Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
Research Monograph
Understanding the Emergence of Islamic Extremist:
Causes in the perspective of Bangladesh
Submitted to :
Dr. Mrs. Nelofar Parveen
Professor
Dept. of Political Science
University of Dhaka
Submitted By :
Md. Tanvir kabir
7th Semester, Roll: 29, Section : A
Dept. of Political Science
University of Dhaka
Page |2
Table of Contents
Chapter- One ................................................................................................................................................ 4
1.1 Introduction: ....................................................................................................................................... 4
1.2 Statement of the problem: ................................................................................................................. 4
1.3 Objectives of study: ............................................................................................................................ 5
1.4 Literature Review: ............................................................................................................................... 5
1.5 Justification of the study: .................................................................................................................... 5
1.5 Nature and Scope of the study: .......................................................................................................... 5
1.6 Research Methodology: ...................................................................................................................... 6
1.7 Sources and Modes of Data Collection: .............................................................................................. 6
1.8 Limitation of study: ............................................................................................................................. 6
1.9 Conclusion: .......................................................................................................................................... 7
Chapter- Two ................................................................................................................................................ 8
2.1 Concept of Extremism: ........................................................................................................................ 8
2.2 Concept of Fundamentalism : ............................................................................................................. 9
2.3 Fundamentalism and Islam ............................................................................................................... 10
2.4 Fundamentalism and Islamist Terrorism .......................................................................................... 11
2.5 Islam in Bangladesh :......................................................................................................................... 11
2.6 Political Islamic Parties:..................................................................................................................... 12
Chapter- Three............................................................................................................................................ 13
3.1 Introduction: ..................................................................................................................................... 13
3.2 The Transformation of Islamic Extremism ........................................................................................ 13
a) Mujib Regime: ............................................................................................................................. 13
b) Zia Regime: .................................................................................................................................. 14
c) Ershed Regime: ........................................................................................................................... 14
3.3 The Growth of Islamist Groups: ........................................................................................................ 14
3.4 Jamatul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB): .......................................................................................... 16
3.5 The Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB): ................................................................................ 16
3.6 The Harkatul-Jihad-Islami (HuJI): ...................................................................................................... 16
3.7 The Islami Chhatra Shibir: ................................................................................................................. 17
3.8 The Hizb-ut-Tahrir: ............................................................................................................................ 17
3.9 Conclusion: ........................................................................................................................................ 17
Chapter-Four............................................................................................................................................... 18
Page |3
Chapter- One
Introduction
1.1 Introduction:
Extremism has taken a new shape in Bangladesh for the last couple of months as we had to behold
some of the incidents including the killing of different foreign citizens residing in Bangladesh.
Various reports and studies pointed out that political gaming with the Islamist elements by the
political parties is inspiring the rise of Islamic political groups and Islamic extremism and
militancy. Different radical, extremist and militant groups are groups which generate thousands
of members and who have been continuing their activities under different names. Each of these
groups has several thousand activists in this country. Besides this, there are more incidents which
give us the warning of a resurgence of militancy in this country since it was stopped for a long
time. Issues behind resurgence of militancy in Bangladesh. The nature of various Islamist militant
groups and the extent of their terrorist activities have particular underlying causes of militancy In
Bangladesh. So, it is considered to find out the causes of emergence of Islamic extremism in the
perspective.
includes the process of making awareness among the public about the bad side of the emergence
of the extremism. As a political science student this topic covers the main part of the political use
of religion to understand the whole scenario.
1.9 Conclusion:
Extremism has become the most dangerous threat for the nation as weel as Bangladesh. They are
engaging in murder, bombing on villages and dwellings. Not only these, they are also attacking on
the buildings like religion, education, art, science or charitable purpose, historic monuments, and
hospitals. Finally it must be stated that a developing country like Bangladesh which is densely
populated is under worse situation. The international extremist groups are very much keen to
establish their branch and has already established in some extant in Bangladesh. So the initiatives
for prevention of growth of emergence of the extreme activities should be taken at once for safe
and sound development and also proper service to the people of Bangladesh.
