De La Salle University

College of Liberal Arts

Political Science Department

Religions Role and Impact on Southeast Asian Politics:

A Comparative Study of Indonesia, the Philippines, and Myanmar

A Research Paper

Presented to

Mr. David Timberman

In Partial Fulfillment

For the course POLLSEA section A52

1st Trimester, AY 2015 2016

Hannah Francesca A. Hernando

November 27, 2015

 ABSTRACT

Religious influence in the Southeast Asian region is known to be very strong

compared to that of the west. Because of this, a myriad of countries within this
context face the reality of the probability of church influence extending over to
state affairs. This study delves deeper into the cases of three Southeast Asian
countriesIndonesia, the Philippines, and Myanmarand how these countries
respective dominant faiths influence state politics, specifically in aspects of
legislation, government decision-making, and cases of religious repression.

INTRODUCTION
The relationship that exists between politics and religion remains an issue much contested
to this day. Although the separation of church and state is generally the ideal in most countries,
religions soft power is still very much a driving force in the context of various nations. Religion
is an intrinsic part of those who adhere to it, for its implications to their followers provide an area
of influence that is not limited to the individual. If one lives in accordance to the norms and
beliefs of a religion, its influence surpasses the singular and leaks into an aggregate level,
affecting social circles and a number of aspects of the individuals life. Thus, if it proves to be
especially dominant in a state, it can be a very strong influence and shaper of politics.
In the context of the Southeast Asian region, this influence is known to be very strong. As
home to a myriad of different religionsthe most dominant amongst these being Christianity,
Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, as well as some animistic religionsthese beliefs dominate and
encompass large aspects of the nations within the region, unlike in Western or European
contexts. Although secularism is provided to be the system much preferred, as it delivers the
implication of objectivity through the separation of the church and the state, it is difficult to
apply this in the Southeast Asian region. Because of religions encompassing impact in most
Southeast Asian countries, whether the ideal of secularism is explicitly or implicitly declared,
more often than not, does not make much of a difference. This impact is very difficult to situate
or put within a boundary.
Such as in the case of the Philippines, the nations constitution explicitly states that the
separation of the church and the state be respected, but the reality of the situation proves
otherwise. The influence of Christianity and the opinions of the church still continue as large
defining factors in Philippine legislation and other aspects of government decision making.
Myanmar, on the other hand, provides in its constitution that it is a secular state, although it
acknowledges the dominance of Buddhism in the country. Further, Indonesias constitution,
although guaranteeing freedom of religion, only acknowledges six religionsIslam,
Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianismwith Islam being the
most dominant. These countries face the reality of the encompassing influence of religion to their
respective populations, and thus, this influence also deepens to the extent that it also proceeds to
play a role in the nations politics.
This paper will thus look further upon the ways in which religion intersects within these
states affairs. The focus will be on the respective interpretation of the notion of the separation of
church and state within the three countries, and how they vary in these contexts, specifically in
the ways in which the churchs/dominant religions power influences state politics, as well as the
situation of the relationship between the states and their respective dominant religions or faiths.

RESEARCH PROBLEM
Religion, as an influence, can be very powerful in shaping policy decisions. Unlike
European countries, the presence of religious dominance in most Southeast Asian countries can
prove to be a very strong driving force in the particular nations political identity. This study thus
aims to determine the power of religion and to what extent it is able to affect and mold politics,
specifically in the context of three Southeast Asian countriesIndonesia, Myanmar, and the
Philippines.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

It is important to study this topic, as religion is often considered a very powerful defining
factor in what constitutes a nations collective character. If it portrays dominance in a nation, it
speaks not only for a community but for generally all of the nations population as well. Since
religion holds a much more powerful presence in Asia than in Western contexts, it is therefore
not meaningless to embrace the very probable notion that religion and politics intersect in a
Southeast Asian context.

