KWAME NKRUMAH UNVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, KUMASI

COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT

TRADITIONAL AUTHORITIES AND DECENTRALIZED DEVELOPMEENT IN EJISU-

JUABEN MUNICIPALITY: YESTERDAY, TODAY AND TOMORROW.

A DISSERTATTION SUBMITTED
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF
BACHELOR OF ARTS (BA HONS) DEGREE IN GEOGRAPHY AND RURAL
DEVELOPMENT

By

FIAWOYIFE HEARTWILL EYRAM, LAMUSAH MAMUDU, OPOKU NADIA, TERKPER

TETTEY MICHAEL

APRIL, 2016
 DECLARATION
We hereby declare that this submission is our own work towards the BA and that, to the best of

our knowledge, it contains neither material previously published by another person nor material

which has been accepted for the award of any other degree of the university, except where due

acknowledgement has been made in the text.

OPOKU NADIA 7462712 ..,

FIAWOYIFE HEARTWILL EYRAM 7456512 ..,
LAMUSAH MAMUDU 7459712 ..,
TERKPER TETTEY MICHAEL 7465512 ..,
(Student Name and Index Number) Signature, Date

Certified by:

Mr. Kwadwo-Afriyie .., ...

(Supervisor) Signature, Date

Certified by:

Dr. Prince Osei Owusu , .......

(Head of Department) Signature, Date

i
Contents
DECLARATION ........................................................................................................................................... i
ABSTRACT.................................................................................................................................................. 1
CHAPTER ONE ........................................................................................................................................... 2
1.0 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................. 2
1.1 Background to the study ..................................................................................................................... 2
1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT ................................................................................................................. 8
1.3 Research Questions ..................................................................................................................... 11
1.3.1 Proposition .......................................................................................................................... 11
1.4 METHODOLOGY ..................................................................................................................... 12
1.4.2 Sampling Design and Sample size ...................................................................................... 12
1.4.3 Methods of Data Analysis .................................................................................................. 13
1.4.4 Significance of the study .................................................................................................... 13
1.4.5 Limitations to the Study ...................................................................................................... 14
1.4.6 Research Design.................................................................................................................. 15
1.4.7 Structure of the Report ........................................................................................................ 16
CHAPTER TWO ........................................................................................................................................ 17
LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................................................................... 17
2.0 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 17
2.1 Development ............................................................................................................................... 18
2.2. Traditional Authority .................................................................................................................. 19
2.2.1 Constitutional/ Legal Basis of Traditional Authority in Ghana .......................................... 20
2.2.2 The Structure of Traditional Authority Systems in Ghanas Constitution .......................... 21
2.2.3 Traditional Authoritys Relevance to Socio-Economic Development ................................ 21
2.3. The Cases of Some Ghanaian Chiefs in Local Governance and Development .......................... 32
2.4. Defining Decentralization ........................................................................................................... 33
2.5. Why Decentralization?................................................................................................................ 35
2.5.1. Types of Decentralization ................................................................................................... 37
2.5.2. Dimensions of Decentralization .......................................................................................... 38
2.5.3 Forms of Decentralization ................................................................................................... 40
2.6. Historical Background of Decentralization in Ghana ................................................................. 41
2.7. The Legal Framework of the Decentralization Programme ........................................................ 43
2.8. Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 46

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CHAPTER THREE .................................................................................................................................... 47
PROFILE OF THE STUDY AREA ........................................................................................................... 47
3.0 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 47
3.1 Geographical Location, Size and Physical Features ......................................................................... 48
3.2 Demographic Characteristics ............................................................................................................ 49
3.2.1 Population Size, Structure and Composition. ............................................................................ 49
3.2.2 Fertility, Mortality and Migration ....................................................................................... 50
3.2.3 Household Size, Composition and Structure ............................................................................. 50
3.3 Nationality, Literacy and Education ................................................................................................. 51
3.4 Economic Activity Status, Occupation, Employment Status and Sector .......................................... 51
3.5 Political Administration, Social and Cultural Structure .................................................................... 52
3.6 Traditional Authority, Customs and Some Development Projects in Ejisu-Juaben.................... 53
3.7 The Communities .............................................................................................................................. 55
Table 3.7.1 Population of the communities by sex, number of households and houses indicating
the study areas (In bold italics) ........................................................................................................... 55
CHAPTER FOUR....................................................................................................................................... 57
4.0 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS ......................................................................................................... 57
4.1 DEVELOPMENTAL ROLE AND RELEVANCE OF TRADITIONAL AUTHORITIES............. 57
Table 4.1 Respondents perception about the relevance of Traditional Authorities ................................ 58
Table 4.1.2 Reasons why People value chiefs .................................................................................... 58
Figure 4.1.2: Reasons why People value chiefs .................................................................................. 59
Table 4.1.3 Possible roles of chiefs in community development ........................................................ 60
4.1.4 Making land available for development projects and other benefits ......................................... 60
4.1.5 Promoting peace and security .................................................................................................... 61
4.1.6 Cooperating with and lobbying development partners for assistance ........................................ 62
4.2 INVOLVEMENT OF TRADITIONAL AUTHORITIES BY DISTRICT ASSEMBLIES IN
DEVELOPMENT ................................................................................................................................... 62
Figure 4.2: Type of governance system depended on by the people ...................................................... 63
Table 4.2.1 Reasons for people depending on both systems of governance ....................................... 63
Table 4.2.2 The need for the involvement of Traditional Authorities by District Assemblies .......... 66
4.3 CHALLENGES FACED BY TRADITIONAL AUTHORITIES IN MODERN GHANA............ 67
4.4 RIGHTS AND AUTHORITIES OF TRADITIONAL LEADERS AND THEIR EXECUTION IN
MODERN DAY GHANA. ......................................................................................................................... 68
Table 4.4 Traditional Authorities and their rights and authorities ...................................................... 69

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 Table 4.5 Traditional Authorities and how they execute their rights .................................................. 70
Figure 4.5: Traditional Authorities and how they execute their rights ............................................... 70
CHAPTER FIVE ........................................................................................................................................ 71
5.0 MAJOR FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................. 71
5.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 71
5.2 Major Findings .................................................................................................................................. 71
5.2.1 Developmental role of the Chief in modern decentralization ....................................................... 71
5.2.2 Type of governance system depended on by the people ............................................................ 72
5.3 The need for the involvement of Traditional Authorities by District Assemblies ............................ 73
5.4 Challenges faced by Traditional Authorities in their quest to initiate development ........................ 73
5.5 The extent to which Chiefs exercise their rights and authority ......................................................... 73
5.5 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................................................. 74

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ABSTRACT

The office of the traditional ruler has changed right from the inception of policies within the

districts of modern Ghana. Many variations still remain in the level of acceptance and

recognition of traditional authority in modern states. District Assemblies are recognized as the

lowest level of authority for planning and development and as mandated by the 1992 constitution

as well as the Local government Act 492 of 1993, are responsible to engage people in constant

dialogue so as to determine development goals. This inadvertently whips away the authority

traditional authorities could possibly display as the body responsible in making relevant

decisions and coming up with development goals thereby rendering them ineffective and

seemingly irrelevant in this modern day decentralized system of government. Less attention has

however been paid to the state of relevance of traditional authorities in decentralized

development by researchers in Ghana especially in the Ashanti Kingdom.

It is on the basis of this that, this research is deemed very necessary and would therefore help in

assessing the extent to which chieftaincy institutions specifically the traditional authorities are

recognized as relevant in the issues of socio-economic development of the Ejisu-Juaben

Municipality in the Ashanti Region of Ghana.

Research data collected from 110 respondents; 100 household heads, 4 chiefs and 6 municipal

officials depicted that the relevance of traditional authorities in modern Ghana is based basically

on land administration and the fact that chieftaincy is a tradition that has endured from pre-

colonial times till now and so the institution should not be abolished. Their relevance in

decentralized development is noticeable and not negligible.

1
CHAPTER ONE

1.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the study

Monarchs have reigned in the United Kingdom of Great Britain (North Ireland, England, Wales,

and Scotland) with great deal of power from around 1371 (David II of Scotland) to 1952

(Elizabeth II of United Kingdom) who still holds the crown (Treble, 2014).

Succession to the throne is by descent, legitimacy and religion. The crown is inherited by

individuals children, and by the childless individual nearest to the Collateral line. This is by the

Bill of Rights 1689 and Act of Settlement 1701 as amended March 2015 (Bogdanor, 1995).

Preceding the introduction of democracy in South Africa in 1994, particularly during the

apartheid period, local government and land administration were concentrated or fused in tribal

authorities. They were made up of chiefs, headmen and councilors and a tribal secretary, were

imposed on resisting rural inhabitants and were an extended arm of the central state. They were,

not surprisingly, undemocratic, unaccountable, autocratic, and, in many instances, revered

(Ntsebeza, 2002).

Per the words of Oloko (1976), the traditional ruler under the Benin kingdom in Nigeria was at

the head of a well organised system of government. Traditional institution during the pre-

colonial era was quite clear since law and order were maintained through a normative system

that was part of a general social structure. Although the system was not very sophisticated, the

apparatus of government was organised well enough to bring about resolution to tension and

administration of justice in the society. Prior to the advent of colonialism, Africa took her own

people as the highest authorities in many ethnic groups from family levels to Kingdoms or

2
empires. Governance was vested in Kings or Chiefs among the Zulus of South Africa and the

Asantes of Ghana (Oloko, 1976).

The system of governance in Ghana is said to be a dual based system embracing the modern state

system with its institutions and the customary authority systems that dates back to pre-colonial

times (Al-Hassan, 2011). The emergence of British colonial rule in Ghana is found to be linked

to the evolution of the modern state system which started in the early nineteenth century through

some gradual methods such as the introduction of tax systems aimed at raising revenue to cover

the cost of administration and the gradual introduction of principles of English Common Law in

deciding cases. These occasioned in intrusion on the sovereignty that was vested in the

indigenous people led by their local leaders (Arhin, 2002).

Among the Asantes in Ghana, traditional authorities date back several centuries in the pre-

colonial era in the form of chiefs, queens, soothsayers, elders, clan heads and youth leaders

(Kendie et al, 2008) and is still the prime custodian of Ghanaian culture which is dependent on

by a high percentage of Ghanaians, both urban and rural (Linder, 2007), as they provide a

renewed sense of belonging as well as being a powerful mediator of social cohesion and

harmony. Evidence provided by Linder in 2007 was that majority of the Ghanaian populace both

rural and urban believe and depend on traditional authority system for organizing their lives

despite modern state structures.

In social and economic development, Traditional authorities play important roles including

tourism development, trade and the promotion of peace and order among others. Many

traditional authorities have for instance helped in putting up markets for economic activities in

their localities and have again helped in ensuring their functionality (Al-Hassan, 2011).

3
The evolutionary processes of the traditional authorities and their structures were halted by

Colonial rule which undermined the root of traditional rule based on moral authority and

consultation which consequently made organized physical force the primary basis of authority

and consequently gave traditional authorities a new identity (Al-Hassan, 2011).

Chiefs were responsible for the day-to-day administration of their people along ethnic lines

before the advent of the British Colonial rule. Thus Traditional authorities continue to play

important roles in the politico-socio-economic development of Ghana. (Mahama, 2009). In

Ghana, Chiefs who are recognised as leaders of traditional authorities by tradition and culture are

representatives of their people. They engage in various functions (as traditional leaders and

representatives) aimed at bringing about enhancements in the lives of their people and the area of

their jurisdiction. They adjudicate disputes to ensure peace and stability in their area, make and

enforce customs, and manage community resources resulting in community development. They

are generally considered as custodians of land in most regions of the country. With regards to the

above mentioned benefits that societies gain from chiefs and their traditional authority

institutions, they are in no doubt recognised as agents of development in their local areas of

jurisdiction (Mahama, 2009).

Post-colonial Ghana has been a victim of emulating western institutions of governance which are

habitually not in cognizance with traditional authorities cultural values as well as the Ghanaian

contemporary socio-economic supports (African Symposium, 2011). Ghanas crisis of state

building, governance and development is due to this western culture emulation on the part of the

Ghanaian state in conjunction with fragmentations of government institutions along with the

economic and social fragments. To a large extent, these crisis have been due to the detachment of

the state from the institutional and cultural values of its communities through the apparent

4
negligence, ignorance and failure to recognize traditional authorities as a parallel system of

government which exercise some level of authority at the local level to augment and sustain

development of the country (Edu-Afful, 2010).

Because of the 1992 constitutional provision, the role of chiefs in development has been

insignificant and chiefs appear to have a restricted participation in partisan politics.

