In opere gotico unicus:
The Hybrid Architecture of Jan Blaej Santini-Aichl
and Patterns of Memory in Post-Reformation
Bohemia
Pavel Kalina facult y of architecture, czech technical univ ersit y in pr ague
T H E WO R K OF JAN BLAEJ SANTINI is a fas-
cinating example of architectural hybridization. Using
Gothic (in fact, local and traditional) forms in the
framework of Baroque (in fact, Classical or Late Clas-
sical) style, the architect created a distinctly personal
and local idiom, based on the broader consensus of
powerful patrons, mainly abbots of big Cistercian and
Benedictine monasteries the Cistercian Abbeys at
Sedlec (Sedletz) and r (Saar), the Benedictine Abbey
at Kladruby (Kladrau) and of the Premonstratensian
Canon House at eliv (Seelau). The social discourse
behind Santinis work was a result of the complex situ-
ation in post-Reformation Bohemia, where many people
viewed the past as the Golden Age of social stability.
This cultural image or construction of the past has been
broadly studied in modern literature. Architecture as
such is, of course, an ideal mediator of memory at var-
ied levels, and it has been constantly used to evoke
the sacred past across different cultures.1 There was,
however, yet another source of Santinis creativity: the
unbroken tradition of highly specialized labor, contin-
ued by generations of stone carvers and carpenters,
who used the traditional or Gothic formulas in their
projects throughout the 16th and 17th centuries. I would
like to show the famous buildings of the Baroque Goth-
ic as a kind of dialogue between the Baroque high
culture of patrons and the Gothic tradition of local
artisans. I view terms such as Gothic and Baroque on current political matters.
primarily as products of a mid 19th-century bias in
favor of the precise definition and labeling of the
past. I would not, however, want to support another
prejudice by claiming that this bias had absolutely no
underpinning in the practice and views of 17th- and
18th-century architects and theoreticians. My paper is
based on a new reading of treatises, which were avail-
able in Prague libraries when Santinis works were
under construction, and on new archeological research
on Santinis pivotal works, in particular the Cistercian
Abbey church at Sedlec.
The Social Context of Santinis Work
As in other European countries, modern Czech histori-
ography was heavily influenced by modern liberalism.
Its ideas about society differed strongly from the ideas
of pre-modern European (and all non-European) civi-
42 LV I I I/2 010
lizations. Its view of 17th-century Bohemia was almost
inevitably formed by the idea of a common decline,
which reputedly took place after the end of the Thirty
Years War.2 This idea was supported by a number of
factors. After 1626, the religious tolerance of pre-bel-
lum Bohemia, such as it was, was replaced by religious
unification, which is currently described as the Counter-
Reformation.3 The traditional self-government, which
guaranteed considerable political privileges for the
local nobility, was superseded by centralization, organ-
ized from Vienna. The dominance of the Czech lan-
guage was to be replaced by a gradual germanization.4
Royal towns declined both economically and politically,
and Bohemia remained an agricultural society in which
serfdom was one of the most typical and certainly the
most exploitative social institutions. All this suggests
the real or apparent denial of practically all of the val-
ues of modern society, including those that had been
established in the pre-modern period, not to mention
those that gradually developed in 17th- and 18th-century
Western Europe. This state of affairs contributed to the
rather negative image of Baroque Bohemia (and Cen-
tral Europe in general) in modern scholarship. With
the exception of ascending powers such as Prussia,
early modern Central Europe was often regarded as
little more than the backyard of Western Europe, and
this perspective has had important consequences, even
The reality was, however, much more complicated.
First, the political system established by the Habsburgs
should be viewed as a reaction to centrifugal forces in
the various sectors of pre-modern society; as a chang-
ing and dynamic whole, it has not yet received ade-
quate attention. Secondly, the 1690s, a period marked
by the great successes of the Habsburg armies in the
Turkish wars, was also characterized by a certain eco-
nomic regeneration in the Bohemian Lands. After the
end of the Thirty Years War, the number of inhabit-
ants there increased from c. 959,000 to c. 1,560,000.
The steep demographic boom continued throughout the
18th century. In 1750, Bohemia had 2,060,000; by 1790
the figure was 2,777,000.5 The demographic expansion
was related to another issue the actual or real decline
of towns. In older literature, the towns were interpreted
as the sole centers of market economy in the feudal
society. Now it is clear that many market activities took
place in the villages, and some of these were organized

by the noblemen themselves.6 Thus, the generalization
that Central Europe was in total decline does not cor-
respond to reality.
Several factors favored the economic growth of
the Habsburg Empire. In the second half of the 17th
century, a group of Austrian mercantilists formulat-
ed a theory of economic prosperity, which was to be
achieved by a positive balance of trade, the export of
products and the import of raw materials.7 Simultane-
1/ Abraham Leuthner, Grundliche
Darstellung der Fnff Sellen wie
solche von dem Weitberhmten
Vituvio, Scamozzi und andern
Vornehmten Baumaistern Zuesamben
getragen und in gewie Autheilung
verfasset worden
1677
title page
ously, the decisive turn on the Hungarian battlefield
brought about political consolidation and the basic
conditions for economic growth. The War of the Span-
ish Succession, which was ended by the Treaties of
Utrecht (1713) and Rastatt (1714), added the area of
present-day Belgium to the Habsburg super-state, join-
ing Central European countries with one of the most
developed regions of Europe.8 Through the Austro-
Dutch Treaty of Antwerp (1715), the Habsburgs con-
firmed the Scheldt restrictions and achieved peaceful
relations with the economically powerful Netherlands.9
In 1719, the Oriental Company, supporting commerce
with the Balkans, was founded in Vienna; its establish-
ment was prepared by the Treaty of Poarevac, which
confirmed the Habsburg victories over the Turks in
1718. Not much later, in 1722, the East Indian Com-
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS
pany was founded in Ostend. In 1731, the General
Guild Act limited the rights of guilds, paving the way
for the modern labor market.10 With a certain degree
of simplification, one can say that even if the economic
structure of the Habsburg Empire was not comparable
to the dynamic developments in England or in the
Netherlands, the Habsburg lands were not completely
isolated from the West. Their broader development was,
in fact, blocked by West European states, which effec-
tively cut the Empire off from overseas trade. As I shall
show below, the economic boom, with some market-
economy features, was an important generator behind
some of Santinis works, which were created in the
village context or in the context of the feudal manorial
economy. Moreover, at least in some cases, this context
was closely related to his projects, even, one might say,
the immediate source of his projects.
The Noetic Framework
The economic situation alone, no matter how important,
cannot explain the immediate sources and potential of
Santinis creativity. The actual position of the patrons
of 18th-century architecture was limited by their eco-
LV I I I/2 010 43
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS

nomic power, but articulated by their knowledge by a
complicated web of ideas or notions from varied fields.
It is, however, very difficult to define this web of know-
ledge in the case of Santinis clients. In contrast to the
situation in other parts of Europe, the Bohemian Lands
almost completely lacked the tradition of vernacular art
criticism, or of vernacular literature dealing with art.11
Likewise, there was no strong tradition of architectural
treatises, although the architectural treatise as such was
was a cultural Nowheresville where no significant opin-
ions about architecture were expressed. For example,
the Benedictine Abbey at Emmaus in the Prague New
Town housed for some years Juan Caramuel of Lobko-
wicz, an outstanding mathematician and theoretician
of architecture.16 Unfortunately, there is no proof that
his work found an echo in the land where he spent an
important part of his life. For the general intellectual
life of the town it was of crucial importance that the