SCOPE OF THE STUDY

A representative country for three of these dominant religions, namely, Buddhism, Islam, and
Christianity, were chosen. Indonesia was chosen in this study for it is a country that largely
practices Islam, having the worlds largest population of Muslims, with 85% of a rough 240
million citizens (Budijanto, 2003). Myanmar was consequently chosen for its status as a
Buddhist country, being part of the major countries that adhere to Theravada Buddhism
(Bischoff, 2011). Finally, the Philippines will be the illustrative country for Christianity, chosen
for its known status as a predominantly Christian/Catholic nation. It discusses the state of
Indonesia in matters that concern laws and policies regarding womens sexuality, gender norms,
and queer citizens of the population, the case of the RH Law in the Philippines, and religious
repression and ostracism put forth by the military junta in Myanmar.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

THE SEPARATION OF THE CHURCH AND THE STATE
The entanglement of religion and politics continues, to this day, to be a significant theme
in political philosophy (Callaway, n.d.). Political theorists as well as dominant political
environments vouch for the notion that there must be a separation of church and statethat the
two are distinct entities that must not coincide with one another. This notion is preferred, for
religion can pose as a threat, as it has the power to make collective claims for a vast majority of
people. If a faith is one universally known, such as Islam or Christianity, then its influence
extends from a single community to a global level. Thus, this influence, as it is a strong one, is
bound to intersect with politics at some point.
In Western contexts, the establishment of the role of the church as well as that of the state
and how they coincide with one another has been a topic already debated upon. This issue was
discussed especially in the early modern era. Callaway (n.d.) states that the implications that
these discussions hold in one way or another express that of the somewhat official status of a
church in the state. An example of this would be what is coined a civil religionone in which
a church or religion, although not having an official status, is still explicitly expressed in the state
as it uses religious concepts in an unrestricted manner (Bellah, 1967). T.S. Eliot, a trained
philosopher, had given his take on the establishment of the church, which he was in support of.
Eliot stated that democratic societies, by rejecting the power of an established faith or
church, put themselves in jeopardy, for by distancing themselves from this influence, they do not
gain the principled type of wisdom that can only be achieved through the immersion in such
religions or faiths. A society that deprives itself of this wisdom, he states, is one that would lead
itself to the path of tyranny and fragmentation. This type of argument is in line with that of
conservatism; which in some aspects defends the benefits of the presence of such an
establishment in the state. It is claimed that the establishment of a church or faith will lead to a
myriad of benefits gained by the political system or society as a whole (Scruton, 1980). This line
of thought provides that pre- or extra-political social cohesion must be present in order for a polis
to be considered a healthy one.
This social cohesion is said to be necessary for it will enable citizens to realize that they
are interconnected with one another, and thus will encourage them to work together politically
within a common political framework. Callaway (n.d.) states that this kind of cohesion is said to
be gained through the presence of a religion and the display of its presence through religious
symbols or allusions to it in political contexts. The liberal tradition, however, provides an
argument against this, standing in opposition to the establishment of a church or faith in a state.
Because contemporary liberalism holds heavy implications of justice and fairness, it is only
natural that it is in support of the neutrality of the state amidst religions. A democratic
government is ideally one that represents and is in equal favor of its citizens. It must not be
biased to a particular community, religious or not.
On a more individual level, liberalism also believes in the right of a person to practice
ones chosen faith, given the right to freedom of conscience. It would be against this freedom,
then, for a state to impose upon a person a specific religion or faith that they reject. Liberals are
also, therefore, against the provision of tax revenues to religious groups, as this generalizes the
population and implies that even non-believers of the specific religion subsidize the faith. The
risk of religious repression as well as curtailment of liberty may also increase, according to
liberal consequentialist beliefs (Audi, 2000). Thus, in a liberal perspective, the implications of
the church leaking into the political entail negative consequences.
The liberal belief in fairness will be violated if the separation of the church and state is
not respected. Religious groups, once immersed in the political realm, may be reeled in by the
temptation of great political power and influence that will consequently benefit their personal
and individual desires. The risk of a faith or religion being tainted once immersed in the political
also stands present.
 INDONESIA
In the context of Southeast Asia, this separation is constantly tested in a dominant amount
of countries within the region. Because Southeast Asia is considered to be one of the most
religious regions in the world, the probability of the church meddling in state affairs is a constant
occurrence. In the case of Indonesia, Islam is the most dominant religion, with it being the