Fascinatingly, the traditionally sovereign powers of chiefs have undergone transformation as a

result of formal colonial rule and the introduction of parliamentary democracy after

independence. The Head of State in Ghana has had the authority to take away official recognition

from a chief, particularly those who publicly opposed the government since independence.

Hence chiefs have been directly controlled by the government since independence. By the

establishment of the House of Chiefs, government could recognise or withdraw recognition from

a chief as well as control his finances. (Adjaye and Misawa, 2006).

Boafo-Arthur, (2001) stipulates that the distancing of chiefs, however, has led to local

development based on the discernments of government agents and their observations of local

needs. There is more and more popular demand for a greater role for traditional authorities as a

means to explore participatory and locally-driven approaches to development. On the contrary,

studies conducted by Rugege in 2003 has established a fact that traditional leaders form the basis

of local governments of developing countries in most of Africa and on the other hand,

interactions of the Traditional leaders and Local government institutions lead to effective

governance where both parties learn from each other and collaboratively enhance the call to the

national development.

Though development is a vital factor to measure a nations progress, decentralization has come

to be an issue of concern in development since it provides the medium for effective participation

5
of the rural sector in the governance procedure. Decentralisation encompasses the delegation of

authority for the performance of public functions from the general government or its agencies to

the local level (Ronanelli, 1981). It is a key element for the process of attaining democracy and

chiefly in the search for a more participatory approach to development. An argument by Boafo

and Amponsah (2003), was that the goal of sustaining and deepening democracy for

development in Ghana is undistinguishably related to decentralisation linking the levels of

political participation and involvement at the local level.

African Peer Review Mechanism in 2005, established that Ghana is one of the few African

countries that embarked on political decentralisation through the PNDC Law 207, dating far back

as 1988 where local government authorities were established and empowered as main political

and planning authorities for local zones. The decree of the 1992 Constitution reached through a

shift on the road to a democratic government, brought a new Local Government Act into

existence, Act 462 of 1993 which came into effect and essentially embodied most of the

provisions of the PNDC Law 207. The 1992 constitution of Ghana decentralised the

administration and financial machinery of government to the regions and districts levels by

conferring some authority in the Local Government Institutions. Nonetheless, the development

of policies and strategies is creating a further need to improve the aptitude of local authorities to

use policy instruments for cohesive, economic, social and environmental development (Mahama,

2009).

In as much as improvement is required in the ability of local government authorities towards

development, it is of best interest to note that development is principally considered to be based

on culture as stipulated by Arendonk and Sony (1988) and therefore institutions such as the

Traditional authorities who are custodians of the cultural demands and needs of a community

6
which are necessary for development are the important components needed to enforce cultural

rules, norms and values. Awedoba, (2007). Concludes that culture is disseminated in the

material, intellectual spiritual, and the emotional features that characterize a society which

includes the fundamental rights of the individuals, mode of life, value systems as well as

traditions and beliefs.

With reference to the culture of a society in development, society growth and economic

development is said to be on a stage set by modernization; which has become a key issue in

contemporary development due to the transformation of the agrarian and trade economy of the

developed countries to the industrial and complex ones. According to Rostow (1960),

Modernization is the phase of economic growth that offers a dual society (made up of traditional

and modern) and wanted to demonstrate that there is a unilinear route in development that all

societies must follow if they want to change from the developing country status (Dzorgbo, 1998).

Even though as countries develop, the traditional world wrinkle out by the forces of modernity

values and attitudes, the conception of development and the dawn of modernity of society as

such from the pre-colonial to the colonial and finally the post-colonial stages of development in

the case of Ghana, does not unescapably mean that traditions, values and belief systems as well

as the relevance of traditional authorities in society development must be abandoned (Edu-Afful,

2010)

Growth of a society can best be achieved when traditional authorities work in unison with

government institutions where traditional authorities are deeply rooted and regarded as agencies

for development as compared to state agencies who are considered only as axis for development.

This ideology is upheld by empirical evidence of research conducted by Kendie et al (2008),

whose outcome showed that in Ghana especially Brong Ahafo and Central regions, 67 percent of

7
the respondents recognised traditional leaders (chiefs) of the traditional authorities as very

important actors in the development of their lives and society as against 57 percent who opted for

District Chief Executives who are actors of modern day development of societies and

communities.

1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT

Many discrepancies still remain in the level of acceptance and recognition of traditional authority

in modern states. Most governments often failed to recognize traditional authorities after

independence. In Latin America, indigenous societies were not given rights and were oppressed

by the new regimes. In Africa, incumbent governments comprised predominantly of modern

urban ruling elites educated in the western world who placed minute prominence on local

traditions and isolated traditional leaders from formal political structures. Wherever traditional

front-runners had served the colonial rulers, they were regarded as corrupted by the previous

regimes. But anywhere traditional leaders thus survived into the period of the colonial state and

into the post-colonial state, they reserved sources of political legitimacy entrenched in the pre-

colonial period (Ray 2003b). The bureau of the traditional ruler has changed right from the

instigation of policies within the districts of modern Ghana. It is also mutually referred to as the

chieftaincy institution. In Ghana, the institution dates back several centuries and remains the

leading custodian of Ghanaian culture (Arhin 2002).

Institutions such as Traditional authorities, are rarely static like cultural values as they change

with changes in their socioeconomic context and African traditional institutions are no exception

(Mengisteab, 2008). The traditional system still remains the Centre of decision-making, resource

8
allocation, and conflict resolution and it is adhered to principally, although not entirely, by the

population in the traditional sectors of the economy. It for that reason cannot be denied that the

traditional system can be modified to be more relevant to socio-economic development.

According to Edu-Afful (2010), in realizing stability, growth and development, it is imperative to

create conditions for well-ordered rule and collective action through good governance which

currently has remained a challenge to Ghana in the local area development. District Assemblies

and Unit Committees are the main decision bodies that make up the Local government by which

Ghanas local governance is carried out. However, District Assemblies are recognized as the

bottom level of authority for planning and development and as mandated by the 1992

constitution and the Local government Act 492 of 1993, are responsible to engage people in

persistent dialogue so as to define development goals. This unconsciously whips away the

authority traditional authorities could possibly hitherto in the precolonial and colonial era would

have been the body responsible in making relevant decisions and coming up with development

goals in that way rendering them ineffective and irrelevant in this modern day decentralized

system of government.

Arguments anticipated that development efforts can be sustained on the long hand if robust

institutions are in place to ensure rural development and this has got to do with the participation

of the Traditional authorities. There is therefore the need to study how the Traditional authorities

in Ghana are currently connected to and involved in the development of societies, districts and

regions in the face of over the years in terms of the socio-economic development (Bergdall

1988).

9
Socio-economic development call for a system of governance that is accessible and satisfactory

to the majority of the people. It is in the light of this that Traditional authorities remain very

important in consolidating the life of the people at the local levels (Al-Hassan, 2011).

Unfortunately, Al-Hassan, (2011) recognized that it takes a lengthier time for the role of

traditional institutions in state society relations to be booked up by development policy makers.

Considering the roles of chiefs as ascribed to through the inception of the three tier system of

governance (local Government Policy) on 1st July 1987 and the return of the nation to

constitutional rule on 7th January 1992, it is realized that the relevance of the chiefs and

traditional authorities at large is questionable in modern times. Contemporary reflections on

development policy failures, especially in Africa, has realization dawned that traditional

authority is crucial for peace and socio-economic development in Ghana

Less attention has however been paid to the state of relevance of traditional authorities in

decentralized development by researchers in Ghana especially in the Ashanti Kingdom though

focuses have been on the Dagbon Kingdom (Al-Hassan, 2011) as well as the Komenda

Traditional Area in the Upper East and Central regions respectively. It is on the basis of this that,

this research is deemed very necessary and would therefore help in assessing the extent to which

chieftaincy institutions specifically the traditional authorities are recognised or revered in the

issues of socio-economic development of the Ejisu-Juaben Municipality in the Ashanti Region of

Ghana.

The major objective of this study is to find out the relevance of traditional authorities in

decentralized development in the Ejisu-Juaben Municipality. The specific objectives are;

10
1 To ascertain the developmental role Traditional Authorities play in their communities

currently.

2 To ascertain whether Traditional Authorities are involved by District Assemblies in on-going

development projects in their communities.

3 To find out the challenges Traditional Authorities face in bringing about development in their

localities due to decentralisation in modern Ghana.

4 To determine the extent to which Traditional Authorities exercise their right and authority in

development of their communities in modern day Ghana.

1.3 Research Questions

2 What are the developmental role Traditional Authorities play in their communities currently?

3 Are Traditional Authorities are involved by District Assemblies in on-going development

projects in their communities?

4 Which challenges do Traditional Authorities face in bringing about development in their

localities due to decentralisation in modern Ghana?

5 To which extent do Traditional Authorities exercise their right and authority in development

of their communities in modern day Ghana?

1.3.1 Proposition

The proposition of the study is that traditional authorities appear no more relevant in

decentralized development in Ghana.

11
1.4 METHODOLOGY

1.4.1 Sources of Data and Instruments for Data Collection

Data was drawn from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data was collected directly

from community members, chiefs and some Municipal executives. The use of journal articles,

the Constitution of Ghana, Local Government Law, books and internet were useful secondary

sources of information.

Questionnaires and interview guides served as the instruments that were used for data collection.

These questionnaires were structured in order to limit respondents to very relevant issues that the

research seeks to unearth. These helped to get valid information from Traditional Authorities,

community members and some Municipal Executives.

1.4.2 Sampling Design and Sample size

Stratified sampling was used in selecting the four communities out of a total of nineteen

communities whose chiefs are representatives on the Ejisu-Juabeng Traditional Council.

Purposive sampling was employed to get representatives (heads of households) of the four

communities including their Traditional Authority Leaders (Chiefs, Queens and Clan heads) and

Municipal Executives (Human Resource Manager, Principal Internal Auditor, Deputy

Coordinating Director, Planning Officer, and Budget Analyst, Culture and Tourism officer) to be

questioned. This sampling technique helped us get those that are well able to give us the valid

answers we sought.

On the population and sample size, a total of one hundred and ten (110) people were interviewed

from a population of 143,762. The sample size was determined using the table for determining

sample sizes from a given population as proposed by Krejcie and Morgan (1970). From the table,

12
a sample size of 375 should have been selected considering the population size however, due to

limited resources, a sample of 110 was selected.

Twenty-five (25) household heads were interviewed from each community which resulted in a

total of hundred (100) household heads for the four communities. Four questionnaires were also

given to the Chiefs of the various communities (one questionnaire each) and six (6)

questionnaires administered to the six Municipal Executives mentioned above.

1.4.3 Methods of Data Analysis

Data collected was analysed using Statistical Package for Social Sciences and results are

presented as frequency, tables, cross-tabulation, pie charts and bar-graphs. Thematic analysis

was used for qualitative data. Comparative analysis was used for comparing the similarities and

differences in the data collected from the various centres especially the diverse views of the

chiefs.

1.4.4 Significance of the study

In a developing nation like Ghana, this research aims at exploring the changing roles of

Traditional Authorities from past to present and mainly to assess the relevance of the chiefs in

development of their communities in recent times. There are a lot of studies on roles of chiefs in

promoting peace and development (Al-Hassan , 2011) and others also focus on the poor

collaboration between Traditional Authorities and District executives in promoting development

(Edu-Afful, 2010). However, no attention has been paid in terms of research to the relevance of

13
Traditional Authorities in decentralized development in modern day Ghana, not to talk of the

Ashanti region.

As an academic exercise, the study shall provide information that would satisfy academic

curiosity and may serve as useful basis for national policy options on Traditional Authorities and

their relevance in decentralized development.

This study would also provide an opportunity for stakeholders in the institution, especially the

Ministry of Chieftaincy and Culture and that of the Ministry of Local Governance and Rural

Development with regards to policy formulation and implementation and therefore integrating it

in the national sphere for development in the country.

1.4.5 Limitations to the Study

This study apparently posed many challenges from initial stages even till the end of the research.

Most significant of the challenges are financial and time constraints. The research was conducted

by students in final year with limited time for studies and about six months to conduct this

research. These were unemployed persons and therefore depended on their feeding and academic

purpose money to finance this project. Also, proximity to the study area was a limitation since

travelling from campus to the towns within the Municipality was wearisome. How to get in touch

with Chiefs and Municipal Executives was a great challenge to the study such that, one

questionnaire could not be retrieved from the municipal officials during our data collection.

14
1.4.6 Research Design

The research design employed for this study is that of qualitative inquiry coupled with the case

study approach.

