cannot separate them from the law of their
Christ: the Principates' power does not force them to do or use things that are
impure for them, but illness and good health, richness and poverty, all that
does not depend on their freewill happens to them wherever they are. For, just
as human freewill is not governed by the necessity of the Seven [sc. planets],
and, if it is governed, it is able to stand against its governors, so this visible
human being, too, is unable to easily get rid of its Principalities' government,
since he is a slave and a subject- for, if we could do all, we would be all; if
we couldn't decide anything, we would be the instruments of others.
But whenever God likes, everything can be, with no obstacle at all. In fact,
there is nothing that can impede that great and holy will. For, even those
who are convinced to resist God, do not resist by their force, but they are in
evil and error, and this can be only for a short time, because God is kind and
gentle, and allows all natures to remain in the state in which they are, and
to govern themselves by their own will, but at the same time they are condi-
tioned by the things that are done and the plans that have been conceived [sc.
by God\%1 in order to help them. For this order and this government that have
been given [sc. by God], and the association of one with another, damps the
natures' force, so that they cannot be either completely harmful or completely
harmed, as they were harmful and harmed before the creation of the world.
87 Bardaisan often uses theological passives, just as the Bible and Origen do.
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 157
And there will come a time when even this capacity for harm that rem
them will be brought to an end by the instruction that will obtain in a di
ent arrangement of things: and, once that new world will be constitut
evil movements will cease, all rebellions will come to an end, and the
will be persuaded, and the lacks will be filled, and there will be safe
peace, as a gift of the Lord of all natures}9
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158 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
to both, Providence does not force our free will, but acts in
yet does not fail to achieve its objective, which is universa
speaks of "things that are done and plans that have been c
order to help the creatures"; Origen says that "Providence i
all, in accord with each one's freewill" (Cels. 5.21). Both em
passive and express the very same thought: God's Providence
will, but it infallibly leads all rational creatures to salvation.9
Ultimate annihilation of evil is one of the main metaphy
doctrine of apokatastasis, and it is clearly asserted by Barda
subsequently, thanks to Origen's influence, by all the suppor
especially Gregory ofNyssa and Evagrius.92 Moreover, both
maintained the centrality of Christ in soteriology. Indeed, Bar
Jesus Christ to be generated by God and by the Virgin (as a
and Philoxenus of Mabbug), thought that, just as he interv
creation (as attested by Moses Bar Kepha), he plays a core ro
salvation, and ascribed a universal salvific effect to his cross.93
on India, ap. Porphyry, De Styge fr. 376 Smith (= Stob. 1.3
statue located in a place where all possible sins are tested, re
universe with all its inhabitants, including the angels, in the sh
standing with its arms outstretched in the symbol of the cros
6p06<;, e%v xaq xeipaq fi7itaouva<; ev runco oxavpov). Th
Jesus Christ's crucifixion in its cosmic value,94 is further r
through the Logos 's activity in creation, since (in a manner
Timaeus) it was given by the Father to the Son as a model fo
world (8e8(0Kevai xov 0e6v x m, onriviKa xov koouov e
e%Ti TtapaSeuyuci). Thus, just as it is evident in Origen, in B
Logos plays an essential role both in creation and in soteriol
in Bardaisan just as in Origen, culminates in the apokatasta
of both these authors, as will be the case with Gregory of
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 159
98 See Ilaria Ramelli, "La Chiesa di Roma in eta severiana: cultura classica, cultura cristiana,
cultura orientate," Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 54 (2000) 13-29; Grafton-Williams,
Christianity, ch. 2.
99 See Ilaria Ramelli, "Edessa e i Romani tra Augusto e i Severi," Aevum 73 (1999) 107^43, at
135-36, and eadem, "La Chiesa." On Julius, see also Tiziana Rampoldi, "I Kestoi di Giulio Africano
e l'imperatore Severo Alessandro," ANRW 2.34.3 (1997) 2451-70, and, more for his chronicle than
for his Kestoi, Julius Africanus und die christliche Weltchronistik (ed. Martin Wallraff; Berlin: de
Gruyter, 2006); Iulius Africanus, Chronographiae (ed. Martin Wallraff et al.; GCS 15; Berlin: de
Gruyter, 2007), also with biography of Africanus and relevant testimonia. On Africanus's stay in
Edessa, see W. Adler, "Sextus Julius Africanus and the Roman Near East in the Third Century,"
JTS 55 (2004) 520-50, esp. 530-39.
