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  • Dien, Albert - The Use of The Yeh-Hou Chia-Chuan As A Historical Source

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    Dien, Albert - The Use of The Yeh-Hou Chia-Chuan As A Historical Source

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    Carolyn Hardy
    Dien, Albert - The Use of the Yeh-hou Chia-chuan as a Historical Source

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    The Use of The [gammaleh-hou chia-chuan as a Historical Source Albert B. Dien Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Volume 34 (1974), 221-247. ‘Your use of the ISTOR database indicates your acceptance of ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use. A copy of JSTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use is available at hup://www,jstororg/abouvierms.himl, by contacting ISTOR at jstor-info@umich.edu, or by calling ISTOR at (888)388-3574, (734)998-9101 or (FAX) (734)998-9113, No part of a JSTOR transmission may be copied, downloaded, stored, further transmitted, transferred, distributed, altered, oF otherwise used, in any form or by any means, except: (1) one stored electronic and one paper copy of any article solely for your personal, non-commercial use, ot (2) with prior written permission of JSTOR and the publisher of the article or other text, Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the sc printed page of such transmission. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies is published by Harvard-Yenching Institute. Please contact the publisher for further permissions regarding the use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at hupslwww.jstor.org/journals/hyi hum, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (©1974 Harvard-Yenching Institute ISTOR and the ISTOR logo are trademarks of JSTOR, and are Registered in the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office For more information on JSTOR contact jstor-info@umich edu, ©2001 JSTOR hupslwwwjstor.org/ Mon Feb 19 15:33:55 2001 THE USE OF THE YEH-HOU CHIA-CHUAN AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE ALBERT E, DIEN Stanrorp University discussions of the origins of the fu-ping fF, or “militia sys- tem,” since it records a conversation between Li Mi WA and the T’ang emperor Te-tsung (r. 780-804) that includes a purported description of the fu-ping from its beginning in the Western Wei pe- riod to its end during the T'ang, The contents of the conversation were early recognized as unique, and in 1069 Wang An-shih recommended the Yeh-hou chia-chuan to the Sung emperor Shen-tsung as containing the most complete account of the fu-ping institution to be found.* The conversation, preserved in the Sung encyclopedia Yii hai U6, by Wang Ying-lin W664 (1223-1296), remains a major source of formation on the fu-ping;? however, recent investigators of that mili- tary institution have frequently questioned the reliability of Li Mi’s description.* To explore the matter, it is necessary to examine more Ts title Yehshou chia-chuan M®ESE is most often cited in 2 Yasha (1337 ed reprinted Tainan: Hua-wen shu-chd, 1964) 198.24b. Wang An- shi at that time presented some material on the subject to the emperor (se note 26). liminary versions of this paper were read atthe meeting of the Western Branch, ‘American Oriental Society, April 1966, and presented to the University Seminar on “Traditional China, Columbia University, October 1967. {wish to express my apprecia- tion to Professors Carl Leban, Robert Rublmann, and members of the University Seminar for suggestions they have made, 2 Yickai 138.160-240. 