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Amenhotep IPs Campaign to Takhsi
Anson F. Rainey
7i
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72 JARCE X (1973)
Thebes
ing, therefore, should along with the
be restored as hands (am
follows
from the(Urk.
in the Memphis "prologue" other slain
IV, enemies).
1301.10): Th
king)11 transported the
y ^ [_ J #] p [^], w [n Ta-h]-s\il "the dis- other wret
trict of Takhsi to Nubia (Ts-Sty) that he be hanged12
wall of Napata
receives some further support to demonstrate
from the close(r rd
the
parallels in thought and victories of
wording his majesty
between thefor e
ever .action
description of the military ... ,13 and the sub-
sequent display of the vanquished foes' bodies
The text of the opening lines in the M
in the Amada text with the "prologue" of the
stele is very difficult due to the faulty re
Memphis stele. In the former passage it is stated
by the later scribe. It may even be
that Amenhotep had the stele set up
such inscriptions were already so arti
... after his majesty's returnthat
contrived fromone Upper
should not exp
Retjenu when he had overthrown
grammatical precision. all his
Nevertheless,
opponents (rkyw'fnbw) lowing
(thus)tentative translation
broadening the repre
borders of Egypt, ori his to
attempt first
render victorious
the phrases as they
campaign.7 the context. Various words echoing the
given above from the Amada stele will
The return of the pharaoh and his severe treat-
in parentheses. In addition to the us
ment of the seven princes from Takhsi, espe-
titles, Amenhotep is described as the o
cially the desecration of their corpses by dis-
playing them publicly is then reiterated in . . . whose mace {hd'f) has smitten N
detail:
(N-h-ri-n), whose bow has laid lo
When his majesty returned in joy of heart rregion^(!) [of Takhjsi (V! [n Ta-
(m iwt-ib) to his father Amon, it was after8 who seized15 forcefully like Montu ar
he had slain with his own mace (m hd-f dsf)
the seven princes who were in the region of
11 A new independent clause is here introduced by
Takhsi (w n Ta-h-ii), they being hung9 upside
'h'-n plus impersonal sdm-n-tw referring to the king,
down on the prow of his majesty's Falcon cf. Polotsky, op. citr, 20-21; "the other enemy" is
Boat taken here as direct object rather than as subject of a
of these wretched men beforepassive theshnt-tw.
rampart of
12 The Old Perfective -hw is used here to express
result; for another example of this rare usage cf. a few
7 Urk. IV, 1296. 13-16. lines earlier, W-n rdi-n hm-f ir-tw wd pn, smnw m r;
8 The initial ii-n htn-f is, of course, pr pn . an emphatic
. ., "Then his majesty had this stele made that
form; the translation above assumes thatbethe
it should, set upempha-
in the entrance to this house ..."
sized predicate is the circumstantial (Urk.clause
IV, 1296. beginning
7-10); cf. Erman, Agyptische Gram-
with smt-n-f; cf. Polotsky, Egyptian matik*,Tenses (Proc.
335, who stresses that this usage is usually
Israel Acad. II, No. 5), 7-10. Prof. Polotsky's inter- after rdi.
pretation of Egyptian syntax makes it incumbent 13 Urk. IV, 1 297. 1- 1298.2.
upon the translator to decide just which type of verbal 14 Taking hwi-n hd-f and ptpt-n pdt-f as relative
form is present in a given situation, and often more forms; as part of the description of Pharaoh they can
than one possibility exists. The present writer must hardly be otherwise. Edel, ZDPV 69 (1953), 126,
assume full responsibility for his own choices in the translates them as finite verbs though he does not list
texts cited here; all shortcomings are his own. them under his examples of sdrvt'n-f, ibid., 138; Wilson
9 This circumstantial clause begins with the Old also seems to take the forms as finite in his translation
Perfective 3 m* pl. dw. .-.,. A NE T, 245c, where he follows the reading hm-f
10 A new stage in the action, predicated on what has rather than hd'f.
already occurred, is introduced by wn-in-tw, using the 15 The participle, it (it), coming in parallelism with
impersonal sdm-in-tw in polite reference to the king, the two preceding sdm-n-fs, shows that the latter can
cf. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar3 , 429. 1. hardly be anything but relative forms.
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AMENHOTEP Il'S CAMPAIGN TO TAKHSI 73
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74 JARCE X (1973)
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AMENHOTEP Il'S CAMPAIGN TO TAKHSI 75
of the
His surmise receives further support from Cavalrymen, the Byzantine village
the
fact that the short form tmn {Hamdnel) for this
farther north may have carried with it a rem-
numeral is used with great frequency inof
nant con-
the original Hebrew name, thus giving
temporary Ugaritic.40 During the Late rise to the form Tell es-Semen. On the other
Bronze
Age, the name Gabca-suman probably hand, meant
that name may have been "Hill of the
Eight"
"Hill of the Eight" or something similar. In through
the the Israelite Period, and the
Iron Age, when the Semitic t shifted to s into "Hill of Butter" may have been
conversion
Hebrew, the original significance ofmade during the Roman-Byzantine or the
the name
Arab have
may have been lost and the Israelites may periods. In any case, the original name
thus reinterpreted it to mean *Gebac-setnen,
could hardly have been other than "Hill of the
"Hill of (olive) oil." Then, in the Arab period,
Eight." The original form is hard to determine,
after the town had long been famous perhaps
as a place
*tdtniny *tutndn(e) or Humn.
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