Page |8
Chapter- Two
Understanding the Basic Concepts
It is convenient that to understand the basic concepts of the research that cover some basic terms
like fundamentalism, extremism and terrorism. Sometimes it is related to each other and
overlapping in different perspective. Moreover it is seen frequent in the religious based developing
countries like Bangladesh. By examining how religious fundamentalism has accelerated and
intensified terrorism within the modern world, scholars can focus on determining the why. By
historically defining terrorism and fundamentalism and then placing them within the context of
current religio-political and socio-political discourse, one can observe the shift from nationalism
into terrorism and therefore understanding the innate interconnectedness of fundamentalism and
terrorism as a whole.
Eric Hoffer and Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. were two political writers during the mid-20th century who
gave what purported to be accounts of "political extremism". Hoffer wrote books such as The True
Believer and The Passionate State of Mind about the psychology and sociology of those who join
"fanatical" mass movements. Schlesinger wrote books such as The Vital Center, championing a
supposed "center" of politics within which "mainstream" political discourse takes place, and
1
Anderson, Owen. Philosophical Perspectives; in Jeffrey Ian Ross (ed.). Religion and Violence: An
Encyclopedia of Faith and Conflict from Antiquity to the Present. Vol. 2. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe,
2011, pp. 557-556.
2
Bleich, E. Faith and state: British policy responses to Islamist extremism. In R. Eatwell and M. J.
Goodwin, eds. The New Extremism in 21st Century Britain, pp.67-84. London: Routledge, 2010
Page |9
underscoring the alleged need for societies to draw definite lines regarding what falls outside of
this acceptability.3
3
Cordesman, A. H. Islamic Militancy Can Be Defeated Only by Muslims, Not by Western Governments.
In Amanda Hiber, ed. Islamic Militancy. (Opposing Viewpoints Series), pp. 189-201. Detroit: Greenhaven
Press, 2008.
4
This is an expanded version of a paper entitled Religious Fundamentalism: A paradigm for terrorism?
given to the National Counter Terrorism Capability Seminar, Victoria University of Wellington, New
Zealand, in August 2005.
P a g e | 10
epiphenomenon riding on what are really political ideas and actions, or that fundamentalism is
really just a passing fad, such studies have only served to highlight what subsequent history and
recent events underscore: that religious fundamentalism is a deeply rooted phenomenon that can
give rise to, rather than itself relies upon, political acts.5
Furthermore, such Muslim fundamentalists, he argues, are not traditionalists; their 6 ideal is the
selectively perceived and arbitrarily purified state of seventh-century Islam. That Islamic
fundamentalists go beyond the Quran is given credence by an Egyptian example of a
fundamentalist sheikh, or legal scholar, a renowned authority on the Islamic concept of human
rights who declared in a fatwah of June 1993 published in a London-based Arabic newspaper
that every Muslim who pleads for the suspension of the shariha is an apostate and can be killed.
The killing of those apostates cannot be prosecuted under Islamic law because this killing is
justified. However, nowhere in the Quran is there support for such a fatwah. The command to
slay reasoning Muslims is un-Islamic, an invention of Islamic fundamentalists. Tibis critique is
trenchant and far-ranging, although he does tend to gloss the religious basis and component of
Islamic fundamentalist ideology. In the end I think he provides an example of the critical scholar
who yet underplays the religious dimension. I suggest it is the ideology of religious
fundamentalism as such that needs to be addressed if there is to be any sustained successful counter
to the contemporary threat of Islamist terrorism, or indeed of any terrorism that arises out of, or in
conjunction with, a particular religious milieu. 6
5
Bassam Tibi, The Challenge of Fundamentalism: Political Islam and the New World Disorder. Updated
Edition. Los Angeles, University of California Press: 2002, iv.
