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Ramon Canal
Cmo citar
Canal, Ramon (2017). Queremos decir lo mismo cuando hablamos de participacin?
Perspectivas de activistas, tcnicos y polticos locales reveladas con metodologa Q. Revista
Espaola de Investigaciones Sociolgicas, 158: 23-40. (http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.158.23)
Ramon Canal: Institut de Govern i Poltiques Pbliques, Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona | ramon.canal@uab.cat
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
24 Queremos decir lo mismo cuando hablamos de participacin?
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
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Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
26 Queremos decir lo mismo cuando hablamos de participacin?
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Tabla 1. Tablero para la distribucin de los 48 enunciados del cuestionario para obtener la Q-Sort
Desacuer
do Acuerdo
-5 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 +1 +2 +3 +4 +5
_____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____
_____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____
_____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____
_____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____
_____ _____ _____ _____ _____
_____ _____ _____
_____
_____
(cubran las cuestiones relevantes), sentido tenido algn tipo de relacin directa con la
(favorables a la participacin y contrarios a participacin ciudadana a nivel local (vase la
ella), tipo (factuales y normativos) y origen tabla 2).
(fueron aportados por todas las ciudades es-
Un total de 41 personas fueron confron-
tudiadas).
tadas con los 48 enunciados en el contexto
Lo siguiente fue seleccionar a las perso- de una entrevista presencial3. Su tarea fue
nas que deberan ser entrevistadas (P-Set). La
clasificar todos los enunciados en funcin de
metodologa Q no precisa de un gran nmero
una escala numrica que iba del mximo
de participantes, pues no pretende elucidar la
desacuerdo (-5) al mximo acuerdo (+5), con
representatividad de sus hallazgos, pero s
que es importante garantizar cierta diversidad la particularidad de que globalmente la cla-
en las variables que se presuponen ms rele- sificacin deba respetar una pauta preesta-
vantes. Nos interesaba especialmente obser- blecida, concretamente una distribucin casi
var lo que pasa en las ciudades, pues son los normal, con ms espacios en el centro y me-
espacios donde ms se ha experimentado nos en los extremos (vase la tabla 1)4. Du-
con la participacin, y tambin donde ms se rante las entrevistas tambin se generaron
han percibido las protestas y los nuevos mo- datos cualitativos, recogiendo los comenta-
vimientos sociales. Primero se escogieron rios que espontneamente fueron surgiendo
cuatro ciudades en funcin de su diversidad durante la lectura de los enunciados, as
poltica. Concretamente se busc una ciudad como preguntando al final de la entrevista
cuyo ayuntamiento, tras las elecciones muni- cmo justificaba la persona la eleccin de los
cipales de 2011, siguiera gobernado por la dos enunciados con el mximo acuerdo y los
derecha (Madrid), una que siguiera gobernada
dos con el mximo desacuerdo.
por la izquierda (Lleida), otra que se hubiese
escorado hacia la derecha (Barcelona) y una
que se hubiese escorado hacia la izquierda
3 Prcticamente todas las entrevistas se llevaron a cabo
(San Sebastin). En cada ciudad se seleccio- entre los meses de abril y junio de 2015, siguiendo un
naron, a partes iguales, personas del sector protocolo compartido por los diversos equipos de inves-
pblico (contemplando personal poltico y tigacin.
4 Esta norma obliga a las personas entrevistadas a prio-
personal tcnico) y del sector social (contem-
rizar sus creencias. Esto es especialmente importante
plando organizaciones consolidadas y organi- en un mbito discursivo como este, donde proliferan la
zaciones nuevas). Todas ellas tenan o haban indefinicin y la retrica vaca (Verge, 2007).
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
28 Queremos decir lo mismo cuando hablamos de participacin?
Q-Sortsa Factores
a El cdigo de las Q-Sorts consiste en una referencia a la ciudad (MA=Madrid, BA=Barcelona, SS=San Sebastin, LL=Lleida)
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
Ramon Canal 29
A B C
Factores Participacin Participacin Participacin
integral regeneradora desconfiada
Enunciados ZS FS ZS FS ZS FS
1. Los procesos participativos son esenciales para con-
seguir polticas pblicas que respondan a las necesida- 1,67 5 1,72 4 0,18** 0
des de la mayora de la gente
2. Los procesos participativos son tiles para hacer ms
transparentes las decisiones adoptadas por el ayunta- 0,21** 0 2,23** 5 0,92** 2
miento
3. La mayora de la gente no quiere participar sim-
plemente quieren que los servicios pblicos funcionen -0,71** -2 0,58 2 0,99 3
correctamente
4. Las TIC y las redes sociales facilitan la comunicacin
pero no estimulan la participacin activa en torno a las -0,61 -1 -0,54 -1 0,15** 0
polticas
5. Los mecanismos ms importantes de participacin
ciudadana son reuniones cara a cara con concejales y -1,08** -3 0,53 1 0,10 0
tcnicos
6. Los ciudadanos deberan tener espacios para discutir
1,11 3 1,26 3 1,85** 5
las prioridades de gasto del ayuntamiento
7. Hay mucho solapamiento entre mecanismos de par-
ticipacin, por lo que tendra sentido suprimir algunos -0,69* -2 -0,29* 0 1,06** 3
de ellos
8. Los mecanismos ms importantes de participacin
ciudadana son las redes informales de las lites locales, -0,53 -1 -1,50** -4 -0,47 -1
organizadas desde la alcalda
9. Los partidos polticos estn aportando nuevas ideas
-0,92 -2 -0,26** 0 -1,15 -3
sobre la participacin ciudadana
10. Los jvenes estn cambiando los procedimientos y
0,31 1 0,14 0 -0,94** -3
los mecanismos para participar en la poltica local
11. Para que la democracia participativa prospere re-
1,02 2 1,04 3 1,36 4
quiere estructura y estabilidad
12. Quien quiera cambiar las instituciones polticas de-
ben tratar de hacerlo desde dentro, en lugar de protestar -1,16** -3 0,30** -1 0,35** 1
desde fuera
13. Un proceso de participacin no puede ser utilizado
para tomar decisiones. Esta es la responsabilidad de los -2,16** -5 -0,52 -1 -0,94 -3
cargos electos
14. Por el bien de la democracia, el Ayuntamiento debe
establecer lmites claros a la influencia que los ciudadanos -1,31 -4 -0,99 -3 -0,11** 0
puedan ejercer a travs de los procesos participativos
15. Los mecanismos de democracia directa, como las
consultas ciudadanas, deberan tener un uso ms fre- 1,59 4 1,27 4 1,28 3
cuente
16. Las redes participativas son buenas para la accin
conjunta, pero no para una deliberacin seria sobre las -1,72* -4 -0,58 -1 -1,16* -4