worlds largest Islamic country. Although the states constitution provides said freedom of
religion, Hinduism, Protestantism, Catholicism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Islam are the only
religions acknowledged, thus, the nation can hardly be considered as a legitimate secular state,
as irreligion, however not prosecuted, is not tolerated. Indonesias founding fathers, which were
predominantly Muslim, debated over whether the country should be an Islamic or nationalist
state.
The consideration of the country being an Islamic state stemmed from the fact that the
vast majority of its population adheres to Islam. However, due to the nations heterogeneous
social and religious nature, the state was, in turn, based on a deconfessionalized ideology instead
(Effendy, 2003). This is where the Pancasila ideology steps inimplemented by the Indonesian
constitution, the Pancasila ideology is an ideology that requires adherence from all legal political
parties, with the inclusion of Communist parties, since 1984. It guides the state on the grounds
that belief must only be vested in One Supreme God, the creation of a just and civilized
humanity, unity in the country, democracy through the wisdom of deliberations among
representatives, and social justice for the Indonesian people. Its first pillar is mainly interpreted
officially through an Islamic standpoint. After the purging of communists in the country in
1965, and consequently during Suhartos rule, Islams previous lack of state involvement has
lead to its stronger political involvement now (McVey & Piscatori, 1984). Compared to that of
previous years, Islams influence in the realm of Indonesian politics implies a stronger presence.
One aspect of this is the rise of literal interpretations of Islamic textual sources in regards
to Indonesias political landscapemore specifically in the facet of legislation concerning
family and inheritance matters, the criminalization of sexual practices, as well as other aspects of
the individual that degrade Muslim women and those who practice behaviors considered as
deviant from what is considered to be of Muslim character (Fleschenberg & Derichs, 2011). Due
to the heavy influence of Islam, legislation regarding the freedom of Indonesian LGBT members,
women, and the fluidity of gender norms is sufficiently narrow. Space for liberal beliefs, such as
womens and queer rights proves to be insufficient and restricting in the Indonesian context. This
is related to the 1998 democratization of Indonesian politics that pushed forth the reform of
political and economic channels that were once centralized under the Suharto regime. This
restructuring, according to Fleschenberg & Derichs (2011), gave way to Islamic modernist
political players to enter the front.
These actors include Suhartos cronies, political party representatives that joined the
Islamization bandwagon, and even neo-conservative militant Islamic splinter groups. The
Decentralization Reform of 2001, which had the original aim of granting legislative autonomy as
well as a bigger share of revenues to regions in order to soothe conflicts with the central
government, allowed the use of the more localized institutional channels to religious forces as
well as actors from Suhartos network. These forces and actors used these channels to their
benefit, by pioneering their interests. Political parties that pursue the islamization of the state
have also gained places in the parliament. Due to their positions, these actors hold considerable
influence over the Indonesian population as well as the nations political realm, more
specifically, in legislation. Through this, they are able to have a particularly strong say in matters
regarding Muslim sexuality, and the role of women in the family, as well as issues concerning
the female body.
Subsequently, those who dont adhere to neo-conservative gender norms, as well as
actors from the civil society that promote a fluid Muslim interpretation of gender and sexuality,
are at most oppressed and given the silent treatment by the central government. A solid example
of this would be the aggressiveness of the Islamic Defenders Front and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia
towards the concept of homosexuality. A case that can testify to this is that of the fourth regional
meeting of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Intersex Association, which was
raided and thus dismissed. In reaction to this, Minister of Religious Affairs Ali Suryadharma
publicly stated that he was not in favor of the conference, for it disobeyed religious order, and
was thus probable for a charge of blasphemy. This Blasphemy Law criminalizes groups as well
as individuals that practice actions considered deviant from Islamic character. Those guilty of
this are required to face up to five years of imprisonment.
The Justice and Welfare Party or PKS claims its openness to the equality of
opportunities, however, the PKS ideology and historical genesis is heavily dependent on
Hizbut Tahrir Indonesiawhich is against the notion of the overall freedom of women. They
hold the belief that a democracy that allows such is one that strips women away of their dignity,
and is thus a democracy that is not allowable. The HTI also presses that its ideal regarding
women is the only one that must be followed, for this is the way in which they realize their true
rights regarding their nature. Through all this, we can thus see that neo-conservative Islamic
influences hold a significant amount of power and impact over Indonesias legislation. This can
actively be observed in the ways in which legislation regarding matters of sexuality, gender, and
womens bodies, are more often than not embedded in neo-conservative ideals of Muslim
identity.

