Al-Ghazali of Andalus

"Al-Ghazali of al-Andalus": Ibn Barrajan, Mahdism, and the
Emergence of Learned Sufism on the Iberian Peninsula

JOS BELLVER
UNIVERSITY OF BARCELONA
Although Ibn Barrajan (d. 536/1141) was one of the foremost Sufi masters in al-
Andalus, he remains a controversial figure. He is mainly known for an accurate
prediction of the Muslim capture of Jerusalem on 583/1187, for his close rela-
tionship with the other leading Andalusian Sufi master of his time, Ibn al-'Arif
(d. 536/1141), and for his obscure death. Ibn Barrajan is not mentioned in Ibn
Bashkuwal's Silathe main source for study of the Andalusian ulema of this
timeand as a result has been taken to be an outsider among the Andalusian
ulema, one who threatened the theological and political establishment. However,
this image is distorted by the socio-political context of the time and by the pau-
city of our references. The aim of this article is to shed light on the figure of Ibn
Barrajan from a historical point of view so as to improve our understanding of the
role played by Sufism in Mahdist movements and in the political changes in the
Islamic West during the sixth/twelfth century.
INTRODUCTION
While preparing the introduction to a paper on Ibn Barrajn's prediction of the Muslim
capture of Jerusalem in which I intended to summarize the biography of this Andalusian Sufi
master from the Almoravid period, I could not help feeling that our historical view of him
as a rebellious Mahdist leader who challenged the political authority of the Almoravidswas
at odds with the quietist and pious Sufi that resonates in his works. The aim of this article is
thus to reconsider the historical data we have about Ibn Barrajan (d. 536/1141), one of the
foremost Sufis on the Iberian peninsula, whose volume and range of works ensured that he
was known in an day already as "al-Ghazl of al-Andalus." Today, however, he remains a
little-known, controversialfigurewhose writings have yet to be studied in depth.
Ibn Barrajn's hfe ran parallel to the Almoravid dominion over al-Andalus (1091-1145).
He is mainly known for an accurate prediction of the Muslim capture of Jerusalem in
583/1187, for his close relationship with the other prominent Andalusian Sufi master of
his time, Ibn al-'Arif (d. 536/1141), and for his obscure death after being summoned, along
with Ibn al-'Ârif, by the Almoravid sultan 'All b. Ysuf b. Tshufn (d. 537/1143), shortly
before the revolt of the Murldn in the Algarve (539/1144) led by Ibn Qas (d. 546/1151)
and the ascent to power of the Almohads. Ibn Barrajan is referred to in a few sources as
imm and it has been alleged that in some 130 villages the Friday sermons were read in
Author's note: I am most thankful to Maribel Fierro and James W. Morris for reading a first draft of this paper
and making extremely valuable suggestions; the comments by the anonymous reviewers and the editor, to whom I
express my gratitude, were equally very helpful. I am also indebted to the Department of Theology at Boston Col-
lege where 1 wrote most of this paper during my Beatriu de Pinos postdoctoral stay. This article has been prepared
as part of the research program "La evolucin de la ciencia en la sociedad de al-Andalus desde la Alta Edad Media
al pre-Renacimiento y su repercusin en las culturas europeas y rabes (siglos X-XV)," sponsored by the Spanish
Ministry of Education and Science (FFI2008-00234/FILO) and FEDER.
Journal of the American Oriental Society 133.4 (2013) 659

660 Journal of the American Oriental Society 133.4 (2013)
his name rather than in that of the sultan. These textual references within the context of the
revolt of the Murdn shortly after his death, along with his having been summoned by the
sultan, his trial, imprisonment, and death, have sketched a picture of a political activist, a
self-proclaimed imam, and a rebellious Mahd who challenged the political and religious
authority of his time and was eventually executed for this insubordination. '
Ibn Barrajn's summons and death took place against a background of political, eco-
nomic, and military crisis in al-Andalus caused by the Christian advance onto the peninsula
and accentuating the decline of the Almoravids during the first half of the sixth/twelfth
century. Due to Almoravid passivity in the face of the Christian threat, the Andalusian popu-
lation sought the leadership of members of the judiciary, the fuqah'.
Since the fall of the Umayyads in 422/1031 and the political instability of the mulCik
al-taw'if that followed, local power in Andalusian cities tended to concentrate around lin-
eages of important families whose members in many cases inherited posts in the judiciary.
These elites were mostly supported by the local population. At different times, and partic-
ularly during the crisis following the fall of the Almoravids (shortly after Ibn Barrajn's
death), judges stepped into the power vacuum and ruled over local populations. Hence in
order to understand the events that surrounded Ibn Barrajn's summons and imprisonment,
we should bear in mind that the power structure in al-Andalus was not only linked to the
Almoravid elite of governors and the military, but also to the power of the judiciary concen-
trated around local lineages with the endorsement of religious authority.
The aim of this article is to reconsider the historical data that we have about Ibn Barrajan
in order to debunk the currently accepted view of him as a scholar on the margins and a
rebellious political contender, since a careful reading of the sources shows this not to be
the case. I propose that the events surrounding Ibn Barrajan were a result of religious
not politicaltensions brought about by the emergence of a class of learned Sufis whose
increasing numbers of disciples were seen as a threat by the judiciary. With the spiritual and
religious authority he had acquired, Ibn Barrajan came to personify in the Islamic West of
his day an equivalent role to that of al-Ghazl in the Islamic East. These tensions resulted in
Ibn Barrajn's being tried for and found guilty of bid'a; as a mubtadi'' he was omitted from
the most important biographical work of his day, Ibn Bashkuwl's al-Sila, which erroneously
fostered the impression that he was a minor scholar, leading to a mistaken reputation to this
very day.
IBN BARRAJAN IN HISTORIOGRAPHICAL SOURCES

The treatment of Ibn Barrajan in historiographical sources has changed over time, which
has caused considerable confusion regarding his role in history. The source that is chron-
ologically closest to his lifetimethe biographical dictionary al-Sila (the main source for
our knowledge of the Andalusian ulema of this period)is silent about him. Its author, Ibn
Bashkuwl (d. 578/1183), was in his late thirties at the time of Ibn Barrajn's death and
although he wrote his biographical dictionary under both the Almoravids and the Almohads,
1. There are other cases of important Sufis being summoned for questioning by the political authority or accused
of seeking power. Abu Madyan (d. 594/1198), for instance, was summoned and died on his way to answer a number
of accusations, and Abu 1-Hasan al-Shadhill (d. 656/1258) was accused of being a Ftimid pretender. Nevertheless,
their reputations have not suffered in the same way as that of Ibn Barrajan. For Abu Madyan, see Vincent J. Cornell,
The Way of Abu Madyan: Doctrinal and Poetic Works of Abu Madyan Shu'ayb al-Husayn al-Ansri (Cambridge,
1996), 15. For Abu 1-Hasan al-Shdhill, see Vincent J. Cornell, Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroc-
can Sufism (Austin, 1998), 149.
BELLVER: "Al-Ghazli of al-Andalus" 661
he makes no reference to Ibn Barrajan. There is no evidence that Ibn Bashkuwl had a
negative view of Sufism as such; among many other indications of his (generally speaking)
favorable attitude, he included an entry on Ibn al-'ArIf praising his piety. Ibn Bashkuwl's
silence regarding Ibn Barrajan has led some scholars to suggest that Ibn Barrajan was such a
minor scholar in al-Andalus that he did not deserve mention in the most complete biographi-
cal dictionary of his time.
In the seventh century A.H., the picture of Ibn Barrajan in historiographical sources begins
to change, once the prediction of the Muslim capture of Jerusalem was fulfilled. During this
period Ibn Barrajan's reputation and those of others who suffered under the Almoravids were
restored by the Almohads, who tended to support Sufis even though they did not entirely
trust them; and the sources of this period are generally sympathetic toward Ibn Barrajan
and Sufism. Even though these historiographical sources are among those closest to Ibn
Barrajan's time, none describes him as an imam in a political sense or as a contender for
political authority, and none indicates a violent death or execution, although mention is made
that he was summoned, judged, and imprisoned on allegedly religious grounds. The reason
given for his having been summoned was the fuqah" s growing envy of Ibn al-'Ârif. These
sources include biographical dictionaries by al-Tdil, Ibn al-Abbr, Ibn al-Zubayr, and Ibn
"Âbd al-Malik al-Marrkush. There are notices of Ibn Barrajan in other biographical diction-
aries of this period, but most rely on Ibn al-Abbr.
The first mention of Ibn Barrajan in a biographical dictionary in this period was by
YQsuf al-Tdill (d. 627 or 628/1229 or 1230) in al-Tashawwuf il rijl al-tasawwuf writ-
ten ca. 617/1220,^ some eighty years after Ibn Barrajan's death and some fifty years after
Ibn Bashkuwl completed al-Sila in 564/1169. Al-Tashawwuf is a biographical dictionary
devoted to Maghribi Sufi masters of the fifth and sixth centuries A.H., and is thus sympathetic
to Sufism. Al-Tdil does not include an entry on Ibn Barrajan himself, but he mentions
Ibn Barrajan's burial in the biographical notice of the Moroccan Sufi master Ibn Hirzihim
(d. 559/1164), who played an important role in the events subsequent to Ibn Barrajn's death.
The first biographical notice completely devoted to Ibn Barrajan is found in Ibn al-Abbr's
(d. 658/1260) Takmila li-kitb al-Sila, a work begun in 631/1233, one century after Ibn
Barrajn's death. ^ This is a classic biography in the Islamic tradition, with plain references to
teachers, students, and works. There is no reference to the events surrounding Ibn Barrajn's
death or to any political interest of his. Later biographical dictionaries quote from this biog-
raphy extensively. Ibn al-Abbr supplies additional information about Ibn Barrajan in the
biographies of some of his students and disciples. In particular, Ibn al-Abbr's biography of
Ibn al-'ArIfin his dictionary of Abu 'AH al-Sadafi's students'*provides some explanation
regarding the summoning of Ibn Barrajan and Ibn al-'ArIf to Marrakesh.
This second period is completed with biographies by Ibn al-Zubayr (d. 708/1308)^ and
Ibn "Abd al-Malik al-Marrkush (d. 703/1303), although the latter is only extant through
Ibn Hajar al-'Asqaln's Lisn al-mzan.^ Ibn al-Zubayr is extremely sympathetic to Ibn
Barrajan. However, bis biography is mostly drawn from reading Ibn Barrajn's works and
provides little additional information. Ibn 'Abd al-Malik al-Marrkush provides an account
2. Ed. A. Toufic (Rabat, 1984), 156 (no. 41), 168-170 (no. 51).
3. Ed. F Codera (Madrid, 1887), 2: 559 (no. 1588), 645 (no. 1797). The work appeared under his father's name,
'Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Rijl Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahman. Entry no. 1588 was taken from MS Escorial, while
no. 1797 was taken from MS Alger.
4. VonsA-Khhar,Mu'^jamfiashbal-qdlal-immAbl'Âllal-Sadafi,ed.V.Coa&:a.(Maand, 1886), 19 (no. 14).
5. Ibn al-Zubayr, Silat al-sila, ed. E. Lvi-Provenal (Rabat, 1938), 31-33 (no. 45).
6. Ed. 'A. F Abu Ghudda (Aleppo, 2002), 5: 173-74 (no. 4761).
of Ibn Barrajan's summons, trial, death, and burial, but no reference is made to his being a
contender for political authority.
The perception of Ibn Barrajan begins to change in the seventh century A.H., with Ibn
Taymiyya's (d. 728/1328) polemics against the wahdat al-wujUd strand of Sufism. Ibn Tay-
miyya raised some concerns about Ibn Barrajan by linking him to supporters of the doctrine
in which God is both transcendent and immanent, such as Abu Tlib al-Makk (d. 386/996)
and the alleged Slimiyya. Even though Ibn Taymiyya's opinion of Ibn Barrajan was not
entirely negative, these concerns were later voiced by other scholars, such as al-Âllama Salih
b. Mahdl al-Maqbal (d. 1108/1696), and underlie the current negative view of Ibn Barrajan.
Ibn Taymiyya's student al-Dhahab (d. 748/1348) also belongs to this period: he states
that Ibn Barrajan and Ibn al-'Ârlf were summoned and imprisoned because Âli b. YOsuf
b. Tashufin feared that, like Ibn TQmart of the Almohads (d. 524/1130), they were rebelling
against him.'' To my knowledge this is the first statement to the effect that Ibn Barrajan was
imprisonednot only summonedfor political rather than religious reasons.
The last period begins in the tenth century A.H. with al-Sha'^rn (d. 973/1565). Aiming
to extol the Sufis in opposition to the jurists, al-Sha'rn states that Ibn Barrajan was con-
sidered an inim by the people; arousing envy as a result, Ibn Barrajan was brought before
the sultan and killed. ** This statement is the basis of the later scholarly view of Ibn Barrajan.
The Spanish scholar Miguel Asn Palacios (d. 1944) understood al-ShaVnl as saying that
Ibn Barrajan was imam in 130 villages.' Later, the lesuit scholar Paul Nwyia (d. 1985)
reinforced this view of Ibn Barrajan as an imm seeking political powerin his edition of
the correspondence between Ibn al-'Arf and Ibn Barrajan, he interpreted the expression "my
imm'' addressed by Ibn al-'Arif to Ibn Barrajan in the light of Asn Palacios's reading of
al-Sha"^rni. '" This view has now been qualified by scholars such as Denis Gril, who believes
that Ibn Barrajan's imamate should be understood only in a spiritual sense. ' '
Thus, the narrative we have of Ibn Barrajan is rather puzzling. He is regarded as a minor
scholar, yet during his lifetime he was known as "al-Ghazali of al-Andalus"; he is seen as a
rebellious Mahdist imm, yet his closest disciple who addressed him as imam is respectful
of established authority. A clarification of Ibn Barrajan's place in history is much needed in
order to understand the role of Sufism in Mahdist movements at the end of the Almoravid
period, as well as to widen our knowledge of the development of intellectual Sufism in al-
Andalus up to Ibn al-'Ârabi. In this regard it is important to ascertain whether Ibn Barrajan
was indeed a minor scholar and whether he sought political power and was executed as a
result. To address the first of these questions, I will examine the information in biographical
dictionaries in order to obtain a clearer image of him, and for the second I will try to estab-
lish a less contradictory narrative about his trial and death than the one we have at present.
7. Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lm al-nubal' (Beirut, 1984-1988), 20: 72-74 (no. 44).
8. This is to my knowledge the first acknowledgment that Ibn Barrajan was executed, appearing some four
centuries after his death.
9. Miguel Asn Palacios, Tres estudios sobre pensamiento y mstica hispanomusulmanes (Madrid, 1995): 222
(originally published as "El mstico Ab-l-'Abbs ibn al-'Arf de Almera y su Mahsin al-Maylis," Boletn de la
Universidadde Madrid^ [1931]: 441-58).
10. Paul Nwyia, "Note sur quelques fragments indits de la correspondance d'Ibn al-'Arf avec Ibn Barrajan,"
Hespe'ris 43 (1956): 217-21; idem. "Ras'i! Ibn al-'Arf il ashb thawrat al-murdn fi 1-Andalus," al-Abhth 27
(Beirut, 1979): 43-56.
11. Denis Gril, "La lecture suprieure du Coran," Arabica 47 (2000): 510-22, esp. 511.
BELLVER: "Al-GhazU of al-ndalas" 663
IBN BARRAJAN'S BIOGRAPHY