polticas
17. El punto fuerte en las redes de participacin es la
0,13 0 0,32 1 0,73 2
gran diversidad de actores que participan en ellas
18. Las redes participativas favorecen a las grandes
organizaciones de la sociedad civil por encima de las 0,01 0 -0,55** -1 0,44 1
pequeas
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
30 Queremos decir lo mismo cuando hablamos de participacin?
A B C
Factores Participacin Participacin Participacin
integral regeneradora desconfiada
Enunciados ZS FS ZS FS ZS FS
19. La coproduccin de servicios pblicos entre Admi-
nistracin y asociaciones es una herramienta para pro- 0,45 1 0,92 2 0,03 0
mover la igualdad y darle a la gente el poder, una voz
20. La gobernanza en red implica aceptar una regulacin
0,34 1 0,56 1 -0,77** -2
ms simple y flexible en la prestacin de servicios pblicos
21. La prestacin de servicios municipales de proximi-
dad puede satisfacerse mejor mediante el uso de las 0,86 2 0,57 1 -0,71** -2
habilidades y los recursos de los ciudadanos
22. El nfasis en las iniciativas de la comunidad para re-
solver los problemas sociales le quita la responsabilidad -1,00** -2 -1,56** -5 -0,36** 0
a las instituciones pblicas
23. La colaboracin entre organizaciones del tercer sec-
tor se limita a los aspectos operativos de la prestacin -0,90 -2 -1,17 -3 -0,83 -2
de servicios
24. El ayuntamiento debe dirigir y coordinar cualquier
red local a travs de la cual se aborden necesidades so- -1,21 -3 -0,88 -2 -0,97 -3
ciales del municipio
25. El alcalde/la alcaldesa hace lo que quiere, sin tener
0,49 1 -1,82** -5 0,69 2
en cuenta la participacin ciudadana
26. Los polticos locales tienen miedo de perder el control.
1,36* 4 -0,08** 0 0,88* 2
Esto es lo que realmente les preocupa de la participacin
27. Mientras que resulta difcil para los polticos locales
dialogar con los ciudadanos, los directivos y funcionarios -0,19 -1 -1,36** -4 -0,39 -1
pblicos tienden a ser ms abiertos y accesibles
28. Si se quiere mejorar la participacin es esencial que
los polticos electos sean ms accesibles y rindan cuen- 1,00* 2 1,77 5 1,55 4
tas de sus actividades
29. Todas las reas del ayuntamiento deberan tener un
0,41** 1 -0,23 0 -0,63 -2
tcnico responsable de la participacin ciudadana
30. Los cambios ms significativos en la participacin
0,43 1 0,37 1 -0,05 0
ciudadana estn sucediendo a nivel de barrio
31. Algunos problemas sociales graves de la ciudad es-
tn siendo abordados con gran eficacia por las organi- 0,31 0 1,15** 3 0,42 1
zaciones del tercer sector
32. Los mecanismos de participacin permiten a las
asociaciones ejercer una notable influencia sobre las de- -1,03 -3 0,80** 2 -1,23 -4
cisiones polticas
33. Las asociaciones son muy escpticas acerca de los
0,60 2 0,33 1 1,40** 4
espacios de participacin institucionalizados o formales
34. El tercer sector ha sido capturado por las adminis-
traciones, debido a su dependencia respecto a las sub- -0,06** 0 -0,73** -2 1,16** 3
venciones y el encargo de servicios
35. Las organizaciones de la sociedad civil son capaces
de articular visiones crticas y alternativas a las polticas 1,56 4 1,57 4 -0,40** -1
formuladas por el ayuntamiento
36. Las iniciativas de la sociedad civil pueden proporcio-
nar buenas medidas de emergencia, tales como bancos -1,30** -4 -0,83 -2 -0,57 -1
de alimentos, pero no soluciones a largo plazo
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A B C
Factores Participacin Participacin Participacin
integral regeneradora desconfiada
Enunciados ZS FS ZS FS ZS FS
37. El ayuntamiento debera ser ms receptivo ante las
iniciativas polticas de las organizaciones y los movimien- 1,66 5 0,92** 2 1,44 5
tos sociales
38. La crisis econmica y la austeridad no han dado lu-
gar a cambios significativos en el modelo de participa- -0,51** -1 0,00* 0 0,52* 1
cin ciudadana de esta ciudad
39. La mayor parte de las decisiones sobre recortes de
gasto pblico son dolorosas, pero no generan contro- -1,94 -5 -1,17** -3 -1,92 -5
versia entre la gente
40. La crisis econmica y la austeridad han provocado
un renacimiento de los movimientos sociales de base en 1,05** 3 0,11** 0 -0,68** -2
toda la ciudad
41. Debido a la austeridad y los recortes presupuesta-
rios, las organizaciones sociales han ganado autonoma -0,60 -1 -0,88 -2 -1,42* -4
respecto a las instituciones pblicas
42. La falta de respuesta gubernamental efectiva a las
necesidades sociales ha hecho que la gente lleve a 1,06 3 0,66 2 0,52 1
cabo iniciativas comunitarias creativas
43. La colaboracin entre la Administracin y las organi-
zaciones de la sociedad civil ha sido til para reducir los 0,06* 0 1,16* 3 0,61* 2
impactos sociales negativos de la austeridad
44. Frente a los recortes, cada barrio se preocupa de
sus propias necesidades, de forma fragmentada, en lu- -0,17 -1 -0,38 -1 -0,14 0
gar de coordinarse con los dems a nivel de ciudad
45. Existe una gran desconfianza mutua entre las admi-
nistraciones y las organizaciones y movimientos socia- 0,13** 0 -0,64 -2 -0,49 -1
les como consecuencia de la austeridad
46. Con determinacin y organizacin suficiente, los ciu-
dadanos podran obligar al gobierno a revertir los recor- 1,18** 3 -0,04 0 -0,45 -1
tes presupuestarios
47. Hay como un anillo de acero alrededor del poder,
que hace que la gente acabe abandonando la protesta 0,00 0 -1,17** -3 0,39 1
y la resistencia
48. Una democracia participativa es incompatible con
0,81** 2 -1,52** -4 -2,74** -5
las polticas de austeridad
ZS=Z-Scores, FS=Factor Scores.
*Enunciados distintivos, significativos en P<0,05.