THE PHILIPPINES

The case of the Philippines, on the other hand, is faced with a similar dilemma in terms of
religious intervention. The 1987 Philippine constitution makes clear the separation of the church
and state, with the declaration:

The separation of Church and State shall be inviolable. (Article II, Section
6), and, No law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof. The free exercise and enjoyment of religious
profession and worship, without discrimination or preference, shall forever be
allowed. No religious test shall be required for the exercise of civil or political
rights. (Article III, Section 5).

This provision, however, has been violated in the reality of the nations situation. Being a
predominantly Catholic/Christian nation, Philippine legislation and the overall government
decision-making process are constantly faced with an overbearing influence from the church.
The Philippines is thus faced with a highly politicized Church-State doctrine (Pangalangan,
2008).
Catholicism is actively practiced in government offices, individuals of political
prominence ask for blessings from religious leadersthere is an obvious contradiction to what
the constitution states. One case in which this contradiction can specifically be seen is in
Philippine family, civil, and penal law (Austria, 2004). These laws pose as serious limitations to
the sexual and reproductive rights of Filipino women. During former president Gloria Macapagal
Arroyos term, sate policy was highly dependent on Catholic beliefs. She opposed all forms of
modern contraception, dismissing these as methods of abortion, and she also revoked former
family planning and reproductive health policies.
This limited government action in regards to family planning to only natural methods.
The Philippines, amidst the threat of overpopulation, can really benefit from a substantial law
regarding reproductive health. However, the current RH law, although finally approved, is an
extremely watered down version of what it was proposed to be. This is due to fervent opposition
from the church. The CBCP or Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines proved to play a
very particular role in the process of House Bill 5043s earlier deliberation.
During this stage, it faced constant opposition for its violation of faith-based sexual
morality, despite its potential to become a force of sustainable Philippine population control
(Bautista, 2010). The bishops issued a pastoral letter that expressed their opposition to the bill,
encouraging the rest of the Filipino Catholic population to reject it as well (Hermida, n.d.).
Despite this, the RH law was passed successfully, with provisions that ensure the protection and
strengthening of the family, the protection and promotion of the right of women to health as well
as the promotion of health consciousness, and the acknowledgement and promise of the
encouragement of equal respect of children, youth, and unborn rights and welfare. The RH law
also promises the rights of individuals and couples to have the freedom to choose whether or not
they wish to have children, and matters concerning the how many children they want, the time or
spacing they allot in planning, as well as their right to other matters concerning decisions that
imply no reproduction without force, violence, and discrimination, at the same time having the
knowledge and information as well as means to do so made available (Republic Act No. 10354 |
Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines, n.d.).
Despite it being approved, the process it took to achieve this lasted 14 whole years. It also
had to go through revisions due to the severe opposition against itwith the Roman Catholic
Church being a major contributor. It is because of this that advocates of the law, including the
Reproductive Health Advocacy Network, had to stress that the draft law was still pro-life, pro-
family, as well as pro-poor (Lucson & Francisco, 2015). An argument pegged against it is the
laws violation of Article II Section 12 of the 1987 Constitution, that declares that the state
equally protects both the life of the mother as well as the life of her child from conception. This,
the opposition states, implies that the law is deviant from Gods order that family, life, and
marriage be considered sacred. It is through this provision of the constitution, however, that we
see just how powerful the influence of the Catholic faith is on Philippine law.
A part of the constitution explicitly vouches for the protection of the mother and her child
from the time of conceptiona statement that alludes to a heavy Catholic influence. This is a
statement in itself. A country that has a constitution that declares the separation of the church and
the state is also a country with a constitution that holds Catholic/Christian implications. The
debate against the RH law were boxed to the issue of contraceptives, despite it providing so
much more than thatwith it also promoting the right to health as well as reproductive self-
determination (Cabral, 2013). The law even provides religious freedomreligious group-owned
hospitals have the right to refuse to provide RH services. Health care providers that oppose the
law due to their belief also have the right to provide referrals instead. Cabral (2013) states that
controversy regarding the law, then, was not because of danger to humanity or to the planet or
reasons like so. It is also not deviant from the political orderit is not fascist, or totalitarian. The
main source of its perceived controversial nature is the opposition of the Catholic Churchas
stated, a very big driving force in Philippine government and collective society. The provision
that the Philippines is a secular state, then, does not coincide with the reality of the situation,
since the church is considered a big influence in policymakingseen in the way that it refused to
entertain the fluidity of matters regarding womens sexuality and bodies.

MYANMAR
The case of Myanmar, on the other hand, shows active state repression in the nation
against less dominant religions. Although the nations 2008 constitution provides for freedom of
religion, the reality in Burma proves otherwise. Being one of the largest countries that practice
Theravada Buddhism, the nations military government violates this provision by ensuring
national security through religious persecution of less dominant religions, such as Christianity,
Islam, Hinduism, and Animism. Even in the 1960s, Islamic as well as Christian groups were
faced with much difficulty as they try to bring in their respective religious literature into
Myanmar (2002 US Department of States International Religious Freedom Report on Burma,
2009). These materials were either controlled or censored, with the translation of the Bible to
indigenous languages deemed illegal (2009 US Department of States International Religious
Freedom Report on Burma, 2009).
The distribution and creation of copies of these materials were also severely limited, with
the provision that they were only for internal use. At times, members of minority groups were
forced to work for the military this labor included the destruction of churches, graveyards, or
mosques to be replaced by Buddhist pagodas. Christians and Muslims were only able to build
their respective places of worship in their own right through the presence of bribes to the
authorities. More often than not, instances also occur wherein, after the completion of these
churches and mosques, State Peace and Development Council authorities take it upon themselves
to destroy these places of worship and belittle these minority groups hard work. These instances
of discrimination and oppression are aspects of what is called Burmanizationthe notion that
there only be once race, language, and religion; that is, Burman, Burmese, and Buddhism (Kung,
2009).
The military junta bases its actions on the ideology Buddha Bata, Myanmar Lumyo,
which means, To be Myanmar is to be Buddhist. This ideology is also the main premise of the
State Peace and Development Councils political philosophy (2011 US Department of States
International Religious Freedom Report on Burma, 2011). This type of limiting ideology is one
that fuels religious oppression. The fervent belief in this allows for justification of the ostracism
being practiced against the inferior or less dominant religions in the nation of Myanmar. State
policy in western Burma also propagates this kind of oppression, with Christians being forced to
convert to Buddhism. Burmas Chin State, which is under the government led by President Thein
Sein, experiences constant violations to human rights and religious freedom.
Christian religious symbols, such as crosses, are destroyed, and Christian students are
prohibited from performing religious practices at schools, to the extent that they are coerced into
shaving their heads and wearing monks robes. (Threats to Our Existence: Persecution of Ethnic
Chin Christians in Burma, n.d.). Christian priests were prosecuted, and a number were arrested
as well for attending the Christian Centennial Celebration (Win, 2000). Burmese Muslims, on the
other hand, have also had their fair share of religious oppression in the nation. Muslim religious
centers, such as mosques, moqtobs, hafez khanas, and madrassahs, are required to be officially
registered before they are used. Government officials, however, rarely allow madrassahs to
officially register. Since 2001, an increase on Muslim travel and worship restrictions, as well as
anti-Muslim violence have risen due to prejudice against the minority group (2013 US State
Commission on International Religious Freedom on Burma, 2013).
In Western Myanmar, conflict sparked between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya
Muslims. In the year 2012, thousands of homes were destroyed and over a hundred people were
killed. The Rakhine government has also implemented a two-child policy amongst Rohingya
Muslims as a way to control the Rohingya population (Commission of the churches on
International Affairs Study Report, 2013). In cases of religious celebrations, Muslims are often
given strict limitations on the number of people that could attend or gather in an area, as well as
requests for these actual religious celebrations had to be approved before they could take place.
This is the case in Rangoon, amongst the satellite towns, where religious gatherings were only
allowed on major Muslim holidays.
This type of religious oppression shows the presence of the nations bias on Buddhism.
Although the states constitution claims that it allows for the freedom of religion, attacks on
minority religious groups as well as explicit promotion of Buddhist beliefs on behalf of the
military junta prove to us that this is not a provision set into reality. Buddhist teachings are
promoted through state-controlled news media outlets, with the constant images of government
officials paying support to Buddhist religion. These officials pay homage to monks, make
significant donations to pagodas, put forth ceremonies that ensure the preservation of which, as
well as the use of government funds in the maintenance Buddhist shrines. Buddhist scriptures
have also always been featured as slogans in state newspapers, and the Burmese government has
also been known to publish Buddhist books of religious instruction.
The Burmese government funds two state universities, both of which train Buddhist
monks under the State Monk Coordination Committeealso funded by the state. In the context
of Burmese elementary schools, Buddhist doctrine is heavily embedded in the state mandated
curriculum, and all students of official elementary schools are required to participate in daily
Buddhist prayers. In terms of job placement and the openness of job opportunities, the nation
still shows to be much in favor of Buddhists as well. Those who are not Buddhists find it
difficult to place jobs in Myanmar.
With all that has been discussed above, we see a different type of dynamic when it comes
to the relationship of the church and the state. In the case of Myanmar, the influence of the
dominant religion does leak into state affairs, although in a way different than that of the
Philippines and Indonesia. The Burmese government incorporates the heavy influence of the
dominant faithBuddhism, and bases this bias and the way in which they favor it as an
underlying justification or reason for religious oppression against minority groups. In the case of
Myanmar, the Buddhist religion has been used as a tool for coercion, force, and repression.

CONCLUSION
The relationship between the church and the state is one much debated upon. A
prominent topic in political philosophy, the ideal of its separation is often the notion much
preferred. Despite this, however, the churchs power is one very hard to contain. Because of its
strong influence and hold on those who adhere to it, it is a common occurrence that its impact
meddles into state affairs. Being an intrinsic aspect of its followers, a faith that is dominant in a
nation is one that surpasses singular influence and seeps into one of aggregate character. This
implies the probability of it being a shaper of a nations government and political decision-
making. This is especially true for a number of countries in the context of Southeast Asia. As a
region known to be one of the most religiouswith religions such as Islam, Buddhism,
Christianity, and Hinduism situated within the areathe presence of a dependence on church
influence is more prominent than that in the West.
The ideal of a secular statewhether it be implied or declareddoes not hold much
effectiveness in this context. This can be seen in the case of the three Southeast Asian countries
discussedIndonesia, the Philippines, and Myanmar, and how the influence of the countries
dominant faiths were able to coincide with the states affairs. In the case of Indonesia, we see the
influence of the church interfere with legislation. The aspect of this specifically tackled was that
of laws and policies regarding sensitive issues, such as womens sexuality, rights, as well as the
status of the LGBT members of the Indonesian society. With Islam being the dominant faith in
the nationas it is coined the worlds largest Islamic countrythe state can hardly be
considered secular. Heavily based on the Pancasila ideologywhich provides in its first pillar
the belief in one godembedded in the Indonesian constitution, heavy Islam influences are
translated to Indonesian law.
Literal interpretations of Islamic sources have been taken into laws, and neo-conservative
Islamic influence is specifically seen in the criminalization of sexual practices, matters regarding
family and inheritance, the characterization of what constitutes ideal Muslim identity, as well as
the narrowing of opportunity for fluidity in terms of gender norms and sexuality. The case of the
Philippines also shows the power of the churchs influence, this time through the clash of its
beliefs with the RH Law. Although the Philippine constitution explicitly vouches for the
separation of the church and the state, the churchs contribution to state policy making still
proves to be present. In government contexts, Catholicism reigns as a supreme practice. Political
leaders request blessings from religious leaders, and religious practices are constantly put forth.
This influence extends to the nations laws, specifically seen the countrys in family, civil, as
well as penal law.
During the term of former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Catholic beliefs were
heavily embedded in implementations put forth that posed as limitations to womens sexual as
well as reproductive rights, including the opposition of contraception and family
planning/reproductive health policies. Despite the many benefits that the RH Law could give to
the countrys overflowing population situation, it still took an astonishing 14 years to approve.
What contributed the most to the slow pace of the process was the fervent opposition so
explicitly shown by the church. The law was said to be deviant of Christian moral values, and
was deemed to be in violation of the constitution, which vouches for the protection of the
mother and the life of the unborn conception. This article in the constitution itself implies
Catholic influence. Thus it can be seen that, although the constitution states otherwise, the
separation of the church and state in the Philippine context is a notion not thoroughly visible or
respected. The church still has a say in the states policymaking process, and it has a strong
ability to spark up controversy and contribute to the pace of legislation.
Lastly, the case of Myanmar provides for similar implications in a different angle. The
state, being dominantly Buddhist, expresses its relationship with the dominant faith through the
repression and discrimination against the minority religions. Although its constitution promotes
freedom of religion, this said freedom is constantly being tested in the Burmese nation. The
nations military government participates in the persecution of Christians as well as Muslims, as
discussed in this paper. Serious limitations were posed against these minority groups rights to
places of worship and expressions of faith.
 There were instances of forced labor, as well as the destruction of religious symbols and
artifacts. The Burmanization that occurs in Myanmar poses as a severe roadblock to the said
freedom of religion. The military junta bases this oppression on the ideology Buddha Bata,
Myanmar Lumyo, which literally means, To be Myanmar is to be Buddhist. Such an ideology
proves the influence of the dominant faith. State policies have been implemented regarding the
forced conversion of non-Buddhists to the faith, as well as laws that aim to control the rise of
Muslim populations within the country. The government highly favors Buddhism, promoting it
in state-owned media outlets, and providing funds for Buddhist institutions.
Thus, with all that has been discussed, we can truly see the power of the influence of the
church in a nation. It can affect and contribute to the determination of which state laws and
policies are to be established, as in the case of the Philippines and Indonesia, or it can meddle
and influence state affairs in a different aspect, as provided by the case of Burma, where religion
was by the government as a basis for religious repression and the ostracism of minority groups.
Religion has a power so vast and encompassing because it has the ability to speak not just to, but
for people. It is an influence so personal yet so collectiveone that is definitely difficult to
contain.
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