Abu 1-Hakam 'Âbd al-Salm b. "Âbd al-Rahmn b. Abl Rijl Muhammad b. Âbd
al-Rahmn al-Lakhmi al-Ishbl, '^ known as Ibn Barrajan and considered during his lifetime
to be "al-Ghazl of al-Andalus,"'^ was one of the foremost Sufis of al-Andalus. According
to his nisba, he lived most of his life in Seville. The biographical dictionaries provide no date
of birth, but we can assume that he was bom shortly before or around 450/1058 and therefore
lived until his mid-eighties. The presumed date of birth is based on the fact that the only
teacher of his of whom we have records, Abu 'Abd Allah b. ManzOr, '"* with whom he studied
Sahh al-Bukhr, died in Shawwl 469/May 1077. '^ In addition, the biographical dictionar-
ies do not mention his longevity, which usually means that the person in question did not
reach ninety years of age. He was a contemporary of Ibn Manzr's youngest students, such
as Abu Muhammad Âbd Allah b. YarbO' (d. 522/1128), "^ Abu Bakr Muhammad al-'Amir
(d. 532/1138),'7 Abu 1-Hasan Ynus b. Mughth (d. 532/1138),'^ and the very youngest,
Abu 1-Hasan Shurayh al-Ru"âynI (d. 539/1144). '^ Indeed, Ibn Barrajn's age is an important
factor for understanding the events that surrounded his death.
12. Additional notices on Ibn Barrajan can be found in Ibn Khallikan, Wafayt al-a'yn, ed. I. V\bbs (Beirut,
1986), 4: 230, 236-37; 7: 340; 8; 71; al-Yfi'i. Mir't al-jann (Hyderabad, 1918), 3: 267-68; al-Safad. al-Wfi
bi-l-wafayt (Beirut. 2000), 18: 260 (no. 6994); Ibn Shkir al-Kutub, Fawt al-wafayt (BQlq, 1882), 1; 274;
al-Suytl, Kitb Tabaqt al-mufassirln (Leiden, 1839), 20 (no. 58); al-Sha'rni. al-Tabaqt al-kubr (Cairo, 1315),
1; 15; al-Baghddi, Hadiyyat al-'rifin, ed. R. Bilge and M. Kemal (Istanbul, 1951), 1: col. 570; Ibn Taghrbird,
al-Nujm al-zhira (Cairo, 1929-1956), 5: 270; Ibn al-Muwaqqit, al-Sa'da al-abadiyya (Fes, 1918), 1; 106; Ibn
al-'Îmd, Shadhart al-dhahab (Beirut, n.d.), 4; 113; al-Nsirl, al-Istiqs li-akhbr duwal al-maghrib al-aqs (Casa-
blanca, 1954-1956), 2; 68-69, 184; al-Zirikl, al-A'lm (Beirut, 2002), 4: 6; HajjT Khalfa, Kashf al-iunn (Leipzig,
1835-1858), 1: 257; 2; 344, 346; 4: 22, 24, 26; 5: 38; 7: 767, 1079-80; al-Dwdi, Tabaqt al-mufassirin (Cairo,
1972), 1: 300 (no. 280); A. Faur, "Ibn Barradjn," E12, 3; 754-55; 'U. R. Kahhla, Mu'jam al-mu'allifin (Beirut,
1993), 5: 226; Carl Brockelmann, GAL, 1: 434 (559), Supp. I, 775; I. Goldziher, "Ibn Barragan," Zeitschrift der
deutschen morgenlndischen Gesellschaft 68 (1914): 544-46; Purificacin de Ia Torre, "Ibn Barrayn." Dicciona-
rio de autores y obras andalusies (DAOA), 1: 578-81 (no. 309). This Ibn Barrajan should not be confused with
his grandson of the same name (d. 627/1230) who excelled as a scholar of the Arabic language. See Ibn al-Abbar,
Takmila, 2: 646 (no. 1798); al-DhahabI, Siyar, 22: 334 (no. 205).
13. Ibn al-Abbar, Mu'jam, 20.
14. Ibn Bashkuwl. al-Sita, ed. I. al-Abyr (Beirut, 1989), 3: 803-4 (no. 1208); al-Dabbi, Bughyat al-multamis,
ed. I. al-Abyr (Beirut, 1989), 1; 75 (no. 28); al-Dhahab, Siyar, 18: 389-90 (no. 190). Ibn ManzQr and Ibn Hazm
(d. 456/1064) were masters of 'Âbd Allah b. al-'Arabi (d. 492/1099), father of the famous Mlik scholar Abu Bakr
b. al-'Arabi (d. 543/1148). In addition, Abu Bakr b. al-'Arab co-taught some of Ibn Barrajn's disciples.
15. Hassan al-Qr ("Ibn Barrajan al-Andalus wa-juhOdihi fi tafsr al-sQfi wa-'ilm al-kalm," Majallat Jmi'at
Dimashq li-l-'ulm al-iqtisdiyyat wa-l-qnniyya 23 [2007]: 363-424) believes Ibn Barrajan to have been born
before or around 455/1063, that is, five years later. This would mean that Ibn Barrajan would have begun studying
Sahlh al-Bukhri around the age of ten, if we assume that his time of study with Ibn ManzQr was long enough to be
recalled by later biographers and there was a short period of inactivity before Ibn ManzDr's death, which I think is
late. At ten years of age Ibn Barrajan would probably have been studying the Qur'an and qir'a before progressing
to hadJth. In fact, the youngest disciple of Ibn Manzr of whom we knowAbu 1-Hasan Shurayh al-Ru'ayniwas
born in 451/1059.
16. Born 444/1052-3. Ibn Bashkuwl, al-Sila, 2: 444 (no. 650). He was also one of Ibn Bashkuwal's teachers.
17. Born 446/1054. For al-'Amirl, who was a preacher in Silves and famous for his knowledge, see Ibn
Bashkuwl, al-Sila, 3: 846 (no. 1289).
18. Born 447/1055. Ibn Bashkuwl, al-Sila, 3: 985-86 (no. 1530). He was also one of Ibn Bashkuwal's teachers.
19. A leading traditionist, faqlh of the Malikl school, and celebrated preacher of the great mosque of Seville.
Ibn Hazm gave him an ijza to transmit his works on 'Zahi fiqh. Ibn Bashkuwl, al-Sila, 1; 366-67 (no. 541).
Al-Ru'aynl was one of Ibn Bashkuwal's teachers.
According to Ibn al-Abbar,^" Ibn Barrajn's family was from Ifriqiya, His grandfather,
Abu Rijl Muhammad b. "Abd al-Rahman, moved to Seville during the reign of the second
'Abbdid king 'Abbd al-Mu'tadid (r, 433-461/1042-1069). Ibn Barrajan himself is described
as belonging to the people of Seville although his origins were in Ifrqiya (wa-asluhu min
Ifriqiya); this can mean that either he was bom in Ifriqiya or that his family moved from there
shortly before his birth. Ibn Barrajn's family may have emigrated to al-Andalus during a
time of hardship in Ifriqiya known asfltnat al-ârab.^^ In 440/1048, al-Mu4zz Ibn Badis, the
Zrid ruler and vassal to the Ftimids, gave up the alliance with the Eatimids and recognized
the Âbbsids, thus establishing Sunni Islam as the official variant in the region. In response,
the Eatimids supported the invasion of Ifriqiya by Arab tribes four years later, which devas-
tated the region's agriculture and culminated with the destruction of Kairouan in 449/1057.
Ibn Barrajan preferred to live apart from people and fame,^^ and chose to reside out-
side Seville. According to Ibn al-Abbr's entry on Ibn Barrajn's student Ibn al-Mlaq
(d. 574/1178-9),^-^ Ibn Barrajan livedat least during the last part of his life when Ibn
al-Mlaq visited himin a village (qarya) in the district (iqlim) of al-Sharaf (Aljarafe),^"*
to the west of Seville in the direction of Tilyta^^ (present-day Tejada) in the district of
al-Basal. This description corresponds to the modem-day village of Albaida de Aljarafe or
Olivares, west of Seville.
Ibn al-Abbar describes Ibn Barrajan as "knowing the Qur'anic readings and hadlth, thor-
oughly versed in the science of theology (kalm) and Sufism, practicing (ma'a) asceticism,
and striving in worship." According to Ibn al-Zubayr, "he was one of the most excellent
men of the Maghrib, imm in the science of theology (kalm), in the Arabic language and
literature, knower Crif) of the Qur'anic esoteric commentary (ta'wil) as well as the exo-
teric (tafsir), an excellent, skilled, and penetrating grammarian, imm in whatever he men-
tioned without peer. He also had knowledge of arithmetic and geometry, and so forth. Erom
any science, he chose a selection and freely applied it to Sufism and esoteric science (Him
Ibn Barrajan has three extant works:

1. Tafsir Ibn Barrajan, which is known and usually catalogued as Kitb al-Irshd or
al-Irshdfi tafsir al-Qur'n.^^ Ibn Barrajn's famous prediction of the capture of Jerusalem
20. Takmila, 2: 559 (no. 1588).