**Enunciados distintivos, significativos en P<0,01.
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32 Queremos decir lo mismo cuando hablamos de participacin?
diante el mtodo varimax6. La solucin de tres pueda plantear. La crisis ha puesto a prueba
factores se consider la ms adecuada, en a la sociedad, y esta ha sabido responder
tanto que el cuarto presentaba un eigenvalue con creces, comprometindose ms con sus
sensiblemente inferior al del tercero (Branns- movimientos y organizaciones (40). Desde la
trom, 2011). Ms significativo an, la rotacin base, el modelo de democracia participativa
de tres factores generaba una adscripcin est empezando a cambiar (38). Ms all de
clara y unvoca en 40 de las 41 Q-Sorts (vase la movilizacin y la protesta, se constata que
la tabla 2), mientras que en la de cuatro facto- las organizaciones sociales son muy capa-
res esta cifra bajaba hasta los 31. ces de deliberar (16) y de formular propues-
Una vez rotados los factores, PQM gene- tas de cambio a largo plazo para resolver los
ra numerosos productos de anlisis estads- problemas del presente (36): la gente tiene
tico de los mismos, tanto de su estructura posibilidad de generar alternativas. Hay mu-
interna como a nivel comparado. Se trata, cha gente muy formada y que sabe de lo que
esencialmente, de medir el valor otorgado a habla y que podra hacer cambios 8 (LL-S5).
cada uno de los enunciados. Tres de los in- En consecuencia, sus miembros no creen
dicadores ms potentes son el Z-Score, que que la poltica deba quedar exclusivamente
mide distancias ponderadas respecto al en manos de las instituciones, pues los que
punto 0, el factor Score, que traduce el Z- estn dentro no son mejores ni ms sabios
Score a la escala -5/+5, y finalmente la lista que los que estn fuera, aunque a menudo lo
de los enunciados que son estadsticamente pretendan: parece ser que cuando alguien
distintivos de cada factor (o de ninguno de entra en un ayuntamiento a ser concejal []
ellos, lo cual los convierte en enunciados de pues de repente, es el que sabe, el que co-
consenso). El anlisis de todos estos datos noce (SS-S1).
(vase la tabla 3), complementado con los Asegurar decisiones que respondan a las
datos cualitativos, permiti desarrollar e in- demandas de la ciudadana es mucho ms
terpretar los factores como sistemas de importante que asegurar la transparencia y la
creencias o perspectivas singulares. Las tres rendicin de cuentas (2 y 28). Las organiza-
perspectivas son presentadas a continua- ciones sociales estn legitimadas y capaci-
cin, ilustradas con citas literales de las en- tadas para participar en las decisiones pbli-
trevistas y sintetizadas en la tabla 4. cas, y eso debera implicar una renuncia al
monopolio del poder por parte de las institu-
Perspectiva A: participacin integral ciones (13): si no se toman decisiones no es
participacin, es consulta. Sin capacidad de
Si por algo se caracteriza esta perspectiva es decisin es hacer perder el tiempo a la gen-
por su creencia en la voluntad (3)7 y la capa- te (BA-S2). Pero no creen que los polticos
cidad (46) de la gente para implicarse en los estn dispuestos a llegar tan lejos (26), pues
asuntos pblicos y transformar la realidad, a quien tiene que tomar la decisin no siem-
pesar de las dificultades que el contexto pre quiere tener todas las visiones para to-
marla y le gusta tomar la decisin l o su
equipo (MA-S4). En este sentido, poca cosa
6El eigenvalue es un indicador de la proporcin de la cabe esperar de las reuniones con conceja-
varianza explicada por cada factor. La rotacin varimax les y tcnicos (5). Es mejor apostar por la
recibe esta denominacin porque mediante ella se pre-
tende maximizar la variancia entre factores y as identi-
ficar claramente los elementos diferenciadores de cada
factor. 8 A efectos de una mejor comprensin, las citas de las
7En esta seccin los enunciados son identificados me- entrevistas de los casos de Barcelona, Lleida y Donos-
diante su nmero (1-48). Para comprobar y contrastar tia/San Sebastin han sido traducidas por el autor al
los resultados, vase la tabla 3. castellano.
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34 Queremos decir lo mismo cuando hablamos de participacin?
nistracin para coproducir servicios pblicos mos actores con diferentes espacios para
es bien acogida. No en vano, el hecho de ir hablar casi de lo mismo. Y en cambio no es-
de la mano, trabajando juntos (BA-A3), ha tamos llegando a actores nuevos, no esta-
permitido mitigar los impactos sociales de la mos utilizando todos los espacios que hay
crisis (43). Adems, no ven en este tipo de de participacin (LL-A3).
prcticas el riesgo de que las grandes orga- Sin embargo, los problemas de la demo-
nizaciones se refuercen en detrimento de las cracia no pueden ser atribuidos nicamente
pequeas (18), o de que el tercer sector sea a los polticos. En esta perspectiva hay una
capturado y enmudecido por el poder po- mirada muy crtica respecto a las organiza-
ltico (34), y menos an de que se produzca ciones sociales. Aunque se exige un rol sus-
una dejacin de responsabilidades sobre los tantivo para ellas en la toma de decisiones
problemas sociales por parte de las institu- pblicas, tambin se expresan dudas sobre
ciones pblicas (22): Que pongas nfasis en su voluntad de participar en los espacios ins-
la participacin en general no te quita ningu- titucionales de participacin (33), as como
na responsabilidad, la normativa la debo sobre su capacidad de articular visiones cr-
cumplir [] A partir de ah, puedo preguntar ticas y alternativas a las polticas formuladas
(SS-A4). desde los gobiernos (35). Se cree que la im-
plicacin de las organizaciones sociales en
Perspectiva C: participacin desconfiada la prestacin de servicios pblicos puede
tener algo que ver con su falta de espritu
Esta perspectiva se caracteriza por la des- crtico, pues en muchos casos se han con-
confianza respecto al poder y el escepticis- vertido en entidades dependientes de sub-
mo respecto a la participacin. Las condicio- venciones y contratos de la Administracin
nes de la participacin ciudadana no (34 y 41). En general la coproduccin de ser-
cambian realmente con la crisis (38), porque vicios se valora negativamente, pues se
la influencia de los movimientos emergentes duda de que las aportaciones especficas del
(40), de los jvenes (10), o incluso de Internet tercer sector permitan mejorar los servicios
(4), es limitada. Se considera que los polti- de proximidad (21), y se ve en todo ello una
cos tienen una gran capacidad para prote- accin meramente mitigadora, de parche
gerse de las presiones de la sociedad (25) y (43), con riesgo de desresponsabilizacin
que van a hacer todo lo posible para evitar pblica (22). Adems, hay poca disponibili-
una participacin ciudadana efectiva, porque dad a aceptar la desregulacin que se asocia
no quieren perder el control del poder (26). a este tipo de prcticas (20).