Case studies investigate issues from all possible sources and angles. Case studies investigate

contemporary phenomena within real life context (Kumekpor, 2002). The case study approach

therefore enriches the findings of the study and for that matter provides useful information for

development policy formulation to foster development in the country. Qualitative methods used

include a combination of descriptive, explorative and cross-sectional surveys.

The study was descriptive in the sense that it involved in-depth and holistic mapping of the

types, roles and functions of traditional authorities and the linkages between the traditional

authorities and the formal government institutions such as the District Assemblies at the local

level. Descriptive research describes social events by providing background information about

the issue at stake as well as eliciting explanations.

Explorative study was used because it enables the researcher to analyze the relationship between

the traditional authorities and formal government institutions in their quest to promote

development. Explorative research helps to develop an accurate picture of the research topic and

also in the formulation and modification of theories as contended by Morgan (1997).

The Cross-Sectional design involves using different groups of people who differ in the variable

of interest but share other characteristics such as socio-economic status, educational background

and ethnicity; and it was also used in this study because samples were drawn from different

communities within the Ejisu-Juabeng Municipality. This cross-sectional design was used to

15
establish whether there were differences in the perception of participants on the roles and

relevance of traditional authorities to the governance and developmental process based on the

location of these communities.

To this effect, the units of enquiry in this research included the chiefs or traditional authorities,

community members and personnel of the District Assemblies within the study area or assembly

members. The key variables under the study include the role traditional authority can play in

promoting development, the relationship between the modern state - especially the District

Assemblies and chieftaincy or traditional authority and last but not least, governments attitude

towards traditional authorities and their role in development. These variables to a large extent

helped the research in determining the relevance of traditional authority in decentralized

development.

1.4.7 Structure of the Report

The research is presented in five main chapters: Chapter one has the proposal (background to the

study, statement of the problem, hypothesis and research questions, objectives, significance and

structure of the report). Chapter two includes the review of relevant Literature. Chapter three

deals with the scope of the description of study area, study methodology, research design, , target

population or sample size, sampling procedure, data collection techniques, data analysis and

limitations of the study, whiles chapter four analyses results on data collected from the field.

Chapter five, the final chapter discusses the findings, conclusion and recommendations.

Referencing was done by the American Psychological Association style.

16
CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 Introduction

After discussing the problem at hand in chapter one, this chapter aims at focusing on relevant

literature on Traditional Authorities and Decentralized Development. This chapter starts with

definitions of development and socio economic development to be specific. It is followed by

what traditional authority means, traditional authoritys relevance to socio-economic

development, the cases of some Ghanaian chiefs in local governance and development, defining

decentralization, why decentralization, types of decentralization, dimensions of decentralization,

17
historical background of decentralization in Ghana, the legal framework of the decentralization

programme and the conceptual framework.

2.1 Development

Development can be assumed to take place in three naturally highly overlapping and intertwined

forms. The forms of development are economic, social, and human development. Economic

development denotes increased material well-being, the provision of basic needs, and equal

income distribution. Social development is manifested by social integration and security whilst

human development means self-actualization and enjoyment of prestige. (Little 1995: 124128).

This contrast is based essentially on psychologist Maslows hierarchy of human needs in which

he presumed the route to high-stage human development to be initiated from low-stage economic

development and to proceed through intermediate social development. (Maslow, 1954)

Socio-economic development is the process of social and economic development in a society. It

is measured with indicators such as GDP, life expectancy, literacy and levels of employment.

Changes in less-tangible factors such as personal dignity, freedom of association, personal safety

and freedom from fear of physical harm, and the extent of participation in the affairs of the

society are also considered. Hence one of the critical factors in socio-economic development is

social capital which has been an essential element of the Ghanaian culture and development. For

socio-economic development to be achieved and be sustainable, it must come from the people

themselves. In other words, social and economic development must be driven from the culture of

the people (Al-Hassan, 2011). It is therefore needed to know what traditional authorities do with

18
regards to the above conceptions to promote development in this era of modern decentralisation

since they are the symbols and custodians of culture in the country.

2.2. Traditional Authority

Max Weber (Extracts: 328) observes traditional authority from the perception of legitimacy;

where acceptance of the mandate to rule is based on tradition or custom (Cheka, 2008).

Moreover, Owusu (1997) and Senjonyo (2004) claim that every society in the world is traditional

as far as it preserves and cherishes practices, values, views and institutions bestowed to it by

preceding generations. Crowther and Ikime (1970: 9) emphasise that the word chief was a

distinctive minute colonial term intended to lessen the status of great African Kings like the

Obase of Benin, who considered themselves and were considered by their people as Kings in

colonial times. This also applied to kings like the Ya Naa (king of Dagbon) and the Asantehene

(king of the Asantes) who are well-thought-out as kings in Ghana. The roots of traditional

authority are generally ethnic and/or cultural, and do not weaken the fact that authority has to

look after power and therefore is unavoidably political. The 1992 constitution of Ghana defines a

chief as a person, who, hailing from the appropriate family and lineage has been validly

nominated, elected or selected, and enstooled, enskinned or installed as a chief or queen mother

in accordance with the relevant customary law and usage. (Al-Hassan, 2011).

In a nation that is essentially a collection of ethnic groups like Ghana; traditional authority is the

foundation of governance to most people. Asantes are a group that practises tradition and greatly

have respect for chieftaincy. This study shall define traditional authority whether created by law,

in centralized or segregated community, as a power, permission, or an institution that draws its

legitimacy, whether wholly or partially, from tribal/ethnic/cultural beliefs of a group of people

19
(wherever they may be) that value them. Traditional authority consequently contrasts with

republican values of succession to power by the application of a constitution, which embraces

democratic principles. Hereafter, in this study, the terms traditional leaders, traditional rulers,

chieftaincy institution or chiefs are used interchangeably to mean the same as traditional

authorities.

2.2.1 Constitutional/ Legal Basis of Traditional Authority in Ghana

Traditional governance in Ghana has been substantial such that the various constitutions of the

country have assured its existence and operation. This has been definite in the five constitutions

which Ghana has had since the realization of independence; 1957, 1960, 1969, 1979 and 1992

constitutions. Chieftaincy Act, Act 370 was passed by Busias Progress Party government in

September 1971 to amend the statute law on chieftaincy to guarantee its conformism with the

requirements of the 1969 Constitution and make other provisions relating to chieftaincy. It also

created a National House of Chiefs which was included in the 1979 and 1992 constitutions.

Chapter 22 of 1992 Constitution warrants the institution of chieftaincy, together with its

traditional councils as recognized by customary law and usage. This provision is favourable for

the institution and is different from what transpired under the CPP government of Nkrumah

where a minister could withdraw recognition from a chief and even inhibit him from residing in

an area if he so desires. The constitutional provisions reflect the importance of traditional

governance in modern democratic governance and plainly warranted the inclusion of the

institution in any address on nation building and development. These constitutional assurances

20
led to the creation of an entire ministry on chieftaincy also aiming at the essential nature of

chieftaincy in the nations development plan (Al-Hassan, 2011).

2.2.2 The Structure of Traditional Authority Systems in Ghanas Constitution

The Constitution creates a three ranks structure House of Chiefs consisting of; Traditional

Councils, Regional House of Chiefs and National House of Chiefs.

The National House of Chiefs comprises 50 members; five paramount chiefs elected by each

Regional House of Chiefs from all ten regions. If there are less than five paramount chiefs in a

region, the Regional House of Chiefs is required to elect the required number of divisional chiefs

to constitute the representation of chiefs for the region. The Regional House of Chiefs, involves

members as Parliament may by law define. Its role relates to those of the National House of

Chiefs. The Traditional Council, the third layer, comprises of a paramount chief and divisional

chiefs with purpose to decide, in accord with the suitable customary law and usage, the

legitimacy of the nomination, election, selection and installation of a person as a chief. It

functions alike those of the National House of Chiefs and Regional House of Chiefs at the

paramount level (Al-Hassan, 2011).

2.2.3 Traditional Authoritys Relevance to Socio-Economic Development

There are three wide components that can be acknowledged in the chieftaincy- centred discourse

on traditional institutions and development (Mengisteab, 2008). One negative strand opposes that

chieftaincy is old-fashioned, a limitation to the development and change of the continent,

undemocratic, divisive, and expensive. The following arguments were put forth by this view: (1)

Colonial state corrupted Chieftaincy and by the clients of the autocratic post-colonial state and is

no more accountable to the populace (Zack-Williams, 2002; Kilson, 1966). (2) Populations under

21
traditional authorities, live as subjects rather than as citizens of the state, and democratic

governance would not be achieved while such systems continue to exist (3) that chieftaincy is

incompatible with democratic governance due to the hereditary nature, which involves

competitive elections as one of its keystones. Mamdani has the loudest voice in this school of

thought. (Mamdani, 1996; Ntsebeza, 2005).

A concordance on the importance of the institution to development in a modern nation-state may

be far from being gripped at least in the near future, as the argument on it rolls on. In fact, it

seems that some of the studies give the impression that the institution is incompatible with

modern forms of governance and must therefore be done away with. On the other hand, there are

those who think that the institution is essential for development in Africa and for that matter

Ghana. The history of the debate about the relevance of the institution goes back to the colonial

era when the British colonial administrator in the northern Nigerian Caliphates, Lord Lugard,

established that in view of the fact that the institution was an essential element in Africans

culture, it was to be sustained. This conclusion about the relevance of chieftaincy brought into

being, the introduction of the indirect rule system of administration in most of the British

colonies throughout our continent including Ghana (Al- Hassan. 2011).

Per these discussions, several countries including, Uganda, Guinea, Tanzania, Burkina Faso,

Zambia, and Zimbabwe attempted either to strip chiefs of most of their power or to exterminate

chieftaincy as also in Ghana under the first republic. These efforts have, however, proved mostly

vain. Abolishing chieftaincy does not eradicate its core broader institutions and chiefs have been

reinstated in most of those countries and even given constitutional guarantees as in Ghana. The

resilience of these institutions, when chiefs do not have formal powers to endure their authority,

22
poses a severe challenge to critics of chieftaincy (Al- Hassan. 2011). Mengisteab (2008), states

that chiefs must be providing services to please rural folks.

This view has failed to consider what democracy and accountability actually connotes to

different cultures and people in the world. Chiefs bear responsibility for religious functions,

custody over lands, communal well-being, participatory grassroots democracy and settling of

disputes (Mireku 1991: 63; Pobee 1991: 11, 2527; Owusu 1997: 329333, 335). The chiefs are

elected in most cases, with some minor exceptions to their positions. Decisions are made, for

example in the Akan chieftaincy through consultation with all families involved in the issue.

Regrettably, the studies that view traditional institutions to be relevant provide little detail on the

specific dynamics of these institutions and how they might be incorporated with the formal

institutions (Mengisteab, 2008). Government must therefore make strong in this direction.

Restrictions form the third and more poised strand of traditional institutions which is

acknowledged. It records that the colonial state basically transformed chieftaincy into its

intermediary administrative institution, and that the post-colonial state often chooses chiefs to

facilitate the dictatorial control over its citizens (Al-Hassan, 2011). Nevertheless, this view vies

that traditional institutions constitute vital resources that have the potential to promote

democratic governance and to facilitate access of rural communities to public service. This

viewpoint makes arguments including: (a) chieftaincy can provide the core upon which to

construct new mixed governance structures since chiefs serve as custodians of and advocates for

the interests of local communities within the broader political structure (Sklar, 1996; Skalnik,

2004). (b) Over-centralization of power in the hands of greedy states often conceals community-

based initiatives and democratic practices at the grassroots, so good governance can turn up only

23
through the manifestation of indigenous political values and practices, and also co-ordinating

them with modern democratic practices (AJID, 1996).

Another view on the relevance of traditional institutions is provided by legal pluralists. This view

acknowledges that African traditional legal systems, customary courts, and customary property

rights are an empirical reality and need to be recognised and respected (McAuslan, 1998). For

instance in Dagbon, a lot of customary and family cases are settled amicably at the chiefs

palace/court. Thus without the traditional legal systems, the modern ones would have been

overwhelmed with a lot of cases which could lead to instability in the long run. This view does

not, however, provide mechanisms for integrating the two sets of institutional systems to correct

the problems of institutional duality and conflicts (Al-Hassan, 2011).

Chinsinga also opposes that two broad schools of thought can be illustrious concerning the

relevance of traditional authority (Chinsinga, 2006). The first sees traditional institutions as

being mismatched with democratisation and decentralisation. This school of thought is the same

as the earlier pessimistic strand given above by Mengisteab. The second school of thought argues

for co-existence because, traditional leadership institutions are an important part of the historical

heritage of local communities and cannot just be asked out of existence (Ray 1996, Blom 2002,

Ntsebeza 2003a).