8 Hamaguchi Shisekuni BED AR, PIR OTOL & (RIAIAY ("On che Miltary System of the Western Wei Dynasty), T3 gotuhd (Tokyo) 8(1938).49-50, reject the works being T'ang speculation, based on’T'ang models, of what the origins of the fusping must have been, Other writers, such as Ch‘en Yin-k'o PRLS 1%, T'ang, (Chang ju ff EAB, and Tse Chung-mien AAPM, state tha hey have reservations about the reliability ofthe material and make ute only ofthe passages they believe to be valid; however, such passages vary from writer to weiter. See Chen, Sud-Tang chihtu 2a me ALBERT E. DIEN closely the Yeh-hou chia-chuan itself in terms of its worth as a his- torical source, In doing so, we will also be able to observe some as- pects of the utilization of sources by the traditional historians, how the use of unreliable materials may have been justified, and, possibly, what compelling reasons brought the traditional historian to use nonstandard sources. The Yek-hou chia-chuan is an account of the life and career of Li Mi (722-789), a most enigmatic and unconventional person.‘ He was of a distinguished lineage that went back to Li Pi #8 (494-557), one of the generals who helped to establish the Western Wei state. anya ha hao EASED BAB Shaves, 1954 299; ang, [HAFESCHALEPERE ("On Doubal Points concerning the Pucing Sytem of the (Western) Wei and (Northern) Chou Periods”) in Wei Chin Nen-b-eh' shih lane tung OUR WACUSEIGIE. Peking, 1959), pp. 266-207; Ten, Pepin cite senchi || BE9E (Shanghai, 1957), p. 16. Finally, Kus Chi-kuang AIBIE, Pvping ‘ht Foo ll HR (Shanghai, 1962), and Chu Weicheng AEE. TES EAC RPSA AE ER ICI GOA A ABER ("Te Special Consaticions ofthe Socety of Westen Wei and Northern Chou during th Peried of Inaituion- Mizaton ofthe Ficfing and thir Realuson"), LSYC 1903p. 51-170, ie no uestion at all eparding the Yal-hu chia-cinen and eeslve contradictions with ober information by claiming that each source vellctedifeing stages during contaulng proces of change and development ofthe insition. ‘This sty ofthe Yoke ae Chuan is the outgrowth of my own investigation of the f-Ping 1 His name alo appear in romanization a Li i He has biopaphies in Chix ong shu BJEWE (heceafier CTS) 130.4b-90, and Hsin Bf Tang sku (hereafter HTS) 139.7b-14b. (Except as otherwise specified, all references to the dynastic histories here aru below are tothe Palace Bain of 17398 reprinted by the Even yin-shouan in "Taiwan) The eeond biography appeas with punctuation and afew notes in Ld mien BAR, Hain Trang shu (Shanghai, 198), pp. 196-208. There i also the Zi Yekhon viv 2EABUEAEHE, by Yang Hsin BAY BE (1868-1877), contained in Shion chia wien thmgahe “PFE ARABI 1878 eds reprinted Yang chou, 1950), te 2. My bref resumé of Le eaveer combine information from these Sources a wel at from Techih ung chien BEY E (heveater TCTC). Li Mi ie ‘meotoned in many acatieredwotks che by vito of his alleed connection withthe foperatual worl. Sey for example, Fi Pea cik BRIGMES (Tango ci Cheng ed), p. 149 cited by LS, Yang in HAS 5(1964-1005)-292, and the anecdote rected by Hacc Shack in The Trees of Lao Toon (the, 1982), p- 298 note 4 ‘This ancestor ha biographies in Chow shu JAE g.ab-Oa and Pi sik ESE ona-ga. twas parly because Li Pi held high mary ofc during what was ler considered the eatin nage ofthe organization of the f-ing that hie descendants remarks were considered expecially reliable, Forth genealogy ofthis fail, se HTS rexrab 74 YEH-HOU CHIA-CHUAN AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE 223 Li Mi attracted early notice because of his precocity, and he is said to have isolated himself in a mountain retreat while young in order to pursue an interest in the occult. In 751 he was given a post at court, where he served as tutor to the future emperor Su-tsung, He went into mourning in 753 after the death of his mother, but was recalled when Su-tsung ascended the throne in 756. He is portrayed in the sources as a close advisor to the emperor during this period, when the dynasty was threatened by rebellions. When the situation took a turn, for the better in 757, he returned to the mountains, In 765 he again entered public life, holding a series of posts at court and in the provinces until 787, when the emperor ‘Te-tsung enfeoffed him as Marquis of Yeh and made him a chancellor, a post he held until his death two years later.® Despite Li Mi’s eminent position as tutor and confidant to three emperors, he was dealt with rather harshly in the early accounts. In extant contemporary sources he is not so much condemned as held up toridicule, One story relates that he claimed to have gained super- natural powers after years of study; but when he stood on his roof ‘making magical gestures and uttering spells to stop a fire that threat- ened his home, he was singed by the flames, and his dwelling with all its contents was lost.” Another anecdote was included by Li Chao 2PM (fl. 818-821) in the Kuoshih pu LER: 6 There is genera agreement that Li Mi died in the fifth year of Chen-yan (780), (OTS 19.56, HTS zanb, and TCTE (Peking: Ku-chi eh'w-panshe, 1950) 293.7518 all five the date asthe cece day ofthe thied month, or 1 April. Tebow wa-cuan I ARM (hrealter YHIVG; ed in Chi hia-huo Ri (Shanghai, r934l chi 2A Vol 1p 32a, merely says the third month of 78, wheres HS 15948 has only the year. Nevertheless, Li's epitaph, entered by tile ony in the Paok'e tung: tien SUS SEE (Shi-uan chan fou tung-shu FBEABHBLEAE ed) roth is dated the fourth year of Chen-yan, or 788. Chen Sau BIE. (I. 1450), the compiler of the Paok'eung-ier, tives a his source the Ching-chae chin shih Lu HEIR ER, also a Sung work 1 Taiping angi ARSE (Peking: Chung-hus shucht, 196) 285.2208 2399. The anecdote ie drawn ftom the Peni chi PEGS of Lo Ch'angeyan 2 5G (.700),8 contemporary of Li Mi. Ther is nothingin Las biographies (CTS 145.70-88 and HTS 1515b-Ch) to indicate any personal eeaon for his relating the derogatory at ty about Li. On the contrary, he had served under Han Huang SBE, to whom Li vas fovorbly dspored; TCTC 238-7476. 224 ALBERT E. DIEN ‘When Li Mi was chancellor he would make empty boasts of his responsi bilities. Often in the presence of guests he would instruct members of his household to sprinkle and sweep with haste, for “tonight Master Hung-ya {a legendary immortal] arrives to pass the night.” Once someone left be- hind a beaker of fine wine and, just then having a guest arrive, he said, "Ma-ku [another legendary immortal] has sent some wine, which T would share with you, sir.” The pouring out was not yet complete when the door- man said, “Attendant-worthy So-and-so has come to fetch his beaker.” i ordered [the wine] poured back and {the bottle] returned, showing no trace of embarrassment.* It is readily apparent that two opposing attitudes toward Li Mi have been brought together in his biography in the Chiu Trang shu. ‘The negative one, which follows from the contemporary view ex- pressed in the two anecdotes above, offers his professed knowledge of the occult as a partial explanation of his successful official career. A short disquisition on the attitudes of the emperors toward the super- natural indicates that Su-tsung had great faith in the efficacy of spells, and that he had placed persons with alleged magical powers in high posts. On his accession, Te-tsung reacted strongly against these practices, and a number of examples are given of his rejection of the _yingang theories. However, the text continues, he changed his mind about these matters when he realized that his fight to Feng-t'ien in the face of Chu Ta‘u’s it rebellion in 783 had been predicted some years before by the adept Sang Tao-mou #ilt38,° Li's biog. raphy continues: (a) Having frequently heard that Mi was versed in the ways of the spirits, [the emperor] summoned him from the provinces and put him in high office, In the discussions of the time he was not considered satisfactory. As chancellor he went along with expediency and did nothing worthy of praise, He introduced [to the court] such insubstantial and shallow per- sons as Ku K‘uang Bide. The courtiers at will made game of him, and he was much ridiculed and mocked, ' This story i cited in the TCTC Mao 235.7508, and with a few textual variations appears in Taiping huang-chi 289.2297. * CTS 1gi.ab and HTS 204.14b. The frst says that Sang was dead by 785, while the second carries his eareer on atleast until Li Mi's death in 78, which Sang also prophesied. 1 CTS 13076. Ku K'vang has a most unflattering biography in CTS 1g0.9ab. YEH-HOU CHIA-CHUAN AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE 235 Earlier in the Ohiu Trang shu biography, the two attitudes toward Liare placed in juxtaposition, After relating how he had quite bravely reproved the emperor, the text approvingly says: (2) Mi had to some extent a manner of exhortative directness, and yet [emphasis supplied] he would discuss the deities and immortals and un- orthodox ways. It was said that he had once kept company with Ch‘ sung HALF, Wang [-tu] Chiao 2 FF] a, An-ch'i [Sheng] 2239 [4], and Hsien-men 6p") [all Taoist immortals of antiquity]. As a result he was looked down upon by his contemporaries. Although he used his unorthodox ways to gain recognition, he was not valued by the rulers of his time.! Finally, in Li's defense, a statement from a sympathetic source is placed at the end of his biography: () Mi was casual and negligent in his behavior, but he was clever in debate and liked the broad generalizations [of statecralt]. From the time he first ‘came and went in the Central Prohibited [Precincts] he was continuously hated by the powerful favorites, but he always escaped by his wits. Finally he gained the position of chancellor because his discussions of statecraft enlightened the ruler.!* It seems clear that two conflicting opinions have been brought together in this biography. In the first, Li is seen as a person who dares to stand up to the emperor; however, his position is precarious, and he barely manages to escape the hatred of powerful enemies,"* ‘The other view is that he owes his success to a pretended knowledge of the occult, that his tenure as chancellor is characterized by ex- pediency, and that he is held in low esteem by all at the court. There is no real attempt to reconcile these differences in the biography; at ‘most, as in (2), one viewpoint is followed by a statement of the other. ‘The Chiu Tang shu was presented to the throne in 945. The Hsin Tang sku, completed in 1060, reveals a change in attitude toward Li Mi, Here we find in general the same statements as in the Chiu 8 CTS 130.7a. For the immortals Ch'ih-sung-teu and Wang [zu] Chao, see Ying- shih Yo, “Life and Immortality in the Mind of Han China,” FAS 25(1.964-1905).92) and Max Kaltenmark, Le Liesien tchouan (Peking, 1953), pp. 96 and 109. For Anch'i [Sheng], see Kaltenmark p. 116, and Yi p. 104 and note 101. For Hsien-men, see ‘Shih ch 8 #2 6.208 and Morohashi No, 28497:25 8 CTS 130.7b-8a. 5 Teis most probable that the positive evaluations of Li contained in (2) and (3) were derived from the Yeksiow chia-chuan. For (3), see note 21 below. 226 ALBERT E. DIEN ‘Tang shu, but in abbreviated form and with some significant changes. The sympathetic statement (3) praising Li Mi is substantially the same: Mi, in his going and coming in the Central Probibited [Precincts], served four rulers and several times incurred the hatred of the powerful favorites, but usually escaped by his wits. He liked the broad generalizations of cccraft; time and again in counsel and discussion he was able to en- lighten and move the Ruler of Men." This is immediately followed by a revision of discussion (2) con- cerning Li’s occult practices: He constantly maintained the theories of the Yellow [Ermperor] and Lao [zu], and of spirits and deities, and therefore he was ridiculed and criticized by others. ‘The low esteem in which Li was held by his contemporaries is thus summed up in a few words. The Hsin T'ang shu, finally, also attrib- tutes Li’s elevation in office to Su-tsung’s aroused interest in the ‘occult; but in place of statement (1) it merely says: [The emperor] therefore elevated and employed Mi. Moreover, Mi naturally had that which he contributed, but it was only Liu P'in iit who claimed that “in the restoration of the two capitals [i.e at the end of the An Lu- shan rebellion}, Mi's plans played the greatest part, and his achievement was greater than had been that of Lu (Chung-] lien 49434 and Fan Li ue Here, the serious indictment of Li’s conduct as chancellor and the description of disgraceful treatment by his contemporaries have been replaced by a most flattering comment, although this is not given ‘complete acknowledgment as fact. Thus in the Hsin T'ang shu one no longer finds negative judgments of the man; rather, there is only mention of the low esteem in which his contemporaries held him. This treatment is in sharp contrast to that of the earlier history. Sung Gh‘ 286, compiler of the biographies in the Hsin T'ang shu, M HTS 139.143. 18 HITS 139.14b. For the work by Liu P'in (A, 878-888), see note 18. Lu Chung-ien and Fan Li were ministers of Chand Yeh respectively; both refused to accept rewards for their services and left to become hermits. For Lu, see Shik chi &3.1a-gn and J. I Crump, Intrigue: Studies ofthe Chan-kuo Ts'e (Ann Atbor, 1964), p. 70. For Fan, see ‘Shik chi199.9n-4b and Kaltenmark, Le Liesientchowan, p- 102. YEH-HOU CHIA-CHUAN AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE 237 bears out the impression of a changed attitude toward Li Mi by his summation in the postface to Lis biography. He praises Li’s accom- plishments and stature as a public official; and, though admitting his unorthodox activities, implies that these did not prevent him from making valuable contributions as an advisor to emperors. Mi’s behavior was unusual indeed. In his planning for events he seemed (chin 3) loyal; in taking his dismissal from court] so lightly he seemed Iofy; in preserving himself {from harm] he seemed intelligent; and, finally, in being installed as Superior Chancellor he seemed one who had estab lished merit and fame. One observes that when Su-tsung opened up [the areas] overgrown with thorns and brushwood and reestablished the courts, the administration was handed over to all of those who had a few words or short-term plans that caught [the emperor's] attention or agreed with his Just at this time much of what Mi offered was accepted. Moreover, he (ed Tai-tsung in retaking the two capitals. Not only was his [contribu- tion] not recorded {to his credit), but how is it that these two rulers did not utile him as chancellor? Te-tsung at last became interested in matters pertaining to spirits, and so he was used. In general, he established him- self through strangeness and was of assistance through it.* ‘The reassessment of Li Mi’s place in history was continued some twenty-five years later, in 1085, by Ssu-ma Kuang #536 in his Teucchih Cung-chien. He also cited the negative statements made about Li Mi in the Chiu T'ang shu, and then went on to say: Although Mi was unorthodox and a boaster, and liked to talk of deities and immortals, still his awareness and planning really surpassed that of other men. He aided emperors Su and Tai to recover the two capitals (from the rebels} and left [the court] without accepting the post of chancellor. When emperors Tai-tsung and Shun-tsung were in the Eastern Palace fice, were beits to the throne}, they both relied on Mi for their safety, so that he was fone to be valued in important crises. The vilification of him in the Chiu Tang shu goes too far." ‘We should note before accepting the new evaluation of Li Mi that the source for the evidence used to balance the scale was the Yeh-how chia-chuan. Thus it behooves us to look more closely at that work and at the standards used in assessing the reliability of its contents. We must also ask ifit is possible to explain what motivated the historians © HTS 159.56. 4 TeTCassq519. 228 ALBERT E, DIEN to reconsider the depiction of Li Mi contained in the Chiu Twang shu and to improve his standing in history. Li Mi’s son, Li Fan $f, was the compiler of the Yeh-how chia-chuan. He held a number of official posts, but mainly in the provinces, for scandal was early linked with his name, and there was strong opposi- tion to his holding a court appointment. At his last post Li Fan was accused of having acted precipitately in stamping out some local bandits, and as a result he was jailed. Unfortunately for him, his case was reviewed by a former enemy, who is said to have falsified the record and to have recommended the death sentence. The execution ‘was carried out probably between 827 and 831.1" The story of how the Yeh-hou chia-chuan came to be compiled is a moving one, It is said that while Li Fan was in prison awaiting execution he became fearful that the achievements of his father would perish without a fall record. Begging scraps of paper and discarded brushes from the jailers, he wrote the Yeh-hou chia-chuan in ten chiian, He asked that the manu- 1 Fan's same is aloo writen ff ina numberof sources. Shot accounts of isi are appended to his father’s biographies in CTS 130.82-ga and HTS 139.14b-15b. These say that he betrayed one of his father's frends, Yang Cheng BEB, and also seduced the widow of Liang Su Bf, another friend of his father; asa result of this immoral conduct, he was orice removed from court postions and sent othe provinces. Fan wat sent to Po Prefecture, where the crime took place, in the ninth month of 826; CTS 190.b. Shu Yian-ya $f 7EIR, who engineered the death sentence, was appointed Inspecting Censor (Chena yhshih) in S27 oF shortly afer and was transferred to another office sometime before 851; CTS 269.1gb-858 and HTS 170.gb-142. When Sha was implicated ina plot and executed in 8g, it was atributed by some to divine retibution for his bebivior toward Fan GTS 169.15, 178308, and 190.98. An carly sccount of Fan's betrayal of Yang Ch'eng nd Fan's being wrongly condesmed to death, tnd the statement that Shu’ fate was jut retibution, are fund in Liu Pin, Hi Asn FES, contained in Lia Ching hh BYEZ (Sung), Ohih-teu Cong lu FHSS (Sout cianshu cen-hen PULP A (Shanghai, 1095] eu-cli BV, tnerk 1 HEM, tre s12-213) 25a Liu Pin's work ie entered in the bibliographical ‘comys ofthe histories ax Livih echo (HTS 58.200) and Linshik hain (Sung shih 5.8 203.218), in both cases as having one chan. The anecdote bout Shu Yiane yb and Li Fan i included in an abbreviated form in an excerpt fom this work that is ‘ited in Liv Pin's biography in HTS 163.28, Liu was probably not motivated by sy animus against Li Mi in wridng of the son's misconduct, for, a4 noted above, HTS ‘quotes praise of Li Miby Liu Pin, YEH-HOU CHIA-CHUAN AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE 239 script receive further editing and embellishment after his death, but this was not done.!* ‘The Yek-hou chia-chuan in ten chitan was still extant in the thir- teenth century but has since been lost;** a seemingly derivative work, the Yehshou wai-chuan WEI, survives. The Yek-hou waicchuan is a text of almost four thousand graphs preserved in the T'ai-p'ing Auang-chi of 978. Whereas most items contained in that collection are excerpts, the whole of the Yeh-hew wai-chuan was included. From the Tai-p'ing kuang-chi, the Yeh-hou wai-chuan was copied into the ‘Shuo fu 883% and into a host of other collections of short stories. The Wai-chuan was probably a condensation of the Chia-chuans but there is no definite proof of this, since the earlier work is no longer available for comparison, In the Kao of the Tiu-chik t‘ung.chien the Yeh-hou chia-chuan is cited thirteen times: for twelve entries there is a total of 1925 graphs, and one extended quotation has 1548, a total of 2473 graphs. Of these thirteen entries attributed to the Yeh-how chia-chuan, ‘only two are found verbatim in the Yek-hou wai-chuan: one with 148 graphs (Tew-chih Cung-chien 219.7014 and Yek-hou wai-chuan 31ab), and the other with only some twenty graphs (Tiu-chik tung-chien 224.7199 and Yeh-how wai-chuan g1a and 332). A less indirect indica- © The secount ofthe writing of the Yek-owchia-chuan iin FITS 19015b- There was originally a postface to YHCC by Liu P‘in, according to Chihi-chai shu-lu chigh-t' (67% SRBEIR UE (Vang tien chtche-fon sh ARSON EAAAE (1800), oe 519-320) ‘Fab, but the postace was lost before the compllation ofthat bibliography (e294- 1236). Therein a more extended dteunsion of YHCC in «postace by Su Sung BRAS (soz0-1101) in Wei-kung Ciba BY ESRABR (Titumgeshu chi-ch'eng ed.) 1-3. 1 The work is entered in HTS 58.a0a se Tng tl or Halong a) tuo Yl-how ia-chuan, and in Sung sib 203,198 a8 THC, One assumes that twas extant inthe thirteenth century, snc it is entered in Chik shut chicks and in ited in Yachai (ct ote 1). Another passage appear in Yichai54a8b-ape. Wang Ying i, the com- piles of Tica attested wpain the existence of YHCC in his Knick chi-wen HR FERDE urieh cp tunes ef) 14135-1190. He said that Li Ms father, Li Chrengsiu ef, clleted a Hbrary of over 20000 chen and enjoined his de- scendants never toallow the books to leave the premises. Anyone who wished toute the Iibrary was tobe housed ara guct. Wang then noted, "See Yek-ou hi-chuan.” Han ‘Yi $B, (768-824) wrote a poem addressed toa friend, Chu-ko Chileh, who was going, to consult some texts in that brary; ace Han Changelicsian-chi BERRA SE (Shanghai: Shib-hich shu-ch, 1938), p- 120. The poem complains abou lack of imperial recognition, and in Chil-cha shat chick 7.0 this i taken a reference t0 Fan, surely an erroneous interpreation, 230 ALBERT E. DIEN tion of the reliance of the Wai-chuan on the Chia-chuan is the fre- quent correspondence of the Wai-ckuan text to those of the Hin Tang shu and the Teu-chik Cung-chien. As we shall see, these latter accounts were admittedly drawn from the Yek-hou chia-chuan. ‘As for the relationship of the Yeh-hou wai-chuan and the Chiu Tang shu, there are seven places where the two are virtually identical, but one cannot say definitely which is the earlier. Two examples give contradictory evidence.*! There is no need to decide the issue, since itis likely that both versions were based on a third—that is, on the Yek-hou chia-chuan. Therefore, one can, at most, only say that the Yek-hou wai-ckuan was compiled sometime after Li Fan’s death, circa 827-831, but before 978, when the T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi was compiled. ‘No mention of the Yek-hou chia-chuan is made in the Chiu T'ang shu, In Sung Chii’s postface to Li Mis biography in the Hsin Tang. sha, however, there is a very interesting statement: “Much of Fan’s text is superficial and extravagant and cannot be believed (pu k*o hsin ARALB). We have selected that which seems to be true (chin shih SEW) and have written it into this account.”#* Ssu-ma Kuang agreed with Sung’s evaluation, for we find him "The Yek-how chia- chuan was written by his son; and although it is difficult to believe all 2 (a) CTS ngo.zuand HVC gun The phrase RUISUE (or TE) IR serves in {HW to sum up an anectote about Lis Courage in remonarting wth che emperor, ‘whereas in CTS thekstoran has obviously tacked on «complain about L's interet the ocalt.(2) CTS 1g0.zb-Su and THC an. The nase BEI APB, KIA BLE {k,n CTS makes beter ene than the shortened version of THC. st 8 SUA Raat. "2 HTS 190.6. The term chin shh may be tasted literally a “to approach the truth or reat,” thus implying an abclte that may or may not be atainabl, Even the translation "near to what really happened” raises interesting problems. More Tiel, however, chin is ued in the sense in which it occas in another page by Sung CG ven above, where the word is better rendered as "i resemble, to see tobe.” One may thus avoid imposing a concept of abtact "rah or "realy that may be Pbropiaehere. There stil remains the interesting point not tobe considered here, tow te histori conceived of shih, Theat tat Sung Cheon the portions hee oe chin shih i cited by Chao 18158 (727-1814), Kati tung Bt 584% (Shanghai, 1957) 11.95 10 deny the charge that Z17S made use of unreliable material (sinoshue 780). YEH-HOU CHI4-CHUAN AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE 331 of it, how can it be entirely disbelieved? We here select those parts that are credible (Ro hsin "YB." tis important to note the implication in these two works that the Yeh-hou chia-chuan is the source used for reconstructing Li Mi’ life.** One wonders about the fate of the papers that usually accumulated during a career in office. Although there is no record in the various bibliographies that Li Mi's writings were collected, a preface to such a collection, written by Liang Su (753-793), has been preserved. Ac- cording to this preface, the Yeh-how wen-chi BMC was a work in twenty chiian containing some 300 poems and 120 pieces of prose, including petitions, epitaphs, prefaces, and discussions. Some 50 items had already disappeared when the preface was written in 789 and were said to be listed by title only.** It is probable that the col- 8 TOTC 255.7519. Chang Hsii 426, T'ung-chien hsiich 38 #4 (Shanghai, 1948), pp. 65-64, states tha the ably of Seu-a Kuang to select the reliable portion f books ot entirely credible (APTA AZ) ia the reason for the outstanding exellence werere. 2 Independent confimation of reliance on YHCG forthe biography in HITS is apparently offered by Wu Chen SUBR in his Hain Tangs civm | BRD (preface Gated 1089, Tings c-ch‘eng ed). In Li Mis biography, HTS 150 7b is said that ‘Yn Shu BL,» eld pry, wae nin years odin 728 hen be was called to court and impressed the emperor wits his eloquence. In convertion with the emperor, he ‘ecommended his cousin Li Mi as being even more of prodigy. However, in the ibligraphical say of TS (59.0), Van Shu ie aid to hae presented a book tothe fenperer in 720 as 2 youth and to have been called co court at that tie, The two references to Vn ae incompatible, and We Chen, poating this out, said “In general, that recorded in i's biography is buted on the YHCC. One ought to consider the {reference in the Bibliographical] Enny to be correct"; Hain Tang shu chun 102-105, Though Wu's knowledge aboot the sources for HS maybe based on Sung Gis statement in his postnce, Wa sil had access to YHCG;and given the nature af is work he was certain to hae confined it Moreover, ht statement implies that he pliced mo grea store on the rlablity of Li Fan's writings. The anecdote is found in HC apb-ga in preter detail 1 Wenytan ying hue SCRESEME (1567 ed) 705.ab-gh. Thin piece alo appeats in Chin Pong wer BHF. (0814 es reprinted Tape’: Hoi-wen shure, 1961) s18.1a2b, Liang Su has a short biography, HTS 202.2gh, based on material in epitaph, Wensilan ying-hua u4Sa-gb. Special mention is made of his interest in ‘Taoism (cf. ga). It was Liang’s widow whom Li Fan seduced (see note 18). ase ALBERT E. DIEN lection as a unit disappeared before the end of the T‘ang dynasty. Much of the material in Li Mi’s biography in the Hsin T'ang shu, and even more so that which pertains to him in the Tew-chih t'ung- chien, is cast in the form of private conversations between Li and an emperor or prince. It would seem probable that such conversations are derived from the Yek-how chia-chuan, From surviving scraps of the Yeh-how chia-chuan, especially those preserved in the Taw-chih ung chien K‘ao-i, we know that this was the characteristic format of Li Fan’s work, One such conversation took place in 757, when, after the vari- ous rebellions had been suppressed, Li was brought to Ch‘ang-an and was received by the emperor Su-tsung:"” Mi: The rewards I have now received are enough what greater pleasure ‘would there be than to become again a man of leisure! ‘The Emperor: You and 1, my master, have shared concerns and difficulties for many years; now that we may share happiness, why do you want to leave? Mi: Your vassal has five reasons why he cannot remain. 1 wish Your Majesty to allow me to leave so as to save myself from death. ‘The Emperor: How is that? Mi: Your vassal was received by Your Majesty too early, Your Majesty has given me responsibilities that are too heavy, has favored me too greatly; the achievements credited to me are too lofty, and the effects too singular. These are the reasons I cannot remain. ‘The Emperor: You had better rest; we will discuss it another day. Mi: Your Majesty at present rests on your vassal's couch and still does not grant my request. How much less chance will there be on another % Wang Anahi, in accordance withthe emperors with, presented to the throne a work ented Yekhou tah | SRF; in a petion accompanying ithe mentioned the crisis that YO-wen T'ai “#3 $f had faced, commented on his employment of Su ‘o #EHY, and finally urged that the writings of Li Mi were worthy of consultation. ‘See Lin-ch*uan hsien-sheng wen-chi Oi! $4: 3CHE (SPTK ed.) 42.8b-ga. Chu Hsi EH ina note (Ge BY) 10 Wang's pestion,conesed that he ka been a Tow to xphan the teterence to Ya-wen Tai and Su Ch'o until he iacovered that Wang bad tarier recommended to the emperor the Li Tl-hw hua Hf a2 source of informa tion about the fifingy an insaton tionally bed ob the eration of thone two ten sce Hun hse sheng Chu Wer-ung wen-

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