2/ Giovanni Giacomo Tencalla, Church

of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary,
Valtice, built for Karl Eusebius of
Liechtenstein
after 1631
Photo: Pavel Kalina

not utterly absent from the local discourse. The lack of
treatises of local origin was simply compensated for by
the import of Latin, German and Italian books. There
were modern architectural treatises in Czech libraries
from the end of the 15th century on, beginning with the
editio princeps of Albertis De re aedificatoria.12 In the
16th century, one could find Latin and German editions
of architectural treatises in aristocratic and patrician
libraries.13 In the 17th century, however, the German
treatise by Abraham Leuthner, Grundliche Darstellung
der Fnff Sellen wie solche von dem Weitberhmten
Vituvio, Scamozzi und andern Vornehmten Baumaistern
Zuesamben getragen und in gewie Autheilung verfas-
set worden (1677), and the work of Duke of Liechten-
stein were rather isolated in the Czech cultural context
and probably did not form part of any real discourse.14
Leuthners book was mostly practical, whereas the text
by Karl Eusebius of Liechtenstein represented a typical
work written by a non-professional for non-profession-
als. As the social impact of this work has not yet been
studied, it is best to be very cautious when interpret-
ing some of its ideas as potential factors in the deci-
sion-making of the great builders, in particular in the
religious milieu.15 The next task is to consider how far
the world of the religious orders was open to architec-
tural theory in the broader sense of the term and
especially in the sense that could be attributed to this
term in Santinis lifetime.
The lack of art and architectural theory in Bohe-
mia naturally did not mean that post-bellum Prague
Prague University (today known as Charles University)
continued its activities under the patronage of Jesuit
professors. For our context it is necessary to stress that
Ratio atque institutio studiorum Societatis Jesu (1599)
included the study of mathematics, and the Prague Col-
lege in the Old Town was no exception to this rule.17
It is widely known that the field of mathematics was,
in the 16th and 17th centuries, much broader than it
is today, covering such areas as astronomy, geodetics,
geography and military architecture. The mathematical
library at the Prague College included some of the most
important architectural treatises of the time.
Santini himself was born in the Mal Strana dis-
trict of Prague, which used to be an independent town
with its own Jesuit high school, administered by the
local professed house (Casa professa). There are, how-
ever, considerable hermeneutical problems concerning
Santinis education. We do not know whether Santini
attended the Jesuit school, nor whether teaching at the
Mal Strana high school included higher mathemat-
ics and geometry. Likewise, we do not know if Santini
learned any language other than German and Latin.
Thus, it is not very likely that Santini was able to read,
for example, the French treatises on stereotomy, which
presented a highly rational treatment of stone cutting.
Furthermore, even such books as Franois Derands
Larchitecture des voutes ou lart des traits et coupe des
voutes (1643) in which the Jesuit author meticulously
described the Gothic vault, or rather the modern or
ogival vault (voulte moderne ou ogives) did not

44 LV I I I/2 010

3/ Sedlec, Abbey Church of the
Assumption of the Virgin Mary, vault
of the nave
Photo: Institute for Art History, Academy of
Sciences of the Czech Republic, Prague
supply the information necessary to design a vault
reinforced with curvilinear ribs, which were typical of
Santinis most important projects.18 It is, nevertheless,
important to know that the newest ideas on building
technology and its mathematical or geometric aspects
were available in Prague.
Another question to consider is the level and
structure of education of Santinis great patrons the
abbots of rich monasteries. As suggested above, the
treatise by the Duke of Liechtenstein belonged to the
multilingual world of the aristocracy. What ideas, how-
ever, dominated the world of the learned prelates? Once
again, it is difficult to draw general conclusions. We
know, for example, that Abbot Eugene Tyttl, the man
who initiated the reconstruction of Plasy Abbey, was
referred to as geometra or architectus in celebratory
publications. Mauritius Vogt, in a treatise called Tilia
Plassensis, described him as abbas aedilis.19 It is, nev-
ertheless, very difficult to determine the real capacities
behind the occasional flattery, or behind the presum-
able ability of Santinis important patrons to demon-
strate their ideas in simple sketches, indicating the
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS
general schemes for planned buildings. It is certain,
however, that the abbots had a profound knowledge of
history. The works of Mabillon were common in Bohe-
mian libraries. Some of them included perfect illustra-
tions, showing, for example, the portal of the Basilica of
S. Maria de Nigella.20 Such illustrations were perfectly
suited to evoke the air of distant ages. It is, further-
more, of great interest that Mabillons study on the
Gallic liturgy included Missale Gothicum seu Gothico-
Gallicanum.21 Thus, the abbots may have known of
the term Gothic, yet it had nothing to do with high
medieval architecture. On the contrary, there is no text
indicating that the abbots might have associated the
term Gothic with any current meaning that we ascribe
to the term.
The Baroque Gothic in Bohemia
The Gothic or the tradition of high medieval architec-
ture distinguished both by a specific building tech-
nology and by a specific kind of applied geometry22
LV I I I/2 010 45
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS

4/ Sedlec, Abbey Church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary,

the relationship between the vault ribs and column in the side
aisles. The attachment of ribs at varied levels may have been
inspired by Benedikt Rieds solution to the same problem.
Visualization: Ji Nedavaka

never disappeared from the European architectural
tradition.23 Throughout the 16th century, it was still
important both in the area of executed buildings and
in what we today call the decorative arts.24 The Gothic
heritage flourished both in 17th-century France and in
Germany, especially in the Jesuit buildings; the best
known example is the Jesuit church in Cologne.25 In
Santinis time, the Jesuit Church of the Name of Jesus
was erected in Bonn, incorporating such Gothic features
as pointed arches into its Classical vocabulary. The
use of Gothic forms, however, was not limited to Cen-
tral Europe.The application of these forms was almost
always a manifestation of a strong tie to the past. In
17th-century England, both Classical and Gothic church-
es were built. By 1640, when Archbishop William Laud
was imprisoned, the Church of England was dominated
by a strong liturgical movement, which expressed its
ideas in church decoration and buildings. The Laudians
were concerned to restore links with traditional modes
of worship practiced before the Reformation, but now
purged of popish errors and excess.26 The Gothic forms
were perfectly suitable for this purpose. Thus, it is not
surprising that in the second half of the 17th century,
after the restoration of royal power, the Gothic con-
tinued to be an important factor in church and college
designs by such architects as Christopher Wren and
Nicholas Hawksmoor, representing an ideal connec-
tion between the past and the present.27 Even in Italy,
the Gothic was not unanimously interpreted as a bar-
barian style it was admired by Vincenzo Scamozzi.28
Thus, the actual or supposed Gothicisms in the work
of Francesco Borromini and Guarino Guarini29 are not
as surprising as they may appear. Panofskys assump-
tion that after Vasari the Gothic had no appeal in the
peninsula was as Rudolf Wittkower has already dem-
onstrated simply wrong.30
The fundamental research on Baroque Gothic a
mixture of high medieval and late Classical forms and
technologies in the Bohemian Kingdom, which influ-
enced the later work, was done by Zdenk Wirth and
Heinrich Gerhard Franz, and later by Zdenk Kalis-
ta, Viktor Kotrba, Jaromr Neumann and others.31 Of
these studies, Kalistas work was most firmly rooted
in the tradition of cultural history, joining research on
architecture with the history of literature, historiogra-
phy, music, homiletics and so on. Kalista understood
Baroque culture as a whole, permeated by a common
intellectual ground defined as the endeavor to approach
God through sensual experience of this world.32 Even if
it is easy to criticize this kind of approach, it is impos-
sible to ignore its resemblance to Gilles Deleuze, for
example, and his description of Baroque culture based
on an analysis of Leibnizs philosophy.33 Deleuze tried
to portray the Baroque world as sharing the common
idea of le pli, the fold, and driving the fold to infinity:
the integrals of Leibniz had their parallel in Baroque
churches lit through invisible windows, etc. In this
light, Kalistas view of the Baroque may be seen as
another attempt to grasp the total character of the
epochs intellectual habits.
In addition to his basic thesis, Kalista thoroughly
analyzed the web of relationships connecting Baroque
and Gothic cultures, in particular in literature. He
revealed the importance of typical topics of Gothic
discourse for the new age when he demonstrated,
for example, how the ideals of crusader and saint
shaped the Baroque genealogies of the foremost noble
families.34 Kalista also offered detailed analyses of
Bohemian Baroque historiography, of the Latin texts
by Balbn, Crugerius, Beckovsk and Peina, at which
he was adept. His main idea was that Baroque Gothic
architecture was rooted in the effort to promote the glo-
rious past of Bohemia, its pre-Reformation tradition.35
Almost simultaneously, Jaromr Neumann and
Viktor Kotrba suggested that the Baroque Gothic
churches, commissioned exclusively by abbots of