21. Similar emigrations are reported during this period, although mainly to the Almeria area, because of the
fitnat al-'arab. Ibn Bashkuwal, al-Sila, 1: 214 (no. 302); 3: 871 (no. 1332). See also Ibn Bashkuwal, al-Sila, 2: 589
(no. 876) and 3: 871 (no. 1331).
22. Ibn al-Zubayr, Silat al-sila, 33 (no. 45).
23. Ibn al-Abbar, Takmila, 2: 486 (no. 1394); Hassan al-Qari, "Ibn Barrajan al-Andalus," 366.
24. For the location of the district of Aljarafe, see Jacinto Bosch Vila, La Sevilla islmica 712-1248 (Seville,
1984), 333-39.
25. A village midway between Seville and Niebla, twenty miles from both. Al-Himyar, Sifat jazirat al-Andalus
(Beirut, 1988), 128-29 (no. 121). Al-YqQt (Mu'jam al-buldn [Beirut, 1977], 4: 39) identifies it as a district of
cija in Cordoba, which seems mistaken. A number of Ibn Barrajn's disciples were from Niebla, while others like
Ibn al-Kharrat sought refuge in Niebla when civil strife broke out between the Mundiin and tii&fuqah' in 540/1145.
26. Ibn al-Zubayr, Silat al-sila, 31-33 (no. 45).
27. A critical editionof this ia/si> is currently being prepared by Yousef Casewit. Denis Gril's study of this com-
mentary (supra, n. 11 ) presents a general account of Ibn Barrajan and his works and analyzes Ibn Barrajn's spiritual
hermeneutics as revealed in his commentary to al-Ftiha and to the first verses of al-Baqara. Elsewhere, Gril com-
pares the hermeneutics of Ibn al-'Arab and Ibn Barrajan within the tradition of Sahl al-Tustarl and Ibn Masarra. See
D. Gril, "L'interprtation par transposition symbolique (i'tibr), selon Ibn Barrajan et Ibn 'Arab," in Symbolisme et
hermneutique dans la pense d'Ibn 'Arabl, ed. B. Aladdin (Damascus, 2007), 147-61. Hassan al-Qrl (supra, n. 15)
BELLVER; "Al-Ghazli of al-Andalus" 665
by Muslims in 583/1187 is found in the commentary to the beginning of al-Rm.^^ Because

of this prediction, his tafsir came to be considered as being based mainly upon the science
of letters Cîlm al-hurf) or astrology (tanjlm) and he himself therefore as a hermetic btini.
2. A second Qur'anic commentary. Mh al-hikma, which is frequently confused with the
previous tafslr.^'^ In the commentary of the initial verses of al-RUm, Ibn Barrajan states that
he has treated their content previously, which may mean that Idh al-hikma was written after
the aforementioned tafsir. Muhyi 1-Dn b. al-'ArabI refers to this commentary; "' however, on
at least one occasion he refers to Mh al-hikma when in fact he means Tafsir Ibn Barrajn,^^
so he may be confusing the two.
3. Sharh asma' Allah al-husn, in which Ibn Barrajan cites his Kitb al-Irshd at least
three times.''^
There are references to other works ascribed to Ibn Barrajan. Carl Brockelmann reports a
Tanblh al-afhm il tadabbur al-kitb wa-l-ta''arrufala l-yt wa-l-naba' al-'azim,^^ which
is another version of Tafsir Ibn Barrajn,^'^ and Ibn al-Zubayr mentions a Kitb al-Irshd
in which Ibn Barrajan tries to demonstrate the concurrence between Qur'anic verses and
Prophetic traditions drawn from Muslim. ^^ This latter work as described does not appear to
have survived.
As noted above, Ibn Barrajan cites a Kitb al-Irshd in his Sharh asma' Allah al-husn.
Since he states in his introduction to Tafsir Ibn Barrajan that it was composed after his
commentary on the names of God,^^ Kitb al-Irshd and the Tafsir seem indeed to be differ-
ent works. This is corroborated by a marginal annotation in a copy of the Tafsir noting the
order of composition of his works; Kitb al-Irshd is first, followed by Sharh Asma' Allah
al-husn, followed by the Tafsir.^'' Mh al-hikma may thus be his last work, as a follow-up
to his first tafsir.
Finally, in addition to these works there is a reference to a work entitled 'Ayn al-yaqln.
The reference is found in al-'Âlam al-shmikh fi Ithr al-haqq 'ala l-b' wa-l-mash'ikh
by the Yemeni scholar Slih b. Mahd al-Maqbal,-"* who reprints a fatwa by Ibn KhaldOn
(d. 808/1406) in which this work by Ibn Barrajan, among others, is condemned to fire. This
describes the Tafsir's methodology as based on a close reading of the Qur'an and hadith. He aims to correct the gen-
eral view of Ibn Barrajan as a btini Sufi and to place him inside the boundaries of the mainstream Islamic tradition.
28. See Jos Bellver, "Ibn Barragan and Ibn 'Arabi on the Prediction of the Capture of Jerusalem in 583/1187
by Saladin," Arabica 61 (2013), forthcoming.
29. For a preliminary description of this tafsir, see Amina Gonzlez-Costa, "Un ejemplo de hermenutica
suf del Corn en al-Andalus: El comentario cornico Idh al-hikma de Ibn Barrayn (m. 536/1141) de Sevilla,"
in Historia del Sufismo en al-Andalus, ed. A. Gonzlez-Costa and G. Ldpez-Anguita (Cordoba, 2009), 41-65.
Gonzlez-Costa is currently preparing an edition.
30. Ibid., 55-56.
31. Ibn al-'ArabI, Mawqi' al-nujm (Sidon, 2004), 132, where he traces the prediction of the conquest of Jeru-
salem to Idh al-hikma. Ibn al-'ArabT wrote Mawqi' al-nujm in 595/1199, five years after his first sojourn with
'Abd al-'AzIz al-Mahdawi. with whom he studied Ibn Barrajn's tafsir. This may mean that Ibn Barrajn's first and
major commentary catalogued as al-trshd was known under the name of Idh al-hikma, as otherwise Ibn al-'Arab
would not have mistaken it. This may help explain why Mh al-hikma seems more widespread than the number of
extant mss. would suggest.
32. Ibn Barrajan, Sharh Asma' Allah al-husn. ed. Purificacin de la Torre (Madrid, 2000).
33. MS Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek BSB-Hss Cod. Arab. 83. Only the second volume of a two-volume set is
extant, now published, ed. Muhammad al-'AdlDni (Casablanca, 2011).
34. Gril made this point in his study (supra, n. 11), 512.
35. Ibid.
36. Ibid.
37. Ibid., 513-14. The copy is MS Carullah 51 M.
38. Ed. Cairo, 1328h, 500.
same fatwa without mention of Ibn Barrajan's %yn al-yaqn, however, is also found in earlier
authors such as Burhan al-Dn Ibrahim al-Biqa*^! (d. 885/1480).-^' Hence, this reference may
be a later addition by al-Maqbali himself or by a copyist after Ibn Khaldn. Be that as it may,
since the other works mentioned in the fatwa are among the most important written by their
authors,'"' Âyn al-yaqn may refer, if not a misattribution,"*' to one of the most important
works by Ibn Barrajan.
IBN BARRAJAN, AN OUTSIDER?