Por eso se muestran bastante escpticos Esta es la nica perspectiva que afirma
respecto al potencial de la participacin para que las instituciones hay que cambiarlas
lograr polticas pblicas ms prximas a las desde dentro, ms que protestando desde
necesidades de la gente (1): El gobierno [] fuera (12). Y hay que hacerlo a travs de un
no escucha y los procesos que se montan modelo de participacin ciudadana fuerte,
son un parip [] para dar a entender lo con- en cierto modo estratgico, focalizado en las
trario. Esto nos plantea dudas a las asocia- polticas pblicas (16) y sobre todo en la prio-
ciones: debemos participar y legitimar eso, rizacin del gasto (6), porque el poder es
o no? (MA-C5). En las prcticas participa- dinero y el dinero es el que condiciona las
tivas desarrolladas hasta el momento ha ha- polticas del ayuntamiento en todos los sec-
bido poca calidad, no compensada por el tores (LL-A2). Por otra parte, considerando
exceso de cantidad (7): Tenemos una gran que la prioridad es poner un contrapeso y
carencia de funcionamiento interno. 50.000 controlar a los que ostentan el poder, resulta
cosas, 50.000 reuniones que utilizan los mis- mucho ms importante que el sistema fun-
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
Ramon Canal 35
Para qu queremos la Para que las polticas Para conseguir Para ejercer el control
participacin? respeten la voluntad de la mayor transparencia social sobre el poder
mayora y promuevan la y decisiones pblicas poltico: obligar a rendir
igualdad ms y legtimas cuentas de verdad
Cul es su potencial? Enorme. Poner en valor Limitado. Contribuir Escaso. El poder pone
la energa y la inteligencia a un gobierno ms lmites evidentes a la
social para generar abierto y con ello a democracia, aun as,
alternativas y cambios la regeneracin de la hay que intentar articular
democracia la resistencia y el control
Cmo reaccionan las Con miedo y desconfian- Con inquietud por si la Con la tranquilidad de
lites polticas ante za, porque no quieren toma de decisiones se sentirse protegidas y
ella? perder el poder de deter- transfiere a espacios poder ignorar los espa-
minar lo que es correcto sin legitimidad electoral cios de participacin
Cmo la han puesto De forma insuficiente. Razonablemente bien, Mal. Existen muchos
en prctica los Los canales establecidos pero se ha abusado mecanismos, pero
ayuntamientos? no permiten incorporar del tiempo de la inoperantes, utilizados
realmente las gente, cuyas ganas y como correas de
aportaciones de la gente capacidad de participar transmisin de los
son limitadas mensajes del gobierno
Cul debe ser el rol Colaborar de igual a igual Canalizar propuestas Presin sobre las institu-
del tercer sector en con el ayuntamiento para de la sociedad a las ciones y desde las
este mbito? mejorar las respuestas instituciones y mejorar instituciones para ga-
polticas a los problemas la atencin a las nece- rantizar el control del
sociales sidades sociales poder y una democracia
menos elitista
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
36 Queremos decir lo mismo cuando hablamos de participacin?
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
Ramon Canal 37
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 23-40
38 Queremos decir lo mismo cuando hablamos de participacin?
Antes de la crisis, Morales (2005) refut la macin crtica a los procesos de participacin
hiptesis de un cambio estructural hacia ge- ciudadana en las polticas urbanas de Madrid y
Barcelona. Athenea Digital, 12(1): 15-28.
neraciones ms participativas, por mucho que
los repertorios de la participacin fueran adap- Brannstrom, Christian (2011). A Q-Method Analysis
tndose a los nuevos tiempos. Sin embargo, of Environmental Governance Discourses in Bra-
zils Northeastern Soy Frontier. The Profession-
la enorme movilizacin social de estos ltimos
al Geographer, 63(4): 531-549.
aos ha supuesto una ruptura inesperada con
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doi:10.5477/cis/reis.158.23
Citation
Canal, Ramon (2017). Do We All Mean the Same when We Talk about Participation? Perspectives
of Local Officials, Politicians and Social Activists Revealed through Q-methodology. Revista
Espaola de Investigaciones Sociolgicas, 158: 23-40. (http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.158.23)
Ramon Canal: Institut de Govern i Poltiques Pbliques, Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona | ramon.canal@uab.cat
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24 Do We All Mean the Same when We Talk about Participation?
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26 Do We All Mean the Same when We Talk about Participation?
nal logic for each perspective, how they differ search on citizen participation (Font et al.,
from one another, and what their intersecting 2012).
areas are. Q-methodology was used in this study
following the steps recommended in the li-
terature (Jeffares and Skelcher, 2011). The
Methodology first was to delimit the scope of the subjec-
tivity to be looked at. The intention was to
talk about participation in a very broad sen-
The epistemological challenge posed is how
se: its reasons (what for), its forms (consul-
to investigate human subjectivity in a way
tation, co-decision, co-production) and its
that acknowledges its extreme complexity.
actors (skills, attitudes, roles, relationships),
Q-methodology addresses it from the premi-
incorporating into all these questions both a
se that it is only possible to access the so-
positive element (what actually happens)
called operant subjectivity (Brown, 1980),
and a normative element (what should hap-
which shows the point of view or perspective
pen), as well as elements concerning conti-
held by an individual, at a given moment,
nuity and change. The next step was what
about a specific subject or situation. Operant
is technically known as the concourse: a
subjectivity is constitutive of the individuals
compilation of statements that cover, in ge-
consciousness and conditions her behaviour
neral terms, all significant aspects of the
(Robbins and Krueger, 2000: 642). In 1935
the British physicist and psychologist William defined topic. They are usually extracted
Stephenson created Q-methodology in order from various sources (interviews with key
to study operant subjectivity from scientific informants, academic literature, legislation,
premises. Since then it has been used in the the press, among others), respecting their
study of innumerable social phenomena, in- original formulation as much as possible. In
cluding ideas about democracy, participation this case 300 statements were collected,
and deliberation (Dryzek and Berejikian, the source of which were semi-structured
1993; Zechmeister, 2006; Jeffares and Skel- interviews with 60 key informants.
cher, 2011). A significant sample of statements was
The main advantage of Q-methodology drawn from the concourse to build the ques-
in relation to classical factor analysis is that tionnaire (Q-Set). A sufficiently large number
it not only makes possible to analyse a of statements were used, so as not to lose
persons beliefs on an individual basis, but too many nuances, but without exceeding a
also the complex interrelationship between reasonable time for an interview. To avoid a
them, thus providing insight into the belief biased selection of statements, it is recom-
systems that structure subjectivity (Bevir mended to structure the sample basing on
and Rhodes, 2010). Moreover, by using a relevant and objectifiable criteria. In this
particular combination of quantitative and case, the 48 chosen statements formed a
qualitative elements, this methodology can questionnaire (see Table 3) that was balan-
retain qualitative interpretation within a ced in terms of content (covering relevant
systematic and comparative quantitative issues), meaning (favourable to participation
analysis of subjectivity (Durose et al., 2000: and contrary to it), type (factual and normati-
2). A method that ensures empirical rigour ve) and origin (from all the cities included in
without renouncing the depth of the huma- the study).
nist focus (Ellis et al., 2010: 395) may repre- The next step was to select the people
sent a positive contribution to the polarised to be interviewed (P-Set). Q-methodology
methodological debate that underlies re- does not require a large number of partici-
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Ramon Canal 27
TablE 1. Table for the distribution of the 48 statements in the questionnaire to obtain the Q-Sort
Disagreement Agreement
-5 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 +1 +2 +3 +4 +5
_____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____
_____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____
_____
_____
pants, as it makes no claims for the repre- A total of 41 people were confronted with
sentativeness of its findings, but it is impor- the 48 statements in a face-to-face inter-
tant to guarantee some degree of diversity view3. Their task was to classify all the state-
in the presumably most relevant variables. It ments basing on a numerical scale that went
was of particular interest to see what was from total disagreement (-5) to total agree-
happening in the cities, as they are the pla- ment (+5), but where the global classification
ces which had most experimented with par- had to conform to a pre-established pattern,
ticipation, and also where the protests and namely an almost normal distribution, with
the new social movements have been most more cells in the centre and fewer at the ends
visible. Four cities were chosen, based on (see Table 1)4. During the interviews, qualita-
their political diversity. Specifically, a city tive data were also generated by the recor-
was sought whose local government after ding of the comments that spontaneously
arose during the reading of the statements,
the municipal elections in 2011 remained
as well as by asking each participant at the
governed by the right (Madrid), one that was
end of the interview how she accounted for
still governed by the left (Lleida), one that
the choice of the two statements with which
had leant to the right (Barcelona) and one
she had expressed total agreement and the
that had leant to the left (San Sebastin). In
two with which she had expressed total disa-
each city, an equal number of members
greement.
from both the public sector (including local
politicians and local council experts) and
the social sector (including both, well esta- 3 Practically
all the interviews were carried out between
blished and new organisations) were selec- the months of April and June, 2015, following a protocol
ted. All of them had at the time or had pre- shared by the various research teams involved.
4 This rule forces respondents to prioritise their beliefs.
viously had some direct relationship with
This was especially important in the discursive field of
citizen participation at the local level (see citizen participation, in which vagueness and empty rhe-
Table 2). toric proliferate (Verge, 2007).
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28 Do We All Mean the Same when We Talk about Participation?
Q-Sortsa Factors
a Q-Sorts codes consist of a reference to the city (MA = Madrid, BA = Barcelona, SS = San Sebastin, LL = Lleida) plus a
reference to the sector of the person interviewed (A = Public Administration; S=Social Organisation).
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 23-40
Ramon Canal 29
A B C
Factors
Integral Regenerative Distrusful
Participation Participation Participation
Statements ZS FS ZS FS ZS FS
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30 Do We All Mean the Same when We Talk about Participation?
A B C
Factors Integral Regenerative Distrusful
Participation Participation Participation
Statements ZS FS ZS FS ZS FS
19. The co-production of public services between the
public administration and associations is a tool to pro- 0.45 1 0.92 2 0.03 0
mote equality and give people power/ a voice
20. Network governance implies accepting simpler and
0.34 1 0.56 1 -0.77** -2
more flexible regulation in the provision of public services
21. Provision of local municipal services can be better
0.86 2 0.57 1 -0.71** -2
met through the use of citizens' skills and resources
22. Emphasis on community initiatives to solve social
problems takes responsibility away from public institu- -1.00** -2 -1.56** -5 -0.36** 0
tions
23. Collaboration between third sector organisations
is limited to the operational aspects of the provision of -0.90 -2 -1.17 -3 -0.83 -2
services
24. The local council must direct and coordinate any lo-
cal network through which the social needs of the mu- -1.21 -3 -0.88 -2 -0.97 -3
nicipality are addressed
25. Mayors do what they want, regardless of citizen par-
0.49 1 -1.82** -5 0.69 2
ticipation
26. Local politicians are afraid of losing control and this is
1.36* 4 -0.08** 0 0.88* 2
what really worries them about participation
27. While it is difficult for local politicians to engage in
dialogue with citizens, managers and public officials tend -0.19 -1 -1.36** -4 -0.39 -1
to be more open and accessible
28. If participation is to be improved, it is essential that
elected politicians are more accessible and accountable 1.00* 2 1.77 5 1.55 4
for their activities
29. All areas of the city council should have a local coun-
0.41** 1 -0.23 0 -0.63 -2
cil expert responsible for citizen participation
30. The most significant changes in citizen participation
0.43 1 0.37 1 -0.05 0
are happening within civic organisations
31. Some serious social problems in the city are being
0.31 0 1.15** 3 0.42 1
addressed very effectively by third sector organisations
32. Participation mechanisms allow associations to exert
-1.03 -3 0.80** 2 -1.23 -4
significant influence on political decisions
33. Associations are very sceptical about the spaces to
0.60 2 0.33 1 1.40** 4
be used for institutionalised or formal participation
34. The third sector has been 'captured' by the admin-
istrations, due to their dependence on grants and the -0.06** 0 -0.73** -2 1.16** 3
commission of services
35. Civil society organisations are able to articulate criti-
cal and alternative visions of the policies formulated by 1.56 4 1.57 4 -0.40** -1
the city council
36. Civil society initiatives can provide good emergency
measures, such as food banks, but not long-term solu- -1.30** -4 -0.83 -2 -0.57 -1
tions
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Ramon Canal 31
A B C
Factors Integral Regenerative Distrusful
Participation Participation Participation
Statements ZS FS ZS FS ZS FS
37. The city council should be more receptive to organ-
1.66 5 0.92** 2 1.44 5
isations' and social movements' political initiatives
38. The economic crisis and austerity have not led to
significant changes in the model of citizen participation -0.51** -1 0.00* 0 0.52* 1
in this city
39. Most decisions on public spending cuts are painful, -1.94 -5 -1.17** -3 -1.92 -5
but they do not generate controversy among people
40. The economic crisis and austerity have led to a re- 1.05** 3 0.11** 0 -0.68** -2
vival of grassroots social movements throughout the city
41. Due to austerity and budget cuts, social organisa- -0.60 -1 -0.88 -2 -1.42* -4
tions have gained autonomy from public institutions
42. The lack of an effective government response to
meet social needs has led people to engage in creative 1.06 3 0.66 2 0.52 1
community initiatives
43. Collaboration between management and civil society
organisations has been useful in reducing the negative 0.06* 0 1.16* 3 0.61* 2
social impacts of austerity
44. In the face of the cuts, each neighbourhood area
is concerned with its own needs, in a fragmented way, -0.17 -1 -0.38 -1 -0.14 0
instead of liaising with others throughout the city
45. Austerity has caused great mutual distrust between
0.13** 0 -0.64 -2 -0.49 -1
administrations and social organisations and movements
46. With enough determination and organisation, citi-
1.18** 3 -0.04 0 -0.45 -1
zens could force the government to reverse budget cuts
47. There is a 'ring of steel' around power, which makes
0.00 0 -1.17** -3 0.39 1
people give up protest and resistance
48. A participatory democracy is incompatible with aus-
0.81** 2 -1.52** -4 -2.74** -5
terity policies
5The analysis was performed using the free access 6 The eigenvalue is an indicator of the proportion of va-
programme PQM, downloadable at http://schmolck. riance explained by each factor. The name varimax ro-