6
Bryan Gilling, ed., Be Ye Separate: fundamentalism and the New Zealand experience, Red Beach:
Colcom Press, 1992, xi.
P a g e | 11
Furthermore, the report claims that young professionals from privileged backgrounds, as well as
students, have become involved in extremist politics and even terrorism. Such young Muslim
men have enjoyed all the benefits and opportunities of the contemporary globalized industrialized
world. These are not the warrior peasants of 7 old, intent on sweeping out the corrupt and decayed
administrations in order to inaugurate a renewal of their society. There may have been an echo of
that ancient Islamic paradigm motivating Pashtun tribesman of the Taliban. It is most certainly not
the agenda of an al Qaeda terrorist cell. Extreme actions are not being called for in the name of a
societal reformation and the overthrow of evil. Rather evil is being employed for no more reason,
practically speaking, than a cruelly quixotic tilting at the windmill of Western society per se. As
Johann Hari remarked of the July 2005 London bombers, they were not poor, they were not
persecuted, they were not personally humiliated. For Hari, any explanation of their actions can
only lie in the extraordinary power of political ideas. But the political dimension is clearly
embedded in the religious, as Hari implies: With one leap of faith they were soldiers in the
International Jihad, doing the work of Allah himself to liberate Muslim peoples across the world.8
7
Bale, J. Denying the Link between Islamist Ideology and Jihadist Terrorism: Political Correctness and the
Undermining of Counterterrorism. Perspectives on Terrorism, 7, no. 5, pp. 1-46
8
Bleich, E. Faith and state: British policy responses to Islamist extremism. In R. Eatwell and M. J. Goodwin, eds.
The New Extremism in 21st Century Britain, pp.67-84. London: Routledge, 2010.
9
Miller, Tracy, ed. (October 2009), Mapping the Global Muslim Population: A Report on the Size and
Distribution of the World's Muslim Population
P a g e | 12
first choice by a citizen for self-identification. The constitution makes Bangladesh a secular state
and guarantees freedom of religion, however the United Nations has recognised the country as
moderate Muslim democratic country. Islam was introduced to Bengal in the 13th century and
later become main religion, coming from mainly by the arrivals of Arab and Persian missionaries
and merchants. 10
10
"National Volume - 2: Union Statistics"). Population and Housing Census. Bangladesh Bureau of
Statistics. 2011.
11
Banu, U.A.B. Razia Akter (1992). Islam in Bangladesh. New York: BRILL. pp. 3435.
P a g e | 13
Chapter- Three
The Emergence of Islamic Extremism in Bangladesh
3.1 Introduction:
Bangladesh has generally been heralded as a stable, democratic Muslim state that has made great
strides in economic and human development. Following the restoration of democracy in 1990, it
carried out three largely free and fair general elections in 1991, 1996, and 2001. Since 1999, attacks
by Islamist militants have been increasing. They have targeted opposition politicians, scholars,
journalists, members of the judiciary, religious minorities, and members of the Islamic Ahmadiyya
sect. Recent years have seen a deepening crisis in governance with continued politicization of civil
society, deterioration of judicial independence, and diminishing rule of law and respect for human
rights. Until very recently, the ruling coalition of Prime Minister Khaleda Zia (backed by two
Islamist parties) denied the existence of Islamist militancy in Bangladesh, dismissing these charges
as hostile propaganda, designed to besmirch the countrys reputation. Following a countryside
terrorist attack in August 2005 and recent suicide bombings, the government has begun cracking
down on selected individuals.12 So it should to necessary to know the process the Islamic
extremism.
12
Cherian, John, Politics of Animosity, Frontline, September 1124, 2004
13
Chattopadhay, Suhrid Snkar and Haroon Habib, Challenges in the East, Frontline [Chennai], January
1427, 2006.