Critics of traditional leadership institutions maintain that traditional authority is archaic and

should not have endured the twentieth century let alone exist in the twenty first. According to

Chinsinga (2006), the push of the discourse touching traditional leadership institutions pivots on

Mamdanis theory of the split state. The colonial state was forked off because it had different

24
modes of rule for urban citizens and rural subjects according to Mamdani (1996). In his opinion,

nothing less than dismantling the divided state would ensure complete democratisation of

developing countries, and consequently, ease the potential success of decentralisation policy

reforms since only then can both rural and urban areas enjoy a common citizenship. This would

mean the stability of a series of binary opposites such as rights and tradition, representation and

opinion, centralization and decentralization, civil society and community. However, it

wasimpossible to achieve this if traditional leadership institutions remain unbroken (Ntsebeza,

2003).

Traditional institutions are consequently seen as gadgets of social oppression entirely lacking

progress especially in such areas as political organisation, womens rights, social mobility and

economic rights. But one can contend that this same label has been brought against the formal

state in many countries including Ghana (Al-Hassan, 2011). Further, it can be argued that this is

the time traditional authorities are needed like never before, bearing in mind the level of moral

corruption in the country. Nevertheless, customary institutions are further criticized as being

undemocratic principally on the grounds that the right to choose ones representatives is a

fundamental and basic human right in contemporary democracies. This is because chieftaincy is

more or less a social order in which only birth members can postulate to the role of chiefs

(Ribot 2002: 69). Nominated officials on the other hand get their authority by means of a popular

vote (Molotlegi 2002:1). Therefore, the issue here is that as long as chieftaincy is based on

heredity and attribution then it is inherently undemocratic. The likelihood of rural populaces

having the freedom to elect which institutions or individuals should rule is robotically left out.

The principal concern is that superiority to chieftaincy on the basis of acknowledgement makes

incumbents hardly accountable to their subjects, and as such, empowering or working with them

25
may not serve the efficiency, equity or development aims that are frequently idealized by

somewhat inexperienced decentralisation advocates (Ribot 2002, Ntsebeza 2003a). Therefore,

working with or empowering chiefs may only aggregate to the sustained inclusion of individuals

within societies through the administratively driven enablement of customary decision makers to

represent local people (Mamdani 1996). The stamp of this school of thought is that traditional

and modern forms of governance cannot co-exist because they lure their legitimacy from two

distinctive sources (Chinsinga, 2006). Traditional leaders secure their claims to legitimacy,

authority and sovereignty from their pre-colonial roots while the modern African state is an

establishment of, and a successor to, the imposed colonial state. However, it is evident that most

democratically elected leaders in Africa wish to remain in power till rest of their lives in

Zimbabwe and Cote DIvoire for instance

(Al-Hassan, 2011).

On the contrary, the other school of thought who is in support of traditional leadership

institutions put up with the fact that these institutions can neither be decreed out of skexistence

nor be demoted to be part of a traditional social sphere divergent from the modern world of civil

society (Owusu 1997; Blom 2002; Senyonjo 2004). The vital motivation of the argument of this

school of thought is that traditional leadership institutions are dynamic in time. Like all aspects

of culture and tradition, it is argued that the institution of traditional leaders grows and adapts

itself to the varying standards and aspirations of its people since it does not exist in vacuity. It is

the ordinary people who form it and restructure it to be persistently relevant. The ethics of

democracy, participation, and respect for human rights, mutuality and cooperation with others all

influence the environment and effectiveness of the institution of traditional leaders in the

present-day society. In order to appreciate the relevance of chieftaincy, Owusu (1997) and Blom

26
(2002) argue that it is really vital to understand how it is based on customary village institutions

involving general norms and ideas about leadership. They vie that a rulers subjects are fully

aware of the duties he owes to them as they are of the duties they owe to him and are able to

exert pressure to make him discharge these duties. In some cases, a chief may in fact, by popular

will, be stripped of his chieftaincy if his behaviour is not that expected of a chief and associated

with the office (Moto, 1998). In this sense the power of chieftaincy largely rests with the subjects

and should a chief not live and lead up to expectation, the subjects have the directive to ask for

their purging. Chieftaincy is therefore widely perceived as an embodiment of virtues of political

accountability, transparency, service and justice.

Further arguments sees traditional leaders as playing a very critical role in the livelihoods of

their subjects in the sense that: they inspire and inspire their people for development in every

facet, advocate cooperative action, and commends the commitment and total involvement of all

members of a community in executing policies for overall community welfare. Once the people

who chose it decide to have it, it cannot be ruled out of existence although it may be mismatched

with decentralization. This school of thought takes recourse to the seeming resilience of

customary authorities to argue for a critical role that traditional norms, values and actions may

play in taming the twin processes of democratisation and decentralisation. The fact that the

abolishment of traditional institutions and leadership could not wipe out their importance from

the eyes of the masses, it should be reserved as a starting point for any effort to mediate the

interface between tradition, democratisation and decentralisation (Al-Hassan, 2011).

At this juncture, domesticating democracy thus entails a dynamic and continuous process of

institutionalisation in which democratic ideals, beliefs, values, practices, actions and

relationships, and new forms of political behaviour gain recognition and popular backing in

27
society and become successfully assimilated with other structures of culture and society

bequeathing them with popular legitimacy (Owusu 1997: 121; cited in Chinsinga, 2006).

Supporters of this school of thought therefore argue that traditional institutions provide an

adaptation mechanism of new ideas through reference and contrast to pre-existing ones. In this

sense traditional institutions thus form the foundation on which new concepts are built and this

foundation enables the people to incorporate new ideas into their body politic without losing the

vital elements of their own tradition and also makes the new concepts understandable (Senyonjo

2004: 5). Consequently, it is argued by Owusu (1997: 132) that any hope for sustainable

democratisation and decentralisation very much depends on courage, honesty and imagination,

with which the interface between tradition, democratization and decentralization is addressed.

In the light of the above, this study proceeds to analyse whether chiefs are however relevant to

socio- economic development in Ejisu-Juaben municipality and as to if they are still relevant in

modern democratic system of governance in Ghana. In both the colonial and post-colonial states,

traditional leaders have been incorporated directly into varying forms of local government and

local governance. This is because of the potential development benefits associated with the

institution. As von Trotha (1996) notes, chiefs and village heads under civil chieftaincy

constitute a forum where local interests are debated and articulated. Thus, they can constitute a

valuable resource in informing the state about the interests of local communities as well as in

mobilising rural populations for active engagement, not only in development activities and the

distribution of public services, but also in the national political process. Unlike government-

appointed administrators, lower-level chiefs and village leaders live in conditions largely similar

to those of their communities. They share common interests and think like their people. As a

result, they are better equipped to represent the interests of their communities than are

28
government-appointed administrators, who are accountable only to the political lite. At the

district and community levels, national governments share the responsibility of governance with

traditional authority, mainly that of the Chiefs. In rural communities, for example, inadequate

infrastructure and poverty hamper access to modern or state agencies of security, justice and

health. In such a situation, the chief assumes a very central role to the people, being therefore a

vital and strategic partner for development. It has been pointed out that chieftaincy as an

institution can be adapted to encourage increased popular participation at the grassroots. This is

because Ghanaian chiefs do not, as a rule, see central authority as their adversary but as a

partner. In the words of Owusu (1997: 335): They (chiefs) are ready in the national interest to

work with and offer advice in any government in power, whatever its professed ideology.

Symbolically, chiefs see themselves as fathers of all their people to whom they are ultimately

accountable. Now that the government, chiefs and the people are rising to the challenges of

modernization, democratization and the role of chiefs being urgent agents of development, a new

initiative is needed to facilitate and accelerate the growth of a system of governance sensitive to

the culture and history of Ghana.

This may provide solutions to peace building, stability and development in the nation.

Despite the power, the chiefs are also removable from their positions (Pobee 1991: 25; Mireku

1991: 64). This shows that traditional authorities are not after all absolute and untouchable.

Undeniably, the chief of today cannot act in the way his predecessors behaved. He is neither the

military leader nor the legislator that he once was. Except in very limited areas, he has no

judicial functions or executive powers of any significance. But this does not mean that the chief

has no meaningful role in the modern era.

29
The roles to be played by the modern day chief have been summerized by the Asantehene

Otumfuo Osei Tutu II (2002) in the words below;

Our predecessors engaged in inter-tribal wars, fighting for conquest over territories and people.

Today, the war should be vigorous and intensive against dehumanization, poverty,

marginalization, ignorance and disease. Chieftaincy must be used to propel economic

development through proper lands administration, through facilitating investments in our

communities, and through codification and customs and traditions making it impossible for

imposters to get enstooled and creating unnecessary situations for litigation (cited in Ayee,

2007).

Apart from constitutional functions; chiefs are expected to provide advice to the central

government and to participate in the administration of regions and districts. Chiefs have the

moral obligation to contribute to the lives of their individual citizens in particular, and to the

nationals of their country at large. These days, a chief is expected to lead his people in

organizing self-help activities and projects, and take the initiative in establishing institutions and

programmes to improve the welfare of his people in areas such as health, education, trade and

economic or social developmental (Al-Hassan, 2011). These institutions and programmes are not

intended to replace those that must be provided by the central and regional government, but

rather to supplement them, especially in these days when the demands of the people are such that

it is unrealistic to expect that they can all be met from central government resources. However, it

must be indicated that this positive role of chiefs can be actively taken only if chiefs who are

industrious, enlightened and development-oriented are involved.

The Report of the Committee of Experts, 1991 said that the institution of chieftaincy at the level

of local government has a more easily perceivable role to play in offering counsel and in

30
mobilising the people for development (Republic of Ghana, 1992: 150). Similarly, the National

Decentralisation Action Plan (2003-2005) also recognises that traditional authorities are

important partners in ensuring judicious natural resource management (MLGRD, 2003:17). In a

similar manner as far back as 1978, Alex Aidoo, a member of the 1978 Constitutional

Commission, while contributing to a debate on chieftaincy noted that the moment one talks about

grassroots democracy one is already making proposals to traditional authority, because in Ghana

one could not realistically implement successfully a programme of empowerment without the

involvement of traditional authorities. This is because:

You cannot go to any village and start propagating an ideology or political programme or

anything in the air the chiefs are very important if we are going to think about participation of

all the people in Government. We have to use them from the grassroots level to the national level

(Aidoo, 1978: 48, cited in Ayee, 2007).

Consequently, the Constitutional Commissions Proposals in 1978 contained the importance of

traditional authorities. In spite of certain features which have often given cause for serious

concern and unsatisfactory record of some chiefs in national life, we remain convinced that the

institution of chieftaincy has an important and indispensable role in the life and government of

Ghana, both for the present and for the foreseeable future. We, therefore consider it right and

necessary that the institution should be protected and preserved by appropriate constitutional

guarantees (Republic of Ghana, 1978: 96).

Owusu-Sarpong (2003) suggests that traditional leaders may act as intermediaries between their

people and the government ministries. Ray (2003) has argued that traditional leaders may add

their legitimacy to Ghanas post-colonial state. Both Owusu-Sarpong (2003) and Ray (2003)

agree that not only do traditional leaders possess their own unique sources of political legitimacy

31
and authority, but also that the exercise and co-operation of this legitimacy and authority in co-

operation with the post-colonial state is necessary for the more effective achievement of

development goals. Owusu-Sarpong (2003) argues that no central government decision directly

affecting the Ghanaian people in matters such as communal health, education, use and

distribution of land, gender issues among others can be easily implemented without the active

involvement of the chiefs. The problem however is that if care is not taken to integrate the two

systems of governance properly, a conflict of interest may arise.

2.3. The Cases of Some Ghanaian Chiefs in Local Governance and Development

Nana Ofori Atta founded the Abuakwa State College in 1937 in Kyebi at an estimated cost of

10,000 pounds, wholly from Okyenman revenues. He also established Kyebi Primary School or

Elementary School later known as Kyebi Government School, Kyebi Trade School and later as

Kyebi Government Trade School. Late Asantehene, Otumfuo Sir Osei Agyeman Prempeh II,

founded Prempeh College in 1949. Otumfuo Sir Osei Agyeman Prempeh supported missionaries

to open schools in Ashanti, and he was instrumental in the establishment of the Kwame Nkrumah

University of Science and Technology (KNUST). Opoku Ware helped to establish the medical

school in KNUST and instituted scholarship schemes for Ghanaian students. The Asantehene,

Otumfuo Osei Tutu II and the Okyenhene, Osagyefo Amoatia Ofori Panin, the Paramount Chief

of Akyem Abuakwa have instituted projects aimed at promoting local governance and

development. The Asantehene, for instance, has established an Educational Trust Fund to cater

for basic, senior high school and tertiary education for students with poor financial background.