userweb.mwn.de/qmethod/ tation is used because it is intended to maximise the
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 23-40
32 Do We All Mean the Same when We Talk about Participation?
solution was deemed the most suitable, be- (38). Going beyond mobilisation and protest,
cause the eigenvalue of the fourth factor was it was made clear that social organisations
substantially lower than that of the third are fully capable of deliberating (16) and for-
(Brannstrom,2011). More significantly, the mulating proposals for long-term change to
rotation of three factors yielded a clear and solve the problems of the present (36): peo-
unequivocal loading in 40 of the 41 Q- Sorts ple are able to generate alternatives. There
(see Table 2). are many very-well educated people who
Once the factors are rotated, PQM gene- know what they are talking about and who
rates numerous statistical analyses of the could make changes (LL-S5). Consequently,
internal structure of factors and the compa- its members do not believe that politics
rison between factors. Essentially, the aim is should remain exclusively in the hands of the
to measure the value attributed to each of the institutions, for those who are inside them are
statements. Three of the most powerful indi- no better or wiser than those who are outside
cators were the Z-Score, which measures them, although they often claim to be: it
weighted distances with respect to point 0; seems that when someone becomes the ma-
the Factor Score, which translated the Z- yor of a town... they suddenly know
Score into the -5 / + 5 scale; and finally, the everything (SS-S1).
list of statements that were statistically dis- Ensuring decisions that meet citizens de-
tinctive for each factor (or for none of them, mands is much more important than ensu-
which made them consensus statements). ring transparency and accountability (2 and
The analysis of all these data (see Table 3), 28). Social organisations are entitled and
complemented by the qualitative data, was have the ability to participate in public deci-
used to develop and interpret the factors as sions. Therefore, institutions should relin-
belief systems or unique perspectives. The quish the monopoly of power (13): If deci-
three perspectives are presented below, sions are not made, it is not participation, it
illustrated by verbatim extracts from the in- is consultation. Not having the ability to make
terviews, and are summarised in Table 4. decisions is a waste of peoples time (BA-
S2). But participants did not believe that po-
Perspective A: Integral Participation liticians are willing to go that far (26), becau-
se whoever has to make a decision does not
This perspective is particularly characterised always want to see all the viewpoints to take
by a belief in the willingness (3)7 and the abi- it, and this person likes to take the decision
lity (46) of people to get involved in public herself or her team. (MA-S4). In this sense,
affairs and to transform reality, despite the little can be expected from meetings with
difficulties of their context. It was reported councillors and local government officials (5).
that the crisis put society to the test, and so- It is better to promote spaces that channel
ciety, exceeding all expectations, responded the participatory potential of society (7) and
by becoming more committed to movements to gain assurance from the city council that
and organisations (40). It was also stated that all of its departments will be involved in this
the participatory democracy model was be- effort (29). Even so, the possibility that a re-
ginning to change from its base upwards presentative model that has been proven to
be outdated and ineffective to open, solve,
and face the social difficulties that emerge
variance between factors and thus clearly identify the today (LL-S4) can be reformed from within
differentiating elements of each factor. seems remote (12).
7 In this section the statements are identified by their
number (1-48). To check and compare the results, see This hopeless view of institutional abilities
Table 3. does not prevent the encouragement of co-
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Ramon Canal 33
llaboration between the third sector and city pation influences decisions, but without going
councils in the development of policies and so far as to usurp the legitimacy of represen-
the provision of services. It is assumed that tative institutions (13). In fact, social organisa-
there is a reasonable basis of trust for colla- tions have a remarkable infuence on participa-
boration (45) and that there are only modera- tory mechanisms, and institutions are quite
te risks that associations may be captured receptive to them (32 and 37). And neither the
by the institutions (34). On the contrary, co- specific configuration of the participatory spa-
llaboration merely for assistance-based pur- ces (7) nor the innovation that takes place in
poses is rejected (43), as it allows the admi- them (9 and 38) matter too much. What is cru-
nistration to wriggle out of its responsibilities cial is that participation proposals are well or-
(22) regarding social problems (31). From ganised, and are not excessive: People do
Perspective A, which in this paper has been not want you to involve all the time; I think that
labelled Integral Participation, austerity poli- they understand that there is a middle way
cies are seen as being totally incompatible between voting every four years and being
with participatory democracy (48): without consulted every day ... (SS-A2).
economic democracy, without a certain qua- While social organisations are given a li-
lity of life, without a welfare state... it is im- mited role in public decision-making, they
possible to talk about democracy. Even less are assumed to have greater capacity to ad-
about participatory democracy (MA-S2). dress certain social problems from a practi-
cal perspective (31). However, some reserva-
Perspective B: Regenerative Participation tions were also expressed, especially from
the social sector: Efficiently yes, but not
The core of Perspective B is the defence of
effectively: we are doing a good job with the
the representative system, which is not seen
resources we have, but the problem is not
as being delegitimised, but in need of demo-
actually being solved (SS-S2). In general,
cratic regeneration (BA-A1), which is inevita-
collaboration between social organisations
bly subject to the response and willingness
and the public administration to co-produce
of politicians (BA-A4). A certain image of
public services is welcome. Not surprisingly,
politicians was rejected: politicians as people
going hand in hand, working together (BA-
who are protected and isolated from the out-
A3) has made it possible to mitigate the so-
side (47), who are obsessed with losing con-
cial impacts of the crisis (43). Moreover, the
trol of power (26), who only relate to the elites
respondents did not believe there is a risk
(8) and who act at will, regardless of what
that large organisations may become reinfor-
they say in participatory forums (25). In fact,
ced to the detriment of small ones (18), and
in a city no one is immune to citizen influen-
that the third sector may be captured and
ce and pressure (LL-A4). Politicians know
muted by political power (34), let alone that
this, and do not avoid dialogue (27). For
public institutions may fail to meet their res-
Perspective B, citizen participation is also
ponsibilities regarding social problems (22):
part of the regenerative project. Especially if
Emphasising participation in general does
it can be put at the service of institutional
not take any responsibility away from you,
transparency policies (2): when associations
you still must comply with the statutory obli-
and the local population are involved, more
gations ... From that base, I can ask (SS-A4).
information is available and there should be
more transparency(MA-A4).
Perspective C: Distrustful Participation
The pressure on the ethics of public ser-
vants is more important than the pressure on Perspective C is characterised by a mistrust
public decisions. It is good that citizen partici- of power and scepticism about participation.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 23-40
34 Do We All Mean the Same when We Talk about Participation?
The conditions of citizen participation have seen in a negative light, since doubts were
not really changed with the crisis (38), becau- raised as to whether the specific contributions
se the influence of emerging movements (40), of the third sector can improve the quality of
young people (10), or even the Internet (4) is local services (21), and this was seen as me-
limited. It is considered that politicians have a rely mitigating the problem or putting a patch
great capacity to protect themselves from the on it (43), with a risk of non-accountability on
pressures of society (25) and that they will do the part of public institutions (22). In addition,
anything to prevent effective citizen participa- it was deemed that there is little willingness to
tion, because they do not want to lose control accept the deregulation associated with these
of power (26). This is why participants were practices (20).
quite sceptical about the potential of partici- This is the only perspective that states
pation to achieve public policies that are clo- that institutions must be changed from
ser to the needs of the people (1): The gover- within, rather than by protesting from the out-
nment ... does not listen and the processes side (12). And it has to be done through a
that are implemented are just for show ... to strong, somewhat strategic citizen participa-
lead you to believe the opposite. This raises tion model, focused on public policies (16)
doubts for us in the associations: should we
and above all, on prioritising spending (6),
participate and give legitimacy to that, or
because power is money and it is money
not? (MA-C5). In the participatory practices
that determines the local councils policies in
developed so far there has been little quality,
all sectors (LL-A2). Moreover, considering
which the excessive quantity has not com-
that the priority is to act as a counterweight
pensated for (7): Our internal functioning is
and control those who hold power, it is much
greatly inefficient. There are fifty thousand di-
more important that the system works pro-
fferent things, fifty thousand meetings that
perly and that it is accountable to its citizens
use the same actors to talk about more or less
and transparent than having participatory
the same thing in different settings. So, we are
processes (MA-A2) (2).
not getting through to new actors, we are not
using all the available settings for participa-
tion (LL-A3). Consensus spaces
However, the problems of democracy can- It is important to note that the three perspec-
not be attributed solely to politicians. Pers- tives identified are different, but not antago-
pective C shows a very critical view of social nistic. In fact, correlations between factors
organisations. Although a substantive role is suggest that there is a large common ground8,
required for social organisations in terms of and there are virtually no negative correlations
public decision-making, doubts are also ex- between Q-Sorts (see Table 2). This implies
pressed about their willingness to participate that there are no individuals with totally oppo-
in institutional participatory spaces (33), as site belief systems. To some extent these re-
well as about their ability to articulate critical sults were to be expected, since all of the
and alternative visions to policies formulated participants had some kind of link with institu-
by the governments (35). Some respondents tionalised citizen participation at the local le-
believed that the involvement of social organi- vel. The degree of consensus seems to be
sations in the provision of public services may higher on normative statements than on those
have something to do with their lack of critical that state or assess facts. There was a strong
spirit, since in many cases they have become
dependent on grants and contracts awarded
by the public administration (34 and 41). In 8 The
correlation between A and B has a value of 0.54,
general, the co-production of services was between A and C of 0.44, and between B and C of 0.49.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 23-40
Ramon Canal 35
What do we want To ensure that policies To achieve greater To exercise social con-
participation for? respect the will of the transparency and more trol over political power:
majority and promote legitimate public deci- to 'really' force account-
equality sions ability
What is its potential? Huge. Giving value to Limited. Contributing Little. Power places
social energy and intel- to a more open gov- obvious limits on de-
ligence to generate alter- ernment and in turn, mocracy. Even so, an
natives and changes to the regeneration of attempt needs to be
democracy made to articulate resis-
tance and control
How do the political With fear and mistrust, Concerned about Reassured that they
elites react when faced because they do not whether decision- are protected and able
with participation? want to lose the power to making is transferred to to ignore participatory
determine what is right spaces lacking demo- spaces
cratic legitimacy
How have local Not sufficiently. The chan- Reasonably well, but Badly. There are many
councils put it into nels put in place do not peoples' time has been inoperative mechanisms
practice? allow the peoples' contri- wasted and their will- used as transmission
butions to be taken into ingness and ability to channels for govern-
account participate are limited ment messages
How could it be Improving listening and Making it more efficient Focusing on key issues
improved? allowing decision-making and focusing on trans- to control and influence
in participation settings parency and account- power, such as the
ability budget
What should the role of Collaborating as equals Channelling proposals Pressure on and from
the third sector be in with the city council to from society to institu- institutions to ensure
this area? improve political respons- tions and improving at- control of power and a
es to social problems tention to social needs less elitist democracy
agreement regarding the need to strengthen The three perspectives also share the idea
the mechanisms of direct democracy (15), that citizens should be provided spaces to
perhaps because they are the ones that could discuss municipal spending priorities (6),
best guarantee meaningful participation, free which is consistent with the increasing presti-
from bias and manipulation (Ruano, 2010)9. ge of participatory budgets and their current