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160 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
100 Here he presents him as a Syrian "who had reached the highest expertise in the Chaldaic
doctrine" (etc' dicpov xfj^ XaX8aiKf\<; en\avi\\x.x\q eA.TjA,aic6xo<;).
101 For, immediately after, Eusebius reports that Bardaisan, after abandoning the Valentinian sect,
turned to writing refutations of the gnostics (see below). This is Eusebius 's account: "Under the
same reign there were plenty of heresies. In Mesopotamia Bardaisan, an excellent man and very well
versed in the Syriac language, composed and published in his own language and alphabet dialogues
against Marcionites and other supporters of different doctrines, in addition to a great many other
works of his. His disciples- very numerous, as he strongly attracted them by means of words and
argument- translated them from Syriac into Greek" ('Etci 8e Tfj<; auxri<; paaiteicu;, 7cXTi6\)O\)av
xv aipeaewv, em xfiq Mecniq xv rcoxauxdv BapSeadvrjq, iicavwxaxoc; xiq dvf|p ev xe xfj Ii>pv
<|>covfj 8iaAKxiK(6xaxo<;, npoq xovq Kaxd MapKicova icai xivaq exepoix; 8ia(J)6pcov rcpoiaxauevoix;
8oyudxv SiaXoyaoq auaxtiaduevoq xfj oiiceig rcape8Kev yA,xxt) xe icai YP^fi ueTa Ka*
Ttteiaxcov exepcov amov avyypamadxtov ovq oi yvpiuoi [nXelaxoi 8e fjaav ai)x 8/uvax<; x
Xoy rcapiaxauev] erci xfjv 'EM.r|vv and xr\q Zt>pv uexapepXr|Kaoi <t>a>vf|q).
102 Eric Junod, "L'apologie pour Origene de Pamphile et la naissance de l'orige*nisme," in StPatr
26 (Leuven: Peeters, 1993) 267-86; Grafton and Williams, Christianity, 179-93.
103 See Robert M. Grant, "Eusebius and His Lives of Origen," in Forma Futuri. Studi in onore
del Card. Pellegrino (Torino: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1975) 635-49; Manlio Simonetti, "Eusebio e
Origene. Per una storia dell'Origenismo," Augustinianum 26 (1986) 323-34; Emanuela Prinzivalli,
"Per un'indagine sull'esegesi del pensiero origeniano nel IV secolo," Annali di Storia dell'Esegesi
11 (1994) 433-60; Holger Strutwolf, "Der Origenismus des Euseb von Caesarea," in Origeniana
Septima (ed. Wolfgang A. Bienert and Uwe Kuhneweg; Leuven: Peeters, 1999) 141-48; Grafton
and Williams, Christianity, 133-232.
104 So Ramelli, "In Illud:. . . Gregory of Nyssa's Exegesis."
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 161
105 On Didymus 's Origenism, see Emanuela Prinzivalli, "La metamorfosi della s
da Eracla a Didimo," in Origeniana Octava, 911-37; Michael Ghattas, "Die E
Origenes und Didymos dem Blinden von Alexandria," in Origeniana Septim
A. Layton, "Judas Yields a Place for the Devil: The Appropriation of Origen's
Ephesians by Didymus of Alexandria," Origeniana Septima, 531-43.
106 Michael Gronewald, Didymos der Blinde. Psalmenkommentar (Tura- Papyru
Habelt, 1969) 182-84 = p. 181, 11. 7-9 of the papyrus: "Bardaisan lived in the
Antoninus, the emperor of the Romans. At first he belonged to the Valentinian sc
to the church and became a presbyter" (Sifiyev 5e 6 Bapxrjadvrn; ev xolq eurcpoa
f|uepaiq Avxwvivov xov (JaaiXeax; 'Pcouaiwv. Ovxoq 8e Kax' dp^Tiv xf\<; a%oA.f|<
uexeoxri eiq xf)v EKKXr\oiav, yeyovev rcpeapuxepoq). See Sebastian Brock, "
on Bardaisan," JTS 22 (1971) 530-31.