46 LV I I I/2 010
 Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS

the old orders, may have been a manifestation of the

orders opposition to the extremely influential Jesuits,
who were, from their perspective, newcomers to the
kingdom.36 They may also have manifested the orders
opposition to the demands of state power. This theory
is, however, distinctly weakened by the fact that the
earliest Jesuit church in Prague, that of the Holy Savior,
developed the Gothic forms, probably in order to dem-
onstrate the orders reverence for the place where it
was built.37 Outside of Prague, the Jesuits administered
several prominent medieval structures the Church of
St Vitus in esk Krumlov (Krumau), the Church of St
Barbara in Kutn Hora (Kuttenberg) and the Church of
St Ignatius (originally of St James) in Jin. The antique
character of the Church of St Barbara was perfectly
understood by local patriots like Jan Konek, whose
Memoirs included a decently drawn ground plan of the
building.38 More recently, Michael Young and Ulrich
Frst speculated that the inclusion of Gothic elements
in Santini s famous Baroque Gothic project, the com-
pletion of the Kladruby Abbey church, was determined
by an actual legal quarrel between the archbishop of
Prague and the Kladruby Abbot Maurus Fintzguth, who
defended the independence of his abbey against the
supremacy of the archbishop.39 It is very important
that these authors have added concrete political motifs
to Kalistas rather loose idea of Baroque historicism. I
think, however, that a monumental architectural work
cannot be reduced to a momentary political proclama-
tion. Rather, both approaches are complementary: the
general inclinations of the abbots of the old monaster-
ies may have been sharpened by their actual politi-
cal relationships with the Jesuits or with the Prague
archbishopric.
Quite on the margin, it should be added that yet
another problem lies hidden in Kalistas very idea of 5/ Kutn Hora, former Jesuit Church of
Bohemism his theory that the Baroque Gothic was St Barbara, relationship between the vault
specifically related to the Bohemian (or Czech) self- ribs and the pier of the outer wall
consciousness. r, in fact, is not situated in Bohemia, Visualization: Ji Nedavaka
but in Moravia. At the time of Abbot Vejmluva and the
architect Santini, Moravia had its own diet and its own
political self-government. It also had its own tradition
of historical reflection, reaching back to the early 16th-
century Humanists who stressed the Marcommanic, erature and legends connected with the construction of
or proto-German, past of the country.40 The fact that Santinis most famous work, the pilgrimage Church of
Santini built his Baroque Gothic structures in Moravia St John of Nepomuk on Zelen Hora (Green Hill) near
and Bohemia indicates that this architectural language dr. The sanctuary of St John, in its unique synthesis
was generally accepted, rather than narrowly local. of Gothic and Classical idioms, is really a masterpiece
As a historian of culture, Kalista was interested of design, but it should not be isolated from the rest of
mainly in Santinis work in r, although he knew Santinis work. Furthermore, it should not be read as
that Santinis oldest Baroque-Gothic designs pre-dated a simple formulation of Vejmluvas ideas.
his engagement in r. As far as his interpretation of Ironically, it is with the question of Santinis
Santinis personality is concerned, Kalista stressed that learning (and profession) that Kalista, a trained his-
Santini was trained as a painter, not as a stone carver. torian and a real expert, failed to grasp the complex
His opinion was based on a letter written by an official problem of architectural training in the pre-industrial
in the services of the Czernin family, who in fact wrote epoch. Decades later, Milada Vilmkov published rich
that Santini trained as a painter but was experienced in archival material showing that Santini was able not
building as well.41 Kalista took this as a given and sug- only to design but also to build architecture even in
gested that Santini thought more like an artist than c. 1700. According to her reading of the sources, he
an artisan. This allowed him to focus even more on the was not a painter who designed architecture, but a
personality of Santinis patron, the r Abbot Vclav member of a builders family who was himself trained
Vejmluva, his relationship to the glorious past and his to erect buildings.42 In the most recent important con-
passion for Bohemian history and the Czech language. tribution to the research on archival sources related
Kalista also focused on the large body of homiletic lit- to Santinis person, Pavel Zahradnk once again cast

LV I I I/2 010 47
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS
doubt on Vilmkovs theory that Santini trained as
a stone carver and ran his own business.43 Zahrad-
nks article was based on the diaries of the abbot of
eliv and on the abbey annals; because of the authors
reputation, it seemed to provide irrefutable archival
evidence. Zahradnk himself, however, noted that the
monastic annals were written several years after the
events they described took place, and did not always
mirror the facts.44 I would add that the author of the
annals was not a disinterested source. He evidently
wanted to criticize the activity of the abbot and stress
the competence of the local masters. Then again, it
must be said that Santini was, in two mutually inde-
pendent sources, described as a painter. It is possi-
ble that he really was educated as a painter, possibly
studying geometry, mathematics and perspective as
well, and that he had no formal training as a stone
carver. He certainly considered himself to be a com-
pletely qualified builder, however. In his eyes, this was
simply given by the fact that his father was a stone
carver. The family tradition was clearly more impor-
tant than formal conditions. He was evidently able
not only to design extremely demanding structures,
but also to supervise their construction, no matter
48 LV I I I/2 010
6/ Kladruby, Abbey Church of the
Assumption of the Virgin Mary,
vault of the presbytery
Photo: Institute for Art History, Academy of
Sciences of the Czech Republic, Prague
how demanding the technological aspects were. This
is, after all, demonstrated once again by the sources
published by Zahradnk.45 When we think of such trea-
tises as Pozzos Perspectiva pictorum atque architecto-
rum, published in a Latin/German edition in 1719, it
is quite evident that an education in painting could
be very useful to the practice of architecture in the
early 18th century. Thus, Santini completely satisfied
the demands that are normally fulfilled by architects
today and he acted as an architect in the eyes of his
patrons. It is useful to recall that even such prominent
figures of modern architecture as Adolf Loos and Le
Corbusier did not match the formal criteria that were
in their day applied to professional architects.46
Another important fact to consider is that the
author of the monastic annals explicitly described San-
tini as a man who could build uniquely in the Gothic
style a man in opere gotico unicus: What does this
mean?47 I think that the use of the term Gothic in
the 18th century should be neither overestimated, nor
underestimated. It should not be taken as an empty
word. Then again, it certainly should not be subliminal-
ly identified with our own use of the word, influenced
by the 19th-century definition. As I have indicated, the

term can be interpreted contextually. I expect that the
connotations of the Gothic were much looser than they
are today.48
Thus, a second circle of problems is related to the
very character of Santinis Gothic. According to some
modern authors, Santini deviated from the structural
quality of the original, medieval or Gothic vaulting
system. His ribs were merely applied to the vault, with-
out having any constructive purpose.49 These interpre-
tations could lead one to suppose that the Gothic ele-
ments were purely a result of external considerations.
I do not want to deny the ideological origin of Santinis
Gothic Baroque designs. I only want to suggest that
the ribbing of his vaults was not a purely aesthetic
matter. It was, in fact, as structurally functional as the
ribbing of many medieval vaults. I think that all inter-
pretations of Santinis work should take this crucial
fact into account.
Geometry and Construction
A close examination of Santinis abbey Church of the
Virgin Mary in Sedlec suggests that Santinis ribs were
not purely decorative.50 It is also highly probable that
the same is true in other churches designed by Santini,
especially in the abbey church of Kladruby. In Sedlec,
the northern side aisles of its western nave were vault-
ed with flat cupolas on an elliptical ground plan. The
southern aisles have slightly elliptical cupolas in the
northern half and circular cupolas in the southern half.
In the ambulatory, the circular cupolas were repeated.
The western nave, by contrast, was vaulted by a verti-
cal barrel vault of an ogival section, pierced by wide
lunettes for windows. Its rib pattern was repeated both
in the transepts and in the main aisle of the nave of
the chevet. The extrados of the flat cupolas in the side
aisles was reinforced by cross-like masonry belts. The
nave was articulated by brick ribs framing lunettes
and by a fluent rib-pattern repeated after every second
bay. The fact that the ribs are real, that is, created by
bricks laid at a certain angle to the surface of the vault,
was confirmed by the restorers investigations during
the recent renovation of the structure.
In Kladruby, the side aisles of the western nave
were vaulted by vaults articulated by a rich pattern
repeated after every second bay. This rib pattern was
also repeated in the side aisles of the eastern part of
the church. The western nave was vaulted by a flat
barrel vault. This vault was once again articulated by
a dense rib pattern, the flat projection of which clearly
recalled the net vault of St Vitus Cathedral in Prague.
The transepts were given a slightly different rib pat-
tern, the projection of which resembles the St Vitus
vault even more closely. Finally, the three-apsidal choir
was vaulted by a unique domical vault, articulated by
star-like rib patterns. Notwithstanding the extreme
richness of the decoration, only the vaults in the side
aisles of the Kladruby church can be said to have a
strictly decorative character. The poor condition of
the building, caused by high humidity, led in recent
years to the collapse of the plaster and stucco, which
clearly showed that the ribs were really only modeled
in stucco. The vaults of the nave represent, however,
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS
a completely different case. On close inspection, the
ribs protrude too far into the space of the nave to be
made of stucco. It seems, in fact, that they are made
of bricks placed at an angle to the bricks of the vault
heads, like the ribs in Sedlec. Thus, the main vaults of
both the Sedlec and Kladruby churches were probably
really structurally reinforced by the system of ribbing,
at least in the lower part of the vault.
In both of Santinis large-scale vaults, in the naves
of the abbey churches in Kladruby and in Sedlec, the
actual shape of the vault is that of a barrel vault. In
Sedlec, which was vaulted first, the barrel structure
is slightly pointed. In Kladruby it is a very flat barrel
vault and the pattern of ribs was changed into a denser
system: the Kladruby vault looks like an improvement
on the technology and aesthetics that were first tested
in Sedlec. A slightly pointed barrel vault with window
lunettes was a typical technology used by Peter Parler,
in the nave of the eastern part of St Vitus Cathedral in
Prague, for example, and in the ground floor of the Old
Town Bridge Tower, also in Prague. It is almost certain
that Santini was familiar with Parlers vault. The most
distinguished visual feature of Santinis vault construc-
tion, the curvilinear development of the ribs, was, on
the contrary, derived from curvilinear ribbing of the
vaults designed by Benedikt Ried for the Church of St
Barbara in nearby Kutn Hora; as mentioned above,
in Santinis time this church was administered by the
Jesuits.51
In Sedlec, Kladruby and r, the ribs of the main
vault always mark the edges of the window lunettes.
Structurally, these lines are the most loaded parts of
the vault. This means that Santini reinforced the vault
precisely at its most critical points. Santini certainly
may have read Scamozzis critical remarks on lunette
vaults, since the Italian editio princeps of Scamozzis
main work, Lidea dellarchitettura (1615), was avail-
able in the library of the Prague Jesuit College at the
7/ Kladruby, Abbey Church of the Assumption
of the Virgin Mary, detail of a rib in the nave
Visualization: Ji Soukup
LV I I I/2 010 49
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS
Klementinum from 1652 on.52 In fact, we do not know
whether or not Santini was able to read in Italian, but
even without the theoretical learning he may have been
aware of the fragility of the lunette-vault from his own
experience. It is also questionable whether he could
have been inspired by the ribbed constructions of Bor-
romini by the vault of the Re Magi Chapel in the Col-
legio di Propaganda Fide or by the vault of the Oratory
of San Filippo Neri in Rome.53
It is commonly believed that curvilinear ribs are
less useful than the rectilinear (we always speak about
the flat projection of ribs each rib is, in fact, cur-
vilinear when we describe its actual development in
space). A recent structural analysis of Rieds vault in
the Church of St Barbara in Kutn Hora, however, sug-
gested that those areas marked by the intersections of
Rieds curvilinear ribs were among the most loaded of
50 LV I I I/2 010
8/ Zelen Hora (Green Hill) near r
nad Szavou, view of the pilgrimage
site with the Church of St John of
Nepomuk
Photo: Pavel Kalina
9/ Zelen Hora (Green Hill) near r
nad Szavou, pilgrimage Church of
St John of Nepomuk, vault
Photo: Institute for Art History, Academy of Sciences
of the Czech Republic, Prague
the vault.54 It may be concluded that despite the actual
difference in vault construction (Ried applied his cur-
vilinear patterns to cupola-like vaults), Santini inter-
preted the structural quality of Rieds ribbing quite
accurately. It is unlikely that he thought of his archi-
tecture in Guarinian terms of pure stereometry. Rather,
he designed the vaults with the use of old designing
methods, taking the linear system of ribs as the basic
tool for the design and construction even if it is dif-
ficult to prove this by geometrical analysis.55
It is often overlooked that the Gothic tradition
of vaulting and of architectural designs of vaults did
not completely disappear in the 16th and 17th centu-
ries. We find its echo even in the theoretical work of
Philibert de lOrme.56 As shown above, in the 17th cen-
tury the Gothic vaults were studied by Jesuit schol-
ars such as Franois Derand. The tradition was further
 Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS

preserved by Central European carpenters and master
masons, who continued to submit their master works
in the Gothic manner, as is evident, for example, in the
extant master drawings of Augsburg.57 I believe that
Santini was influenced by this tradition, and not by the
new French literature on stereotomy. Once again, one
should not forget that both his father and his brother
were stone carvers. Santini must have been familiar
with the basics of the craft from his childhood on,
regardless of whether or not he was officially regarded
as a person capable of supervising building projects.58
Whether or not he trained as a painter, through his
Gothic projects Santini continued the old tradition
of building technology that was probably never com-
pletely forgotten. Santini, in fact, preserved strong ties
to the milieu of St Vitus Cathedral throughout his life.59
One can say that his work contained not only a medi-
ated hint at the historical knowledge of the abbots, but
also a direct development of practical knowledge in
the humbler form of the collective memory of master
masons and carpenters.
was miraculously found in a bush.62 The Zelen Hora
sanctuary was, by contrast, dedicated to St John of Nep-
omuk even before his official canonization. It was built
to attract and educate pilgrims.63 Who were these pil-
grims? Where did they come from? For masses of serfs,
a pilgrimage offered relief from everyday life. Serfs
were normally attached to particular manors. During a
pilgrimage, they could experience a spirit of unity with
the other participants. There is even no fundamental
difference between mystical experience and pilgrimage:
as Victor Turner has stressed, mysticism is an interior
pilgrimage, whereas pilgrimage can be interpreted as
an exteriorized mysticism.64 Even a pilgrimage organ-
ized by such great feudal landlords as the abbots of
large Cistercian monasteries or Premonstratensian
Canon houses could function as a temporary liberation
from profane social structures and as an intensification
of the pilgrims relationship to his/her religion. In the
case of Zelen Hora it is, however, evident that the
pilgrimage was not quite spontaneous and it comes as

10/ Philibert de lOrme, Le premier tome

The Anthropology of Pilgrimage de larchitecture, Paris, Frdric Morel
1567, f. 109v.
What, however, was the true meaning of Santinis archi- The vault design is characteristically described as
tecture? The decoration of those parts of the Sedlec a modern vault suitable for a church building, voute
church which were accessible to the public was cre- moderne pour une eglise.
ated for visitors, not for monks. The crucial role in the
initial stage of decoration planning was given to the
Silesian painter Michael Willmann, who worked for
the Cistercians and lived in the Cistercian Abbey in
Lubi (Leubus in Lower Silesia; in the 17th century a
part of the Bohemian Kingdom, today in Poland). Will-
manns dramatic Flemish style, his ability to translate
mystical themes into effective imagery, cannot be over-
estimated. Willmann had already demonstrated this
ability in Silesia, where he had actively participated
in the pictorial expression of mystical ideas developed
by Bernard Rosa, the Abbot of the Cistercian Abbey in
Krzeszw.60 The large plain surfaces of the vaults of
the Sedlec Abbey church were originally intended to be
covered with paintings. The church was designed and
decorated to attract pilgrims, to visualize the truths
of Catholic teaching, and to commemorate the past of
the abbey.
The situation was similar in Kladruby, where
Santini completed and vaulted a large abbey church
for the Benedictines. The gradual composition of the
individual sections of the vast church interior served,
in fact, as a magnificent entre for the display of an
old Marian statue, installed in a new Baroque Gothic
altarpiece. The plain walls of the nave and the cupola
over the crossing were decorated by the Asam brothers
in the most modern style of illusionist High Baroque
frescoes. Thus, the architecture of Santinis greatest
reconstructed churches served large spatial displays.61
With this in mind one can proceed further. The
peaks of Santinis creativity were represented by the
pilgrimage sites at Ktiny (Kiritein) near Brno (Brnn)
and Zelen Hora near r. In Ktiny, an old pilgrim-
age site administered by the Zbrdovice Canon House
of Premonstratensians, the cult was focused on the
thaumaturgical sculpture of the Virgin Mary, which