P a g e | 14
segments of Bangladeshi society, though disaffected from Pakistan, had viewed Sheikh
Mujibs pro-India policies with considerable distrust.
b) Zia Regime: After a brief interregnum, in November 1975 General Ziaur Rahman, the
chief of staff of the Bangladesh army, seized power. In an attempt to legitimize his rule
General Ziaur first opened the door to radical Islamists. He encouraged the return of those
who had collaborated with the Pakistani army and built ties with the Jamaat. He also
dismantled constitutional provisions prohibiting the formation of communal parties and
associations. Finally, he started the erosion of the constitutional commitment to secularism
with a series of amendments that gave primacy to Islam.14
c) Ershed Regime: Internecine rivalry within the military contributed to his assassination in
May 1981. After his demise there was a brief span of civilian rule under Abdul Sattar, a
former Supreme Court judge. He was overthrown in another military coup in March 1982.
Under the new military dictator, General Husain Mohammed Ershad, the march toward the
Islamicization of Bangladeshi society and state continued. In 1988 Ershad amended the
constitution and declared Islam the state religion. In late 1990 Ershad was overthrown as a
result of a mass popular uprising. Since then Bangladesh has moved fitfully toward civilian
rule.15
14
Kibria, Nazli, Political Violence Spreads in Bangladesh, The Japan Times, April 10, 2005.
15
Ganguly, Sumit, Bangladesh and India, in Assessing the Quality of Democracy, Larry Diamond and
Leonardo Morlino, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005.
P a g e | 15
military rule Bangladesh did enjoy a modicum of political stability and modest economic growth.
However, the problems of corruption and political chicanery became endemic.
Despite the militarys return to the barracks and the restoration of democracy in 1990, these
problems contributed to institutional decay. According to many observers, the judiciary was
backlogged and corrupt; the police and paramilitary forces were brutal and venal; the press, though
combative, did not adhere to robust norms of professional reporting; and the bureaucracy was
mostly slothful and inept. With the principal organs of the state failing, Bangladesh saw a
phenomenal growth in nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). However, NGOs, even highly
effective ones, cannot take over the functions of a modern state.
Despite their ideological and political differences, the parties are outgrowths of the personalities
of these two leaders. There is little intra-party democracy in either organization. Once in
parliament, neither party has shown regard for the notion of a loyal opposition. Both have resorted
to extra-parliamentary tactics to undermine the functioning of parliament. Consequently, most
parliamentary proceedings have the quality of political theater and little else. The ongoing conflict
between them has contributed to fundamental failures of governance. The reliance of the BNP on
the Jamaat for support enables the latter to wield political influence well beyond its parliamentary
(and electoral) strength. One of the most troubling aspects of the Jamaats presence in parliament
is its links with various radical Islamist organizations. In the wake of the 2005 bomb blasts that
rocked Bangladesh, the authorities arrested seven members of the Jamaatul Mujahideen. All had
been members of either the Jamaat or its student wing, the Islami Chhatra Shibir.
Radical Islamists direct their wrath against any individuals or groups that profess secularism and
express unrelenting hostility toward sectarian and religious minorities. They intimidate members
of the dwindling Hindu community and harass the minuscule Ahmadiyya Islamic sect. Evidence
continues to mount that this harassment occurs with the complicity of the Bangladeshi state. In its
most recent annual report, the United States Commission for the Protection of Religious Freedom
noted that non-Muslims in Bangladesh face societal discrimination and are disadvantaged in
access to government jobs, public services, and the legal system. The commissions report
expressed concern about the governments decision, under militants pressure, to ban the
publication and distribution of Ahmadiyya religious literature in January 2004. The courts
suspended the ban in December 2004 (with further legal action pending), but the government has
not withdrawn it, despite international pressure.16
In addition, radicals have harassed, intimidated, and even killed journalists and writers they deem
un-Islamic. They have launched periodic attacks against the vulnerable Hindu population and have
threatened to destroy the mosques of the Ahmadiyya community. There is little doubt that the
Bangladeshi state in general, and the Khaleda Zia coalition regime in particular, has tacitly
permitted these groups to pursue their activities without much hindrance.