107 "At first he belonged to the Valentinian school, but then he condemned it a
many Valentinian mythological constructions. He believed he had passed to ort
not liberate himself quite completely from the dirtiness of his old heresy" fHv
xfjq KCtxct OixxJlevxtvov axoXf\<;, Kaxctyvoix; Se xai>xrj<; rctetaxd xe xf\<; Kaxd
drceJtey^cu;, eSoicei uev rcox; cmxdq eaux eiti xf|v opGoxepav yvcouriv |iexaxe
Ttavxe^wq ye aneppvyaxo xov xf|<; 7taA,aid<; aipeaeax; pimov).
108 Addai Scher edition, CSCO Syri 26.2.307, lines 24-26.
109 Apol. 16 (Ren6 Amacker and ric Junod, Pamphile et Eusebe de Cesari
Origene [2 vols; Paris: Cerf, 2002] 1.54.3-6, in Rufinus's translation): "Some e
against him and, with the publication of booklets, derogate this great man, who
was a teacher of the Church and grew old inside the catholic Church." (Quidam
adversus eum ausi sunt, et libellis editis derogare ei viro, qui per tot annos magis
qui in Ecclesia catholica senuit.)
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162 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
111 Methodius in his Symposium, inspired by the homonymous Platonic dialogue, devotes a long
section to the defense of free will (8.13.161B-17.173C) and to polemic against determinism, above
all in its astrological form, just as Bardaisan too did in the Liber. He also wrote a work on free
will, where, however, as observed by Claudio Moreschini, Storia delta filosofia patristica (Brescia:
Morcelliana, 2004) 178, the theme is treated at much less depth than by Origen. Methodius, at any
rate, was deeply influenced by Origen, although he disagreed with him, or with what he thought
Origen maintained, on some points, especially concerning the resurrected bodies. But he finally
retracted his attack and wrote a dialogue in praise of Origen, the Xenon (Socrates, Hist. eccl. 6.13;
Photius, BibL, cod. 235 also mentions this lost dialogue of Methodius); above all, he did share the
doctrine of apokatastasis with Origen, and with Bardaisan. See Ilaria Ramelli, "L'Inno a Cristo-
Logos nel Simposio di Metodio," in Motivi e forme del la poesia cristiana antica tra Scrittura e
tradizione classica (XXXVI Incontro di studiosi dell'Antichita cristiana, Rome, 4-6. V. 2007; SEA
108; Rome: Augustinianum, 2008) 257-80.
112 Rufinus's translation is found in the edition of Vinzenz Buchheit, Tyranii Rufini Librorum
Adamantii Origenis adversus haereticos interpretatio (Munich: Beck, 1966); the Greek is available
in the edition of W. Hendrik van de Sande Bakhuyzen, Dialog des Adamantius (GCS 4; Leipzig:
Hinrichs, 1901); a recent commentary and translation is provided by Robert A. Pretty, Dialogue on
the True Faith in God: De recta in Deumfide (ed. Garry W. Trompf; Leuven: Peeters, 1997).
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 163
113 For Bardaisan's view on the resurrection, see Ute Possekel, "Bardaisan
Resurrection: Early Syriac Eschatology in Its Religious-Historical Context," Or
(2004) 1-28; eadem, "Expectations of the End in Early Syriac Christianity," Hugoy
on Bardaisan's refraining from apocalyptic eschatology, but with no mention
114 Of course, it is by no means certain that we ought to ascribe this pos
himself.
115 We may add the intriguing detail that a passage in the Dialogue is almost id
from Methodius's writing On Freewill reported by Eusebius in his Praep. ev., bu
it to a work entitled On Matter by a certain Maximus who lived far earlier than
days of Commodus and Septimius Severus, that is, precisely the epoch of Ba
by chance, I believe, that Methodius, a follower of Origen, probably took and
piece, precisely in his discussion on free will, a theme that is central to bot
Origen's reflection. This is all the more noteworthy in that this Maximus, ac
(Hist. eccl. 5.27.1), polemicized against the gnostics, just as Origen and Bardai
days. Eusebius attests that Maximus belonged to the church- he lists him amo
church" (eKK?lT|aiaoxiKoi &v8pe<;), who included the presbyters Origen and Bard
his writings he treated the problems of whether matter has been created (rcepi to
rfjv x>Xr\v) and the origin of evil (rcepi zov noX\)Qp\)Xj\xov napa xoiq aipeoia>T
7t66ev r\ KaKia), which were also addressed by Bardaisan, as is evident from
many attestations concerning him collected by Drijvers (Bardaisan, 60-76; 16
analyzed by Camplani ("Rivisitando," 521-26). One may even wonder whet
a follower of Bardaisan's or a double of Bardaisan himself, possibly a transla
Bardaisan's works (we know from Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 4.30, that Bardaisan's
his Syriac works into Greek). The author of the Dialogue of Adamantius, a fo
(?), proves to know the works of Bardaisan and his school- at least the Liber,
the character Marinus/Bar Yamma and surely the discussion on free will, and th
who seems to be somehow related to Bardaisan. This also confirms that the
was rich in discussions.
