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Abstract
Volcanic eruptions are frequently invoked as the mechanism responsible for changes observed in the archaeological and environmental
record. This paper argues that the evidence for this assumption is slight and that while there are examples of this, they are rare. Several
case studies are discussed which illustrate the complex nature of the relationship between human cultures and volcanic eruptions and it is
suggested that volcanic activity frequently acts as a stimulus rather than a brake to cultural development.
r 2006 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction the most recent eruption of the Toba super volcano and a
broadly coincident human genetic bottleneck, which
Despite the popular paradigm, which sees volcanic suggests that the human race was brought to the brink of
eruptions as a constant threat and readily associates extinction, has received a large degree of attention (cf.
volcanic eruptions with both past and future human Rampino and Ambrose, 2000), less notice has been paid to
disasters (Velikovsky, 1950; Maddox, 1984; Burgess, the suggestion (Fedele et al., 2002) that the environmental
1989; White and Humphreys, 1994; Peiser et al., 1998; stresses introduced in Europe by the 37,000 cal yr BP
Gunn, 2000; Keys, 2000; Rampino, 2002); closer examina- Campanian ignimbrite eruption, actually fostered the
tion of human history often reveals a different story. expansion of Homo sapiens at the expense of the less
Evidence suggests that some of our early ancestors lived in adaptable Homo neandertalis.
proximity to active volcanoes; Pliocene and Pleistocene It is clear therefore that a broader appreciation of the
hominid remains have been found associated with volcanic relationship is called for (cf. Torrence and Grattan, 2002);
material in East Africa and hominid footprints have as this paper reiterates several great centres of civilization,
famously been found in preserved in ancient African and cradles of human cultural development have thrived despite
European tephra fall (Woldegabriel et al., 2000; Mietto their intimate association with centres of active volcanism.
et al., 2003). Even in Europe, early humans also appeared These include the classical civilizations of the Mediterranean
to have lived in close proximity to active volcanoes (Raynal basin, the civilizations which occupied the central basin of
et al., 1998; Boef, 2001; Kieffer and Raynal, 2001; Lefevre Mexico and Central America, Japan and South East Asia.
et al., 2001). As the human species has developed it has To this day there is little movement of people away from
endured and survived events which today are classed as centres of volcanic threat and 455 million people live within
Super Eruptions, which were capable of global environ- 100 km of volcanoes which have been active during the
mental forcing (Rampino and Ambrose, 2000; Fedele et al., Holocene (Chester et al., 2001; Small and Naumann, 2001)
2002) but these inuences need not necessarily have been When a broad range of archaeological, palaeoecological and
entirely negative. While far from proved, the association of historical data is considered from around the world it is
apparent that while there is evidence for the occasional
Tel.: +44 1970 622922; fax: +44 1970 622659. short-term catastrophe, the broader term picture that may
E-mail address: john.grattan@aber.ac.uk. be presented is rather more complex.
1040-6182/$ - see front matter r 2006 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2006.01.019
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J. Grattan / Quaternary International 151 (2006) 1018 11
700 km from the caldera and the Takeshima-Koya An Early Bronze Age settlement found beneath the modern
pyroclastic ow which travelled 100 km across the sea town of Frattinimore, contained material which had been
and reached the Japanese mainland. The environmental ignited by the pyroclastic ow. Within the 20 cm tephra fall
impact of this event was considerable and evidence has isopach, which extends for over 60 km to the north east,
been assembled which points to signicant vegetation resettlement on the alluvial plain did not occur for ca. 230
changes, swarms of landslides, and ooding, indeed so years, but appears to have been immediate on the high
much material was eroded from the landscape that delta ground which rings the basin. This does not indicate a
construction appears to have taken place (see Machida and wider cultural catastrophe but perhaps an understandable
Sugiyama, 2002). The scale of the vegetation change is reluctance to construct permanent settlement on the plain
indicated by the work of Sugiyama (1999) who suggests in the short term and its longer term unsuitability for
that the broad leaved evergreen forest, typied by agricultural exploitation. The wider area of Italy, beyond
Lucidophylus phytoliths was destroyed and that the the immediate reach of the eruption exhibits no signs of
regional ecology did not return to pre-eruption conditions stress or discontinuity, a situation which was repeated
for 8900 years. Associated with this devastation was the following the AD 79 event (Sigurdsson et al., 1982). Allison
Japanese Neolithic Jomon ceramic culture, which disap- (2002) demonstrated that in economic terms the impact of
pears from the archaeological record and is eventually the eruption on the region was minimal, its productivity
succeeded by other ceramic styles, from distant regions, was maintained and there is no evidence of a failure of the
which is indicative of cultural discontinuity and change. region to continue to contribute to Roman commerce; this
Archaeological research to date suggests that reoccupation is a picture rather at odds with the determinist model which
of the region did not occur until the ecology had recovered, could be constructed following a reading of Pliny, or the
up to 900 years after the Kikai eruption. recent examinations of the eruption victims excavated in
From these two case studies we may draw some broad Herculaneum (Mastrolenzo et al., 2000, 2001). Resettle-
conclusions. Cultures may be vulnerable to the direct ment following the AD 79 eruption was rapid, taking only
impact of volcanic eruptions, but in these cases the a few decades. In part this rapid recovery could be seen as a
principal mechanism for long-term cultural change appears reection of the overall economic, social and political
to be the modication of the ecology upon which the vigour of the Roman state whose response to the
culture relied. Scale of volcanic event is not necessarily the catastrophe may be interpreted as being robust. Thus an
sole factor in determining cultural impact. We can see in immediate catastrophe for its direct victims appears to
West New Britain that the subsistence strategies adopted have had no impact on the world beyond the immediate
conditioned post-eruptive vulnerability and recovery. In physical reach of the volcano.
Japan, the scale of the KikaiAhoya event and the Less well known are the impacts of the AD 472 Pollena
environmental change which followed overwhelmed the eruption of Vesuvius (Rosi and Santacroce, 1983). This
Jomon pottery culture. These lessons are important when eruption, generated a substantial eruption column, VEI 3
we consider other, better known case studies, where the (Simkin and Siebert, 1994), pyroclastic surges and scoria
volcanic impacts and cultural impacts are equivocal. ows and the local highlands were blanketed with
extensive, 430 cm depth, tephra fall. The major environ-
4. Volcanic eruptions, adaptation and continuity mental impacts of the event appear to be associated with
secondary ows and the mobilization of unconsolidated
In many areas the proximity of active volcanoes has not pyroclasts by heavy rainfall. These processes buried
been an obvious brake on cultural development, and it is buildings and destroyed essential agricultural infrastruc-
possible to suggest that adaptation is the norm rather than ture. In contrast to the AD 79 event, this eruption occurred
the exception. Even where several volcanic catastrophes are at a time of political, economic and social stagnation and
apparent in the archaeological record, it is difcult to the fragmentation of the Roman state. Interpretation of the
discern anything other than broad continuity in the long- available archaeological evidence indicates that a profound
term archaeological record. regional decline set in following this event (Mastrolenzo
et al., 2002). The eruption was not the sole cause of
4.1. Vesuvius and the Palma Campania this decline; as Mastrolenzo et al. (2002) point out, the
archaeological evidence suggests that the region was
A clear example of this may be found in the settlement of already undergoing an economic downturn and the
the Palma Campania which surrounds Vesuvius. The eruption appears to have intensied and perhaps extended
impact of the Avellino pumice eruption upon the Early this process.
Bronze Age settlement of the Palma Campania has been In this case study, we see that it is difcult to view the
explored in detail (Albore-Livadie et al., 1998; Albore- response of cultures to volcanic forcing purely from the
Livadie, 1999). People were killed by the eruption while standpoint of the physical scale of the volcanic event. The
they worked in elds 13 km to the north east of Vesuvius, smallest of the three volcanic events, the AD 472 eruption
and were buried by the tephra fall where they fell and had the most severe impact, but this event impacted upon a
pyroclastic ows travelled at least 20 km to the north west. culture severely weakened by political, social and economic
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14 J. Grattan / Quaternary International 151 (2006) 1018
instability and thus potentially more vulnerable to forcing Typical of these studies is the excavation of the Hashimer-
by a natural disaster. ugawa archaeological site which was directly affected by six
tephra falls between 5500 and 1000 cal BP. The eruptions of
4.2. Catastrophe or opportunitythe Minoan eruption of Kaimondake, between the 6th and 9th century AD initially
Santorini deposited a 5 cm thick scoria deposit (the Ak-1 tephra)
on the settlement, but life appears to have continued
With the exception of Vesuvius perhaps no volcano has unaffected. A subsequent eruption of Kaimondake depos-
coloured the popular paradigm of the role of volcanic ited a 20 cm thick tephra layer (AK-2 tephra). This event
eruptions in human history as Santorini and the role it may did affect all factors of village life, with damage to both the
have played in the downfall of Minoan culture and their village and its essential resources, such as the river. Despite
dominance of trade in the eastern Mediterranean and the severity of the event the villagers adapted to the stress,
Aegean seas. Yet this is an association which serves to cleaning out houses and repairing damage, the pre-
illustrate the pitfalls which await the unwary researcher existing community continued in being (Shimoyama,
rather than a paradigm which we can use to illuminate 2002a, p. 336). The settlement was nally abandoned in
similar research problems. the face of a 30 cm thick tephra fall, the MK tephra.
The impact of the Late Bronze Age (LBA) eruption of However, even in this case it does not appear that
Thera (Santorini) has been the focus of considerable abandonment was a decision made in panic. Excavation
research, yet despite the magnitude of the event (VEI 6.9, suggests that the act of abandonment was a deliberate
Simkin and Siebert, 1994) and the geographical location of strategy adopted in the face of severe environmental
the volcano, at the heart of the sea going Cycladic pressure from the volcano. It is interesting to note that
civilization, debate ranges as to the extent to which, if at the excavators concluded that the most signicant cultural
all, the eruption signicantly disrupted the environment change noted in the settlements affected by eruptions of
and inuenced the cultural trajectory of the peoples of the Kaimondake occurred as the result of the introduction of a
Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean (Marinatos, 1939; new form of government, not as a result of change induced
Driessen and MacDonald, 2000; Driessen, 2002; Bottema by volcanic activity! Throughout the life of the settlement it
and Sarpaki, 2003). Claims for the impact of the eruption is clear that strategies were adopted which allowed the
have been considerable including widespread famine communities affected to adjust to the impacts of the
(White and Humphreys, 1994) and global climate change eruptions and maintain their way of life.
(Baillie and Munro, 1988; Kuniholm, 1990; Kuniholm
et al., 1996), but the case remains unproven (cf. Eastwood 4.4. Multiple volcanic events and small island communities
et al., 2002; Manning, 1999; Manning and Sewell, 2002)
and even the precise dating of the eruptions remains the Comparatively isolated island cultures dependent on a
subject of vigorous dispute. relatively stable subsistence resource may be conceived to
Within the limitations of current dating, what can be be vulnerable to even small-scale disruption of their
seen is that the Minoan culture which has been excavated environment by volcanic activity, but recent research does
on Crete entered a long period of decline which coincides not support this hypothesis.
with the appearance of a vigorous sea going culture which A study of the pre-European settlers of the Fijian island
had its power base in mainland Greece. Such a change in of Taveuni, which contains over 150 scoria cones (Cronin
the balance of regional power could be seen as the result of and Neall, 2000) suggests that the inhabitants were exposed
the weakening of Cretan culture by the eruption, but it to 28 moderate (VEI p2) volcanic eruptions. A series of
need not be. Human history is a continuous record of eruptions that occurred between 300 and 500 AD, did cover
orescence followed by decline of economic and military much of the southern part of the island in lavas and thick
power. In this case the regional centre of gravity can be blankets of tephra, resulting in the apparent abandonment
seen to move, but it is difcult to identify a signicant shift of the affected areas for several hundred years, but
in the cultural trajectory of the region. To resolve these elsewhere on the island settlement was continuous with
questions it will be necessary to provide the clear evidence no sign in the available records for stress-induced change.
of both the environmental impacts of the eruption and Following most eruptions resettlement of marginally
evidence of inherent vulnerability to these mechanisms in affected areas was seen to be rapid, and while several
the Minoan culture, which are currently lacking. settlements have been buried by volcanic products in the
islands history there is no evidence that these events led to
4.3. Multiple volcanic eventsJapan wider disturbances of the population.
Similar examples of regional catastrophes, tolerance and 5. Volcanic proximity: cultural brake or spur?
recovery may be noted in Japan (Shimoyama, 2002a, b),
where with the exception of unequivocal disasters such as El Chichon, which is typical of many volcanoes in
the KikaiAhoya event discussed above, most excavations southern Mexico and Guatemala, has erupted frequently
point to adaptation and recovery rather than catastrophe. throughout 2500 years of continuous proximal human
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J. Grattan / Quaternary International 151 (2006) 1018 15
occupation. Human artefacts may be found embedded in it is not difcult to see the proximity of active volcanoes to
pyroclastic ow deposits, evidence of rapid reoccupation Central and South American cultures in the long term as
between volcanic events (Tilling et al., 1984). The classic being a spur rather than a brake. The persistence of
Mayan civilization, which developed and thrived in this settlement in the southern basin of Mexico and the great
area was exposed to several substantial eruptions including cultures which grew and ourished there in the face of
two classied as VEI 4, dated to 553614 AD and considerable volcanic activity (Del Pozzo et al., 1997), bear
676788 AD (Espndola et al., 2000), and volcanic tephra witness to the resilience with which cultures may respond
was used to give Mayan ceramics their classic temper (Ford to persistent hazard.
and Rose, 1995). The rst of these events appears to have Another example of this relationship may be found in
had little discernible impact upon the Mayan civilization. It the history of Iceland. The Icelandic people have weathered
has been proposed the second of these events coincides frequent severe volcanic eruptions and endured several of
with the collapse of this culture in the western Maya the severest eruption in recorded history including the
lowlands, which has been dated to 760810 AD (Adams Eldgja ssure of 934 AD and the notorious eruption of the
and Jones, 1981) and it has been suggested that the Laki ssure in 1783. Taken together the impacts of the
eruption may have been a factor in a 200 year drought Laki Fissure eruption were severe generating poor climate
which made the period 8001000 AD the driest in the and crop damaging acid rain and fog which were felt across
Holocene (Hodell et al., 1996). However, current under- Iceland (Thordarson and Self, 2003), Europe (Grattan et
standing challenges the assumption that volcanic activity al., 2005) and beyond (Demaree et al., 1998). Together
was responsible for this long period of environmental stress these mechanisms brought about the death of up to a
and drought. Detailed palaeoecological analysis (Goman quarter of Icelands people and three-quarters of its
and Byrne, 1998) identies a long process of anthropogenic livestock (Steingrimssom, 1998). To any culture, particu-
forest clearance which was followed by drought; further larly one so isolated and marginal as Iceland in the 18th
our current understanding of volcanic modication of century, this would be a severe blow. Abandonment of the
climate would not support the possibility that a relatively island was considered, but the Icelanders and their
modest VEI 4 eruption could trigger a 200 year drought in vigorous culture survived and subsequently ourished.
central America (Robock, 2000). Finally the window of Today the volcanic threat is also one of the countrys
opportunity afforded by the degrees of error in dating both economic strengthsits geothermal energy resources.
the eruption and the cultural collapse do not prompt
condence in ascribing a dependent relationship between 6. Cultural adaptation and risk assessment
the two events.
Other volcanoes in Central America are intimately In pre-literate communities important knowledge may be
associated with cultural development. The eruption of communicated via oral histories, as was the case of the
Xitle volcano, the products of which have unequivocally inhabitants of the Papua New Guinea highlands who had a
destroyed the Pre-classic Cuicuilco pyramid 2000 years strong oral tradition about the Long Island eruption ca.
ago, may have stimulated the development of the great 1660 (Blong, 1982), but it is clear that cultures can adapt to
ceremonial centre of Teoltihuacan (Gonzalez et al., 2000). volcanic risk by incorporating the necessary risk avoidance
Nor was Xitle the only volcano which affected pre-classic strategy into their cultural organization. This phenomenon
cultures in the basin of Mexico. Plunket and Urunela is well illustrated by the Maori people of New Zealand
(1999, 2000), describe the impact of a Plinian eruption in (Lowe et al., 2002). Exposed to frequent volcanic activity in
the second half of the 1st century AD upon pre-classic North Island, Maori culture appears to have adapted to the
settlement on the north eastern slopes of the volcano. It is hazard by establishing tapu (taboo) over areas which were
clear from their archaeological research that although the clearly at risk. Maori legend tells of catastrophes which
settlements were buried by considerable ash-fall, the befell those who broke these tapu and these areas only
settlements had been evacuated before the event. Knowl- appear to have been entered when the perceived benet was
edge and perhaps apprehension of the volcano is apparent particularly high, or the threat from competing clans was
in volcano shrines which were excavated in different severe, necessitating the need to balance one risk against
houses. As in other case studies described here contem- another.
porary settlements beyond the tephra fall do not appear to Galipaud (2002) suggests that in Melanesian societies,
have been abandoned and it is thought that affected frequent experience of volcanic activity has led to volcanic
villagers were subsumed into these communities, demon- eruptions being perceived as part of the normal order of life
strating the value of wider social networks and kin groups and knowledge of the hazards has led to cultural
in times of upheaval, which has been noted as an effective adaptation. Low population density and a network of
survival strategy in the context of small island groups by alliances and obligations allow threatened groups to
Galipaud (2002). relocate and avoid destruction, returning later when the
Overall, while individual eruptions did undoubtedly event had passed and the island ecology was re-established.
impact on specic settlements or regions and may Adaptation is not only seen in relatively isolated
consequently have disrupted regional balances of power, communities. Following the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo,
ARTICLE IN PRESS
16 J. Grattan / Quaternary International 151 (2006) 1018
the response of the inhabitants of Bacalor township in the Albore-Livadie, C., 1999. LEruzione Vesuviana delle Pomici Avellino
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