The fact that Ibn Bashkuwal did not include Ibn Barrajan in his biographical dictionary
or even mention himhas fostered the impression among scholars and researchers that Ibn
Barrajan did not belong among the religious scholars of his time, or even that he was a par-
venu in the Andalusian tradition of religious scholars because of his North African origins,'*^
in short, that he was an isolated and minor figure. Ibn Barrajan did choose to live a discreet
life, keeping his distance from the pageantry of the class of religious scholars of his time and
shunning celebrity and fame, but does this quiet lifestyle equate with not taking part in the
system of transmission of religious knowledge of his time?
Ibn Bashkuwl's biographical dictionary, al-Sila, is the main source for our knowledge of
the ulema of his time and was extensively quoted by later biographical dictionaries; thus we
know this period mainly through Ibn Bashkuwl's eyes. The fact that he omits Ibn Barrajan
can be seen either as the consequence of the latter's outsider status or as a deliberate attempt
to ignore him. Let us consider the possibility that he was an isolated and minor figure.
We have very little information on Ibn Barrajan's life, but we can posit from the wide
range of sciences in which he was skilled that he must have studied with a considerable num-
ber of teachers, probably in different Andalusian cities."^^ Only one of his teachers is known
to us, however: Ibn Manzr, mentioned above, who belonged to the important BanO ManzQr
family of scholars and qads initially based in Seville. '*'* On a rihla to the East he studied
with the Mlik Ash'âri scholar Abu Dharr al-HarawI (d. 430/1038).'*^ Being an Ash'âri,
Abu Dharr al-Haraw probably supported what may have appeared to religious scholars in
al-Andalus as rationalist positions.''^ Through Ibn ManzQr, Ibn Barrajan may have known of
views based on the science of usl al-dn, which were innovative in the very conservative
milieu of Andalusian yiiâ/za^.'*^
39. Al-Biq', Masra' al-tasawwuf wa-huwa kitbn: Tanblh at-ghabi its takfir Ibn 'Arab wa-tahdhtr al-'ibad
min ahli l-'ind bi-bid'ati l-ittihd, ed. 'A. R. al-Wakl (Cairo. 1953). 167. Although al-Biq' makes no reference to
'Ayn al-yaqln by Ibn Barrajan, the editor supplies it by citing al-Maqbal.
40. Viz.. Ibn al-'Arabi's al-Futht al-makkiyya, Ibn Sab'n's Budd al-'rif, and Ibn Qas's Khal' al-na'layn.
41. A disciple of both Ibn Barrajan and Ibn al-'Arf, 'Al b. Khalaf b. Ghlib (d. 568/1173), wrote a Kitb
al-yaqln. Al-Marrkush, al-Dhayl wa-l-takmila li-kitbay al-MawsBl wa-l-Sila, ed. I. 'Abbs (Beirut, 1965), 5; 210.
42. Cf. D. Urvoy. Le monde des ulmas andalous du VlXIe au VllIXIIIe sicle (Geneva, 1978), 55; M. Fierro,
"Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus," Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and
Polemics, ed. F. de Jong and B. Radtke (Leiden, 1999). 187.
43. Cf. P. de la Torre's introduction to her edition of Sharh Asma' Allah al-husna, 34 (supra, n. 32). For the dif-
ferent fields of study that could be pursued at that time in Seville, see D. Urvoy. Le monde des ulmas andalous, 55.
44. For the BanD Manzr family, see Mara Luisa vila, "Los Ban ManzQr al-Qays," in Familias andaluses:
Estudios onomstico-biogrficos de al-Andalus, ed. M. Marn and J. Zandn (Madrid, 1992), 5; 23-37.
45. Jonathan Brown, The Canonization of al-Bukhri and Muslim (Leiden, 2007), 121.
46. Ibid.. 143.
47. Ibn Barrajan was proficient in kalm and had knowledge of arithmetic and geometry. This background is
unusual for a religious scholar of that time in al-Andalus, to which Ibn Barrajan added a hermeneutic approach.
" ._ BELLVER: "Al-GhazU of al-Andalus" 667
Even though Ibn Manzr had few students, those he had were the most important scholars
and religious authorities of his time in Seville and Cordoba.''^ In addition, he was important
enough to attract students from Cordoba in a period in which Seville was not yet an impor-
tant scholarly center. Three of Ibn Manzr's youngest studentsYnus b. Mughth, "Âbd
Allah b. YarbO^ and Shurayh al-Ru'âynshared a similar pattern in terms of their teachers.
On the basis of this pattern, Ibn Barrajn's possible teachers were the renowned traditionists
Abu 'All al-Ghassnl al-Jayyn (d. 498/1105)'*' and 'Abd al-Malikb. Sirj (d. 489/1096),50
both from Cordoba, and Âbd Allah b. Khazraj al-Lakhm (d. 478/1086)-'" from Seville,
since he was proficient in the disciplines they taught. It is less likely that the traditionist Abu
1-Qsim Htim b. Muhammad (d. 469/1077)^^ from Cordoba was. Obviously Ibn Barrajn's
three co-students had many more teachers, but no more coincidences are reported.
As for those who influenced him on the Sufi path, we find similarities with Ibn Masarra
(d. 319/931)^^for instance, the equivalent concept of symbolic transposition (i'tibr),
which plays a key role in their hermeneutics^''so his influence can be presumed. Ibn
al-'Ârabi usually cites Ibn Masarra together with Sahl al-Tustari (d. 283/896) 5'' when discuss-
ing the concept of al-haqq al-makhlq bihi al-khalq, which was first used by Ibn Barrajan
and which, according to Ibn al-'Arabi, mirrors Sahl al-Tustarl's concept of âdl ('justice').^^
48. D. Urvoy, Le monde des ulmas andalous, \11-11. In addition to Abu I-Hasan Shurayh and Abu 1-Hasan
Ibn Mughth, the main authority of this period was Abu Bakr b. al-'Arabl, who was a disciple of Abu 'Abd Allah
b. ManzDr through his father.
49. Ibn Bashkuwl describes him as the principal transmitter of hadlth of his time in Cordoba (ra'ls
al-muhaddithln fi Qurtuba) and as being well versed in Arabic language and poetry. Ibn Bashkuwl, al-Sila, 1; 233-
35 (no. 333); al-Dhahabi, Siyar, 20; 148-51 (no. 77).
50. He is described as the imm of Arabic languagemainly lexicographyand literature in al-Andalus, hav-
ing no rival. Ibn Bashkuwl, al-Sila, 2; 530-32 (no. 780); al-Dhahabi, Siyar, 20; 133-34 (no. 70). Al-Ghassni
and Ibn Sirj were the teachers of YDnus b. Mughth and 'Abd Allah b. YarbQ'. They also gave written permission
(ijzt) to Shurayh al-Ru'ayn to transmit their works.
51. He was the teacher of Shurayh al-Ru'aynl and 'Abd Allah b. YarbuS and excelled in the knowledge of
hadlth, history, and U?AMfiqh. Ibn Bashkuwa, al-Sila, 2: 433 (no. 631); al-Dhahab, Siyar, 18: 488-89 (no. 251).
52. The teacher of Ibn Mughth and Ibn YarbQ'. but since he died in the same year as Ibn ManzQr, Ibn Barrajan
was probably too young to attend his classes in Cordoba. Ibn Bashkuwl, al-Sila, 1: 253-55 (no. 358); al-Dhahab,
Siyar, 18: 336-67 (no. 157).
53. For Ibn Masarra, see Miguel Asn Palacios, Ibn Masarra y su escuela: Orgenes de la fllosofa hispano-
musulmana (Madrid, 1914); Claude Addas, "Andalus Mysticism and the Rise of Ibn 'Arab," in The Legacy of
Muslim Spain, ed. S. K. Jayyusi (Leiden, 1992), 913-19; Emilio Tornero, "Noticia sobre la publicacin de obras
inditas de Ibn Masarra," al-Qantara 14 (1993): 47-64; L. E. Goodman, "Ibn Masarrah," in History of Islamic Phi-
losophy, ed. S. H. Nasr and O. Leaman (London, 1996), 277-93; Sarah Stroumsa, "Ibn Masarra and the Beginnings
of Mystical Thought in al-Andalus," in Mystical Approaches to God, ed. P. Schfer (Oldenburg, 2006), 97-112.
54. For the i'tibrl tradition in al-Andalus ranging from Ibn Masarra to Ibn Barrajan and Ibn al-'Arab, see Denis
Gril, "L'interprtation par transposition symbolique," 147-61. Gril shows the continuity between Ibn Masarra's and
Ibn Barrajn's hermeneutics.
55. In Kitb Khawss al-hurf Ibn Masarra cites Sahl al-Tustad's Rislat al-huruf. For the former work, see
Muhammad Kaml Ibrhm Ja'far, Min qady l-flkr al-islml: Dirsa wa-nuss (Cairo, 1978), 311-44; Pilar Gar-
rido, "Edicin crtica del 'K. jawss al-hurf de Ibn Masarra," al-Andalus-Magreb: Estudios rabes e islmicos 14
(2007): 51-89. For Sahl al-Tustar's Ristat al-hurf, see Muhammad Kaml Ibrahim Ja'far, Min al-turth al-sfi
li-Sahl b. 'Abd Allah at-Tustar (Cairo, 1974), 1: 366-75; Pilar Garrido Clemente, "El 'Tratado de las letras (Rislat
al-hurf)' del suf Sahl al-Tustar," Anuario de estudios filolgicos 29 (2006): 87-100, esp. 89, where she posits
that Ibn Masarra was inspired by Sahl al-Tustari. Later Muslim authors also acknowledged the relationship between
the two. See al-Qurtub, al-Asn sharh Asma' Allah al-husn (Beirut, 2008), 83, where the two works on hurUf
are quoted together. For Ibn Masarra's Rislat al-i'tibr, see Muhammad Kaml Ibrhm Ja'far, Min qady al-flkr
al-islam, 346-60; J. Kenny, "Ibn-Masarra; His Risla al-i'tibr," Orita: Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies 34
(2002): 1-26.
56. Ibn al-'Arab, al-Futht al-makkiyya (Cairo, 1329/1911), 2: 60, 104; 3: 77.
In fact, if we disregard the category of traditionists, Sahl al-Tustari is one of only two later
authorities who are quoted by name in Ibn Barrajn's Sharh Asma' Allah al-husnthe
other being Rabija al-Âdawiyya (d. 185/801)." In addition, the Hanbali Ibn Taymiyya
emphasizes Abu Tlib al-Makk's (d. 386/996) influence upon Ibn Barrajan, although this
may only be based on his personal impression obtained by reading their works.^^ Abu Tlib
al-Makk was a disciple of the Sufi traditionist Abu SaÎd b. al-AVb (d. 341/952-3), who
played an important role in the development of Sufism in al-Andalus.^' In short, in spite of
the paucity of references, the later authors seem to have considered Ibn Barrajan as being
indirectly related in different ways to Sahl al-Tustari and his followers.
Ibn Barrajan was both a Sufi master and a teacher of religious sciences. Although bio-
graphical dictionaries, and particularly Ibn al-Abbr's Takmila, mention some of his students,
it cannot be determined whether they were also his disciples, of whom we know mainly
from the reports of the events surrounding his death and from Ibn al-'Ârrf's correspondence.
According to Ibn al-Zubayr, his students were among the most exalted and noble people of
his time. ^^ Some of his students were particularly important as, for instance, the renowned
traditionist and Sufi of the sixth/twelfth century "Abd al-Haqq al-Azd al-Ishbl, known as
Ibn al-Khan-t (d. 581/1185).^' The prominence of teachers of other students, such as the
traditionist and historian Abu 1-Qsim al-Qantari (d. 561/1166) from Silves*- and the Mlik
faqh Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. Khalll al-Qays (d. 570/1174) from Niebla,'5'' testifies
to Ibn Barrajn's being among the main teachers of his time. Ibn Khalil al-Qays is described
as long-lived (mu'âmmar, i.e., probably at least ninety). Since he was Ibn Barrajn's stu-
dent and transmitted his works, it is likely that this is the Ibn Khall from Niebla whom Ibn
al-'Arab refers to as one of the greatest masters in the Maghrib and the master of Ibn Qas,
under whose guidance Ibn Qas obtained his unveilings (kashj).^'^ In addition to these stu-
dents, the wealthy/aî/z and preacher "Abd Allah b. al-Mlaq (d. 574/1178-9) from Malaga
is also known to us as Ibn Barrajn's student.^^
57. Ibn Barrajan, Sharh Asma' Allah al-husna, 267.

58. Ibn Taymiyya, Majmd'at al-fatw, ed. A. al-Bz and 'A. al-Jazzar (al-MansOra, 1997), 2: 182; 5: 81, 142,
289.
59. See Manuela Marn, "Abu Sa'Td ibn al-A'rbl et le dveloppement du sufisme dans al-Andalus," Revue du
monde musulman et la Mditerrane 6364 (1992): 28-38.
60. Ibn al-Zubayr, Silat al-sila. 33 (no. 45).
61. Ibn al-Khant was one of the youngest of Ibn Barrajn's students. He wrote compendiums on hadlth and
ascetic literature. During Ibn Qasi's rebellion, he moved to Niebla and to Bejaya where he had a close relationship
with the Sufi master Abu Madyan. Ibn al-Kharrat was one of Muhyi l-DIn Ibn al-'Arabl's teachers, although prob-
ably only through correspondence. Hence he became an important link between Ibn Barrajan and both Abu Madyan
and Ibn al-'Arabi. For Ibn al-Kharrat, see Ibn al-Abbar, Takmila. 2: 647-48 (no. 1805); al-Dhahabi, Siyar, 21: 198
(no. 99). For his relationship with Abu Madyan, see al-Ghubrini, 'Unwn al-dirya (Algiers, 1970), 73 (no. 5); Ibn
Qunfudh al-QusantIni, LJns al-faqlr wa-'izz al-haqlr, ed. M. El Fasi and A. Faure (Rabat, 1965), 34-35.
62. He was also a student of al-'Amir! and Ibn Mughlth; and while in Seville a student of the qdi Abu Bakr b.
al-'Arabi and Ibn Bashkuwal alongside Ibn Barrajan. Hence Ibn Bashkuwal ought to have known Ibn Barrajan. See
Ibn al-Abbar, Takmila, 1: 216 (no. 734); al-Dhahabi, Siyar, 20: 455 (no. 291).
63. Ibn Khalll had important teachers, such as Abu 'All al-Ghassn (d. 498/1105), qdl AbD Bakr b. al-'Arabi,
Ibn Rushd al-Jadd (d. 520/1126), and Abu 'Al al-Sadafi (d. 514/1120). For Ibn Khalil, see Ibn al-Abbar, Takmila,
1: 233 (no. 764); al-DhahabI, Siyar, 20: 517 (no. 330).
64. This information was reported to Ibn al-'Arab (al-Futht al-makiyya, 1: 136) in Tunis by Ibn Qasi's son.
Ibn Khalll lived in Fes and died in Marrakesh.
65. For whom, see Ibn al-Abbar, Takmila, 2: 486 (no. 1394); al-Dhahabi, Ta'rlkh at-islm (Beirut, 1987), 40:
150 (no. 119); al-Zirikli, al-A'lm, 4: 123.
Ibn Barrajan was the Sufi master of probably the two foremost mystics of their time in
al-Andalus: 66 ^b l-'Abbs Ahmad b. al-'Arf*'^ and Abu 1-Hasan <Âl b. Khalaf b. Ghlib
(d. 568/1173).68
Ibn al-'Ârf (d. 536/1141), who was bom in Ceuta though his family moved to Almeria
where he lived most of his life, is well known for his Mahsin al-majlis^'^ in which he
described the stations on the spiritual path, recasting and expanding al-Ansr's Manzil
al-sayrn.^'^ Although Asn Palacios considered Ibn al-'Arf to be Ibn Barrajn's Sufi mas-
ter, Paul Nwyia inverted this relationship in his edition of letters from Ibn al-'Ârf to Ibn
Barrajan since Ibn al-'Ârf addressed Ibn Barrajan with shaykhl ('my master') and imam!
('my imam').^' It can be argued that the use of such terms is merely a sign of respect and
does not imply a master-disciple relationship, in which case Ibn al-'Arf might be expected
to address other people in the correspondence collected by his disciple Abu Bakr 'Atq b.
Mu'min (d. 548/1156) in similar terms, but this is not so. In fact, the way in which Ibn
al-'Arf addresses Ibn Barrajan is exceptional, and he takes great care with the terms he uses
as signs of respect in every situation. Moreover, Ibn Mu'min has arranged Ibn al-'Arf s cor-
respondence according to a clear pattern of closeness and importance, beginning with his
letters to Ibn Barrajanthe only one he addresses as his shaykh and immfollowed by
his close friend, disciple, or even co-disciple Abu 1-Hasan 'Al b. Khalaf b. Ghlib, his other
disciples or co-disciples, and ending with people with whom he has no particular spiritual
ties, such as Ibn Oas and Ibn Mundhir. The last set of letters is addressed to Ibn Mu'min, his
disciple; as a sign of humility from the editor it diverges from the aforementioned pattern.
The pattern evinces the spiritual link between Ibn al-'Arf and Ibn Barrajan, whose relation-
ship is also clear from Ibn al-Abbr's Mu^jam, which underlines Ibn Barrajn's preeminence
(shufifi over Ibn al-'Arf.''^
Ibn al-'Arf belonged to a class of learned Sufis ^^ who were proficient traditionists, among
whom his master, Ibn Barrajan, also belonged. He was raised in a context that was fully
acquainted with al-Ghazl's views.^"^ Ibn al-'Arf studied with al-Sadaf and, according to
66. He was also the master of, inter alia, Âbd al-Ghafur al-Sakni (d. after 540/1145) from Niebla. See Ibn al-
Zubayr, Silat al-sila, 33 (no. 45) and 37-38 (no. 52); M. Fierro, "Opposition to Sufism," 190.
67. Ibn al-Abbr, Mu'jam, 18-22 (no. 14); Ibn Bashkuwl, Sila, 1: 136-37 (no. 176); al-Tdil, Tashawwuf,
118-23 (no. 18); 'Abbas b. Ibrahim, al-1'lm bi-man halla marrkush wa-aghmt min al-a'lm (Rabat, 1974),
1: 5-24; al-DhahabI, Siyar, 20: 111-14 (no. 68); 'Abd al-Wahhb b. Mansr, A'lm al-maghrib (Rabat, 1983), 3:
231ff. See also J. Lirola, "Ibn al-'Arf," Diccionario de autores y obras andalusies, 1: 469-76 (no. 245).
68. Ibn al-Abbar, Takmila, 2: 672 (no. 1870); al-Marrakushi, al-Dhayl wa-l-takmila, 5: 208-12, no. 415;
al-TadilT, Tashawwuf 228 (no. 81).
69. Ed. Asn Palacios (Paris, 1933).
70. See Bruno Halff, "Le Mahsin al-magalis d'Ibn al-'Arf et l'oeuvre du sou hanbalite al-Ansr," Revue des
tudes islamiques 39 (1971): 321-35.
71. Paul Nwyia, "Ras'il Ibn al-'Arf," 43-56. For the collection of Ibn al-'Arf's correspondence by his disciple
Ibn Mu'min, compiled from MS Rabat Hassania 1562, see Ibn al-'Arf, Mifth al-sa'dat wa-tahqq tarlq al-sa'da,
ed. 'I. 'A. L. Dandash (Beirut, 1993).
72. Ibn al-Abbar, Mu'jam, 19 (no. 14).
73. According to al-Dhahab, he wore the khirqa and entered the Sufi path with Abu Bakrb. Buryal (d. 502/1108),
the last disciple of al-Talamank (d. 429/1037).
74. In addition to the Sevillian Abu Bakr b. al-'Arab and his father 'Abd Allah b. al-'Arab, the two other
Andalusian students of al-Ghazl either came from or settled in Almeria. The Sufi and Qur'an reciter Abu l-Qasim
'Abd al-Rahman al-Balaw (d. 545/1150-1), born near Guadix, studied with al-Ghazl and received permission from
him to transmit his works. After his rihla, he settled in Almeria and was appointed leader of the prayer and preacher
at the great mosque. This important position shows the wide acceptance of al-Ghazl's writings and of Sufism in
general in Almeria at that time. In turn, Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad al-Khuln of Almeria, known as al-Balagh
(d. 515/1121), also undertook a rihla and studied with al-Ghazl. Both students of al-Ghazl must have been in
Ibn Bashkuwl, with a group of his own teachers, which probably includes some or all of
Ibn ManzOr's students, to which group Abu Bakr b. al-'Ârabl may be added. Ibn Bashkuwl
spoke highly of his piety and asceticism and indicated that they had exchanged written per-
missions to transmit their works, which included his Va, on Ibn al-'Arf's initiative. Ibn
al-'Ârf became famous and was an influential figure who attracted a large number of dis-
ciples in the Sufi path from all over al-Andalus.
Ibn Barrajn's other disciple, Abu 1-Hasan b. Khalaf b. Ghlib from Silves, was also one
of Ibn al-'Arf's most beloved disciples in the Sufi path, although they were almost the same
age. He was a Sufi and a traditionist who spent some time with Ibn Barrajan before moving
to northern Morocco. In Fez he was the teacher of Abu Madyan, to whom he transmitted
the Sunan of al-Tirmidhl;''^ he finally settled in Ketama, the present-day Ksar el Kebir, in
northern Morocco. Ibn Ghlib probably played an important role in the transmission of Ibn
Barrajn's works to Abu Madyan and his school in addition to Ibn al-Kharrt, who was a
student of both Ibn Ghlib and Ibn Barrajan. It is said that Ibn Ghlib reached the degree of
watad in the spiritual Sufi hierarchy. ^*
In addition to his direct disciples, Ibn Barrajan, along with Ibn al-'ArIf, had a wide spiri-
tual authority over the Sufi circles of northern Morocco, enjoying high respect and esteem.
This is shown in episodes reported in the biographies of two of Abu Madyan's masters.''''
In short, Ibn Barrajan was an important figure for a number of reasons; the depth and
thorough scholarship of his works; the high esteem in which his only known teacher was
held; his companions, who were among the most learned men in Cordoba and Seville; and
his students and disciples, who were among the most famous hcidith scholars and Sufis of
their time. Even though his absence in Ibn Bashkuwl's biographical dictionary may suggest
that he was not well known, he was by no means a minor figure in the scholarly circles of his
time, especially in light of his being considered "al-Ghazli of al-Andalus."
IBN BARRAJAN, A POLITICAL ACTIVIST?