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164 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
116 Castelletti is correct to note the close affinities between the ordeals described by Achilles and
Bardaisan. Porfirio, Sullo Stige (ed. and trans. Cristiano Castelletti; Milan: Bompiani, 2006) 272-73.
117 F376 Smith = 7 Castelletti (ap. Stob. 1.3.56). Wide-ranging documentation in Castelletti,
Porfirio, 245-80.
118 See also Wayne A. Meeks, "The Image of the Androgyne: Some Uses of a Symbol in Earliest
Christianity," HTR 13 (1974) 165-208.
119 Camplani ("Rivisitando," 522 n. 6) argues for the direct dependency of Achilles on Bardaisan,
as does Franz Boll, "Zum griechischen Roman," Philologus 66 (1907) 1-15. Drijvers {Bardaisan,
175) who dates Achilles to the second half of the third century, hypothesizes a dependence either
on Bardaisan or on Porphyry, which, however, is less probable because Achilles conserves typically
Indian details, such as a tablet hanging from the neck of the accused person (as noted by Boll),
which are absent in Porphyry and must derive from the Indians whom Bardaisan met.
120 Castelletti {Sullo Stige, 274) hypothesizes Achilles' dependence either on Bardaisan or on a
common source, in that he dates the novel to the second century on the basis of its papyri dating to
the late second and third century. See Graham Anderson, "Perspectives on Achilles Tatius," in ANRW
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 165
quoting not Porphyry- who lived several decades later and wou
toward the end of the third century at least for Achilles- but Bardai
according to Epiphanius, knew Greek, too,121 and whose works w
were soon translated into Greek by his friends and disciples (Eus
4.30). Achilles, according to the Suda, his manuscripts, and the e
name Tdnoq- probably related to the Egyptian deity Tat- was f
which would constitute a further very interesting case of knowledg
work in the late-second to early-third century on the part of
intellectual. This seems to be meaningful in light of the deep an
Origen of Alexandria's and Bardaisan of Edessa's thought that I ha
and of the Origenists' esteem for Bardaisan, so different from th
virtually all other sources.
Another indication of a relationship between Origen and his
one hand, and, on the other, Bardaisan and his school in Edessa,
by Porphyry himself. This neoplatonist knew Origen in his youth
the latter had already left Alexandria and moved to Caesarea.122
Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6. 19) attests that he saw and heard Origen and
embracing Christianity and living "against the laws" (7iapav6|na)<;)
as a Greek (Platonic) philosopher in metaphysics and theology and
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166 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
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ILARIA L. E. RAMELLI 167
127 See Ramelli, "Christian Soteriology"; eadem, Apocatastasi\ and Tzamalikos, Origen:
Philosophy of History.
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168 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
128 See the essay on Gregory's In Mud. Tune et Ipse Filius in Ramelli, Gregorio di Nissa
SuU'anima; eadem, *7n Illud. . . . Gregory of Nyssa's Interpretation." On "Arianism" I refer to
Lewis Ayres, Nicaea and Its Legacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) who challenges several
assumptions on Nicene and Arian theology, and to the discussion of his study in HTR 100 (2007)
125-241, especially the frame provided by Sarah Coakley's introduction at 125-38. Interesting
novelties are also proposed by Henryk Pietras, "Lettera di Costantino alia Chiesa di Alessandria
e Lettera del sinodo di Nicea agli Egiziani (325)- i falsi sconosciuti da Atanasio?" Gregorianum
88 (2008), who argues that the two letters cited in the title, which most stress the condemnation of
Arius, were unknown to Eusebius and Athanasius because they are apocryphal. I am very grateful
to Henryk Pietras for letting me read his study before its publication.
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