implementation. Another notable point of
agreement is the need to endow participatory
9And for that very reason, according to Ruano, they
democracy with a stable structure (11). This is
have been constantly blocked by a central government
that remains anchored in the Napoleonic administrative
consistent with the findings of Font and Nava-
tradition. rro (2013) that, if participation is established
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 23-40
36 Do We All Mean the Same when We Talk about Participation?
as a serious, long-term institutional com- two mid-size cities, respondents were much
mitment, its acceptance grows. A second more sceptical about the capacity of civil so-
block of consensus refers to the recognition ciety to address problems and transform so-
of an autonomous sphere for social organisa- cial reality. The local governments seem to
tions, and it is assumed that these organisa- have played a more decisive role in shaping
tions have the capacity to carry out creative the public sphere. But whereas in the case of
initiatives (42) and to collaborate on substan- San Sebastin there was a strong confidence
tive issues (23), and need to be free from the in the municipal institutions (B), and in their
permanent supervision of the institutions (24). willingness to develop participatory demo-
Finally, there is a surprising indifference about cracy, in Lleida the answers reflected a hig-
or perhaps ignorance regarding what hap- her level of scepticism (C). The fact that in
pens at the neighbourhood level (30 and 42). San Sebastins Council there has not been
an absolute majority since 1979, while in Llei-
Perspectives and People da absolute majority has been the norm, may
have played a part. The need to make allian-
When looking at the type of actors ascribed to ces means that the local authority has deve-
each of the three perspectives (see Table 2), loped the habit of sharing power.
at a first glance the representatives of social
organisations were clearly closer to Perspec-
tive A (Integral Participation), while municipal Conclusions
politicians and non-elected officials are closer
to Perspective B (Regenerative Participation), Were these perspectives particular to this
with some significant differences. Among op- case? Q-methodology has painted a picture
position politicians, for example, ascriptions of the views of the actors involved at a parti-
to the various perspectives were quite divi- cular time and place. However, in the identi-
ded. All of those whose profile corresponded fied perspectives, some of the theories that
to the new social movements ascribed to have been used to explain the phenomenon
Perspective A. The same is true for the repre- under study resonate to a greater or lesser
sentatives of the neighbourhood organisa- degree. Perspective A (Integral Participation)
tions, which places them closer to those mo- leads to strong democracy (Barber, 1984) and
vements than to public institutions. On the to the most radical pluralist currents (Smith,
contrary, all local government officials in char- 2006). Perspective B (Regenerative Participa-
ge of citizen participation are close to Pers- tion) echoes the theory of urban regimes (Sto-
pective B or Perspective C, which is revealing ne, 1993), the idea of a transforming power
of how the potential of citizen participation is that grows with the involvement of the various
seen from within the institutions. actors, but with clear power imbalances bet-
The clusters around certain perspectives ween them. Likewise, closest to Perspective
were more pronounced when looking at the C (Distrustful Participation) are the critical ap-
data by city. It certainly seems that location proaches to participation, which extol resis-
matters. The disparate municipal policies of tance to the elites but leave us with a certain
Madrid and Barcelona did not prevent a re- taste of futility (Davies, 2011).
markable confluence around Perspective A. Neither with you nor without you? One of
The positions held by their activists mean the key issues in shaping participatory de-
that in both metropolis there is a civil society mocracy models is the boundaries and rela-
with sufficient resources and ambition to talk tionships between the inside and the out-
with the institutions face-to-face and keep side of institutions (Subirats, 2015). Each
them on their toes. On the contrary, in the one of the analysed perspectives involves
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 23-40
Ramon Canal 37
specific patterns of recognition of the actors politics, but into a greater interest in it (Mon-
and of the relationships between them, and tero and Torcal, 2013). It makes good sense
they are not exempt from problems. In Pers- that those who endorse Perspective A, who
pective A, the creativity, energy and com- believe most in change, speak from a posi-
mitment of the outside are praised, while tion of discontent, while those who support
the capabilities of the inside are ignored or Perspectives B and C, strongly favouring
even despised. However, these same institu- continuity, talk about disaffection. However,
tions were required to remain accountable for those who hold Perspective B do so in order
ensuring social rights. In Perspective B, a to defend the system, while those in support
change is desired that regenerates the sys- of Perspective C do it for the opposite rea-
tem, but without really opening it up to socie- son. If, as Montero and Torcal affirm, discon-
ty. Equating participation with open govern- tent oscillates, while disaffection tends to be
ment is a somewhat misleading synecdoche, stable and is usually transmitted through the
because while greater participation implies channels of political socialisation (2013),
greater institutional transparency, the oppo- should we think of A as a more fragile and
site is not necessarily true (Welch, 2012). In
circumstantial perspective, which resulted
Perspective C, the distrust for both, political
from an extraordinary crisis? Should we as-
power and social organisations, leaves no
sume that with time and experience, the
agents available for social transformation.
enthusiasm shown in Perspective A will mu-
This position is underpinned by a supposed
tate into the caution of Perspective B or into
moral dilemma of social organisations (bet-
the scepticism of Perspective C?
ween collaboration with the public adminis-
tration and politicisation), whose existence Before the economic crisis, Morales
has not been empirically demonstrated (Ro- (2005) refuted the hypothesis of a structural
drguez Garca, 2012). change towards more participatory genera-
These results are consistent with the tions, however much the repertoires of parti-
ideas held by Ro, Navarro and Font, in the cipation were adapting to the new times.
sense that the assessment that individuals However, the vast social mobilisation of re-
made of the different players in the democra- cent years has posed an unexpected cha-
tic game were related to the preferred model llenge of the thesis that Spanish society is
of democracy. Thus, supporters of the so- passive and depoliticised (Montero et al.,
called participatory model (quite compara- 2006). This probably would not have been
ble to Perspective A) were characterised by possible without the degree of enthusiasm
a worse appreciation of the qualities of poli- and optimism revealed by Perspective A. It is
ticians and greater confidence in the techni- these kinds of attitudes that have breathed
cal capacities of their fellow citizens (2016: new life into the ideals and practices of par-
95). On the contrary, those who advocated ticipation. But what Perspectives B and C
the representative model (comparable to seem to warn about is that, although we have
Perspective B) positively rated political re- new technologies, and even new politics
presentatives. available, the existing institutional practices
Change or continuity? On this point, there and rules will always determine, to a greater
is a remarkable gap between the perspecti- or lesser extent, the change intended to
ves. Specifically, between Perspective A on made to them (Subirats, 2015: 167). Power
the one hand, and Perspective B and Pers- is outside, but it is also inside, and there
pective C on the other. During the crisis years, will be no effective participatory democracy
the enormous discontent towards politics worthy of such a name without the co-exis-
has not been translated into a disaffection for tence of the two spheres.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 23-40
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