His Fund has been replicated by other chiefs and District Assemblies. He has also ventured into

32
the health sector in the fight against HIV/AIDS. In addition to this, the Asantehene has

established the Golden Development Holding Company with the objective of promoting the

general economic development of Asanteman. This is the result of a partnership between the

Asantehene and the World Bank (Boafo-Arthur, 2006).

The Okyenhene, on the other hand, has led the fight against deforestation and other forms of

environmental degradation. In this connection, he has set up the Okyeman Environment

Foundation which has stemmed the tide of the devastation of the Atewa Forest Range. He also

contributed to the education on HIV/AIDS and participated in a race organized in connection

with HIV/AIDS education; something which in the past would have caused his dethronement

(Boafo-Arthur, 2006). He is also currently leading the fight against illegal mining in areas under

his jurisdiction. Togbe Afede XIV, Agbogbomefia of the Asogli State in the Volta Region has

contributed to the development of education in his area and as Chief Executive Officer of

Strategic Initiative Limited, a private equity and portfolio investment firm, he is promoting

economic development of Ghana. Togbe Afede is member of Boards of Directors of Aluworks

Limited, Bank of Ghana and National Theatre of Ghana. In the Tamale Metropolis too, the

Dakpema, (chief of the Tamale markets) has recently launched an educational fund to help

brilliant but needy students. He has also been instrumental in the fight against youth indiscipline

and also preaching respect for the laws of the country (Al-Hassan, 2011).

2.4. Defining Decentralization

The emergence of decentralization was in the last decades of the 20th century as the major public

administration system in most Third World Countries (Gibson, Lacy & Dougherty, 2004). From

33
the Latin American states through the Asian countries to the African states. As a consequence,

one of the challenges in the new millennium was to find successful ways to engage the public

(citizens) in shaping the communities for the future. Decentralization became an important

policy objective during the 1970s and 1980s in developing countries.

Crook (2003) noted, decentralization is a complex political and institutional process. There are

varied definitions of decentralization as assigned by the experts. Smith (1985:1) observes the

concept of decentralization means, reversing the concentration of administration at a single

centre and conferring powers on local government. Rondinelli (1981) states that

decentralization is the transfer of authority to plan, make decisions, and manage public

functions from a higher level of government to any individual, organization or any agency at a

lower level. Also, Ahwoi (2006) defines it as a tool of public administration reform that

involves the transfer of functions, powers, means, resources, skills, and competence to lower

levels of governance, normally, structures of local government. In its most basic definition,

decentralization is the transfer of part of the powers of the central government to regional,

district or local authorities. A more all-inclusive definition of decentralization as a concept is the

general view held by experts, as the transfer of responsibility (authority), resources (human and

financial), and accountability from central government to the local self-governing entity.

Scholars generally acknowledged three forms of decentralization (Rondinelli, 1981; Rondinelli,

et al., 1989; Prudhomme, 1995). To them this involves a long process of political, fiscal and

administrative decentralization. When only responsibility or authority is transferred but not

resources-, there is deconcentration. When responsibility and resources are transferred, there is

delegation. When there is the transfer of responsibility, resources and accountability (partially or

34
completely) there is the devolution or democratic decentralization (Rondinelli, 1981; Rondinelli,

et al., 1989, Cited by Ayee, 2002).

Other views further explain that decentralization is a means to local democratization through

bringing government closer to the people, with increased political participation and more

accountable and responsive local government (Crawford, 2009; Crook, 2003; Ahwoi, 2006;

Boateng, 1996). Ahwoi (2000) alleges that the academic and other writers on decentralization

very often confuse the term decentralization with other concepts that look like decentralization

but could at best be described as variants of administrative decentralization. He retains that

deconcentration, devolution, delegation are alternatives to decentralization.

Conversely, decentralization is sustained to be a local knowledge and interest brought to bear

more freely upon local administration, which aim at bringing governance closer to the people

and making them more participatory in the administration of the locality. It enhances local

democracy and leads to government that is more responsive. Decentralization processes are

efforts and actions that are directed to involve the local people in administering their locality.

2.5. Why Decentralization?

Diverse governments have different political commitments and motives for introducing

decentralization in their countries. These intents are embodied in the structures and form of

decentralization and are revealed in the systems utility after it is introduced.

In Uganda decentralization has been a device for consolidating central power by enabling the

President to manipulate and fragment rival ethnic claims and head off demands for multi-party

system (Lawyers Environmental Action Team (LEAT, 2009).

35
For the time being, the Centre for Democracy and Governance (2000) observes that the prime

motivations behind countries opting for decentralization reforms vary. Several countries are

emerging from dictatorships seeking to disperse power among smaller governmental units. Many

others are also reducing the size of central government as part of a shift to a more efficient

market economy. Many others seek to increase public involvement and accountability in

government decision-making.

According to Crook (2003), decentralization enhances political and fiscal autonomy of territorial

sub-units and to reduce poverty. He continues that decentralization reforms could have entirely

opposed purposes according to their aim to reinforce vested `interest in existing patterns of

benefaction and central-local linkages, or involve challenges to local elites from groups using

decentralized institutions to draw down central resources to strengthen local power struggles.

As by the World Bank Reports (2000), the following are motives for states shifting from

centralized system of public administration to decentralized system of governance:

The gradual appearing of a new distribution of responsibilities among the national, regional and

local levels of government through the process of deconcentration (an initial and limited form of

decentralization);

The disengagement of the state and economic liberalization, which favoured a new wave of

decentralization through devolution;

Increased involvement of local jurisdictions and civil society in the management of their affairs,

with new forms of participation, consultation, and partnerships.

36
In Ghana, the decentralization process aims to democratize the public administration system

among others. The decentralization process (local government system) is to make the local

government more efficient, accessible, beneficial and participatory to the citizens.

2.5.1. Types of Decentralization

Three types of decentralization are recognized by The Center for Democracy and Governance:

United States Agency for International Development (USAID, 2000) and Ayee, (2003):

devolution, deconcentration, and delegation. Devolution is the creation or increased reliance

upon sub national levels of government, with some degrees of political autonomy, that are

substantially outside direct central government control yet subject to general policies and laws,

such as those regarding civil rights and rule of law. Deconcentration is the transfer of power to

an administrative unit of the central government, usually a field or regional office and Delegation

is the transfer of managerial responsibility for a specific defined function outside the usual

central government structure.

Deconcentration is also a form of set-up of central power and sub-state institutions comprising

the elites of those constituencies. Asimah (2000) emphasises, deconcentration is a power sharing

strategy where power is transferred from central operating agencies to regional ones. The central

government under such a notion uses the local governments to improve efficiency and

effectiveness of delivering services (Cheema & Rondinelli, 1983). Rondenlli (1981) argues that

deconcentration takes place as long as the central government disperses certain responsibilities of

services to the regional and local governments. Ayee (2000) states that delegation it is the

transfer of services and responsibilities from the central government agencies to specialized

organizations with some degree of operating autonomy.

37
Devolution is also the transfer of power and authority to a subnational level of public authority

that is autonomous and independent from the devolving authority. This is the solidest form of

decentralization as it implies to transfer of authority for decision making, finance and

management responsibility (Robertson, 2002; Olowu, 2001). However, Ahwoi (2003:9) opposes

this point stating rather, those concepts, Devolution, Deconcentration and Delegation are

alternative attempts at achieving an efficient and effective public administration system; they are

not forms/types of decentralization.

2.5.2. Dimensions of Decentralization

Numerous writers have pointed out that there are three main dimensions of decentralization.

Center for Democracy and Governance, (2000); Ahwoi, (2006); Falleti, (2005) proclaim that

decentralization has three dimensions: political, financial, and administrative. These three

dimensions, in essence, represent the primary components of power. The political dimension

(often referred to as political decentralization) implies the creation of autonomous governmental

entities with sufficient decision-making powers, within specific geographical limits. Through

political decentralization, citizens or their elected representative have more power in decision-

making (Brautigam et al, 2008; Moore, 2007). Political decentralization might be defined in

other spheres as the transfer of political authority to the local level through the establishment of

elected local government (perhaps as part of a democratic transition), electoral reform, political

party reform, authorization of participatory processes, and other reforms (Centre for Democracy

and Governance, 2000).

38
The financial dimension, (often referred to as financial or fiscal decentralization) involves some

level of resource allocation and revenue collection capacity transferred to lower levels of

government to allow local government to finance new responsibilities in terms of expenditure,

with arrangements for resources usually negotiated between local and central authorities (Olowu,

2001).

It can also mean the shifting of financial power to the local level. It involves increasing or

reducing conditions on the inter-governmental transfer of resources and giving jurisdictions

superior power to generate their own revenue (Centre for Democracy and Governance, 2000)

The administrative dimension (often referred to as administrative decentralization) comprises the

full or partial transfer of an collection of functional responsibilities to the local level, such as the

operation of schools, the management of service personnel, health care service, the building and

maintenance of roads, and garbage collection (Centre for Democracy and Governance, 2000).

A complete decentralized process of public administration consequently involves the three

dimensions of decentralization process. Advancement along any of these dimensions is

decentralization. Hence, decentralization tends to be strongest when real political autonomy,

sufficient administrative responsibility, and the financial resources to carry out primary functions

appear at or are transferred to the local level together. There is, therefore, the need to strategize a

decentralize structure that clasps the three dimensions of the decentralization concept in order to

derive the maximum benefit.

39
2.5.3 Forms of Decentralization

Depending on the manner in which power is transferred from central government to lower levels,

various forms of decentralization may be identified. However, there is little agreement in the

literature as to the different characteristics and forms of decentralization.

However, Rondinelli's model whereby decentralization is separated into four types, namely;

deconcentration, devolution, delegation and privatization (Rondinelli 1981) remains the most

frequently refer to conceptual framework in the field (UNDP 1997). According to Rondinelli

(1981), the forms of decentralization are like a continuum, which is dependent on the level of

power transferred, as well as the nature of the institutional arrangement. This is shown below.

Figure 2.5.4: Forms of decentralization as a continuum (Scale)

Minimum Power Delegation Maximum Power Delegation

(Centralization) (Decentralization)

Deconcentration Delegation Privatization Devolution

Adapted from Rondinelli, (1981).

Deconcentration, where the work load is shifted from central government Ministries,

Departments and Agencies to staff in peripheral units without sufficient authority for

autonomous action;

40
 Delegation, where central government transfers some functions to specialized semi-

autonomous agencies;

Privatization, whereby central government transfers responsibilities for the performance

of certain tasks to the private sector;

Devolution, implies the creation of autonomous government entities or units, like the

District Assemblies, with sufficient decision-making powers to operate in specific

geographical areas without much reference to, or interference from the central

government.

Figure 2.5.4 captures Rondinellis conceptualization of decentralization in a continuum of

centralization-decentralization, or minimum and maximum power delegation from the centre to

the periphery. The left- and right-hand sides of the continuum are polar ends that do not exist in

the real world, since extreme devolution would wither away the state, whereas total

centralization would make it impossible for the state to function (Hutchcroft 2001). Towards the

centralized end of the continuum, one finds deconcentration with devolution at the decentralized

end. In the middle are privatization and delegation. The utility of the continuum lies in its ability

to capture variations in the forms of decentralization.

2.6. Historical Background of Decentralization in Ghana

The Local government System in Ghana started with the institution of Native Authorities by the

colonial government in 1878 (Institute of Local Government Studies, ILGS). The then traditional

41
rulers served as central figures in the local government. Several, forms of Local Governments

were practiced over the years in Ghana. Between 1950 and 1957; the two-tier local government

system (ILGS, 2006), Local Government (Amendment) Act 359(1971) amended in 1974, the

National Redemption Council Decree (NRCD) 258, the District Council (DC), (ILGS, 2006) and

the current District Assembly (PNDC LAW 207) 1988 (Model A, Decentralization, Policies and

Practices, 2003).

Decentralized government in Ghana began with the introduction of Indirect Rule by the British

Colonial Authorities in1878. Native Authorities (NAs) (a council of traditional chiefs) carried

out decisions of the British government conveyed through district commissioners to the

indigenous people in the Gold Coast. (Ayee and Amponsah, 2002)

In 1952, a new form of decentralized authority based on the recommendations of the Watson

Commission (1948) and the Coussey Committee (1949) was introduced. The local government

councils were composed of two-third elected membership and one-third chiefs with paramount

chiefs as presidents of the councils (Ayee and Amponsah, 2002).

