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For assistance with IPA transcriptions of Dutch for In the Netherlands, /v/ can devoice and merge with
Wikipedia articles, see Help:IPA for Dutch. //.[4][7] According to Collins & Mees (2003), there
are hardly any speakers of what they call Standard
Dutch phonology is similar to that of other West Ger- Netherlandic Dutch who consistently contrast /v/
with //.[7] In Frisian accents of Dutch, word-initial
manic languages.
/v/ is always realized as [].
Voiceless post-velar trill fricative [] which, // and // are not native phonemes of Dutch and usu-
before /j/, can be fronted to [];[3] ally occur only in borrowed words, like show and
bagage baggage. Depending on the speaker and
Voiceless post-velar [x ] or uvular []
the position in the word, they may or may not be dis-
fricative.[4]
tinct from the assimilated realisations of the clusters
In the south, the distinction between /x/ and // is /sj/ and /zj/. If they are not distinct, they will have
generally preserved as velar [x ] or post-palatal [x the same range of realisations noted above.
].[4][5][6] Some southern speakers may alternate
between the velar and post-palatal articulation, de-
pending on the backness of the preceding or suc- 1.2 Sonorants
ceeding vowel. Velar, post-velar and uvular variants
are called harde g hard g, while the post-palatal /m/ and /n/ assimilate their articulation to a follow-
variants are called zachte g soft g. There is also a ing obstruent in many cases:
third variant called zwakke harde g weak hard g,
in which // is realized as [] and /x/ is realized as Both become [m] before /p/ and /b/, and []
[h] and is used in Zeeland and West Flanders, which before // and /v/.
are h-dropping areas, so that // does not merge with /n/ merges into // before velars (/k x /).
glottal variants of // and /x/. The realisation of //, in turn, depends on how
1
2 1 CONSONANTS
a following velar fricative is realised. For ex- The realization of // also varies somewhat by area
ample, it will be uvular [] for speakers who and speaker:
realise /x/ and // as uvulars.
/n/ may be realised as [] before /j/.[10] That
The main realisation is a labiodental approx-
occurs also before // or // and, under assim-
imant [], found particularly in the Nether-
ilation, before /sj/ and /zj/.
lands.
The exact pronunciation of /l/ varies regionally:
A number of dialects in Belgium[17][18] and the
In the North, /l/ is 'clear' before vowels and southern Netherlands use a bilabial approxi-
'dark' before consonants and pauses. Inter- mant [], which is like [w] but without strong
vocalic /l/ tends to be clear except after the velarization.
open back vowels / /. However, some speak-
ers use the dark variant in all intervocalic In Suriname and among immigrant popula-
contexts.[11] tions, [w] is usual.
Some accents, such as the Amsterdam and the
Rotterdam ones, have dark /l/ in all positions.
Conversely, some accents in the eastern re- The nal 'n' of the ending -en (originally /n/, with a
gions, along the German border (for exam- variety of meanings) is not pronounced in many areas
ple around Nijmegen), as well as some Stan- unless when one stresses the word, which makes those
dard Belgian speakers, have clear /l/ in all words homophonous with forms without the -n. It is
contexts.[11] dropped both word-nally and word-internally in com-
pound words. The pronunciation can be morphologically
The quality of dark /l/ varies; in the North it sensitive and can distinguish words, as the -n is dropped
is pharyngealized [l], but in a nal position, only when it is part of the distinct ending -en but not when
many speakers produce a strongly pharyngeal- the word has a single stem ending in -en. Thus, the word
ized vocoid with no alveolar contact ([]) in- teken ('I draw') always retains its -n because it is part of an
stead. In Belgium, it is either velarized [l] or indivisible stem whereas in teken ('ticks) it is dropped be-
post-palatalized [l].[12] cause it is a plural ending. These words are, therefore, not
The realization of /r/ phoneme varies considerably homophones in dialects that drop -n despite being spelled
from dialect to dialect and even between speakers in identically.