Some authors have regarded Ibn Barrajan as a "political activist,"^^ a valuable member
of the revolt of the MurldOn^^ and Mahdist rebellious movements. As noted above, he was
said to have been imm in 130 villages and it was because of this that he was summoned by
the sultan in Marrakesh and executed for his rebellious activities. ^ However, some scholars
have doubted any involvement in politics on his part.^'
As for the evidence in favor of his being a political activist, there is his summons in
536/1141 from the Almoravid sultan 'Âl b. YOsuf b. Tshufin in Marrakesh, along with Ibn
close touch with the qdl of Almeria, Abu 1-Hasan al-Barj: (d. 509/1115), who in turn is well known for being the
first qdi in al-Andalus to oppose the burning of al-Ghazl's writings ordered in 503/1109 by Abu 'Abd Allah b.
Hamdin, qdl of Cordoba (d. 508/1114). In addition, al-Barj was one of Ibn al-'Adf's teachers. For al-Balaw, see
Ibn al-Abbr, Takmila, 2: 562-63 (no. 1597). For al-Balaghl, see Ibn Bashkuwl, Sila, 3: 834-35 (no. 1270). For
al-BarjI, .see M. Fierro, "Opposition to Sufism," 186.
75. Ibn Qunfudh al-Qusantini, Uns al-faqlr, 14, 26; Cornell, The Way of Abu Madyan, 5-6.
76. On the night of Ibn Ghlib's death, his disciple 'Abd al-Jalil b. MQs saw written in the sky that a "support"
{watad, pi. awtd; lit. tent peg) had disappeared. See al-Marrkush, al-Dhayl wa-l-takmila, 5: 211.
77. These were the malmatl Sufis Abu 'Abd Allah al-Daqqq (fl. first half of sixth century/twelfth century)
and Abu 1-Hasan 'Al: Ibn Hirzihim. For these episodes, see al-Tdil, Tashawwuf, 156 (no. 41) and 168-70 (no. 51).
78. See, for instance, Cornell, Realm of the Saint, 20.
79. Vincent Lagardre, "La tarqa et la rvolte des Murdn en 539 H/1144 en Andalus," Revue de l'Occident
musulman et de la Mditerrane 35 (1983): 157-70.
80. Cornell, Realm of the Saint, 25-26 and n. 96.
81. Cf Gril, "La lecture suprieure du Coran," 511.
BELLVER: "Al-Ghazal of al-Andalus" 671
al-'Arif and Abu Bakr al-MayOrq, and his death shortly afterwards, raising the possibility
that he was executed. Second, Ibn Barrajan's imprisonment and death took place in a context
of social turmoil; indeed, Ibn Qasi's revolt against the Almoravid ruling power broke out in
the Algarve shortly after Ibn Barrajan's death. Ibn OasI considered himself a Sufi and met
Ibn al-'Ârif, and can therefore be linked, indirectly at least, to Ibn Barrajan. This allows for
the possibility that Ibn Barrajan was a Sufi activist and an inspirer of the revolts that broke
out after his death. Finally, some later sources, such as al-Sha'rn, present him as an imm
with considerable authority. In addition, Ibn al-'Arif addresses Ibn Barrajan as his imm,
which some authors have interpreted as an indication of political authority. ^^
Was it likely that he was involved in Mahdist movements or had any doctrine regarding
the coming of the Mahd? The correspondence between Ibn al-'Ârif and Ibn QasI makes
clear that Ibn Qasi was not a disciple of Ibn al-'Arif, and it has been shown that Ibn Qasi's
views were already established before the beginning of their correspondence. ^^ In addition,
the style of their correspondence does not resemble that between a master and a disciple, so
no mastery of Ibn al-'ArIf over Ibn Qasi can be presumed.^'* There is also a letter from Ibn
al-'Arif to Ibn MundhirIbn Qasi's disciple and lieutenant in the revolt of the Murdnin
which Ibn al-'Arif strongly discourages any attempt at rebellion against the established rul-
ing power while awaiting the advent of a Mahdl. ^^ In general, then, Ibn al-Ârif seems to
have exerted little if any influence over Ibn Qasi, and is most unlikely to have inspired or
participated in the revolt of the MurldQn. In view of his spiritual links with Ibn al-'Arif, Ibn
Barrajan's position regarding the revolt of the Murldn was probably the same as that of his
disciple.
As for whether Ibn Barrajan had any doctrine regarding the coming of the Mahdi,^^ there
is an illuminating allusion to the Mahdl in his famous prediction of the capture of Jerusalem
by Muslims, found in Tafsr Ibn Barrajn.^^ Ibn Barrajan devises a process of alternate
victories of Muslims and Christians (rum) over the centuries in order to gain control of the
region of Jerusalem. This process will come to an end with the final victory of the Muslims
over the Christians, which victory will be led by the Mahdi, to whom he also refers as the
Just Imam (al-imm al-'adl). The coming of the Mahdi must thus fulfill certain cyclical
conditions that were to be met in 583/1187, sixty-one years after Ibn Barrajan wrote his
prediction in 522/1128. This does not mean that Ibn Barrajan openly stated that the Mahdl
will appear in 583/1187, but he considered it to be perfectly probable. Thus, though Ibn
Barrajan had Mahdist doctrines, he expected the Mahdl not in his own time but some sixty
years later. Moreover, his Mahdism, at least as it appears in this text, was focused on the
Christian advance on Jerusalem and might have been motivated by the ongoing pressure
82. Cornell, Realm of the Saint, 20.

83. Addas, "Andalus Mysticism," 923.
84. David Goodrich also does not find any influence of Ibn al-'Arf's Mahsin at-majlis on Ibn Qa.s's Khal'
al-na'layn. He also underlines that Ibn al-'Arab does not refer to Ibn Qas being influenced by Ibn Barrajan or Ibn
al-'Arf, bearing in mind that he knew in depth their works. See David R. Goodrich. "A 'Sufi' Revolt in Portugal: Ibn
Qas and His 'Kitb Khal' al-Na'layn' (Arabic Text)" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia Univ., 1978), 17.
85. Addas, "Andalus Mysticism," 923; Paul Nwyia, "Rasa'il Ibn al-'Arf," 43-56.
86. I do not aim to explore this topic exhaustively since two of his major works remain unedited. For an account
of Messianic movements in al-Andalus, see Maribel Fierro, "Doctrinas y movimientos de tipo mesinico en al-
Andalus," in Milenarismos y milenaristas en la Europa medieval: IX Semana de Estudios Medievales, Njera,
1998, ed. J. Ignacio de la Iglesia Duarte (Logroo, 1999), 159-76. For the Mahdist movements in the Maghrib, see
Garcia-Arenal, "La conjonction"; eadem. Messianism and Puritanical Reform: Mahdis of the Muslim West, tr. M.
Beagles (Leiden, 2006).
87. MS Reisulkuttab 31. f 96b; MS Sehid Ali Paa 73, f. 321b.
from Christians on the Iberian peninsula rather than on reform of the Islamic community. He
would have dismissed contemporary Mahdist movements, such as those of Ibn QasI and the
Almohads, as idle.
Nevertheless, it is worth pointing out that the famous discussion between Ibn al-'Arabi
and his master Abu l-'Âbbs al-'Ûryabl about the identity of the person whose appearance
was foretold by the Prophet (i.e., the Mahdl), which led to Ibn al-'Ârabl's first encounter with
Khidr must have taken place shortly before 583/1187.^^ Ibn al-*rab was around twenty
years old when he met Abu -"Âbbsthat is, ca. 580/1185and he states that this discus-
sion took place at the beginning of their relationship. ^'^ This confirms the concerns that arose
shortly before the year 583/1187, and hence is clearly linked with Ibn Barrajn's prediction
of the Muslim conquest of Jerusalem and the possible appearance of the Mahd in that year. '
A second point is the description of Ibn Barrajan as an imm. This term is extensively used
in contemporary texts, such as Ibn Bashkuwal's al-Sila, to refer to the most learned person
in a particular science, the man whom others should follow. In the textual sources in which
Ibn Barrajan is addressed as imm there are two contexts that allow for a political meaning:
when Ibn al-'ArIf addresses him with this term in a personal letter and when al-Sha'rnl notes
that he was followed as imm. Let us consider both.
According to some, Ibn al-'ArIf addressed Ibn Barrajan by letter as the "Supreme Guide of
those who lead souls to the ways of salvation [and] the imm who possesses the benediction
of Muhammad as his legitimate representative."'' However, this address is Nwyia's inter-
pretation and should not be quoted as Ibn al-'Arf's words.'^ Nwyia based his interpretation
on one of Ibn al-Âf's letters to Ibn Barrajan that he found in a manuscript belonging to Si
Ben Souda. This same letter is included in Ibn al-Ârif's Mifih al-sa'da.'^^
The gist and intention of this letter is fully spiritual, since it deals with the perplexity
caused in Ibn al-Ârif by souls inebriated by the love of the world, overcome by passions, and
with hardened hearts blind to the contemplation of the hereafter; the expressions that have
given rise to a political interpretation are peripheral to the gist of the letter and are placed
in the complimentary sections. Therefore, a worldly political interpretation of the ways in
which Ibn al'Ârlf addresses Ibn Barrajan in the complimentary sections seems to clash with
the otherworldly spiritual topic of the letter.
Nwyia's understanding of Ibn Barrajan as "supreme guide" in a political sense is mainly
based on the word imm and the expression mutaqaddim taslman appearing in the com-
plimentary sections of this letter. As to this latter expression, Nwyia renders it (or a similar
one, since there may be differences between the manuscripts) as "le Guide qui je tmoigne
soumission de foi," while I translate it as "the one preceding me in surrender." There is room
for different interpretations of the expression mutaqaddim taslman, but Nwyia's seems to
me unlikely. Be that as it may, iffollowing Nwyiathis expression means that Ibn al-Ârif
asserts his surrender to Ibn Barrajan, in the context of Sufism this is more likely to be an
88. Al-Futaht al-makiyya, 1: 186.

89. For this event, see Claude Addas, Quest for the Red Sulphur: The Life of Ibn 'Arabl, tr. P Kingsley (Cam-
bridge, 1993), 62-64.
90. There was a major eruption of Mahdism in the Islamic West after 583/1187. See Garcia-Arenal, "La con-
jonction," 237.
91. Nwyia, "Note sur quelques fragments indits," 220; Cornell, Realm of the Saint, 20.
92. This quotation erroneously ascribed to Ibn al-'Arf has shaped the perception later scholars have of Ibn
Barrajan. See, e.g.. Ken Garden, "Al-Ghazl's Contested Revival: Ihy' 'ulum al-din and Its Critics in Khorasan and
the Maghrib" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Chicago, 2005), 219-20.
93. A translation is appended to this article.
expression of Ibn al-Ârf's fully spiritual allegiance (bay'a) to Ibn Barrajan without any
need to look for political connotations.
Nwyia's interpretation of this letter is deeply rooted in his preconception of what the
term imm meant to Ibn al-'Arif. Although Nwyia reverses Asn Palacios's vision of the
relationship between Ibn Barrajan and Ibn al-'Ârf, he is still deeply influenced by Asfn's
interpretation of al-Sha'^rn's reference.''* Thus the key point is to ascertain how Ibn al-'Arf
understood the term imm.
I believe the idea that Ibn al-"Arf understood imm in a political sense can be dismissed,
as this would contradict his general approach to political authority. In addition to his explicit
disapproval of rebellion against the established ruling power, his position towards the ruling
authority, which he considers appointed by God, is one of respect, as evidenced in Mifth
If we rule out a political interpretation for Ibn al-Ârf's use of the term imm when he
addresses Ibn Barrajan, how then does he use it? In one of his letters he lists the causes for
committing reproachable errors regarding the law and sciences. Qne of these causes is arbi-
trariness (istibdd), which he understands as "reliance on oneself before attaining the degree
of imamate (darajat al-imma) in knowledge Cîlm) or practice ('amal)"; the imm is thus
one who has attained sufficient competence to be able to rely on his own judgment.'* Since
what defines an imm is his competence to rely on his own judgment, nothing prevents the
existence of multiple imams at any particular time and place. In another letter Ibn al-'Arif
equates the imamate (imma) to teaching (ta''lim).^^ In his interpretation of the final part of
Q 3:79"Be ye faithful servants of the Lord by virtue of your constant teaching (tu'allimna)
of the Scripture and of your constant study thereof" (Pickthall)he notes that tu'âllimna
can also be read as form I (taHamna) 'you know', and points out that both teaching and
knowing have precedence over studying from books alone, as studying comes after teaching
(and knowing) in this verse. He then equates teaching to the imamate and contrasts the duo of
sage Clim) and immi.e., the one who teachesto those who leam only from books. The
reference to Ibn Barrajan as Ibn al-'Ârf's imm might therefore be understood in this sense,
of one who has attained sufficient competence in matters dealing with knowledge or reli-
gious and spiritual practice so as to be able to teach and interpret the sources of the tradition
based on his sound judgment and knowledge. In support of this, there is to my knowledge
no reference in Ibn al-'Arif's works to the use of the term imm in a political sense or even
as a spiritual guide in the sense understood in Shi^sm. In fact, when Ibn al-S\rf refers to a
political contender, he uses the term mahdi, as in his letter to Ibn Mundhir.
Ibn Barrajan is also addressed as imm in al-Sha'^rn's al-Tabaqt al-kubr, and this time
it may involve a political sense. Al-Tabaqt al-kubr is a late source with a distinct hagio-
graphical and apologetic purpose, a defense of the great figures in Sufism against the ulema.
Erom a historical point of view, al-Sha'^rn's work is barely reliable. When al-Sha'^rn enu-
merates jurists' attacks on Sufis in his introduction, he links Ibn Barrajan with Ibn Qas and
states that both were recognized as imams. The text is as follows:
94. See n. 9, supra.

95. Ibn al-'Arlf, Mifth al-sa'da. 33-35, where Dandash lists the few instances of Ibn al-'Arf's attitude toward
political authority, e.g., "The worst kinds of censure (inkr) are two: IFirst,] censure of the sultan, since he is the
Proof {hujja) of God [on earth] [and the] second [worst] censure is of those in a lower rank criticizing those above
them in knowledge or [spiritual] state (hl)." Ibid., 170.
96. Ibid., 90. See also p. 92, for the same concept.
97. Ibid., 134-35.
They [who deny the exalted spiritual rank of the saints {awliy')] killed Imam Abu l-Qasim b.
Qas, Ibn Barrajan, al-Khawl,'^ and al-Marjnl'' for being considered /mams by the people and
being imitated to the point that envy of them grew. So they bore witness that they were infidels,
although they did not kill them. Instead they acted against them with a stratagem (hila) by telling
the sultan that in some 130 villages (bild) the sermons of the Friday prayers were performed
in Ibn Barrajn's name. So he was sent [to the sultan] to be killed; and his entire group was
killed.
The Tabaqt al-kubr does not actually suggest that Tbn Barrajan was recognized as imm
in 130 villages; the assertion that the Friday sermons were performed in his name in some
130 villages was a machination or a trick (hla) of the jurists, and should not be taken as
a representation of the truth. Moreover, it is difficult to believe that the sultan would have
been unaware of the fact that so many villages were not performing the Friday prayers in his
name; this would have been considered a revolt, and it would have been recorded in detail
in later sources. In addition, there are some striking historical inaccuracies: for instance, Ibn
Qas was not executed by the ruling power but by his followers. Overall, the general impres-
sion is that al-Sha'^rn is confusing the summons of Ibn Barrajan to Marrakesh with the
revolt of the MurdQn led by Ibn Qas in an account of the events aimed to extol the Sufis.
In any case, al-Sha^rn's text does not provide grounds for the claim that Ibn Barrajan was
recognized as an imm in 130 villages.
Ibn Barrajan was indeed held in high esteem in Sufi circles, as was Ibn al-V^rf, as we have
seen from the anecdotes of Abu Madyan's masters. However, other than al-Sha^rn, none of
the textual sources alludes to Ibn Barrajan having a large or growing number of followers,
unlike Ibn al-'Ârf, "" although the relationship between the two is well established. This
may suggest that Ibn al-'Ârf played a more public role as spiritual master and counselor
than Ibn Barrajan, who remained in a more closed inner circle, which would square with
Ibn al-Zubayr's reference to Ibn Barrajn's reserved character. In short, there is not enough
textual basis to assert that Ibn Barrajan was widely regarded and followed as an imm, even
in the spiritual sense, or that he led a wide socio-political movement despite his fame in Sufi
circles. Nevertheless, he exerted an important spiritual authority over a number of people,
such as Ibn al-'Arf, who in turn exerted spiritual authority over an increasing number of
followers.
The final reason for concluding that Ibn Barrajan was not a political activist is his age. He
was in his mid-eighties when he was summoned to the sultan, which makes him an unlikely
active rebel or contender for any kind of political authority.
IBN BARRAJN'S DEATH

At the end of 535 or the beginning of 536/1141, the Almoravid sultan 'Ali b. YQsuf
b. Tshunn summoned Ibn Barrajan from Seville, Ibn al-Ârf from Almeria, and Abu Bakr
98. Probably the Shfi' jurist and Sufi Abu 'Abd Allah al-Khawl (d. 545/1150-1), who had a great many com-
panions. See al-Subk, Tabaqt al-shfi'iyya al-kubr (Cairo, 1964), 6: 159-60 (no. 674); Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil fi
l-ta'rikh (Beirut, 2003), 9: 368.
99. The renowned Tunisian Sufi master Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Marjn (d. 699/1299), for whom see
al-Sha'rn, al-Tabaqt al-kubr, 1: 172; al-Dhahab, Ta^rkh al-islm, 52: 465-66 (no. 760); al-Safad, al-Wfi
bi-l-wafayt, 17: 320 (no. 6465).
100. M-SWrm, al-Tabaqt al-kubr, 1: 15.
101. Ibn al-'Arf's growing following is well attested in contemporary sources such as Ibn Bashkuwl's al-Sila.
See Ibn al-Abbar, Mu'jam, 19 (no. 14); Ibn Bashkuwl, Sila, 1: 137; al-Tdil, Tashawwuf 118.
BELLVER; "Al-Ghazll of al-Andalus" 675
al-MayOrqi from Granada"*^ to his presence in Marrakesh. According to al-Tdili, the qdl
Ibn Aswad (d. 536/1142)'"' in Almeria discredited Ibn al-'ArIf before the sultan and made
him so fearful of Ibn al-'Arf that he summoned him with Ibn Barrajan and al-Mayurqi. '^^
Al-Tdil notes that Ibn Aswad ordered Ibn al-'Ârf to be placed in fetters during the sea
crossing to Ceuta. There a messenger from the sultan gave him a safe-conduct, freed him,
and escorted him to Marrakesh, where the sultan honored him and allowed him to go back
to Almeria. He died on his way home, some say from illness, while othersaccording to
al-Tdil, but dismissed by Ibn al-Abbrsay he was poisoned by Ibn Aswad. In addition,
al-Tdil states that when the sultan heard that Ibn al-Ârif had been poisoned by Ibn Aswad,
he ordered that Ibn Aswad be poisoned in return. Whatever the case, Ibn Aswad died the
same year.
There are also two different versions regarding al-Mayrq. According to Ibn al-Abbr,
when he was about to be summoned to Marrakesh, he escaped to Bejaya; '"^ according to Ibn
al-Khatb, he was summoned to Marrakesh where he was questioned and condemned to be
whipped and imprisoned; upon his release, he first went back to al-Andalus and then to Alge-
ria. '0^ He died shortly afterwards, in 537/1143.
As for Ibn Barrajan, there are two detailed accounts of these events. One is found in
al-Tdil's biographical entry on Ibn Hirzihim, which is the closest source to the events;
When Abu 1-Hakam b. Barrajan was summoned from Cordoba to His Excellency [the sultan] in
Marrakesh, he was questioned about some matters for which he had been rebuked ('ibat 'alayhi).
He answered based on what was supported by interpretation of the sacred sources (ta'wll) and
thus distanced himself from the criticism he was forced to answer. Abu 1-Hakam said; "By God,
I am not going to live, nor is the one who has summoned methat is, the sultangoing to live
for long after my death." Abu 1-Hakam died and the sultan ordered [his corpse] to be thrown onto
the dump without funeral prayers, imitating in this what the jurists ifuqah') had said.
A black man, who was in Ibn Hirzihim's service and who attended his meetings, went to Ibn
Hirzihim's house and reported to Abu 1-Hasan [b. Hirzihim] what the sultan had ordered regard-
ing Abu 1-Hakam [b. Barrajan]. Abu 1-Hasan told him: "If you want to sell your soul to God, do
what I tell you." He answered: "Order me and I will do what you want me to do." Ibn Hirzihim
said; "Go and claim throughout the markets and streets of Marrakesh, 'Ibn Hirzihim says to you;
Attend the funeral prayers for the excellent shaykh, the ascetic jurist, AbO 1-Hakam b. Barrajan.
The one who is able to attend and does not, may the curse of God fall upon him.' " [The servant]
did as he was ordered. When the news reached the sultan's ears, he said; "The one who knows
his excellence and does not attend his funeral, may the curse of God fall upon him." "^^
The second significant account of his death, although it has attracted little attention, is
found in Ibn Hajar al-'Âsqaln's Lisn al-mlzn, which quotes al-Marrkush's al-Dhayl
wa-l-takmila li-kitbay al-Mawsl wa-l-SHa. '"^ Only parts of al-Dhayl wa-l-takmila have
survived, and Ibn Barrajn's entry is not among them. The text in Lisn al-mlzn reads as
follows;
" 1 ' ^ :
102. For Abu Bakr Muhammad al-Mayrq, a pious Zhir scholar with ascetic tendencies, see Ibn al-Abbr,
Mu'jam, I39(no. 123) and ra:m7, 1: 173 (no. 608); al-Marrkush, a/-D/a>'/wa-/-/a/tmi7fl, 6: 169-70, no. 452; Ibn
UKhatib, al-Ikhtafi akhbr Gharnta (Cairo, 1973), 3: 190.
103. For Ibn Aswad, see Ibn al-Abbar, Mu'jam, 126 (no. 116); Ibn Bashkuwl, al-Sila, 3; 849 (no. 1294). One
of the teachers with whom he studied the longest was Abu Bakr al-TurtshI.
104. Al-Tdil, Tashawwuf 118-22 (no. 18).
105. Ibn al-Abbar, Mu'/am, 139 (no. 123).
106. Ibn al-Khatb, al-Ikhta, 3: 190.
107. Al-Tdil, Tashawwuf 170 (no. 51).
108. Al-'Asqaln, Lisn al-mlzn, 5: 173-74 (no. 4761).
Ibn 'Abd al-Malik [al-Marrkush] in his Dhayl al-Sila li-Ibn Bashkuwal said: [Ibn Barrajan]
was falsely accused before [the sultan] 'AH b. Ysuf b. Tashufin. So [the sultan] summoned Ibn
Barrajan to Marrakesh. On his arrival, [Ibn Barrajan] said; "I am only going to live for a short
time, and he who summoned me will outlive me only for a short time as well." An examining
committee (majlis muniara) was convened and they laid before him the different matters they
condemned. [Ibn Barrajan] answered based on accepted interpretations (makhrij muhtamala),
but they were not satisfied with [his answers] since they did not understand the meaning of what
he said. They affirmed in the sultan's presence that [Ibn Barrajan] was introducing innovations
[in religious matters]. [Ibn Barrajan] fell ill some days later and died in the month of Muharram,
while 'Ali b. Ysuf died after him in Rajab of the year [5]37. Since he had been told [by Ibn
Barrajan] that he was going to die, [the sultan] ordered that his corpse be thrown onto the dump
without [funeral] prayers and without burial, in accordance with what he had determined fol-
lowing the calumnies of the jurists against [Ibn Barrajan]. But someone from among the people
of excellence, upon hearing of [Ibn Barrajan's] death, sent a black servant to publicly proclaim
in the markets: "Attend the funeral of this man." So the squares were filled with people. They
performed the ritual washing of his body, offered the funeral prayers, and buried him.
Neither of these two texts references a Sufi uprising or fear of one like that of the Almo-
hads. '"^ Instead, Ibn Barrajan was condemned for committing bid'a. He defended himself
by using arguments relying (ihtiml) on interpretation of the sacred sources (ta'wl). In the
context of bid'a, the term ta'wl is a technical one. If an opinion was obtained through ta'wl
and was seen as being heterodox, it would not usually lead to a sentence of zandaqa 'heresy'
but to bid'a, innovation in religious matters."" Hence the reference to ta'wl has a legal
significance as well.
The fact that Ibn Bashkuwal excluded Ibn Barrajan from al-Sila strongly supports the
argument that Ibn Barrajan was condemned for bid'a. Since Ibn Barrajan was a major scholar
of his time, as the import of his works shows, in normal circumstances he would have been
included in a biographical dictionary. There were many links between Ibn Barrajan and Ibn
Bashkuwal. They had some students in common, and although Ibn Bashkuwal does not name
Ibn Barrajan as his teacher, it makes sense to believe that Ibn Bashkuwal would have known
him or even been his student, just as he was a student of all of Ibn ManzQr's other students in
Cordoba and Seville. His omission is also not for reasons of al-Sila being completed before
or very shortly after Ibn Barrajan's death: it was completed during or shortly after 564/1169,
the date of the last death recorded, long after the Almoravids had disappeared. Perhaps he
was omitted for political reasons or because of his imprisonment. However, we know of
no political pressure that Ibn Bashkuwal was under to withhold an entry on Ibn Barrajan
whose fellow prisoner, Ibn al-'ArIf, was includedand Ibn Bashkuwal included other ulema
who had been imprisoned and had had political difficulties, such as his teacher Abu Bakr b.
al-'Ârabi. It would seem therefore that the most plausible reason for Ibn Barrajan's absence in
al-Sila is his condemnation for religious matters and probably for bidâ, although we do not
have any account of his books being burned. Indeed, exclusion from biographical dictionar-
ies was a common practice in such cases. ' ' '
109. Ken Garden, following al-Dhahab. links the arrest of Ibn Barrajan and Ibn al-'Arf to 'Al b. YQsuf b.
Tshufn's fear of a revolt by Sufi groups like that of Ibn TOmart. See Garden. "Al-Ghazl's Contested Revival,"
208-20; and al-Dhahab, Siyar, 20: 72-74 (no. 44).
110. See Maribel Fierro, "El castigo de los herejes y su relacin con formas de poder poltico y religioso en
al-Andalus (ss. IIA'III-VII/XIII)," in El cuerpo derrotado: Cmo trataban musulmanes y cristianos a los enemigos
vencidos. Pennsula Ibrica, ss. VIII-XIII, ed. M. Fierro and F. Garca-Fitz (Madrid, 2008). 283-316, esp. 312 n. 69.
111. Maribel Fierro, "Religious Dissension in al-Andalus: Ways of Exclusion and Inclusion,"a/-a.iara 22
(2001): 482.
Even though we cannot be absolutely certain of the cause of Ibn Barrajn's death, it is
doubtful that he was executed. His advanced age makes it unlikely; in fact it is more plau-
sible that at that age the hardship of his journey to Marrakesh, possibly in chains, at the
height of summer, and his ensuing imprisonment, arguably in very tough conditions, would
have caused his death. Indeed, al-Marrkushi's text in Lisn al-mzan suggests that after a
few days of imprisonment Ibn Barrajan fell ill and died. We recall the case of Abu Madyan,
also in his mid-eighties, who died of old age and illness on his way to Marrakesh after being
summoned by the Almohad sultan to answer a number of suspicions and accusations. ' '^
According to Andalusian and Maghribi custom, had Ibn Barrajan been executed for a
religious matter, it would have been by crucifixion, although the actual legal punishment
was beheading. We know that al-Maytirq was lashed, at least according to Ibn al-Khatlb.
Had Ibn Barrajan died from beheading, crucifixion, or lashing, we would be aware of it, as
his corpse, thrown onto the dump, was ritually washed by the population of Marrakesh, who
later performed the funeral prayers and buried him. It is unlikely that any signs of violence
inflicted on him would have passed unnoticed during the washing of his corpse. Al-Tadil,
who was fully acquainted with Abu Madyan's disciples and willing to extol the Sufis against
the jurists, as in his report of Ibn al-Ârif's death, would have pointed it out. The fact that we
do not have any account of a violent death after such a popular burial suggests that he was
not executed. In addition, the earliest sources do not mention any reports or any suspicion
of a violent death, only death by illness. Thus an execution seems unlikely. However, this
may mean little since in view of his advanced age and the hardship of imprisonment, those
judging him would have known that a prison sentence would most probably have meant that
death would be imminent.
IBN BARRAJN'S DOCTRINES MOTIVATING HIS CONVICTION

It is difficult to ascertain which doctrines based on his ta'wl might have motivated his
conviction as they were not reported in the account. Later biographical texts claim that he
was falsely accused and that the examining committee did not understand what he intended
to say. One possibility is the link with al-Ghazl, whose doctrines were condemned in the
Islamic West; after all, Ibn Barrajan was considered "al-Ghazl of al-Andalus" and Qdl
Îyd issued his fatwa to bum al-Ghazli's Ihy' shortly after Ibn Barrajan was summoned
to Marrakesh."^
The MVii fuqah' in the Islamic West criticized different points of what they took to be
al-Ghazl's position in his lhy\ Eirst, they believed that al-Ghazl held the opinion that
the purification of the soul through deeds grants knowledge of God and, therefore, God does
not freely bestow knowledge. ""^ Second, as a consequence of the previous statement, proph-
ecy can be obtained through effort by purifying one's own soul; in other words, prophets are
112. Cornell, The Way of Abu Madyan, 15.

113. Ibn Barrajan and al-Ghazl shared some common features. They were roughly the same age (al-Ghazl
was born in 447 ft) and both were learned Sufis who wrote commentaries on the names of God. In the later tradition,
this comparison can be seen as complimentary to Ibn Barrajan, although during the time of the Almoravids it could
have meant quite the opposite. For a discussion of the various refutations of al-Ghazl in the Islamic West, see
Delfina Serrano, "Why Did the Scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazl? Ibn Rushd al-Jadd's Fatwa on Awliy'
Allah," Der Islam 83 (2006); 137-56.
114. For this criticism, see, e.g., Abu Bakr b. al-'Arab, al-'Awsim min al-qawsim, ed. 'A. Tlib (Cairo, 1997),
23-24, according to whom al-Ghazl supported the notion that knowledge is only to be achieved through purifica-
tion. See Frank Griffel, Al-GhazlVs Philosophical Theology (New York, 2009), 67-70.
not appointed by God and are like any other person. ^'^ And third, since al-Ghazl placed
the awliy' second to the Prophet in the rank of knowledge and al-Qushayr identified the
awliy' with the Sufisi.e., those who gain knowledge through purificationthis would
give the Sufis a position of preeminence over the scholars, which posed a particular threat to
traditional religious authority and to political authority as well."^
Ibn Barrajan explicitly denied the most important theological point criticized in
al-Ghazl's Ihy' in the Islamic Westthat knowledge of God could be gained through
effort in the purification of one's heart, which could be interpreted as suggesting that proph-
ecy can be gained through effort. In his commentary on God's name al-Tayyib, he states:
Know that purification (tatylb) of bad qualities of character (khubth khalql) cannot be acquired.
This only applies to Godexalted may He be, the One without associatesince it is at the
root of the manufacture and the composition of [the different elements of] the constitution [of
human beings], while the servant cannot change the constitution. Only God can improve it [...].
However, Heglorified and exalted may He bedoes not create an illness without providing a
medicine and does not shut a door withoutfindinga key for it [. . .] and the key for this lock is
supplication [in addition to] imploration, resignation, the detachment from [one's] strength and
power, and waiting for the opening and release from God [. . .]. And you do not know when the
fulfillment of your petition will take place. ' "
Even though Ibn Barrajan asserts God's preeminence in freely bestowing His mercy upon
His servant, he holds nonetheless that God provides the means necessary for the servant
to overcome with his effort every particular spiritual situation by asking for God's mercy,
which is to some extent close to al-Ghazl's positionat least as it was understood in the
Islamic Westaccording to which effort grants knowledge of God. As to the position Ibn
Barrajan grants to the awliy', he sees those in the highest ranks as intermediaries between
the prophets and the believers: "Neamess to God (wilya) originates (tansha'u) among the
generations of the chosen (mustafln) to the point that it reaches prophecy (nubuwwa), the
mission of messengers (risla), the most intimate friendship (khilla), and the utmost love;
and then [it reaches] the highest rank of intercession and the most exalted degree. The most
elevated people among the close intimates (awliy') are the link (wasl) between the prophets
and the believers.""^
Some other criticisms raised by later authors may help us figure out additional motiva-
tions for his conviction. Ibn Taymiyya links him with the Slimiyyathe alleged followers
of Sahl al-Tustar in Basraand accuses him of belonging to those who understand God as
both transcendent and immanent and thus defending a doctrine that Ibn Taymiyya says is
close to incarnation (huM).^^'^ He also mentions Ibn Barrajan on the occasion of his criticism
of al-Ghazl's concept of takhalluq, which Ibn Barrajan renames ta'âbbud in his commen-
115. This is one of al-Turtushi's main criticisms. See al-Dhahabi, Siyar, 19: 494-96 (no. 285) and particularly
p. 495 for his linking of al-Ghazl with those who were accused of believing that prophecy could be acquired (ikta-
saba) through purification. For a summary of al-Mazari and al-TurtDsh!'s criticisms of al-Ghazli and al-Subki's
answer, see al-Subki, Tabaqt al-sh'iyya al-kubr. 6: 240-58. For al-Ghazli's theory of prophecy, see Frank
Griffel, "Al-Gazli's Concept of Prophecy: The Introduction of Avicennan Psychology into As'arite Theology,"
Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 14 (2004): 101-44.
116. For an analysis of the fatwa issued by the Mliki jurist Ibn Rushd al-Jadd on this point, see Serrano, "Why
Did the Scholars of al-Andalus Distrust al-Ghazali?" 137-56.
117. Ibn Barrajan, Sharh Asma' Allah al-husn, 142-43. See also p. 218 for a similar statement on knowledge
understood through purification (tatahhur) in the measure of one's effort, although bestowed by God's mercy.
118. Ibid., 488.
119. Ibn Taymiyya, Majmu'at al-fatw, 2: 299/182; 5: 485/289.
tary to the names of Godthat is, the adoption of God's attributes by the believer, although
in the Sufi view attributes only applicable to God are excluded.
Other authors, such as Abu Shma al-Muqaddas, criticized Ibn Barrajn's doctrine of
temporal cycles on which he based his prediction of the conquest of Jerusalem. '^^ This doc-
trine was confused with astrology, although Ibn Barrajan took it from the Qur'an and it bore
no relationship to astrology of any kind. Abu Shma particularly criticizes Ibn Barrajn's
commentary to the verse "the Night of Might is better (khayr) than 1,000 months" (Q 97:3)
found in his Tafsr. Abu Shma attributes to Ibn Barrajan the idea that if the time of the
descent of the Qur'an were known, the time of its ascent would also be known. However, Ibn
Barrajan does not say this; he says that this time remains unknown since the period (mudda)
related to the word "better" (khayr) in the verse is unknown, 'î
The Mlik faqih al-Hassr criticized AbO Bakr b. al-'Ârab for introducing names of
God that were not obtained either from the Qur'an or the Sunna in his commentary on the
names of God, al-Amad al-aqs. '^^ According to al-Hassr, Abu Bakr b. al-'Arab followed
Ibn Barrajn's Sharh Asma' Allah al-husn. Al-Qurtub, who himself quotes Ibn Barrajan in
many instances in his al-Asnfi sharh Asma' Allah al-husn, defended both scholars by giv-
ing some examples of names found in the Sunna or names not literally found in the Qur'an
and Sunna but easily derived from them.'^^ These are thus potentially controversial topics
that could have left Ibn Barrajan open to accusations of bid'a.
CONCLUSION
The story of Ibn Barrajn's trial and death reflects the complex situation of Sufism in
al-Andalus during the final years of Almoravid rule.
Ibn Barrajn's works suggest that Sufism had reached a substantial degree of maturity
during his lifetime in al-Andalus. The importance of his works, the depth of his doctrines,
the books quoted, his practical advice regarding the path, and his spiritual creativity through
the aid of his symbolic transposition (i'tibr), as, for instance, in the development of the
doctrine of the creative Truth (al-haqq al-makhlq bihi al-khalq), show that he was firmly
established in a long-standing but at the same time innovative tradition in al-Andalus. Except
for the fact that there were no great Sufi authors in al-Andalus prior to him (if one accepts
that Ibn MasaiTa was not a Sufi author), nothing in his works suggests that Sufism was in its
early stages in his homeland at that time. All in all, it appears that Sufism must already have
been present for a relatively long time in al-Andalus.
This presence came to a head in Andalusian society with Ibn Barrajan and particularly
with Ibn al-'Arf, who threatened the existing balance in religious authority in al-Andalus.
With Ibn Barrajan and Ibn al-Ârf, along with others such as Abu 'Âbd Allah b. Khall,
Sufism was no longer a movement supported only by low-profile groups; it was now fol-
lowed by members of the class of the ulema. Ibn Barrajan and Ibn al-'Arf embody the
emergence of Sufism among the learned and the emergence of learned Sufism in al-Andalus.
Moreover, Sufism was gaining respect among the Almoravid ruling powers and the popu-
lation, at least in the Maghrib. This is evidenced by Ibn Hirzihim being the teacher of the
Almoravid sultan 'AH b. YOsuf b. Tshufin and by the events that surrounded Ibn al-'Arf
120. Abu Shama al-Muqaddas, 'Uyun al-rawdatayn fi akhbr al-dawlatayn al-nuriyya wa-l-salahiyya, ed.
A. BaysDm (Damascus, 1991), 2: 107-8.
121. MS Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek BSB-Hss Cod. Arab. 83, f. 229b.
122. Abu 1-Hasan 'Al al-Hassr (d. 611/1224). See Ibn al-Abbr, Takmiia, 2: 686 (no. 1918).
123. Al-Qurtub cites "Ibn al-Hassr." Al-Qurtub, al-Jmi' li-ahkni al-Qur'n (Beirut, 2006), 9: 394-95.
and Ibn Barrajn's summons and deaths; the sultan's warmth towards Ibn al-'ArIf, and Ibn
Hirzihim's appeal to the population concerning Ibn Barrajn's burial, on the basis of his own
spiritual authority.
Nonetheless, 'Al b. YOsuf b. Tshunn had shown weakness toward the Andalusian class
of the fuqah' and the judiciary,'^^ which shaped the Andalusian power structure around
local lineages. Bearing in mind this weakness and also Ibn Barrajn's profile and old age,
his being summoned and imprisoned were probably the result of the growing tensions pro-
duced by the shifting of religious authority from transmitted knowledge to purity of heart and
intimacy with God rather than the result of his leading or inspiring a Sufi uprising against
the Almoravids, as was the case with Ibn Qasl. All the same, the ongoing editing of Ibn
Barrajn's works will help to clarify the role of this important figure in Andalusian Sufism.
TRANSLATION OF IBN AL-'ÂRIF'S LETTER TO IBN BARRAJAN'^5

God be the intimate friend and protector of the. faqlh, the imm Abu 1-Hakam [ibn Barrajan],
my master (shaykh) and my senior (kablr) [in age; as spiritual figure?] and may the mercy
and the benediction of God be upon him.
From the one learning from him, the one eager of knowing what is with him, the weak
servant of God, Ahmad ibn Muhammad [ibn al-'ArIf].
In the Name of God, the All-Merciful, the Most-Merciful; and the benediction and peace
of God upon Muhammad, His Messenger. May peace, God's mercy, and blessings be upon
you.
O, my God! Unite the essential reality (haqlqa) of the existence (wujd) of the master
(shaykh)-my imm and my senior (kablr)with the existence of the essential reality of
the knowledge (ma^rifa) of You and the acquaintance (ta'arruf) with You; make him a guide
(zimm) of those who are signs in the paths leading to the purification of souls and an imm
of those principals who are banners (aHm) in the guidance to salvation; and bless him and
through him with the benediction which begins and ends in Muhammad, may God's bless-
ings be upon him.
I was concerned with receiving a letter from the mastermy only one in consideration
(whidi nadaran), the one preceding me in surrender (mutaqaddimi tasllman) and in being
held in high estimation (wa-mu'tabaran) '-^since the bearer of arguments to be listened
to from me is moving him to interpose a separation between (Ixla bayna) [my] soul and its
desire and to bring shame on it [i.e., on my soul] from its Lord (mawl). For this reason,
[my master's] supplication, letter, writing, and information were received bringing love and
affection to me.
All this is part of the signs (thr) I asked [God]exalted be His nameand it was not
His very Essence Cayn) [that I asked]. So I was expecting one of His allusions regarding
knowledge or practice.
124. Viz., 'All b. Yusuf b. Ibn Tashufn's letter to his governor al-Zubayr b. 'Umar reproaching his attitude
toward the qdl Abu Bakr b. Aswad and warning him against the power of the judiciary in al-Andalus. The qdl
Ibn Aswad was the one who accused Ibn al-'Arf before the sultan. See M. Mu'nis, "Sab' wath'iq jadda 'an dawlat
al-murbitn," Revista del Instituto egipcio de estudios islmicos 2 (1954): 55-84, esp. 71.
125. Ibn al-'Aiif, Mifth al-sa'da, 109-10. Differences of translation from Nwyia's version may partially arise
from differences in the base manuscripts. My translation is based on Dandash's edition (supra, n. 71).
126. If we read mu'tabir instead of mu'tabar, it can be translated as "the one preceding me [. . .] as interpreter,"
that is, the one who precedes me in exerting the symbolic transposition (i'tibr).
And the explanation in a detailed and general manner of one point is obscure to me: [this
point is] how to treat a drunk or how to treat him when his inebriety overcomes him, when
his friend is inattentive and his claimer is awakened.
O, my God! Such is the perplexity caused by a weak one with no excuse, an existence
upon which no power is exerted through regulations. And [this perplexity is such] except for
a misled and weak one.
O, my God ! Cover with Your veil the one with overflowing inebriety caused by the love of
the world, the one whose inner reality is dead with regard to the contemplation of the visions
of the Hereafter. He has no Lord taking over him except You, while every wild beast he finds
stays with him for a long time and his passions overcome him.
And when Your generosity draws him to You, the vile aspects of his being draw him from
You; so have mercy and pay no attention to what You know [of us] and open a hardened heart
with the keys of solicitude, so that we can look at You and be ashamed before You.
And youmy immimbued with the veneration deserved by your white hair, remember
rne when you lie down to rest with Whom you lie down, so that the One you have loved for
me loves you. ,
And may the eternal ever-recurring peace, God's mercy, and blessings be upon you.
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Al-Ghazali of Andalus

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"Al-Ghazali of al-Andalus": Ibn Barrajan, Mahdism, and the

Emergence of Learned Sufism on the Iberian Peninsula

Journal of the American Oriental Society 133.4 (2013) 659

IBN BARRAJAN IN HISTORIOGRAPHICAL SOURCES

IBN BARRAJAN'S BIOGRAPHY

Ibn Barrajan has three extant works:

20. Takmila, 2: 559 (no. 1588).

by Muslims in 583/1187 is found in the commentary to the beginning of al-Rm.^^ Because

IBN BARRAJAN, AN OUTSIDER?

57. Ibn Barrajan, Sharh Asma' Allah al-husna, 267.

IBN BARRAJAN, A POLITICAL ACTIVIST?

82. Cornell, Realm of the Saint, 20.

88. Al-Futaht al-makiyya, 1: 186.

94. See n. 9, supra.

IBN BARRAJN'S DEATH

IBN BARRAJN'S DOCTRINES MOTIVATING HIS CONVICTION

112. Cornell, The Way of Abu Madyan, 15.

TRANSLATION OF IBN AL-'^ARIF'S LETTER TO IBN BARRAJAN'^5

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