When in power, the AL also is hardly immune to criticism along these lines. For example, in its
last days in 2001 the AL dismantled the Vested Property Act (which had deprived Hindus of their
homes and land holdings as early as 1969). However, the provisions of the law that annulled the
16
Karlekar, Hiranmay, Bangladesh: The Next Afghanistan? New Delhi: Sage, 2005.
P a g e | 16
act were so anemic that it did little to protect Hindu property rights. Nor did subsequent regimes
make much effort to vigorously enforce the new provisions. Observers of Bangladeshi politics
have described this half-hearted attempt to overturn the law as a mostly symbolic gesture designed
to court the Hindu vote before a national election. More recently, in an attempt to subtly outbid
the BNP in courting the orthodox, key AL members have publicly used religious symbols and
slogans.
Marked Islamic Extremist Groups:
Currently several militant Islamist groups exist in Bangladesh. They are the Jamatul Mujahideen
Bangladesh (JMB), the Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), the Harkatul-Jihad-Islami
(HuJI), the Islami Chhatra Shibir, and the Hizb-ut-Tahrir.17
3.4 Jamatul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB): The JMB formed in Jamalpur district in 1998. Its
precise antecedents are unclear. Some reports in the Bangladeshi press contend that it is the youth
wing of the outlawed militant organization, the Harqat-ul-Jihad. It first came to the attention of the
press, political authorities, and the public in May 2002, when eight members were arrested while
allegedly in possession of incendiary bombs. In February 2005, faced with growing pressures from
international donors, the government of Bangladesh banned the organization.
3.5 The Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB): The JMJB derives its inspiration from the
Taliban movement in Afghanistan. It is widely believed to have formed in 1998 but came to public
attention in 2004 when it started to Radical Islamists direct their wrath against any individuals or
groups that profess secularism and express unrelenting hostility toward sectarian and religious
minorities. Radicals have harassed, intimidated, and even killed journalists and writers they deem
un-Islamic. target members of the left-wing organization, the Purbo Banglar Communist Party
(East Bengals Communist Party). The JMJB was banned in February 2005. In March 2006, under
international pressure, the Bangladesh government finally arrested one of the most notorious JMJB
operatives, Siddiqur Islam, who was known by his nom de guerre, Bangla Bhai (Bengali
brother).
3.6 The Harkatul-Jihad-Islami (HuJI): According to press reports, the HuJI formed in 1992
with the assistance of Osama bin Ladens International Islamic Front. Since its inception it has
demanded that Bangladesh be converted into an Islamic state. Like its counterparts, the JMB and
the JMJB, it is acutely hostile to secular organizations and individuals. Some sense of its
ideological leanings can be gleaned from its slogan, Amra Sobai Hobo Taliban, Bangla Hobe
Afghanistan (We will all become the Taliban and we will turn Bangladesh into Afghanistan). The
Ahsan, Zayadul, Inside the Militant Groups, 1: Trained in Foreign Lands, They Spread Inland, The
17
HuJI is suspected of working in concert with the ISI-D and the United Liberation Front of Assam
(ULFA). Press reports suggest that HuJI operatives have helped the ULFA set up and run training
camps in the Chittagong Hill Tracts next to the Indian state of Tripura.
3.7 The Islami Chhatra Shibir: Jamaat-i-Islami (founded as early as 1941) has a student wing
called Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS). It shares the other Islamist groups goal of establishing an
Islamic state in Bangladesh. Its influence is most pronounced on a number of university campuses,
notably in Chittagong, Dhaka, Jahangirnagar, and Rajshahi. It is also expanding its presence at
Khulna and Sylhet universities. Press reports link the ICS to the activities of Pakistans ISI-D in
Bangladesh.