In 1974, another attempt at reforming decentralization resulted in the establishment of 65 district

councils. Membership of the council remained same as at the 1952 reforms.

In 1978, another attempt was made by the then General Akuffos Supreme Military Council

(SMC) government to further decentralize the public administration in Ghana by holding a

district council election throughout Ghana. However, the decentralization process was exposed

and short-lived because of a coup dtat that overthrew the SMC government in 1979 led by

Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings.

42
Ghanas current decentralization programme was the idea of Rawlings Provisional National

Defense Council (PNDC) that toppled Dr, Limanns Peoples National Convention (PNC) in

1981. In June 1982, the PNDC passed the PNDC Law that thawed the district councils elected in

November 1978 (Ayee and Amponsah, 2002).

2.7. The Legal Framework of the Decentralization Programme

The key features of Ghanas decentralization programme were enshrined in the 1992

Constitution of Ghana, the Local Government Act of 1993, the Civil Service Law of 1993, the

National Development Planning Act of 1994, and the District Assemblies Common Fund Act of

1993 (Kumi-Kyereme, Yankson and Thomi, 2006).

Crawford, (2009) lectures that the principles of decentralization and participation in government

were intensely endorsed in the 1992 Constitution by this recommendation that:

The State shall take appropriate measures to make democracy a reality by decentralizing the

administrative and financial machinery of government to the regions and districts and by

affording all possible opportunities to the people to participate in decision-making at every level

in national life and in government [Article 35(6) d].

The decentralization procedure in Ghana has two main stages, those of central government and

local government at the district level. The local government system being made up of a Regional

Coordinating Council (RCC), a four-tier Metropolitan and three-tier Municipal/District

Assembly structures (MLGRD, 1996).

43
Article 240 (1) of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana states that Ghana shall have a system of local

government and administration which shall, as far as practicable, be decentralized The

provision gave the legal backing to the decentralization programme, which had been initiated in

Ghana in 1988 by recognizing the survival of decentralization process in Ghana. (Chapter 20) of

the constitution is devoted to decentralization and local government (article 240 to 256).

The 1992 Constitution of Ghana provides in Article 240 (1) (d) and (e) that:

(d) As far as practicable, persons in the service of local government shall be subject to the

effective control of local authorities and (e) to ensure the accountability of local government

authorities, people in particular local government areas shall, as far as practicable, be afforded

the opportunity to participate effectively in their governance.

The 1992 constitution of the Republic of Ghana, in Chapter six Directive Principles of State

Policy- Article 36 (2) (c) also states The State shall , in particular take all necessary steps to

ensuring that individuals (citizens) and the private sector bear their fair share of social and

national responsibilities including responsibilities to contribute to the overall development of the

country. Articles 41 sub-sections h, i & k call for the citizens to actively engage in the nation-

building process;

Per Article 41, the application and enjoyment of rights and freedoms is inseparable from the

performance of duties and obligations, and accordingly, it shall be the duty of every citizen:

(h) To contribute to the well-being of the community where that citizen lives;

(i) To defend Ghana and render national service when necessary;

(j) To co-operate with lawful agencies in the maintenance of law and order; and

44
(k) To declare his income honestly to the appropriate and lawful agencies and to satisfy all tax

obligations.

The above dictates therefore necessitate the citizens to act appropriately among others to make

the decentralization process prosperous in his/her community. The purpose of the

decentralization framework is to deepen political, administrative and fiscal decentralization in

Ghana and to reiterate the government commitment to the policy of decentralization in

concurrence with citizens participation. To achieve the decentralization programme, the process

operates through constitutional mandated local government structures, personalities, and

management. The district assemblies therefore have the office of the District Chief Executive

(DCE), elected and appointed Assembly Members (AMs) and the Unit Committees (UCs) at the

very bottom of the structure. According to Local Government Act 462, 1993: Article 20(3) (b);

the DCE shall be responsible for the day-to-day performance of the executive and administrative

functions of the Assembly. This establishment has made the DCE a unique personality in the

execution and the realization of the goals of the decentralization process.

According to the above provisions in the Legislative Instrument 1589 and the Local Government

Act 462, 1993, the sub-district structures were established to promote participatory democracy

where local people (citizens) will be encouraged to get involved in decision-making process of

their localities. The role of the chief is however limited due to the above provisions.

The PNDC governments initiative in reform of decentralization started in 1988 with the

promulgation of PNDC Law 207. The 1992 Constitution and the various legislations on

decentralization have been able to express the obvious objectives of the decentralization such as

accountability, empowerment, participation, effectiveness, efficiency, responsiveness, and

45
decongestion of the national capital and the scrutiny of the rural-urban drift (Ayee & Amponsah,

2002).

Crook, (2003) states that Ghanas District Assemblies introduced in 1989 under military rule,

were successful in enhancing electoral participation and giving access and representation to

normally excluded groups, such as the uneducated, farmers, traders and artisans. However, the

system has been shown not to be responsive to the needs and aspirations of local people. Reason

is that power has been decentralized to the district level all right but has been recentralized and

is in the control of the bureaucrats and political appointees. From the above, the irrelevance of

traditional authorities comes to mind here since the decentralization system does not need them

to play a major role in bringing about development.

2.8. Conclusion

The decentralization process in Ghana has two main legs, those of central government and local

government at the district level. Article 240 (1) of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana states that

Ghana shall have a system of local government and administration which shall, as far as

practicable, be decentralized. Chapter 22 of 1992 Constitution warrants the institution of

chieftaincy, together with its traditional councils as recognized by customary law and usage. The

constitutional provisions reflect the importance of traditional governance in modern democratic

governance and plainly warranted the inclusion of the institution in any address on nation

building and development.

Chiefs have been found as agents of development at the local level who must work in partnership

with local government system to promote development. Chiefs have initiated development

46
projects which have been beneficial to many people in such communities. However, the modern

system fails to see the relevance of chiefs as very eminent in local level development.

It is evident that traditional authorities are relevant to development but their relevance is not

acknowledged by the modern state of decentralization. The traditional authority system is

waning out in this 21st century and unless assimilated in government policies, the future may

appreciate little or no relevance of these traditional institutions.

The push of this chapter has been the views of concepts of Traditional Authorities, Efforts of

traditional authorities in development, decentralization and development. However, a

relationship has been exposed that collaboration is the means to a common goal and hence, the

integration of the two systems appears possible.

CHAPTER THREE

PROFILE OF THE STUDY AREA

3.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter focuses on the Municipality within which this research was carried out. The

emphasis includes; Geographical Location, Size and Physical Features, demographic

Characteristics, Nationality, Literacy and education, Economic Activity Status, Occupation,

Employment status and sector, Political administration, social and cultural structures and

information on the communities.

47
3.1 Geographical Location, Size and Physical Features

The Ejisu-Juaben Municipality lies within Latitudes 1o 15 N and 1o 45 N and Longitude 6o 15

W and 7o 00 W, occupying a land area of 582.5 km2. The Municipality lies in central part of the

Ashanti Region, sharing boundaries with six Districts in the Region. The Districts are Sekyere

East and Afigya Kwabre to the Northeast and North-West respectively; the Bosomtwi and

Asante Akim South Districts to the South; the Asante Akim North to the East and the Kumasi

Metropolis to the West. The district capital is sited at Ejisu.

The Municipality has bi-modal rainfall pattern. The major rainfall period begins from March to

July with average annual rainfall of 1,200 mm1,500 mm per year. The minor rainfall period

also begins in September and tapers off in November with an average minor annual rainfall of

900 mm-1,120 mm per year. December to February is usually dry, hot and dusty. Mean annual

temperatures in the Municipality are lowest around 25o C in August and highest around 32o C in

March. Relative humidity is moderate but quite high during the rainy season.

The Municipality lies in the semi-deciduous forest zone of Ghana. The flora and fauna is diverse

and composed of different species of both economic and ornamental tree species with varying

heights and game and wildlife. The Bobiri Forest Reserve for example is renowned for its

butterfly species, greenery and varied flora and fauna.

The topography of the Municipality area is generally undulating, dissected by plains and slopes

with heights ranging between 240 metres and 300 metres above sea level. The geology of the

Municipality is precambrian rocks of the Birimian and Tarkwaian formations that is generally

suitable for agriculture. The soils include the associations of the Kumasi-Offin, Bomso-Offin,

Kobeda-Esshiem-Oda, Bekwai-Oda Compound, and Juaso-Mawso Compounds.

48
The Oda, Anum, Bankro, Hwere and Baffoe Rivers are the major rivers in the area. These rivers

flow continually throughout the year and it is used for both domestic and agricultural purposes.

An example is the Anum River Valley used for irrigation rice production at Nobewam.

The natural environment of the Municipality abounds in tourism potentials. The potentials

include the beautiful Bobiri Forest Reserve now famous for its butterfly sanctuary. Others are the

Ejisu-Besease Shrine, the Yaa Asantewaa Museum and festival, Kente weaving at Bonwire, the

Bafoso River sacred fishes among others. Other notable public places in the Municipality area

includes the Anyano sacred tree at the frontage of the Palace in Akyawkrom, the Tano Shrine

(declared a national monument) in Asawasi and the Ntonti Rocks in Okyerekrom. There are

three (3) hotels, eighteen (18) Guest Houses, and Nine (9) Restaurants within the Municipality

area.

3.2 Demographic Characteristics

3.2.1 Population Size, Structure and Composition.

The population of Municipality, according to the 2010 Population and Housing Census, is

143,762 representing 3.0 percent of the regions total population. Males constitute 68,648

(47.8%) male and females represent 75,114 (52.2%). The majority 72.5 percent of the population

is rural. The Municipality has a sex ratio of 91.4. The sex ratio of the Municipality is lower than

the regional average of 94. The population of the Municipality is youthful (50.7%) depicting a

broad base population pyramid which tapers off with a small number of elderly persons (5.1%).

49
The total age dependency ratio for the Municipality is 81.4, the age dependency ratio for males is

higher (86.2) than that of females (77.2).

3.2.2 Fertility, Mortality and Migration

The Total Fertility Rate for the Municipality is 3.4. The General Fertility Rate is 103.4 births per

1000 women aged 15-49 years. The Crude Birth Rate (CBR) is 26.2 per 1000 population. The

crude death rate for the Municipality is 6.2 per 1000. There is a slight difference in mortality

between males and females, with males recording relatively higher deaths than females from

birth to about age 44 years. Accident/violence/homicide/suicide accounted for 13.5 percent of all

deaths while other causes constitute 86.5 percent of deaths in the Municipality. Majority of

migrants (53.4 percent) living in the Municipality were born in another region while 58.4 percent

were born elsewhere in the Ashanti Region. For migrants born in another region, those born in

Eastern Region constitute 6.0 percent followed by Brong Ahafo with 5.9 percent and Central

regions 5.6 percent.

3.2.3 Household Size, Composition and Structure

The Municipality has a household population of 141,177 with a total number of 33,078

households. The average household size in the Municipality is 4.1 persons per household.

Children constitute the largest proportion of the household members accounting for (44.6%

males and 41.0% females). Spouses form about 9.8 percent. Nuclear households (head, spouse(s)

and children) constitute 28.6 percent of the total number of households in the Municipality.

50
3.3 Nationality, Literacy and Education

The proportion of Ghanaians by birth in the Municipality is 96.3 percent. Those who have

naturalised constitute 0.5 percent and the non-Ghanaian population in the Municipality is 1.6

percent. For those of 11 years and above, 87.7 percent are literate and 15.3 percent are non-

literate. The proportion of literate males is higher than that of females. Seven out of ten people

(73.1%) indicated they could read and write both English and Ghanaian languages. Of the

population aged 3 years and above in the Municipality, 12.9 percent has never attended school,

42.9 percent are currently attending and 44.2 percent have attended in the past.

3.4 Economic Activity Status, Occupation, Employment Status and Sector

Most people in the Municipality engage in agriculture, commerce, services, and industry.

Analysis of the 2010 Population and Housing Census show that while agriculture employs about

62.5 percent of the working population, commerce and services employs about 31.7 percent. The

remaining 6.8 percent of the populace are engaged in industry. The structure confirms results

obtained from a survey carried out on 400 people sampled in four (4) selected Area Councils

(Ejisu, Juaben, Bomfa-Adumasa and Onwe) to determine the occupational distribution of the

population. There are two main types of agricultural practice namely; crop farming (food and

cash crops farming) and animal husbandry. Most households practice a mixture of the two.

Majority of farmers (more than 90%) are food crop farmers (2010 Population and Housing

Census). The service sector includes banking, hospitality, tourism, car repairs and washing,

communication, ICT, etc.

51
About 70.3 percent of the population aged 15 years and older are economically active while 29.7

per cent are economically not active. Of the economically active population, 93.4 percent are

employed while 6.6 percent are unemployed. For those who are economically not active, a larger

percentage of them are students (52.8%), 20.0% perform household duties and 5.0 percent are

disabled or too sick to work. A little below seven out of ten (66.0%) unemployed are seeking

work for the first time. Of the employed population, about 36.1 percent are engaged as skilled

agricultural, forestry and fishery workers, 24.3 percent in service and sales, 17.1 percent in craft

and related trade, and 10.6 percent are engaged as managers, professionals, and technicians.

Of the population 15 years and older 64.3 percent are self-employed without employees, 5.9

percent are contributing family workers, 2.4 percent are casual workers and 0.6 percent are

domestic employees (house helps). Overall, men constitute the highest proportion in each

employment category except the contributing family workers and apprentices. The private

informal sector is the largest employer in the Municipality, employing 86.9 percent of the

population followed by the public sector with 6.6 percent. As high as 47.0 percent of households

in the Municipality are engage in agriculture. In the rural localities, a little more than five out of

ten households (56.5%) are agricultural households while in the urban localities, 23.9 percent of

households are into agriculture. Most households in the Municipality (96.2%) are involved in

crop farming. Poultry (chicken) is the dominant animal reared in the Municipality.

3.5 Political Administration, Social and Cultural Structure

The Municipality has a sub-structure made-up of nine (9) zonal Councils with one-hundred and

thirty-five (135) memberships. It is further subdivided into 47 electoral areas. The Assembly has

52
68 Assembly members made up of 47 elected and 21 appointed members. The Municipality has

two constituencies and two Members of Parliament, who are members of the Assembly without

the right to vote. The Municipal Chief Executive is the Political Head and works directly under

the political and administrative jurisdiction of the Regional Minister. The Municipal

Coordinating Director is the administrative head of the district and is responsible for the day to

day management of the district.

The Municipality is ethnically homogenous with Akans as the overwhelming majority (82%).

Tribes of northern extraction account for about nine percent while Ewes (5.4%) and Gas (1%)

make up the remaining 6.4 percent (2010 Population and Housing Census). The Municipality has

two paramount areas namely, the Juaben Traditional Area and the Ejisu Traditional Area. All the

people in the Municipality owe allegiance to the golden stool of the Asante kingdom, of which

the Asantehene is the overlord.

3.6 Traditional Authority, Customs and Some Development Projects in Ejisu-Juaben

The Land in Ashanti region is the reserve of the Asantehene Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, who all

paramount chiefs and sub-chiefs pay allegiance to. He is the main administrator of all stool lands

but delegates some power to local chiefs in their various communities. All chiefs in the District

are part of the Ejisu-Jauben Traditional Council and this council meets with Otumfuo on every

Monday to discuss matters both of traditional concern and about development. These chiefs are

mostly farmers who also engage in sole proprietorship businesses. For instance; the chief of

Besease is a cocoa farmer, the chief of Onwe also engages in sachet water production aside

farming, the chief of Kwamo is business oriented who is currently building a shopping mall. The

53
chief of Tikrom is deceased and a Krontihene is acting in his stead till a new chief is enstooled.

The queen mother appoints a successor based on the lineage and if accepted, the Asantehene

formally leads the community to perform necessary rites to grant him the legitimacy to

chiefdom. If the appointee is not accepted by the council, a new appointment is done based on

merits and lineage of succession. However, these non-farm activities complement their efforts to

promote development by providing employment for local people.

The current paramount chief is a United Kingdom based sales manager, Mr Kwadwo Frimpong

(under the stool name Nana Afrane Okese IV). He replaced late Nana Aboagye Agyei II who

died in 2008. The people of Ejisu are predominantly craft men and women. Thus, those around

Dumakwai, whiles those around Ejisu combine theirs with petty traders. There are two main

paramount seats in the district; Ejisumanhene and Juabemanhene. It is known for a fact that

every traditional area has its taboo date. Such days are used for communal labour. Juaben has

Tuesdays, whiles Ejisu has Sundays.

Some of the festivals celebrated include; Akwasidae, Awukudae, and Fofie. These days are

observed as sacred ones. There has also been the introduction of the Yaa Asantewaa festival

which was created and celebrated in the first week of August 2006 and to be celebrated every

two years in the district.

Since 2006, these are some development attempts by the Government of Ghana, District

Assemblies and the chiefs: Onwe small town water project, GT mast at juaben, Overhead water

project, juaben, Water closet toilet facility-juaben, Ejisu SECTEC KVIP, Seater aqua privy

toilet-Sape (HIPC), Library facility at Achinakrom, Apromoase Government Hospital, Boarding

house at Achinakrom, 6 unit classroom block at Kwaso, Anglican primary school at Juaben, 6

unit classroom block at Edwinase, new road near completion at ejisu, 6 unit classroom block at

54
Apromoase, small town and community watrer project at Onwe- Ejisu, Nurses quarters at

Fumesua, Health centre at Fumesua, Market centre at Ejisu, Model school kitchen- Ejisu, District

assembly model school- Ejisu, 6 unit classroom block headmasters office, staff common room

at Fumesua, 6 unit classroom block- Ejisu Senior High School, 3 unit classroom block, library

and store- Presby school,Ejisu. Buama-Dumasi market (VIP-DACF), Onwe primary school

(GOG-EU), Kwaso clinic (EU-GOG), Ejisu Juaben fire service station renovation (DACF), Ejisu

magistrate court (DACF).

3.7 The Communities

There are about thirty communities in the municipality and Kwamo, Besease, Tikrom and Onwe

are the main study areas of the research.

The table below shows twenty (20) communities captured by the 2010 population census in these

towns by sex, number of households and houses in the Communities.

Table 3.7.1 Population of the communities by sex, number of households and houses
indicating the study areas (In bold italics)

No. Name Total Male Female Households Houses

1 Ejisu 12,898 6,146 6,752 3,191 1,238

55
2 Juaben 9,085 4,314 4,771 2,176 1,199
3 Fumesua 6,187 2,928 3,259 1,565 537
4 Bonwire 5,983 2,799 3,184 1,405 625
5 Kwamo 5,412 2,612 2,800 1,325 628
6 Besease 4,673 2,193 2,480 1,170 476
7 Kwaso 4,427 2,073 2,354 986 484
8 Onwe 4,343 1,956 2,387 1,028 438
9 Nobewam 3,940 1,878 2,062 952 485
10 Adumasa 3,350 1,638 1,712 782 371
11 Adarko 3,281 1,621 1,660 672 410
Jachie
12 Essieninpong 3,275 1,539 1,736 704 410
13 Achiase 3,115 1,462 1,653 711 474
14 Donyina 2,978 1,387 1,591 720 368
15 Achinakrom 2,858 1,269 1,589 624 382
16 Krapa 2,764 1,330 1,434 700 297
17 Tikrom 2,685 1,278 1,407 523 297
18 New 2,554 1,265 1,289 655 382
Koforidua
19 Akyawkrom 2,477 1,092 1,385 561 241
20 Amoam- 2,353 1,112 1,241 550 234
Achiase
Source: Authors construct

56
CHAPTER FOUR

4.0 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

4.1 DEVELOPMENTAL ROLE AND RELEVANCE OF TRADITIONAL

AUTHORITIES.

The relevance of a chief who is the leader of traditional authorities was found to be very crucial

in the communities visited. All of the respondents (100%) affirmed the necessity of a chief in

their community as well as a majority (98%) of the respondents saw the chief as very important

in addressing the issues concerning their welfare. With regards to this, 99% of the respondents

said that the chieftaincy which is the traditional authorities should continue to exist (Table 4.1).

This relevance of the traditional authorities to the community members is however attributed to

some reasons of which they value the traditional authorities especially the chief for (Table 4.2).

Amongst these is the fact that the chiefs are the custodians of the lands and they help in

community development which is to the benefit of the society members. Also because of peace

and security and for progress in communities as well as the cultural, political, religious and

historical factors associated with the presence of the chiefs.

57
Table 4.1 Respondents perception about the relevance of Traditional Authorities

Variable Response (%)

Relevance of Traditional Authorities Yes No

Do you think chiefs are necessary in your community? 100 -

Are Chiefs important for your welfare? 98 2

Should chieftaincy continue to exist? 99 1

Table 4.1.2 Reasons why People value chiefs

Reason Frequency Percentage

Chiefs are the custodians of land and culture and they are also the 79 79

fathers of their communities for general social order

Because of peace and security and for progress in communities 8 8

Cultural, political, religious and historical factors 13 13

Total 100 100

Source: Field Survey, March 2016

58
Figure 4.1.2: Reasons why People value chiefs

Reasons why people value chiefs

13
8

79

They are custodians of land and culture

Ensure peace and security
Cultural, political, religious and historical factors

According to Adjaye and Misawa (2006), the chief was the political, social, economic, legal and

military head of the traditional state. The study reveals that this is still much the case in the rural

areas as the modern state and its presence in these areas is not much felt like the traditional

system thereby living most community problems in the communities to be solved by chiefs.

59
Table 4.1.3 Possible roles of chiefs in community development

Possible roles Frequency Percentage

By making land available for development projects and other 65 65

benefits to their people

Promoting peace and security in their communities 8 8

Cooperating with and lobbying development partners for assistance 23 23

Total 100 100

Source: Field Survey, March 2016

4.1.4 Making land available for development projects and other benefits

According to the people, no human activity and for that matter development can take place

without land. Land in the communities is accordingly vested in the hands of the chiefs. Since the

chiefs are the custodians of the land, any development requiring the use of land must therefore

seek approval from the chiefs. If a conflict of interest arise in the use of the land, or the chief

even refuses to offer land for projects that are meant to benefit his people, then the whole project

will be brought to a standstill or even carried away from that community. Results of the study

showed that 65% of the respondents agreed to the fact that the chiefs make land available for

developmental projects.

60
What the refusal of a chief to offer land for development means is that the people will be denied

the opportunity of employment and other benefits associated with such a project. The readiness

of chiefs to make land available for development projects and other benefits to their people was

therefore seen as one of the crucial ways by which chiefs will be contributing their quota to

community development at the local level. The district assemblies and the chiefs also shared this

view. Upon interviewing the Chiefs of the community, the issue of issuing lands for community

development was mentioned as one of their major roles in the society now.

Lands are still in our hands and we decide to give them out when the government needs them

for community development. Sometimes the government buys them which we call government

lands, other times negotiations go on to only do something for the community (schools,

hospitals). If they want to use the land to our benefit, we give them the land and they give us

something to compensate for it-Nana Akoten Asamoah (Tikrom Community).

.. We have the lands in our possession, we give them free to the government when they want to

do something to benefit us as a community- Nana Acheampong III (Besease Community)

4.1.5 Promoting peace and security

Security, in which ever society one finds himself or herself is the bedrock to which development

and general well-being of the citizen is anchored. The presence of insecurity is a classic case of

potential conflicts and underdevelopment, which go a long way to undermine the welfare of the

people. From the study, it was found out that most of the conflicts were traditional authorities

related. It was either about land disputes which the chiefs superintend over or disputes between

different chieftaincy gates or at least a dispute over which the chiefs could easily resolve to

61
maintain law and order in their communities. Subsequently, from the study, 8% of the people

maintained that the chiefs played major roles in maintaining peace and security in their

communities which is a prerequisite for community development.

4.1.6 Cooperating with and lobbying development partners for assistance

Cooperation has become a global weapon for individuals and countries in solving their

development needs and thereby reducing poverty to improve upon their wellbeing. This view

was also held by the people interviewed. From the survey, 23% of the people indicated that

chiefs help in bringing development by cooperating with partners anytime this is necessary. This

implies that the chiefs necessarily contribute positively to community development.

4.2 INVOLVEMENT OF TRADITIONAL AUTHORITIES BY DISTRICT ASSEMBLIES

IN DEVELOPMENT

The objective here was to find out whether the District Assemblies and the Traditional

Authorities were mutually exclusive or both needed to complement each other in order to deliver

development to the people in the most desired form. Thus, the research was also interested in

finding out whether the modern state consulted chiefs in implementing its policies and whether

this consultation was necessary and if so the benefits. The respondents were asked to indicate

62
between the traditional system of governance and that of the modern state the one they depend

on for their welfare or whether they depended on both. Below is a figure showing the response.

Figure 4.2: Type of governance system depended on by the people

Type of Governance System

90
80 77
70
60
% of respondents

50
40
30
20 15
8
10
0
Traditional Modern Both
System of Governance

Source: Field Survey, March 2015

Table 4.2.1 Reasons for people depending on both systems of governance

Reason Frequency Percentage

Both systems complement each other and are therefore necessary 46 59.7

Comparative advantage in problem solving 18 23.4

Demands of the social system 13 16.9

63
Total 77 100

Source: Field Survey, March 2016

The above three reasons were the major ones advanced by those who believed that there was the

need for some form of interdependence between the modern state and the chieftaincy institution.

These three reasons are now elaborated on below.

i. Both systems complement each other and are therefore necessary

The people believed that it was necessary for the development of their communities because

chiefs help in maintaining local security and this can enhance good governance. They also felt

that when government wants to provide schools and other amenities to their communities, there

is the need for chiefs to give their support by offering land. Additionally, when chiefs actively

support development projects, it can go a long way to encourage participation which can lead to

project sustainability. From the survey, 59.7% of the people believed that the two systems

complement each other.

ii. Comparative advantage in problem solving

Some of the respondents also indicated that some of their needs were best served by the modern

state whiles others were best solved by the traditional system. According to them, the modern

state had the money to provide schools, clinics, potable water and electricity among others

whereas their chiefs are not in a better position to do this. On the other hand too they contended

that when it comes to judging communal disputes, the chief palace was accessible and fast. This

64
was especially good for them in cases of spiritual matters such as the accusation of witchcraft in

the community.

It was also indicated among other things that spiritual matters such as praying for the community

is normally not tackled by the modern state and so it was necessary for the traditional system to

do that. Therefore, 23.4% of the respondents said that those things that can be best tackled by the

modern state should be left to it whiles those that can also be best solved by the traditional

system should be left to it. To them, when this happens, the problems of the people can be

tackled holistically.

iii. Demands of the social system

As indicated earlier, Ghana practices a dual system of governance and both were considered

necessary, as this view was expressed by the respondents. From the survey, 16.9% of these

people said that the traditional system precedes the modern system and that there was the need

for both to coexist because of the benefits the people derive from these two systems. They

indicated that the modern state was very good because of the numerous development benefits

associated with it. They also however maintained that the stark reality was that they could not do

without chieftaincy in the communities because any attempt to do so could create a governance

vacuum in the country and this could lead to social disharmony and underdevelopment.

65
Table 4.2.2 The need for the involvement of Traditional Authorities by District Assemblies

Variables Response (%)

Yes No

Traditional authorities still have control over community development 100 0

with modern decentralisation?

Chiefs are important in the development process of the community 100 0

District Assemblies involve Chiefs in on-going developmental projects 100 0

Total

Source: Field Survey, March 2016

From Table 4.6, it shows that the District Assemblies involve chiefs in non-going developmental

projects and the respondents recognize that chiefs are important in the development process of

the community. Moreover, traditional authorities still have control over community development

with modern decentralisation.

Some chiefs raised the concern that they are very important as an entity for community

development therefore, they cannot be left out by the District Assemblies.

They must work with us said Nana Asokwa Danka. We have the land and the people so we

need to partner with the government who has the money. We sustain the project since they

consult us and it is very necessary to partner with the government to bring about development.

66
It is relevant that they should involve us in their projects. We are at the grassroots. We know

our need. Dumping the project on us wont help. Partnership must ensure that the people are

involved. They must know that we have the right to question them- Nana Akoten Asamoah.

4.3 CHALLENGES FACED BY TRADITIONAL AUTHORITIES IN MODERN GHANA.

Traditional Authorities lead by the chief, face challenges due to the decentralisation. From the

survey, three problems were identified; financial constraints, issues of land disputes, and issues

with mobilization of community members to undertake communal labour works.

From the interviews granted to the four principal chiefs of the four communities understudied,

the issue of financial resources seems to be a major problem that runs through the traditional

authority sets in the communities aside the issue of mobilisation of community members for

communal labours as well as the issue of land dispute. The challenge they face has not got to do

with not being able to exercise authority over their jurisprudence nor being able to partner with

the District Assemblies to carry out projects which has been the perception all this while. From

the study the issue of financing has been the biggest challenge of the traditional authorities.

Some interviews granted indicated this phenomenon.

Our rights and authority is still on the lands. Government sometimes interferes but our power is

mainly on lands. However monetary challenge and how to seek for united ideas from citizens are

our challenges- Nana Akoten Asamoah (Tikrom)

There are some issues but the pressing one is that we need support- financial support- Nana

Asokwa Danka (Onwe)

67
For us in the Besease community financial problem and mobilization of members and other

resources are our challenges. Though we need the District Assemblies to sit with us so we tell

them our needs, we need money the most- Nana Acheampong III (Besease)

Financial constraint is my major challenge as a Chief here that I face. Also community

members failure to participate in communal labour and the issues of land disputes is also at an

alarming rate where people sell lands which I have not even demarcated- Nana Owusu Nyanin

(Kwamo)

4.4 RIGHTS AND AUTHORITIES OF TRADITIONAL LEADERS AND THEIR

EXECUTION IN MODERN DAY GHANA.

Traditional authorities who are the custodians of the lands and communities have in a way some

power and authority vested in them to exercise their authorities over the jurisprudence in which

they live in or serve as leaders. From the quantitative data obtained, Chiefs though they live in a

modern Ghana of decentralised system of government, they are still viewed to have some rights

and authorities vested in them. All of the community members as well as the six District

Assembly officials forming 100% attested to the fact that traditional authorities still have rights

and exercise some sought of authority in their communities (Table 4.7). However, majority of

the respondents (95%) responded in the affirmative that the District Assemblies despite the

power vested in them to handle community development still respect the views of the traditional

authorities. This was said to be mainly done through engaging the traditional authorities anything

there was a developmental project was to be commenced. Also the chiefs served as their advisors

on some occasions. With the advent of the decentralization process the rights and authorities of

Chiefs have not changed much. They still exercise the right and authority over the lands that are

68
vested in them which are the stool lands and in the development of their area. Upon interviewing

the chiefs who are the key players to be affected by the advent of decentralization, the outcome

per this study was the opposite. Most of these chiefs have not been affected negatively.

The execution of these rights and authorities are through making of laws for the community,

punishes offenders of the laws of the community, find solutions to problems in the community

and ownership and sell the lands in the community (Table 4.8).

With the advent of decentralization nothing has really changed. I perform my role as a chief

and as such I have right and authority in the development of my area. I exercise these rights

and authority as a sitting chief of this community. People recognise me as a leader and hence I

am given the due respect and my order is seriously taken- Nana Owusu Nyanin (Kwamo)

Table 4.4 Traditional Authorities and their rights and authorities

Variable Response (%)

Rights and Authorities of Chiefs Yes No

Chiefs have rights and authority in the community 100 0

Chiefs exercise their rights and authorities in the community 100 0

District Assemblies respect the rights of the Traditional Authorities 95 5

Source: Field Survey, March 2016

69
Table 4.5 Traditional Authorities and how they execute their rights

Variable Response (%)

How Chiefs Exercise their rights Yes No

Make laws for the community 100 0

He punishes offenders of the law 98 2

Finds solutions to problems in the community 95 5

He owns and sells the lands in the community 100 0

Source: Field Survey, March 2016

Figure 4.5: Traditional Authorities and how they execute their rights

Response on how chiefs exercise their rights and authority

120 Yes
100 98 95 100
100 No
% of respondents

80
60
40
20 5
0 2 0
0
Make laws for the He punishes Finds solutions to He owns and sells
community offendors of the law problems in the the lands in the
community community

Mode of Exercising rights and authority

70
CHAPTER FIVE

5.0 MAJOR FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Introduction

In the previous chapter, a presentation and analysis of the surveyed data were made. Specific

attention was on the major objectives which includes; the developmental role of Traditional

Authorities, their involvement by District Assemblies in on-going development projects, the

challenges they face in bringing about development and the extent to which their right and

authorities are exercised in development of their communities in modern day Ghana.

This chapter recaps the principal findings from the data analysed. The chapter also contains

conclusion as well as the recommendations which have been put forth in response to the general

findings of this work.

5.2 Major Findings

5.2.1 Developmental role of the Chief in modern decentralization

Making land available for development projects and cooperating with development partners for

assistance. Land in the communities is accordingly vested in the hands of the chiefs. Since the

chiefs are the custodians of the land, any development requiring the use of land must therefore

seek approval from the chiefs. Results of the study showed that 65% of the respondents agreed to

the fact that the chiefs make land available for developmental projects. Chiefs are always willing

to make land available for development projects and other benefits to their people. This is

therefore seen as one of the crucial ways by which chiefs will be contributing their quota to

community development at the local level. From the survey, 23% of the people indicated that

71
chiefs help in bringing development by cooperating with partners anytime this is necessary. This

implies that the chiefs necessarily contribute positively to community development.

5.2.2 Type of governance system depended on by the people

It was found out that both systems complement each other and are therefore necessary. The

people believed that it was necessary for the development of their communities because chiefs

help in maintaining local security and this can enhance good governance. They also felt that

when government wants to provide schools and other amenities to their communities, there is the

need for chiefs to give their support by offering land. Additionally, when chiefs actively support

development projects, it can go a long way to encourage participation which can lead to project

sustainability. From the survey, 59.7% of the people believed that the two systems complement

each other. There is also a comparative advantage in problem solving. 23.4% of the respondents

said that those things that can be best tackled by the modern state should be left to it whiles those

that can also be best solved by the traditional system should be left to it.

From the survey, 16.9% of these people said that the traditional system precedes the modern

system and that there was the need for both to coexist because of the benefits the people derive

from these two systems. They indicated that the modern state was very good because of the

numerous development benefits associated with it. They also however maintained that the stark

reality was that they could not do without chieftaincy in the communities

72
5.3 The need for the involvement of Traditional Authorities by District Assemblies

From the survey, there were 100% responses in affirmation of the need for the involvement of

Chiefs. Traditional authorities still have control over community development. Chiefs were also

seen as very important in the development process of the community as 100% attested to this

fact. It was generally confirmed by 100% of respondents that District Assemblies involve Chiefs

in on-going developmental projects. Chiefs themselves confirmed this in our interviews.

5.4 Challenges faced by Traditional Authorities in their quest to initiate development

From the interviews granted to the four principal chiefs of the four communities understudied,

the issue of financial resources seems to be a major problem that runs through the traditional

Authority sets in the communities aside the issue of mobilisation of community members for

communal labours as well as the issue of land dispute.

Financial constraint is my major challenge as a Chief here that I face. Also community

members failure to participate in communal labour and the issues of land disputes is also at an

alarming rate where people sell lands which I have not even demarcated- Nana Owusu Nyanin

(Kwamo). Though we need the District Assemblies to sit with us so we tell them our needs, we

need money the most- Nana Acheampong III (Besease).

5.5 The extent to which Chiefs exercise their rights and authority

From the quantitative data obtained, Chiefs though they live in a modern Ghana of decentralised

system of government, they are still viewed to have some rights and authorities vested in them.

All of the community members as well as the six District Assembly officials forming 100%

73
attested to the fact that traditional authorities still have rights and exercise some sought of

authority in their communities. However, majority of the respondents (95%) responded in the

affirmative that the District Assemblies despite the power vested in them to handle community

development still respect the views of the traditional authorities. Upon interviewing the chiefs

who are the key players to be affected by the advent of decentralization, the outcome per this

study was the opposite. Most of these chiefs have not been affected negatively.

The execution of these rights and authorities are through making of laws for the community,

punishing offenders of the laws of the community, finding solutions to problems in the

community and ownership and sale of lands in the community.

5.5 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This research examines the relevance of traditional authorities in decentralised development in

Ghana. The outcome shows that chiefs are always willing to give out lands to the District

Assemblies to initiate developmental projects in their communities. It became clear that for

optimum development to happen, both the chiefs and the district assemblies must collaborate in

the development efforts. The major challenge of chiefs in initiating development projects are

financial constraints they face and the problem of resource mobilisation. The extent to which

they exercise their right and authority is in their control over communal lands. Chiefs are

therefore very relevant in decentralised development and the institution should be maintained.

It is recommended that a substantial portion of District Assembly Common Fund should be

allocated to chiefs to help them undertake development since they are closer to the people and

knows their needs better. Chiefs should come up with a budget outlying the purposes for the fund

74
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