LV I I I/2 010 51
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS
11/ Michael Leopold Willmann,
The Martyrdom of SS Philip and James
ca. 1700
originally in the Church of SS Philip and James, Sedlec
(demolished). The martyrdom of the two apostles
presents an archetypal model to every Christian entering
the sacred space of the church.
Photo: Institute for Art History, Academy of Sciences of
the Czech Republic, Prague
no surprise that the tradition did not survive. Turners
idea of communitas as a key term for the feeling shared
by pilgrims certainly could not be applied across the
board, as Baroque pilgrimages could also be loaded
with overtones of coercion.65
Spiritual renewal was not the only function of the
Zelen Hora project. As Kalista has already pointed out,
Abbot Vejmluva commissioned the reconstruction and
Notes
1. On the architectural mnemonic cf. Mary Carruthers, The
Book of Memory. A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture, 11th ed.,
Cambridge 2005, pp. 7179. Recently cf. Robert Kirkbride, Ar-
chitecture and Memory. The Renaissance Studioli of Federico da
52 LV I I I/2 010
construction projects by Santini as part of his overall
effort to improve the position of his abbey. This effort
encouraged investments in feudal manorial economics,
including the construction not only of new churches,
but also of such buildings as the inn in Ostrov nad Osla-
vou, which was owned and managed by the r mon-
astery. In pre-modern Moravia, such inns were built
not only for the refreshment of pilgrims and travelers,
but also as centers of the obligatory consumption of
beer and other alcoholic beverages provided by mano-
rial breweries and stillrooms.66 As such they were tools
of exploitation, and the inns ground plan in the shape
of the initial W (for Wclaw Wejmluwa) may have
had an ominous meaning for some of its visitors. It
is also likely that Santini built the Lyra manor in the
immediate neighborhood of the r Abbey, which rep-
resented the backbone of the monastic economy.67 In
the immediate vicinity of the abbey, Abbot Vejmluva
founded an academy for the children of noble fami-
lies, for which Santini designed stables.68 This academy
evidently served the same purpose as the manors and
inns it was to increase the income of the abbey, in
this case on a strictly monetary basis. Santinis archi-
tecture clearly expressed the dual character of the early
modern economy in the Habsburg monarchy, which
was not to be overcome until the 19th century.
With all of these rather modest notes on the margin
of the modern literature dealing with Santinis work, it
is possible to draw several brief conclusions. One may
assume that Santinis architecture always incorporated
a certain kind of dialogue between the architect and
his patrons.69 It incorporated the dialogue between
the world of learned abbots and skillful artisans, as
architecture is both an image and a construction. It
incorporated not only the existential tension between
the past and the present, but also the social tension
between the various expectations of various groups in
post-bellum Bohemian and Moravian society ecclesi-
astics, pilgrims, burghers, free peasants and serfs. His
works should not be regarded as purely aesthetic signs,
but rather as complex structures, the reading of which
should be informed by the general context.
This text is an expanded version of the paper read at
the Congress of College Art Associations in Los Ange-
les, 24th-28th February 2009. Part of it was presented
at the conference of the Czech Association for Building
Archeology in Dn (Tetschen), 10th12th June 2009.
My research on Santini was made possible by grant
no. 408/09/0338 from the Czech Science Foundation,
and conducted at the Faculty of Architecture of the
Czech Technical University in Prague. I am indebted
to the anonymous reviewers of Umn for their valu-
able notes.
Montefeltro, New York 2008 (accessible at: http://www.guten-
berg-e.org/).
2. For more recent views on the Thirty Years War in Czech his-
toriography cf. esp. Arnot Klma, Dlouh vlka, Praha 1996. Petr
 Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS

12/ Michael Leopold Willmann,

The Martyrdom of Cistercian and Carthusian
Monks by the Hussites
1703
Sedlec, Church of the Virgin Mary
The 15th-century Cistercian and Carthusian martyrs followed
the example of the distant apostolic past. The architecture of
Santini was intended to evoke their time.
Photo: Institute for Art History, Academy of Sciences of the
Czech Republic, Prague

Kluina, Ticetilet vlka. Obraz doby 16181648, Praha Litomyl

2000. Radek Fukala, Ticetilet vlka. Konflikt, kter zmnil Evropu,
Opava 2001.
3. Most recently cf. Howard Louthan, Converting Bohemia.
Force and Persuasion in the Catholic Reformation, Cambridge 2009,
with a critical evaluation of older opinions. From recent Czech
literature cf. esp. Jindich Francek (ed.), Rekatolizace v eskch
zemch. Sbornk pspvk z konference v Jin konan 10. z 1993,
Pardubice 1995.
4. For the legal position of the Czech language in the pre-bel-
lum administration, cf. Josef Vtzslav imk, Pspvek k vkladu
zkona o zachovn jazyka eskho z r. 1615, in: Sbornk vd
prvnch a sttnch XII, 1912, pp. 173184.
5. Eduard Maur, Hospodsk a sociln souvislosti barokn
kultury v echch, in: Vilm Herold Jaroslav Pnek (eds), Baroko
v echch Baroko v Itlii. Setkvn osobnost, idej a umleckch lav Daniel Ji Peln Piotr Salwa Olga pilarov (eds), Italsk
forem. Sbornk pspvk z italsko-eskho sympozia Barocco in
Italia, Barocco in Bohemia, uomini, idee, forme darte a confronto,
Praha, Karolinum a Vila Lanna 19.21. dubna 1999, Praha 2003,
pp. 131144, esp. p. 142.
6. Arnot Klma, Manufakturn obdob v echch, Praha 1955,
pp. 212244, 412426 and passim.
7. Generally cf. Eli F. Hekscher, Der Merkantilismus III, Jena
1932. Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein, Mercantilism and the Con-
solidation of the European World-Economy, 16001750, New York
1980. Volker Press (ed.), Stdtewesen und Merkantilismus im Mit-
teleuropa, Kln am Rhein 1983. Rainer Gmmel, Die Entwicklung
der Wirtschaft im Zeitalter des Merkantilismus, Mnchen 1998.
For the activity of mercantilists in the Habsburg monarchy, cf. esp.
Herbert Hassinger, Johann Joachim Becher 16351682. Ein Beitrag
zur Geschichte des Merkantilismus, Wien 1951. Klma (see note 6),
pp. 103116. V. Burian, Prvn moravsk merkantilista Pavel Hynek
Morgenthaler, Brno v minulosti a dnes III, 1961, pp. 7292. Arnot
Klma, Mercantilism in the Habsburg Monarchy with special refer-
ence to the Bohemian Lands, Historica XI, 1965, pp. 95119.
8. Klma (see note 6), pp. 183185.
9. Jonathan I. Israel, Dutch Primacy in World Trade 15851740,
Oxford 1989, pp. 375376.
10. Klma (see note 6), pp. 186198.
11. There is a rich literature dealing with the sources of Vasa-
ris Lives, but not so many studies of his impact on 16th and
17th-century culture. Cf. more recently Mario Pozzi, Giorgio Vasari:
storico e critico, Firenze 2006. For the relationship between Ba-
roque theory and practice cf. Janis Allen Bell Thomas Willette,
Art History in the Age of Bellori: scholarship and cultural politics in
seventeenth-century Rome, New York 2002.
12. Pavel Kalina, La prima ricezione del De re aedificatoria di
Leon Battista Alberti nel Regno Boemo, Nuova Corvina XII, 2004,
pp. 5970. Idem, Leon Battista Alberti a Benedikt Ried, in: Ladis-
renesance a baroko ve stedn Evrop, Olomouc 2005, pp. 3344.
13. Ivan Muchka, Hans Vredeman de Vries in den bhmischen
Bibliotheken, Studia Rudolphina III, 2003, pp. 2940. Lenka Ve-
sel, Knihy na dvoe Romberk, Praha 2005, pp. 125, 156, 164.
14. On the work of Abraham Leuthner cf. esp. Carola Wenzel,
von wegen den Kupfer zu sparen. Der bhmische Baumeister Ab-
raham Leuthner und die Traktatliteratur im 17. Jahrhundert, Mnchen
1998 (diss. Mnchen 1996). Leuthners treatise is accessible at
http://digital.slub-dresden.de/sammmlungen. For the treatise of
the Duke of Lichtenstein cf. Victor Fleischer, Frst Karl Eusebius
von Liechtenstein als Bauherr und Kunstsammler (16111684), Wien
1910.
15. Ulrich Frst, Die lebendige und sichtbare Histori. Program-
matische Themen in der Sakralarchitektur des Barock (Fischer von
Erlach, Hildebrandt, Santini), Regensburg 2002, pp. 3943.
16. On the scientific interests of Caramuel cf. esp. Stanislav
Sousedk, Universal Language in the World of John Caramuel, a
Contemporary of Comenius, Acta Comeniana IX, 1991, pp. 149
158. Idem, Ren Descartes a esk baroko, Praha 1996 (focused
mainly on the relationship between the work of Juan Caramuel and
Ren Descartes). Petr Dvok, Juan Caramuel and the Possible
World Theory, Acta Comeniana XIV, 2000, pp. 8797. Alessandro
Catalano, Juan Caramuel Lobkowicz (16061682) e la riconquista
delle coscienze in Bohemia, Rmische historische Mitteilungen XLIV,
2002, pp. 339392. Petr Dvok, Juan Caramuel on Future Con-
tingents, in: Bene scripsisti Filosofie od stedovku k novovku.
Sbornk k sedmdestinm Stanislava Sousedka, Praha 2002, pp. 191
207. Ondej Koupil, K dlu Juana Caramuela z Lobkovic, Listy filo-
logick CXXV, 2002, No. 34, pp. 258288. Giovanni Pozzi, Il
libro in Caramuel, in: Barocco in Italia, Barocco in Boemia. Uomini,
idee e forme darte a confronto, Roma 2003, pp. 391399. Petr
Dvok, Jan Caramuel z Lobkovic. Vybran aspekty formln a apliko-
van logiky, Praha 2006. Umn a vda v dob Juana Caramu-

LV I I I/2 010 53
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS
ela z Lobkovic. Sbornk refert z konference v Hradci Krlov ve
dnech 15. a 16. jna 2006 u pleitosti 400. vro narozen Juana Mnchen 1997. Richard Bsel, Jesuit Architecture in Europe, in:
Caramuela z Lobkovic, Hradec Krlov 2006. On Caramuels
theory of architecture cf. Ludvk Hlavek, Architectura obliqua
Jana Caramuela z Lobkovic, Umn XXII, 1974, pp. 5053. Patrik
Lbal, Barokn architektonick traktty a antika, Zprvy Jednoty
klasickch filolog XLIII, 2001, pp. 7479. Pavel tpnek, Juan
Caramuel Lobkowitz as Theoretician and Practitioner of Architec-
ture: Caramuel in Prague Between Theory and Practice, in: Petr
Dvok Jakob Schmutz (eds), Juan Caramuel Lobkowitz: The Last
Scholastic Polymath, Prague 2008, pp. 273284. For another ex-
ample of an architectural treatise written by a learned theologian
cf. Joaqun Brchez Fernando Maras, Fra Juan Andrs Ricci de
Guevara e la sua architettura teologica, Annali di architettura XIV,
2002, pp. 251279.
17. Georg Schuppener, Jesuitische Mathematik in Prag im 16.
und 17. Jahrhundert (15561654), Leipzig 1999. Karel Mak
Georg Schuppener, Matematika v jezuitskm Klementinu v letech
16001740, Praha 2001. Richard Bsel, Orazio Grassi S. J. La
creativit di un saggiatore dellarchitettura, Colloqui dArchitettura
I, 2006, pp. 162197, showed the architectural activity of a man
whose name was mostly associated with astronomy.
18. I studied the second edition, Paris, 1743, from the copy in
the National Library, Prague (XVII B 5); see esp. pp. 177179.
19. Martin Svato, Amor Musas in Plausus provocat. Gratulan
sbornky plaskmu opatu Eugenu Tyttlovi z r. 1736 v kontextu no-
volatinsk literatury, in: Ji Fk (ed.), Plask klter a jeho minul i
souasn pnos pro kulturn djiny. Sbornk pspvk z konference
konan v Plasch a Marinsk Tnici ve dnech 11.13. kvtna 2005,
Plasy 2005, pp. 105118, p. 106.
20. Jean Mabillon, Annales ordinis S. Benedicti IV, Paris 1703
1713. The eighth chapter of the first book deals with ecclesiarum
seu basilicarum forma et dispositio apud Francos, variaeque eius
partes explicantur (ibidem, pp. 6881). Mabillon applied elemen-
tary textual criticism to such works as Gregorys History, trying to
identify the individual terms used for descriptions of churches. He
says that there was no single building form: some churches were
built on the cross ground plan, others were rotundas; he remarks
that all churches were orientated towards the east, but there were
exceptions. The chapter surprisingly was not illustrated.
21. Johannes Mabillon, De liturgia Gallicana libri III, Paris 1685,
pp. 188300 (I studied the copy XXXIII C 9 at the National Library
in Prague, which originates from the library of the Irish Franciscans
in the New Town of Prague). The title is explained as a Missal quod
in usu fuerit apud Gallos, Gothorum imperio subjectos.
22. For the design methods of the Gothic master builders cf.
most recently Nancy Y. Wu (ed.), Ad quadratum. The practical ap-
plication of geometry in medieval architecture, Aldershot 2002.
23. The phenomenon was researched in the first half of the
20th century, cf. esp. Zdenk Wirth, Barokn gotika v echch v XVI-
II. a 1. pol. XIX. stolet, Pamtky archeologick a mstopisn XXIII,
1908, No. 3, col. 122156, No. 4, col. 202220. Hans Tietze,
Wiener Gotik im XVIII. Jahrhundert. Kunstgeschichtliches Jahrbuch
der k. k. Zentral-Kommisssion fr Erforschung und Erhaltung der
Kunst- und historischen Denkmale III, 1909, pp. 162186. Idem,
Das Fortleben der Gotik durch die Neuzeit. Mitteilungen der k. k.
Zentral-Kommission fr Denkmalpflege 3rd series, XIII, 1914, pp. 197
212, 237249. Engelbert Kirschbaum, Deutsche Nachgotik. Ein
Beitrag zur Geschichte der kirchlichen Architektur von 15501800,
Augsburg 1930.
24. Gnter Irmscher, Modern oder altfrnckhisch? Zur Nachgo-
tik bei Hans Vredeman de Vries und Christoph Jamnitzer, Barock-
berichte XIII, 1996, pp. 475494.
25. For Jesuit architecture cf. Reinhold Baumstark (ed.), Rom
54 LV I I I/2 010
in Bayern. Kunst und Spiritualitt der ersten Jesuiten (exh. cat.),
John W. OMalley, S. J. Gauvin Alexander Bailey (eds), The Jesuits
and the Arts 15401774, Philadelphia 2005, pp. 63122.
26. Graham Parry, Glory, Laud and Honour. The Arts of the An-
glican Counter-Reformation, Woodbridge 2006, p. 6.
27. Geoffrey Beard, The Work of Christopher Wren, Edinburgh
1982, pp. 64, 72, 74. Kerry Downes, Hawksmoor, 2nd edition, Lon-
don 1979, pp. 132149.
28. Rudolf Wittkower, Gothic versus Classic. Architectural
Projects in Seventeenth Century Italy, London 1974, pp. 8588.
Cf. Vincenzo Scamozzi, Lidea dellarchitettura, Venice 1615, pars
prima, libro terzo, cap. VIII, p. 251. Scamozzis diary was published
by Franco Barbieri (ed.), Vincenzo Scamozzi, Taccuino di viaggio
da Parigi a Venezia (14 marzo11 maggio 1600), Venezia Roma
1959.
29. Paolo Marconi, Guarino Guarini ed il Gotico, in: Guarino
Guarini e linternazionalit del Barocco. Atti del convegno internazi-
onale promosso dallAccademia delle science di Torino 30 settem-
bre5 ottobre 1968, Vol. I, Torino 1970, pp. 613635. Wittkower
(see note 28), pp. 8895.
30. Wittkower (see note 28 and 29). Erwin Panofsky, The
First Page of Giorgio Vasaris Libro: A Study on the Gothic Style
in the Judgment of the Italian Renaissance. With an Exkursus on
Two Faade Designs by Domenico Beccafumi, in: Meaning in the
Visual Arts: Papers on the History of Art. Garden City, New York
1955, pp. 169235.
31. From the vast literature on Santini I used especially the
works by Wirth (see note 23). Heinrich Bernard Franz, Gotik
und Barock im Werk von Johann Santini Aichl, Wiener Jahrbuch fr
Kunstgeschichte XIV, 1950, pp. 65130. Zdenk Kalista, esk
barokn gotika a jej rsk ohnisko, Brno 1970. Ivo Kon, Santi-
ni ve vchodnch echch, Umn XXII, 1974, pp. 213222. Viktor
Kotrba, Johann Santini sein Werdegang und seine Architektur,
Umn XXII, 1974, pp. 185196. Idem, esk barokn gotika. Dlo
Jana Santiniho-Aichla, Praha 1976. Helene Trottmann, Pseudo-
Gotik des Barock in Bhmen. Beobachtungen zu Giovanni Santini
Aichels Kirchenbau in Kladrau, in: Silvia Glaser Andrea M. Kluxen
(eds), Musis et Litteris. Festschrift fr Bernhard Rupprecht zum 65.
Geburtstag, Mnchen 1993, pp. 205221. Mojmr Horyna, Jan
Blaej Santini-Aichl, Praha 1998. Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann,
Gothico modo nondum visa: the modern gothic architecture
of Jan Blaej Santini Aichl, in: Andrzej Rottermund (ed.), Artes
atque humaniora. Studia Stanislao Mossakowski sexagenario dicata,
Warszawa 1999, pp. 317331. Dirk De Meyer, Boemizzare il
barocco: Johann Santini Aichel, La nuova rivista italiana di Praga VII,
2002, pp. 5461. Sergio Cerulli, Santini in Italia, La nuova rivista
italiana di Praga VII, 2002, pp. 100113. tpn Vcha, Pokus o
obnovu cistercickho probotstv v Kouimi roku 1707, Archivn
prameny Kolnska 2002, pp. 95112. Ulrich Frst, Die lebendige
und sichtbare Histori: programmatische Themen in der Sakralar-
chitektur des Barock (Fischer von Erlach, Hildebrandt, Santini), Re-
gensburg 2002. Fritz Barth, Santini 16771723. Ein Baumeister
des Barock in Bhmen, Ostfildern 2004, p. 244. Frst (see note
15). Ji Kroupa, Rajhradsk chrm v probotsk koresponden-
ci, Opuscula historie artium 2006, pp. 4380. Piotr Krasny, Po
starm zpsobu vel opere gotico: o roli redniowiecznych zakonw
w podtrzymywaniu redniowieczne tradycji architektonicznej w
Europie rodkowej, in: Wojciech Balus (ed.), Artifex doctus: studia
ofiarowane profesorovi Jerzemu Gadomskiemu w siedemdzesit
rocznic urodzin, Krakw 2007, pp. 291300. Herbert Karner,
Faciamus hic tria tabernacula: Architektur und Deckenmalerei in
der Klosterkirche in Rajhrad, in: Martin Mdl Michaela eferisov
Loudov Zora Wrgtter (eds), Baroque Ceiling Painting in Central
 Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS

Europe. Proceedings of the International Conference Brno Prague, 45. Cf. Zahradnk, ibidem, esp. pp. 89. The most prominent
27th September1st October 2005, Prague 2007, pp. 199217. example of Santinis technological skill is the ingenious system of
32. The idea was developed in his book Zdenk Kalista, esk foundations in the Plasy Abbey, based on wooden piers set into
baroko. Studie, texty, poznmky, Praha 1941, p. 9. Other impor- underground water. For a recent attribution of St Bernards chapel
tant studies by the same author, edited after his death, include e. g. in the same abbey to Santini cf. Milan Pavlk, Kaple sv. Bernarda
idem, Ctihodn Marie Elekta Jeova, Kosteln Vyd 1992. Idem, (Mal kapitula) konventu v Plasech: jej vznam pro zaazen dla
Stolet andl a bl. Jihoesk baroko, Jinoany 1994. Under the Jana Blaeje Santiniho do kontextu barokn pohybov architektury,
Communist regime, Kalista was one of the persecuted writers and Umn LVI, 2008, No. 5, pp. 446448.
could not publish his texts. 46. Vincent Alan Clark, Entstehung ung Professionalisierung
33. Gilles Deleuze, Le pli. Leibniz et le Baroque, Paris 1988 der Architektenberufe in England und Deutschland im 19. und
(English translation: The Fold. Leibniz and Baroque, transl. by Tom 20. Jahrhundert, in: Werner Conze Jrgen Kocka (eds), Bildungs-
Conley, Minneapolis 1993). brgertum im 19. Jahrhundert I. Bildungssystem und Profession-
34. Kalista (see note 31), pp. 8385. The relationship be- alisierung in internationalen Vergleichen, 2nd ed, Stuttgart 1992,
tween Baroque and Gothic cultures had already been treated pp. 529542.
in the 1930s, cf. Vilm Bitnar, O eskm baroku slovesnm, Praha 47. Zahradnk (see note 43), p. 8.
1932, pp. 1930 and passim. 48. On the use of the term Gothic in the 18th century cf. e.
35. Kalista (see note 31), esp. pp. 74, 88. g. Tietze (see note 23), p. 165 (Count Guido of Starenberg let the
36. Jaromr Neumann, esk baroko, Praha 1974, p. 35. windows of the Church of the Teutonic Knights in Vienna be deco-
37. Pavel Vlek (ed.), Umleck pamtky Prahy. Star Msto. rated with stucho alla Gotica in 1720), 169 (the Kladruby Abbot
Josefov, Praha 1996, pp. 109114. The Old Town church of the Maurus Fintzguth in a letter to Berthold Dietmayr, Abbot of the
Jesuits was no exception. The earliest Jesuit church in Bavaria, the Benedictine Abbey in Melk, describes the cupola of the Kladruby
Holy Cross Church in Landsberg, was built approximately at the Abbey church as amplissima more Gottico nondum visa cupola),
same time (1575after 1580) and had a polygonal choir similar p. 172 (the notes of various travelers on Central European build-
to the eastern end of the Prague church. Cf. Dagmar Dittrich, Die ings). It is, furthermore, worth noting that the completion of St
erste Jesuitenkirche Bayerns. Heilig Kreuz in Landsberg, in: Baum- Vitus Cathedral provoked quarrels about which style should be
stark (see note 25), pp. 147160. used. In 1673, the cathedral ought to have been completed accord-
38. Jan Konek, Star pamti kutnohorsk (1675), ed. Jaroslav ing to the plans of Giovanni Domenico Orsi, whose Classical project
Kolr, Praha 2000. The administration was by no means passive; was criticized by J. T. Berghauer, Dean of the Vyehrad Chapter, as
on the contrary, the Jesuits undertook the vast renovation of the being designed in the Roman way and clashing with its Gothic
dilapidated church, the high altar of which was re-consecrated in section; see Marie Kostlkov, Dostavba Svatovtsk katedrly, in:
1675. Cf. Blanka Altov Jaroslav Alt Jr. Jan Sommer, Kaple sv. Zdeka Hladkov Jaroslav V. Polc (eds), Prask arcibiskupstv
Frantika Xaverskho v chrmu sv. Barbory v Kutn Hoe, Zprvy 13441994, Praha 1994, pp. 225247, p. 232. In 1728, the Emperor
pamtkov pe LIV, 1994, No. 7, pp. 222227. Blanka Altov, Charles VI wanted the cathedral to be completed in the gottico
Kutn Hora a jezuit, in: Ji Kroupa Vojtch Vank (eds), Kutn modo (ibidem, p. 232233). In 1729, a Gothic design was sup-
Hora v dob baroka, Praha 2005, pp. 1336. For Jin, cf. Ivana plied by Johann Ferdinand Schor from the international family of
ornejov, Jint jezuit a rekatolizace, in: Francek (see note 3), builders (ibidem, p. 233; on the family cf. recently Christina Struck,
pp. 6572. ed., Un regista del gran teatro del barocco. Johann Paul Schor und
39. Michael Young, Santini-Aichels Design for the Convent of die internationale Sprache des Barock. Akten des Internationalen
the Cistercian Monastery at Plasy in Western Bohemia, Boulder Studientages der Bibilotheca Hertziana, Rom, 6.7. Oktober 2003,
New York 1994, pp. 7071. Frst (see note 31), pp. 254259. Mnchen 2008). The theme would certainly merit a separate se-
40. Oldich Krlk, Olomouc na humanistick map, Studia mantic analysis.
comeniana et historica IV, 1979, pp. 99127. Ivo Hlobil Edu- 49. tpn Vcha, Antiquitatis illustre monimentum. Die Kloster-
ard Petr, Humanismus a ran renesance na Morav, Praha 1992, kirche in Sedletz und ihre Restaurierung von 17001709, Umn
pp. 155156. Christopher S. Wood, Forgery Replica Fiction. Tem- LVI, 2008, No. 5, pp. 384408, p. 392: die Einwlbung des Haupt-
poralities of German Renaissance Art, Chicago 2008, pp. 810. und Querschiffs sowie des Chores mit einer spitzbogigen Tonne, die
41. Kalista (see note 31), pp. 2829. Johann Joseph Mor- mit einem dekorativen Netz aus Schlingrippen bedeckt war. The
per, Das Czernin-Palais in Prag, Praha 1940, p. 73 and note 173 idea was formulated in the fundamental study by Wirth (see note
on the p. 166. Similarly Viktor Kotrba, Pvod a ivot architekta 23), caption to fig. 12 (stucco ribs in the Kladruby church), and
Jana Blaeje Santiniho-Aichla 16771723, Umn XVI, 1968, No. 6, repeated in the popular work on Bohemian Baroque art by Neu-
pp. 533566, p. 547. mann (see note 36), p. 35 (the stucco ornaments on the surfaces
42. Cf. quotations from Santinis letters and from his secret of the vaults, the non-Gothic shape of the rib pattern) as well as
diary, published by Milada Vilmkov, Marginalia k architektonick in Kalista (see note 31), pp. 3234. See also Young (see note 39),
tvorb 1. poloviny 18. stolet. Krytof Dienzenhofer Jan Blaej p. 68 (stucco ribs).
Santini Kilin Ignc Dienzenhofer, Umn XXVI, 1978, No. 5, 50. According to information from Ale Pospil (National Insti-
pp. 414436, esp. pp. 420425. tute for the Preservation of Historical Monuments, Kutn Hora), it
43. Pavel Zahradnk, Santini v eliv, Przkumy pamtek II, is even possible that the ribs were made of special brick forms. For
1995, No. 2, pp. 322. Horyna (see note 31), esp. pp. 5559, sup- the technology of the vault, cf. recently Ji kabrada, Konstrukce
posed that Santini trained as a painter, did not run his own firm, historickch staveb, Prague 2003, pp. 132, 134. The vault was rein-
was not a member of any guild, but was entrusted to execute his forced by masonry belts on its extrados; the belts were eventually
designs for his aristocratic patrons and for the abbots of large strengthened by vertical iron ties, nailed to the tie beams of the
monasteries. It is very probable that Santini was trained as a stone truss construction.
carver. He signed his documents as civis et architectus or Burger 51. Santinis relationship to the work of Peter Parler and Ben-
und Baumeister. edikt Ried was treated by Mojmr Horyna, Elementi di ispirazione
44. Zahradnk, ibidem, p. 3. gotica nellopera di Jan Blaej Santini-Aichel, La nuova rivista ital-

LV I I I/2 010 55
Pavel Kalina . IN OPERE GOTICO UNICUS
iana di Praga VII, 2002, pp. 3453. Idem, Gotick inspirace v dle
Jana Blaeje Santiniho-Aichela, in: Ale Mudra (ed.), Ars videndi.
Professori Jaromr Homolka ad honorem, esk Budjovice 2006,
pp. 91115.
52. Vincenzo Scamozzi, Lidea dellarchitettura, Venice 1615,
parte seconda, libro ottavo, cap. XIV, p. 321. The copy is preserved
at the National Library, Prague, sign. 17 A 21, the date of acquisi-
tion was inscribed on the frontispiece. The print was bought pro
Bibliotheca Mathematica. The German translation contained only
sections of the sixth and third books (Klrliche Beschreibung der
fnff Sulen-Ordnungen und der gantzen Bau-Kunst aus dem sech-
sten und dritten Buche Vincentii Scamozzi, Baumeisters zu Venedig,
ed. Johann Hoffmann, Sulzbach Nrnberg 1678).
53. Cf. Barth (see note 31), pp. 4143. Cf. Sabine Kappner,
Francesco Borromini zwischen Gotik und Barock: die Grundlegung
seines architektonischen Stiles in den Mailnder Jahren whrend
seiner Ausbildungszeit in der Dombahtte, Berlin 1993. Eadem,
Francesco Borrominis Ausbildungsjhre an der Mailnder Dom-
bauhtte 1608 bis 1619, Arte lombarda 4th Series CVIII-CIX, 1994,
No. 12, pp. 1420. Christoph Luitpold Frommel, Borrominis
Verhltnis zur Tradition, in: Richard Bsel Christoph Luitpold
Frommel (eds), Borromini. Architekt im barocken Rom (exh. cat.),
Milano 2000, pp. 5769.
54. Petr Fajman, Statick zhodnocen Chrmu sv. Barbory
v Kutn Hoe, in: Chrm sv. Barbory v Kutn Hoe (odborn semin esp. pp. 139.
STOP, 10. erven 2004), Praha 2004, pp. 1019. Cf. also James
H. Acland, Medieval Structure: The Gothic Vault, Toronto 1972,
pp. 207, 210215.
55. The geometrical method was analyzed by Werner Mller,
Die Lehrbogenkonstruktion in den Proberissen der Augsburger
Mauermeister, Architectura II, 1972, pp. 1728. Idem, Zum Prob-
lem des technologischen Stilvergleichs im deutschen Gewlbebau
der Sptgotik, Architectura III, 1973, pp. 112. Idem, Einflsse
der sterreichischen und der bhmisch-schsischen Sptgotik
in den Gewlbemustern des Jacob Facht von Andernach, Wiener
Jahrbuch fr Kunstgeschichte XXVII, 1974, pp. 6582. Idem, Die
Zeichnungsvorlagen fr Friedrich Hoffstadts Gothisches A.B.C.-
Buch und der Nachla des Nrnberger Ratsbaumeisters Wolf
Jacob Stromer, Wiener Jahrbuch fr Kunstgeschichte XXVIII, 1975,
pp. 3954. Werner Mller, Grundlagen gotischer Bautechnik. Ars
sine scientia nihil, Mnchen 1990.
56. Cf. Jean-Marie Prouse de Montclos, Philibert De lOrme.
Architecte du roi (15141570), Paris 2000.
57. Mller, Die Lehrbogenkonstruktion (see note 55), esp.
pp. 2933. Horyna (see note 31), p. 56, stressed the intellectual
character of 17th-century craftsmanship, without, however, quoting
research by Mller.
58. Cf. Vilmkov (see note 42), p. 420. Santinis father lived
c. 16751686 in the area of Prague Castle. There is, however, no
proof that he participated directly in the restoration of St Vitus
Cathedral. See Kotrba (see note 41), esp. pp. 545547.
59. Kostlkov (see note 48), p. 233. Santini was the brother-in-
law of Zdenk Ji Chepick, canon at the St Vitus chapter house,
from c. 1720. He designed the decoration of the cathedral chevet
for the feast celebrating the beatification of St John of Nepomuk
in 1721. Much earlier, he had rebuilt the house of the chapter
dean, Adam Mladota of Solopysky, located several meters from
the cathedral.
60. On Silesian 17th-century mysticism, cf. Jzef Kosian, Mistyka
lska. Mistrzowie duchowoci lskiej. Jakub Boehme, Anio lzak 1986. Recently, Bakhtins impact on the humanities was surveyed
i Daniel Czepko. Wrocaw 2001. Its impact on the arts was analyzed
by Andrzej Kozie, Angelus Silesius, Bernard Rosa i Michael Will-
mann, czyli sztuka i mistyka na lsku w czasach baroku. Wrocaw
2006. Willmanns image of Trinitas creata was mediated by readily
56 LV I I I/2 010
available engravings, which were widely copied. Andrzej Niedzie-
lenko Vt Vlnas (eds), Slezsko perla v esk Korun. Ti obdob
rozkvtu vzjemnch umleckch vztah. (exh. cat.), Praha 2006,
cat. nos. III.2.18, III.2.19. Willmann also made the monumental
painting for the high altarpiece of the abbey church in r. The
picture, together with an image of the Holy Trinity, was commis-
sioned in 1692; in 1735 both pictures were moved to a new altar-
piece. See Tom Hladk Vt Vlnas Marcela Vondrkov, Sub
umbra alarum. Vzjemn vztahy baroknho umn ech a Slezska
ve svtle kulturnch investic esk aristokracie a katolick crkve,
in: Mateusz Kapustka et alii (eds), Slezsko perla v esk Korun.
Historie, kultura, umn, Praha 2007, pp. 208209.
61. On the decoration of the church cf. esp. Jaromr Neumann,
Ikonologie Santiniho chrmu v Kladrubech, Umn XXXIII, 1985,
No. 2, pp. 97136.
62. Mojmr Horyna Jan Royt, Ktiny. Poutn kostel Jmna Panny
Marie, Velehrad 1993.
63. Bohumr Lifka Frantiek Vclav Mare (eds), Medotekouc
slva na he Libanu. Soubor eskch svatojanskch duchovnch
promluv z doby opata Vclava Vejmluy, pronesench v poutnm
chrmu na Zelen Hoe u ru nad Szavou v letech 17271736,
Kosteln Vyd 1995.
64. Victor Turner Edith L. B. Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in
Christian Culture. Anthropological Perspectives, New York 1978,
65. More recent research interprets the pilgrimage rather as an
arena for competing religious and social discourses. The practice
of pilgrimage and the sacred powers of a shrine are constructed as
varied and conflicting representations by the different segments of
society. Cf. esp. John Eade Michael J. Sallnow (eds), Contesting
the Sacred. The anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage, London New
York 1991.
66. The monastery owned eighteen inns, which were supplied
with alcoholic beverages from the monastic brewery and from
three monastic stillrooms. The annual income from all of these
inns was 681 gold coins. See Antonn Bartuek Metodj Zemek,
Djiny ru nad Szavou II/1. Havlkv Brod 1962, pp. 165
166. Horyna (see note 31), pp. 357358. It is highly probable
that Santini also designed the inn At Three Stars in the vicinity of
the monastery, see Horyna (see note 31), pp. 379380. The forced
consumption of products was one of the typical tools of exploita-
tion, cf. generally Klma (see note 6), pp. 163166, 175.
67. Horyna (see note 31), pp. 376377. Barth (see note 31),
pp. 9799. Similarly, Santini probably designed the Kalec and
Hubenov manors for the Cistercian Abbey of Plasy. It is worth
noting that the Cistercian Abbey at Osek managed one of the
earliest manufactures in Bohemia from 1697 on. By 1732, two
Osek manufactures employed c. 450 people. See Klma (see
note 6), pp. 214215.
68. Horyna (see note 31), pp. 377379. Barth (see note 31),
pp. 99101.
69. My dialogic interpretation of Santinis work was inspired
by my lifelong reading of Mikhail Bakhtins famous research on
the dialogic principle in romance. Bakhtins ideas have shaped the
development of American scholarship since the 1980s, thanks to
such studies as Katerina Clark Michael Holquist, Mikhail Bakhtin,
Cambridge, Mass. 1984. Michael Holquist (ed.), The Dialogic
Imagination: Four Essays by M. M. Bakhtin, Austin 1986. Gary
Saul Morson, Bakhtin. Essays and Dialogues on His Work, Chicago
in an anthology edited by Konstantin Glebovi Isupov (ed.), M. M.
Bachtin: pro et contra. Linos i tvorestvo M. M. Bachtina v ocenke
russkoj i mirovoj gumanitarnoj mysli (Antologija 12), Sankt-Peter-
burg 2000.