3.8 The Hizb-ut-Tahrir: The Hizb-ut-Tahrir intriguingly enough, was founded in Jerusalem in
1953. Its Bangladeshi chapter started in November 2001 in the wake of a rising tide of anti-
Americanism. The organization has managed to gain considerable strength in various public and
private universities through extremely deft recruitment tactics. Several press reports have
implicated the group in serious acts of violence18
3.9 Conclusion: The most compelling, proximate cause of the emergence of extremism of Islam
in Bangladesh is the states failure to address endemic problems of unemployment, poverty,
environmental degradation, and political order. As a result large segments of the population have
little faith in the efficacy of state institutions. In such a political milieu, religious With the principal
organs of the state failing, Bangladesh saw a phenomenal growth in nongovernmental
organizations. One of the most troubling aspects of the Jamaats presence in parliament is its links
with various radical Islamist organizations. The most compelling cause of militant Islam in
Bangladesh is the states failure to address unemployment, poverty, environmental degradation,
and political order. groups and organizations, which provide basic social services, assume an
important role.19 Furthermore, they underscore the states inability to perform the quotidian tasks
of maintaining public order, providing essential social services, generating employment, and
pursuing public works.
18
Rashid, Harun ur, The Rise of Islamic Extremism in Bangladesh, The Daily Star, March 2, 2005.
19
Riaz, Ali, God Willing: The Politics of Islamism in Bangladesh. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and
Littlefield, 2004
P a g e | 18
Chapter-Four
Understanding the causes of the Islamic Extremism in Bangladesh
Here it is going to show the result of survey method and interview method to find out the causes
of Islamic extremism in the perspective of Bangladesh. Different hypothesis are formed to ask the
participants to explore the main causes of this extremism. By Interview methods it is got an
intensive information about the causes.
It is going to be discussed the reason of the emergence of the Bangladesh militancy as well as
extremism. It was asked that the meaning of Islamic extremism. After asking the reply was like
The Islamic extremism means a fundamental interpretation of Islam, potentially including the
promotion of violence to achieve the political goal. 20
partly yes
27%
no
43%
20
Interview no-1 : Sohel Rana
21
interview no-4: Monhurul Hasan
P a g e | 19
yes 30
No 0
Partly Yes 0
No comment 0
P a g e | 20
10
0
YES
NO
Partly yes
No comment
5.5 Religion based Political party taking state power causes the Extremism:
In the recent times there is seen the religious political parties have the influence to vote business.
It creates the position to the main stream secular political parties to come the state power. So, it is
considered one of the main reason for emerging Islamic extremist in Bangladesh.
YES YES
Partly yes
33% NO
20%
Partly yes
NO No
37%
P a g e | 21
4.9 Having no future oriented policy of the ruler and policy maker:
The question was: Does having no future oriented policy of the ruler and policy maker the
emergence of the Islamic extremism? The Survey report says
Comment Of the 30
persons
yes 19
No 3
Partly Yes 5
No comment 3
17
5 6 2
YES NO 1 yes
Partly No comment
Comment Of the 30
persons
yes 18
No 3
Partly Yes 4
No comment 5
This is how the causes are finding in two different methods. In the survey methods 19 participants
are male and 11 participants are female. From these two methods, it is seen that all the young
people are considered the problem and they have a clear understanding of the causes of Islamic
extremism.
22
Interview no-1 : Sohel Rana
23
Interview no-2 : Omor Farukh
P a g e | 25
Chapter- Five
Findings and Concluding Remark
The results section is where a report the findings of A study based upon the methodology or
methodologies that is applied to gather information. The results section should simply state the
findings of the research arranged in a logical sequence without bias or interpretation. A section
describing results is particularly necessary if your paper includes data generated from this research.
5.1 Findings:
As this paper focuses on the topic The emergence of the Islamic Extremism: Causes in the
Perspective of Bangladesh. Now we have a clear understanding of the major causes of the
emergence of Islamic extremism. They are: