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EFFECTS OF POLITICAL CRISES ON

NIGERIAS DEVELOPMENT
(A CASE STUDY OF 2011 GENERAL ELECTIONS)

BY

JUNAIDU ABDULLAHI MUSA


SMS/14/POL/00915

BEING A PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF


POLITICAL SCIENCE, BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO. IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT FOR THE AWARD OF BACHELOR
OF DEGREE IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (B.Sc. POLITICAL
SCIENCE)

OCTOBER, 2017

i
APPROVAL PAGE

This research work has been read certified and approved to satisfy the
requirements of the B.Sc. in Political Science, Department of Political Science,
Bayero University, Kano. In partial fulfillment for the award of B.Sc. Degree on
the aforesaid programme.

________________________ ____________________
Malama Hafsat Y. Yakasai Date
Project Supervisor

________________________ ____________________
Prof. Habu Muhammad Fagge Date
Head of Department

________________________ ____________________
External Supervisor Date

ii
DEDICATION

I dedicate this work to God Almighty who stood behind me through the

duration of my academic pursuit/programme. Countless thanks to him

(God), for his enormous guidance and supports in this particular research

exercises.

iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENT

My profound gratitude to God Almighty whose without His permission


the doing of this course would not have been possible.
I equally thank my supervisor Malama Hafsat Y. Yakasai for her
consistent guidance and moral boosting who despite her tied schedule finds it
relevant to put me through this research essay. Her effort is indeed appreciated
in the success of this project. My gratitude goes to my parents, Alhaji Musa
Abdullah Nyalun (Federal Commissioner, Public Complaints Commission,
Plateau State), Hajiya Saudatu Musa Abdullahi for their constant support and
prayers throughout the period of the course.
I must also express my sincere appreciation to my wife Late Rabiatu
Mohammad Zaure, and my son AbuSafiyan Junaidu Musa for their
contributions and enduring my absence during academic pursuit. Other brothers
worth of praises for their concern include; Alhaji Sulaiman Musa, Late Khadija
Musa, Hajara Musa, Hafsat Musa, Jamila Musa, Maryam Musa, Zainab Musa,
Abdullahi Musa, Musa Musa.
Also this acknowledgement will be incomplete if I fail to recognize my
friend and colleagues in different endeavors such as Audu Noma, Sadiq Rasco,
Aliyu Sallau, Adamu Lawal, Khalifa Sabitu and host of other that space and
time could not allow to mention them.
Finally, gratitudes goes to everybody that assisted me in one way or the
other. May Almighty Allah guide and guard us all.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title page - - - - - - - - - - i
Approval Page - - - - - - - - - ii
Dedication - - - - - - - - - - iii
Acknowledgment - - - - - - - - - iv
Table of contents - - - - - - - - - v

CHAPTER ONE

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

1.1 Introduction - - - - - - - - - 1
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem - - - - - 4
1.3 Research Aims and Objectives - - - - - - 7
1.4 Significance of the Study - - - - - - 7
1.5 Scope and Limitation of the Study - - - - - 8
1.6 Research Hypothesis - - - - - - - 9
1.7 Research Methodology - - - - - - - 9
1.8 Organization of Chapters - - - - - - 10
CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 Introduction - - - - - - - - - 11
2.1 Conceptual Framework - - - - - - - 11
2.2 The Trend of Political Crises - - - - - - 16
2.3 Political Crises and the Electoral Process - - - - 17
2.4 Menace of Political Crises on Electoral - - - - 19
2.5 Theoretical Framework - - - - - - - 22
2.6 Conclusion - - - - - - - - - 27

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CHAPTER THREE

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

3.0 Introduction - - - - - - - - 30

3.1 Historical Antecedent of Political Crises - - - - 32

3.2 The Factors that are Responsible for Political Crises in Nigeria - 37

3.3 The Implication of Political Crises on Nigeria - - - 38

3.4 Challenges in Managing Political Violence - - - - 42

3.5 Solution - - - - - - - - - 43

3.6 Conclusion - - - - - - - - - 44

CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.0 Introduction - - - - - - - - 46
4.1 Data Presentation, Analysis and Interpretation - - - 46
4.2 The Sponsors of Political Crises in Nigeria - - - - 46
4.3 What are the Causes of Political Crises? - - - - 49
4.4 To What Extent Does Political Crises Affects Nigerias Development? 53
4.5 The Solution to Political Crises - - - - - - 56
4.6 Test of Hypothesis - - - - - - - - 57
4.7 Conclusion - - - - - - - - - 59
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.0 Introduction - - - - - - - - 61
5.1 Summary of Findings - - - - - - - 62
5.2 Conclusion - - - - - - - - - 64
5.3 Recommendation - - - - - - - - 64
References - - - - - - - - - 66

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CHAPTER ONE

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

1.1 INTRODUCTION

This research topic is intended to give a clear picture of political crises in

Nigeria especially that of 2011 general election and resultant negative

implications of their actions. In this research work, effort will be made to

uncover the manner conflictual parties involvement in crisis affect nation

development.

Similarly, the sole aim of politicians in the sponsorship of political crises

activities will also be looked into with a view to demonstrating the danger of

such act. The Nigerian National commission for refugee (2006) report stated

that more than three million Nigerian were internally displaced in several parts

of the country as a result of political crises. However, in a number of locations

election did not simply take place as groups of armed thugs linked to political

parties and candidate intimidated and threatened voters in order to falsify results

(Alemika, 2011). Politicians recruited, trained and empowered local secret sect

to harass, intimidate and victimize perceived opponents and opposing views

against their political ambition.

According to Anifowose, (1982) violence or threat of crises is universal

phenomenon, because where ever there is political competition, there is always

an element of crises mostly associated with election. Individuals and groups

throughout history have in one form or another resorted to crises or its potential

1
use as a tactic of political action. Interestingly, politics is expected to manage

the conflict in the society, even though no political system has succeeded in

eliminating political crises. The problem with Nigeria, is that the politicians

who are suppose to manage political crises, are the ones promoting, arming and

funding violence. Consequently, electoral violence has become a recurrent

feature of the Nigerian democratic process (Odofine and Omojuwa, 2007). The

backward state of the Nigerian development which has created a large and ready

pool of the jobless is seen as the factor promoting political crises. With this

phenomenon, one can say that Nigeria is far from being a liberal democratic

state. For example, ahead of the April, poll in 2011, the weekly Trust of April

16, reported that, at least 90 people were killed and over 204 injured. After the

election supporters of candidates who failed at the polls protested violently in

different parts of the North, which led to the death of over 120 people and about

15000 others were displaced (Daily Trust April 19; Leadership, April 20, 2011).

Similarly, past elections in Nigeria were characterized by organized and

unorganized violence, which mare the exercise as a result of high level of

intimidations, destructions and killing at different strata of the society. As if this

were not enough, bomb blasts have become a common thing at political rallies

and gathering marking the peak of crises in the nation body politics.

Etannibi, (2004) notes that Nigerian electoral process and governance

system largely rest on the logic and practice of organized criminal enterprises

were people employ secrecy, cooptation and violence to promote and defend

2
their interest and organizations. Thus, elections have become a battle between

contending interests embedded in the composition of the parties.

Political contestant regarded victory at elections a matter of life and death

struggle and were determined to capture or retain power by all means of

political crises and at all cost. Election is that process of casting votes in favour

of a candidate or political party, or the process of choosing representatives.

Election in the broader sense is much more than that. Rather it is the major

means of resolving conflict between constituent political groups. In a

democratic system, election is the mechanism by which the numerous political

problems of a country could be resolve. It is against this background that this

study examines election and political crises in Nigeria with a view to unraveling

the causes and preferring solutions to avoiding the past mistakes in the

subsequent elections. For the purpose of clarity, the paper focuses on the

manifestation of election crises in Nigerian political process.

The study therefore, examines the implications of political crises on the

sustenance democracy and the political development of Nigeria.

However, political crises brings complex set of events such as poverty,

ethnic or religious grievances which affect the social relationship of the people

and nation development. Marx, (1968) posits that violence, particularly political

violence represent a disturbance movement to the political equilibrium and

peaceful coexistence of the system.

3
The political crises impact negatively in many forms of development such

as inability for people to interact with one another creates unhealthy child

growth. More so, during political crises a lot of people abandon their ethnic,

cultural values religious or traditions to pledge allegiance to new, artificial and

unproven states. This unfortunate states have plugged people into deeper crisis,

poor interaction resulting to fierce elimination of people. The phenomenon is

used extreme, repressive measures that have threatened the rule a law, personal

freedoms and human rights. Political crises is a determinant of armed conflict,

complex, interplay of ideology, quest for power by competing groups, specific

in the country and international conditions. The economic determinants of

conflict, in turn, are often related to poverty, inequality and social exclusion. It

is in the light of the prevailing situation that this paper seeks to periscope on the

effects of political crises on Nigerias development.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM

Political crises is unwholesome practices which constitute serious threat

to Nigerias development. There is no gain saying, the fact that in past series of

elections held in Nigeria since 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 activities of crises

have taken centre stage thereby a feeling of resentment among members of the

public. The activities of political crises are not noticeable in only one party; all

political parties are guilty of this. The 2011 general elections in Nigeria has

come and gone but its aftermath threatens the very existence of the Nigerian

state.

4
Adeyemi (2003), express concern over the situation of politics in Nigeria,

when they observed that during the ward congress of the PDP and intra-party

affair, many politicians went to the congress venue armed with assault refles

and acid containers for possible use on opponents. These politicians employed

local secrets sect to compel innocent people to vote against their wishes. The

party agents at the polling booth are openly threatened to compromise, and

INEC officials were forced to do what they would not have done ordinarily.

Alubo (2011) asserts that the refugee problems that accompany these

disturbances also have implications for attainment of target in, and access to

social development such as education, reduction in maternal mortality and

childhood deaths as well as other aspects of productive health. Indeed, the mass

rape of the female population in the areas engults by crises fuels the spread of

HIV/AIDS which is already a high prevalence and regarded as a social problem

and Nigerias development. Furthermore, the continued eruptions of political

crises have implications for national peace and security, and thereby threaten

the dissolution of Nigeria. It was reported in December 2001, that, over, eighty

major political crises have been recorded in various parts of the country in

twelve years of civilian rule (Alubo, 2006).

As Omodia, (2009) asserts that, in Nigeria, just like most of the

countries in Africa, elections especially its freeness and fairness constitutes the

central factor in ensuring democratic survival. This is because the lack of free

and fair elections often tends to threaten the democratic process as a result of

5
legitimacy question. This factor no doubt has characterized the democratic

experiment of the Nigerian fourth Republic especially by the year 2011, in that

there have been persistent crises of legitimacy in government arising from poor

electoral system. This legitimacy crises, often degenerate into political

wrangling of disturbing frequencies and concomitant vices of crises,

assassination and abduction of real and/or imaginary enemies.

Joshua, (2013), the only source of war is politics because war is simply a

continuation of political intercourse with the addition of other means. Before

there can be war, it is a matter of necessity that there is conflict because conflict

prepares the gorund for war: Tarimos, (2010) also argues that ethnic groups

engage one another in contest for political power with each advocating its

interest in different ways. He concluded that people do not kill one another on

the pretext of ethnic (or group) differences; they kill each other when these

differences promote unhealthy competition. The situation becomes explosive

when the climate of social relationship is extended to the political and economic

spheres. Nigeria is today suffused with communal ethnic, ethno-religious and

political conflicts that often manifest in ferocious and very destructive violence.

(Ikolegbe, 2003; Joshua, 2013). The situation has assume a dangerous

dimension since the beginning of Nigerias fourth Republic on May 29, 1999.

Imobighe, (2003) avers that, within the first three years of democratic rule in

Nigeria, the country had witnessed not less than forty violent communal or

ethnic conflicts, while some old one had gained additional potency. Instances,

6
of such inter-group conflict include the Zangon Kataf in Kaduna state; Tiv-

Jukun in Wukari, Taraba state; Hausa/Fulani-Tarok in Wase, Plateau state etc.

And in the words of (Odofin and Omojuwa, 2007). The general (but typical)

disposition of Nigerian politicians who regard politics as a life or death struggle

were the direct cause of political crises. In the light of above statements, this

research work will attempt to answer the following questions:

1. Who are the sponsors of political crises?

2. What are the causes of political crises?

3. To what extent does political crises affects Nigeria development?

4. What are the solutions to political crises?

1.3 RESEARCH AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

The main objectives of this research include the following:

1. To understand the key sponsors of political crises in the country.

2. To sort out the causes of political crises.

3. To demonstrate the danger of such act of crises on Nigerias

development.

4. To also proffer solution to political crises activities in the state.

1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

According to a forthcoming survey of media and other sources

undertaken by Human Rights Watch and Johns Hopkins school for Advanced

International Studies, reports stated that political crises is part and parcel of a

broader epidemic of violence that has devastated the lives of tens of thousands

7
of Nigerians since the country returns to civilian rule in 1999. A major

consequence of this situation has increased insecurity on several dimensions of

socio-economic and political life, this work is an attempt to come up with a

clear picture of Nigerian political crises, with 2011 general election as a special

case study. Therefore, the study would be significant in this ways:

It would assist the policy makers with useful information to formulate or

reformulate policies that will empower those that are engage in political crises

with employment opportunities training centres as well as education.

It also help in understanding the rate of involvement in political crises by

the political parties supporters and indeed to suggest ways of participation in

political violence among the fans gangs.

Finally, the study will also contribute to the existing knowledge about

violence in general and political parties, supporters involvement in particular.

Hence, it will be useful to the students particularly those in social and

management sciences such as political sciences, criminology, public

administration, international relation, law as well as students of sociology.

Moreover, this study will also help those interesting researchers in similar

situation.

1.5 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

At the level of political crises, several aspect of violence methods used or

employed to influence the value and characters of actors in political crises. This

study will be limited to the admirers of political parties in Nigeria that engage in

8
the political crises. Therefore, the study will be concentrated in explaining the

ability of the politicians in using money as well as empowering supporters with

sophisticated weapons and other means against their political opponent for their

own advantages. However, the study will be limited with the case study of

2011, general election.

1.6 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS

The hypothesis of this research work are:

1. Unemployment causes youth engagement in political crises.

2. Mass illiteracy among youth results to their participation in political

violence.

1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This aspects deals with the procedures and methods used in the

investigation in the course of carrying out this research. Hence, the research will

employ the utilization of secondary source by which the information will be

obtained from published works such as text-books, journals, newspaper, internet

facilities etc. The researcher essentially choose to adopt such method in order to

acquire adequate information relevant to this study. This is in view of the fact

that effective management and decisions in general are based on sound and

quality information gathered. It is in this realization that researcher specifically

adopt such method of acquiring such information for the purpose of this study.

The collected data will be analyzed qualitatively.

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1.8 ORGANIZATION OF CHAPTERS

This research consists of five chapters for the purpose of studying how

political crises would affect development in Nigeria especially in the 2011

general election.

Chapter one is the background of the study which includes the

introduction, statement of the problem, research aims and objectives,

significance of the study, research hypothesis as well as the methodology of the

study. Chapter two is literature review which consists of conceptual framework,

reviews of the related literatures and theoretical framework. Chapter three is

historical background of the study which will discuss the historical background

of the political crises, factors responsible for political crises and implication of

political crises on party supporters and general society. Chapter four titled Data

Presentation and Analysis as well as the test of hypothesis. This will present the

data and also analyze the same. The chapter also test the hypothesis as raised

earlier. Chapter five finally summarizes, concludes, and then gives

recommendation.

10
CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 INTRODUCTION

The research was designed to examine the issues concerning political

crises and its effect on Nigerias development, for this reason therefore, there is

need to divide the chapter into different categories. The chapter deals with the

literature review that is, review of relevant scholarly explanations regarding

political violence and the review of relevant theories. Also the chapter gives

definitions of some key terms by different scholars from different angles as

contained in the research.

2.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

As sated above, the chapter is concerned with review of some of the

scholars works which defined and explain the origin of the most political crises

in Nigerian elections, especially in 2011 general election. Political violence in

Nigeria is most often carried out by gangs whose members are openly recruited,

financed and sometimes armed by public officials, politicians and party officials

or their representatives. These gangs, comprised primarily of unemployed

young men which are mobilized to attack their sponsors rivals, intimidate

members of the public, rig election and protect their patrons from similar

attacks. Often, sponsors of political violence turn time and gain to the same

criminal gain, violent campus-based cults and other resources to recruit

agents of political violence. Those recruited are paid, often very little and

11
sometimes armed for the sole purpose of carrying out violent abuses on behalf

of their political sponsors.

Empirical evidence has show that in elections conducted to public offices,

all contesting parties are involved in one form of electoral malpractices or other

(Joseph, 1987; Osaghae, 1999, Iwu, 2008). Where the opposing parties fail to

win elections, they create one form of political crises or the other. This includes:

long litigation in court, political propaganda, use of militant groups,

mobilization of religious sentiments, among others.

Political crises is form of violent relations and crisis of interests, goals

and ambitions between individuals, groups, and political structures in the

process of attaining power and keeping it. The Institute for Peace and Conflict

Resolution, quoted in Nweke, (2006:40-41) wrote that Political violence

emanates from power struggles within the political classes and often involve the

manipulation of the people, who are inevitably less informed about the essence

of political struggles. Political violence in Nigeria is of different forms. Some

are carried out through physical force while others are both structural and

systematic.

The political violence carried out using physical force include ballot

snatching, rigging, kidnapping, killing of political opponents as well as the

unleashing of excessive force on the electorate.

Ballot snatching and rigging were witnessed in an extra ordinary way

during the 2003, 2007 as well as 2011 general elections. At that time, the

12
electorate in many pooling boots watched helplessly as an army of political

thugs descended in many pooling boots across the country to snatch the ballot

box and other sensitive and non-sensitive election materials, which they use to

move their candidates into the seat of power.

The nature of Nigerian federalism generates political and other forms of

violence. The Nigerian present form of federalism has being consistently under

different forms of conflict burden. It is inherently very expensive and promotes

political exploitation of the millions of proletarian masses by the few ruling

class. The pattern is an indication that the structure of federalism in Nigeria is

turbulent and crisis-ridden due to unresolved problems (Nweke, 2006:41).

Ake, (1996), has observed that where the state is privatized those in

power will use violence and state repressive apparatuses to retain power. The

people excluded from power or governance (especially in society where politics

is license to oppress other citizens and to rob the public treasury with impunity)

will resort to violence in their quest for office. According to Ogundiya and Baba

(2005), electoral violence include: all sorts of riots demonstrations, party

clashes, political assassination, looting, arson, thuggery, kidnapping

spontaneous or not, which occur before, during and after elections. Violence

associated to politics has become common place in Nigeria is because of the

nature of the state which is materially inclined.

13
According to Usman (2002), political violence of the forties and fifties

had actually transformed political tension and crises and consequently wrecked

all attempts by Nigerians to build and sustain democratic governance.

According to Etannabi (2004), elections in Nigeria were characterized by

Manipulation of the decisions and activities at the various


stages of electoral process by the governments and
politicians, corruption of officials and electorates,
violence during campaigns polling and collection of
result, rigging through the stuffing of ballots boxes and
falsification of results, and ineffective electoral dispute
resolution mechanisms (P. 10).

According to Dudley, (1973), the possession of political power leads

directly to economic power. Those who hold position in the power struggle

determine the location and distribution of scarce resources. Therefore, politics

in Nigeria is the struggle for more money and this means that to get into

politics, there is always a price to pay. Since politics entails spending huge

sums of money one will have to be involved in some competition which may

precipitate political crises. Echoing in the same vain Adeyemo, (2000) maintain

that political crises develops as feature of struggle for power.

To Mehler, (2007:209) political violence has become a prominent part of

the culture of Africa. Indeed he emphasized that governance and violence have

become common mode of political competition in African societies more than

consensus or cooperation. Political violence is usually part of the machinery

employed by the political class in most underdeveloped economics to attain and

sustain power to protest its deprivation. Reno, (2002) made a remark in his

14
analysis of politics in failed states he cited. Bazenguissa Ganga, (1999) whose

observed that; faction leaders in collapsed or collapsing states are often

politicians or officers who jockeyed for position in an elite hierarchy and

benefited from official political violence, the goals of violence turn toward

battling local rivals and appropriating as much of the wealth of this political

network for themselves therefore, political crises and political thuggery are

intertwined. This had in many ways truncated political process in Nigeria.

Electoral process consists of more-than method of counting votes cast by the

voters but embraces within all institutional procedures, arrangement and actions

involved in elections. It include the suffrage, the registration of voters

delimitation of constituencies, the right to contest election, electoral

competition between rival parties, body charged with the conduct and

supervision of election, the method of selection of candidates method of voting,

conduct of election, determination of results, election disputes, electoral

malpractice (Jega and Ibeanu, 2007; Ball, 1979, 92; Harris, 1982:157;

Appadorai, 1978:523).

Ake (1996), has observed that where the state is privatized, those in poor

will use political violence and state repressive apparatuses to retain power. The

people excluded from power or governance will resort to violence in their quiet

for office. (Odofin and Omojuwa, 2007).

15
2.2. THE TREND OF POLITICAL CRISES

Delivering a paper on Nigeria: Political crises and National Security, the

one time Inspector General of Police, Tafa A. Balogun conceded to these facts

when he said:

Political crises, could, in conjunction with other


prevailing factors load to anarchy and ultimately to
political instability. Our experience in the recently
concluded elections indicated that there is unbridle
flagrancy in the smuggling and use of arms and
ammunition by political thugs and party supports.
The result has been that political opponents are
either intimidated or out rightly killed or injured

According to Gurr, (1970) political crises refers to all collective attacks

with a political community against the political regime, its actors including

competing political groups as well as incumbents or its policies. From the

foregoing, one can observe that there is a correlative relationship between the

two concept. As a matter of fact, they a complementary. The end product of

political violence is thuggery. Violence is the means through which thugs

achieved their aims. Political violence for instance is as a result of conflict

between different actors within a given political enclave. In that circumstance;

all politics is inherent in conflict between political actors representing their

various groups (group conflict theory). The sultan of Sokoto in his Ramadan

speech in August 2011, commented on the crisis that:

16
Politicians in an out of power must resist the
temptation of using religion as a means of
gaining acceptability, if you are playing politics
you should not involve religion. Avoid the
temptation that easily leads to problem and
violence most of the time... (Paden, 2012).

Violence unleashed by politicians and their sponsors during election and

other periods of political contestation does not simply fade away once the

political battle have been decided. In many cases violence fomented for the

purpose of winning elections has taken on a life and logic of its own and

continued to generate widespread human rights abuses over the long term.

Several Nigerian state have been plagued by enduring violence after politicians

either abandon or lose control over the gangs they initially employed. As a

former Oyo state Governor Victor Olunloy put it:

My attitude towards them (political thugs) is that


they are like ribid dogs. They are prepared to bite
their owner and their owners cannot be confident or
sure of keeping them on a leash.

As a result of that practice, the desire and logic to belong to government

party undermine the sustainability of viable opposition in the political system.

2.3 POLITICAL CRISES AND THE ELECTORAL PROCESS

Nigeria started her journey to democracy as far back as 1922. But

successive elections in Nigeria since the colonial time lacked credibility in the

eyes of the general public and therefore, fell short of meeting the essential

ingredients of a democratic electoral process. There is general lack of

transparency, fairness and free play during all the elections particularly the

17
elections that were held under the current democratic dispensation (1999, 2003

and 2007). Although the elections of 2011 was judged to be the most free and

fair by some international observers, yet, it was not without its shortcoming.

But why did elections in Nigeria became tug to war any time they were

conducted. The answer is not far fetch, because of the nature of the Nigerian

state which encourages primitive accumulation of wealth by few elites to the

detriment of the majority.

Similarly, Collier, P. and Viniente, (2008) in the 2007 general elections

revealed that the uneven playing ground makes opposition or rival group within

a ruling party more likely to use violence during political contest. Election

materials are stifled and snatched in some instances where thugs play vital role

in that direction.

According to Ejituwu, (1997:37) each ballot paper present and individual

sovereignty and the totality of the votes signifies the popular sovereignty and

can vote an unpopular government out of office. This is hardly attained in

Nigeria. electoral process arising from fraudulent acts, ignorance of peoples

rights and with the increasing menace of political thug which make it difficult

for electoral process to flourish. What happens in that, politicians conscious of

the values of the spoils of office, adopt various means to capture power by any

means, they buy votes, rig elections and commit other infelicities designed to

subvert peoples will to choose leaders capable of leading the state toward

growth and development.

18
Electoral malpractice and violence have been burning issues in both the

developed and developing societies; it involves riots, thuggery, looting,

kidnapping, arson political association. These occur before, during and after

election with the view of altering, influencing or changing by force the voting

pattern or manipulating the electoral decision in favour of a particular

individual or political party, (Ejitiwu, 1997:38; Ugoh, 2004:164; Dinneya,

2007:59). Election rigging is the worst form of electoral fraud since it leads

directly to the falsification of the result of the people and empowerment of the

wrong leaders. Election rigging through the activities of thugs or otherwise is a

function of some weaknesses in the electoral system as well as its successful

exploitation of such by leaders/politicians; hence the mutual relation between

violence and electoral process.

2.4 MENACE OF POLITICAL CRISES ON ELECTORAL

The party supporters (unemployed young men) they were sometimes

referred to as touts (yan-daba), resurfaced in the second and third republics but

became eminent unhealthy for the sustenance of good democratic process in the

present republic. They also bear different names such as Ecomog in Borno and

Yobe state, Sara-Suka in Bauci state, Yankallare in Gombe state, Banu-Israil

in Taraba state and Yan-shinko in Adamawa state. The activities commences

from the early stage of politicking and become intense at election periods. Most

of those groups of unemployed men are sponsored by desperate politicians who

lure them with extravagant promises of employment and other government

19
patronage. Since 1999 to date, some of this youthful thugs have been sponsored

by desperate politicians to protect their political interest. After elections these

boys trained to main and kill political opponents are left help less without any

tangible means of sustenance (Weekly Trust, May 10th 2008).

Dashee, (2008), asserts that in other instances, even their sponsors are not

spared from their act of violence as they equally attack them in public functions

like wedding, political rallies and soon, when they fail to meet their

expectations or demand. Two major reasons why politicians employ violence

could be attributed to their quest for power and drive toward primitive

accumulation of wealth and competitive authoritarian nature o the Nigerian

state. This gave rise to the high level and sophisticated of political crises in the

region. For instance, Weekly Trust reported worrisome atrocities of Sarasuka

titled How Sara-Suka held Bauchi state hostage revealed that hooligans

tagged Sara-suka from both opposing parties ANPP and PDP and others fought,

left some dead and many causalities with injuries. Similar incidents abound in

Borno state when Ali Modu Sherif won the 2003 election. Many young men

across Borno state found it enterprising to engaged in political violence. As a

result other groups emerged with seeming divisions amongs them and persistent

clashes between the different camps mostly associated with sharing largest. On

26th April, 2008, there were intra group clashes between political thugs loyal to

the ruling ANPP and inter group with PDP an opposition party. The scenario is

not different from Banu-Israil and Yan-Shinko in Taraba and Adamawa states

20
respectively. This activities however, do not occur without the input of the two

players the politicians and their supports in which they solingly depend on the

politicians to perpetrate their nefarious activities without impunity.

Politicians from different parties play a vital role in


the rise of political violence, especially in the North-
East geo-political zone. In the words of Umar
(2003:210). Politicians in the North-East as in the
other part of the country are the critical elements that
orchestrate and employ violence in the pursuit of
personal interest. The most worrisome behaviour of
our politicians is the manner they have employed the
use of thugs to perpetrate violence. They are not only
ready to recruit and work with political thugs but have
come accept thugs and violence as a legitimate part of
the political process. He asserts that there is hardly
any political party in the zone that does not have thugs
at least one person who has ties to attack, maim or
assassinate a political rival or destroys political offices
in furtherance, of political interest.

To further justify this claim, Albert, (2005) while analyzing the political feud

between Governor Mala Kachalla and Senator Ali Modu Sheriff all Borno state,

reported that, supporters of Governor Kachalla had to fight back using political

thugs known as Ecomog..... turning Borno into a violent state. There has been

a signal rate of burst of politician supporters participation in political violence

in the zone. Politicians recruit youths to serve as bodyguards and militias for the

parties. So also they are bearing names such as Area boys, Bakkassi boys, yan

daba, sara-suka, Banu-Israila among others. In which they are mainly

constituted by petrol hawkers (Yan-Bun-burutu), motor parks touts and to some

extent as Umar (Ibid) will put liberated Almajirai.

21
2.5 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

In this section theories will be examined with a view to evaluate their

adequacy or otherwise as framework for the study. A theory in accordance to

the statement of Morgenthau most not only be a guide to understand a

particular phenomenon or event but also and ideal for action, therefore, the

theoretical frameworks of this study are:

1. Conflict theory

2. Theory of modernization

CONFLICT THEORY:

According to conflict/Marxist theoretical perspective shares the same

assumptions concerning the nature of the society and political violence. Marxist

situates every social action within the ambit of economic base and lays much

emphasis on historical and dialectical materialism as a methodological device.

Conflict theory on the other hand emphasizes conflict as a hall mark of the

society (Yecho, 2005). The theory is based upon the view that the fundamental

causes of political violence are the social and economic forces that operates

within the society Conflict theorists are of the view that there are groups in the

society that have different interest. In this regard they believed that social

arrangement will tend to benefit some groups at the expense of others. Because

of existence of different interest, the potential and the likelihood of conflict is

always present. According to this theory, some groups come to dominate others

and to win for themselves a disproportionate share of the societys political

22
power, which includes wealth and privileges in the society at the expense of the

less powerful ones. They also incriminate the activities of the less powerful

while they protect that of the powerful persons such situations according to this

theory creates violence. The theory is of the view that, the masses are not bound

to society by their shared values, but by coercion at the hands of those in power.

This perspective emphasizes social control, not consensus and conformity.

Groups and individuals advance their own interest, struggling over control of

society resources. Those with the most resources exercise power over others

with inequality and power struggles resulting. There is great attention paid to

class, race, and gender in this perspective because they are seen as the grounds

of the most pertinent and enduring struggles in society which often lead to

political violence (Anderson and Taylor, 2009).

According to the theory, the nature of politicking in Nigeria bridges the

basic right of citizens as the various institutions of society such as the legal and

political system are instruments of ruling class domination and serve to further

its interests. However, the activities of citizens aimed at maintaining the

resistance leads to increase the escalation of political crises in Nigeria.

Consequently upon this ugly menace politicians in Nigeria used to create many

social problems to the society especially when the masses attempt to fight back,

for instance the election held in 2011 was preceded by widespread intra-party

and inter-party violence that continued on the polling days (Human Rights

Watch, 2004). This further indicated that the both Nigerias federal and state

23
elections in 2011 and local government elections were marred by serious

incidents of crises, which left scores dead and many others injured at least so

many life were lost.

THEORY OF MODERNIZATION

Political crises and other election problems in Nigeria where there have

been decline in political order, problem with legitimacy of government,

violence and insatiability have been explained with various theories of

modernization (Shils, 1963; Apter, 1968; Almond and Verba, 1966). The theory

of modernization either explain economic development of describe socio-

political change (Mclelland, `1964; Herskovtis and Marwitz, (eds) 1964).

The theory of modernization had been the position of some western

scholars who use the economically advanced and political stable societies as

models for analyzing emergent societies, that have been devastated by

exploitation and brutally plundered by Colonialism and imperialism. They tried

to explain why constitutional democracy declines, the role that political attitude

and individual behaviour played in the nation building processes, and how

economic backwardness affect the nature of politics (Verba, 1980). The concept

of modernization was used to explain the degree of democratization as

measured by parliamentary and election records and the problems of political

stability (Verba, 1980).

Modernization therefore, became the yard-stick with which scholars

measured the ability of the new states to cope with intricacies and of sustaining

24
western institutions brought by colonialism. Thus, modernization was seen as

process based upon the rational utilization of resources and armed at the

establishment of modern society (Verba, 1980). In their analysis of Nigerian

political crises, Robert Melson and Howard Wolpe argued that analysis of the

Nigerian case suggests that modernization, far from destroying communalism in

time, both reinforces communal conflict and create the conditions for the

formation of entirely new communal groups (Melson and Wolpe, (eds) 1971).

They also argued that, the Nigerian case in a particularly appropriate illustration

of the relationship between communal conflict and modernization. They added

that Nigerians economic and social congress sowed the seeds of the nations

political crises (Melson and Wolpe, 1971).

The most important concepts to be discussed in this research work are

politics, crises, thugs and development.

The concepts clarification by different scholars from different

perspectives.

a. Politics
b. Crises
c. Thugs
d. Development

a. Politics: According to the great Greek political Philosopher, Aristotle,

began his famous work, politics with the observation that man is by

nature a political animal. By this, he means that the essence of social

25
existence is politics and that two or more men interacting with one

another are variably involve in political relationship. Men are engaged in

politics as they try to define their positions in society, as they struggle for

scarce resources and as they try to convince others to accept their point of

view.

Therefore, politics can also be viewed as a process of making and

execution of governmental decisions or policies, the authoritative

allocation of values, or who gets what, when and how, the quest for

power, order and justice.

b. Crisis: In the word of Audu, (2010) argues that conflict is very fluid and

ambiguous term, usually with negative connotation. Ross, (1993:14)

notes that crisis occurs when parties disagree about the distribution of

material or symbolic resources and act because of the incompatibility of

goals or a perceived divergence of interest. Daugherty and Falztgraff

(cited in Omotosho, 2004), view crisis as a situation in which one

identifiable group of human beings which could be tribal, ethnic,

linguistic, cultural, religious, socio-economic, political or otherwise is in

a state of conscious opposition to one or more other identifiable human

groups. This could be because those groups are pursuing what appears to

be in compatible goals.

c. Thugs: Merrian Webster (1995), sees thug as a person inclined or hired

to treat another person roughly brutally, or murderously (beaten or

26
robbed). In other way according to Oxford Advanced Learners

Dictionary referred to its as an aggressive person; a violent criminal.

d. Development: According to writing and thinking of founding fathers of

sociology, August Conte et al., (in the 19th century). Conte saw

development as the evolution of the society from theological stage to

metaphysical and finally positive (scientific) stage, Durkheim saw it as

the evolution form mechanical solidarity (traditional stage) to organic

solidarity (modern stage). The basic concern and central message as they

formulate these stages is to show the growth and evolution of society

form simple traditional to modern-complex form of society.

2.6 CONCLUSION

Political or electoral crises has continued to threaten the democratic

experiment in Nigeria. This has done incalculable damage to Nigerias

development having stifled many democratic experiments in Nigeria. Political

violence has now taken another dimension fiercer than before because

associating with the present electoral violence in political assassination. From

the foregoing discussions, it is apparent that the Nigerian state is beset by the

Cankerworm of political crises which to all intents and purpose to retards

democratic consolidation. It has brought disenchantment and disillusionment in

the entire polity and the democratic project. As a matter of fact, the realities that

spelt doom for the past republics are still endemic and prevalent in Nigeria.

Poverty, unemployment, hunger, corruption, politically motivated killings,

27
abductions, religious bigotry to mention a few are still conspicuous in Nigerias

political firmanent after five decades of existence as an independent political

entity. It is imperative to understand that the Nigerian nation cannot be built or

sustained on the foundation of lies, falsehood and deceit. Therefore, we must

tell ourselves the truth. The truth is that all politicians are guilty of electoral

violence. In Nigeria today politicians with lot of resources have a number of

thugs at their disposal. The current security threat, in country may not be

unconnected with the activities of politicians who supply arms to their agents

with aim of winning elections even if it may involve the elimination of their

opponents. In a recent development an operative of the State Security Service

(SSS), was quoted by a Newspaper (Vanguard, Nov. 12, 2012), to have sated in

a court that a PDP Senator gave the phone number of the Minister of Justice to

the political thug members all in a bid to influence the outcome of the Borno

state gubernatorial election in favour of PDP. The marks one of the highest

forms of betrayal to the nation by the politician. The rising wave of militancy

all over the country is therefore the repercussions of political crises. Even the

judiciary which has been acclaimed as the last hope of the common man has in

recent time more often comprised its independent through the series of

unpleasant judgement that are mostly one sided, which is in favour to the ruling

party. And also even the so-called political institutions such as Independent

National Electoral Commission (INEC) are even encouraging the activities of

political crises through their actions and inactions, especially the state INEC

28
were forced by the governors to declare a winner in favour of their own

political party. Until Nigeria is ready to change all that, we cannot just dream of

a democratic, peaceful and prosperous nation. Therefore, urgent steps should be

taken to control this ugly phenomenon, despite the long history of political

violence dating back to colonial period, Nigeria still needs to take far reaching

decisions to curb the menace and rid itself of violence democratic system.

29
CHAPTER THREE

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

3.0 INTRODUCTION

Political crises has been part of human history present in the history of all

humanity for ages. It is an endemic feature of the most of the developing world

political systems particularly in developing countries, like Nigeria, were politics

has become an essential feature of the people means of achieving economic

wealth (Tamuno, 1972). It was Nigerias pride that she achieved her

independence with minimum disturbances; but, it is rather unfortunate that after

independence Nigeria has been gravitating in a spiral of political violence. This

problem deterioted in the elections conducted immediately after independence

in the 1960s. In the western Region political violence popularly referred to as

operation wete, were recorded from 1964 to 1965 following both federal and

regional election as well as rift between Awolowo and Akintola. There were

also political violence in the parts of Northern Region, especially between

supporters of other Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) and supporter of other

parties mainly the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) and action

group. Furthermore the National election conduction in 1983 witnessed massive

post- election violence following the declared landslide victory of the National

Party of Nigeria (NPN) in Oyo and Ondo states considered to be stronghold of

the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). Several persons lost their lives and larges

30
scales destruction of property was recorded (Alemika, 2011). This trend of

violent activities which begins since 1960s lead to the current democratic

experiment which started in May 1999 with tremendous degrees of power

struggle and violence killings. Available statistics show that over 10,000 lives

were lose to violent clashes between 1999 to June 2002 (Adelek, 2012). More

so the Nigerian Red Cross, was involved in the resettlement of over 250,000

individual and 32,000 families as a result of various acts of political crises in the

country in 2001 alone (Olukorede, 2002).

Nweke (2005) has rightly observed to understand the causes of party

supporters led political violence, one has pay attention to the family background

of Nigerian youth the overall socio-economic crises in the country and the

political economy of the electoral competition.

Political crises refers to the use or threat of force against an opponent within

the context of competition for state power particularly during elections. This

happens more often during democratic transition and consolidation. It is

therefore, no wonder that succeeding election in post-independence Nigeria

(1964, 1965, 1979, 1983, 1993, 1999, 2007 and 2011) have been marked by

sharp division and distrust and a zero sum attitude which manifest in electoral

fraud, serious disputes and high level of violence Odofin and Omojuwa, 2007).

In Nigeria, elections have always been hotly contested under party politics that

is intemperate and violence rite-large. The 2011 general election were no

31
different as the two presidential candidates-Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples

Democratic Party (PDP) and General Muhammad Buhari Rtd of the Congress

for Progressive Change (CPC) sloughed it out to the apex, Court in Nigeria, the

Supreme court. But before that, the announcement of the results of 2011

Presidential election sparked up violent demonstrations in some Northern states

of the country. Following the declaration of President Goodluck Jonathan as the

winner of the election, people believed to be supporters of opposition Congress

for Progressive Change (CPC), burst into violent uprising unleashing terror

destroying properties worth millions of naira. The house of the Vice President,

Nnamdi Sambo was looted and raised and places of prominent traditional rulers

in the North were attacked. A number of member of National Youth Services

Corps were killed in Mayhem Bauchi, Gombe among others. (EU, EOM, 2011).

3.1 HISTORICAL ANTECEDENT OF POLITICAL CRISES

The general opinion on the original meaning of thug activities originated from

the Hausa word Daba connotes a group who may share similar trade, age,

profession or personal relationship and who regularly gathered in specific place

to do certain things. The term Daba now has pejoratively assumed a deviant

meaning because it is associated with urban gang youth groups that are engaged

in criminal and other nefarious activities harmful to the society. As a result of

the relationship between the two groups the criminal activities reached an

epidemic level, during the second republic in 1978-1983; also it was clear that

in the first republic at the turn of 1960s there were some traces of criminal

32
activities through the use of Yan Daba. Thus the actual conduct of the

elections brought some welcome surprises as there were few deaths during the

12th April National Assembly elections and the presidential and gubernatorial

races a week later. There was abundant evidence of large scale rigging fraud

and intimidation in many parts of the country (Lewis, 2003: 142).

In more extreme cases, a political crisis ensues such as: bombing, kidnapping,

political assassination and youth restiveness. Nweke (2006:41) wrote that the

emergence of political crises in Nigeria is sourced through the nature of party

formation, which was ethno-regionally based. This was followed by the

regionalization of Nigeria as created by Richard constitution of 1946. The

super-imposition of British puppet leaders and petty political elite on million of

Nigerian masses became the root of both godfatherism in democracy Nigerian

as well as the foundation for perpetual violence that has grown from one form to

another in the Nigerian political history. Ani and Nwanaju (2011:2) wrote that

at the independence, political conflicts took over the centre stage of nation

building in Nigeria and its multiplier effect gave birth to the factors that led to

the Nigerian Civil war of 1967 1970.

The Transition Monitoring Group (TMG) that monitored the 2003 election

reported the irregularities that besmeared the election when it stated:

33
Twenty nine of the registered political parties that either contested or did
not contest the elections have variously rejected the results as announced
by the INEC declaring the results as fraudulent. Both Domestic and
International Election Observers documented massive irregularities that
characterized the elections and refused to endorse the elections as free
and fair. Some political parties and their candidates decided to challenge
some of the results before the various Election Petition tribunals and have
gone ahead to do so while others declared mass action to pressurize a
government without popular mandate to abdicate power (Iyayi,2005:11).

The general observation and conclusion of Nigerians regarding the 2003

election was that no election could be conducted in Nigeria under a civilian

government without corruption electoral malpractice and violence of highest

order. However, as the 2007 election drew near, President Obasanjo told the

surprised Nigerians, other Africans and the world at large that the 2007

elections would be a do or die affair (Nwolise, 2007:165). The 2007 election

when it actually came were most deadly and frightening in nature. Thus in

Rivers state, a police station was attacked and burnt by unknown assailants a

night before the Election day. In Anambra and Rivers states, voters were faced

with violence and intimidation. The INEC offices in Onitsha North, and South,

Nnewi south and a Local Government office in Akwa North, Anambra were

burnt in protest. In the same vein, violence marred election in other parts of the

nation. The 2007 election therefore was generally perceived as the worst in the

history of election administration in Nigeria. The international monitors

commented that:

34
The 2007 states and federal elections have fallen short of basic
international and regional standards for democratic elections. They were
marred by poor organisation, lack of essential transparency, widespread
procedural irregularities, significant evidence fraud, particularly during
result collation process, voter disenfranchisement at different stages of
the process, lack of the equal condition for contestants and numerous
incidents of violence. As a result, the elections have not lived up to the
hopes and expectations of the Nigerian people and the process cannot be
considered to have been credible (Adebayo and Omotola, 2007:207).

For several scores of years and irrespective of what happened in the past,

Nigerians had for long developed a deeper love for democracy. This love had

been demonstrated in the time past whenever there is a need for this. Thus in

spite of the ills that followed the 1999, 2003 and 2007 elections, Nigerians still

showed their willingness to elect their leaders even in the 2011 election. Such

started with a time table which was set and adjusted later for convenience

Nigeria, a country of considerable land mass having an area of 913,072 square

kilometres has a distance of 1,120 kilometres from west to east and a distance of

1,040 kilometres from South to North (Afigbo, 1991:14) is divided into six geo

political zones as reflected below:

a. South-West comprising Oyo, Lagos, Ogun, Ekiti, Osun and Ondo state.

b. South-South made up of Bayelsa, Rivers, Delta, Akwa-Ibom, Ibadan,

Cross-Rivers and Edo states.

c. South-East consisting of Abia Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo states.

35
d. North-Central having Benue, Kogi, Kwara, Nassarawa, Niger and Plateau

states

e. North-West made up of Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto

and Zamfara states.

f. North-East having Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe

states.

The above six geo-political zones in Nigeria experienced swept electoral

violence before during and after the 2011 general election which resulted

massive destructions of lives and properties.

A clear testimony about political crises associated with election in Nigeria was

obtained in a judgment declared by justice Francis F. Tabai (justice of the court

of appeal), in 2003 in a suit filed by the Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP)

presidential candidate, challenging the victory of PDP candidate in April

election. He observed that there were allegations of violence perpetrated by

PDP in the presence of military and police personnel or by the military and

police themselves. He went further and declared that there were instances of

some violence in all the 14 states which elections were questioned in this

petition. Instance of brutal killing either immediately, before or on April 19 are

numerous, he added that the most tragic and disturbing aspect of the incidents is

that these incidents either happened in the presence of policemen and soldiers or

immediately reported to them. No arrest was made and no investigation carried

36
out. He conclude that the scenario created from the various incidents was that

same of politic, licensed to destroy lives and property. Its a serious dent on our

clam to democratic ideals type written judgment of the (Court of Appeal,

AN/A/EP/3/2003). Again in 2003, there were reported cases of violence before,

during and after the April elections. Dozens of people were reported killed and

hundreds injured, beside several lost of property.

3.2 THE FACTORS THAT ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR POLITICAL


CRISES IN NIGERIA

a. Unnecessary political ambition:

Unlike before, Nigerians have become highly politicised. In fact, the demand to

participate in politics keeps on increasing in geometrical progression. This leads

to a very high completion among the participants who are prone to take the most

extreme measure in order to win and maintain political power.

b. Ethic politics:

This has become highly pronounced in Nigerian politics. The colonialists who

ruled us in the past poisoned the minds of Nigerian against Nigerian. Thus in

1951 election in Kano, the colonial administration tried hard to frustrate

northern allies of Southerners opposed to the candidates of the emirs. Similarly,

after the election that brought Good luck Jonathan in, some disgruntled

elements rose up in the North chanting Ba muso meaning they do not like the

president because he is not from the North.

37
c. Unemployment:

Unemployment also contributes immensely to political violence. Many of these

people who are jobless enter politics with the intents and purpose of causing

confusion. It commonly known that most of the party supporters who readily

submit themselves to perpetrate these acts of violence are unemployed and

wallowing in poverty. The dirty jobs this party supporters engage in are not kind

of jobs gainfully employed people or literate people will be involved in.

d. Monetization of politics

In the time past, political offices did not attract money as it is today. The

government had made politics more financially attractive that nobody wants to

engage in any other profession than politics. Thus as it is now, the 109 senators

receive N 4,066,212,458.00. The 360 members of House of Representatives

receive N 11,496,523,333.00. The 36 state house of assemblies receives N

17,129,465,597.00 while about 600 Councillor receives N 74,766,456,000.00

per annum (Audu, 2010: Iand 7). Seeing these gargantuan benefits Nigerians

determine to enter into politics and win at all cost.

3.3 THE IMPLICATION OF POLITICAL CRISES ON NIGERIA

The implication of political crises are numerable depending on the perspective

one view it. Hence, it range from constituting a major threat to national security,

in stills fear and causes low turnout or participation by eligible voters, flowing

from that, it thus casts doubt on the credibility of the supported elected leaders

38
before the eyes of the local and international community; similarly it could

affect the respect from the governed and this could further affect the general

acceptability of the popularity of the government amount to stealing of genuine

mandate from the voters diminishes good governance and makes the peoples

hopes and expectations dashed and finally, it hinders or does away with public

accountability by the so called elective officers. The implication of all these are

that illegal arms get into the hands of unauthorized persons who used them for

criminal activities. Resources which ordinary world have been spent on

developmental project are spent combating such crimes or repairing damages

caused by these hoodlums. Worse still the economic community are (sic) put on

the edge and many investors are scare (d) away by the apparent lack of security

for their investment. These implications are certainly not exhaustive. They are

straight forward and may further elaborate thus,

Political unrest and spate of insecurity which have invaded parts of the Northern

geo-political zone have their links to the disputed presidential elections. In

2011. For the umpteenth time, it shown that politics of tolerance and

accommodation, bargaining and comprise are yet to be enthroned in the Fourth

Republic politics. The aftermath of the general elections of 2011 continue to

pose major threats to the socio-economic and political development of the

country. The most dreaded insurgency of the Fourth Republic has come to be

that of the Boko Haram (Dearn, 2011). As Dearn, (2011) noted, Boko Haram

39
was a little understood, dangerous but parochial Islamic sect believed to be in

decline after a purge by Nigeria Security Forces in 2009. Now with 8 years

drawing to a close it is clear that Boko Haram remains little understood and has

evolved into Nigerians most serious security threat, one which shows no sign

of abating inspite of the repeated government line that it is solving the

problem. The Boko Haram has carried out horrendous attacks on various

targets including the police Headquarters, the U.N. Buding. It has also carried

out horrifying attacks targeted at places of worship in the northern states of

Borno, Kano Plateau, Gombe, Kaduna, Taraba, Sokoto and the FCT (Saidu

Alabi and Suka (2012). Lately the Boko Haram has spread its targets to include

media houses and telecommunication facilities for allegedly being sympathetic

with the government.

a. The law relating to political violence in Nigeria: to this extent, the already

existing penal laws of the land applicable in given circumstance may be

invoked. For purpose of this discourse, only offences provided by the

Electoral act 2010 will be examined. Section 95 (5) provides that no political

party or member of a political party shall retain, organized, train or equip any

person or group of persons for the purpose of enabling them to be employed

for the use or display physical force or coercion in promoting any political

interest. The penalty for violation violence in the case of an individual is N

40
50,000.00 or imprisonment of six month and N 250, 000.00 fine for political

parties.

b. National security: the foregoing is tantamount to a threat to our national

security the immediate measure which commonly comes to mind is the legal

framework. The law is usually pre-emptive and seeks to prevent the

occurrence of acts inimical to the society by prohibiting and providing for

punitive measure in order to serve a deferent measures. In security looms in

the society as a result of the activities resultant criminality arising from the

wide circulation of weapons in the hands of criminals which were used for

violence during election. Which becomes difficult to have control over the

arms used by the thug.

c. Electoral offences under the act which conduce to violence: political

violence essentially usually translates to disorderly conduct at election dates.

Under the Act, any person who at an election acts or incites others to act in a

disorderly manner commits an offense and its liable on conviction to a

maximum fine of N 100, 000.00 or 12 months imprisonment or both. Any

person who snatches or destroy any election materials commits on offense is

liable on conviction to 24 month imprisonment.

d. Money politics: this may not be unconnected with the high level of poverty

illiteracy and unemployment prevalent in the society and deliberately

orchestrated by the same politicians as a result of bad governmence. The

point sought to be made therefore is that when such huge monies are spent

41
(invested) anything standing in the way of such an investor getting to where

he will eventually recover his investment and much more will be done away

with using whatever means including acts of violence.

3.4 CHALLENGES IN MANAGING POLITICAL VIOLENCE

It is the state that prosecutes criminal offenses which are usually offenses

against the state. Therefore what of the attitude of the state in the prosecution of

cases of political violence in Nigeria? The critical point of emphasis is that the

attitude to prosecution of electoral offenses is not encouraging. It is generally

one of the reluctant because of the vested interests of the ruling parties. The

reversed is noticed only if it involves political opponent. By the existence of the

very phenomenon, it has greatly affected the public confidence especially in the

courts regarding a common man while handling of the cases.

In the days, the general impression is that the court judge are easily

compromised by litigants and superior officers of government, for that the

capacity of the court judge to handle political matters (cases) must be

impartially judge.

The most successful thugs acting for the ruling party enjoy the protection

of the state. The result is that even where they are apprehended by the security

operatives, because the state has interest gradually, investigation just end that

will lead to the closure of the matter. Hence in the trail of Boyelayefa

Debekeme a former Speaker of the House of Assembly Bayelsa State accused

42
of arming and paying thugs to intimidate opponents the court rezoned that it is

a reasonable course of action (sic) to protect the lives of the witnesses. It must

however be noted that prosecution in this case become necessary because

Debekeme found himself out of favour with new Governor in Bayelsa State and

with the Federal Authorities.

The case of political violence in North-Eastern Region can best be equated with

the case in Jamaica where the weapons and the unemployed men were harness

by politicians since around 1960s to date, continually perpetrate violence in

order to enforce Jamaican political turfs at election times. Clarke, (2006),

reported that; nine competitive elections have been held in Jamaica since

1962.... but violence and fraud have accompanied most campaigns. Politicians

have also use their patronage to buy votes in key constituencies, and have

formed links to gangs to terrorize opposition electors at constituency level or to

combat other gangs engaged by their political opponents.

3.5 SOLUTION

Sequel to the above challenges in managing political violence, it is pertinent to

make some suggestion on the way forward.

The unity and security of this country is paramount and ranks first and foremost.

Double standards must be done away with. The rebranding Nigeria project must

take into consideration and seriously tackle these areas if we must take our pride

of place in the committee of nations. It must be focused to achieve meaningful

43
result. Leadership at the highest echelon must be targeted. Their attitude to

leadership, corruption and governmence must change. The unemployed men in

the society where there is wide spread of poverty and unemployment which are

the consequences that follow. It is the responsibility of the government to tackle

such matters, provide education and employment opportunities for its citizens.

This comes with a total orientation of the elected leaders to see themselves as of

coming to serve and touch on the lives of people. With good governmence,

most of these vices will not find a placed thrive. We must also put an end to

pervasive influence to money. Any politician who induce electorate with money

or engage thugs and hoodlum to win elections should be arrested prosecuted and

banned from contesting elective office in the future. So also campaign should be

more of issue based. There is need to do away with money politics where

money is used for campaigns in which people are not told any reasonable

things, that will be done on ground which will lead to development. One sure

way of development in a democratic culture in Nigeria is through political

education and it can be achieve through the media and civil society

organization.

3.6 CONCLUSION

The problem of lives and properties destruction in the nation as a result of the

activities of political crises have had far reaching effects for the practice and

sustenance of democracy in Nigeria as a whole. Democracy is the similar to

44
development as such should not be mistaken for instrument of

underdevelopment by few unpatriotic leaders (politicians) and unlucky youth in

the area. The seemingly inability of the Nigeria state to shift from competitive

authoritarianism to democratic state where irregularities have no place is not yet

attained. Hence fairness, equity and justice should be the guiding principle at

public, individual and political levels. The Nigerian state has fallen short of true

democracy; a play ground where frivolous factors such as poverty, greed and

inequality continue to linger in our societies. Unless and until the

aforementioned factors are taken care of, so will the sustenance of democratic

process unattainable and the people in the various zones continue to suffer in

the hands of these miscreants.

It was reported that, political violence in Nigeria is as a result of long military

rule which is responsible for high level of political violence orchestrated by

political thugs in the form of election rigging, falsification of electoral register,

assassination of political rivals among other things. The inability to conduct free

and fair election has continued smooth transition and good governance, and in

the words of Omotosho, (2008) ....... has made the country, the buff of bad

jokes in the international community.

45
CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

4.0 INTRODUCTION

The chapter is devoted to the presentation and analysis of the data

collected. The chapter will also test the hypothesis as proposed earlier in the

previous chapter. Therefore, the chapter presents and analyzes a number of data

for the purpose of examining the political crises and its effect on Nigerias

development with reference to 2011 elections as a case study.

4.1 DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

The data to be presented and analyzed here are: the sponsors of political crises,

factors of political crises, the extent to which political crises affects Nigerias

development, and how political crises activities could be managed in Nigeira.

4.2 THE SPONSORS OF POLITICAL CRISES IN NIGERIA

To speak from the words of Etannabi (2004), who noted that Nigeria

electoral process and governance system largely employ secrecy, cooptation and

violence to promote and defend their interest and organizations. Thus,

elections have become a battle between contending interests embedded in the

composition of the parties. Political contestant regarded victory at elections a

matter of life and death struggle and was determined to capture or retain power

by all means and at all costs. Interestingly, politics is expected manage the

conflict in the society, even though no political system has succeeded in

eliminating political violence. The problem with Nigeria, is that the politicians

46
who are suppose to manage political conflicts are the ones promoting, arming

and funding violence. Consequently, electoral violence has become a recurrent

feature of the Nigerian democratic process (Odefin and Omojuwa).

Alameka, (2011), politicians recruited, trained and empowered local

secret sect to harass, intimidate and victimize perceived opponents and

opposing views against their political ambition. However, in Nigeria election

normally do takes place as groups of armed thugs linked to political parties and

candidates intimidated and threatened voters in order to falsify results.

The Nigerian National Commission for Refugees (2006) reported that

more than three million Nigerians were internally displaced in several parts of

the country and many were killed and injured as a result of political crises.

According to Etannabi, (2004), Election in Nigeria were characterized

by manipulation of the decisions and activities at the various stages of electoral

process by the government and politicians, corruption of officials and

electorates, violence during campaigns, polling and collection of results, rigging

through the stuffing of ballots snatching and destruction of ballot boxes and

falsification of results and ineffective electoral dispute resolution mechanism

(P10).

He further observes the following stages of the electoral process where

violence may erupt:

i. Delimination of Constituencies

ii. Party primaries and nominations

47
iii. Campaigns and rallies

iv. Display of voter register

v. Polling

vi. Counting of votes

vii. Verdicts at tribunals (Etannabi, 2004).

It has been observed that election violence erupted at different stages in the

electoral process in Nigeria as a result of unwholesome practices as rigging

through stuffing, stanching, and destruction of ballot boxes and falsification of

results. Other are partially and corruptions by electoral and security officials,

manipulation of electorates through the activation of mobilization of ethnic

religious, regional and other primordial sentiments. Sometimes, incumbent

government seeking re-election often used its power to manipulate the security

and law enforcement agencies to disperse rallies and campaigns of opponent

under the guise of not security approval or the likely hood of breach of public

peace.

From the above data based as discussed in this investigation, it appears rightly

clear that in Nigeria, there are certain sponsors of political violence. The most

common among them includes, politicians, the partial and erupt electoral and

security officials, through the activist of religion, regional and other primordial

sentiments and also the incumbent government that is seeking to be re-elected.

However, politicians are the most critical element in the employment of thugs.

48
Politicians from different parties play a vital role in the rise of political crises in

Nigeria. In the words of Umar (2003; 210): Politicians are the major elements

that orchestrated and employ violence in the pursuit of personal interest. They

are not only ready to recruit and work the political thugs but come to accept

thugs and violence as a legitimate part of political process.

And he asserts that there is hardly any political party in the country that

does not have thugs at least one person who has ties to attack, maim or

assassinates a political rival or destroys political offices in furtherance of

political interest.

4.3 WHAT ARE THE CAUSES OF POLITICAL CRISES?

As stated in the above chapters, political crises would caused by some

activities of politicians through the use of unemployed men which are

considered harmful to Nigerias democracy. The factors are many that abound

to explain the causes of political crises. Prominent amongst these are two

principal factors. These are competitive authoritarian nature of the Nigerian

state and economic factors. The rest can be tied to either two of the above.

These include weaknesses in the institutions, unpopular candidates, money

politics, financial gains, intolerance of democracy, lack of patriotism, injustice

unemployment, reckless manipulation of electoral process, poverty, checks and

balance and illiteracy.

a. Nature of Nigerian state: the competitive authoritarian nature of the Nigerian

state after long period of military regimes accept civilian government in

49
1999 that permits democratic competition but bedeviled by fraud and abuse

of state apparatus which enables those with machinery of the state apparatus

to suppress opposition groups or party. This groupings result more often than

not into clashes of interest between groups which ends up in violence.

b. Weakness in the political system: There are prevalent weaknesses in the

institutions responsible for carrying out electoral process in Nigeria. The

inability of institutions of government such as Independence National

Electoral Commission (INEC), the Police, Judiciary and the Executive

resulting from abuse of office and fraud often emasculate electoral process.

This include undue

favour to some group of individuals and power incumbency.

c. Checks and balance: lacking of checks and balances on part of the three arms

of government to ensure smooth electoral process often leads to fraudulent

acts and behaviours, rigging, cheating among others.

d. Illiteracy: This is also a factor that leads to political crises, some studies

revealed that most of those that engage or used by politicians are mostly

uneducated young men as such they become prey to overzealous politicians

as they vulnerable to resort to violence.

e. Moreover, remuneration for political offices being exceedingly attractive

constitutes the major reason most politicians regarded political as a matter of

do or die affairs. Even if the mandate denied them as expressed in the voting

where there is any, they steal it through act of violence. The Governor of the

50
Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) cried out that the National Assembly in the

2011 Federal Government budget had an overhead of 251% in the 2009,

19.87% and in 2008, it was 14.19%. He pointed out that if the federal budget

is looked at, the bulk of government spending is on recurrent expenditure

and it is a big problem as 25% of the overhead of the federal government

goes to National Assembly.

Statics has also shown that a Nigerian Senator earns more in salary than Donald

Trump as the president of United State of America (U.S.A). Also the role of

security agent during, before and after elections in the state have been at all

materials time to ensure that security of lives and property is guaranteed and

that there is peace and order in the society. By the antecedents of the previous

general elections in the country particularly the 2003 and 2007 general elections

conducted by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, it is doubtful to say

whether, security agents (in some place made up of police, military, civil

defence etc) dispatch at election polling both were to ensure peaceful conduct of

the election or the help perpetuate official violence so as to rig the election.

Report are replete both in the National dailies and reports of election observers

concerning the role of security officers have performed below expectations in

safeguarding the voter of the electorates especially given their complicity in the

violence process as exemplified in the 2003 and 2007 general election in the

parts.

51
Related findings in available data in the conduct of the 2007 general election

equally show the prevalence of the activities of violence and how in some cases

either clearly over power of the security operatives who were on duty on

election, days or simply, got the cooperation of those same security operatives

to perpetrate their activities in the 2007 general election held in April, the

National Human Right Commission monitored the conduct of security

personnel in each of the six (6) geographical zones involving eighteen states of

the federation and the federal capital territory. In the main, the report indicated

that in a number of states security personnel were over powered by

unemployment who snatched ballot boxes in some polling station. While in

some states, some security personnel were indifferent to various electoral

offences like multiple voting, under age, voting, impersonation and snatching of

ballot boxes.

Detailed part of the report relevant to this work for present purpose shows that

in the North Central Zones comprising plateau state, Benue and Niger, it was

observed that there was disruption of voting by militant armed youths at the

Unity Gate Polling Station Gindiri V. Ward in Plateau state.

In Benue state, violence over powered security agents and electoral officials at

the government house polling station and snatched away ballot boxes.

In the North West Zone covering Kano, Katsina and Sokoto to monitored cases

of ballot box snatching amongst other offences were noticed.

52
South-South Zone also monitored covered, Edo, Bayelsa and River state. The

story is not different from what was observed in the South-West Zones where

Lagos, Ogun and Oyo were monitored. In the South-Wast zone were Anambra,

Enugu and Abia were monitored. It was observed that cases result abound. It is

reported that in one of the polling unit in Anambra state, one Festus Eze of the

Nigerian Police Force was seen thump-printing ballot papers in favour of one of

the political party.

This phenomenon of the political crises is therefore, common place and

presently represents a common feature in political election in Nigeria.

From the above incidents based on the report gathared and explained, it

can be deduce that political crises do not just occurred, they are caused by so

many identified factors which are not unconnected to the authoritarian nature of

the Nigerian state as well as the economic factors that further classified into

numerous factors. The general disposition of Nigerian politicians who regarded

politics as a life or death struggle were the direct cause of the problems. The

position was clearly captured by a statement credited to former President Chief

Olusegun Obasanjo, in February, 2007 when the described the election as do or

die affair. (Daily Independent, February, 2007).

4.4 TO WHAT EXTENT DOES POLITICAL CRISES AFFECTS

NIGERIAS DEVELOPMENT?

Political crises has apparently affected every facet of Nigerian society at large.

The assumption here is that the unemployed men that were hired by the

53
politicians during campaign period were left with no job or any means of

sustenance after the election. They therefore had to seek for alternative means of

livelihood by inciting one community against the other.

Moser and Clark, (2001) asserted that, it is in the public domain where political

violence interviewed with economic and social violence, takes place. Political

violence take place not just at election time, but in period leading to election

during the election themselves and in the period immediately following election

such as during the counting of ballots. Most devastating of all the effect of

political crises is the wanton destruction of lives and property of innocent

citizens of the state. Babajide, (2011) reported that 30 people were killed and 60

houses burnt in the political crises that erupted at Ugba Benue state in October,

2011, Duru (2012), reported that 10 people were killed 120,000 people were

displaced and property worth millions of Naira were destroyed in the crises

between Ojantele and Ijegwu communities. According to Echoing in the same

vain Adeyemo, (2000) maintained that political violence develops as a feature

of struggle for power. He further opined that, the employment of violence in the

struggle for power has some negative implication for the realization of the

collective wellbeing of individuals and society as a whole. In Nigeria, therefore,

political violence has become highly disruptive to social life, thereby causing

division, killing, harming and intimidating persons trying to vote during

elections.

54
From the above readings it is indicated that, the current of political

violence is a very disturbing trend towards Nigerias development. In fact, the

situation is creating series of difficulties of standard of living to the people of

Nigeria. For instance, many people are not willing to stay in the Southern part

of the country, especially in the South-East where such violence has become

volatile. This trend has created a divisible life among the people. The condition

hinders development and limit bilateral and diplomatic relationship among

Nigerians. Furthermore, victims and those that are not victims of it appear to be

a relative state of panic in Nigeira. Also it has affected significantly to the

religions, ethnic and communal clashes that Nigeria is facing today. For

example in Places like Abia, Borno, Kano, Taraba, Yobe, Kaduna, Makurdi

states among others human being are targeted on basis of religion, ethnic or

political crises. The act negatively impacted on the supporters as they do not

have future plan in their own development. Most of the unemployed men

(supporters) are been sponsored by desperate politicians to protect their political

interest. When the election is over, those unemployed men (supporters) that are

trained to main and kill political opponents are left helpless without any

concrete sustainable means (Weekly Trust, May 10th 2008). The wanton

destruction of lives and properties in Nigeria as a result of political crises

activities have had for reaching effect for the practice and sustenance of

democracy as a whole in Nigeria.

55
4.5 THE SOLUTION TO POLITICAL CRISES

Ortest and Ada (2000) rightly observed that political crises are some of

the effect of unemployment. Since the government cannot fully employ the

teaming youths who are seeking for jobs, effort should be made to organize

functional youths empowerment programmes as such Poverty Eradication

Programme as it was did during Olusegun Obasanjos regime 1999-2007,

Family Support Programme initiated during Abachas regime, National

Directorate of Employment, N-power and many more should be functional. All

sort of initiation introduced by the higher institutions especially

entrepreneurship programme and other for students as a welcome development.

An attempt in making effort should be done in order to boost and to extend the

programme to unemployed men who are not opportune to be in the higher

institutions. The authors are of the believed that whenever the government

engages in financial and moral support to functionally Youth Empowerment

Programme (YEP), many of the unemployed men will have job opportunity

either will become employers of labour rather than waiting for a white collar

job. According to them, with this welcome development the menace of political

violence will definitely be drastically be low.

Also, the Executive Arms of Government should do much better by putting

security measures by ensuring insurgent group do not endanger the safety of

lives and properties in eh society, (Nganji, 2003;238).

56
In light of the above the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission

(ICPC) should be empowered to cover electoral related offences and be given

absolute power to dispense its activities.

Advocacy by the both government and private organizations should be pursued

vigorously. Govenrmetn should involve Community Based Organization

(CBOs), Civil Society Organization (CSOs) and traditional rulers in dealing

with the actigites of thugs; this can be done through deemphasizing the

relevance of political crises in the electoral process. Overzealous politicians

who engage in such activities should not go unpunished so as to serve as

deterrent to others. The institutions involved in the electoral process should be

checked and strengthened through provision of adequate fund and resources for

such exercise and personnel trained and made available when called upon.

There should be sustained public enlightenment against the evils of political

crises and violence. Scholarship fund should be made available for less

privileged so as to minimize the cases of political crises by local state, federal

and private organization and individuals.

4.6 TEST OF HYPOTHESIS

Hi : Unemployment causes youth engagement in political crises.

Ho : Illiteracy among youth results to their participation in political violence.

Solution

Political crises can be well addressed if there is a strong attack on the

politics of winner -takes it- all. Obviously, this is one of the reasons why

57
politicians view politic as a do -or -die affair. Experience has shown that once

an aspirant losses an election, he definitely losses everything including

resources and job opportunities. Effort should therefore, be made as a matter of

policy to have definite plans for aspirant when failed elections either to be

appointed into key political offices or be given some form of considerations.

We are of the opinion that when this is done, the use of force to win election

will be reduced and the need for thugs will equally be unnecessary. This is a

policy matter that government should critically addresses. It is pertinent to

advocate for a total War against Unemployment (WAE). The popular maxim

that an idle mind is the devils workshops, come to play in the case it has been

observed that many youths who have graduated from schools are roaming about

in search of job opportunities to vail. However, Awogbele and Inuanmadi,

(2010: 33) observed from the exact of statistics obtained from the National

Manpower Board and Federal Bureau of Statistics showed that Nigeria has

youth population of eighty (80) million representing the 60% of the total

population of the country.

Sixty four (64) million of them are unemployed while one million six hundred

thousand (1.6 million) are underemployed.

From the above analysis, it can be proved that unemployment has been

the major problem bedeviling the liver of Nigerian youth causing frustration;

conflict and dependency of one group open another for selfish and political

goals of their masters. The high rate of unemployment among the youth in

58
Nigeria has the refroze contributed to high rate of poverty and social vices like

crises thereby increasing the rate of insecurity in Nigeria.

There is the need for the counseling Association of Nigeria to embark on

aggressive political education which will involve all political stakeholders

including political office holders as well as party members. Through this means,

politicians will be exposed to kind of administration that the electorate are

clamoring for. It will afford counselors the privilege of inculcating some sound

virtues such as honesty, dedication, tolerance, respect for one another etc on all

political aspirants. As an intervention strategy, counselling will assist politicians

to develop the consciousness of team work and play the game of politics in the

spirit of sports-manship, devoid of ranchor and political violence.

4.7 CONCLUSION

The research work has established the fact that the political crisis is one

of the most serious security challenges in Nigeria. Its antecedent causes and

effect on the security and Nigerias development has been discussed. All hand

must be on deck to ensure that this trend is discontinued so that the problem of

insecurity in Nigeria will be curtailed. On this basis some counselling

interventions have been put forward in the research, and it is hoped that the

acceptance and implementation of the recommendations will bring about a

reduction in the rate of political crises, unemployment and ensure sustainable

political security in Nigeria.

59
More so, elections are the most important part of representative

democracy individuals and groups have to compete in an open contest for the

peoples votes where this is done fairly and creditably, the wishes of the people

would easily prevail. Political violence or electoral violence has continued to

threaten the democratic experiment in Nigeria. This has done incalculable

damage to Nigerias development having stifled many democratic experiments

in Nigeria. Electoral violence has now taken other dimension fiercer than before

because associating with the present electoral violence is political assassination.

Urgent steps should be taken to control this ugly phenomenon.

60
CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.0 INTRODUCTION

The research was under-taken to study the political crises and its effect on

Nigerias development. As indicated above, the chapter is made of three (3)

parts; which is the summary, conclusion and recommendations of the research

work. The objectives has been essentially correct the perceived situations of the

political crises by recommending possible and realistic solutions. The study is

divided into five (5) chapters. Chapter one, which is the background of the

study which contains the introduction, the statement of the research problem,

the research hypothesis, which were formulated in harmony with the objectives

of the study, the significance of the study, the methodology of the study in

which the documents were reviewed and the scope and limitation of the study.

Chapter two part of the research is made up of literature review that is the

conceptual framework. In this a lot of literatures were examined concerning the

causes of political violence. So also different theories were used that guided to

the understanding of the nature, causes and the pattern of the political crises.

Some key concepts in the study were also clarified.

Chapter three contains the historical background of the study, the factors that

are responsible for political crises, the effect of the acts on both the unemployed

men and society and the challenges in managing political crises.

61
Chapter four contains the presentation, analysis and interpretation of data.

Finally, in chapter five, the research presents the summary of findings,

conclusion and recommendations.

5.1 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

This research found out that, in Nigeria, there are key group of persons that

found it advantageous to sponsor certain groups of people as thugs. The

common among this sponsors are the politicians, the partial and corrupt

electoral and security officials as well as the incumbent government that is

seeking to be re-elected. They are considered to be the major elements that

orchestrate and employ violence in the pursuit of personal interest. The

investigation shows that there is hardly any political party in the country that

does not have thugs.

Also, the findings reveals that political crises are cause by number of factors.

The prominent amongst them are, unnecessary political ambition, ethnic

politics, unemployment, monetization of politics, poverty, illiteracy, weaknesses

in the institutions etc.

The research also found out that, political crises has seriously affect Nigerias

development. Particularly, the unemployed men (thugs) are directly affected by

poverty and economic hardship who are participated in acts of electoral

violence, the situation increasingly challenge or an attempt in using the

authority and functions of the state. The young men who undergoes training to

maim and kill political rivals are left without and meaningful way of

62
sustenance. The findings also indicated that political violence continues to be

creating difficulties of standard of living to Nigerians. Hence, its impact act

negatively on the future of Nigerian youth that involved in it. It was also

discovered that the solutions of political crises are many. Some of it which

includes the following:

a) Effort should be made to organize functional youth empowerment

programmes such as Poverty Eradication Programs, Family Support

Programme, National Directorate of employment, N-Power and many

more should be functional.

b) According to the findings, effort should be made to empower

Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) so as to cover

electoral related offences and be given absolute power to dispense its

activities.

c) It also reveals that, the Executive Arms of Government should do much

better by putting security measures, by ensuring insurgent groups should

not endanger the safety of lives and properties in the society.

d) Politicians who engaged in such activities should be punished so as to

serve as deterrent to others.

e) Findings also opined that, the government should involve Community

Based Organization (CBOs), Civil Society Organization (CSOs), and

traditional rulers and dealing with the activities of thugs.

63
5.2 CONCLUSION

Political crises in Nigeria based on the data gathered and analyzed exists among

political party supporters. As the above finding indicates that many of the

unemployed men (party supporters) their level of participation in political

violence is very high. In regards to the supporting their candidate, the research

also identified what motivated them to give a support to a candidate. The work

was established the facts that political crises is one of the most dangerous that

Nigeria is facing today. Unemployment is one of the most serious factor

associated with the issue of parties supporters. All hands must be on deck so as

to ensure that the trend is discontinued so that the challenges posses by the act

can be curtailed. On this basis, some counseling interventions have been put

forward in the research, and it is hoped that the acceptance and implementation

of the recommendation will bring about a reduction in the rate of this act and

ensure sustainable political atmosphere.

5.3 RECOMMENDATION

In the light of the above findings the research provides some recommendations

that will be put into consideration in order to ensure that, the phenomenon of

political crises in this nation are well address. These include the following:

1. The pontifical counseling: Parents should be able to proceed with the role

they are playing, also include monitoring the movement of their own child as

well as ensuring their proper upbringing.

64
2. The government should be able to provide their needs particularly education

as well as conducive environment. In this regard, the Local Government,

Religious Organizations and even charitable individual can partner to

provide care on a regular and consistent basis.

3. Political offices to be made less attractive: The do or die power struggle is

largely because of the exceedingly lucrative nature of the offices. The pecks

of political offices are to be reduced and made less attractive or at least in-

line with the practice in order jurisdiction.

4. Check of corruption and ethnic politics: We must put end to pervasive

influence of ethnicity. Any politician who induce electorate with ethnicity or

engage thugs to win election should be arrested prosecuted and banned from

contesting any elective in the future. There is need to move away with ethnic

politics where ethnicity is used for campaign, people are not told any

reasonable things, except distribution of foods items and unrealistic promises

are made. Campaign should be more of issue base.

5. Provision of Adequate Security and Efficient, Impartial Judiciary: the

executive arm of government should do much better by putting security

measures and ensuring insurgent group do not endanger the safety of lives

and properties in the society, in light of the above, the National Assembly

should be able to sign a bill concerning the Special Criminal Courts Acts

submitted by the President since 2015.

65
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