the same dialect area: Final -n is retained in the North East (Low Saxon) and
the South West (East and West Flemish), where it is the
The historically original pronunciation is an schwa that disappears instead. This creates a syllabic [n]
alveolar trill [], with the alveolar tap [] as or (after velars) syllabic [] sounds: laten [latn]; maken
a common allophone. [mak ]. Some Low Saxon dialects that have uvular pro-
The uvular trill [] is a common alternative, nunciation of // and /x/ (or one of them) also have a
found particularly in the central and south- syllabic uvular nasal, like in lagen and/or lachen [la]
ern dialect areas. Uvular pronunciations ap-
pear to be gaining ground in the Randstad.[13]
Syllable-nally, it may be debuccalized to [],
much as in German. This is more common in 1.3 Final devoicing and assimilation
the (south)eastern areas (Limburg, southeast
Brabantian, Overijssel). Dutch devoices all obstruents at the ends of words, as is
The coastal dialects of South Holland produce partly reected in the spelling. The voiced z in plural
a voiced uvular fricative [], which causes it huizen [y z] becomes huis [y s] ('house') in singu-
to merge with a uvular // and (if devoicing lar. Also, duiven [dy v] becomes duif [dy f] ('dove').
occurs) with /x/. In these dialects, schijven The other cases are always written with the voiced conso-
('discs) and schrijven ('to write') are homo- nant, but a devoiced one is actually pronounced: the d
phones. in plural baarden [bard] is retained in singular spelling
The retroex approximant [] or bunched baard ('beard'), but the pronunciation of the latter is
[14]
approximant is found at the end of a sylla- [bart], and plural ribben [rb] has singular rib ('rib'),
ble by some speakers in the Netherlands, es- pronounced [rp].
pecially those from the Randstad, but not in Because of assimilation, the initial /v z / of the next word
Belgium.[15] Its use has been increasing in re- is often also devoiced: het vee ('the cattle') is [()t fe].
cent years.[16] In the traditional Leiden dialect The opposite may be true for other consonants: ik ben ('I
it has been used everywhere in a word. am') [g bn].
2.1 Monophthongs 3
distinctively long /i y u/, making the length dis- This swapping of realisations may also happen
tinction marginally phonemic. in some dialects of North Holland, including
notably that of Amsterdam. Fronted short []
Notes about the long close-mid vowels /e o/: occurs only before some consonants, e.g. man
They are often realized as narrow diphthongs [man].
[e o]. Dialects which use monophthon- In Low Saxonspeaking areas, the local reali-
gal pronunciations [e o] in all or most sation of /a/ may be particularly fronted, tend-
positions include most eastern and southern ing towards [].
Netherlandic ones, Standard Belgian and also
many other Belgian accents. Several dialects have retained the distinction between the
Some speakers from Leiden use a very wide so-called sharp-long and soft-long e and o, a distinc-
pronunciation of /e/, namely []. It is not tion that dates to early Middle Dutch. The sharp-long va-
used before /r/ (see below), and it does not rieties originate from the Old Dutch long and (Proto-
merge with /i/, which, for these speakers, is Germanic ai and au), while the soft-long varieties arose
realized as [] instead. from short i/e and u/o that were lengthened in open syl-
Certain dialects of southern Holland have a lables in early Middle Dutch. The distinction is not pre-
more central starting position of these diph- served in most modern Standard Dutch pronunciations
thongs, tending towards [ ]. The di- and is not recognised in educational materials, but it is
alect of Antwerp realizes /e/ as [i~~e] still present in many local dialects, such as Antwerpian,
instead.[22] West Flemish and Zealandic. In these dialects, the sharp-
long vowels are often opening diphthongs such as [] and
The long close and close-mid vowels are often pro- [], while the soft-long vowels are either plain monoph-
nounced with dierent vowel height or as centering thongs [e] and [o] or slightly closing [e] and [o].
diphthongs before an /r/ in the syllable coda:
The long close vowels become [i y u] or are 2.2 Diphthongs
allophonically lengthened to /i y u/.
The long close-mid vowels are commonly
raised to near-close [ ] or converted to
centering diphthongs [e o] or [ ],
depending on the dialect. Some speakers may
not have such allophones at all, and pronounce
[e o] in every position. Some, particu-
o
larly Netherlandic speakers have similar allo-
e
phones before coda /l/, while others may main-
tain a long monophthong or even the usual
closing diphthongs before /l/. Certain Nether-
landic speakers may also neutralize some of
i u
the tenselax vowel contrasts before coda /l/, y
similarly to neutralizations found in Cockney.
Perhaps the most common neutralization is /l/
/el/: heel [], [] ('complete'), Stan-
dard Dutch [e]. Diphthongs of Netherlandic Dutch, from Gussenhoven
(1992:47)
The long open-mid vowels / / occur only in a
handful of loanwords, mostly from French. Dutch also has several diphthongs. All of them end in a
close vowel (/i y u/), but they may begin with a variety
The open vowels // and /a/ are generally realised so
of other vowels. They are grouped here by their former
that the latter is more fronted than the former, but
element.
the exact realisations may dier by dialect.
In many southern areas, the distinction is less /i y u/ are the most common diphthongs
clear as /a/ is realised more at the back and and commonly the only ones considered true
more closely to [], especially in Brabantian phonemes in Dutch. /i/ and /i/ are rare and oc-
and Limburgish. In some subdialects, espe- cur only in a few words.
cially the city dialect of Antwerp, the back-
ing is particularly strong, and // is fronted to- The long/tense diphthongs are generally analysed
wards [] as well, so the two sounds eectively phonemically as a long/tense vowel followed by a
switch articulation. glide /j/ or //, in which the latter has the allophone
2.3 Example words for vowels and diphthongs 5
prex, the prex is separable and separates as kom voor /-p-/ > /-f-/: German Schaf vs. Dutch schaap ,
in the rst-person singular present, with the past partici- English sheep
ple vrgekomen. On the other hand, verbs with an un-
stressed prex are not separable: voorkmen becomes /-t-/ > /-s-/: German Wasser vs. Dutch water ,
voorkm in the rst-person singular present, and voork- English water
men in the past participle, without the past participle pre-
/--/ > /-d-/: German das, Dutch dat vs. English
x ge-.
that
Dutch has a strong stress accent like other Germanic
languages, and it uses stress timing because of its rel-
Dutch generalised the fricative variety of Proto-
atively complex syllable structure. It has a preference
Germanic *// as [] or [], in contrast with German,
for trochaic rhythm, with relatively stronger and weaker
which generalised the stop [], and English, which lost
stress alternating between syllables in such a way that
the fricative variety through regular sound changes.
syllables with stronger stress are produced at a more
or less constant pace. Generally, every alternate syl- Dutch also underwent a few changes on its own:
lable before and after the primary stress will receive
relative stress, as far secondary stress placements al- Words with -old, -olt or -ald and -alt lost the /l/ in fa-
low: W.g.n.ngn. Relative stress preferably does not vor of a diphthong as a result of l-vocalisation. Com-
fall on // so syllables containing // may disrupt the pare English old, German alt, Dutch oud .
trochaic rhythm. To restore the pattern, vowels are of-
ten syncopated in speech: kn.d.rn > /kn.dr(n)/, /ft/ changed to /xt/ (North) or /t/ (South), spelled
h.ri.ngn > /ar.(n)/, vr.g.lj.king > /vr.li.k/. cht, but it was later reverted in many words by
In words for which the secondary stress is imposed lexi- analogy with other forms. Compare English loft,
cally onto the syllable immediately following the stressed German Luft, Dutch lucht (pronounced [lxt] or
syllable, a short pause is often inserted after the stressed [lt] ).
syllable to maintain the rhythm to ensure that the stressed
syllable has more or less equal length to the trochaic unit Proto-Germanic */u/ turned into /y/ through
following it: bm..ml.ding, wr..l.z. palatalisation, which, in turn, became the diphthong
/y/ , spelled ui. Long */i/ also diphthongised
Historically, the stress accent has reduced most vowels to /i/ , spelled ij.
in unstressed syllables to [], as in most other Germanic
languages. This process is still somewhat productive, and
it is common to reduce vowels to [] in syllables carrying
neither primary nor secondary stress, particularly in sylla- 6 Sample
bles that are relatively weakly stressed due to the trochaic
rhythm. Weakly stressed long vowels may also be short- The sample text is a reading of The North Wind and the
ened without any signicant reduction in vowel quality. Sun.
For example, politie (phonemically /politsi/) may be pro-
nounced [poli(t)si], [pli(t)si] or even [pli(t)si].
6.1 Netherlandic
6.2 Belgian
8 References
The phonetic transcription illustrates the speech of a
highly educated 45-year-old male who speaks Belgian [1] Gussenhoven (1999:75)
Dutch with a very slight regional Limburg accent. Sen-
[2] Collins & Mees (2003:189202)
tence stress is not transcribed.[31]
[3] Collins & Mees (2003:191192). The source says that
the main allophone of this sound is a fricative with a very
6.2.1 Phonemic transcription energetic articulation with considerable scrapiness, i.e. a
trill fricative.
/d nord(n)nt n d zn | ar(n) ryzi an t mak(n)
| ovr i t strkst s | tun r n rizr vorbi [4] Gussenhoven (1999:74)
km mt n rm js an || z sprak(n) f | dt
[5] Verhoeven (2005:243, 245)
den di rn zu sla(n) m d rizr zin js t dun
ytrk(n) | d strkst s || d nord(n)nt blis zo rt [6] Collins & Mees (2003:191192)
i kn | mar u rdr i blis | u rmr d rizr
zx ndfld || ytindlk f i zin po p || dn [7] Collins & Mees (2003:48)
bn d zn rt t sxin(n) | n d rizr det n- [8] Collins & Mees (2003:190)
mdlk zin js yt || d nord(n)nt must tuev(n) |
dt d zn t strkst s/ [9] Collins & Mees (2003:155 and 193)
[15] Segberts. The Sociophonetics and Phonology of Dutch r. Rietveld, A.C.M.; Van Heuven, V.J. (2009), Al-
gemene Fonetiek, Uitgeverij Coutinho
[16] http://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/306415
[20] Collins & Mees (2003:92) Verhoeven, Jo (2005), Belgian Standard Dutch,
Journal of the International Phonetic Association 35
[21] Collins & Mees (2003:98) (2): 243247, doi:10.1017/S0025100305002173
[22] Camerman (2007:19) Verhoeven, Jo (2007), The Belgian Limburg
[23] Stroop, Jan (October 1999). Young Womens Farewell to dialect of Hamont, Journal of the Interna-
Standard Dutch. Poldernederlands. Retrieved 31 August tional Phonetic Association 37 (2): 219225,
2012. doi:10.1017/S0025100307002940
[29] Gussenhoven (1999:76) Debaene, Mathijs (2014), The close front vow-
els of Northern Standard Dutch, Southern Standard
[30] Source: Gussenhoven (1999:76). Close-mid vowels are Dutch and Afrikaans: A descriptive, comparative
transcribed as diphthongs according to the same page. and methodological inquiry (PDF), Ghent: Univer-
[31] Verhoeven (2005:247) sity of Ghent Faculty of Arts and Philosophy
de Coninck, R. H. B. (1970), Groot uitspraakwo-
ordenboek van de Nederlandse taal, Uitgeverij De
9 Bibliography Nederlandsche Boekhandel
Booij, Geert (1999), The phonology of Dutch, Ox- Heemskerk, Jose; Zonneveld, Wim (2000), Uit-
ford University Press, ISBN 0-19-823869-X spraakwoordenboek, Utrecht: Het Spectrum, ISBN
90-274-4482-X
Camerman, F. (2007), Antwerps schrijven, pp. 19
24
Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (2003), The Pho- 11 External links
netics of English and Dutch, Fifth Revised Edition
(PDF), ISBN 9004103406
Gussenhoven, Carlos (1992), Dutch, Journal of
the International Phonetic Association 22 (2): 45
47, doi:10.1017/S002510030000459X
Gussenhoven, Carlos (1999), Dutch, Handbook
of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to
the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet, Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 7477,
ISBN 0-521-65236-7
Gussenhoven, Carlos; Aarts, Flor (1999), The di-
alect of Maastricht (PDF), Journal of the Inter-
national Phonetic Association 29 (02): 155166,
doi:10.1017/S0025100300006526
Peters, Jrg (2006), The dialect of Hasselt, Jour-
nal of the International Phonetic Association 36 (1):
117124, doi:10.1017/S0025100306002428
9
12.2 Images
File:Belgian_Dutch_diphthongs_chart.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f8/Belgian_Dutch_
diphthongs_chart.svg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work, based on the vowel chart in Jo Verhoeven - Standard
Belgian Dutch (Journal of the International Phonetic Association 35, page 245) Original artist: Ahls23
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allophones_of_rounded_monophthongs.svg License: CC BY-SA 4.0 Contributors: Own work, based on the vowel charts in B. Collins & I.
M. Mees - The Phonetics of English and Dutch, Fifth Revised Edition, pages 98, 130, 132 and 134. ISBN 90-04-13225-2 Original artist:
Peter238
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I. M. Mees - The Phonetics of English and Dutch, Fifth Revised Edition, pages 92, 98, 130, 132 and 134. ISBN 90-04-13225-2 Original
artist: Peter238
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srcset='https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/06/Dutch-diphthongs.png/40px-Dutch-diphthongs.png
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10 12 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES