r5-l^ql

THE IMPACT OF IIITERNATIONAL LABOUR

MIGR..TION IN INDONESIA

by

RI.I{TO ADI

Thesis subitted in fulfilment of te

requi-rements of ttre Doctor of Philosophy Degree
in Populaton and Itma Resources'
Department of GeograPtrY'
Faculty of Arts'
The unwersty of edelaide
Marctr, 1996
 lu

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to acknowledge my profound thanks and gratitude to

Prof essor Graeme ,J. Hugo and Prof essor Dean Forbes, fry
supervisors, who have tirelessly lent their time and
enerqy, shared their wealth of knowledge and given
guidance in the process of writing this thesis.

I amgrateful to the Australian International Development

.Assistance Bureau (AusAid) for an award under the Eguity
and Merit Scholarship Scheme (EMSS-AIDAB) for five years
study in Australia. My thanks are also due to Atma Jaya
Research Centre and Atma Jaya Foundation which gave me
the opportunity to study at The Faculty of Social
Sciences, Flinders University of South Australia and The
Faculty of ALts, The University of Adelaide, South
Australia. To the University of Adelaide my sincere
appreciation thanks for financial support for my
fieldwork. My thanks to the Indonesian Government and
other 1ocal authorities for permission to undertake
fieldwork in Desa Sukasari, West Java, Indonesia and al-so
to Pusat AKN, Indonesian Department of Manpower in
sharing their information. This is a fitting place to
thank The Head of Desa Sukasari (Haji Aan Sutianda), his
staff and the people of Desa Sukasari, who gave of their
time and patience in being interviewed during the
gathering of data.

I sincerely appreciate the help of my fieldwork

colleagues from the Tnstitute Pertanian Bogor (Ir. Raden
Sirait, It. Drusilla S. Hutauruk, Ir. Dian Suryanti, Ir^.
Meriati K. Sitanggang, Ir. Juniati Aritonanq, Tuah
Darmawan, SH) for their enthusiastic involvemenL in
inLerviewing respondents. My grateful thanks are also due
to Solehudin, a Sukasari villager, who assisted me in the
 lv

fieldwork, especially by making me feel at home during

the village study. Thanks, s we1l, to a1l my friends at
the Atma .Taya Research Centre/ especially my colleagues
Drs. Sutrisno R. Pardoen, and Drs. Sahat Sitohang MSc.,
for their helpful suqqestions, Heru Prasadja MSc. and
Drs. Heri Pramono for assistance in preparing the data
for analysis using the SPSS program and Ir. Dian Suryanti
who helped me in coding and data entry. My thanks are
also due to many people in Adelaide (Margaret Young,
Tania Ford, Janet Wal1, Chris Crothers, Lorraine Lienert
and all my colleagues in the Population and Human
Resources Program) who have contributed through
discussion and by assisting me to solve some of the
problems relating to my work. I extend my appreciation to
all of them.

Fina11y, fly deepest gratitude to my wife, Wahyu

Yuliastuti, who has encouraged and mentally supported me
n doing this thesis and patiently cared for our children
with love and affection during our stay in Adelaide (Eka
Ayu Afrianti, 15, Rangqa Meidianto, 12, Astrina
Septianti, 10 and Kania Riastuti, 7) .

To my mother: Sembahsungkemku. . . .

Adelaide, March 1,996

 ABSTRACT

Thj-s thesis is concerned with the understanding and

clarification of the impact of international labour
migration in fndonesia. Detailed understanding of the
impact of this movement on individuals, families,
communities and the nation as a whole, is still limited.
However, the Indonesian Government has been involved in
sending contract workers overseas for two decades and now
plans to enlargre the volume and improve the quality of
the workers in order to help unemployment problems within
the country and obtain foreign exchangre to enhance
economic growt.h.

The thesis firstly introduces some significant issues

relating to the effects of international labour migration
on sending countries, outlines the objectives of the
study and the approach adopted in addressing these
objectives. It briefly discusses the geographical context
of the study and outlines relevant theories of migration
and major research findings with respect to the impact of
international labour migration. The study then moves on
to a case study of a village in West .Tava whch has
experienced a significant amount of international labour
migration. The patterns and processes involved in that
movement are initially analysed as a prelude to the
detailed examination of the impacts of international
labour migration.

Population mobility as an independent variable, has

consequences not only for the migrant him/herself and.
 vl

his/her family, but also for the community and nation as

wel1. At the micro level, temporary work overseas has
benefit for the migrant and his/her family. However, in
the long run/ the impact depends on how they use their
remittances and experiences to improve their life. At the
macro 1evel, remittances and experience are two important
potential sources of benefit for the community of origin
of overseas contract workers, s assets for improving the
standard of living of the community. However, the impact
depends on the volume of overseas contract workers and
the quality of experience (skills) which they have
gained.

For Indonesia as a whole the benefits from overseas

contract workers are sti11 relatively smal1, due to the
fact that this- country has a huge population in relation
to the number of overseas workers. However, such mobility
of workers across country's boundaries for temporary work
has been shown to be important leading to a variety of
changes which, f not anticipated, could impede nation
building. Therefore, to maximize the benefits accruing
from this movement, the fndonesian Government should take
more account of this issue, devote greater attention to
collecting detailed information about it and develop
policies and programs which will maximise the benefits
accruing from it and minimise the costs associated with
international labour migrration.
 vll

TABIJE OF EONTENTS

Declaration ii
Acknowledgement iii
.Abstract v
Table of Contents vii
List of Tables x
List of Figures xiv
List of Plates >(V
Abbreviations and Glossary xvii

CIIAPTER 1: TNTRODUCTION 1

1. Introduction
1- L
t "2 Objectives of the Study 4
1_. 3 The Context of the Study 8
L.4 Organisation of the Thesis T6
t_. 5 Conclusion 18

CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRMEWORK t9

2.1- Introduction 19
2.2 Explaining International Labour Migration 20
2.3 The Impact of International Labour Migration 32
2.4 An Analytical Framework for Studying the
Impact of International Labour Migration 40
2.4.L Impact Upon the Individual Migrant 44
2.4.2 Impact Upon the Family/Household 50
2.4.3 Impact Upon the Community 55
2.4.4 Impact Upon the Nation 59
2.5 Conclusion 62

CIIAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY 66

3.1- Introduction 66
3.2 Secondary Data on International Labour
Migration In Indonesia f1-
3.2.1 The Directorate of Immigration '72
3.2.2 Data from Pusa AI(N (Centre for
Overseas Workers) '75
3 .2.3 Overseas Labour Suppliers 78
3.3 The Field Survey Design 81
3 .3 . 1- Selection of the Study Area 82
3.3.2 Selection of Respondents and Sampling
 vlll

Procedures for Household Survey 91,

Field Data Collection
3 a
J 3 105
3.3.3 . 1 Interviewing Respondents l-05
.2 In-Depth Interviews and
Direct Observation 108
3.4 Field Data Editing and Processing 110
3.5 Conclusion 111

CHAPTER 4 INDONESIAN INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRTION:

AN OVERVIEW 11_ 3

4.r Introduction 1 l-3

4.2 Pattern and Scale of Indonesian Labour
Migration L1-4
4.2.I Indonesia's Colonial Period 7]-4
4.2.2 Af ter Independence IL9
A-)
Indonesian Government, Policy on
Sending Workers Overseas 129
4.4 Implementation of the Overseas
Worker Program 131
4 5 Studies of Indonesian Internat.ional
Labour Migration r40
4 6 Concl-usuion L41

CHAPTER 5 STUDY AREA: THE CONTEXT OF POPULATION

MOBILITY L4B

5 1 Introduction r48
5 2 The Physical Sett.ing 150
5 3 The Province of West Java L56
5.3.1 Population Growth and Distribution t-56
5.3 .2 Socio-economic Conditions L66
5 4 Desa Sukasari L70
5.4.I Population Distribution and Density I10
5.4.2 Socio-economic Conditions r74
5 5 Conclusion LB4

CHAPTER 6 THE CAUSES AND PROCESS OF INTERNATIONAL

LABOUR MIGRTION IN WEST .JAVA,INDONESIA 185
6 1 fntroduction 1_85
6 2 Mobility in West Java 186
6 3 Population Mobilit.y in Desa Sukasari 19s
6 4 Thg Process of Internat,ional
Labour Migration From Desa Sukasari L91
6.4.I The Decision to Migrate 2II
6.4.2 The Role of Middlemen 2L3
6 5 Conclusion 2L7
 IX

C}IAPTER 7: TMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGRATION:

THE TNDIV]DUAL LEVEL OF ANALYSIS 2]-9

.t Introductron
'7 21,8
7.2 Demographic Characteristics of OCWs 220
1.2 .l- Gender Selectivity 220
'7 .2 .2 Age Selectivity z
.,. .3 Marital Status 231-
7.2 .4 Level of Modernity 233
7 3 Soc io-Economic Condition 237
'7.3 .I Income Level and Employment 237
/.J .2 Social Welfare 242
.3 Social/Political Participation
Upon Return 243
7.4 Conclusion 248
CHAPTER B: IMPACT OF TNTERNATTONAL LABOUR MIGRTION:
THE HOUSEHOLD LEVEL OF ATVALYSTS 25r
Introduction
B. 1- 25I
8.2 Demographic Characteristics of the
Household 253
I .2.t Family/Household Size and Composition 253
I .2 .2" Marriage/Divorce and Fertility 259
8.3 S ocio-economic Condition of the Household 265
B .3 . 1- Income Level and Employment 265
I .3.2 Social Welfare 277
8 .3.3 Social/Politica1 Participation 286
8.4 C onclusion 289
CIIAPTER 9: IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGR-A,TION
THE COMTIUNTTY LEVEL OF A\TALYSTS 29L
9. l- Introduction 291-
9. 2 Demographic Impact on Community 294
9. 3 Socio-Economic Impact on Community 300
9.3.1- Income Level and Distribution 300
9.3.2 Employment 303
9.3 .3 Social 3 l-1
9.4 Concl usLon 3L8

CIIAPTER 10: IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR MIGR.A,TION:

THE NATTON LEVEL OF AIVALYSIS 32t
10.1 Introduction 321-
10.2 Demographic fmpacts 323
10. 3 Socio-Economic Impacts 324
l-0.3 . 1 Income Level and Distribution 325
1-0.3 .2 Employment 330
10 . 3 . 3 Foreign Exchange 332
l-0.4 Conclusion 334
 x

CIIAPTER l-l-: CONCLUSION 339

l-l-.1 Introduction 339

IL"2 Findings and Implications Reqarding
the Scale, Pattern and Causes of Inter-
national Labour Migration 340
1l-.3 Findinqs and Implications Regarding the
impact of Impact of International Migration.344
11.3 .1 Individual and Family 344
LL.3.2 Community and Nation 345
1-1-.4 Some Policy Implications 34'7
l-l-.5 Sugrgestions for Further Research 349
11-. 6 Conclusion 354

REFERENCES 355

APPENDICES 3'79

Appendix 1" Country Distribution of Legal Indonesian

derseas Workers L979 / 80-l-991 / !992 380

Appendix 2 Village Questionnaire (English Summary) 382

Appendix 3 Listing of the Overseas Workers, Desa
Sukasari, 1,992 (English Summary) 400

Appendix 4 Household Questionnaire (English

Summary ) 40l_

Appendix 5 The Score of Socio-economic Variables 465

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1"1 Distribution of Indonesian Population and

Growth Rate , 1-971--1990 L4
2.L A Framework for the Analysis of the Impacts
of International Labour Migration on the
Sending Country (Adapted from Hugo, L982a
: l-91 , L987:140) 42
2.2 Some Demographic and Socio-Economic Impacts
of International Labour Migration Upon Sending
countriy (Extracted and adapted from Hugo,
 XI

1985a: L9 ,34,6L) 43
2.3 Proportion of Households wth Consumer Goods
(with and without overseas contract labour),
1983 tr1
)L Value of Total Merchandise Exports and
Recorded Net Remittances for Sefected Asian
Countries, 19BB -I99L 61
3.1 Number of Indonesian Citizens Overseas at
the End of Year L981 -7992 15
3.2 fndonesian Worker Identification Form
(Daftar Identi-tas Tenaga Kerja Indonesia)
3.3 Questionnaire for Overseas Contract Worker
Candidates (Designed by the Indonesian
Manpower Supplier Association (fMSA) BO
3.4 Indonesia: Number of Administrative Units,
L992 B4
3 5 The Province of Origin of Indonesian
Overseas Workers, in the Fifth Five Year
Development Plan, Aprif 1989-March 1992 B4
3.6 The Origin (kecamatan) of Indonesian Overseas
Workers, in the Fifth Five Year Development
Plan, April 1989-August L992 B7
3.1 Indonesian Overseas Workers from Kecanatan
Cianjur ,".ince L919 90
?o Total- Population, Households and Overseas
Contract Workers in Sukasari Village 95
?q The Value of Reliability 91
3.1_0 : The Total Sample of Respondents for Pilot.
Survey 99
3 .l_1 The Topic of Questions in the Questionnaire
of OCW and Non-OCW Household 1_00
3.r2 : The Calcul-ation of Nn.Sh2 103
'> 12
J. !J Sample OCW Households in Each Dusun r04
t/t
Sample OCW Households in Each Dusun Accordj-ng
to Mal-e and Female OCWs r04
3.l_s OCW Household Respondents According to Dusun,
Stat.us of OCW, Sex of OCW and Sample Non-OCW
Households 108
4 .1- The Population of Surinam in 1949 115
4.2 fndonesian People in Malaya Accordj-ng to
L947 Census of Malaya IL6
4.3 The Bawean Population in Singapore, IB49-1951 118
4.4 Average Annual Labour Force Growth Rates,
Asian Countries, l-880 -201,0 L23
4 5 Number of Indonesian Overseas Workers
1-969/74-I992/93 by Gender, Processed by
PusaI AKAN 1-24
4.6 Number of Indonesian Overseas Workers
April l-989-January 1,992 by Gender and Tzpe L26
4.1 The Problems Encountered by Sukasari's OCWs 139
5.1_ Population Distribution and Growth Rate of
Indonesia, t911, to 1-990 L51
5.2 Number and Growth Rate of Population and
 xll

Urbanisation, Kabupaten in West Java,

1_97r-L990 1_6 0
5.3 Population Distribution of West Java, by
Urban/Rural Areas and Gender, 1,97t to 1990 r_6 1_

5.4 Population Distribution and population

Density of West Java , 19'71 to l-990 L63
5.5 Total Transmiqrantion of West Java and
Kabupaten Cianjur 1986 / 8"7 -1990 / 9t r-6 5
5.6 Distribution of Indonesian Population
Accordingr to Island ( in 1, 000, 000 ) 1-66
5.7 Population Aged 10 Year and Over by
Occupation, West .Tava t9'7 1--1-990, Kabupaten
Cianjur and Desa Sukasari 1990 ]-67
5 x The Population of Aged 1-0 and Over by
Activity, Place of Residence and Gender,
West .Tava, I97L, l-980, L990 Census 1,69
5.9 Population Density of Kecamatan Cianjur by
Desa (Urban and Rural Areas), 1990 1,72
5.1_0 Population Distribution of Kecamatan Cianjur
by Desa(Urban and Rural Areas)and Gender, 1990 L73
5.11 : The Population of Sukasari by Dusun, 1991, t74
5.1,2 : Population 15 Years of Aged and Over by
Employment Status/T\e, Sex and Dusun,
Desa Sukasari, ]-991 (percentages) L75
5.13 The Proportion of Population 10 Years of
Age and Over by Educational Attainment,
Villages of Kecamatan Cianjur, Kabupaten
Cianjur, West Java and Indonesia, L99O L79
5.14 Selected Facilities in Desa Sukasari 1,992,
and Kecamatan Cianjur 1-990 1-82
6 .1- Indonesia: Outmigration and Inmigration as a
Percentage of Provincial Resident Population,
L9"71,, 1980 and 1990 r87
6.2 West .Java: Percent Distribution of Provinces
of Destination of Outmig:rants and Orj-gin of
Inmigrants (lifetime migration) , L971,, 1980
]-nd l-990 189
6.3 Selected Economic and Education Facilities
in Cianjur City and Sukasari Village, L992 1_9 5
6.4 Place of Work of Working Household Heads L96
6.5 Reasons for Working Overseas (Returned OCWs) 20L
6.6 Having Family/Rel-atives or Friends Overseas
Before Returned OCWs Went Overseas for Work 20s
6.'7 Administration Cost Paid by Female OCW
Households Before Femal-e OCWs Depart Overseas
by Region 207
6.8 Trnslation from Poster of Plate 6.1, 2]-0
6.9 Time Consumed in Departure Preparation for
Overseas Work 21,1,
6. r_0 Return Migrants by Decision to Work Overseas
: 21,3
6. l_1_ Total of Loan to be Paid Back to Middlemen,
:
Desa Sukasari 21-4
6.L2 The First Source of Information About Working
 xltr

Overseas and the Content According to Returned

Migrrants 2L6
'7.L Headship of Households According to tlpe of
Household by Gender and the Average of Age 228
1 2 The Average Age and Aqe at First Marriage
of OCWs and Non-OCW Household Head by Gender 229
7 3 OCWs Accordinq to the Gender and the Status
of Household and Marital Status 23]-
1 4 Comparison of Percentages of Divorce Between
Rural West ,Java, Sukasari Village and Sample
Survey 233
1.5 Modernity Score of Respondents 236
1.6 The Income of OCWs in Overseas and the
Income of Returnees in Their Homel-and 239
7 .'7 The Reasons for not Working Among
unemployment Returned OCWs 24r
7.8 The Social/Political Participation of
Respondents (percent) 246
7.9 The Role of Respondent in Social/political
Organizations 246
7.1,0 Contribution by Respondents in Ideas, Money
and Manpower for Village development 248
8.1 Household Composition of the Nuclear and
Extended Family of the OCW and Non-OCW
Households 254
8.2 Average Number of Household Member of the
OCW and Non-OCW Households, Distribution of
the Member According to Age and Sex Ratio 256
8.3 Number of Persons in Each Household 257
8.4 Length of Time Working Overseas of Returned
OCWs and OCWs still Working Overseas 260
8.5 Household Problems According to the Respondent 262
8.6 Fertility Level of Returned OCW and Non-OCW
According to Age Group 265
8.7 The Average Household Income (in thousand
rupiah a month) According to the Main Job of
the Head of Household 266
8.8 Median rncome (in Rp1-000/ month)
of the Head of Household from the Main
Occupation 26'7
8.9 Socio-economic Condition of Households 27I
8. r-0 Some Sel-ective Possesions Owned by the
Household 273
8. 11- Perception of Some Conditions of the
Household Compared with 5 Years Ago 276
8.12 Benefit of Workinq Overseas According to
the Head of the Household 278
8.r_3 Opinions of Non-OCW Households About OCW
Household 280
8.L4 Level of Education of the Members of the
Households 284
B. 1-5 Average Household Expenditure a Month
(in 1,000 rupiah) 285
 XIV

B.L6 Level- of Social /PoLitical ParLicipation of

Household Members ao1 I
4O
Lr7 Household Member Aged l-5 Years and Over
According to Their Participation 2BB
9.r Overseas Contract Workers And the PopuJ-at.ion
1-5 Years of Age and Over, Sukasari Village )o/
9.2 Demographic Characteristics of Sub-villages
of Sukasari, 1991- 291
9.3 Estimate of the Flow of Remittances to Desa
Sukasari until 1,992, by Dusun 301
9.4 The Averaqe of RemitLances which have been
Brought to Sukasari by Each OCW until November
1-992 by Status of OCW and Sex (in 000) 302
9 5 The Occupat.ion of OCWs Before and After
Working Overseas 306
9 6 The Use of Remittances for Productive
Efforts by Dusun 309
9 1 The Creation of Employment by Overseas
Contract Workers j-n the Place of Origin 310
10 1 The Place of Origin of Indonesian Overseas
Employment (PPTKf) in I99I,Leqal Indonesian
Overseas Workers 1-989/90-1-991-/1-992 bV Sex
and the Proximate Illegal Workers to
Malaysi-a. - 321
r0 .2 Flows of Remittances Througrh Indonesian
Government Bank, According to Bank fndonesia )')

LTST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1-.1- Indonesia: Location of Provinces 15

2.L Processes in an Immigration System 30
3.1 Indonesia: Departure Card 12
Indonesia: Arrival- Card /3
?? The Province of Origin of Official Registered
Indonesian Overseas Workers, in the Fifth
Five Year Development Plan, April 1-989-March
L992 B5
)A
J.t The Regency of Origin of Official Registered
Indonesian Overseas Workers, in the Fifth Five
Year DevelopmenL Plan, April 1989-March 1992 B6
3.5 The Kecamat.an of Origin of Official Registered
Indonesian Overseas Workers, in t.he Fifth
Five Year Development P1an, April l-989-August
1-992 88
3.6 Sukasari Village: Research Area 92
 XV

4.L : Indones ian Migrat ion t.o Malays ia , 19 4i L1,l

4.2 : The Flow of Legal Indonesian Overseas
Workers I919l80-L993/94 by Gender ]-25
5.1 : West Java: Physical Situation 151
5.2 : Sukasari Village L54
5.3 : Transportation Networks, West Java 155
5.4 : Annual Population Growth Rat.e in Indonesj_a
by Provinces, I97I-1980 and 1980-1990 158
5.5 : Annual Population Growth Rate in West Java
by Regencies/Municipal-ities, L97I-1_980 and
1980-1990 159
6.r : T\zpology of Population Mobility in Indonesia L92
1.I : Employment of Foreign Maids from Indonesia
in Malaysia 225
1.2 : The Age Structure of OCWs by Gender 230
8.1 : Age Struct.ure of Household Members of OCW
and Non-OCW Household in Sukasari and Rural
West Java (percentage) 258
8.2 : The Use of the Remi-ttances in Desa Sukasari 270
8.3 : Scale of Economic CondiLions of the Household 274
9.1 : Population Plzramid of Sukasari Village,
L99I, Cianjur Sub-District, Cianjur District,
West Java, and Indonesia Population, 1990 298
9) : Aqe Structure of Desa of Sukasari, by Dusun
199T 299
11 1 : Australia: Departure Card ?tr,
11 2 : Australia: Arrival Card 353

LIST OF PLATES

Plate Paqe
5.1 A Wet Rrce Field rn Sukasari: green and
fert i le t_53
5.2 Sukasari: Trees of "Melinjo" L]1
s.3 The Youngr Villag'ers as a Tukang Ojek (motor
cycle drivers for public transportation),
Sukasari 181
6.1_ Looking for Overseas Employment: It is Easy
(the poster explains the steps of overseas
employment arrangements in Indonesia) 209
B.l_ Return OCW Business: digging a hill to
coll-ect sand and st,one for sale 268
B 2 Female Returned OCW with Her family and
Her New House 211
I 3 Unfinished house of OCW household: waiLing
another remittance 219
 xvl

8.4 Return OCW houses: the old and the new. . .

the new house (brick wall) was built beside
the o1d one (bamboo/wood wall): outcome of
overseas contract work 28t
9.I A Thoroughfare under the railway to Cilaku
Hilir: car and motor cycle can pass here 3 t_5
 xvll

ABBREVIATTONS AND GLOSSARY

Balai AKAN The Reqional Centre for Overseas

Employment
BLK (Balai Latihan Kerja) Job Training Centre
BPS (Biro pusat Statistik) Central Bureau of
Statis tics
Buruh Tani Farmhand
Desa Village
Devisa Foreiqn Exchange
Dusun Sub-village
Emping Melinjo gitter Nut Creackers
GBHN (Garis-garis Besar Haluan Negara) Broad
Outlines of the Nation,s Direction
Gedek plait of bamboo, especially for wal1
Haji Hajj
rMSA rndonesian Manpower supplier Association
.Turu Tulis The Secretary of the Villaqe
Kabupaten Reqency (or District)
Kecamatan District (or Sub-district)
Kelurahan '-Village (in urban areas)
Khitanan Circumsion of son
LSM (Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat) Non
Government Organisation
Mencari nafkah To earn a subsistence income
Merantau Spontaneous out migration
Nenek Moyanq Forefathers
Nglaju Commuting
Ojek Motorcycle for public transportation
"Oknr-rm" a government officiat who abuse his
authorj-ty
Pesantren Religious boarding school
PKK (pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarg,a) The
movement for family welfare education
Posyandu (pos pelayanan Terpadu) The community
integrated service post
PPTKI (perusahaan pengerah Tenagra Kerja
Indonesia) Indonesian Manpower Supplier
Pusat AI(AN (Pusat Antar Kerja Antar Negara) Cnter
for Overseas Employment, Indonesian
Department of Manpower
Puskesmas (Pusat Kesehatan Masyarakat) Community
Heal-th Centre
RCTI (Rajawali Citra Televisi Indonesia) a
Private Television Broadcasting
REPELTTA (Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun) five year
Development Plan
Sawah Vrlet rice field
Surat Kelakuan
Baik Good behaviour certificate
 xvur

Swadaya
Masyarakat Efforts of the Community tself
Melinj o/
Tangkil eitter Nuts
TKW (Tenaga Kerja Wanita) Female worker
Tukang Ojek Ojek Driver
UGREM (Usaha Gotong Royong Umat Islam) Mutual
Self-help Effort of Muslems
Usaha Gotongr
Royong The Mutual Self-help Effort
Ustadz Term of address for Islam teacher
Warga Member
Wartel (Warung telepon) Smal1 telephone office
Warungr SmaLl restaurant or sma1l shop
 I

Chapter One

INTRODUCTION

1.1. Introduction

The growing international-isation of capital, the great

improvements in the ease and cost of international
travel, and the activities of multi-national
corporations, are all significant factors in the
explosion of international- labour mj-gration in the Iast
decade or so .(-Hugo and Singhanetra-Renard, 1997 zL; Hugio,
I9B9:24, I993a:36; Fong, L993:301; Spaan, I994293;
StaIker, I994221-40) . Massey (1988:394) has pointed out
that "development makes international movement easier,
cheaper, and more rel-iabl-e, and substantially reduces the
cost of information concerning foreign opportunities".
Hence as development proceeds, international migration
increases in both scale and complexity. The flow of
overseas workers can have benefits and/or costs for the
areas of origin. Appleyard (1989) has observed that while
some bel-ieve that international- labour migration has been
extremely harmful to origin societies because it
increases the level- of dependency of sending countries
(mostly less developed countries) upon receivingr
countries (mostly more developed countries), others argue
 2

that this movement can contribute substantiaJ_Iy to the

economic growth of both sending and receiving countries "

The flow of labour from the sending countires is said to

reduce unempJ-oyment, bring much needed foreign exchange
and reduce income and social- inequalities while on the
other hand, receiving countries need Iabour for their
deveJ-opment and qrowth. However, there is a lack of
detailed research focussing upon the impact of labour
migration in the origin areas (Hugo, I9B2azI89; 1987:136;
1993c:13; Appleyard, I982:260), and hence debate on the
issue is inadequately informed by empirical evdence.
Hugo (1987:136I observed that there has been a dearth of
research on the consequences of al-I forms of migration
compared to a considerable volume of works on the causes
of migration.

Despite this interest, detailed research into the impact

of migration on individuals, famlies, communities and
the nation of origin is limited (Simmons, I9B2z163;
Hugo, 1987:136, I993a236, 1993d:I22-L23; Appleyard,
1989:497). Editors of the International- Migration Revew
( 1989 2396) observed that " . . . scholarship on international-

migration stil-l- is searching for a general theory capable

of eJ-ucidating the mult.ipJ-e f acets of the compJ_ex human
drama involved in international migration." At present,
as Massey et . al . ( 1 993:432) point out, "there is no
 3

singJ-e, coherent theory of international migration, only

a frag'mented set of theories that have developed largely
in isol-ation from one another, sometimes but not aways
segmented by disciplinary boundaries". This study
attempts to make a contribution n this area by examining
the impacts of Indonesian international labour migration
at the individual, family/household, community and
nat ional level- s .

International contract labour has become known in

Indonesia as a "non-oil- export commodity", following
Keely (1989:501-) who stated that migration "is like the
export of commodities. " The sending of Indonesian workers
to other countries under the coordination of the Center
for Overseas Employment (Pusat AKAN) I), Indonesian
Department o f Manpo\^er, has been cont ribut ing to
enlarging the country's labour market share, with the
stated purpose of helping solve unemployment problems
and earning foreign exchange (Pusat AKAN, n.d).

r) Since lgg4 Pusat AKAN has been changed by Ministeral

Regulation NO:PER-02/MEN/I994 become Direktorat Jasa
Tenaga Kera Luar Negeri (Directorate of Overseas
Manpower Services)
 4

L.2 Objectives of the Study

The flow of overseas workers will- always have some

impacts on the country of origin. One recent study of the

impact. of international movement by Enchautegui (1991),
for example, concluded that although the earnings of
returnees are bel-ow the earnings of stayers, return
migrants to Puerto Rico from the United States are
increasinq the likelihood of EngJ-ish fluency, increasing
their earninqs by providing returnees with a comparative
advantage in the manufacturlnq sector.

Foreign employment is often viewed by the labour sending

countries as a safety valve for domestic unemployment and
underemployment and a partial solution to excessive
balance of payments deficits (Arnold and Shah, 1986:3;
Hugo and Singhanetra-Renard, I99I:I; ESCAP Secretariat,
198 6a,' Marius, 1987 : 1) . Since the Thrd Five Year
Development Plan (I919- 1984) the Indonesian government
began pJ-anning to increase the number of Indonesian
overseas contract workers as part of its strategy for
solving unemployment problems and for earning foreign
exchange (Singhanetra-Renard, L984; Pusat Penel-itian
Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada, 79862I-4; Pusat
Penel-itian dan Pengembanqan Tenaga Kerja, Departemen
Tenaga Kerja, 1991:3) " Between I979/80-1993/94 Indonesia
sent I,041,034 Indonesian workers to other countries, 64
 5

percent of them to Saudi Arabia (Appendix 1) . There is

also a significant flow of Indonesian workers to Malaysia
and Singapore, although most of it is undocumented and
these numbers have increased recently (Hugo, I993a;
Spaan, I994) .

The overall- aim of this study is to investigate the

economic, social- and demographic consequences of
int.ernational labour migration on the migrants, their
families, their communities of origin and their nation of
origin. It approaches this through a detailed case study
of Indonesia but al-so attempts to make a contribution to
the limited amount of empirical findings in the area of
the consequences of migration.

Employment and income are two elements that overseas

workers seek. This study investigates whether skills and
experiences may improve, or are useful for the migrants
and their community and to establish whether overseas
households tend t.o have lower levels of unemployment than
non-mgrant household poputations. What kind of jobs do

returnees have and what kinds of employment have been

created by overseas contract workers? Has the income of
overseas contract workers (OCWs) changed? Is it possible
that remittances have multiplier effects since both
consumption and investment may create employment and
 6

affect the socio-ecomomic deveropment of the community in

the region?

Working overseas may have consequences also for the weII-

being of both migrant and non-mig:rant households. What
has been the impact of overseas contract workers on the
well-beingr of the community of origin? Are returnees more
modern than non-migrants? What are the levels of
participation of migrants in various sociar /poriticar
activities in their community? Are the fertility level_s
of migrant households l-ower than those of non-migrant
households or, - do overseas contract workers have Iower
fertility? Do overseas contract workers red.uce the
popuJ-ation growth in the place of origin? This study
seeks al-so to identify the contribution of remittances in
the balance of payments of t.he country of origin.

The following are the specific ob;ectives of the study:

1. To analyse the impacts of internationat labour

migration upon the migrants themselves
(individuals) . There is little existing knowledge of
how migration impacts upon the skills, attitudes and
socio-economic status of migrants in Indonesia. This
involves not onJ-y an analysis of how they enhance
their economic and human resources by migration but
 1

also how they use them on their return to Indonesia

and to establ-ish whether mgraton is a net positive
or negative experience j-n terms of the migrants' ohrn
social and economic welJ-being.

2 To elucidate the impacts of international labour

migration on the migrants' families. To clarify
the costs and benefits of the move in terms of the
adjustments which have to be made in the absence of
the migrant, the remittances received during the
migrant's absence, the uses made of them and the
impact on' the famiJ-y of the return of the migrant.
This must invol-ve direct comparison of the wellbeing
of mi-grant households with non-migrant households.

3 To examine the mpact of international labour

migration on the home communit.y. Here an attempt
wil- be made to answer the question of whether there
is a role for international labour migration in the
social and economic development of communities?

4. Ths study wil-I al-so assess the cont.ribution of

international- migraton to the overal-l- development
goals of the nation. In particular it wilI assess
whether it has any significant effect upon domestic
unemployment and underemployment.
 8

5 A final aim is to draw some implications from the

findings of the study for policy makers and planners
in labour sending nations Iike Indonesia \^/ith
respect to identifying how to maximise the benefits
of such migration and minimise the costs.

1 .3 The Context of t.he St,udy

One of the most dramatic of the many changes which have

swept Asia i-n the last two decades is the increase in
internationa population movement. An important element
in this is.bemporary international Iabour migration.
Since the Arab oil- embargo of I913 and the consequent
rapid rse in the price of crude oi1, the Middle East has
increasingly become a magnet for people who r^iant to
improve the j-r economic Iot (Arnold and , I98 6:3,'
Shah

ESCAP Secretariat, 1986a; AbeIIa, I99Iz4), working at all-

level-s and sectors of government, industry and commerce.
In 1970 the GuIf Cooperative Countries (GCC) which
include Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and
United Arab Emirates, had 1.1 million foreign workers but
this had increased to 5.2 million in 1990 with an

additional 2 milion in Iraq (Omran and Roudi, 1993:22) .

The proportion of foreiqn workers in the Gul-f states

comprised over two-thirds of the overal-I labour force,
while Saudi Arabia attracted about 55 percent of those
 9

foreign workers (Omran and Roudi, 1993223). The number of

Asian workers has increased substantially since the 1970s
(Omran and Roudi, 1993224) and in 1985 about 3 5 million
\^rere working in the Middle East. However after the I raqi
invasion of Kuwait this probabJ-y dropped to l-ess than 3

million (AbeJ-Ia, I99I:15).

Besides the flow of Asian workers to the Middle East in

recent years, other flows of Asian workers have occured
to neighbouring countrj-es within Asa. As Lim (1991:I-2)
stated:

"Asia has emerged as an increasingly important

destination, East and Southeast Asia, being the most
economically dynamic region in the contemporary worId,
has attracted rapidly qrowinq numbers from outside and
within the continent. As the Asian countries
themsel-ves experience, on the one hand, significantJ-y
different rates and patterns of demographic and
economic transition and, on the other, growing
interdepedence fostered by trade, capital- investments,
political relations, the operations of transnational
corporations, social networks, etc., Iegal and iJ-legal
intrareqional- migration has also escalated".

The major flow in this intra-Asian movement is toward the

rapidly growing economies of Japan and the "Ne\r
Industrialising Countries" (Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan,
and South Korea) where sharp fertility declines have
created Iabour shortages (Hugo, I990, 1993a; Fong, I993;
AppJ-eyard, 1993) . In the meantime, countries in the
region witfr J-arge populations, slower rates of economic
 10

grov/th and l-ower levels of GNP per capta, such as

Indonesia, the Philippines, Thaj-land and Vietnam, have
been the main providers of Iabour (Appleyard, 1993) .

Since the mid 1980s, Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand

have taken off as a second generaton of emerging
economies (Fong, 1993) . This growth has consequently
resulted in shortages of labour in Malaysia, where it has
been projected that some 1.1 million new jobs will be
created over the I99I-1995 period (Hugo, I993a:65).

The economic growth of Japan, the "Neh Tndustrial

Countries" (I-Cs) and Malaysia, initially created Iow
levels of manpo\^/er shortages. Many educated, especialJ_y
university graduates, \^iere unwilling to enter Iow-paid or
"dirt.y" occupatlons (Hugo , I990a:23) . Fong (1993) pointed
out that in those countries there was increasing
reluctance for people to accept dirty, difficult or
dangerous jobs. This resul-ted in the need for large
numbers of ilJ-egal-, foreign, Iow-level manpower to
fuLfil-l those kind of jobs. Hugo (1993:36) demonstrates
that the flow of iIJ-egal migrants in this intra-Asian
movement is an important el-ement.

Indonesia, a rel-atve Iatecomer to the cont.ract-Iabour

market (RDCMD-YTKf, l9B6z6; Kelly, I9B1:1; Cremer,
19BB:73; Hugo et.aI , I9B7:I73, Hugo, I992a:181-,
 11

1993b:I1,1 ; Appleyard, 1993:2'70; Spaan, I994:105) sends

workers abroad mainly to Saudi Arabia (in the Middte
East) and Malaysia and Singapore (within Asia) . The

number of officiaJ-ly sanctioned Indonesian migrants is

small in relation to those who have left Indonesa
illegally (Lim, I99I:15) . Indonesia provides hundreds of
thousands of illegal workers to neighbouring Malaysia
(Appleyard, 1993 :210) and a larqe number of them \^/ere

empJ-oyed in palm oil, cocoa, rubber and tea plantations

and various development projects.

The examinati.on of the impact of Indonesian overseas

workers will- provide an understanding of the negative and
positive views of international labour migration. This is
important, especially for future development plans in
Indonesia. Since the Third Five Year Development PIan
(I919-I984), Indonesia has attempted to expand employment
opportunities both in and out of the country and also to
find how to best capture and use the remittances and the
skiIIs/experiences for productive activities (Pusat
Penelitian dan Penqembangan Tenaga Kerja, Departemen
Tenaga Kerja, 1991). The Sixth Five Year Development PIan
(L994-I999) attempts to significantly increase both the
quantity and qual-ity of the workers sent overseas.
Indonesia was chosen for this study not onJ-y because the
researcher is Indonesian, but also because of the
 t2

increas ing significance of this type of population

mobilty in Indonesia.

Indonesia is stiII facing massive growth in the Iabour

force, and in the Fifth Five Year Development Plan
(Repelita v) (1989 /90-1993/94) the Indonesian labour
market had to create 11.5 mil-lion obs just to absorb the
net increment to the labour force. Currently an extra 2.3
mil-Iion obs need to be created each year (Hugo, 1993b:
35, 12) . This is one of the significant factors in the
flow of Indonesian workers to other countries, as Hugo

(1990 222) has ,pointed out,'

"In 1990, Indonesia had 17.1 million workers and this is

projected to increase to BB.5 million in 2000, and
103.3 mill-ion in 201,0. Hence over the next two decades
a net increase of 31.6 mill-ion jobs is required
(afmost hal-f as many jobs again as existed in 1990 ) .
In such contexts it is certain that governments wiII
continue to look at placing some of their workers
temporarily or permanently in other nations. "

The Indonesian labour market itself has a Iimited

capacity to absorb the growth in the labour force and
hence, there r^ras a significant increase in unemployment
in Indonesia during RepeJ-ita V. Between 1980 and 1990 the
unemployment rate increased from I.4 to 2.8 percent for
males and 2.3 to 3.9 percent for females (Hugro,
1993b: 83) . Hugo (1993b) points out that this is
especaIly concentrated in the young school l-eaver age
category. Underemployment (people who report working l-ess
 l3

than 35 hours per week) in Indonesia is also stiII high

(38.6 percent of workers in 1990) and this must be
addressed in the development efforts of the country.

At the 1990 Census the population of Indonesia r^as

I19t248,000, but r.ras unevenly distributed between the 21
provinces (Table 1.1 and Eigure 1.1). It \^/as estimated
t.hat in mid-1992 the population of Indonesia had reached
184.35 milion people with an average annual growth rate
of I.64 percent (Country Report: Indonesia, 1992zI). This
indicates that the rate of popuJ-ation growth in Indonesia
has declined s{nce the I91I Census. Table 1.1 shows that
during I91I-1980 the population growth rate per annum
was 2 .4 percent, whereas during 1 98 0 -f99 0 it vi as 2 .0
percent. The major components which influence population
growth are fertility and mortality, but fertifity control
\^ias an important component in the reduction of population
growth rates in Indonesia " The Total FertiJ-ity Rate has
declined from 5.6 children in the l-ate 1960s to 3
children per women in the 1990s (Hugo, L993b:36).
 t4

Table 1.1 Dist,ribution of Indonesian Population and

Grorvth Rate, 197 1-1990
Population Average Growth
(,000) Rate (% per
annum)
Province
Census Census Census I91 T- 1980-
I91 T 1980 1 990 1980 1 990

DI Aceh 2, 009 2, 6rr 3, 4]-6 3.0 2.1

North Sumatera 6, 6ZZ 8,351 ,252
).0 2.6 .u
West Sumatera l 193 3, 406 4,000 . L.6
RIAU I, 642 2, L64 3,2'7 9 3.1_ 4.2
Jambi rl 006 r, 444 2,0r8 4.r ?1
J.J
South Sumatera ? 441, 4, 628 6,3r2 ?A J.Z
Bengkulu 519 168 r, 119 4.5 4.3
Lampung 2, 111 4 , 624 6, 0r6 5.8
DKI Jakarta 4, 519 6 ,ABL 8,228 4.0 2.4
West Java 2I, 624 21 ,450 35,381 2.1 2.5
Central Java )1 811 25 ,36'7 28,5L6 r.1 r.2
DI Yogyakarta 2, 489 2 ,'7 50 ,
L,
01?
JLJ 1.1 0.6
East Java )c, 517 20 , r69 32, 4BB 1.5 1.1
Bal-i ': 2, 120 2 , 410 2,7'71 r.'7 r.2
West Nusa Tenggara 2, 203 2 ,'7 24 3,369 2.4 2.r
East Nusa Tenggara 2, 295 2 1'71 3,268 2.0 1.8
East Timor n.a 555 148 n.a 3.0
West Kal-imantan 2, 020 2, 485 '1 )',> A
J t L-v
)? 2.1
Central- Kalimant an 102 954 r,396 3.5 3.8
South Kalimantan T, 699 2,063 ) tr,q'l 2.2 2.3
East Kalimantan 134 r,2r5 1, 875 s.B 4.3
North Sulawesi I, 119 2tII5 2, 4'7'7 z.J r.6
Central Sulawesi 9]-4 r,284 1,703 3.9 2.8
South Sulawesi tr
J, 181 6,060 6,980 1.8 r.4
Southeast Sulawesi 114 942 r,349 3.1 3.6
MaLuku I, 089 1,408 1, 853 )o a'1
Irian Jaya 923 r, I07 1,630 )1 3.6
TotaI ,208 r4'7 ,332 r'7 9 ,248
1,L9 2 .4 2 .0
Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, 1992, ]-994
 15

Figure 1.1 Indonesia: Locaion of Provinces

/ PHILIPPINES
WEST
tA o
EAST a
MALAYSIA
o
'.1'
\ t
I N ,
\ I
I
\
e I
I a\
SU MATRA I
a
I
,
KALIM I
I
t I IRIAN JAYA
Bengku , I I
I
I
Lampu JAVA
BALI 0
o ,o
w E E TIMOR
NUSA TENGGAA
$c
0 Kms 5OO 1OOO

AUSTRALIA

Source: Biro Pusat Satistik, 1991

 16

L.4 Organisation of the Thesis

This thesis consists of nine chapt.ers. Chapter One

attempts to justify this study in terms of the
significant issues relatin to the consequences of
international labour migration on sending countries,
particularly rndonesia. After outrining the objectives of
the study, it briefly discusses the context of the study
to show the growing importance of international labour
migration.

chapter Two discusses some relevant theories of migration

and some resea-r'ch f indings to erucidate the causes and
consequences of the international l-abour movement. This
section attempts to provide a framework that is used to
analyse the impacts of int.ernational labour migration on
Indonesia at the evels of the individual, household,
community and nation.

chapter Three discusses the method of cotlecting data to

assess the impacts of overseas contract workers. It.
assesses the potentaJ- sources of rndonesian overseas
contract labour data and discusses the data coll-ection
methods used in this study. rt describes the process of
seJ-ecting the research area, sampling procedures,
correction and processing. An overview of the pattern of
 r7

Indonesian internat iona-l labour migration and existing

studies of this movement then follows in Chapter Four.

Considering the context of international labour

migration, Chapter Fve describes the physical situation
and presents a discussion of the changing demoqraphic and
socio-economic characterstics of the study area in which
detailed fieldwork was undertaken. The causes and process
of international Iabour migration in the research area
are examined in Chapter Six, based upon data coll-ected
from the field. Here, the difficulties faced by migrants
during the proeess of migration are discussed.

Chapters Seven to Ten provide the main empirical analysis

of this thesis and discuss the demographic and socio-
economic consequences of international- labour migration
with reference to the study area. Chapter Seven analyses
the impacts of international labour migration upon the
migrants themselves (the individual level of analysis) .
This involves an analysis of how they enhance their
economic and human resources through migration and how
they use them upon their return. Chapter Eight will
attempt to elucidate the costs and beneflts of the move
in terms of the adjustments which have to be made in the
absence of the migrant, the remittances received during
the migrant's absence and the uses made of them. Chapter
 18

Nine examines the rol-e of international- Iabour migration

in the socal- and economic development of the study
community. Chapter Ten attempts to assess the
contribution of international- migration to the overafl
development goals of the nation, particul-ar1y the
contribut.ions made toward reducing domestic unemployment
and the balance of payments deficit which are the goals
articulated by the Government of Indonesia for the
international Iabour export program.

FinaJ-Iy Chapter El-even presents the conclusions of the

study. It inoLudes a summary of the major findings and
draws some implications for poJ-icy makers and planners in
countries sending overseas workers. Some recommendations
for future research are put forward in the last part of
this chapter.

1.5 Conclusion

This introductory chapter has presented the aims of the

study and has shown the effect of the movement of
workers across the country boundaries on many aspects in
both receivinq and sending countries. However the
knowJ-edge of this impact is still limited and a framework
for analysis is discussed in the next chapter.
 Chapter T\rro

THEORETICAL FR.}EWORK

2.L Introduction

Population mobility is frequent.ly part of, or a symptom

of, processes producing chang'es in other social, economic
and demographic phenomena (Hugo , L9B5b:157 ) However
there is relatively tittle l-j-terature on the impacts of
international labour migrat.ion and theoretical
development is still limited (Wocd , I9B2; Hug:o , L9B2a;
Lewis , L9B6; Massey, et 1. , 1993 ) . Lewis ( 1986:21 ) for
example, stated that there has not been much successful
theoretical- construction about international labour
migration, especially reqarding the reqional impact of
the movement. Indeed, a comprehensive body of theory
regardi-ng the consequences of migraLion in general is
stil-l lacking. As Hugo (1985b:166) has pointed out, the
role of population mobility as an independent variable
explainingr social-, economic and demographic change within
communities is still little understood. It is clear that
the impact of migration upon well-being, economic
development and inequality is complex; but the literature
reqarding it is extremely fragmented and incomplete
(Hugo , 19B2a: 1-89; Simmons , 1982:165 Swamy, 1985 : 51) .
 20

This chapter reviews theory regarding the relationship

between international labour miqration and the
consequences of such movement for individuals,
households, corlrmunities and labour sending countries as a
whole. A framework is developed for the analysis of the
impact of international labour migration. The focus of
this Lhesis is upon the consequences rather than the
causes of international labour migration. However, s
Hugro (I982a: 189 ) has pointed ouL, " it is virt.ually
impossible to separate the causes and consequences of
population mobility" and therefore, thj-s section also
reviews the theories of why people move and particularly
of why they go to work abroad.

2.2 Explaining International Labour Mgration

International labour migrat.ion is a sub-set of all

international migration. International migration involves
permanent and temporary, legal and illegal, forced and
voluntary forms of movement (Hugo, L990:1; KrtLz, Keely
and Tomasi, 1981-:xiv). Although both permanent and
temporary movement have "siqnificant effects on the
participants and the communities of origin and
destinat.ion and t.here is a growing body of opinion that
there are important linkages and feedback mechanisms
linking temporary and permanent migration" (Hugro,
 2t

1990a:1) , international labour migration (temporary) is

very .dj-stinctive. It is clear that, unlike most other
types of int.ernational miqration, international labour
migration is intended to be a temporary movement,
involving only workers who move to a country of
destination solely to work. International labour
migration can be viewed as a form of circulation which
generally occurs over a relatively long time and which
crosses country boundaries.

Moreover, in assessing the impact of international

migration on thg. process of socio-economic development,
" it is important to differentiate permanent and temporary
flows " (Appleyard, I9B9:486). Without hiqh levels of
unemployment or underemployment in one country and labour
shortage in another, workers will generally not migrate
across national borders, and in such cases both origin
and destination countries have mutual- interests:
'Push-pu11' theories are the most widely held approach to
explaining int.ernational migration (Portes, 1989) . They
"A country with unemployed labour should export its
unemployed workers if it can. The harvest of remittances
and returning workers who were trained abroad is expected
to accelerate economic growth enough to reduce
unemployment and pressures to emigrate. Labor-importing
countries expect to soon be over the labor-shortaqe phase
of their development, limiting their need for migrant
workers to a decade or less." (Papademetriou and Martin,
l-991: ix)
 )',

argue that the causes of migration are the existence of

push factors in the area of origin and pull factors in
the area of destination which are stronger than those in
t.he region of origin (Lee, 1966; Portes, 1989; Boyd,
1989). Overpopulation, poverty and famine, unemployment
and underemployment or mechanisat.ion in the primary and
secondary economic sectors generating surplus labour are
examples of push factors. PuIl factors are for instance,
industrialisat.ion with economic growth generating
increased demand for labour, hiqher wage levels, better
working conditions and social mobil-ty opportunities or
higher living standards in general (Spaan,L989:10).

According to neoclassical economic theory, int.ernational

labour migration occurs as a result of "differentials in
wages and employment condj-tions between countries "
(Massey, t l., 1993:432) therefore, "labour moves from
places where capital is scarce and where labour is
plentiful (hence remuneration to the worker is low) to
areas where capital is abundant and where labour is
scarce (hence remuneration is high) " (Wood, I9B2:300). A[
the micro level, the neoclassical economics perspective
sees the geographical mobility of workers as " respondingt
to imbalanes in the spatial distribution of land,
labour, capital- and natural resources " (Wood , L9 82 :300;
see also Clark , 19 86a: B3 ) . Imbalances in the spatial
 23

distribution of the factors of production cause

migration. This equilibrium model sees migration as "a

'natural' response to interregional differences in social
and economic opportunities" (Hugo, I99I:2I). Thus this
model argues that. the ratonal economic. calculation of
the people involved induces migration (Wood, !982;
Todaro, 7-980) . "People move because they expect to
improve their living conditions" (Simmons, L982:l-68).

According to this perspective both equilibrium and

migration cannot occur simultaneously. When equilibrium
is establ-ishe{,. then the flow of migration to the
destination area wilt stop. In other words, migration is
a mechanism for establishing an equilibrium between the
area of origin and destination. Massey ( 19BB : 3 B3 ) has
arqued that:

" People leave their places of origin because their

countries are poor, underdeveloped, and consequently lack
economic opportunity; they migrat.e to wealthy, developed
nations to seek wider opportunities for employment at
higher wages when standards of living are equalised
through development, the economj-c incent.ives f or
international movement will disappear and larqe-sca1e
migration will end. "

Neoclassical economic theory suqgrests that international

(labour) migration from developing countries arj-ses due
to the lack of economic development (Massey, 1988).
However, s Massey (1988:383 ) points out " economic
 24

development.l in the short run, does not reduce the

impetus for migrat.ion".Economic development causes people
to miqrate, responding to the prospecL of economic
''

growth and enhanced productivity in emerqing urban areas "

(Massey, 1988:384) . Some migrate to other countries,
" seeking wider opportunities in more dynamic economies

abroad" (Massey, 1-9BB :384 ) . In the long run, according to

Massey ( 1988 : 383 ) , development will cause international
(labour) migration to cease.

At the macro level the neoclassical economics perspective

sees the ingnational labour movement as being
influenced by geographic differences in supply and demand
for fabour. The result of the differential in wages
between the low wagre count.ry and the hiqh waqe country
causes immigration into the high waqe country (Massey, et
al.1993 :433 ) .

I According to Massey (1988:383 ) , "economic development

is the appJ-icati-on of capital to raise human
productivity, generate weal-th and increase national
income. Associated with it are a constellati-on of social
and cul-tural chanqes that scholars generally call
'modernisation' . Economic development and modernisation
are mutually dependent and reinforcingr. Economic growth
depends not only on amounts of fabor and capital, but
also on institutional, cul-tural and technological factors
that determine how labour and capital are used. At, the
same time capital accumulation transforms social-
institutions, cultural vafues and technologies in ways
that affect the course of subsequent developmenL "
 25

The hstorical-structuralist approach "seeks the causes

of migration in the forces which structure the unequal
spatiaJ- distribution of opportunities between regions "
(Hugo, LggL:2I) . This approach sees the international
labour movement aS being influenced by structural factors
through their impact on the degree and the spatial
distribution of, the demand for labour and on the
associated forms of labour recruitment and remuneration
(Wood , 1982:303; Clark , L986 : 83 ; Shrestha , 1-988:L91 ;
Hugo , IggI:2I; Massey, et 1. , I993:433 ) International
labour migration "can only be examj-ned in the context of
historical a+Slysis of the broader structural
transformations underway in a particular social
formation" (Wood , L982: 3 02 ) including:

the emergence and expansion of t.he capitalist mode of

',
production; the style of development that is pursued; a
country'S rol-e in the international division of l-abour;
the unequal development between and within countries; the
articulation of capital-ist and non-capitalist formations
as it affects the distribution of the reproduction costs
of labour, and the cost-lowering functions of a migrant
labour force" (Hugo, 1991-:21; Wood, I982:303).

An understanding of the causes of international labour

migration must encompass both the determinants of the
parameters of behaviour and the factors that motivate
individual acLors (Wood,L982:3]-2). E.G.Ravenstein, the
acknowledged pioneer of migration study, believed t.hat
miqration is a resul-t of an individual decision-making
 26

process (Shrestha , L9 gB: 181- ) . Although the <lecisiotr to

move or to stay is made by the individual actor
him'herself , "migration decisions may be bef-l-er
conceptualised as family phenomena" (Fawcetr- and Arnold,
Ig}ia:469). It means that in the decision to move, other
members of the household have influenced a person to do
it . rn f act Hugto (1993c: 6 ) points out, " it is clear [hat
a great deal of migrat.ion in LDCs occurs as a result of
decisions taken by families rather than individuals and
Ehat migration occurs as a resul-t of family members being
aflocated to different labour markets."This is reinforced
by the new ec.o_nomics approach, which stal-es thar- l-he
decision to migrate is "not made by isolated individual
actors, but by families or households" (Massey et l.,
Ig93:436). Members of the family/household "act
collectively to maximise expected income, to minimise
risks and. to loosen constraints associaLed with a variety
of market failures apart from those in the labour
market" (Massey et a'L., 1993:436). In this situation,
according to Massey et al. (1993:436) "some family
members can work in the local economy, while others may
be sent to work in foreign labour markets. "

Wood (1982: 31,2 ,3L4) has suggested cr concePtual

framework using the household as the unit of analysis:
 26

process (Shrestha, I9BB:1Bl-). Although the decision to

move or to stay is made by the individual actor
him/herself, "migration decisions may be better
conceptualised as family phenomena" (Fawcett and Arnold,
Lg\la:469). It means that in the decision to move, other
members of the household have influenced a person to do
it. In fact Hugo (1993c:6) points out, "it is clear that
a great deal of migration in LDCs occurs as a result of
decisions Laken by families rather than indi-viduals and
that migration occurs as a result of family members being
allocated to different labour markets."This is reinforced
by the new ecqnomics approach, which states that. the
decision to migrat.e j-s " not made by isolated individual
acLors, but by families or households " (Massey et l. ,

1993 :436) . Members of the family/household "act

collectively to maximise expected income, to minimise
risks and to loosen constraints associated with a variety
of market f ail-ures apart f rom those in the labour
market " (Massey et 1. , L993:436) . In this situation,
according to Massey et al. (1993:436) "some family
members can work in the local economy, while others may
be senL to work in foreign labour markets. "

Wood (!982: 312,3I4) has suggested a conceptual

framework useing the household as the unit of analysis:
 27

" . the household is defined as a group that insures its

maintenance and reproduction by generating and
disposing of a col-l-ective income fund. Household income
refers to the recompense derived from the productive
activities of members of the unit, ot from other
sources such as rents, investments, transfer payments,
subsidies or gifts. .when the sum of monetary and
nonmonetary income is sufficient to reach or increase
the desired quantity and quality of consumption and
investment, seasonal and permanent miqration is
unlikely to occur".

Here, Wood (I982) attempts to int.egrate individual and

structural approaches with the study of migration. He
explains that households will respond to economic stress
in reaching and/or increasing their desired quantity and
quality of consumption and investment by for example,
"sendinq wives-. and children into the workforce,
moonlightinq, or engaging in a short-term migration to
take up seasonal or temporary work" (Wood, I9B2:3I4) in
another country. Thi-s approach is referred to as
househol-d sustenance strategty or the new economics
approach. The role of the family as a unit of production
in Less Developed Countries (LDCs) is important in the
allocation of labour (members of the family) in response
to economic stress. Hugo ( 1-993c: 7 ) has pointed out
that, "most decisions about population movement of
individuals in such contexts therefore are taken by the
family or the senior member(s) of the family, usually
older males. "
 28

Shrestha (19S8: 19I-L92) points out that the main reason

why people migrate is because it "offers a way out of the
existing structural trap and new possbiliLies to mprove
their economic conditions, but is not as hiqhly risky,
costly and uncertain as the revol-utionary option. " He
explains that there are three main options to improve the
condj-t.ions of social- reproduction: (1) to stay and make
the best out of the existing rel-ations of production in
their local villages (i.e. adaptive choice); (2) to stay
and revolt against. the exsting regressive relations and
try Lo transform them into proqressive relations (i.e.
revolutionary) ;,-or (3) to migrate to a dif f erent economic
environment (i.e. migratory choice). Here the decision to
migrate for the domj-nant classes and the subordinate
classes is different: " the migration decision of the
dominant class mi-grants ref l-ects their strateqic choice
(i.e implying several socio-economic options and a wide
ranqe of abilities ) , that for the subordinate class
migrants represents a survival move" (Shrestha,
1988: 196 ) .

World systems theory sees international labour migration

as "a naturaf consequence of capitalist market formation
in the developing world" (Massey et 1., 1993:447). The
"desire for higher profits and qreater wealth make the
owners and managers of capitalist firms enter poor
 29

countries on the periphery of the world economy in search

of land, raw materials, labour and new consumer markeLs
(Massey et f., 1993:444-445). According to Massey et al.
( 1993 :445) the " infl-uence and control of [he markets
under capi-talist firms in peripheral regions / cause
international- movement . "

Fawcett and Arnold ( 1987a) proposed a conceptual

f ramework t.o provide a comprehensive view of the
immigration process. They call this framework a
"migration systems paradigm". In this migration system
" the linkages , -between places that reflect levels of
aggreqation 'above' the individual: the family, the
culture, the polity, the economy, and so on are
conditions that influence individual immigration
decisions" (Fawcett and Arnold, 1981a:456). According to
Massey et al. (1993:454) the syst.em "is charactersed by
relatively int.ense exchanqes of groods, capital, and
people between certain countries and less intense
exchanges between others " . Figure 2.I explains the
processes in an immigration system where both macro- and
micro-structural conditions may influence Lhe individual
to move. "Motivation, opportunity for improvement and
family indentive are three factors tha[ determine
prog-ress through the decision-making stagre whether to
 30

work abroad or to stay in the home country" (Fawcett and

Arnold, L987a:469) .

The social network approach sees international labour

migration as "seLs of int.erpersonal ties that connect
miqrants, former migrants, and nonmigrants in origin and
destination areas through ties of kinship, friendship,
and shared community origin', (Massey, et l . ,

1993 :448). "Migrants are inevitably linked to nonmigrants

through a network of reciprocal obligrations based
onshared understandi-ng, kinship and friendship.
Figure 2.L: Procesaea In An fmnigration System

Xar1, fm tlt Ljr|q

Origin DQ - q--i
Mcro. Stuctural D?tin!ion
Conditions Mco-Strucrurl
(Economy, Poliry, Condirions
haia; t.l
Social Struoure) ori; 'laC-q C.rrt Y Irrfm (Econom hlity,
Oih. l.*a tt l-
Socil Strucura)
Otp-t rrt rlt
glfr.-

^.
S.Gl
rdrat . '',,
AF. cb+
ltlr.
D..r ttXtt.l La.l rJc ld lFYll'
Chst. trr l;r
tfl bt Ocall.lb

Chb lidb,
tbl.l'
,_I
l
OrEr.|f ldr
Mftd t frdt,
t7
ll (hrl.;. t*r xidb
,;.rt Cdl, ('J
Ca^ ari
5A<r li{e r-
Oti;. ^t
a'.Fl

Origin
M ico-Srruct u ra I
tt Destintion
Conditions Micro-Structurl
(Communrty, Conditions
Family) (Community, Ethnic
Enclevr, Frmily)

lnnr.Couarv ht n F.lt Lttlra tlrl^ Chlr

O.cition StBr
l-Trrnririon Strc A ptrro

Source: Fawcett and Arnold, t9g7a: 469

 31

Non-migrants draw on these obligations to access foreign

employment." (Massey and Espana, 198'7:136) . According to
Iuassey and Espana (1,981) , people in a community f rom
which many members have migrated and in which a larqe
stock of foreign experience has accumulated should be
more likely to migrate abroad than people from a
community in which international migration is relatively
uncommon

Therefore Hugo (1993a) points out, that t.he social

network has a central role in sustaining the migration
between Indones j-a and Malaysia . . . " Once a 'pioneer '

miqrant is established at the destination, all the

acquaintances of that migrant at the orj-gin acquire a
piece of social capital" (Hugro, L993a:56; see also
1993c:10-1-3). It is important that. nonmigrant labours
are influenced by this network in the processes of
decision making to m-grate. Boyd (1989 :65'7 ) indicated
that "migrat.ion decision making processes are shaped by
sex-specific family and friendship sources of approval,
disapproval, assistance and information"

In addition, according to institutional theory "once

international migration has begun, privaLe inst.itutions
and voluntary organisations arise to satisfy the demand
created by an imbal-ance between the Iarge number of
 32

people who seek entry into capital-rich countries and the

1j-mited number of immigrant visas these countries
typically offer" (Massey, et 1., 1993). In Indonesia for
example, Indonesian Manpower Suppliers, orqanisation
of brokers and middlemen has facilitated Indonesian
international labour migration by increasing the
awareness of overseas j obs I organising t.he actual
migrration and providing 1oans (Hugo, I993a; Spaan, t994) .

Moreover migration itself, according to cumulative

causation theory, tends to create more miqration (Massey,
et 1. , L993:45I) . For example, s Massey, et al.
( 1993 :451 ) poipjed out, " seeinq some migrant families
vastly improve their income through miqration makes
families lower in the income distribution feel relatively
deprj-ved, inducingr some of them to migrate".

2.3 The Impact of International Labour Migraton

The impact of migrat.ion in the long'-run and short-run, or

directly and indirectly wiIl "vary with the type of
populaLion mobility, its scal-e, the length of the period
of time over which it has been occurring and the socio-
cultural- structure and composition of the society
affected. " (Hugo , 19 B2a: 189 ) . Simmons (L982: 165 ) has
pointed out that t.he macro-level models of migration
assume that the impact of migration will vary from one
 33

context to another (see also Stern, I9B8:30) . In

international labour migration, the impact on Lhe

individual, t.he fami-ly, the community and the society as

a whole, can affect a large number of economi-c, sociaf,

demographic and political areas relevant to those social
units (Hugo , !982a: 189, L9B5a:64 Simmons , 1982:164-1'65;
Stern, 1988232; Appleyard, l-989 :481) .

It has been suggested with respect to the impact of

rural-urban migration that "most rural areas gain more
than they lose from out-migration. . . their situations
would be worse,-r,f such migration did not occur. " (Kols
and Lewison, ]-983:260). For migrant workers themselves,
Hugo (I981 ) has observed that scholars aqree that most
individual migrants gain benefits from miqration, but the
impacts upon the areas t.he migrants l-eave, the areas they
seLtle in and their nations as a whole are less clear.
However, there is plenty of evidence which shows that'
remittances2 have had more positive ouLcomes i-n sendingr
countries (especially for migrants and their families)
than negative ones. Remittances from int.ernational labour
migration help "to solve local- problems of unemployment
and balance of payments deficits" (Huqo and Singhanetra-
Renard, L997-:I) .

2 Remit.tances can be def ined as the portion of a

migrant worker's earnings which is sent back from the
country of employment to the country of origin
(Marius, L987:4) .
 34

Appleyard (l-989:488,492) has shown that many countrl-es rn

Southern Asia have become dependent upon remittances in
their balance of payments accounts. For example, in
Pakistan overseas workers provided employment for an
equivalent of almost one-third of the incremental growth
in the labour force during the Five Year Pl-an Period
I91B-1983 and remittances increased from 1.5 percent of
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in L975/16 to 8.4 percent in
I9B2/83. In Bangladesh remi-ttances represented 5 percent

percent of the country' s j-mports of commodities and

services (App!-eyard L9B9:492) . In the Philippines
remittances represented 45.5 percent of GDP in 1992 with
US $ g billion a year foreign exchange from remittances
(Kompas, 28 March 1995). Indonesia in the Fifth Five Year
Development Plan (1989-1994) gained US i t.Z billion from
remittances (Kompas, L995). AppJ-eyard (f989) argues that
the expenditure of migrants / famlies of migrants
generates a mul-tiplier effect that leads to an increase
in aggregate demand wel-1 in excess of the val-ue of
remittance flows.

Rusself (1986;693, 1,992:267) has concluded that

remittances have come to play a central role in the
economj-es of Iabour sending countries (see also Keely,
1-989 : 51-4 ) . Remittances create an important mechanism f or
 3-s

the transfer of resources from developed to developing

countries (RusselI , 1992:269). MeanwhiJ-e, Massey (1988)
has arqued, that international migration has played a
vital role in the process of European economic
development and has been a major factor facilitating the
transformat.ion of European countries from rural- peasant
societies to modern industrial powers.

Some consider that international labour migration is

advantageous to reduce pressure on the home labour market
and to produce remittances (see e.g. Marius , 1-987 Hugo
and Singhanetqq;Renard, I99t:2t-22) . On the conLrary
however, Shrestha (1988:198) has concluded that
"miqration does not necessarily become a dynamic force in
the process of development.....migration seldom serves as
an effective channel for improvements in their overall
socio-economic posi-tions" As Marius (1987) has observed,
besides the positive impact of international labour
migration, there are some negat j-ve ef f ects of
international labour migration on a number of countries:

"It occurred that returninq migrant.s squandered their

savings on excessive consumption of luxury articles
and the like; a heawy dependence on the continuing
inf 1ow of remittances was severely f elt during the
recession in t.he Middle East which resulted in
slackened demand for labour and downward adjustments
in waqes from 1-982 onwards; the reinteqration of
returninq workers into their societies often turningt
out to be a difficult task due to lack of employment
opportunities and possible cultural alienation." (Marius,
L9B1:I-2)
 36

According to micro-level models of migration (Simmons,

1982:170 ) international labour migration has positive
economic consequences for sending households if (a) the
loss of labour from households due to Lemporary overseas
work will not reduce household production and incomes and
(b) the loss of household capital in the form of support
to migrants for travel, job preparation and maintenance
will not reduce household production and incomes. The
micro (equilibrium) approach implies that. migration is
benef icial to development (Hugo , 19B'/ :I37 , 199I:2L-2,
L992b:30 ZoLberg, L989:424; Shrestha, f9BB:197-B).
According also,,to a balanced growth approach (Lewis,
l-986 : 3 0 ) " emigration has net positive effects for bhe

individual migrants and for the country/region of

origin . there are no major losses in production
caused by the departure of 'surplus labour' ; there is an
improvement in income distribution and resource
availability; and more rapid growth due to the
application of t.he returning mi-grants' skills and
accumulated savings " ( see also Appleyard, t9B2:259 ;
Burki,1984:683-4; Borjas, 1-989:458; Kee1y,L989 : 503-5) .

On the contrary, the asymmetrical growth approach arques

thaL international- labour mgration has "negative
consequences for sending countries " (Lewis , 19 B6:30 ) .

Structuralists see the migration as having a

" disadvant.ageous ef f ect on development " (Hugo , L987 :L37 ,
I99I:2L-2, I992b:30 ; Zolberg,1-989 : 424; Shrestha,L9BB:L97 -
B) . According to the asymmetrical growth argument,
benefits accumulate particularly to the labour receivingr
countries. Through emigration, productivity and raLes of
innovation in the reqion of origin are reduced and
remittances lead to inflation and are used
unproductively. Furthermore, the 'skills' of returnees
are often inappropriate for the area of origin
(Appleyard , L982:259 ; Lewis , L9 86 : 3 0; Borj as, L989 :458;
Keely, 1989:501-3 ) .

In examininq the social and economic consequences of

labour migrration to the Middle East, Abella (1991-:48-9 )

states that:

"The impact. . . is not unambiguously positive for al-1

the countries. Their experience sugqests that the
gains to be made from migration depend crucially on
whether the domestic economy and soci-ety are in a
position to absorb the shock of massive labour
withdrawal on t.he one hand and massive inflows of
remittances on the other. For the smaller countries
whose economic bases are narrow, the gains from
remittances can be undermined by the loss of labour
and the resulting distortions in t.he labour market.
For the larger economies with excess supplies of
labour, but with a weak economic structure and
policies, the loss of labour may have no adverse
impact. on the labour market, but the inflows of
remittances - may not necessarily stimulate productive
investments. They will only be translated into
temporary improvements in consumption level-s. Where
qains from migrati-on can be maximized are in
countries where excess supplies of educated and
skilled labour co-exist. with a strong absorptive
capacity for capital " .
 38

Stahl has point.ed out (1988: l-B-9 ) that there are many
hotly debated issues in international labour migration,
especially with reqard to the following questions: What
effect does emigration have on the labour-market of the
sending count.ry? To what extent do the remittances of
workers abroad contribute to economic development in the
sending country? Do migrant workers acquire new skills
abroad that are used upon their return? And what problems
of economj-c reinteqration are encountered by returningr
workers ?

Theref ore, the..j-rnpact of international labour migration

on the sending country depends on many factors. A number
of studies have sought to investigate this issue (e.9.
Siddi-qui , ]-986 Gulati , 1986 Go and Postrado , L986;
Korale , L9B6; Roongshivin, 1986, Kim, 1'986; Abbasi and
Irf an, 1-986 ) and have generally concluded that
international- labour migrration has a more positive impact
than neglative. Several- studies have also demonstrated
that. returninq international Iabour migration will create
problems (e.g. King, 1,986; King, Strachan and Mortimer,
1983; Adi , 1987 a; Heyden , 198'7 Lohrmann , I9B1) . Return
labour migration is seen as a burden and not an
opportunity, because return labour migration can create a
surplus of workers in the home counLry. However whatever
the impact, international labour migration, theoretically
 39

at least, is capable of making a positve contribution to

a country of origin in several ways (Stahl-, l-9BB: 19) .

Assessing the impact of international labour miqration,

especially on the development of the place of origin, is
difficult. The development of the village for example,
could be influenced by many factors such as the
Indonesian Government's village development progrram
and/or swadaya masyarakat (efforts of the community
itself); the development of the surrounding villages; and
rural-urban migratj-on in addition to international labour
migration. To s,e,parate the impact of international labour
migration on development from other factors is hence a
very difficult task. Hugo (L9B2a: 189) has poin[ed out
that one can never completely separate the infl-uence of
population mobility from the wider social, economic and
political changes occurrinq in the society. It is a
complicated subject in that not only can one point to a
larqe number of economic, social-, demographi-c and
political areas which can be affected by migration, but
also these impacts will vary with the type of population
mobility, its scale, the length of the period of time
over which it has been occurring and t.he socio-cul-tural
structure and composition of the affected society. Both
long-term and short-term effects should be t.aken into
account.
 40

Knerr (1,992 ) suggested four methods of macro-level

analysis which can be used in the assessment of the
economic impact of international labour miqration on the
sendinq country. These methods are: (1) partial sectoral
analysis by regression computations, (2) cost-benefit
analysis, (3 ) social accountinq matrices and (4)
computable qeneral equilibrium models. These four methods
need a comprehensive data base,however in most developing
countries ( e.g.Indonesia) there is a lack of or
inadequate data available for these methods.

2 4 An Analyticatr Framework for Studying the Impact of

International Labour Mgration

The impact of international labour migration wil-l vary

from country to country wiCh the conLext, nature and
scale of movement. International labour migration has
both positive and negative effects, but theory relating
t.o the impact of international- movement is still
unsatisfactory (IMR, I9B9:396). The present study seeks
to elucidate some of the consequences of Indonesian
overseas labour migration by using a framework adapted
f rom Hugo (t9B2a; 1985a; ]-981) which, al-thougth developed

originally for considering the impact of rural-urban

migration, can be applied to the effects of international
l-abour migration. As Stern (1988:30) suggests "the
analytical framework can help us understand that both
 4t

types of mi-gration Iinternal and international ] are l-he

same "

The absence of overseas workers from their home place,

remittances and their experiences as l-he result of
working overseas will alter the demographic and socio-
economic conditions of the migrants themselves, their
family, community and nation. In turn, this will
influence economic development and social chanqe (Table
2 .L) . Hugto 1) points out that "population
(l-994b:

movements have profound effects upon economic and social

chanqes in oSjgin and destination areas and among
miqrants themselves " . However, it must be realised tl-iat
labour migrat.ion is only one of the factors which
influence economic development and social change. As
Appleyard ( 1989 :486 ) points out " socioeconomic

development is a function of many economic, social and

demoqraphic variables, only one of which is migration and
that the qovernments of many developing countries have
utilized migration to facilitate the achievement of.
development policies " ( see also Hugo , L9 83 :157 ) . In the
case of rural development in Tubuai (French Polynesia),
Lockwood (1990) found that:

"In the case of French Polynesia, return miqrant families

are not returningi with savings or capital which can then
be productively invested. Most often, financially
strapped families make use of government assistance to
return home from the city and to start what they hope

4t
 42

Table 2.t: Framework for the Analysis of the Impacts

of International Labour Migration on the
Sending Country (Adapted from Hugo, L982a
:191, t987:140)
Impact of
Select ed Individual FamiIy/ CommuniLy Nat ion
Aspects Household
Sex and age
D selectivity
E
M Marriage/
o divorce and
\t fertility
R
. Family/
P household
H size and
I composj-tion
c
. Population
sze
. Income
level and
s distribution
o
c Employment
I
o Productivity
and production
E
c Foreiqn
o exchange
N
o Social welfare
M (access to
I hous ing,
c schoolinq,
services )

. Social /
po1-tical L

participat.ion
Kinship
 43

will be a more economically secure life. Skills learned

in urban jobs are Iargrerly inapplicable to agriculture
based rural life. Moreover, t.here are relatively few
available jobs in rural communities in which urban job
skills could be used" (Lockwood, l-990 :368) .

This study, tests some selected demographic and socio-

economic aspect.s of the consequences of international
Iabour migration. Table 2.2 outlines some of the possible
positive and negative impacts. rt is arqued here that the
impact of internat.ional labour migration on Lhe
individual, family, community and nation depends on the
characteristics of the migrants, type of employment and
amount of income, the socio-economic status of the

Table 2 .2 z Some.emographic and Socio-Economic Impact,s of

International Labour Migrat,ion Upon the
Sending Country (Extracted and, dapte from Hugo,
1985a:t9,34,6L)
IDpact PoB lcLve Ngc1v

DE.IOORPSIC D{PcTs
-sr anal ag Enhance sLatus of wonen.Incras level
EIctlvlty of moderniLy. Reduce pressure on job
opportunities,
-lifrllg/dlvo.c rncrease aqe ac marriage.Redce ferti-
and f6r111tsy liLy due Eo separaEion of spouss and
diffusion of ideas ,:onducive co lower
ferLility from experiences abroad.
-F@1ly/houghold Reduce family size. creaLer emphasis
slz nal on nucLear filiy. change roles of
coEposltlon remainingmembes.
-Populaglon eI26 Reduc ressure on land and employment
soclo-EcoNoxIc INPC8s
-Incon6 lvI Enhance incone levels and encourege
enil cllct!Ibulon investmenc in new Lechnolog_y and oLher
income earning activiLies. Improve liv-
ing sLandard of migrancs and their fa-
mily.Ihprov disLribution of income in
sholt lern due co reduced Fressure on
wagfes -
-EEploldnt Reduce unemplolment due Lo less compe-
Lition for jobs. Solve ocal problems
of unenploymenL. workers may bLain
skllls abroad. workers may get experi-
ences in new forms of nanaqerial,orga-
nisaEion, indusLrial, discipline, and Dew
Lechnologis embodied in capiLal equip-
menL not avaiLable in home counLry.
Enhanced enlrepreneurial and innovato-
ry capcity.
-Ploducti,vlty ProductiviLy may be enhanced by Lechno-
and ploluctlon logical innovacion. RemittanL-es, skil
and experiences may be used for deve-
Iopnent of the oigin place,
-ForLgn ehang Ease balance of FaymenLs deficis.
-soclal welfare Remittnces used fo house coDsLlct-
(acc6ss to ion. Remittances may lead Lo some
houslng. Echool- improvemenc in servi.:es,
Ing, srylcs )
-SoclaL/po1lClca1 In':rease-->enhan':e developmen L.
paEtlclpat Ion
-xlnBhLp Elderly are besc provided for in ori-
gin region, o! may be bes! lo provide
for remaining mmbels of OCW household
change roles of women L.''e .! '/ 'oiq
poulaLion, In,:reas eF,eeler')' r.rrins.
separaLion ot sFDusec-- -in. r rsc in. i -
dence of divorce among nigLtrLr vic,rkers
Loss of harmony ot fmi17.
Reduce social aDd econofii': ,:.it,r,rity t
Loss of economically a,:t i.re .,til.it ion
In lonq lerm nay be a srrentheninf ,rf
inequality luc t o loss t ir. '/t i,rns
and la,:k of ,rhsnqe.
lncrease unemplolmen! du t.' .:rJlnJLi.rl
of local economy and hi6tr wrr,1e extr,e':ti1-
tion of returnes. In some .r+.is lbour
shortages develop. "Iikill",:i r!urnes
is ofLen inappropriaLe ..L t, .,rigin
area, " BxperieD,:' of turnees i; nften
unused in the home countly t'+, ius f,he
new torms o( manager'ia .rLJ.1ni:rt in
and oLhers are noE availabl the.
Problem of reinlegaLion ,rf L+turnees
Productivicy and rates f ino'/arin
are reduced. Redu,:e .i,l!i, ulLural
producLion.
Renittances lead to inflt i rr rn' i
used unproducLively. t,eFellen,:). .f :jenL
ing counLries on recei'rin1 rnl r+s.
Urban bias in providing servi, s,ln,rre-
ased denand on frrmal anL inf-riil, ucl-
far servi,tes. Human ext,li,it.iii,n n,l
bad behavious among o('w/frmiy member.
Decrease--.inpede devPlnr,men( .
Change in aLtiLude cowar(i 1'ler enr3-
tion. wealining of uidr I.insjhiL Link.
sepration of spouses.
 4

miqrants' household and the context of the place of

or-gin. Theref ore, the present study attempts to test the
following hypothesis:

The use of remittances, integration t-n economt-c

activities upon return, Tevel of social- and political-
participation, and socio-economic status of the migrant's
family are significantJy different between mal-e and
femafe migrants, among migrants with different LeveLs of
education, different types of employment, different
Lerze-Zs of income, dif f erent nunbers of f amily members,
and different ,onditions at the place of origin.

2.4.L Impact Upon the Individual Migrant,

At. an individual 1eve1, international labour miqration

can have some positive impacts on migrant workers. They
are able (although it does not always happen) to find
work in the country of employment and are able to fulfil
their basic needs, both f or t.hemselves and f or their
families who are usually left behind in their place of
orig j-n . Their standard of living improves ( Swamy,
1985:36) , but this does not always happen either. Another
advantagre is t.hat if they are able to save and invest.
their money while working abroad, they are able Lo use
those savinqs/investment for productive activities upon
 45

their return. f n Thailand f or example, Roonqshj-vin

(1986:t45) found that. housing improvements in rural areas
are often influenced by international miqration, where
"having a beautiful house is an important status symbol
for the owner" Financially, Filipino workers in the
Middl-e East were better off than their counterparts who
remained working in the Philippines (Smart, Teodosio and
.limenez , !986:t2I).

A study of F-1j-pino migrant workers (Go and Postrado,

1986:130) has shown that the married male migrant worker
enhanced his iqage as a good father in the eyes of his
chil-dren. For the singrle migrant a1so, his status within
the family also rose in the eyes of his parents and
siblings and he has taken on a more active role in
decision making regardinq family matters and in providing
f inancial support . Go and Post,rado (1986 : l-3 0 ) f ound that
migrants were more popular and thej-r friends reqarded
them more highly. These changes in attitudes they called
the psycho-social effects on the status of migrant.
workers both in the household and in the community, which
are enhanced by the migration. The case of a 25-year-old
Mexican migrant worker who had just returned from the
United States after spending four years there, also
i1l-ust.rates the changes in t.he attit.udes of overseas
workers themselves as a result of migration and points to
 46

the potential of migrants to become innovators and points

of diffusion for new att.itudes among his/her siblings at
least, and quite possibly their frj-ends as well:

"Tomas Ballato, however, came home from the United States

with attitudes far different from those of most people in
his birthplace in rural Hidalgo. He has no intention of
marrying soon. When he does, he would like his wife to
work outside the home and to delay having children for
some time. Finally, Tomas will have no compunction about
using male contraceptives, nor will he have problems
findings them in Lazaro Cardenas, where they are readily
available in pharmacies. " (Werner , 19 91: 51 )

However, the cost of migratj-on and the exploitation of

workers (by employers, aqents for overseas employment,
middlemen, etc.) are problems often faced by overseas
miqrants (Tobing, et al., 1990; Krisnawaty and Muchtar,
1992; Spaan, L994) . These costs and explotation are
neqative consequences of international labour migration.
In Indonesia, candidates for overseas contract work have
to pay Ehe cost of arranqing documents and other related
matters before they depart to obtain overseas employment.
Besides facilitating overseas worker migration, agents
and middlemen often use this situation for making
excessive profits from overseas worker candidates. To add
to this there are other problems highlighted in the media
in Southeast Asia- ---domestic violence, sexual abuse of
overseas workers, extremely long working hours, unpaid
workers, workers being stranded after the end of their
contract and low wages (Rural Development Foundation,
 47

L992:4). In Thailand snce L982, the 'qolden era' for

Thai overseas workers has changed, resulting in
disbenefits for them and in some cases the overall net.
impact of overseas employment was negative. Singhanetra-
Renard (L99I:26) found that [his was caused by the
exploitatj-on of contract workers by bheir employers,
recruiters/brokers and even by their fellow villagers.

Upon their return, some overseas mig'rant workers face the

problem of not finding work in their homeland, although
they may have money or 'new skil-Is' . Well paid work
abroad has ingreased their wage expectatons, but
unfortunately the existing wage Ievels in the place of
origin are generally below their expectations (Shah and
Arnold, L9g5:48; Adi, Lg9la:l-0). In Pakistan unemployment
among return miqrants was not due to higher wage
expectations but due to a scarcity of jobs (Farooq-i-
Azam, I98l). In Indonesia, Adi (1987a) found thaL
unemployment rates among Indonesian returned overseas
contract workers was quite high (23 percent ) ; in Thailand
the unemployment rate reached 24 percent and in the
Philippines 46 percent (ESCAP, 1-986b) ; in Pakistan 20
percent and Sri Lanka 16 percent (Farooq-i-Azam, f987).

Returnees perhaps seek different forms of employment rn

their place of origin than they had before migration
 48

because the waqes/salaries in the home country are low.

There is substantial evidence in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and
other countries that the workers do not continue in their
principal overseas occupation when they return (Arnold
and Shah, L986:B). The majority of migrants who returned
from the Middle East to Tambon Don Han (Northeastern
Thailand) rarely used the skills they had acquired in the
Mddle East (Riqq, L989:51). In Jordan, job changes amongr
returnees did not seem to be a step down in mosL cases
but movement onto a new path or retirement (Keely and
Saket, 1984:693).

Arnol-d and Shah (1986 : I ) have reported that. the migrants

may even experience "d.e-skilling"3 because of t.he lack of
opportunity to use their skills acquired in the Middle
East. There is evidence of job mismatches among women
m-grant workers from the Philippines, where often those
with a college degree worked as domestic servants in the
Middle East ( Smart, Teodosio and Jimenez , t9 B6 : 110 ) . In
Sri Lanka 25 percent of skilled workers had to accept
unskilled work abroad, while in Pakistan 43 percent of
301 return migrants who had received occupational
training before departure could not get employment abroad
in Ehe same occupation (Farooq- j--Azam, 1987 ) . In an
3 A process whereby overseas workers, because of their
willingness to take lower skilled work for higher
monetary return, actually diminish or lose previously
held skills.
 49

Indonesian study most overseas contract workers going to

the Middle East had worked in Indonesia before they
worked in the Middle East but only 50 percent of male and
22.6 percent of female workers had the same occupations
as in Indonesia (Adi, 1987b: 49-50).

The lack of opportunity to use their previously acquired

skills abroad is not always of importance. For example in
the context of the village, Rigg (1988:80) found that
" few migrants are skilled and so deskillinq is not a

concern." Moreover, Smart, Teodosio and Jimenez (1-986)

reported that Mjddle Eastern employment does not expose

Filipino workers to new technologies and modes of
production which might enable them to fill key positions
or new developmental roles upon their return. According
to RiSS (1988) the experience of working in a modern
industrial environment may be useful, both for t,he

migrant and his /her country.

Another problem relates to readjustment upon return.

Migrant workers have to readjust to their homeland. Hugo
(1985a:26) points out that, "the nature and degree of
adjustments depend upon which family members move, the
length of -t.heir absence and the nature of the socio-
cultural system at the place of origin, especially the
family structure and the degree of flexibility within
 50

that structure" (see also Gmelch, I9B0:150-3; Riqq, 1988:

79-80). The ideas, attitudes and behaviours which they
accumulated while working abroad have possibty made them
different from what they were before they migrat.ed. These
changes are sometimes not appropriate in their home
community and leads to them being unhappy. Their new
consumer attiLudes for example, fly be a cause of
frustration and may even make them reluctant to return to
their place of origin (Shah and Arnold, 1985).

2.4.2 Impact UIon The Family/Househotd

Hugo (I9Bl :1-41) arques that families of migrants at the

place of origin must adjust to the temporary absence of
family members and the influence of money, qoods, ideas,
attitudes, behaviour and innovations transmitted back to
them by the movers. It is possible that the changes in
family income and effects of separat.ion of the OCW and
his/her family will cause problems among household
members. In Pakistan for example, drug- abuse amonq the
children of migrant households is reported Lo be
-ncreasingr (Abbasi and rrf an, 198 6:t91,).

The most significant cause of workers migrating overseas

is Lo obtain income A part of their i-ncome is usually
sent back to their fami I i es in their homeland These
 -51

remittances obviously increase the level of income of the

migrant.s' households . In the Philippines, the averag'e
income earned by families with overseas contract workers
is about 2.2 times larger than that of famlies wiLhout
an overseas contract worker (Go and Postrado L9B6:I32).

Economically, labour migration usually benef its t.he

family/household. A new house (or improvements to the old
house ) , purchase of land, higrher consumption and
education for their children are some of the aspects of
well-being that are usually enjoyed by the members of the
f amily/househol. . of migrant workers . For example, t.he

study by Go and Postrado (1986:L32) shows that the living

standards of Filipino families with overseas contract
workers are better than families without overseas
contract workers. Table 2 "3 shows that the proportion of
households with consumer goods is higher for oCW
households when compared with non-OCW households in the
Philippines study.

Remittances generally j-ncrease the income of OCW

households, but the benefits of remittances, accordinq to
some commentators such as Keely (1989 502) and Russell
(1986:618), are reduced because these remittances are
spent in socially unproductive ways (Swamy , 19 85:38) .

Nevertheless, the increasing income of OCW households

will increase demand and employment opportunites in
 52

Table 2.32 Proporton of Households Wth Consumer Goods

(wth and wthout Overseas Contract Labour),
1983

Household Proportion of all Households

Consumer Good
with overseas without over-
contract labour seas contract
(e") labour ( %)
Radio /3 73
Television B2 5l_
Bicycle 2t 1B
Motorcycle 1 1
Car or Truck 5 0
Cassette recorder IJ 4L
q?
Living room set IJ JJ

Wall clock AA 31
Refrigerator 60 37
Sewing machine 35
Video games 4 2

Source: Go and Postrado , 19 86:133 .

their society through mul_tiplj-er effects and this has a

positive effect for non-mqrant households. For example,
at the communiLy level the renovation or construction of
houses creates employment. As Abella (I99I:43) has
pointed out, the investment in the consLruction of
housing usually has strong links with other industries.
Adi (1987b) for example, found [hat an Tndonesian return
migrant worker who had collected earnings during his two-
year term in Saudi Arabia used his savinqs to renovate
his house, run a retail shoe shop and purchase land and a
car. In renovating his house he hired local workers
(creating employment) and bought materials (increasing
the demand/supply for housing material).
 53

International labour migration may affect the role and

status of women, both those left behind and women who qo
overseas as contract workers. Separation of spouses "not
only results in chanqes in famly structure but may also
lead to modifications in the roles of family members"
(Hugo, L99L:26), especially that of the wife. For some
female migrant workers, their position in the household
is enhanced by becoming the pri-ncipal breadwinner. When
the migrrant worker is the husband, however, the wife who
is left behind in the homefand has to assume the
responsibil-ities previously taken care of by her husband
(Abella , I99I:A,5-) . In the homeland the f emale must
become the household head and it also allows greater
independence for women (Lim, l-990; Hugo , I99]-]l.

In Kerala (India), wives remaining in the homeland have

used banks to manage the farm and opened businesses
(Gulati, 1986 :207 ) . Temporary Filipino overseas migrration
seems to have increased married women's participation in
non-aqricultural actj-vities at. the househol-d level duri-ng
the husband's absence (Go and Postrado , L9B6:140 ) .

Moreover, the expanded roles of women can be seen amongt

the wives of Filipino workers. Besi-des being the
temporary tlusehold head, they act as decision makers and
sole parents, having to handle t.he f amily problems and
dif f iculties (Go and Postrado, ]-986:1,21) . Studies in some
 54

areas in Indonesia (Hugo 1985a:2'7-B ) have indicated a

significant increase in the 'female headship' of families
where temporary forms of migration have occurred.
However, close ties among families, relatives and members
of the community in many cases provide support for wives
who have husbands abroad:

"When difficult problems arise that bhey feel t.hey

cannot handle alone, wives now perceive themselves as
running to their relatives more often than they used
to. . . Moreover, t.he communi-ty study shows that within
these stable communities where residents have lived for
more than 20 years and relationships are character:-zed
by close interpersonal relations, the family system
seems to be carried over to the community level
with the local leaders sometimes serving as 'surrogate
f athers' to t*he f amilies lef t behind by the contract
workers. " (Go and Postrado , L9 86:1-28 )

From his study on the impact of international labour

migration on families in Kerala, Gulati ( L9B6:202)
sugqests that because of the need for family support to
meet the initiat cost of migration and the dependence on
the family to provide the necessary support and
protection for the wj-fe, children and other dependents of
the migrant who is absent, kinship networks have become
stronger and have been reinforced.

Working overseas may have negative consequences for

marital relaLions and can lead to a loss of harmony in
the family. This is one of the unhappy and disillusioning
characteristics which is faced by some migrants and Eheir
 -5.5

fami-ly members, although they may be economically better

off than their neiqhbours. Studies in the Philippines (Go
and Postrado , 1-986) , Thailand (Roongshivin , ]-9B6 ) ,

Pakistan (Abbasi and Irf an , 1-986) , India (Gulati, 1986 )

,

Sri Lanka (Kora1e, 1986) and Bangladesh (Siddiquj-, 1986)

have shown this to be the case.

2.4.3 Impact Upon The Community

The purpose of moving abroad is usually to obtain work or

to earn a higher wage (Adepoju, 1988:37; Hugto , L9 90:20 ).

As a result of work-ng overseas, money, groods, ideas,

attitudes and sitls wil-l probably flow back to the place
of origin of the migrant. workers The impact of this
movement on workers and their f amil-i-es has been shown
above, but what happens t.o their commun-ty at the place
of origin? Do remittances and experiences from working
abroad (ski1l-s, ideas, etc.) compensate for the loss of
workers t.o their community?

The flow of remittances from international labour

migrration are generally in one direction only: to the
place of origin. Lipton (1980 ) has argued that
remittances do not improve income distribution. This is
because ( 1 ) " total net remittances are very small
compared with rural income in the great majority of
villages " and (2) "positive remittances go
 56

disproport.ionately to the better-of f " (Lipton, 1980:11).

Rubenstein (L992: l-31) also found that "rather than being
a catalyst for development, remittances, and the entire
system of migration of which t.hey are a part, seem to be
adding to the economic deterioration of ruraf Mexrco

In contrast Hugo (1-983:33) pointed out that "the evidence

regarding the influence of population movement,
especially temporary movement, o remittances and rural
productivity is that such movement. is producing a net
gain in t.he areas of origin. " Tn the Tndonesian context
it may be argup,-fl that t.he remittances enhance the level
of income and improve income distribution in the place of
origin. However, there is still debate about this issue
(Russell , 1-986, L992) . On one side it is argued that
remittances only exacerbate inequalities of income
distribution in the place of origin, while on the other
side it is arqued that remittances have beneficial income
distri-bution effects. Thus the nature of evidence from
different areas is contradict.ory; no one pattern occurs
everywhere.

In Thailand (Roongshivin, L986:161-) it was found that

remi-ttances have played a vital role in the rural
economic and social development through multiplier
effects. There has been an impact on the well-being of
 -s7

households receiving remittances for their own

consumption, investment, debt repayment and savinq.

Hence, because the main groal of community development
itself is t.o improve the welfare of community members, if
many households in the community gain benefits from
overseas workers, it may be possible to conclude that the
impact of internatj-onal labour on the community where the
migrant workers come from will be a net positive one.

Temporary separaLion between husband and wife may lead to

a decrease in fertility levels in the community of
origin. One nley argue that fertility will decrease
because of the absence of either a mother or father for a
significant time period (e.9. two years). Moreover,
working abroad generally will increase the age at
marriage of singrle overseas workers, which will in turn,
affect fertility j-n a given community. Gulati (1986:2I]-)
found Ehat in Kerala (there has been a large exodus from
this state to other parts of India and to Lhe Middle
East ) there was already a signi-ficant decline in the
population grrowth rate from 26.29 percent during L96I-
1-910 to 19 percent. during 1911,-1980 . But as he has
stated, iL is dj-fficult to say what part of thj-s decline
is attributble Lo the migration of workers to the Middle
Easta. Go and Postrado (1986) however, found that the
4 "rn the other regions, the decline in fertility was
preceded by a higher Ievel of socio-economic
 .58

effects of Filipino international contract labour

migration on fertlity appeared to be small. In suilmary,
there is still little specific knowledge regrarding the
influence of mobility-associated seperation of husband
and wif e upon f ertilit.y levels (Hugo , L9 B5a:32 )
.

Illegal recruitment, young school dropouts and drug abuse

are sometimes recoqnised aS social problems in the
community as a result of international labour movement. A
study by Go and Postrado ( 1986:143 ) found that such
social problems " should probably not be attributed to the
phenomenon of . -international contract labour" (Go and
Postrado, L986:L43) .

Go and Postrado (1986:141--3) found that the labour force

left in the overseas worker household tends to have more
f emales, more elderJ-y males and more very younq men.

Overall the economic affects and the social /pol-itical

participation at the community level was unclear in that
study. However they concluded that the movement of
Filipino overseas workers has benefited their respective
communities, aS they became more proqressive and there
development, industrialization, urbanzaL-on and greater
investment in farnily planning. As far as Kerala is
concerned, most of these factors are at a very low level-
- except for a hgher level of education and low
mortality. How Kerala managed to bring down her
fertility, gliven such a poor state of economic
development, is puzzLlng" (Mahadevan and Sumangala,
L9B7:161) .
 59

was a rr-se r-n the living standard among many residents.

Moreover, " . . . there is a general perception t.hat many
residents in the community have bequn acquiring
vocational skills to enable them to work abroad" (Go and
Postrado, L986 : 1-4I-3 ) .

2.4.4 Impact Upon the Nation

Foreign employment, as has been mentioned previously, is

viewed by the major labour sending countries as a safety
valve which can reduce widespread domestic unemployment
and underemployment and provide a partial solution to
excessive balabe of payments deficits ( for g.overnment
policy in sending overseas workers, e.g in Indonesia
(Pusat AKAN, n.d); in the Philippines (Smart., Teodosio
and Jiminez , 19 86: l-06 ) and in Thailand (Roongshivin,
L986 : 145 ) . Raj -Hashim (L992: 119 ) points out :

"For t.he sending countries, migration policies reflect

measures to relieve unemployment and underemployment,
augiment foreign exchange through remittances, increase
national per capita income and a consequent expansion in
rates of savinqs and investment . In some cases, workers
acquire new skills, which may be util zed upon their
return for the deveJ-opment of their home countries "

According to Massey (1988) international migration had a

role in the process of European economic development. To
show the extent of remittances in some of the labour
sending countries and the dependency of economies on
remittances (see Keely and Saket, L984; Burki, 1984;
 60

Keely, 1989 Hugto , 1-990; Russell , L986, 1992; Rubenstein,

L992), Table 2.4 i-ndicates the ratio of remittances to
merchandise exports of some selected Asian countries.

The contribution of remittances to the value of foreign

exchanqe in Bangladesh and Pakistan j-s very significant.
The GDP growth rate of Bangladesh is estimated to have
slowed down by 4 percent because some 65,000 Bangladeshi
workers have returned, due to the Gul-f Crisis of 1990
(Abella, L99L:4'7) . Burki (1984:613) pointed out, "if
Pakistan had not benefited from the boom in the Middle
East by being .abte to export hundreds of thousands of
workers, its economic perf ormance woul-d have been
seriously impaired. " Another way that remittances have
helped increase foreign exchange earninqs according to
Burki (1984 673-4), is by creatinq new markets for the
export of goods and commodities that would not have been
sold abroad but for the presence of large expatriate
communities in the importing countries. For Pakistan, the
share of the Middte East in total exports increased from
two percent in 1960 to eight percenL in 1'982.

To reduce widespread domestic unemployment and under-

employment and provide a partial solution to excessive
balance of payments deficits, the Indonesian Government
has attempted to increase the number of Indonesian
overseas contract workers since the Third Five Year
 l

Development Pl-an (t919 -1984 ) . In the Sixth Five Year

Development Plan (L994/95-t998/ 99) the number and qualit.y
of workers sent abroad will be increased.

Table 2.4: Value of Total Merchandise Exports and

Recorded Net Remittances for Selected Asian
Countres, 1988-1991

1988 1989 r990 lqq

a t: c a b C a

tsan'l I a,..ih T23I 1 a\7 60 r305 '7 7I 59 16'7 4 1\ {5 L7r8 5

Pal: i ;t ir 4362 2 018 46 4642 1902 4L 5 590 I':4'7 35 .18 2e

3ri. Lanka r 412 'J 5'1 24 1554 3JB 22 r984 i

4ti 20 t;-l L'l
I n,]i a _I4600 285rj 20 r5523 2650 L7 r1967 Ie41 11 Jilr' t4
Nepal lB6 3B 20 r56 rl r62 ll9
Fhillppines '7014 L2 '7',t 4'7 f60 5 8ri31 l,i 3 r1\4 .''::
Thai lan,l r5806 93't 5 20059 ).3i)(.t 2 0.3
n'lon"iia t96i't ' ' 99 0 5 21,'7'73 r25 ; 6 25553 l5r 0.6 llrS,97 .L ir 0.5

Note: a Total Merchandise exports (MS)

b Net Workers Ratio of Remittance (MS)
c Remittance to Merchandise Exports ()
Source: World Bank,]-990 2204-5,21'2-3 199t:230-l-,238-9 ;
1992:244-5, 252-3 ; 1993 :264-5, 272-3.

Alt.hough international labour migration has benefits for

t.he sending countries it may also have an unf avorable
impact. Russell (1986:678-9) has catalogued the benefits
and costs of remittances from international labour
miqration and concl-uded that remittances play a central
role in the -economics of sending countries. The negraLive
and positive views of remittances have been summarised by
Keely (1989 : 500 ) as f o1l-ows:

6l
 62

l-. "Remittances increase dependency, contribute to

economic and political instability and development.
distortion, and lead to economic declj-ne that overshadows
a temporary advantaqe for a fortunate few. "
2. "Remittances as an effective response to market
forces, providj-ng a transition to an otherwise
unsustainable development. They improve income
distribution and qualj-ty of life beyond what other
available development approaches could deliver. "

2.5 Conclusion

In this study the term 'international- labour migration'

refers to the temporary movement of labour from a country
of origin to a country of destination for work.
International labour migration is a complex phenomenon.
It is not j ust due to the imbal-ance in the spat ial
dj-stribution of factors of production. The government
policies in both receiving and sending countries and the
distances and differential socio-cultural factors have to
be taken into account.However a theory of such movement
has not yet been formulated. The difficulties of
developing an adequate conceptual framework for the study
of popul-ation movement according to Wood (L982:298-9) ,

are because:

" critics commonly single out the lack of cumulative

empirical results, Lhe prevalence of ad hoc explanations,
the trivial character of many of the principal
generalization gleaned from the literature, the excessive
reliance on reductionistic perspectives that preclude the
analysis of macrostructural change, the paucity of direct
policy relevance, and the inability to link the insights
derived from survey research with the broader
 63

socioeconomic and political transformations underway in

developing societies. "

The empirical findings of the impact of int.ernational

labour migration on t.he sending country show t.hat they
depend on many factors. Moreover, it can be difficult
determining whet.her this impact comes from international
l-abour migration alone, or from various other factors
such as development programs, rural-urban migration,
deveJ-opment efforts from other communities, etc. To
separate the impact of international labour mi-gration
from these other factors is a "crucial point" (Saefullah,
L992:59). This.study endeavours to overcome this problem
by using the following two strategies:

First, to determj-ne what aspects are possibly affected by

international l-abour migration. A framework of the impact
of rural-urban migration developed by Hugo (I9B2b, I9B1)
has been very useful in determining some aspects
(demographic and socio-economic) that are affected by
such movement.

Second, to compare those aspects (demographic and socao-

economic) between OCWsand non-OCWs, OCW households and
non-OCW households, and communities with different levels

of OCWs. At the national- level, the impact can be seen as

the total effect of international labour migration on
 (A

OCWs, their families, and their communities. Here, rt rs

necessary to analyse the government policies relating to
the sendingr of overseas contract workers and how far the
real i sat ion of these policies has been achieved.
 Chapter Three

METHODOLOGY

3.1 Int,roduction

Primary data collection is necessary to achieve an

understanding of international- labour migration and its

impact in Indonesia as is the case el-sewhere in South
East Asia. The lack of secondary data is because:

"Migration may occur repeatedly which makes the

difficulti'es encountered in measuring, especially
when migration involves the crossing of
international bounders" (Zlotnik, I9B7:v) ;

Migrant workers often find empJ-oyment through

"unofficial" channels, or migrants who leave the
nation l-egaJ-J-y with some reason other than work but
in fact end up workinq at the destination (Hugo,
1993:39) ;

Similarly, not alI of the remittances that the

workers send home go through official_ banking
channel-s;
"As is the case n virtuaJ-1y every country in the
region, two decades ago the amount of international
 6l

movement was very small and involved limited,

usually elite groups" (Hugo , I994b:2) ;

Population Censuses in Indonesia for exampJ-e, do not

collect information on internationat migration.

The lj-mitaton of such data has been indicated by Burki

(19842669\, ESCAP (1985:B), Levine, Hill and Warren
(1985:3), ESCAP Secretariat (I9B6a:.2), Massey

(1987:1498) , Fawcett and Arnold (1987b,: 1523) , Kaz

(198'7 22, 58) , Keel-y (1989:506) , Martin (1991 :I16) ,

Rusself (1992+,268) and Athukorala (1993:103) . With

particular reference to temporary international labour
migration, Hugo (1993a:39) pointed out:

"fn studies of temporary international labour migration

throughout Asia, official statistics are usually very
Iimited, scattered and incomplete and can rareJ-y be
relied upon to indicate the number of peopJ-e who have
moved, let a-lone their characteristi-cs, origin,
destnation, etc. "

To comprehensively study the impact of overseas contract

worker migration involves study at a number of level-s and
different space and time contexts. This complexity
sugqests that the most appropriate way to investigate the
impact of international contract workers is to use a
research design of a tongit.udinal nature. Such designs
accordinq to Go, Postrado and Ramos-Jimenez (I 983: B ) ,
 68

all-ow the investigators to gather data from a group of

international contract workers before they mi-grate, to
foll-ow them and interview them at various subsequent
stages and then to assess what changes have occurred in
that group after a reasonable period of time has eJ-apsed.

Hugo (I9B2a:2I0) has al-so pointed out that a longitudinal

research design is "a preferabfe strategy for
identification, measurement and evaluation of the impact
of migration". This design al-lows comparison of the same

migrants before and after the international l-abour

migration has occurred. Such ideal designs however are
rarely possible.because of the substantial- costs j-nvol-ved
and the large time periods which are required for the
respondents to be fol-Iowed.

The present study coul-d not afford the J-uxury of adopting

a Iongitudinal- approach because of the substantial- time
and money constraints within which it had to work. The

approach adopted here was to only col-lect information

about migrants at the place of origin (Desa Sukasari, in
Kabupaten Cianjur, West Java) . It vras not possibl-e to
follow migrants through each stage of process of
movement, not oni-y because of t ime and resource
constraints, but also because there is considerable
difficulty in obtaining permission to undertake this type
 69

of research in Saudi Arabia the major destination of

the migrants involved.

The major data colfection strategy employed here rs a

sample survey. This is "an effective method for studies

of mobitity migration surveys provide richer and more
detailed data than are availabl-e from other sources"
(Fawcett and Arnold, 1987b:1523) . However, according to
Massey (1987:1504) such methods ose historical depth,
richness of context, and the intuitive appeaJ- of real
Iife. Therefore, Massey (1987) suggests ethnosurvey
methods which, . involve the simultaneous application of
ethnoqraphic and survey methods within a single study.

WhiIe it was not possible to col-ect information on

overseas contract workers (OCWs) at their destinatj-on,

this study attempted to concentrate on the migration
process through interviewing returned overseas contract
workers, the heads of households which have OCWs still
absent, and the heads of households without OCWs but
living in communities where there has been significant
OCII{ outmovement. In this study data from the households
without OCWs are used to investiqate the impact of
working overseas on the OCW households and the multiplier
effects of that movement. The analysis of differences
between migrants and non-migrants is desirabl-e in
 70

understanding the impact of migration, instead of

comparinq the conditions before and after migration
(Hugo, 1982a:2I0; Fawcett and Arnold, 1981:I526) .

Demographic and socio-economic characteristics of OCWs,

their households, and the non-OCVJ households, such as

sex, 9, education, employment, economic and marital

status was co-l-l-ected by interviewinq the head of each
household and by using survey questionnaires. The

questions relating to the reason for working overseas,

the process of migration, the experience in the country
of employment-. and integration and participation upon

return were asked of returned OCWs only. In order to

obtain data of the condition of the househol-d before and

after having an OCW, the questionnaires were designed to

trace such information through retrospective questions.

Direct observation and in-depth interviews were al-so

carried out in order to col-lect data which cannot be

obtained using survey questionnaires. This approach of

qualitative data col-Iection (Corner, .d) , assisted the
researcher in gaining a deeper understanding of the
impact of internationa labour mgration on the place of
origin via direct observatj-on and in-depth interviews
with community leaders, Fligious l-eaders, villaqers,
 lt

selected returnees and heads of househol-ds with the OCW

stilI abroad.

3 2 Secondary Data on International Labour Migration in

fndonesia

fndonesian international- popuJ-ation mobility, especially

overseas contract labour has not been studied very
intensiveJ-y. A few studies have been based on surveys and

to some extent officially coll-ected data (Adi, I9B6;

Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada,

198 6,' Mar j-u s,, I992, I994,' Supangat, I992a;

- 798'7 ; Spaan

Hugo, I993a) . Hugo (1993a:39; 1993e:28-42) points out

that there is no satisfactory data set relating to the
volume, patterns or characteristics of migrants, or other
rel-evant information relatinq to international labour
migration in Indonesia"

Since population censuses in Indonesia only collect

information on permanent internal migration (Hugo, I9B2c)
between provinces, according_ to Hugo (1993a: 39-4I;
1993e : 2B-42 ) three poss j-bl-e sources of data about

Indonesian overseas contract labourr:

Directorate of Immigration in the Department of

Just i ce ;

t this section especially is derived from Hugo (1993e).

 12

Pusat (the Of f ice

AKAN f or Overseas Empl-oyment,
Department of Manpower);
Private sector, Indonesian Labour Supplier Agencies
( Perusahaan Pengrerah Tenagra Kerja Indones a)

3.2.1 The Directorate of Immigration

According to Hugro (1993e) the Directorate of Immigration

in the Department of Justice collects departure and
arrival cards from al- I people arriving in or departing
from Indonesia (Fiqures 3.1 and ? ?\

Figure 3.1 Indonesia: Departure Card

Flighl Num.r RIR

N.mc of shlp E
f uil mc (wrtc surnmc firsl, use block lcttcrs)
D Mle
! Frmala
Pag9orl , Travel ocumcnl Oatc ol crrtm FOF OFFICE USE
NumbGr : fat PCF
t2
PlrcC ol rssue :
t? orx tv LP nre
t{a1onlty Occuptlo / prolcsron 3.56r

Counlry of Rcscnce
!
P.OEP. EPO/ERP/MERP NO Oate

ooKrM No Date

IMPORTANT NOTICE
1. this Dsemerkalion / Emberk.iion cerd must be compteted y
cvery pa.ssengerincluding one foreach accompanying chrld -
2. Prease do not remov this portion ofthe card lto you( passport/
lravel document
3. You are requrred to surreder this porlion ofthe carO tO tre
lmmgraton officer
(at departure.
(t t the
(c) the time

Source: Huto, 1993e

 t3

Figure 3.2 Indonesia: Arriwal Card

F:ighl Numbr
NmG of Shrp
R D
Full amc (wlle utnamc {rsl. use lock lellcrs)
I C Mlr
2 O Fcmal?
Placa nd countrY ol birtn otc ol birth FOF OFFICE USE

Occugtio, Prof"3s;o

Parpor, flevel documonl Orc o{ efttn TfL Pf. n

Nulltoat: 12
Placc ol rssu: DIP

3
Oli tu
5
E 6
nl

Placa nd countrt of lcsdcncc

Lst 9lcc , Porl of Embrlalion

Plas? aswcr A or I (plse oer lvl only one ol:

o 1e empleted by visitors o ntendtng

rcsiocnts
@ ro o" comgreted bylnonesie
returning
rcsdents linctuded
Purposc of r;3;t xtionlst
I I hvc bccn bsentfrom
I D Bui^ess 5! r,^sir lodones lor :

z! ol;.;.''^.r;on 6! Eorcario^
3O convenl,o lO orn... Y!r3 monlhs ots
Counlry in wich I spant
l. xoidy r vist,'ng {ticnds mostt;mc shib brod
Rll;ves / Pl5ulc
ccomodtion frst tlrp to rE{ling
ndonc sia on 9fou9
,!"ot, 6D Res,dence of friends
rellrY5
& t ?
tout'l
zO uot.r 7D Agn ml
3 Rest house I D 8ntcd housG ! v., rEves
l--l Gres house 9 ! Cmp !no Dxo
r D Vour hostcl ro O Othcrs

tntcnd.d lengih of stay t^lcded ddress n ldonesi

drs
Hv. you been in fric orSorth America during th lsl 6 dys? rD vo z f--l ro
Oatc o rrivl

(Sgnature ol Pssn9rl

Source: Hugo, 1993e

 74

From the departure card, the only information that can be

obtained relates to sex, nationaity,
occupation/profession and country of residence of the
person departing. The information on the arri_vaL card
relates to sex, nationality, occupatl_onlprofession, place
and country of residence, place and country of birth,
date of birth, J-ength of absence from Indonesia, country
in which he/she spent most time whil_e abroad, purpose of
visit and intended length of stay ( for visitors and
int.ending residents) Since the purpose of the visit is
not coll-ected on the departure card this source is not
useful- for .he anaysis of j_nternatj_onal labour
emigration. According to Hugo (1 993e : 32 ) only the
departures and arrival-s informatj-on for foreigners is
computerised and that for fndonesian citizens is not yet
held in machine readable form. Moreover, there is very
littl-e analysis of the data col-lected and rarely is it
pubj-ished (Hugo, I993e:38) .

Therefore Hugo (1993e:38) points out the usefulness of

data from the Directorate of Immigration is extremeJ-y
timited for the analysis of international- l_abour
migration. Moreover the storage details of the data are
unclear and access to them s very problematical. It
appears that data on departures and arrivafs in Indonesia
is still not very accurate, since there is a lack of
 15

correspondence between statistical- data from the

Directorate of Immigration and those of the Central
Bureau of Statistics. Hugo (1993e:38; 1993a:40) notes
that the Directorate Immigration reported that in 1990

621 ,649 Indonesian citizens left the country and 586,184

returned, whl-e 1990 census data only mentions 25I, 389
Indonesian citizens in other countries (including
permanent residents who had not relinquished their
Indonesian citizenship, s well as students and other
visitors) (Table 3.1) . Moreover, Table 3.1 shows the
growth of fndonesian citizens in other countries
according to year.

Table 3.1 Number of Indonesian Citizens Overseas at the

End of Year 1987-L992.
Continent 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1 992 t Growth
981 -1.992
"
55 64,392 i83,868 181,683 t 9c,586
'',411
Africa 2,242 7,39I 1.,414 t,681 't, l',6 5l
Europe 19.984 2I, O21 2r,221 23,05r )| )\ 22
America r2,522 16,073 15,606 I1 ,654 19,305 2r, 612 12
Australian/
Paci fi c 4,9t6 1 ,597 B,108 25,r35 22,360 23,344 314.9
Tot a l- 2t6,380 221,343 110,807 251,389 25I,30't 26I,476 2U.A

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, 1992 and I994.

3 .2.2 Data from Pusat AKl{ (Centre for Overseas forkers)

Pusat AKAN has been established snce I984 within the

Indonesian Manpower Department to encourage/ control and
co-ordinate the recrutment and sending of fndonesian
labour abroad and also to maintain data on those sent
 76

overseas (Hugo,1993a:39) . Hugo (1993e:30-35) points out

that each OCW candidat.e has to compete a form which
collects information about the individual workers
(detailed in Table 3.2) . The completed forms are
colected by Pusat AKAN. However, as he points out, the
data col-l-ected on the forms is not readily avail-abIe to
researchers. What has actually been processed and

published by AKAN rel-ates onJ-y to those workers who are

actually deptoyed by the Ministry of Manpower since I919
according to countries of destination, their occupations
and sex (Hugo, \993e:32) . More recently data have been
made availabl'e on the distribution of al-1 overseas
contract workers from Indonesia according to their
provinces and kabupaten of origin and according to the
main ndustry in which they are employed- Pusat AKAN nol^/

is starting to produce a list of returning OCWs according

to sex, pJ-ace of origin (province), and month/year of
arrval. The data from Pusat AKAN are important for the
study of egal OCWs and has been used in this study, both
as a means of providing an overview of the legal movement

of OCWs and in the selection of the study area which was

based on the large number of overseas contract workers

which it supplied.
 77

Table 3 2 Indonesian Vlorker Identification Form (Daftar

Identitas Tenaga Kerja Indonesia)

PAGE 1: INFORMATION ON APPLICANT

Worker Identification Number

Name of hlorker
Place and Date of Birth
Gender
Rel igion
Marital Status
Detailed Address
Name and Detail-ed Address of Husband/Wife
Name and Detailed Address of ParenL/Guardian
Level of Formal Education
Identification Card Detai-ls
Birth Certificate Details
Details of Letter Certifying the Good Character
Details of Certificate of Marriage/Dlvorce/
Unmarried
Detatls of Letter of Permission from Parent/
Guardian / Husband/wi fe
Details of Driver's Licence
Details of Information from DEPNAKER
(Department of Manpower)

PAGE 2: INFORMATION ON PREPARATION AND PLACEMENT

Traininq Inst j-tut ion Attended

Details of Certificate of SkilJ- Training
Detai-l-s of Certifj-cate of Pre Departure
Orientation Training
Details of Health Check Certificate
V{hether Pass or Failed Final Sel-ection
Details of Recruiting'Agency Sending Vorker
Away
Details of Overseas EmpJ-oyer
Type of Work to be Undertaken
Wages to be Paid
Length of Contract
Authentication of Promise of Work
Social Security Number
Passport Number
Visa Number
FISCAL (the overseas travel tax) Waiver Number
Signature Authorising Departure

Source: Hugo , I9 93e:31

 78

It is important to point out that Indonesian workers in

other countries (especially in Malaysia) who are
undocumented out-number the total number of Indonesi-an
workers J-egalJ-y overseas (Hugo, 1993e; Country Report:
Indonesi-a, I992; Lim, I99I:15). Moreover, Hugo (1993a:39)
has ponted that AKAN statistics excl-ude: "Indonesian
workers who l-eave the nation J-egally with the indication
that they are leaving for some reason other than work,
but in fact end up workinq at their destination...and
workers who J-eave the country ill-egalJ-y and work in other
countries. " It is argued that there is also some

important infor'mation which is not asked of the OCW

candidate such as "whether or not the worker has gone

overseas before, and if So, where, details of work skills

and experience which the applicant has,' detail-s of
family, number of dependents etc. of the applicant,'
details of f amily members already overseas,' language
skil-J-s" (Hugo 1993e:30) .

3.2.3 Overseas Labour Suppliers

In Indonesia al-l OCW recruiters have to be registered

with the government and they have formed together into an

associatlon (Pusat AKAN, I99I) . The Indonesian Manpo\^ier

Supp]-ier Association (IMSA)' came into being to assist the

t Slnce I994 the Indonesian Manpower Department has
established , .sosasr Perusahaan Jasa Tenaqa Kerja
 79

government to coordinate those OCW recruiters (Indonesian

Manpower SuppJ-ier) 3 in carrying out the program of
overseas empJ-oyment.
Besides the Indonesian worker Identification Form, PPTKI4

also col-lect data from OCW candidates when they first

make contact with them" (Hugo, I993e:30). They coflect
more information about Indonesian OCWs than the
Indonesian Worker Identification Form by using
questionnaires (Table 3.3) . Unfortunately, S Hugo
(1 993e : 32 ) points out, it is not known (1 ) how many of
PPTKI actuallyuse the forms, (2) how many store them,
and (3) the -extent to which the data from them are
computerised. Moreover, it has been found to be difficult
to gain the cooperation wich the recruiters in survey
work. In his study, Adi (1986) for example, could obtain
data from two Iabour suppliers onJ-y, although he had a

letter from the Head of Sub Directorate AKAD/AKAN,

Department of Manpower, which was directed to al-l- l-abour

supplj-ers asking for their cooperation in his study. It

Indonesia (APJATI) (The Indonesian Manpower Service Firm

Association) to replace IMSA with purpose of encouraging,
controlJ-ing and co-ordinating the recruitment and sending
of Indonesian labour abroad (Kompas, 30 May 1995).
3 The Indonesian Manpo\^rer Supplier (Perusahaan Pengerah
Tenaga Ker ja Indonesia PPTKI ) \^/as changed by
Ministerial- Regulation NO: PER- 02 /MEN / 1994 in 7994 to
become the Indonesian Manpower Service Firm (Perusahaan
Jasa Tenaga Kerja Indonesia PJTKI).
a According to the Center of Overseas Employment, in 1990
there \^/ere 241 PPTKI in various cit ies throughout
Indonesia, but most of them are located in Jakarta (Pusat
AKAN, n.d)
 80

is possj-ble that one of the reasons is the recruiter

agent might manipulate the data of OCW to improve the
possibifity of them going overseas (Bethan, I993:91-93).
AIso many recruiters are illegal and operate outside of
IMSA and AKAN. According to Spaan (\994:109) , informal
recruitment channels pJ-ay a vit.aI role in the fl_ows of
Indonesian overseas workers.

Table 3 3 Questionnaire for Owerseas Contract gforker

Candidates (Designed by the fndonesian
Manpower Supplier ssociation (IMSA)
Ful I Name
Dace of Bi rLh
Place o BirLh
NaLionaliLy ot BirEll
Sex
Height
Weight
Blood croup
Marital StaLus
Re I igi on
PermanenL Address
Person to be Notified in Home CounLry in Cse of Imercr()rcy
DependenLs (name, dae of birun, reacionsnip)
Rel-atives Employed by a Public InLernaLiona OrganisaLion (nme, relaLionship, name
of international organisation)
!'hat Field of Work or Trinr.ng do you Prefer?
Would you Accept [,Jork or Training for aL.]-esL 6 MonLhs?
WouId you Accept Employment or Trainj-ng in AnoLher count.ry fo: i\4ore't'lan: 1 year; 2
years; 3 years
that is Your Mother Tongue? l/,lhaL OLher Languages Do You Have'? (Read,. ldriLe,. Speak;
Unders c and )
For ClericaL Grades Only (indicae speed in words per mlnuLe for Engish, French ancl
ocher languages in shorLhancj anci cyping; i;-sc any office mactrrnes or equipmenr yo-
can use)
StaLe Reasons f or Wishing to [,ork or Train in AnoLher Cc..]nL:y
Forma.I Educat.ion Background (counLry, place of educaL ion,. t ron monrh/ye<l r !o
month/year,' degrees and academic discincicns obLained; main course of sLudy)
School-s or Other Forma Training or EducaLion (counLry, p-Lace ol ecucaiion; Lype of
education; from month/year Lo monLh,/year; certificaLes or diplomas obLained)
LisL Professional SocieLies and AcLiviLies in civic, Publ ic or InternaLionl Affairs
LisL Any Significant Pub-Iicaions you n.rve wrLLLcr
Employment Record. StarLj-ng wiLh presenL posL, llsl in reverse order every
employmenc you have hd. Use a sepraLe bcck fcr eacn pcsL. :ctucie service:n Lhe
armed forces and nofe any oerioC in whch yol; werc .|o: qalrltr y enployc.l (f..n
monch/year Lo rnont.h/yer; s-rjes - s'-rL.q nd l;1a.,. e-xlc. .._:',,c o! posc; ame
of employer; Lype of business; Address of employer; name oI super-visor,. number and
kind of employees superviseci,'reason for leaving,. descripLlon of your duLies)
References - Three Persons noL ReIaLed Familiar with your CharacLer and
Qual-ifications
StaLe any oLher RelevnL FacLs. Inc j.ucje In Iormacion Fegar<ting ies i()ence Our-sicic
CounLry of your NaLionalicy
Hve you ever been Arrested - IndcLed or Summonsed incc Cour: in a Criminat
Proceeding or Convicted, Fined or Imprisoneci for Lhe Violrior': ol Lw? I i yeas, Sive
DeLails
Declaration of Correctness of Informt-ion

Source: Huqo , 79 93e: s

 8l

3.3 The Field Surwey Design

The available secondary data sources provide only a

little information about the scale, characteristics,

causes and consequences of international labour
migration. Hugo (I9B2b) has pointed out that the scal-e of
non-permanent forms of movement in Indonesia (including
temporary international labour migration) cannot be

reliably estimated because the existing data collection

system fail-s to identify such movement. Because secondary
data rrere inadequate for analysing the aims of this
study, primary data hrere col-lected through f ield work.
In order t; col-lect information, a structured
questionnaire was appJ-ied to a sample of families of OCWs

and was suppJ,emented by in-depth interviews and direct

observation. The resercher also collected articl-es, news

and stories about Indonesian overseas contract workers,

government policies and research findings in this area as

this is an important \^ray of identifying the phenomenon of

the impact of international labour miqration. This
process was important because a great deal of the
information about international migration j-s available in
non-tradltional sources such as newspapers and magazines
(Hugo, 1992a:IB3) .

After Desa Sukasari has selected as the research area on

the basis of it having a large number of OCWs, the

 82

researcher began to live in the village in order to gan

a deeper knowledge about it and to develop a working
relationship with the community. During that time the
sampling frame \^/as compiled, questionnaires were tested,
revised and reconstructed, interviewers v/ere recruited
and trained and one assistant was recruited for
fieldwork. The researcher lived in the viJ-lage for the
entire period of data collection (three months) whiJ-e the
intervieh'ers stayed in the village during the time of
interviewing only. The village secretary, the heads and

deputy heads of each dusun were important as key

informants dur:ing field work. They were mportant al-so in
providing the necessary data for their sub-areas to
analyse the impact of international labour migration at
the community leveI. Community i-nformation together with
individual/household survey data is important to study
the consequences of migration (BiJ-sborrow, 1981).

3.3.1 Selection of the Study Area

The seection of the community/research area for

investigaton was accompJ-ished through a multistage
selection procedure. It was seected on the basis of
identifying an area which supplied a large number of
Iegal- overseas contract workers. It has already been
pointed out that there are considerable numbers of
ill-egal rndonesian workers overseas, especiaJ-1y in
 83

Malaysia (Singhanetra-Renard, LgB4; Hugo, t I., I9B1

Lim, 19 91 ,' Dora-I I and, 1992 ; Tempo , 11

Paramas ivam

January 1992,' Hugo , 19 93a ) . However, it i s not poss ible

to obtain information on the origins of illegal migrants
for sampling purposes and so the data relating to legaJ-

migrants only was used. Hence in the selection of the

research area overseas contract workers viere firstly
identified; secondly, the kabupaten (regency) in that
province which had the largest number of overseas
contract workers was identified; thj-rdJ-y, the kecamatan
(district) in that kabupaten which had the largest number

of overseas contract workers v/as identified; and finaIIy,

the desa (village) in that kecamatan which had the
Iargest number of overseas contract workers was

identified and chosen as the study area- Table 3.4 shows

the hierarchy of Indonesian regions.

Pusat AKAN of all legal-

provded data on the distribution
overseas contract workers from Indonesia according to
province and kabupaten of origin. From the data it was
obvious that the largest number of Indonesian overseas
contract workers came from West Java Province and among
the kabupaten in this province, Kabupaten Cianjur had the
Iargest number of Indonesian overseas contract workers
(Tabl-e 3.5, Figures 3.3 and 3"4). Some 39.3 percent
(I25,948 OCWs) of Indonesian OCWs came from West Java
 84

Province and 29.6 percent of them came from Kabupaten

Cianjur. The pattern of Indonesian international labour
migration will be described in detail in Chapter Four.

Tab1e 3.4= Indonesia: Number of Administratiwe Units,L992

?roDlnsl KbUDaT,
'-t{ecanarl DeiaT
(P rovi nce ) ( Regenby ) DisLricLl Kelurdttn
(Village)
UI UI ACCN z- 'Tqz-' l;6qj
02 NorLh SumaLera 1 6 243 5,291
03 [']esL Sumatera 8 6 103 ?, 46'l
04 SouLh SumaLera 8 2 101 2, 140
05 Ri au 5 2 t8 ,266
1
12
06 Jambi 5 I 54
07 LamDU nq 4 1 11 i" ii
08 Bengkufu 3 t 3l 1,
,134
09 DKI Jkrt 5 4.\ 265
't , LoA
10 Wef Java zo 5 526
11 Dl YoovkrLa 4 1 13 138
I2 Centr1 Java 29 6 529 8 495
13 EsL Java 29 B 609 8 38i
I4 !!esL Kl-imanLan 6 t 108 I 360
15 EasL KaLimantan 4 2 13 l 105
76 SouLh KalimanLan 9 1 109 2 168
T1 CenLra Kaimancan 5 1 82 1 7_ 3r
18 North Sulawesi 4 3 85 1 396
19 South Sul awesi 2I 185 2 6I1
20 Central Su aw ES 4 ? 62 t 380
SouLhea SL Su.L awest 835
2L
22
23
West Nu sa Ten ggaL 6
4

Ea sJ,- Nu sa Ten 9ga r t2

i 59
114
64
1
583
134
24 Bal i B
. 5t 631
25 Ma.l-uku 4 1 56 1 50s
26 Irian J aya 9 ,T1 2 242
65-, s'C
Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, I994

Table 3.5 The Province of Origin of Indonesian Overseas

I{orkers, in the Fifth Fiwe Year Development
PIan, April 1989-March L992
P rov I nce tot t(eoencv oi
oc ! wsr- J ava OCt/

o umatera 2 3
sL Sumatera 01 Su a ml
uth SumaLera 66 ci r e n 33
AU 16,408 05 rUL 1 99
06 Jambi 9 0 6 Bo 9r B t / 0
01 LmDUno 605 0 1 Ka rw a n q :
08 Benku fu
-JakarLa 3 0 B T srk ma Iaya 49 5
09 DKI 18,16? 0 9 Se ranq 1 59 2
10 West \fava t25, 948 1 0 Maialn qka 4 B4
l1 DI Yoovkr-a 2,082 1 1 Le6a k 31 5
I2 Centr1 Java 54,204 12 I nd rama yu 2 14 4
l3 Easc Java 38,510 1 3 Purwaka rLa 2 12 8
I4 West KaLimanLan 445
Pandeql In9
1 4 Sumedan 43 0
15 EasL Kalimantan 4I,315 1 48 1
16 Sou t h Ka.l i man L an I25 1 6 Ciaml 35 1
11 Centra KalimanLan - 1 1 Bekasi \,, 06 9
18 NorLh Su.lawesi 95 I8 Subang 80 5
I9 SouLh Su awesi 6, 083 1 9 Tnqqe r ang q, B2 6
20 CenLrl Su-Iawesi 20 Kun nga n J, 52 1
21 Soucheas! Sulawesi
22 Wesc Nusa Tenggara 1 ,306
23 East Nusa Tengara 4,662
24 Bai 314
25 Mluku 24
26 Irian Jaya 9

L>,Yq

Sources: Pusat AKAN, Department of Manpower, 1992

 It.s

Figure 3.3: The Province of Origin of Official Regist,ered

Indonesian Overseas workers, in the Fifth
Five Year Development PIan, 1989-March 1992

MALES FEMALES
50.000

25,000

/
10.000

2,000

\ less than 100 o

o
21 26
l
0
o
"o

'6?

totsl
125,948

0 kms 500 1000

1 D] ACEH 6 JAMBI 11 DI YOGYAKARTA 18 S. KALIMANTAN

2 N.SUMAIERA 7 LAMPUNG 12 C.JAVA 17 C.KALIMANTAN
3 W.SUMATERA 8 BENGKULU 13 E.JAVA 18 N SULAWESI 21 SE.SULAWESI 24 BALI
. S.SUMATERA 9 DKI JAKARTA 14 W.KALIMANTAN 19 S.SULAWESI 22 W.NUSA TENGGARA 25 MALUKU
5 RIAU O W.JAVA 15 E.KALIMANTAN 20 c suLAwEst 23 E.NUSA TENGGARA 26 IRIAN J,IYA

Sources: Hugo, 1994a

After Kabupaten Cianjur was select.ed, the researcher

sought research permission from (1 ) the Directorate
General of Social-Politics, Department of Internal
Affairs, Jakarta, (2) the Directorate of Socal-Politrcs,
West Java Government, Bandung and (3) the Directorate of
 8

Social-Politics, Kabupaten Cianjur.

With letters of
permission from the above Dj_rectorates the researcher

Figure 3.42 The Regency of origin of official Registered

fndonesan Overseas Workers, in the Fifth
Five year Development plan, pri1 1999_March
]-992

Peyiial Boundary
-. Govt.Regional Java Sea
--- Regency Boundary

11()

MALES FEMALES
40:O00

tl
I
20,000
r.d
r 0.000 U 8
-t
\
I
I

5.000 I
lndian Ocean
r.000 0 kms 50 t00

1 BANDUNG 5 GARUT 9 SERANG 13 PURWAKARTA 17 BEKASI

2 CIANJUR 6 BOGOR IO MAJALENGKA 14 SUMEDANG
3 SUKABUMI 18 SUBANG
7 KARAWANG 1 1 LEBAK 15 PANDEGLANG 19 TANGGERANG
4 CIREBON 8 TASIKMALAYA I2 INDRAMAYU 16 CtAMtS 20 KUNINGAN

Source: Hugro, 1994a

sought more detailed community level data on oCWs

according Po kecamatan and desa from the office of
Department of Manpower, Rabupaten cian j ur in ord.er to
facilitate selection of a study community. However, they
 i7

only had OCW data according to kecamatan. Accordingr to

these data it was reported Lhat among 2L kecamatan in
Kabupaten Cianjur, Kecamatan Cianjur which had the second
larqest population in Kabupaten Cianjur had the larqest
number of overseas contract workers. Table 3.6 shows that
most (94.3 percent) of the OCWs were female and that in
five kecamatan : Cidaun, Naringgul, Takokak, Cikalong
Kulon and Pacet ( see Fiqure 3.5 ) no inhabitants are
recorded as officially working overseas. It. is perhaps
surprsing t.hat Kecamatan Pacet which is very similar to
Kecamatan Cianjur in total population and other
characteristics as well as being located nearby, did not
have any overseas workers. This is often the situation
with migration due to t.he significance of social networks
(Hugo ,I993c:10-13 ) .

Table 3.6: The Origin of Indonesian Overseas Workers in

the FfLh Five Year Development Plan,1989-t992
)

MaIe Female ToLal Total i:e): R'ir.i,:)

ang 0
4 (i
Warung Kondang E
87 2ti l
Mande 0 33 9
Cuqenanq 0 12 04 9
Kaianq Ten,lah 4 OE
99 3
Bo j on Pi crlng 3 l9 63 _t
Agrarnta 1 62 4). 3 I
SuKanegara 4 37 lLj :,
Tanqqeunq 7 41 t' I

sindnq arans 6 4t 4t 9 I
KaduDadak 1 72 3' 0 I
cibi-nong 5 17 61 9 I
Pagelaran 0 7L l9 4 I

CamDaka 12 I3 2 a
cidun : 50 3r' ti I
Narincrcrul 37 L2 q L
TakokK 4t 86
cj-kalonq Kulon 70 59 ti icr
Pacet 20r 2t I IC3
.I'OLAI 5,JU5 J5,l-Lj 4U,4rb r,bb t,4:,i.i L_)

Sources : I Kantor Departemen Tenaqa Kerja Kabupaten

)
Cianjur,1992
,\ Kantor St.atistik Kabupaten Cianjur, 1'99t
al
 88

Figure 3.5:The Kecamatan of Origin of Official Registered

Indonesian Owerseas Vlorkers/ in the Fifth Five
Year Development P1an, April 1989-August L992

KAB.
KARAWANG

KAB.
KAB.BOGOR
PURWAKARTA

o
5000
KAB. SUKABUMI 2500
1000

MALES FEMALES

KAB. BANDUNG

KAB
GARUT

lndian Ocean

Sources: 1) Kantor Departemen TenagaKerja Kabupaten

Cianjur, L992
2l Kantor Statistik Kabupaten Cianjur, 1991
 li(.)

From Kecamatan Cianjur Office the reseacher received data

on t,he numbers of OCWs for the period Aprif 1989 to
October L992 by desa. According to this source, esa
Sawahgede and Pamoyanan, two urban desa in Kecan'ntan
Cianjur, had the largest number of oCWs, with 1089 and
f0B3 respectively. Surprisingly however, when the
researcher conducted a survey usinq a village
questionnaire (Appendix 2) in all desa in Kecantatan
Cianjur in order to establish more accurately which de-sa
in Kecatnatan Cianjur had the larqest number of OCWs,
there were only a few vj-llagers who worked abroad from
Desa Sawahgede and Pamoyanan (Table 3.7 ) . It is possible
bhat people from other villages have used another address
from ,esa Sawahgede or Pamoyanan as it was easier to
arrange for an overseas work permit. to be obt.ained. This
shows that the Indonesian international labour miqration
statistics are not yet accurately recorded, especially at
the lowesL level-s of the administrative hi-erarchy.
Moreover, Table 3 .7 shows that the t.otal number of OCWs
in Kecamatan Cianjur was very severely underestimated
when compared with the more complete AKAN data as shown
in Table 3.6. In addition, people were possibly staying
in the city to complete the t.ime consuming paperwork in
order to get permission to migrate, and hence gave
temporary rather than permanent place of residence.
 90

Table 3.7 Indonesian Overseas glorkers from Keeamatan

Cianjur Since L979
Total Total- popu- Sex Tota I
Desa ocw 1) lat ion ratio house-
in 1990 2) 2) hold 2)

01 Sawahgede 41 rI,2B9 96 2,3r'7

02 Pamoyanan 41 r4 ,1 0r 100 3, 355
03 Bo j ongherangt 24 r4 ,1 39 91 3,295
04 Muka 11 L6, 6'7 0 91 3, 656
05 SoJ-okpandan r44 r4, 9r6 91 3,159
06 Sayang 16 29, 023 99 6,025
01 Limbangansari 51 5,481 9B r,2'73
OB Mekarsari 31 '7
,516 r02 r,'7 82
09 Sukasari 348 B,683 105 2,243
10 Babakankaret 20 4,-169 105 r, r96
11 Nagrak 210 B ,23'7 r04 L,862
T2 Rancaqoongt 265 5,505 103 L,349
13 S i rnagal -h 31 rr,064 100 2, 635
1,4 Munjul 13 4, 983 100 T 1<O
15 Sukama ju 24 5,032 r02 r, r94
I6 Rahong 39 5 ,168 99 l, 491
L7 Ciharashas B 6, rr2 101 r, 459
18 Cibinong HiIir 4, 640 101 r,2rB
I9 Sukake rt a 2Q 1t4't6 100 2,068
20 S indangs arl- r96 6,3'7 4 101 1,758
2T Mulyasari 5,158 95 r,2'7 B
total r, 61r 198,136 100 45,'7'78

Sources 1) Field data, 1992: total OCW s j-nce I919

2) Mant ri Statist.ik Kabupaten Cianjur, 1991

The viJ-Iage questionnaires which col-lected other

background information were divided into sections
relating to demographic and socio-economic
characteristics of the village and opinions about
overseas migrant workers. The questionnaire was to be
completed -by the head and/or secretary (juru tuLrs) of
the viJ-lage. GeneraJ-ly, there was no of f j-cial-
registration of OCWs at the desa level, therefore the
researcher was to give the questionnaires to the head of
 9l

each desa to flll in and then carefulty estimate the

number of OCWs from their village using their own

knowledge. The researcher then checked all of the answers

in the questionnaires and discussed the reliability and
val-idity of the data with the head/staff of desa who had
completed each questionnaire. From this survey (completed
12 November 1992) it was evident that Desa Sukasari has
had the largest number of Indonesian overseas contract
workers in Kecamdtan Cianjur since I9-19 (TabIe 3.7) and
hence, the researcher sel-ected Desa Sukasari for his case
study area. This desa had 2t243 househol-ds in 1990 and it
consisted of 5 dusunt (sub-viJ-Lages) which had different
numbers of overseas contract workers. It lvas estimated
that in Desa Sukasari, which had more mal-es than f emal-es

(sex ratio:105), about 15.5 percent of the households had

a returned OCW present or had one currently away working.
Figure 3.6 shows the location of Desa Sukasari within
Indonesi-a.

3.3 2 Selection of Respondents and Sampling Procedures

for the Household Surwey

The research population here consisted of overseas worker

households ( i. e. those containing returned OCWs and those

s) The Head of the Sub-ViJ-J-age (KepaIa Dusun) is not only

responsible for carrying out orders from the ViJ-lage Head
in village deveJ-opment, but al-so must use initiative in
efforts to develop his "dnsun".
 92

Figure 3.6 Sukasari ViIIage: Research Area

INDONESIA Ma

ta
Java
r'0

JAVA
Jakarta

Java Sea

NTRAL q
Kab.Cianjur
EAST

lndian Ocean

KAB crA NJUR

\rr;
t- -- \ CIKALONG KULON K MATAN CI NJUR
I PACET
I
KARANGTENGAH
--7 Study Area
KEC. CIANJUR ,
BOJONGPICUNG
, Urban Areas
Capital City
ffia
( PAMOYANAN
l\ CAMPKA t

,'l
TAKOKAK
t ) NAGRAK
MUNJUL.\\
/
RAHONG

, CIBINONG \ t:
SUKASARI
MULYASARI
AGRABINTA
L:: {,
) I
SINDANGSARI
CIDAUN
I
------\--

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, 1990, L982

 93

with workers still working overseas ) Accordingly tl-re

sampling unit in the survey was the household whicl-r had
an OCW or returned OCW. In Indonesia a household is
defined as a person , ot a group of persons, who occupy a
part or the whole of one living quarLer (bang;unan
fisik/sensus) and who usually make provision for food and
other essential-s for living collectively (Bro Pusat
Statist.ik , L985:17 ) . For the purposes of this study
persons who at the time were temporarily absent from that
group but were still considered to be part of that group,
were included as members of t.he household. Hence a de
jure principle was adopted in carryinq out the survey.

The head of each OCW household, whether he/she was an OCW

or not, was nominated as the respondent. Hence, in the

case where the OCW household is not headed by an OCI,V, the
head of the household was chosen as the respondent
because it was considered t.hat Lhe head of household was
the most knowledqeable person to ask questions about the
detailed condition of the household. Simmons (1982:I14)
has pointed out that,

"In Ehe household questionnaire a knowledgeable adult

member of the househol-d is asked to provide certain
information on each current resident of the household.
This includes place of birth, whether the member is
temporarily away (working, studyingi, visiting;, etc. )

elsewhere, 9, sex, l-abour f orce act ivity status ,

education completed and relationship to the head of the
household.....Also part of the household questionnaire is
an inventory of househol-d economic characterisLics such
 94

as land holdings, business operations, and housing

conditions il

From November 2Oth, 1992, the researcher stayed in Desa

Sukasari, living as a member of a village househol-d.

After introducing himself to the staff of the Office of
Desa Sukasari and some villagers, the first step v{as to
make a list of the overseas workers from Desa Sukasari
for each dusun: name, sex, address, whether they have
returned or are still abroad and the country of
empJ-oyment. Thj-s l-ist was used as a sampling f rame

(Appendix 3) . Unfortunately, there were no registration

record.s kept concerning the names of OCWs in the office
of Desa Sukasari, and the village secretary was not sure
about the exact number and names of OCWs because there
was a continual- coming and going of overseas migrant
workers. The researcher together with the vilJ-age
secretary, went to the head of each dusun asking for
this information and made a l-isting of the name, sex and

address of each villaqer who \^ras workingi overseas and/or

who had returned. Fortunately the head of each dusun was

assist.ed by the heads of rukun tetangga (household

association or sub-areas within each dusun) who could
more readily identify most of their villaqers who were
stilf overseas or who had returned from there. This is
understandabl-e as the head of rukun tetangga heads about.
58 households in his neighborhood and knows his members
intimatel-y (warga) and hears alI events in his area. From
 95

these notes, the researcher made a sampJ-ing frame. The

total- number of OCWs (male and female) identified in each

dusun can be seen i-n Table 3.B. The result of that
Iisting (Table 3.8) was higher (382 OCWs) than that of a

Table 3.8 Total Populaion, Households and Overseas

Contract Workers in Sukasari ViIIage
Sub-ViJ-Iage Tot al- Total Re- OCWs still- Total
(Dusun) popu- house turnees abroad mi-
Iation ho lds grant
(May (May mafe fe- male fe-
1991) 1991) male male
a u 2,052 s00 1a
)L 40 ),9 36 r21
2.CLlaku Hilir r, 44r 406 10 22 B 5t 77
3 . Gegerbitung r, 415 393 10 22 I2 43 B1
4.Ciati r,844 443 1 25 Jtr I1 54
5 . Palasari r,362 3s6 1 11 4 15 31

Total- 8,114 2,098 66 r20 48 148 382

Source: FieId data, ]-992

survey conducted using vilage questionnaires (348 OCWs)

(see Tabl-e 3 .7 ) , indicating some undercounting by the
village level of ficial. The numbers given j-n TabIe 3.1
for all villages in the kecamatan therefore must be seen
as significantly under-estimated. It j-s because in some
areas the coming and going of OCWts is such an everyday
event that officials are not sure who is a\^/ay and who is
not.

The sample of households was selected using a stratified

random sampJ-ing met.hod It was decided to use a
 96

stratified random sampling procedure because the total

number of sampling units (Nh) of Lhe study varied from
stratum to stratum (PareI, et aI . 197 B ) . The sampJ-ing
units in this study are OCWs accord-ng to sub-viIIages,
according to status of migrant (returnee and migrant
stilI abroad) and according to sex. The foJ-lowing
approach r^ras used to cal-culate the sample size in each
strata.

N Nn. Sh2

n=
2 .2 + Nh. Sh2

Nh

And nh n

where: n = sampJ-e size

N= total number of sampling uni t e
h- total number of sampling un t
N
n the stratum
sh2 = variance
d standard error of the mean
Z = reliability

The values of Z corresponding to the prescribed

reliability are obtained from the table "area under the
normal- curve".
 9'l

Table 3.9: The Value of Reliability

Re I l- ty IN
percentaqe values B0% 90 95% 99%

Z r.290 1 .645 r.960 2.575

(Parel-, et f . , I91B:69)

Because the variance (Sh2) in Desa Sukasari is unknown,

one of the possibl-e ways of doing this is using the
results of a pilot survey (Parel, et f ., I9'78:. 69) and
"the best thing that can be done is simply to take a

certain percentage of the whol-e populationr sy 2, 5, 10,

20, or 50 percent of N."...The sampJ-e size should
preferably be not smaller than 30" (PareI, et l., 1978:
71) . Any variance of variable distribution can be used
and in Parel, t al-'s (1978: 60-65) study of students in
public schools in the Metro Manil-a area, the variance
they used was for the variable of distribution of
studentst average f inancial al-l-owances per week. In the
present study, the variance of mean of expenditure per
person was used and the reason for this was that the
economic status of OCW households in the survey viJ-lage
vrere relat.ively heterogeneous, especially with respect to
househol-d expenditures. The pilot survey \^/as carried out,
not only to work out the estimation of variance n
Sukasari, but also to try out the questionnaire and make

improvements to it.
 et{

In Ehe pilot survey, the interviewing of 60 heads of OCW

households in Desa Sukasarj- was carrj-ed out (L2 heads of
OCWs in each dusun: 6 returnee households and 6
households which had OCWs still abroad) :

(a) . The 60 OCW household respondents were sampled usingt

proportionate random sampling accordinq to sex of OCWs by
usinq a t.able of Random Numbers (Blalock , I9'7I:5 9B-601) .

The resulL can be seen in Table 3.1-0 and most of t-he

information from piJ-ot survey turned out to be used as
well in this study.

(b) . Seven interviewers and one assistanL were recruited,

and trained. Five interviewers had grraduated from the
rnstitut Pertanian Bogor (Boglor rnstitute of AgricuJ-ture)
and were experienced in rural based research. Although
a1l of them had experience in interviewing, they were
trained before the fiel-dwork commenced. T\,vo interviewers
were students in the final phase of their undergraduate
degrrees at t.he University of Parahyangan, Bandunq. The
assistant, a Sukasari villager, had dut.ies as a guide, s
a source of inf ormation about his village and t.he
community of Sukasari and administ.rative tasks such as
photocopying, purchasing, etc.

(c). During the third step, the interviewers and the

researcher interviewed respondents by using structured
 99

questionnaires: QA (Questionna-ire A) for the head of each

returned migrant household where the returnee was not the
household head; QC (Quest,ionnaire C) for the head of each
returned migrant household where the returnee was the
Table 3.10: The Total Sample of Respondents for Pilot
Survey
a _V age returnee grant st
abroad Tot al
male female male femal-e
1. Cilaku Nh 32 40 19 36 121
proport ion 0 .44 0.56 0.3s 0.6s
n 3 3 2 4 I2
2 Ci Iaku
Hilir Nh 10 22 B 31 11
proport ion 0.31 0 .69 0 .18 0 .82
n 2 4 1 5 I2
3 . Geger-
bitung Nh 10 22 I2 43 B1
proportion 0.31 0 69 0 .22 0.78
n 2 4 1 5 T2

4.Cijati Nh 7 25 5 I1 54
proportion 0 .22 0.78 0 .23 0.11
n 1 5 1 5 T2

5.PaIasari Nh 1 11 4 15 JI
proport ion 0 ?o 0. 61 0 .2r n "o
n 2 4 1 5 I2
tota.l- Nh 66 r20 4B T4B 382
n 10 20 6 24 60

Source: Fied data , 1,992

household head; QB (Questionnaire B) for the head of each

migrant househol-d where one or more members of the
househol-d were still worklng in another country; and QD

(Questionnaire D) for the head of each non-migrant

household (Appendix 4). The questions r^iere grouped into B
 100

topics (Table 3.11) . Eight. topics \^rere identified as key

mpact areas to be anaysed in this study. These \^/ere
employment, ncome, social- welfare, modernity,
social/politicat participation, fertility, population
size and foreign exchangTe and were each represented by a
series of questions in the questionnaire.

Table 3.11: The Topics of Questions in the Questionnaire

of OCW and Non-OCW Household

Topic QA QB QC QD

I Socio-economic Characteristics
and Conditions of the Household + + + +

II Reasons for Working Overseas +

III Process of Miqration +

IV Experiences in the Country

of Destination +

\/ Probl-ems at Home + + + +

VI a. Problems of Reintegration +
b. Participation + + + +

VII Migration in the Future + + + +

VIII Level of Modernisation + + + +

(d). During the interview activities in the pilot survey

some problems r^rere identified and these \^rere:

(1) The questionnare, especially the section about

the composition of the househod needed to be
 re-structured.

(2) Questions about household expenditure, income and

savings here diffcult to obtain answers to. One

respondent cl-aimed " Soal- pendapatan and tabungan

sjh rahasia" ("Income and savings are a secret").
Another respondent never received'remittances'
from his wife because he claimed, his wife
always sent the money to her mother. For
information regarding househol-d expend.ture,
then, it was decided to ask about their
expenditure in the month of November ( the
previ-ous month) only and the interviewers had
to be patient. The question "Hov,' much do you
spend on buying cigarettes, for example, had to be
asked in several questions: "Do you, or other
members in this household., smoke?" If the answer
was ys, then, "How many packs of cigarettes a

day do you smoke? " "What cigarettes do you

smoke?" "How much is the price of... (mentioning
the name of a brand of cigarettes) ?"

(3) The researcher and interviewers had a little

difficulty in finding the respondents at times
because in Sukasari the houses are un-numbered
and some people have the same name " In addition,
sometimes two respondents were found to live in
 102

the one household

(4) TWo t.o be interviewed

respondents were afraid
although the interviewers and the researcrer
carried a leLLer from the Head of Desa Sukasari.
These two respondents had had bad experiences
after Lheir OCWs returned from overseas. One was
robbed [he day after someone had interviewed him
in his house. Another respondent thought r-hat
the purpose of t.he interviews was for collect-
ing taxes from OCWs.

From the pilot survey the mean expenditure of each member

of an OCW household was established, both for households
with OCWs stil-l- abroad (Rp. 40,330) and households with
returned OCWs (Rp. 41,600). Therefore the variance of the
mean expenditure of OCW households in Desa Sukasari can
be calculat.ed as f ollows:
E (xi-x)l
sh2
n-1

s:n2 for households with oCW stil-] abroad = 914.7 B

sh2 for Households with returned OCW = 401.15

Table3.l-2 silows the procedure for cal-cul-ating l,tn.Sh2

 103

Tab1e 3 .12: The Calculat,ion of Nn. Sh2

SLraLum Nn sh2 Nn. sh2

Househods wlch
OCV'I s:rli ab:oad ',96 91,4.'lt3 r19.296.88
Uzuc.'..-r....

reLurneo OCi/v .86 r,c t4,63t.9C

ToLa JI 253, 91.0.7t

Source: Field data , I992

The follorring formula was used to calculate the sample,

using a Standard Error of the Mean (d) of expenditure of
2.5 (2,500 rupiah) and Reliability (Z) of 95% (1.96). The
sample therefore rdas:

N Nn. Sh2
n
12 .2 + Nh. Sh2

-?
.-
(382 (253,910.78)
n= 198
(382) 2 (z .5) 2

+ 253,910.78
Q.s6)2

186
n (household with returned OCWs) x 198 96
382
r96
n (househoi-d \^iith OCWs still abroad) = x 198 r02
382

The sample for each dusun can be seen in Tabi_e 3.13.

 l1

Table 3 .13 : Sarnple OC9l Households in Each Dusun

Sub-viIlage Households with Households with
(Dusun) Returned OCWs OCWs still Abroad
N1 n1 N2 n2

CiIaku 12 31 tr 29
Cil-aku HiIir 32 L1 45 23
Gegerbitung JZ I1 55 29
Cijati 32 I1 22 11
Palasari 18 I r9 10

Tot al- 186 91 r02

NoLe NT
nl = x n (houseiro<r wiLr reLJrneo OC'irj = 96)
186

N2
n2= x n (household wiLh OCW sLiLi road '.A2|
r96

Source: Field data , I992

Wlth the same procedure, the sample for each dusun by sex
is shown in Table 3.]-4.

Table 3.14: Samp1e OC9f Households in Each Dusun According

to MaIe and Female OCWs
Sub-village Households wi th Households w iL r.ir
( Dusun ) Returned OcWs OCWs sL i.l- I Abroad

f4a e Fem e a e i'emae Toia

Nl nl Nlm nim Nit nri \2 n2 N2m i. \l 2:
cilku 12 31 32 16 4C 7l 55 ?9 t9 36 66
Cil-aku Hi.l.ir 32 11 t0 5 22 '12 45 23 ti 1 )t :9 40
Gegerbi tung 32 71 10 5 22 t2 55 29 l2 6 43 23 46
cijaci 71 1-1 14 25 13 22 11 5 3 )1 9 29
Palasari 18 9 13 11 6 i9 10 4 2 !:) 8 19

TotaL 186 91 66 33 - lh eq ---lgl- to2 4'8 25 'L4B 78 200

Note r N1m N1f N2m N2f
nlm = x nI nlf - x n1 n2m = xn2 n2f = xa2
N1 N1 N2 N2

Source: FieId data, r992

The sample of migrant househol-ds was 200 or about 53

percent of the OCW population in Sukasari. This sample
 10.5

was distributed proportionally in each dusun according to

returnees and OCWs still- abroad and to the sex of OCWs.

The sample can be seen as being reasonably representat-ive

of the legal movemenL of OCWs out of this village. In
this case, o i11ega1 movement has been found in
Sukasari. For comparison purposes, some heads of non-OCW

households in each dusun were also interviewed. The

procedure for choosing the heads of a non-OCW households
as respondents was t.hat f or every two heads of OCW

households interviewed, one head of a non-OCW househol-d

living closest to them was interviewed. Here, the non-OCW

household was considered t.o be aware of the

situat on/ condition of their OCW household neighbours. In
the questionnaire for the non-OCW household the
respondent was asked to give some opinions about their
neighbours who had an overseas migirant member.

3.3.3 Field. Data Collection

3.3 .3. 1 Int,ervewing Respond.ents

Before field data coll-ection was conducted, the

researcher revised the questionnaire, made a code book
and interviews with respondents began (using t.he
Indonesian language and Sundanese - the local language of
most of West Java, but the answers were all written on in
Indonesian). Interviews were conducted in the first week
 r06

of December 1992 and ended in the last week of January

1-993. The researcher and the interviewers lived
together in one house during this time. Most of the
heads of househol-ds coul-d onJ-y be interviewed in the
evening because they were working during the day
and the time taken for each interview itself was up to 90
minutes.

AII- of the answers to the questions had to be

written down and each evening after the researcher and

the interviewers woul-d discuss the interview
results toqether. This vas done to avoid forgetting what
had been found out and to check that the
questonnaires had been filled in correctly. If the
answers of t.he respondent \^iere incorrect or uncertain,
then the interviewer woud go back to the respondent on

the folJ-owing day to cl-arify the information. In summary

the steps that were carried out in sampling activities

before interviewing respondents are:

Step 1: Listing OCW households by asking the head of

dusun
Step 2: Produced A Sampling Frame and SampJ-ing 60
respondent (I2 OCW households for each dusun)
Step 3 Recru it ing / Tra in ing inte rvi ewe rs
Step 4 Interviewing 60 respondent (pilot survey)
Step 5 CalcuJ-ating variance and deciding on the
number n the sample for Sukasari village and for
each dusun
 107

Step 6 Sampling of respondents

Step 1 Revj-sing questionnaire (f rom pilot survey),
reproducing questionnaj-res and making a code-book
Step B Interviewing of all respondent.s

From the initial sample there were 28 respondents who

were replaced by reserve respondents, selected by the

same procedure (see section 3.3.2) . Of these 2I
respondents could not be located because of faulty
information in the sampling frame, one had moved out of
the village, two respondents were not interviewed because
in their households there were more than one OCW/returnee
who had been chosen for the first sample, one could not
be found even after visiting a few times and three
respondents (returnees) had gone overseas aqain. rt was
found that there were 11 respondents who did not want to
be interviewed, and unfortunately they did not give the
reasons. The total number of respondents in t-his survey
in the fnal analysis was 189 OCW households and 83 non-
OCW households (Table 3.15 ) . The table shows [he
respondents for each stratum: dusun, type of OCW
household and sex of OCW. In total-, the samle in this
study covered 50 percent of the OCW households in
Sukasari. It is hqped that this sample is representative
of the OCW households of the Sukasari community in
particular and indicative of 1ega1 overseas worker
movements more qenerally in Indonesia.
 108

Tab].e 3.15: OCW Household Respondents According to Dusun,

Status of OCW, Sex of OCW and Sample non-OCVI
Househo].ds
Hou seho I ds Households Toc1. Non-
Dusun wiLh ReLurned with OCVI oc!t OCW
OCW stil.l. Abroaci House- House- i'oLl
hods holds
ma.l-e fe- sub- male e- sub-
mle LoL rnaLe LoLal

Cilaku 10 16 26 l1 19 30 56 23 19
Cilaku Hilir 4 11 L5 3 2A 23 38 5l
Gegerbi t ung 6 74 20 4 23 21 4T "9
20 6'l
ci jat 4 13 T1 2 9 Li 2B i0 38
P aL a sari 4 8 I2 t 1 I 20 L1 31

Tota 28 6? 90 21 78 99 1Y

Source: Field data, I992

3.3.3.2 In-Depth Inerviews and Direct Observation

In-depth interviews were carried out by the researcher

himself with(1) the Head of Sukasari ViIlage, al-l five
Heads of dusun and one religious feader; (2) two returned
OCWs; (3) a head of household with OCW still abroad. The

researcher also took many opportunities to conduct

ncidental conversations with villagers (such as in
warung or small- restaurants, on ojek or motor-cycle
public transport, etc.). The Head of Sukasari Village,
the 5 Heads of Dusun Cil-aku, Cilaku Hilir, Gegerbitung,
Cijati and Pal-asari and the l-ocal major religious Ieader
were interviewed without structured questionnaires. The

researcher visited them two or three times in their

houses or in the vilJ-age office informally without making
any notes to encourage free discussion. Five main topics
r^rere discussed and these \^/ere (1) village devel-opment
 109

proqrams (2) perceptions of the socj-o-economic condition

of the OCWs and their families; (3) opin.ions regarding
the behaviour of OCWs; (4) the problems reating to OCWst

(5) the contribution of OCWs to the village more

generally.

The Iimited time available meant that only two returned

OCWs and a head of household with OCW still abroad were
interviewed in depth for the case study. Before these
interviews v,/ere conducted, inter-personal- rel-at ionships
had to be developed for a period of time until the
researcher felt that they "accepted" him as their
"friend". It made it easier for the researcher to visit
them two or three times and talk on a range of topics,
again without the intrusion of taking notes. The

important point in the single OCW case study was to probe

the detail-ed reasons for going abroad to work and its
impact on their family. The case study involved both in-
depth interviews and direct observations of the
household. Ths case study, together with additional
information from intensive daily interaction with other
households, provided an in-depth picture of a migrant and

hs/her household to enhance the information obtained

from the questionnaire survey.
 I10

The reseacher t.ook advantage of an extended stay in the

village to talk as much as possible with a range of
village residents to get a more in-depth view of the
range of opinions about OCWs and of their impact on the
economic, social and cultural life of the village. The
researcher was able to talk with residents throuqh
unplanned meetings in warung (smal-l restaurant) during
lunch or dinner, o the ojek (publicly available
motorcyles) and at weddings to which the researcher was
invited. Carefully directed observation also was carried
out by the researcher during the fieldwork'

3.4 Field Data Editing and Processing

A code book was consLructed after the pilot survey was

compfeted. This was used to guide the coding of
questionnaire information into quantitative dat.a. All
written information in the questionnaires was coded and
transferred to coding sheets and before this was
transferred to the computer, the researcher checked
whet.her al1 the information from the questionnaires was
coded correctly.

A range of- descriptive statistics were used to analyse

the data including frequency distributions, cross
tabulation, central tendency and scale measurements.
 llt

Chi-square hras used to analyse the associatj-on or

differences between two variables, for example,
significant differences between male and female migrants
in the use of remittances, integration in economic
actvities upon return, level- of social /poitical
participation and socio-economic level of the househol-d.
Before data from the interviews were analysed using t.he
St.atistical Packaqe for the Socj-al Sciences (SPSS)

Program, data edl-ting was carried out to check the

consistency between one variable and another or whether
the information on coding sheets v/ere transferred
correctJ-y to the computer.

3.5. Conclusion

The survey research design for collecting data in this

study for the purpose of examining the impact of
international Iabour migration has been explained in this
chapt.er. Both quantitative and qualitative information
rere collected. The main element is a survey carried out
using questionnaires, however. this was supplemented with
direct observation and in-depth interviews.

Respondents v/ere chosen usinq random sampling procedures.

Data from non-migrant househol-ds was used for comparison
between the conditlon of households wi-th and without
 112

overseas contract workers and to ascertain their

aspirations from working overseas. Such data is required
for a better understanding of the impact of international
labour migration at the household level.
 Chapter Four
INDONESIA{ INTERNATIONAT I-,ABOUR MIGRJATION :
A}I OVERVIEV

4.L Introduction

International Iabour migration has become an increasingJ-y

important phenomenon and a very significant influence in
most Sout.heast Asian countries durinq the last two

decades. Much of the growth in international abour

migration in the region was sparked by the oil embargo of
1913 and the consequent rapid rise in the price of crude
oiI (Arnold and Shah, I9B6:3; ESCAP Secretariat , I9B6a;
AlreIIa, I99I:4; Omran and Roudi, 1993:22). This created a

huge demand for labour in the GuIf Cooperative Countries

(Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United
Arab Emirates) where the massive influx of foreign
exchange was invested in large infrastructure projects.

However, unl-ike countries such as Pakistan, Bangladesh,

Sri Lanka, Thailand, and the Philippines, rndonesia was
rel-atively slow to respond to overseas employment
possibilities in the Middl-e East and did not enter the
market in substantial numbers until the eary 1980s
(Kelly , I9B'7:'7; Hugo, t.I ., I9B1 :I'73; Cremer, 198B) .
According to Huqo (I994b) , although the scal-e and impact
of international l-abour migration in Indonesia is smal-l-
 114

compared to those countries, 'it is becoming increasingJ-y

significant not only in the regions whch the labour
migrants leave but in Indonesia more

widely'(Hugo,I994b:9). The purpose of this

chapter is to
provide an overview of the major patterns and j-ssues of
international Iabour migration in Indonesia. It discusses
changres in the spatial pattern and scale of Indonesian
international l-abour migration from col-onial times to the
present and shows how the Indonesian Government has
become increasingly invol-ved in the field of overseas
contract labour. It also summarises the findings of
existing studies relating to Indonesian overseas contract
workers.

4.2 Pattern and Scale of Indonesian Labour Migration

4.2.L Indonesia's Colonial period

During the Dutch colonial period, Indonesian labour

migration to other countries \,,ias limited and mostly under
tcontract-coolie' recruitment programmes to provide
cheap labour for plantations (Hugo, I980:117). Most of
them \^ere brought to the countries under colonia]
occupation, such as MaJ-aysia, Surinam, New Caledonia,
ThaiIand, Burma, Sabah, Sarawak, Vietnam, and Austraia
(Hugo, 1990, 1993a). However, t that time, there were
 ll5

al-so sgnifcant spontaneous movements of Indonesians to

Malaysia (Hugo, 1980).
The first fndonesian immigrants to Surinam arrived in
1890 (South America) under the recruitment programmes
initiated to obtain l-abour for plantations (IsmaeI,
1955) . Over the 1890-1939 period there v/ere an average
659 Indonesian immigrants moving to Surinam each year.
However since 1891, there v/ere an average of 189 who

returned to Indonesia each year. The population of

Indonesian origin in Surinam at the end of 1949 reached
37,598 persons and comprised the third largest ethni-c
group in the Surinam population (Table 4.I) .

Table 4.1 The Population of Surinam in 1949

Nation/ethnic group MaIe Femal-e Total-

Creool (native people) 38 ,'7 94 4I, I 01 85,501

India 33, 462 3r,253 64 ,'7 15
fndone s ia 20,024 r'7 ,514 31 ,598
Negro nd. nd. 22, 000
Europe r, 4r'7 866 2,283
Chinese 1,738 951 2, 68g
Others nd. nd. 6,338
TotaI 22r, 124

Source: IsmaeI, 1955:18

With the Japanese'occupaton in the 1940s, the movement

of Indonesian workers overseas continued. The workers

(mostly from Java) were forced to work (as romusha) on
the railway and other construction projects in ThaiJ-and,
 l16

Burma and elsewhere (Hugo, I993a) . The number of these

romusha is not known and very few returned to Java (Hugo,
I915: 229). At the 1941 Census, there i^/ere 309,150
Indonesian people in Malaya (Table 4.2) and most of them
had come directly from their home villages (Bahrin,
1,961l, .

Tab1e 4 2 Indonesian People in Ma1aya ccording to L947

Census of Malaya
t c group Tot a

Javanese 189,400
Ban j
arese 62, 400
Sumatrans 26, 300
Boyanese (Bawean people ) 20, 400
Bugis 7,000
Others 3,650
TotaI 309,150

Source: Bahrin, 1961 :233

Figure 4.I shows the pattern of Indonesian migration to

MaJ-aya. Unfortunately there was no information about
whether Indonesian migrants went to Malaya as 'coolie-
contract' , romusha or spontaneous migrants. It was
possible that they included al-l three types of migrants.
However, spontaneous migrants among Baweanr people in
Singapore was dominant. As Vredenbregt (I964zII-l) pointed

t A smal-l- island off the coast of East Java

 ltl

out it ias possible that the first migrants were pilgrims

who stopped into Singapore on their way to Mecca and

stayed on there working to earn enough money to enable

Figure 4.L Indonesian Migration to Malaya, L947

LANGKAWI

MALAYA

\
{
SNGAPORE
ra nak
-,/'--
Kalimantan
Balikpapan
\
Sumatra Sulawesi
\ o

Makagar a
JAKARTA
Bawean 0

ol- 200 emer rabaya

Sumba
Java
Miles
Bal Timor
SumbaS

Source: Bahrin, L967 =235

them to continue their voyage. These first migrants v/ere

foll-owed by other Bawean people who had maintained

communication with the m-grants. Most of the migrants
rrere males and consequentJ-y "the i-sl-and of Bawean has
become known as Pul-au h'Ianita (isl-and of women)" (Hugo
]-994lo:35). Male Baweans prefer to work overseas than in
 118

agricultural- work in their place of origin (Vredenbregt,

1964:117). "Seeking employment in Singapore or Malaysia
has become a norm among young Boyanese men, who do not
consider themselves manJ-y without having attempted to
stay some time abroad" (Spaan, I994:93).
Vredenbregt (1964) has shown the growth of Bawean people
in Singapore (Table 4.3) from 163 in I849 to 22,161 in
1957. According to Bahrin (I961:233) the 1941 Census of
Malaya has shown that Indonesian workers came as contract
workers, mostly as padilrice-cul-tivators or rubber and

coconut smal-Iholders (kelapa sawit) and a few as estate

Iabourers. Many of them after finishing their contracts
settled in Malaya to work, especially on their own

Table 4.3 The Bawean Population in Singapore, 1849-1957

Year Tota

L81 L r, 634
1881 2, rl-r
1891 2,6'l
1901 2,'7 12
1911 5,086
I92T 6,589
1931 9, 4I3
r941 15, 434
r95 t 22, r61

Source: Vredenbergt, 1964:l-I5

smallholdings. The employers in Malaya paid the cost of

transportation f rom the p-ace of recruitment to the
 il9

place of employment (Bahrin, I961:231) . Other migrants

had to finance their journey or fol-lowed rel-atives who
pad their fares and provided other help or support. The

earl-ier miqrants usually accommodated the new arriva-Ls in

thei-r homes until- such time as they r^rere able to get a

job or set up their ohin smallholdings. Vredenbergt

(L964:117) has shown that the community feeling of the
Bawean and family ties with emigrants in Singapore are
factors which stimul-ate further emigration. This ref l-ects
the social network approach which argues that
international- labour migration should increase with the
closeness of the relationship (Massey, t 1., 1993) .

Regarding the social network links bet\^/een Indonesia and

MaIaysia, Hugo (1993a:39) has argued

"The important point here is that there are long-standing

and strong social networks Iinking Malaysia and
Indonesia. The political boundaries separating the two
nations are a function of colonisation and separate
peopJ-es who share the same culture, l-anguage and
reJ-igion. This historical Iinkages and cultural
homogeneity have played an j-mportant role in facilitating
population movement from Indonesia to Malaysia."

4.2.2 After Independence

During the post-Independence period, Indonesian

international lbour migration has increased in
significance, particularly since the early 1980's. As was
pointed out earlier, this was related to the large scale
development of infrastructure and industry in Middle
 t20

Eastern countries \^/hich required massive numbers of

workers. The fl-ow of foreign workers (from other Arab and
Asian countries) to the Gulf region began after the
development of the oil fields in the 1950s and 1960s and
the hugre flow of workers began in the I910s when the
international price of crude oiI increased from l-ess than
US$2 per barrel in I910 to nearly US$40 per barrel- in
1-980 (Omran and Roudi, 1993222).

The increase in the crude oil price gave the newl-y-rich

GuIf Cooperative Countries (GCC) the opportunity to build
basic infrastructure and deveJ-op modern services.
However, the shortage of abour in these
countries, provided a serious impediment to economic
development (AbeJ-J-a, 1991 : 6) . There were a number of
reasons for this which incuded a l-ow labour force
participation among the national- population,' a preference
for the traditiona subsistence sector among a large
proportion of the workforce,' the existence of public
sector employment as sinecure for many among the
educated,' Iow Ievel-s of literacy and education,'
abnormalJ-y high returns f or labour in the inf ormal-

sector where nationals enjoyed a "rent" for being in

reserved occupations; state subsidies to agricul-ture; and

subsidies to housing and welfare programmes (AbelIa,

199I:7-B) " The obstacles also rel-ated to the small
 12l

populations and consequentJ-y these oil rich countries

needed a huge number of workers (professionals, skill-ed
and technical manpower and unskitled labour), a need
which could not be met l-oca j_ly. In I910, the number of
foreign workers in the six GCCs was 1.1 mi-l_Ion and
increased to over 5.2 mill_ion in 1990, with another 2
million foreign workers in Iraq (Omran and Roudi,
1993:22).

According to Stalker qI994:9), most international

migration today is associated with the idea of an
international abour market, and that labour surpJ-uses or
shortages in some countries are ad;usted by fl_ows to or
from other countries. As has been discussed in chapter
One, the growinq internationalisation of capital, the
qreat improvement in the ease and cost of international
travel-, the activities of mul-ti-national- corporat j-ons and
reductions in the cost of information concern-ng foreign
opportunities, are all significant factors in the
explosion of international l_abour migration.

some Asian countries have become important destinations

for labour migrants in recent years and rndonesian l_abour
migration to neighbouring countries within Asia is
growing in significance. Lim (1991:I-2) has described the
increase in intra-Asian movement as follows
 122

"Asia has emerged as an increasngly important

destination. East and Southeast Asia, being the most
economicaJ-ly dynamic region in the contemporary worl-d,
have attracted rapidly growing numbers from outside and
within the continent. As the Asian countries
themselves experience, on the one hand, significantly
different rates and patterns of demographic and
economic transition and, on the other, growing
interdependence fostered by trade, capital investments,
poJ-itical- relations, the operations of transnational
corporations, sociaJ- networks, etc. , legal and iIJ-egal
intraregional- migration has also escalated".

Successful economic development and demographic changes

in some Asian countrj-es have caused the shortage of
labour and has led them to seek foreign labour from
Iabour surplus countries. Hugo (T990:23) argues that the
growing economies have increased the number of educated
peopJ-e (school and university graduates) who are
unwilJ-ing to enter low-pa-d or 'dirty' occupations.
Consequently, in countries like Japan, Singapore, South
Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, the average annual- labour
force growth rates have declined and wil-l- continue to do

so in the next few years. These countries w11l have

l-abour shortages, particularly for less educated workers.
For example, Table 4.4 shows the projected decrease in
average annual labour force growth rates in Asian
countries. For Iabour surplus countries like Indonesia,
the employment opportunities that are likely to arise in
those natins cannot be neqlected.
 123

As the Newy Industrialised Countries (NICs) face

difficulties with worker shortages, the demand for
workers needs to be met from other countries. Malaysia
and Singapore are important destinations for Indonesian
overseas workers . Moreover as Hugo (1 990 :5 ,20 ) has
observed, the sharp fertility decl-ines in those countries
have heJ-ped exacerbate the labour shortages and
consequent J-y thi s condit ion has enhanced opportun j_t ies
for international l-abour migration.

Table 4.4 Average Annual Labour Force Growth Rates,

Asian Countres, 1980-2010
Country 1980-1990 1990-2000 2000-2010
Japan and NICs
Japan 0.9 0.4 -0.4
Singapore 1.6 0.6 0.3
South Korea 2.8 1.8 1.1
Taiwan ?tr ). .1 0.1
China 2"4 r.2 0.9
Southeast Asia
Thaiand 2 "5 1.8 1.0
Indone s ia 2.1 2.4 r.1
Philippines 2"8 2.8 2.6
Malaysia J.Z 2 -9 2.6
South Asia
India ?2 2.r 2.0
NepaI 2.4 2.1
Bangladesh 3.5 3.6 ??
Pakistan 3.9 ?? 4.3

Source: Hugo , 1990:22

rndonesia has sent more than one mi l- I i- on documented

workers to more than 38 countries between the First Five
Year Development Plan (I969-14) and the Fifth Five year
 124

Development Plan (1989-94) (Table 4.5, Fgure 4.2) .

Appendix 1 shows that the five main destinations h/ere
Saudi Arabia (664,389), MaJ-aysia (205,389), Singapore
(64,4401 , USA (23,849) , and the Netherlands (I9,994) .
Saudi Arabia is the dominant destination for the fl-ow of
Indonesian legal migrant workers,the majority of which
\^/ere female (Table 4.5 and Fiqure 4.2) .

Table 4.5 Number of Indonesian Overseas llorkers

L969/7 4-L993/ 94 by Gender.

Year Male FemaIe Total-

OCW

F IVE Year
Planning
Periods
I : 1969-1 4 ** *rk 5, 624
II : ]-914-19 ** ,( )k
r'7
,042
III: I979-84 96, 4L0
IV z I984-89 93,521 198,735 292,262
V :1989-94* 209, 962 442, 3r0 652,212
r979/80 **
1980/81 ii 10, 396
16, 186
I9BI / 82 *)k J<* T1 , 904
T9B2 / 83 ** ** 2I, 224
r9B3/84 30, 190
r984 / 8s 20,'715 ze*,\tg 41 , 094
L98s / 86 16, 460 31 ,83'7 \A 291
1,986 / 81 25,982 42, 31 B 68, 360
1981 / 88 15, 9'7 4 45,118 6T, 092
I9BB / 89 r4,336 4'7 ,083 6L, 4r9
L989 / 90 2r | 969 62, r05 84, 014
1990 / 9r 36,304 49, 960 86, 264
r99L / 92 48,B'79 100,903 r49, 182
l-992 / 93 60, 1B 9 111,968 r12 | 157
1 OO? /O/1
LJJJ/ A 42, 62r rrl ,31 4 1q.o 99s

Note: * up to 31 March ]-994

*)k nO data
Source: Pusat AKAN n"d; Hugro I994b
 2-5

In general females worked mostly as housemaids, while

the ma j ority of males worked as drivers (Adi, _1986;
RDCI4D-YTKf, 1986; Cremer, 19BB; Spaan, I994) .TabIe 4.6
shows 1--he types of occupations of Indonesian overseas
workers processed by Pusat AKAN during April 1989-january
L992. Generally female workers worked in [he public
service whil-e males worked in the agriculture and
transportation sectors. IE was found Lhat 92.6 percent
of female OCWs in Desa Sukasari worked as domescic
helpers overseas and a further 4.4 percenr_ worked in
child care, whereas most of the males worked as d.rivers
(Chapter Seven) .

Figure 4.2 The Flow of I-.,egal Indonesian Overseas Workers

L979 / 80-L993 / 94 by Gend,er

r 80000 Totol

r0000

40000
Femole
r 20000
q)
.o
100000
E
f
z 80000
Mole
0000

40000

20000

Source: From Table 4.5

 126

Migration to Saudi Arabia has long historical- roots as

Indonesian Muslims have J-ong migrated to Mecca for the
pilgrimage (najj) . As Vredenbregt (1962:92) has shown,
Tndonesian interest in the Hajj is very ol-d. Every Muslim
is obliged to undertake the pilgrimage to Mecca at least
once in their Iifetime, unless he/she s prevented from
doing so.

Table 4.6 Number of Indonesian Overseas Workers

April 1989-January L992 by Gender and Tlpe of
Occupation.
Main Industry Mal-e Fema l- e Tot a l
Agr ture, Forestry,
t- Ll
'14,3'72
Hunting, Fishery 54,328 20,044
2 Mning and Quarrying 1,933 1, 933
3 Manufacturing Industry 430 49r 92r
4 EJ-ectricity, Gas and Water r, rr'7 2, 605 )
J,
1aa
I LL
6 Construction 238 238
6 Wholesal-e Trade, Retail
Trade, Restaurants B1 5 86
1 Transportation, Storage,
Communication 42, 054 22 42, 0'7 6
B Financing, Insurance,
Real- Estate and Business
Services 226 189 4r5
9 Public Services B9 171,185 l-'7r,214
Total- r00, 496 r94, B41 295,037
Source: Pusat AKAN, n.d

In Dutch colonial- times when the

ree out f l- ow of pilgrims
f

to Mecca directly from the Dutch East Indies was

restricted, it was reported that thousands of Javanese
annualJ-y made the pilgrimage, usuaJ-J-y organised by a
 t21

pilgrim broker (hadji shekh) via Singapore (Spaan,

1,994: 95 ) .

While the majority of Indonesian migrant workers going to

Saudi Arabia are l-egal, MJ-aysia is the main destination
for illegal Indonesian migrant workers (Spaan, I994;
Hugo, I994b) . The illegal fndonesian migrant workers are
very significant in Malaysia and although they are not
detected in any official- statistics, ic can be

ascertained that their numbers are much higher than legal

workers. Whil-e the Indonesian Government reported that
almost a hal-f of Indonesian workers in Malaysia are
illegal migrants, other estimates are much higher
(Country Report: Indonesia, 1992) . Li-m (1991:15) has

pointed out that the number of officially sanctioned

migrants is small in rel-ation to those who have left
f ndonesia illegaJ-J-y. At the end of \99I, according to the
Vice Prime Minister of MaIaysia, there were more than
300,000 illegal migrants in Malaysia from Indonesia
(Tempo, 11 January 1992) . But the Secretary General- of
the MaJ-aysian Labour Union Congress stated that the
number of Indonesian iIlegal migrants had reached a

mill-ion people (Tenpo, II January 1992) . Setyono (1992)

estimated that the total- number of fndonesian workers in

Malaysia ranged from 300, 000 to 1,000, 000 workers.
 l2r{

Meanwhile, as Hugo (1993a) observed, the number of legal,

migrrants working in Malaysia and Singapore increased in
the early l-980s and especialJ-y in t.he eatrly 1990s. In
L919/80 Lhere were only 120 Indonesian overseas workers
registered officially for work in Malaysia and Singapore,
and this number increased to 51,638 in L99L/92. By
L992/93 the number of Indonesian overseas workers in
Malaysia and Singapore processed by the Indonesian
Ministry of Manpower had reached 62,535 (Hugo, L994b:10).
The increase in Indonesian legal workers Lo Malaysia is
t.he result of the efforts of t.he Malaysian and Indonesian
qovernments to regularise the flow of workers (Hugo,
L993a:42). For example, the effort to reqularise the flow
of workers to Malaysia in 1992 resulted in about 200,000
Indonesian illegal workers registerinq with the Malaysian
Immigration Office and hence they became legal workers
(Tempo, LI April 1992; Kompas, 3 September 1992; Setyono,
L992) .

If the effort of the Malaysian Government to give work

permits (3 years) to illegal migrants who registered with
the Malaysian Immigrati-on Office and Indonesian Embassy
in Malaysia before 30 June 1,992 is successful, Lhe number
of illegal migrants should decl-ine. However, Huqro
(1993a:63) suggested that "not all (or even most) illegal
Indonesian labour migrants in Malaysia have taken
 t29

advantage of the I991--L992 initiatives " . It is

understandable because as Hugto (1993 a:63-64) argued

The migration itself is much quicker if one moves

illegally since the bureaucratic delays in
processing miqrant worker applications are
considerable at the Indonesian end.
The illegal channels of movement and the cal-o that
facilitate the movement are often well established,
well known and trusted.
. It. can be cheaper movinq i11egally and there are
informal arrangements in place to allow the migrants
to "work off" their migration expenses in Malaysia.
. In the registration exercise it was only allowed
for workers to be given working permits in secr-ors
where Lhere was perceived labour shortage
construction, plantations and domestic service. rn
manufacturing, judqements were Lo be made on ca case
by case basis. Hence there would have been no
incentive for illegal migrants to register if they
were working in sectors other than those designated
as labour shortage sectors. For example, there was
considerable concern expressed by the larg'e number
of Indonesian sj-dewalk vendors in Kuala Lumpur and
other Malaysian cities who took their case to the
Indonesian Minister of Labour (Kompas, 3 July, 9
July 1992) , They explained t.hat since they were
self-employed, they did not have an employer who
could vouch for them and pay the foreiqn workers
I ^---
revy. il

4 3 Indonesian Goverrrent Policy on Sending of Workers

Overseas

As mentioned earlier, Indonesia is a laLecomer to t.he

international- labour market. In the Broad Outline of the
Nation's Direction (GBHN) it has been stated that the
sending of workers overseas is an export of services to
decrease unemployment and obtain foreign exchange
(devisa) . Moreover, Lhe GBHN has stressed the need to
 130

make efficient use of sending Indonesian manpower to

countries which need workers and the necessity of
protecting them in their overseas work places. The
polcy, which is the basis for the program for supplying
Indonesian workers to other countries which was
formufated in REPELITA V (The Fith Five-year Development
Plan) was as follows (Soeramsihono, 1992:3-4) :

(a) To raise the activities of di st r i-but i on and make

efficj-ent use of the manpower within the country and to
other countries;
(b) To increase the quality of workers who will be sent
to other countries, especl-alIy relating to their skill-
and workers ' security,'
(c) Always to motivate the LSM (non-government
organisations) that supply OCWs to increase skill levels
and workers' security, to monitor and to seek employment
opportunities in overseas labour marketsi
(d) To send Indonesian workers to other countries they
have to pay attention to the dignity, human values, good
reputation of the nation and country and the domestic
needs of the workers;
(e) In REPELITA V, 500, 000 skill-ed workers are planned to
be sent to other countries;
(f) For expanding employment opportunit ies, a fund
co I Iect ion system wi I l- be tr j-ed by col- lect ing money from
OCWs.

This proqram is countinued in REPELITA VI (The Sj-xth

Five-year Development Pl-an) where it is planned to send
1-,250,000 -workers to other countries, especially skilled
workers. The responsibifity for the impJ-ementation of
that policy lies with the Center for Overseas Employment
(Pusat AKAN) in the Indonesian Manpower Department. At
 l3l

the provincial J-evel, the Regional Centre for Overseas

Employment (Balai AKAN) takes the responsibility.

Pusat AKAN has stated the objectives of overseas

employment as follows (Pusat AKAN, n.d):
expans i- on of employment opportunities;
increase of workers income;
increase of foreign exchanqe revenue,'
closer rel-ationships among countries and nations.

For achieving those objectives, Pusat AKAN has targets to

send the greatest possib,le number of Indonesian workers
abroad and to ensure the highest quality of workers in
order to meet the demand for workers by companies,
agencies and individuals for a certain period of time
based upon a work aqreement.

4.4 Implementation of the Overseas Worker Program

In the mplementation of this Overseas Worker program,

the Indonesian Government stil-1 faces many dif ficul-ties.
In particul-ar two issues are prominent - those
surrounding f emal-e migrat ion and i J- legal- tabour
migration. Every day during the month of JuJ-y 1992, when

the fieldwork for this study commenced, the mass media j-n

Indonesia \^as busy reporting about fndonesian OCWs to and

in MaIaysia, especialJ-y those who entered Malaysia
 r32

iJ-legaIly. Since 1 Juty I992, Malaysia has begun a

crackdown on illegal immiqrants, mainly the iIlegal-

foreign workers who missed the June 30 deadline to
register and legalise their stay for temporary
empJ-oyment. It was estimated that about 100,000 j-tlegal
migrants had missed the chance to register and were
hiding for fear of being caught (Sinar Pagi, 3, 28 Juty
1992) . Mal-aysia had given a time for illegal migrants to
register and legalise their stay for temporary employment
snce 1 November 1991. During that time about 320,000
illegals had registered themsel-ves. Most of the illegaj-
migrants in Malaysia are from Indonesia (Srnar Paqi, 3,

28 July 1992; Berita Buana, 16, 29 July 1992,).

The Indonesian government has insttuted regul-ations

which attempt to make it easier for Indonesian workers
who go overseas for work, such as access to cheaper
airpJ-ane tickets than for the generaJ- pubJ-ic and freedom
from paying fiscat changes2 (Pelita, B August 1988).

The Indonesian government has stressed that in the

overseas workers program, the workers (OCWs) are not
objects that can be sold or bought as commodities (see
f or exampJ-e, the Head o f Pusat AKAN, in Kompas , L9

October 1992) . However, the facts show that OCWs are

t By reguJ-ation, each Indonesian person who goes overseas
should pay fiscal charges to the amount of Rp 250.000.
 133

becoming a source of income to many peopJ-e, including

l-abour suppliers. The business of recruitment and sending
workers abroad has been gtrowing, whiJ-e the government has

not yet been abl-e to deal effectively wlth problems of

exploitation of workers. Benefits are certainly accruing
to recruiters, senders and employers but they are not
aJ-ways enjoyed by the workers themselves. Accordingly,
the Head of Pusat AKAN (Berita Yudha, 2J Jul_y 1992) has

said that Indonesian Labour Suppliers ) shoul-d take

(PPTKI

the weJ-lbeing of workers into account and plan for the

long term, not focusinq on short term benefits only.

The implementation of the overseas employment program in

Indonesia is still not well organised. The Head of the
Center for Overseas Employment (the Chairman of the
Inter-country Workforce) has stated that consequentJ-y,
there have been some significant difficulties in sending
Indonesian OCWs to other countries (Kompas, 11 September
19921 . The Indonesian Manpower Supplier Association
(IMSA) came int.o being to assist the government in co-
ordinating the Indonesian Labour Suppliers (PPTKI) in
carryng out the program of overseas employment (AKAN) .

However, in reality (based on reports in the mass media

in fndonesia) there are conflicts concerned with
fj-nancial matters (see for an example, Ekonomi Indonesia,
23 JuIy 1992) . Furthermore, the fourth IMSA Congress
 134

(Musyawarah Besar ke-4 IMSA) in November 1992 (Kompas, 1B

February 1993 ) warned against the uncertainties of
util-ising funds in the IMSA.

The human exploitation of Indonesian overseas contract

workers has been reported by the mass media in Indonesia,
especiall-y the exploitation of female housemaids who work
in Saudi Arabia. Reports and stories about successful
and unsuccessful experi-ences (including violence by the
employers and agents for overseas empJ-oyment/middJ-emen,
exploitatj-on from other members of the society both j-n

the country of employment and in Indonesia) highlight the

pros and cons of sending Indonesian women as domestic
help. The expJ-oitation of OCWs begins in the place of
origin and continues in the country of employment and
after they have returned again to Indonesia.

Before departure, some exploitation of workers comes from

the middlemen, agents for overseas employment (PPTKI ) ,

and the so-called " oknl)m" (a government of f icial- who

abuse his authority) . Middlemen have an important rol-e in

recruiting candidates for overseas contract jobs. The

candidates have to pay3 what the middleman asks if they

want a chance to work in another country. Moreover,

'According to the requJ-ations (Mlnisterial- Regulation

NO:PER-01/MEN/I99I) the recruiter j-s prohibited to charge
a fee from candidates of overseas workers. But the new
requlatj-on (Ministerial- Regrulation NO:PER-02/MEN/I994)
give a right to the recruiter to charge the fee.
 135

although the candidate has paid, it is generally not a

guarantee for obtaining work overseas. The following news

items il-l-ustrate this.

168 Indonesian workers (male and female) from
villaqes in Kendal Regency, Centraf Java, b/ere
stopped by police when they uiere going to Malaysia
as illegal migrant workers. Generally they paid Rp
350,000/person to go to Malaysia (Pikiran Rakyat, 1
JuIy 1992).
24 Indonesian workers who were sent by PPTKI, were
negJ-ected with poor condit.ions in Batam. Vrlhereas
they had paid Rp 750,000/person (Jayakarta, 4 July
1992) .

32 Indonesian's OCW from Cilacap were neglected by

PPTKI with poor conditions. They can not enter
Malaysia because they do not have formal- domuments
(Jayakarta, 24 July L992; Merdeka, 24 JuJ-y 1992) .
48 Indonesian's OCW from Lombok, were arrested in
Bali before they entered Malaysia illegalJ-y (Pikiran
Rakyat, 24 JuIy 1992) .

. Departure of I12 illegal fndonesian workers from

Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara, with the destination of
Malaysia, r^/ere stopped by the police of West Lombok.
They had paid 350-400 thousands rupiah and borrowed
that money from their families (Kompas, 2I ApriJ-
1993) .

Although the policy of the Indonesian Government was for

empJ-oyers n other countries to pay the recruiting fee
and transportation costs to thej-r countries, workers in
Indonesia generally still- have to pay an amount of money

to the recruiter. As explained in a previous chapter,

mal-es have to pay more than females, whiJ-e f or PPTKI
(Indonesian Labour Suppliers) there are more benefits for
sending female workers.
 136

PPTKI have been known to manipulate information

concerning OCWs in order to make it possible for them to
go overseas. Pelita (30 March 19BB) has reported a story
of a femal-e OCW from the outskirts of Cian jur. She was
onl-y 19 years od when she went to Saudi Arabia. After
she finished high school she tried to find work, but no
one woul-d give her a job. Meanwhil-e her parents were aged
already and so she had a responsibility to help her
parents. She decided to work in Saudi Arabia, although
her parents and her brother and sister did not agree.
ActualJ-y she \^ras not eligible to work overseas by the
regulation, that insists that such workers must be
marr j-ed. After discussion with the labour suppJ- ier
(PPTKI) where she appJ-ied, she received a letter stating
"widower status because her husband is dead" from her
viIJ-age head. Finally she went to Saudi Arabia and
fortunately she had a kind employer and was abl-e to send
money to her parents.

In the host country, the exploitation especialJ-y, has

come from the empJ-oyers of househol-d servants. As an

example, Sinar Pag (9 March 1985) reported the case of a

femal-e OCW working hard in Saudi Arabia as a housemaid,

whose life vas made unbearable. She ate only once a day
at 15.00 p.m focal time/ the food was only bread and
chicken meat, she worked hard from dawn and had to move

up and down the three floors of the house.

 137

This issue is frequently reported upon by the mass media

in Indonesia. In the Jakarta Post (6 JuIy 1992) for
example, it ,^ras reported that thousands o f f emal_e
Indonesian workers in Saudi Arabia \^/ere treated
inhumanely by their employers. The Indonesian Embassy and
the Ministry of Manpower which provide recommmendations
to overseas workers could not do much about solving the
situation. But the following day (B JuJ_y 1992) Suara
Karya reported that the MinisLer of Manpower, Cosmas

Batubara, had said that the report by RCTI (Rajawali

Citra Televisi Indonesia) of the two TKW who had been
treated inhumanely, was biased and RCTI had to also
report the stories of success ful- migrants . On 11 JuJ-y

1992 Pikiran Rakyat reported an unpleasant story of a

female OCW who had worked in Saudi Arabia. previousJ_y (4

July 19921 Tempo had reported the story of an Indonesian

housemaid in Singapore who was tortured by her empJ-oyer.
The employer felt that she had bought the housemaid so
she could do anything she wanted.

In Saudi Arabia these incidents are common because, s

Paulus Wirutomo (Director of Penelitian, Pengembangan dan
Dokumentasi YTKI) has argued, housemaids have difficulty
getting out from their empJ-oyer's house which generally
has a high fence. Meanwhile the housemaids generally do
not know the address of the Office of the Indonesian
 r38

Embassy in Saudi Arabia and consequentJ-y not all OCWs who

\^/ant to escape from their employers can make their v/ay to

the Indonesian Embassy (Suara Karya, 20 March 1990).

According to the Indonesian Ministry of Manpower (Suara

Karya, I6 February 1988), based on information from the
Indonesian Embassy in Saudi Arabia, of the 59,362
Indones ian f ema]e OCWs who r^rere sent in the year I9B' ,

there viere 600 (abount 1 percent) who were exposed as

negative cases and the rest were shown to be successful-.

Since then most of the negative cases had been deal-t
with. According to the Head of the Jakarta RegionaJ-

Office of the Manpower Department, from 2,612 return

Indonesian OCWs who were served by the Accompanying and
Pick Up Service Unit (Unit Jasa Pelayanan Pengantaran dan
Pen jemputan TKI ) , there \^/ere onl-y nlne so-called
'indecent' cases , 56 work contract infractions and 536 in
unbearable situations, while most went home because they
had finished ther work contract (Merdeka, 24 November

1986) .

There f ore, dur-ng the t ime OCWs worked in other

countries, some experienced difficulties, while most of
them did not. In the case of Sukasari's OCWs , 63.3
percent said they had had probJ-ems while working
overseas . TabIe 4 .l shows those di f f icuJ-t ies, with the
 139

four most common difficulties faced by the OCWs being:

Ianguage dif f iculties , f amiJ-y separation (28 .Ieo) |
(52.6%)
a f ierce employer (26.3e") and work overl-oad (23.I2) . The
differences in their experiences overseas meant the OCWs

had different perceptions about workinq overseas.

Table 4 .7 : The Problems Encountered By Sukasari's OC!{s

Kind of Difficulty o
'6

Communicating with their employer 52 .6

Separation from their famil-y 28.r
A fierce employer 26 .3
Work overload 23.L
Food
Weather 5.1
An empoyer who did not pay their wage 13.2
Prohibition from going out of the house 1r.3
Other 3.8
Note: n tr?
Source: FieId Data, I992

V{hen OCWs return to Indonesia, at Soekarno-Hatta

fnternational Airport, they are sometimes confronted by
"oknL)m" on their arrival. As the Indonesian Minister of
Manpower has said, reports were made about cases where
OCWs, upon their arrival, hrere robbed of their goods at
the airport, or the goods they brought back r/ere not
released from the airport storehouse. Moreover, according
to the Head of the Regional, Office of Manpower

Department, Jakarta the fiel-d employees of the Manpower

 140

Department have been threatened by the " oknt)m" in the

Iine of duty (Merdeka, 24 November 1986) .

4.5 Studies of Indonesian International Labour Migration

There has been growing interest in international- worker

movement issues in Indonesia since the 1980s, as a resul-t
of an increase in the vol-ume of Indonesian workers going
abroad. Emerging issues concerning these groups have
received much attention in the Indonesian mass media (for
examples see ner^/spapers in the section of references),
and seminarso have been recently conducted especially to
discuss the policy of government, probJ-ems and conditions
of overseas contract workers, workers' protection, the
exploitation of workers especially women, such as
domestic violence, sexual- abuse, extremely -ong working
hours, unpaid workers, etc. (not only by emp j_oyers

abroad, but also by agents and middl-emen in Indonesia)

Consequently, there are a variety of popular assessments
about the program of sending fndonesian workers overseas.
In col-onial times, Indonesian emigration was on a very
small- scale and the impact in most parts of Indonesia \^ras

oFor examples Seminar Sehari ,Sumbangsih perguruan Tinggi

daJ-am Pengenbang:an Sumber Daya Manusia mel_al,ui
OptinaJisasj Mutu Tenaga Kerja Wanita Indonesia ke Saudr
Arabia, UNPAD, Bandung 1B November 1992 and Seminar
Nasr-onaL tlanita II, Bogor, 5-6 Agustus I992.
 t4r

smal-I also. They moved out of Indonesia mostly unde r

contract-coolie recruitment programmes to provide cheap
Iabour for plantations, while oLhers moved out
spontaneously (Hugo, I980:117) .

Aware of the need to know more about employment

opportunities abroad because of the effort of the
Indonesian government to increase the export of
Indonesian workers, RDCMD-YTKI (Research and

Documentation Centre for Manpower and DeveJ-opment - YTKI)

conducted a study (March-October I986) of the prospects
in the labour market in Saudi Arabi-a for Indonesian
workers (RDCMD-YTKI, 1986). The purpose of that study was

to identify the prospects of employment opportunities in

the Saudi Arabian l-abour market in the near future and

describe the problems/obstacles associated with the

procedures and mechanisms of recruitment and sending of
workers. Data were gathered from interviews with the
representatives of various institutes or organisations
related to the study, both in Indonesia and the Middle
East (especially Saudi Arabia) and prospective workers.
The anaJ-ysis also used data from 400 files of Indonesian
workers who rrere sent to the Middle East in the fiscal-
year 1985/L986. According to RDCMD-YTKI (1986) the demand

for semi-skil-Ied foreign workers in Saudi Arabia wil-l

 t42

increase whil-e unskill-ed labour/ especially domestic

servants, will- still be required.

Several aspects of Indonesian workers in the Middle East

countries and the impact on the socio-economic wel-being
of the migrant workers and their families have been
examined, by Pusat Penel-itian Kependudukan Universitas
Gadjah Mada (Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan Gadjah Mada
University, 1986) and Adi (1986). These studies were
prlmariJ-y based on field surveys in I1 regencies having
100 overseas contract workers or more (Adi, 1986) in the
West Java Province, Central Java Province, and the
Special District of Yogyakarta (pusat penelitian
Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada, 19B6) . These
studies provided...
. An overal-l picture of Indonesian Overseas Contract
Workers going to the Middle East as the main
destination,'
. The consequences of working overseas for migrants
and their families;
. The process of Indonesian workers consignment. t.o t.he
Middle East.

More specific studies by The Rural DeveJ_opment

Foundation, Malang (1992) and from West Java by Supangat
(1992) have studied the causes and consequences of vomen
 r43

from East Java working as domestic helpers in Saudi

Arabia. Supangat (1992 ) conducted a f iel-d study among

women from West Java who worked n Saudi Arabia, in order

to establish the factors that motivated them to work
there. The Rural- Devel-opment Foundation (1992) thoroughly
analysed the issue of workers' protection, and the
process and mechanism of recruitment of femafe domestic
heJ-pers from East Java. Relating to women's movement,

Hugo (I992a) has examined the changing level-s and

patterns of Indonesian female migration, particularJ-y to
ot.her countries.

The Indonesian Manpower Development and Research Centre

(Pusat Penelitian dan Pengembangan Tenaga Kerja
Departemen Tenaga Kerja, I99I) , using data from
interviews wth returned femal-e overseas contract workers
and the heads of government and private institutions that
are linked to the flow of remittances, has indicated the
mechanism for sending remittances and suggested a method
for increasng the utilisation of remittances. Hugo

(1993a) has al-so attempted to synthese the nature/ causes

and consequences of the patterns of Iabour movement

between Indonesa and Malaysia. He discusses the

important issues relating to maximizing benefits to all
of the peopJ-e invol-ved and minimizrng costs and negative
effects of the movement. The migrat-on of workers from
 144

Indonesia to Malaysia is not a recent phenomenon, and in

this f Iow, the middl-emen have an important rol-e. Spaan
(L994) particul-arly discussed the role of middlemen and
brokers in stimulating the movement of people from Java
to overseas destinations.

Singhanetra-Renard (1984), Juridico (1986), Kelly (1987),

Marius (I981), and Hugo (1993d, I994b) have analysed the
Indonesian overseas contract workers in terms of broader
issues using secondary data. Singhanetra-Renard discusses
policy development relating to Tndonesian overseas
contract workers since I916. Juridico (1986) has

identified a list of policy al-ternatives which

policymakers may wish to look into for the improvement of
Indonesia's overseas employment programme . KeIly (1 987 )

examined the contribution of overseas employment to the

domestic economy in terms of: the reduction of under- or
unemployment, increases in foreign exchange through
homeward remittance of earnings, effeccs on income
distribution (which can be either positive or negative),
and upgrading of average skill- l-eve1s through the
experence gained abroad by returninq migrants " Marius
(1987) examined the Indonesian experience and potential
in the areas of remittances and reintegration. He

addressed the question of how to generate optimal

benefits from remittances in the form of foreign exchange
 145

and persona-l savings for the nationa.l_ economy, while

limiting related costs due to reintegration problems.
Hugo reviewed trends in rndonesian labour migration and
pointed out that "the increasng outfl-ow of Indonesian
workers to overseas is part of globalisation trends which
are impinging upon Indonesia in many ways" (Hugo,
1 993d:1,22) . He observed that there is still a Iack of
knowl-edge about the scafe, patterns, causes and
consequences of this phenomenon which can be used in the
deveJ-opment of policy to maximise the advantages and
minimise the costs of rndonesian international- l-abour
migration. Moreover, Hugo (1994b) pointed out that the
famiry has an important role in infl-uencing rndonesian
international contract worker migration and exprored the
impact of international contract worker movement upon
famiJ-y well-being and shifts in famity structure and
functioning in Indonesia.

A study by Spaan (1992) examined the types of and changes

in migration patterns in rel-ation to the process of
socio-economic transformation in East Java. He examined
three rural- communities in East Java with different
socio-economic characterstics and l-evels of devel-opment
in rel-ation to circulation, both j-nternational and
national. AdditionaJ-ly, Cremer (1988) examined the
Indonesian overseas employment program in terms of
 t46

increasing overseas employment of Indonesj-ans. Based on

fietd research Adi (1987a) has identified the problems

related to employment of returned Indonesian overseas
contract workers.

Tobing et al. (1990), Bethan (1993) and Kelana (1993)

have published books on Indonesian OCWs in Saudi Arabia.
Tobing et aI. (1990) painted a negative picture of female
OCWs, in contrast to Kelana (1993) who presented a

positive picture of the migrants experience. Bethan

(1 993) described the happi-ness and sadness of female
housemaids in Saudi Arabia, their motivation to work
overseas and the deceitful practices of calo (middl-emen),
agents for overseas employment (PPTKI) and 'oknum' AKAN

empJ-oyees in sending female workers overseas to

situations which led to the exp-oitation of female OCWs

Other studies of Indonesian migrants i-n overseas

destinations incl-ude those of Guinness (1990 ) , Adi (I992)
and Doral-l and Paramasivam (1992) . Guinness (1990)
examined the presence and empJ-oyment of Indonesians in
the southern area of Johor (MaIaysia) and the responses
of the Mal-aysian qovernment and the pubJ-ic to this
phenomenon. Adi (1992 ) expJ-ained the process of
Indonesian movement to Austral-ia and some characLeriscics
of the miqrants. Doral-l- and Paramasivam (1992) presented
 147

research findings on illegal Indonesian migrant workers

in Malaysia, focusing special attention on female
migrants. They considered the causes of, mechanisms, and
processes of entering Malaysia illegally.

4.6 Conclusion

The increase of Indonesian l-abour flows overseas,

especiaJ-Iy migrant flows through legal channels, was one
of the consequences of Indonesian government policies to
increase the number of workers groing overseas. AJ-though
Tndonesian workers go to many countries, Saudi Arabia and
Malaysia are the two countries where most go to work.
These two countries both have labour shortages and need
foreign workers, and there are long historical_ Iinkages
between those countries and Indonesia. These linkages
have played an important role in facilitating popul-ation
movement from fndonesia to Saudi Arabia and MaJ_aysj_a

(Hugo , 79 93a:39) .

The impact of international lqbour migration on Indonesia

at the individual, househol_d, community and nation level
can not be clearly determined from any of the studies
above. The present study attempts to overcome this
shortcoming in the existing literature.
 Chaper Fiwe

THE CONTEXT OF POPUI,ATION MOVEMENT:

THE STUDY AREA

5.1 Introduction

It has been recognised that examination of the context in

which population movement occurs is a necessary part of
anal-ysing the causes and consequences of that movement
(Hugo , I91B; Forbes , I98I; Bedf ord, 1981,' Findley, 1987 )
.

Hugro (1978:41) in his study of population mobility in

West Java, has argued that "the patterns of movement and
their causes cannot be understood without a background
knowledge of the basic features of the West Java people
and the environment (social-, demographic and economic, s
weII as physical) in which they Iive". Forbes (1981:69)
in his Indonesian study has also argued that population
moblity is "a reflection of the structure and processes
within Indonesian society". To understand how rural
deveJ-opment poJ-lcy af fects migration decisions, Findley
(1987:4) maintains that. "one must consider specifica1ly
the types of peopl-e in the community and the community
characteristics or setting itseJ-f, as well- as the types
of governmental interventions".
 r/o

In order to take full account of these important

contextual considerations, this chapter presents a

discussion of the changing demographic and socio-economic

situaton in the Province of West Java, shown in the last
chapter to be the main source of official overseas labour
migrants in Indonesia. In addition it analyses in some

detail- the situation of Sukasari viJ-J-age in Kabupaten

Cianjur, West Java, in which the detailed fieldwork for
this thesis \^ias undertaken, This leads onto an

examination of the causes of outmigration of OCWs from

Desa Sukasari and the processes which are shaping that
movement. In this chapter the analysis of the context of
migration in Desa Sukasari is hampered by the lack of
demographic and socio-economic information relating to
the village. Like other village offices in Kabupaten
Cianjur, data concerninq the population and its potential
are not well recorded and lack compJ-eteness and accuracy.
Accordingly, data from these official sources has been
used very carefully in this study and it has been
supplemented with data from the National- PopuJ-ation
Census and the VIlage Population Registration of May

L99I, whj-ch \^/as collected for the general election of

Indonesia on June 9, 1992.
 150

5.2 The Physical Setting

The actual location of Desa Sukasari within Kabupaten

Cianjur, [Jest Java has been shown in Chapter Three (see
Figure 3.10) . West Java has a tropical cl-imate with a
hiqh rai-nfall of more than 2, 968 mm per year. It. has
fertil-e soil for agriculture in a wide pJ-ain in the
north, a mountainous area in the cenlre and hilly and
narrori seashore areas in the south. Figure 5.1 shows that
it is traversed by five large rivers (Citarum, Cisadane,
Cimanuk, Citanduy and Ciujung) on which a number of dams
have been deveJ-oped by government to assj-sted in
irrigated agriculture (Nurdin, 1986) . Twenty two percent
of the land is used for wet-rice cultivation, 13 percent
for plantation/estate and 22 percent is forest (Nurdin,
1986) . Hence the West Java region is highly suited for
agriculture and important in the agricultural development
of Indonesia " However, because of the development of
housing, industries and the expansion of qovernment and
commercial buJ-dings, the extent of agricultura area has
declined, with the wet-rice areas for example, decreasing
from 21.3 percent in 1983 to 22.0 percent in 1986 and
20.2 percent n 1989 (SaefuIah, 7992) .
 l5l

Figure 5.1: West Jawa: Physical Situation

SUMAIM

o
o o
/o
a/

6
a

CENML JAVA

tr
r
-/
50

500

Okm.Qmlm

Source: Hugo, L978

The physical- structure and climate of West Java varies

considerably from one reqion to another. AJ_though as a

whol-e West Java has a high rainfall, with the highland

areas receiving more rainfall than the lowland areas.
Duringr the dry season only the h-ghland areas receive
sufficient rainfall to ensure that the soil remains moist
for most of the season (Hugo, 1915:35). The high rainfatl
in the wet season however/ causes problems in the coastal_
areas, -ncluding the agricultural areas, due to f J_ooding
of the rivers " The quality of the soils for agricultural
 t52

activities differ in each region because "Lhe northern

and southern volcanic zones vary with the acidity of the
volcanc ejecta" (Hugo, I915:36) . Moreover, the
differences in ecological conditions within West Java
have resulted in wide variations in the abil-ty of each
region to support its inhabitants.

Sukasari ViJ-lage is located in the high rainfall highland

area, in the northern part of Kabupaten Cianjur (Figure
3.10). This is a fertil-e area with trees and other plants
growing rapidJ-y (f or example see Plat.e 5. 1) . idith an

area of 5.21 km2, elghty two percent of the land is used

for agrcul-tural- activities and ten percent for housing
(Desa Sukasari, 1992) . Sukasari Village consists of five
sub-vi1J-ages (dusun) : Cil-aku, CiIaku Hil-ir, Gegerbitunq,
Cijati and Palasari (Figure 5.2) . Unfortunately, there is
no data regarding the size of each dusun.

Figure 5.3 shows the transportation network of West Java.

Sukasari is 9 km from Cianjur City, the capital- city of
Kabupaten Cianjur, 69 km from Bandung, the capital city
of West Java Province and 131 km from Jakarta't Cianjur
City is l-ocated on the main roads J-inking Bandung-Bogor-

trn 1990, the population of Cianjur City, Bandunq and

Jakarta were 14 ,'7 0r , 2,056, gr5 and 9,222,5r5
respectiveJ-y.
 153

Jakarta and Bandung-sukabumi, and is becoming a

significant transit point for vehicl-es that go to

Bandung, Sukabumi, Bogor or Jakarta. The road transport
situation in West Java has improved dramtical-ly over the
l-ast decade (Saefull-ah, 1992). The improvement in
transportation no\^r makes - -it. easier for people to
circulate (and in some cases, commute) from Sukasari to,
for example, Sukabumi, Bogor, Bandung or Jakarta. This
condition, moreover, is very important for prospective
overseas migrant workers in Sukasari who need to obtain

\
ot a

I a-?

; - ,i4_'r:,.,hir,,i/ l /t
., "f'l)\.
' '"l
"'l;
tl t.
, /, I'i
i
,

I
I

Plate 5.1 Wet rice fietd in Sukasari: green and

fertile
 154

information and apply for overseas work, since Pusat AKAN

and most overseas aqents are located in Jakarta. It is a
sustained crj-ticism of the Indonesian Department of
Manpowerts Overseas Worker Program that obtaining
permission to go overseas is a long drawn out process
involvng vsits to a large number of government offices
(Hugo, I993a:45, 63, 1993b:116; Spaan, 1994:109).

Figure 5.2= Sukasari Village

n \-\/
main road
\ DESA SIRNAGALIH

r vlllage road
I
(.
--.4 railway z'l I
boundary
, o - I \
-.-village
eub-village boundary san I ,
I ,
O village oflice
/
('
tiver \
)
-
I
\.
,
I
DESA CIEUNDEUR
I
/ / \'
I
I

-
Gegerbitung ,a
I I I
o
. i a
I )
o
=
I \ tt
I
'l
i
I I J Gilaku Hilir
a)
tJ
.-.-.-.\ \ \__ ci ,
t
o ')/ ,
t'-'a,..-1'-'-1-'.. I
I
(
') I
I \
I
t tl'
J /o metres 3oo 600
DESA PEUTEUYCONDONG
 155

Figure 5 .3 : Transportation Networks, vilest ilava

SPECIAL TERRITORY
OF GREATER JAIqRTA
JAVA SEA
g'"sl
Pande ngo rawang
..-- sbitung ramayu

a Bogo
P urwakarta

c uf
ubang
lrebon
Sumeda ajal
A
u Bandu
Ku
t
(
Cia mis
^
ikmal aya
INDIAN OCEAN

Provinclal boUndary
-.- main road O kms 100
railway
a mounlaln 25O0+

Source: Hardjono and HilI, L989:254

 156

5 .3 The Prowince of glest Jawa

5 .3 . 1 Population Growt,h and Distribution

West Java is the most populous province in Indonesia with

a total population of 35.4 mil-lion in 1990. During the
1980s it surpassed East Java as the largest province in
Indonesia. In the 1970s East Java gre\^/ at a much sl-ower
rate (1.5 percent per annum) than West Java (2.1 percent
per annum). While in the 1980s the popul_ation growth rate
in East Java decreased to 1.1 percent whil_e West Java's
remained steady (2.6 percent) (Table 5.1 and Figure 5.4).

The Total FertiJ-ity Rate in West Java during I916-I9i9

reached 5.1, making it the highest among the Java
provinces and above the national average of 4.9 (Nurdin,
1986:36)" Although by 199I t.he TotaI Fertifity Rate in
this region had decreased to 3.6, but remained higher
than other Java provinces and above the national- average
of 3.1 (Singarimbun, I991:15). The high growth rate of
Vest Java's population however 1s not only because of
relativeJ-y high fertility, it is al_so becauser s Hugo
(1993b: a0) points out , of the 'overspill' of Jakarta's
urban development.
 r57

Tab1e 5 1: Population Distribuion and GrowE.h Rate of

Indonesia,L9Tl to 1990.

Province Number Growth Rate

(000) ( %per annum)

I97 I 1980 1990 1 97 1- 1 980 1 980-1 990

0l- D.I Aceh 2009 26IT 34t6 2.9 2.7
02 North Sumatera 6622 8361 10256 2.9 a1

03 West Sumatera 27 93 340'7 4000 aa 1.6

04 Riau r642 2l-69 3304 3.1 4.3
05 Jambi 1006 L446 202r 4.r 3.4
06 South Sumatera 344l- 4630 6 313 3.3 3.2
07 Bengkuu s19 168 I\1 9 4.4 4.4
08 Lampung 27'7'7 4625 6018 5.8 . t

09 DKI Jakarta 45'7 9 650? 8259 3.9 2.4

10 West Java 2L624 2'7 453 35384 2.'7 2.6
11 Central Java 2rB'7't 2531 3 2852r 1.6 L.2
L2 D. I Yogyakarta 2489 21 5r 29r3 1.5 1.1
13 East Java 255r'7 29r89 32504 1.5 1.1
14 BaIi 2t20 247 0 2'77 8 r.'7 r.2
15 West Nusa Tenggara 2203 2'725 3370 2.4 2.2
16 East Nusa Tengarra 229s 2'73'7 3269 2.0 1.8
17 East Timor 555 148 3.0
18 'Iest Kal-imantan 2020 2486 3229 2.'7
19 Central Kalimantan '7
02 954 1396 3 4 ?o

20 South Kal-imantan 1699 2065 2598 2 2 2.3

21 East Kal-imantan 134 12I8 r8'7'7 5 1 4.4
22 North Sul-awesi 17 18 2II5 24'7 8 2 3 1.6
23 Central Sul-awesi 9L4 1290 1711 3 9 2.9
24 South Sulawesi 5181 6062 6982 1 1 I.4
25 Southeast Sul-awesi '7 74 942 1350 3 1 3 "'7

2 6 Ma.l-uku 10 90 1411 18s6 2 9 2.8

2'7 Irian Jaya 923 II'7 4 r649 2 1 3.5
TotaI rr9208 r4'7 490 r'7 93'7 9 2.3 2.0
Source:Biro Pusat Statistik, I994
 158

Figure 5.4: rnual Population Growth Rates in Indonesia

by Province, L97 1-1980 and 1980-1990

0 \
\
\,
I

\ 12
<a
l7 .1s/> I
)

\ "\
\
( 10

I
I =r
.iI o
@o
o
7

tt
FO
@
oo
O
l
kms
j
5OO ;c
,.l}
I JAKARTA .I YOGYAKRTA 7 BENGKULU IO JAMBI 13 rcEH .16
S KALIMANTAN 19 N SUIWASI 22 BALI 25 MALUKU
2WJA\,I 5.JAVA SS.SUMATRA IIWSUMATRA.I4WKALIMANTAN 20S.SULAI,VESI 2SW.NUSATENOGARA 26y
3 C JAVA A LAMPUNO 9 RIAU '7E.KLIMANfAN
12 N.SUMAIR,A 15 C,KALIMANTAN T8 C SULAWESI 21 S.E.SULAWESI 2I E,NUSA TENCGRA 27 E.TIIOR

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, I994

Within West Java there are differences in the level-s of

population growth (Figure 5.5) . During the 1970's the
popul-aton growth rate in Kabupaten C j-an jur was 2 " 4
percent per annum, below the average population growth
rate of West Java during that period (2.1 percent) but
significantly higher than the national rate (Table 5.2) .

During the 1980s the population qrowth rate decreased in

most reqions except the Kabupaten of Bekasi and Tangerang
and Kotamadya Bandung. In these three reqions the rate of
 159

Figure 5.5: Annual Population Growth Rate in Vest Java by

Regencies/Municipaliies, 1971-1980 and
1 980-1990

I
do
o I
20 I
t
-\. ,

q I
I

I
I

1 2 ,-

o
cO d)
tl
- O kms 50 100
o)o) a (municipality)

1 PANDEGLANG 4 SUKABUMI 6a BANDUNG 10 KUNINGAN 13 SUMEDANG

17 KARAWANG
2 LEBAK 4a SUKABUMI 7 GARUT CIREBON
14 INDRAMAYU 18 BEKASI
11
3 BOGOR 5 CIAJUR I TASIKMALAYA 15 SUBANc 19 TANGERANG
1la CIREBON
3a BOGOR 6 BANDUNG 9 CIAMIS 12 MAJALENGKA 16 PURWAKARTA 20 SERANG

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, IgJ4, 1983, I993

Saefullah, 1992

population qrowth increased surprisingty from 3.6

(Bekasi), 4"I (Tangerang) and 2.2 (Kotamadya Bandung) to
become 6.3, 6.I, and 3.5 respectively. The population
growth rate in Kabupaten Bogor decreased but the rate
$ras stil-I high (4.L percent per annum) during 1980-1990.
The increase of population in these regions (Kabupaten
Boqor, Tangerang, Bekasi and Kotamadya Bandung) was
largrerly associated with Jakarta's resdential and
industrial- development which has overspil-led into the
 160

adjoining West Java Kabupaten of Boqor, Tangerang and

Bekasi and Kotamadya Bandung (Hugo, I993b:40, 1993d:41).

Table 5.2 Nunber and Growth Rate of Population and

Urbanisation, Kabupaen in glest Java, L97 1-1990
ro opu at on row t eo rowt a:_e .
Regency /Muni cipal - Ly (000) PopulaLion Urbanisauio:r
(t per annum) (t per annum)

1971 1980 1990 1971-19801980-1990 1980-1990

Regenci es

01. Pandeglang 51?.6 694.8 849. 2 2.2 2.r -0.1

o2 Lebak 546.4 682 .9 BB4. 6 2.5 2.5 3.0
03 Bogo r r,661.1 2, 493 .8 1,750. 1 4.6 4.r 26.4
o4 Sukabumi r,2ro .6 1,51?.6 1,840. 0 2.5 2.4 4.1
05 Cianjur 1, 12s.5 1,387.6 1, 663 . 0 2.4 1.8 1.6
06 Bandung 1,985.4 2, 669 .2 3,2r9. 9 2f 1.8 r6.4
0't Garut r, 200. 4 1,483.0 1,733. 8 2.4 7.1 2.2
08 Tasikmalaya 1,313.3 1,593.2 1, 804 . 6 2.2 .1 5.3
09 Ciamis r,225 .6 r,361 .6 1,450. 1 r.2 c.8 3.5
10 Kun i ngan 658. 6 186.4 884. 6 '.. -1.1
11 cirebon 1,041.9 7 , 331 .'l i,66 3 1 2.8 7.? 9.5
I2 Majalengka 149.7 Bgt.1 r ,02 6 1 2.0 1A 5.9
13 Sumedang 63't .9 123.6 B4 9 2 1.4 1.4
74 I ndramayu 985. 4 r , 23'l .5 t .4:> 0 1 2.6 ".4
..6 8.9
15 Su b,a ng 898 .2 1,065.3 3 1 1.3 3.9
16 Purwakarca 311.5 4 58 - 0 6 I 2.4 2.r 5.1
71 Karawang i, 003. 7 i,236.6 6 i 2.4 i.9 8.9
18 Bekas i 830.8 1,143.5 2, 12 3 0 3.6 6.3 38.3
19 Tange ra ng '1
,066.1 ': , 529.0 2,16 0 0 4.i 6 .'. i9.8
20 Serang 859.4 ). , i09 .2 1,48 6 1 2.9 )9 7.3
Municigalities
2I Bogor 195. I 246 9 283 I 2.1 1.C no
22 Sukabumi 96 .2 109 9 1C6 2 l.-q ^o
23 Bandung 7,200. 4 r 61 4 2 052 3 2.2 3.5 a)
24 Ci rebon 178.5 2 23 5 241 1 2.5 2.2 91
TotaI 2I, 627.0 21,449.8 35, 384.0 .6 r3. t

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik , I9l 4, 1983, 1993;

SaefuJ-Iah, I992r Dhanani and Sanito, I994

As is the case in all Indonesia, the population in the

urban areas of West Java has grown at a faster rate than
that in rural areas. The proportion of people J-iving in
rural areas has decreased from 81.6 percent in I91I to
1 9 .0 percent in 1 9B 0 and 65 . 5 percent in 1 990 (TabIe

5 . 3 ) . Four f actors are invol-ved in this : net rural to

 l6l

urban migration, the reclassification of former rural

areas to become urban areas, higher fertility in urban
areas than rural areas, and l-ower mortality in urban
areas than in rural areas (Hugo , I993f :41) . Tabl-e 5 . 3
shor^rs that the urbanisation rate in West Java is faster

Table 5.3 Population Distribution of West ifava,

by Urban/nural reas and Gender, t97I to 1990
Urban/Rurai- T91 I 1980 1990

Urban: male 1,33r,5'74 2, a o? ooa 6, r32, 6'7 5

femal-e 1,35rt549 2, 816, 870 6, 0'7'7 ,040
Total 2, 683, r23 tr '7'7
0 , B6B 12, 209 ,1 15
t L2 .4 2L. 0 34 .5
Indonesia L7 .2 22. 4 30 .9
Rural-: male g,3o2,3gr 10, -'7 0 , 571 II' 603,098
female 9, 635, 436 10, 908, 401 LI , 568,869
Total 18,93'7,82'7 2I, 6'tB, 912 /< t'7I , 96'/
t 87 .6 79. 0 65 .5
fndonesia 82.8 77. 6 69. 1
Total 2r, 620, 950 2'l , 449, 840 35,381, 682
Vest .Tawa 100 .0 100 .0 100 . 0
Indonesia 100 .0 100 .0 100 . 0

Source: B:-ro Pusat Statistik, IgJ4, f983, L993

Huqo, 1993b

than Indonesia as a whoIe. UrbanisaLion in Indonesj-a,

moreover, is "likely to increase faster than the Asian
and Southeast Asian reqion as a whole" (Hugo, 1993f:48) "

The rapid growth of the urban population of West Java was

to a J-arge degree associated with the overspill of

Jakarta into suroundinq regons (Table 5 "2) .
 t62

The differences in population qrowth rates between

regencies/ municipalities ( Kabupaten/Rotamadya) has
changed the balance of population distribution and.

density in the province (Table 5. 4 ) . The uneven

distribution of population in West Java has been caused
not onJ-y by varation in the population growth rate, but
al-so by of considerabl-e variation in the ecology of the
province and consequently in the abiJ--ty to support an

agricuftural- population, proximity to the major urban

complexes of Jakarta and Bandung, and differences in the
Gross Domestic Product in each region (Table 5.4).

Imbal-ances in popuJ-ation distrbut ion in Indonesa have

been identified by the government as a significant
barrier to deveJ-opment (Country Report: Indonesia,
1992:I-2; BPS, I994:88) " The population of Indonesia was
estimated to be 184.35 mil-lion people in mid-1992 with an
averaqe grrowth rate of I.6 percent. Although this is the
fourth largest popuJ-ation in the world, sixty percent of
the isl-ands (there are about 17, 500 islands in the
Indonesian archipelago) are not inhabited or are very
sparseJ-y popuJ-ated (Country Report : Indonesia, 1992:I-2) .
However, the reality is that the outer fslands are not
ecologically suited for intensive settlement (Country
Report : Indonesia, I992:3) .
 163

Table 5.4: Population Distribution and Population Density

of Vlest Java, L971 to 1990
Popuation PopulaLion DensiLy llependency CDP per Cpiia
Discribui.on (T) (per km2 ) RaLio (Rup-ah)
Regi on Area (ra c i o
1917 1980 1990 'L9l'L 1980 1 990 ng -o 1 990 crowth Ra-
work i
unworkii'tg re 1985-90
Regencies:
0l Pandeglng 5 02 2.6 2.5 2.4 2C2 266 329 )5 8.3
02 Lebak I 41 2.5 2.5 2.5 t'l5 2i9 280 53 3 4.:t , 911 8.9
03 Bogor 6 56 1.1 9.1 10.6 191 143 1,113 14 )1 931
04 Sukabumi 1 69 5.6 308 386 41 0 5B 238, 444 2.8
05 ClanJur 11 18 5.2 5.1 4.'l 325 401 480 59 355, 810 5.9
06 Bandung 1 26 653 B7B 1,053 53 546, 8't 4 4.9
07 Garut 5 45 5.6 5.4 4.9 387 411 s 63 57 310 , 5t-0 6.6
08 lasikmalaya 6 30 6.I 5.8 5.1 419 581 662 t6 331, 328 5.4
09 Ciamis 1 05 5.1 5.0 4.r 486 543 587 94 365, 3-t 2 4.2
10 Kuningan 2 50 3.0 2.9 2.5 590 104 199 64 283, 125 0.9
l1 Cirebon 2 25 4.8 4.9 4.1 1,070 r,361 r, 693 49
'15
32L, 380 3.i
12 Majalengka 2 18 3.5 3.3 2.9 620 143 854 395, 9-t 5 3.3
13 Sumedang 3 66 3.0 2.6 2.4 449 509 585 61 440, 683 1.5
14 Tndramayu 4 59 4.6 4.5 4.r 509 639 148 53 ?,c25, 562
15 Subang 4 TO 4.2 3.9 3.4 482 512 641 61 384, 4i2 4.6
16 Purwakarta 2 22 r.1 r.1 1.6 44A 552 618 55 418, 22r 6.0
17 Karawang 3 96 4.6 4.5 4.2 636 783 I tt \4 t , 319 2.4
18 Bekasi 3 66 l.u 4 .2 6. C 641 tJ 91 : ,639 4u ) 6C, 28;
1 9 Tange rang 2 94 4.9 :.6 I.u ) ,422 :. , 465 2,648 t,) a2'.
20 Serang -l 0i / )8 :;9 '8 r, i'. i, )6 9- 9

MunicipaliLies
21 Bogor 0 05 0.9 0.9 0.8 8,629 70,U99 l,953 40 596, 6A2 4.9
22 Sukabumi 0 03 0.5 0.4 0.3 1 ,954 9, 090 9,9t2 54 518,6?1 5.2
23 Bandung 0 19 5.6 5.3 5.8 )-4, B2O 18, 057 25,394 54 643,324 1.5
24 Cirebon 0 OB 0.8 0.8 o.1 4,114 5,983 6,804 48 994. B3B 5-4
West Java 100 100 100 100 501 636 819 i2a, 524 4. t
Indonesia 622,092 4.4

Source: Biro Pusat Stat.istik, I9'74, 1983, 1993;

Nurdin, I9B6; Dhanani and Sanito, I994

One of the efforts to "balance" Indonesiars population

distribution is a qovernment proqram to transmigrate2
peopl-e from the relatively heavily populated regions of
Java-Madura, Bali and Lombok to the more sparsely
populated areas in the outer isl-ands. In the f ast trienty
five years- about 1.3 million households (about 5 million

'Transmigration is the fndonesian term for an organised

and sponsored transfer of the peopl-e from Java-Madura,
BaIi and Lombok to more sparsel-y populated areas in the
outer isl-ands.
 r&

people) moved from Java, Madura, Bali and Lombok to the

outer isl-ands (Hugo, I993b:44) . In the Sixth Five Year
Development Plan (I994/95 - 1998/99r, the Indonesian
Government pJ-an to transmigrate 600,000 famil-ies
(REPELITA VI, Buku III). The transmiqration program has
been the subject of a considerabfe amount of criticism
(eg. Hardjono, f911; Titus, I992). The problems faced by
the proqram include, among other things, the problems
associated with the isolation of areasi some

transmigration areas are not sufficently fertile; and

transportation infrastructure is stitl limited (REPELITA

VI, Buku III).

Between 1986/81 and 1990/9I, transmigrants from West Java

totalled 131,700 families, most of them bej-ng spontaneous
migrants, that is not. in receipt of any government
assistance. From Kabupaten Cianjur 5,645 families
transmigrated during that time (Table 5.5) . The

contrbution of transmigration to bringing about bal-ance

in population distribution in Indonesia, nevertheless, is
stiIJ- very smaII. Hugo (1993b:45) points out that
"transmigration s only one element (and not the Iargest
one) in a substantial migration from Java to the other
isl-ands. "
 165

Table: 5.5: Total Transmigration of West Jawa and

Kabupaten Cianjur L986/87 L99O/9L
Vest Java Kabupaten Cianjur
No" of Fami-Iies No. of Families
Sponsored Spontaneous Sponsored Spontaneous

I9B6 / 81 8,045 44,3l-1 804 1,003

r981 / 88 ? or'1 50 ,1 29 459 2, r00
L9BB / 89 2, r3B 16, 6'7r 2r3 703
r9B9 / 90 989 3,845 51 178
L990 / 9r 450 615 15 53

Source: Kantor Statistik Propinsi Jawa Barat, I989, 1990

and I99I

Population distribution in Indonesia has changed

significantJ-y since the 1930 Census (TabIe 5.6) . The

proportion of the total popuJ-ation in Java has decreased

from 68.5 percent in 1930 to 60.0 percent in 1990. The

proportions J-iving in West Java, however, increased from

I1 .9 percent in I 93 0 to 1B . 1 percent in 196I and I9'7I ,
18.6 (1980) and "1 percent in 1990. The gro\^ith of
19

population has increased the pressure on agricultural

resources. As a result, the people of West Java (Sukasari
as well) are increaslngly Iooking for work in the non-
agricultural- sector.
 166

Table 5.6 Distribution of Indonesian Population

According to Island (in 1,000,000)
fsland area 1930 1961 I91I 1980 1990
(t) n n z n % n t n
q

Java 6.9 4I .1 68.5 63.0 65 0 16 .I 63. 8 91 3 61 .9 107 6 50 0

Sum t e ra 24 .1 8.2 13.5 15.7 16 2 2C .8 17.5 28 0 19.0 36 5 20 3
Kal imant an 28.r 2.2 3.6 4.)- 4 5.2 4.4 6 1 4.5 9 1 5 1
Suf awe s i 9.9 4.2 6.9 t.7 7 3 8.5 1.r 10 4 7.1 72 5 1 0
Ot.her islands 30.4 4.6 ?.s 1.I 7 3 8.6 1.2 t1 1 7.5 13 I 7 6

!'est Java 2.4 10.9 L].9 I1.6 18.1 2I.6 18.1 21.5 18.6 35.4 19.l

Source: Mantra, Harahap and Sunarti, 19BBt Hugo, ),993b;

Biro Pusat Statistik, I994

5.3 .2 Socio-Economic Conditions

The annual Gross Regional- Domestic product in West Java

in 1986-1991 was the highest among Indonesia,s provinces
(Biro Pusat Statistik, 1994:620) although per capita GDp
at 1983 constant prices (Rp 535,000 in 1991) \^/as a little
below some provinces. The respective rndonesian censuses
have indicated that the ma jority of Vrlest Javats people
work in the agricuf tural sector (Tabl-e 5 . 7 ) . However, the
proportion decreased from 5B percent in I9'7I to 4i.B
percent in 1980 and reached 36. B percent in 1990.
Meanwhile, the proportion of peopJ-e who worked in the
non-agricultural sector has increased. "An increasing
volume of rural people have begun to participate in the
urban economy n recent years, especially in and
adjoining Java's major cities" (Manning, I981:52) " The
Iocal- peopl-e in rural areas who do not have either work
 r61

or land, seek work in the non-agricultural sect or,

e speci aI ly in the urban areas of Jakarta, Bogor,
Tangqerangr and Bekasi (Hugo, 1993b:40) .

Table 5.7 Populat,ion ged 10 Years and Over by

Occupation, lest Java L97L-L990, Kabupaten
Cianjur and Desa Sukasari 1990
Min Ind,ustry 19tI 1980 L99U

WesL Ka bupa Len Desa

.lva Cianjur Sukasa r i
01 AgriculLure, Forest ry, HunLlng,
Fi shey 58 0 7.8 36 8 64 6 12.6
02 Mining and Quarrying 0 i l 'l 5
03 Manufacturing IndusLry 6 '-6 2 6 0 .i
04 ElecLriciLy, cas and WaLer 0 0.1 0 3 0 I
05 ConsLruction 2 t !, .2 t I .i 6 4.5
06 tlholesale Trde, ieLi i 'i'racle,
Restaurants L2 -'t r 5. 9 iB.l 13.3 6.4
07 TransporLaLion, SLorage,
CommunicaLion 2.8 l. 6 5.3 3.C
08 Financing, Insurance, Re-[
EstaLe and Business Services 0 2 0.6 1 1 0.3
09 Public Services 10 4 15.5 13 9 8.5 2 9
10 Others 't 4 1.0 0 0.1 I2 3

Tot a.L 100 100 100 10u I00

Source: Biro Pusat Statistik, IgJ4, 1983 and 1993

Mantri Statistik Kecamatan Cianjur, I99I

There has been a tendency for the proportion of femal_es

who were employed in both rural and urban areas to have
increased since I91I, which shows that the proportion of
female participation in economic activities has
increased. Hugo (1993b:54) has pointed out that "the
reason was a substantial increase in the proportion of
r^/omen reporting themsel-ves economically active between
1980 and -1990". TabLe 5. B shows the actvity of West

Java's population (aged 10 years and over) and the

participation of women in economic activit.ies has
 168

increased. However an important point here is that female

workforce participation in West Java is still- weII below
the rate for Indonesia as a whol-e. As is shown in Tabl-e
5.8, in 1990 female participation in economic activities
\^/as only 25 .5 percent in urban areas ( 3 0 . 5 percent f or
Indonesia) and 29.3 percent in rural areas (48.3 percent
for Indonesia) . Although the female workforce
participation rate is stl-l low for West Java, the
foll-owing must be considered:

"the Sundanese \/omen are less likely to work outside

the home than their Javanese counterparts" (Hugo,
1993b:60);
"al-most certainly the large number of women working
as pembantu rumah tangga (household domestic
workers) were not included in the workforce but in
the 'housekeepng' category (Hugo , I993b:1 41) ;
t.here is a significant number of West Javanese
r^romen participating in legal international contract

labour (Pusat AKAN, I992) ;

"among the major migratio streams to Jakarta,
only that from West Java has a predominance of
females" (Hugo, I9'7 5:333) " The increase of
population and wealth of the middle and upper
cl-asses among Jakarta's residents, "has created
a considerable demand for young females to be
 t69

employed in domestic work" (Hugo,I975 335) , and these

are the opportunities West Javanese women take up.

Kabupaten Cianjur together with Kabupaten Ciamis,

Tasikmalaya, Garut, Sumedang, Bandung, Sukabumi and
Kotamadya Bandung and Sukabumi, are al-l included in one

Table 5.8 The Population of Aged 10 Years and Over by

ct,ivity, Place of Residence and Gender, Vfes
.Java , L97L, 1980, 1990 Census .

!,iorking Looking ALLending House- Others ToLal

Regi on for a job schoo keepi ng
Urbn Are .!3.4
Male 19?1 50.0 9.2 25.t ?.3 100
1980 56.2 i.6 21 .5 c.8 13.9 100
1990 61.5 3.6 23.6 0.9 10.5 100
Indonesia (1990) 5t .9 3.5 29.3 0.5 8.8 100

Fema.I e r91), 13.5 6.1 19.3 49.8 17.2 100

1980 18.8 0.6 22.r 41.6 10. 9 100
1990 25 .5 1.9 20 .5 44.r 8.0 100
Indonesi (1990) 30.5 2.r 26.4 :4.3 6.6 100
Rural- Area
Male T91 T 61.5 13.1 4.1 r2 .8 100
1980 68.1 1.0 16.9 i.1 12 .9 100
19 90 2.O 15.7 0.9 10. 5 100
lndonesia (1990) 14.2 1.0 18.8 0.3 5.1 100

FemaIe T91 T 22 .8 5.6 9.4 52 .2 9.9 100

1980 0.8 r2.9 49.4 11.5 100
1990 29 .3 '1 .4 13.4 46. t 9.2 100
Indonesj.a (1990) 48.3 c.1 t?.5 26.4 -t
.1 100

Source: Bro Pusat St 5L

^! ik, I9'74, 1983, 1993 and I992

region that is called tThe Priangan Region' (Figure 5.5).

The Priangan Region is usually associated with the
homel-and of the Sundanese People and Cian jur \^/as the
capital city of this region before IB64 (SaefulJ-ah'
L992\ . Saefullah (1992) has described some of the
distinctive characteristics of the Sundanese communi-ty as
 170

fol-Iows (see also Rosidi, \984:133-4,155; Jackson and

Moeiono , I9'7 3: 17-B; Suhamiharda , I9842213-4 ) :

the Sundanese community has been a democratic

society and easily accepts chanqes from outside
the community;
the Sundanese community has a strong tendency to
respect and obey a person with hiqh status, either
for socio-cul-tural reasons or socio-economic reasons
(patron-client relationship) ;
In the Sundanese community a r/oman i s highf y
respected but somewhat restricted compared to other
qroups in Indonesia which have different languages,
customs and traditions;
Leadership in Sundanese culture emphasises kinship,
religion and economic status.

5.4 Desa Sukasari

5.4.1 Population Distribution and Density

The population density in Desa Sukasari is lower than in

the urban areas withn Kecamatan Cianjur. With an area of
5.3 km2, the population density of Desa Sukasari is L,649
persons per km2 or 426 households per km2 (Table 5.9) .
Generally the population density in other rural villages
in Kecamatan Cianjur is not much different (the average
is L,325 persons per Xm2 or 331 households per km2). By
comparison Kecamatan Cianjur's urban villages average
'7
,17 4 persons or 2 , O58 househol-d.s per km2 The average
 t7t

number of household members in Sukasari (3.9) j_s lower

than Kecamatan Cianjur's urban households (4 .6) and
slightJ-y lower than Kecamatan Ci-an jur's rural househol_ds
(4.0) .

The area of Desa Sukasari (1 percent of Kecamatan

Cianjur) is fairly extensive compared to other desa in
Kecamatan Cianjur (Table 5.9). In 1990 the population of
Desa Sukasari was 4 .4 percent of the poputation of
Kecamatan Cianjur (Table 5.10). Most of the land in
Sukasari is used for agricultural activities, and onJ-y

10.9 percent is used for housing (Desa Sukasari, 1991:1).

According to Village Regl-stration data, the population of

Desa Sukasari in I99I was 8,114 and of these 4,8I1 were
aged fifteen years and older. Table 5.11 shows the
distribution of people in each dusun of Sukasari in 1991

and the estimated number of OCWs (returnees and OCWs who

r^/ere still abroad) in 1,992. The largest representaken of

OCWs both in numeral and proport ional terms \^ras in
Cil-aku.
 n2

Table 5.9 Population Density of Kecamatan Cianjur

by Desa (Urban and Rural reas), 1990
Urban/Rural Area Population Dens ity Average
VilJ-age (per km2 ) Persons
Popu- House- per House-
Iat ion hold hold
Urban-vi l- lage
01. Sawahgede 10 8,046 r, 652 AO
02. Pamoyanan L.2 15,910 3, 63r 4.4
03. Bo j ongherang 2.6 '7
,4rB 1,658 4.5
04. Muka r.2 r8,502 4, 058 4.6
05. Solokpandan 0.9 22, 464 4 ,158 4.1
06. Sayang )tr, 15,520 3,222 4.8
01 . Limbangansari 3.0 2, 449 569 4.3
08. Mekarsari 2.8 i
Jf
H (
JJJ
l
852 4-Z
sub-t ot al 16.0 '7,'7-4 2,058 4.6
RuraI-vill-age
09. Sukasari 7.0 L,649 426 3.9
10. Babakankaret 6.6 9s3 239 4.0
11. Nagrak 5.6 r, 952 44r 4.4
L. Rancagoongr 4.7 7,564 383 4 .1,
13. S i rnaga J- ih o2 I, -163 420 4.2
L4. Mun juI 4.4 T tr11
L,JLL 352 4.3
15. Sukama j u 4.6 r, 459 346 4.2
16. Rahong 1.7 r,016 219 ?q
r1 .Ciharashas 6.5 r,24r 296 4.2
18. Cibinonghi l- i r 6.8 909 239 3.8
r9. Sukakerta 6.9 ),,442 399 3.6
20. Sindangsari 8.9 955 264 3.6
21. Mulyasari 6.9 981 245 4.0
sub-total- 84.0 r,325 331 4 "0

Total- 100.0 2, 632 608 4 3

Source: Mantri Statistik Kecamatan Cianur, I99\

 r73

Table 5.10: Population Distribution of Kecamatan Cianjur

by Desa (Urban and Rural Areas) and Gender,
1990

Urban/Rural MaIe Female Tota % Sex

VilJ-age Ratio
Urban-vi Ilaoe
01. Sawahgede 5,528
'/
5,'7 6r rr,2B9 tr ''7
96
02. ''l
Pamoyanan ,332 ,369 r4,'7 0r 1.4 100
03. Bo j ongherangr '7
, 213
'7
,466 r4 ,'7 39 1A 97
04. Muka a )))
V, LLL B, 448 r6, 610 8.4 91
05. Solokpandan '7
,34'7 '7
,569 r4, 9r6 1.5 91
06. Sayang 1_4, 46'7 r4, 556 29,023 14 .6 99
01 Limbangansari
. 2,'706 )
Lf 1'1
t tJ
tr,
5,481 2.8 96
08. Mekarsari 3,'7 B6 3 ,'7 30
'7
| 5l-6 3.8 r02
sub-total- 56,661 5-,614 \14,335 51 .1 gB

Rural-village
09. Sukasari 4,444 4,239 8,683 4.4 105
10. Babakankaret 2, 44r ) 1aa
L t JLt) 4,169 2.4 105
11. Nagrak 4, ]-90 4,04'7 8,237 4.2 L04
12. Rancagoong 2,'7 BB 2 , 1r'7 5,505 2.8 103
13. SirnagaJ-ih 5,544 5,520 rr, 064 s.6 100
14. Mun juJ- 2, 4BB 2, 495 4,983 2.5 100
15. Sukamaju 2,545 2t481 5,032 2q L02
16. Rahong 2,863 2,905 5,'7 68 )q 99
11 . Ciharashas 3,013 3,039 6,]-r2 3.1 10 t-
18. Cibinonghi I i r 2,333 2,30'7 4, 640 2.3 r01
'lo Sukakerta 3,'729 '7,4'76
,'7 4'7
3 3.8 100
20. Sindangsari 3t200 3, r'7 4 6t3'74 3.2 101
2r" Mulyasari 2, 5rr 2, 641 q
J I
1Eo
LJ(J 2.6 95

sub-totaI42,749 4r,652 83,801 42"3 101

Total 98,810 99,326 rg9,136 100.0 100

Source: Mantri Statistik Kecamatan Cianjur, 1991

 174

Table 5. l-L The Population of Sukasari by Dusun, 1991

Dusun Total Total Overseas Contract Workers
popu- house-
lation hold Total % from total
(May 1991) househod*

1 CiIaku 2, 052 s00 1-21 25 .4

2 Cilaku Hilir r, 44I 406 19.0
3 Gegerbitungr I, 4I5 393 B7 22.r
4 Cijati r,844 443 54 12 .2
5 Palasari r,362 3s6 10.4

Total 8, 11 4 2,098 382 TB.2

No e t t assumpt ont at no ouse o as more
than one OCW. The househol-ds with more than one
OCW are sma] in number.
Source: Field data, 1992
PopuJ-ation Registration, Sukasari, May I99I

5.4.2 Socio-Economic Conditions

The majority of people in Desa Sukasari, s well as in

West Java generaJ-Iy work as farmers (Table 5.1,2) . The
situation of Sukasari village I99I shows that 492 (20 "92)
males and 2, I95 (8 9 . 3% ) f emales \^ere unemployed (aged 15
years ol-d and over) The hiqh proportion of female
unemployment, s expJ-ained previousJ-y, is related to the
definition of work where female participation in economic
actvities in agricuJ-tural areas is ignored. Moreover, as
Hugo observed (1993e) in Java, the transplantng of rice,
 175

harvestinq, threshing, sowinq and weeding actually tend

to be dominated by women. Therefore, when the survey was

done in l-ate 1992, '7

6 .6 percent of female OCWs in
Sukasari stated that they were unemployed before working
overseas. The proportion for mal-e OCWs \^ias onJ-y 30

percent.

Table 5.L2: Population 15 Years of Age and Ower by

Employment. St.atus/Type, Sex and Dusun,
Desa Sukasari , 1991 (percentages)
Emp.L oymen L Cilaku Ci.l-aku Hilir Gegerbicung Ci jari Palasari TotI
(n)
M F M F 4 F M M i. M

-Sukasar.i Village
EmpI oyee 0 1 0 3 0.6 0. 9
-Farmer 24 5 10.3 52 0 28 .3 53.9 14 5 54 9 84.2 44. 1 853 r22
-En t repre neu r 21 0 1.1 4 2 25 .3 6 4 l i.3 9. 4 0.1 259 11
-Merchant 5 2 1.1 T1 I 20 8.6 B 5 8 9 3.9 1 0.1 L82 25
-Teacher 2 0 10.3 1 4 a.1 4 3 0 I 0. 3 0.3 2I 13
-CiviI ServanL I a It .9 0 6 1 i 4 i.3 1. 6 46 16
-State Enterprise
EmpI oyee 0.5 0.3 c.3 c.2 5
-Private EnLer-
prse Employee I9 8 30 2T 3 4 t.2 i.8 4.3 25 6 29 .2 0 5 385 60
-Driver 5 5 0 6 ',4 l t.9 50
-CrafLsmn 0 5 0_fl 5
-Domestic Help 0 5 3 2
-Midwi f e 3
-Pension 5.5 10.3 2.2 9 0.1 2.1 ? 3 7.2 43 tt
_t00 Lo0 100 100 IUU IUU 1UU LUU IUU IUU
Sub-toLal:
Work 400 78 356 53 3 60 41 426 16 318 10 1,860 264

No l'lork 116 564 119 471 41 385 19 436 1t 393 492 2,i95
Total 516 642 415 4t0 401 432 505 5I2 395 403 2,352 2,459

Source: Population Registration, Sukasari Village, May

1991

Femal-e part cipat ion in employment i s st i I I low,

especially in Palasari. fn this sub-vitIage, only 2.5
percent of females aged 15 years and over are working and
hal-f of them work in private enterprise. In Gegerbitung
 r76

and Ciati most females work in the agrj-cultural sector,

whereas in Cilaku and Cilaku Hilir they are employed in
the non-agricultural sector as employees or
entrepreneurs, merchants and teachers.

In CiIaku Hilir, Ciati and Pal-asari the researcher sa4r

many femal-es (including females under 15 years of age)
makng "emping: meJinjo" (bitter nut crackers) They pound
the "meLinjo" or "tangkil" (bitter nuts) with a stone and
dried them in the sun. They did this work while sitting
in a relaxed atmosphere. They worked for an " emping
melin jo" producer (the o\^/ner of the bitter nuts ) and
received Rp 800 (about 40 cents in US doll-ar terms) as a
wage for each 1 kilogram of dried " emping meJinjo" .
Suprisingly, they were not recorded in the Village Office
as workers, although they received wages for that job. If
this work is cl-assified as employment, then the
proportion of female workers in Cilaku HiJ-ir, Ciati and
Pal-asari is much higher. Moreover, the "mefinjo" tree
itsel-f is also not recorded as a productive resource. In
the official- village potentql report, the only reported
crops are coconut, clove, rice, cassava and mango/
whereas thousands of "melinjo" trees are spread across
Sukasari village (Plate 5.2) . They also participate in
some seasonal agricultural activity e. g. transplanting
and harvesting of rice.
 117

The other aspects of femafe participation in economic

act ivties which are ignored in the village regi strat ion
are:

(1) the farmer's wife who helps the husband in

agriculturaf activities;
(2) the wife who has opened a sma.l-l- business such as

making food for sal-e, openi-ng small shop

("warung") at their house;
(3) wives and other female overseas contract workers
(more than 70 percent of overseas contract workers
are female and in all of the dusun, females domj-nate
males in participating in overseas empJ-oyment) .

Plate 5.22 Sukasari: Trees of "Melinjo"

 178

In many rural- settings, according to Findley (1987),

v/omen and children are cal-led upon to continue and
intensify their work in the agricultural sector, while
men seek waqe labour outside the village as migrant
labourers. However 1n Sukasari, although the men moved
out of the village for work and the v/omen work overseas,
it seems that their absence does not have an effect on
the agricultural activities. It is because Lhe amount of
Iabour supply outweighs the employment opportunities
available. This is simil-ar in East Java villaqes (The
Rura Development Foundatl-on, I992: 116) .

Manning (1987:'73) , in his case study of rural- economic

chanqe and labour mobility in West Java, found that the
majority of villagers who worked j-n the urban economy
still- continued to work in the rice fiel-ds on a seasona
basis. They returned to the viJ-J-age at harvest time or
al-ternat iveJ-y Ie f t it during s Iack periods in search of
income in major cities " This mobility of workers has been
facilitated by the improved transport system in Java
(Hugo, 1985a: B2) . In Sukasari ViJ-1age, f iel-dwork indicated
that many of the owners of farmland or wet rice fields
are engaged in work in the urban economy (both in the
pubJ-ic and private sectors) while their farmland/weL rice
fields are cultivated by "buruh tani" (farmhands) who are
hired at pJ-antng and harvest times. Most Sukasari
 119

village employees had a wet rice field and they were

actve in cul-tivating it. Here, agricultural act ivit ies
provide additional income for some villagers.

Tabl-e 5.13 indicates that the educational_ prof ile of

Sukasari's population is proportionally better than

Tab1e 5.13: The Proportion of Population 10 years of ge

and Over by Educat.ional Atainment, Villages
of Keeamatan Cianjur, Kabupaten Cianjur, West
Java and Indonesia, 1990
U rban ,/ Ru ra L Never .li. Lenoed Pr imary .Juni<r >er L()r lcr'.-r.rry
Vi I lage scnoo/lot S<:hoo; I (ii.(:I :on., 'l oL
yeL COmpic:e() 5Cn()(). )c1()o i I rsL t r. !ii. L on
i ,,d y

Urban-Village
0l Sawahgede 42.4 1' a 10 4 11 4 1.5 100 (11 , 289)
02 Pamoyanan 38. 9 I1 9 11 1 2.3 100 lr4, 701)
03 Bojongherang 26.I 41 .8 15. 5 8
't 1.9 100 (14, 1 39)
04 Muka 49 .I 26 .1 13. 5 9 1 I 0 100 (16, 670)
05 Solokpandan 35. 6 31 .2 16. 2 t-0 I 0.9 100 \14 , 916l
06 Sayang 42 .6 20 .2 24. 3 t2 2 0.1 100 (29, 0231
0? Limbangansari 38.1 cq.\ 10. I 6 5 0.5 100 ( s, 481)
08 Mekarsari 31.3 59.5 6. 5 2 4 0.? 100 ( 1, 516)
Rural-VilIage
09 Sukasari 28.2 48 3 12. 0 11. 4 0.1 100 ( 8, 683 )
10 Babakan ka re t 8 38 8 23 .9 4.5 0.1 100 I 4, 1 69)
11 Nagrak 2 28 5 6.1 5.4 0.?. 100 ( 8, 231 )
I2 Rancagoong 4 28 2 32 .0 1,7 0.3 100 ( s, 505)
13 Sirngalih 5 4t 1
4.5 2.8 c.1 100 (11 , 064 )
I4 MunjuI 9 38 1 5.3 4.6 0.1 100 I 4, 983)
15 Sukama j u 4 43 1 aq 2.6 0.1 100 ( s. 032].
16 Rahong 8 46 6 4 .'l 1.8 0.1 100 ( s. ?68)
11 Ciharashas 1 26 0 2.1 2.6 0.0 100 ( 6, 112)
18 Cibinonqhil-ir 1 46 8 5.3 o.2 100 ( 4, 640]
19 Sukakerta 4 32 0 3.1 1.8 0.0 100 I t, 41 6')
20 Sindangsari 5 36. 6 0.1 100 I 6, 31 4l
2I Mulyasari 4 43. 4 21 1.9 0.0 100 158)
Tot a.l- :
Kecamatan Clanjur 42.9 35 5 13 1 7.7 0.8 100 ( 198,136)
Ka.bupaten CfanJur 43.0 41 3 5 3 3.9 0.5 100 ( 1,2L2,832)
l{eet ,Java 46.3 34 5 9 1 8.? 1.4 100 (26,382,rr6)
Indonesia 44 .3 33 5 11 6 9.3 1.3 100 (135, 714, 449)

Source: Mantri Statistik Kecamatan Cianjur, I99I

Biro Pusat Statistik, I992 and 1993

Kecamatan/Kabupaten Ci-anjur, West Java, and Indonesia as

a r^rhole " The proportion of Sukasari people who never
 r80

attended school- /not- yet completed primary school is only

28.2 percent, while in Kecamatan/Kabupaten Cianjur, West
Java it is 46.3 percent and Indonesia as a whole 44.3
percent. Moreover, aJ-though only a small proportion of
Sukasarj-'s population (0.1%) have tertiary education, the
proportion who have secondary education is quite high.

The higher education levels in Desa Sukasari have changed

the attitudes of Sukasari's popuJ-ation so that they have
more respect for a non-agricultural rather than an

agricultural occupation " The researcher observed that

young peopJ-e, especially young educated persons, had a
tendency to work in the non-agricul-tural sector " Some
people claimed that their main occupation was in the non-
agricuJ-tural sector (e .9. as a teacher or civil servant ) ,

although they had a wet rice fiel-d and they worked on it

during planting and harvest time. They preferred to
become drivers or other employees in the non-agricu.l-tural-
sector ( see Plate 5.3) . It seems that young peopJ-e were
embarrassed to work in the agricultural sector, and a

similar process occurred among the young population in

Malaysia (Hugo, I993a:53) :

"It is exacerbated by a pattern whereby young Malays who

have exper-ienced the education and related programnes of
the New Economic Policy (NEP) perceive jobs in the
pJ-antation, other agricuJ-turaI and some manufacturing
areas as being low paying, low status, dirty,
unattractive jobs. Accordingly they are willing to
experience a period of unemployment and wait for a
 181

suitable white coll-ar job rather than take up the

availabl-e (albeit unattractive) opportunities. "

Ir

Plae 5 3 The young villagers as Tukang Ojek (motor

cycle drivers for public transportation),
Sukasari.

The services, utilities and facilities focated in

Sukasari at the time of the survey (1992) are shown in
Tab1e 5.14, which also shows that 189 households have
television. This means that only about 9 percent of total
households in Desa Sukasari have the benefit of
television programmes, but a greater proportion of the
villagers presumably watch tel-evision reguJ-arly. However,
obviously
 182

Table 5.14: Selected Serwices, Utilities and Facilities

in Desa Sukasari L992, and Keeamatan Cianjur
1990
Service, Type Sukasa ri KecamaLan
Utility and Cianjr.:r
Faci i ty
Economi c MTKeL i 5
Shop 24 3 ,109
Small Shop 60 8 ,230
Bank 1*
Co-operaclon l 89
Factory nd
Repai r Shop 3 nd
Transportation/ ElecLricity Office nd
Communication PosL office 1r
TeJ-ephone Office 1i
Train SLLion 1 1*
Bus/CoIc SLaLon 2
Warte). lWrung 'fe)epon=Smal-1 Telepirone Of f i ce) nd
Heal Lh HospiLal 2
Puskesmas lPusdt Kesehdtn MasyrakaL=Community
HealLh Cent re) I 9
Fami I y Planning C-I inic 5
Chemi s t nd
Posyandu lPos Pelayanan Terpadu=Lhe Communj Ly
IntegraLed Service posL ) 13 223
PKK (Pembinaan Kesejahteran Keluarga=tl,e Movement
for EamiIy I'lelfare Education) 1* nd
Education Primary SchooI 4 13C
Junior High School 1 20
Senior High School 1 21
BLK \Bal.dj LLjhdn Kerja=Job Training CenLre) nd
Agent of PPTKI (Indonesian Overseas Labour Supplier) nd
EducaLion Training CenLre nd
PesanLren (Religious Bording Schooi) 4r nd
Mosque/prayer houses t:
Chu rch 8
RecreaLion C i nema 4,
Places for RecreaLion nd
Property Car I9* ^!
of HousehoLd MoLorcycle 59. nd
RefrigeraLor nd
Television 189 r3,442
Video 3r nd
Radi o 180 19,994
Tape Recorder 311 r6,582
Camera 3x nd
BicycJ.e 82* nd

Source: Mantri Stati stik, Kecamatan Cianur, 1991

* Field data, 1992

television and radio are not important sources for people

in Desa sukasari in obtaining information about working
overseas. This wiIl be discussed in Chapter Nine.

The mosque is very important in the life of Moslem

people. It is an important place f or peopl_e to obtain
information, as was the case h/hen this fieldwork was
 183

conducted, when the mosque informed the community (using

Ioudspeaker) that in Desa Sukasari the survey r^ras

underway. The total number of mosques and ,, Iang:gar,

(prayer houses) in all of the dusun in Sukasari village
total-1ed 83, or about 7 percent of all mosques in
Kecamatan Cianjur. Most of these mosques in Sukasari
viJ-J-age were buil-t by the mutual self-heJ-p effort (usaha
gotong royonq) of the vill-agers.

Considering that Cianjur city is nearby and

transportation is available, it is easier for people n
Desa Sukasari to use services, utilities and facilities
in Cianjur city that are not available in their ptace of
residence. AdditionalJ-y, because Desa Sukasari is not
very far from Metropolitan Jakarta and the urban centers
of Bandung, Bogor, Tanggerang and Bekasi where most
education, trade

and industry activities are concentrated3, it is possibte

for them to commute there to obtain services. These

' In 1989, in BOTABEK and Bandung, atthough they only

account for about 20 percent of the area of West Java,
t.hey had between them 51- percent of the province's total
trading companies, 51 percent of total hospitals, 59
percent of total Senior Secondary Schools, all State
Unversities and Advanced School-s and about B0 percent of
Private Universities and Advanced Schools (Saeful_Iah,
L992:100) . The development of growth centres of
education, trade and industry have increased. the
population mobility from rural_ to urban areas within the
province.
 184

regions have become the destinations of migrants from the

surrounding areas (Hugo, I915 Forbes, 1981,' SaefulIah,
1992) .

5.5 Conclusion

In the West Java context, Hugo (1915, l91B) has indicated

that economic factors have played a decisive rol-e in
initiating population movement. In turn, however, he has
suggested that this mobility will enhance the process of
devel-opment in the place of origin. Desa Sukasari is a

fertile area, nevertheless, there has been a tendency for

the vol-ume of peopJ-e who work in the agricultural- sector
to decrease. This tendency shows that people in Desa

Sukasari are now more active in off-farm economic

activities than before. The work overseas, moreover, has
been seen by Sukasari's popuJ-ation as an opportunity to
obtain work which could not be obtained in their
homeland. The improvement of transportation to and from
this village has enabled people to migrate more easily,
incJ-uding to other countries to obtain work with higher
wages.
 Chapter Six

THE CAUSES AI{D PROCESS OF INTERNATIONAT I,AT}OUR

MIGRTION rN VEST JAVA, TNDONESTA.

6.1 Introduction

Mgration involves at least three actors: the migrant,

the area/country of origin and the area/country of
destination (Adepo ju, 19BB ) . Although the internal-
migration process is complex, constraints on

international migration such as polit.ical controls,

distance, cost and socio-cul-turaf differences between the
origin and destination areas tend to make it more
complex. Moreover, the two processes are often Iinked.
Arnold and Abad (1985:15) conclude that. internal and
international migration are "inextricably linked and that
it is entrely appropriate to formulate comprehensive
migration theories that include both processes". Hence,
in this chapter international labour migration in Vrlest

ulava is examined in the context of all- mobility in West

Java

International l-abour migration is one of several types of

populati-on mobilty which exist in West Java and it is
important to consider international movement in the
context of all- population mobility in the province.
 186

Accordingly, this chapter firstly reviews the types and

causes of mobility in West Java. It then proceeds to
focus partially on the population of Desa Sukasari in
order to seek an understandi-ng of the causes of
international fabour migration and the process by which
such migrants obtain work. Data collected in the survey
described in Chapter Three are used to examine the causes
and process of international- labour migration.

6.2 Mobility in Vest ,Java

Population mobility in West Java has been studied in some

detail by Hugo (1975, I91B) and more recently by
Saeful-l-ah (1992) . These studies demonstrated that non
permanent forms of movement such as commutng and
circul-ar migration are especiaJ-ly significant in the
province " However the volume of this mobility
unfortunately cannot be est.imated because the existing
data collection systems fail to identify non-permanent
movement (Hugo, I9B2b) . WhiIe the registration statistics
do not record the incidence of circulation and commuting
(SaefuJ-lah, 1992:64) , census data provide information
only about permanent migration between provinces.

In Indonesia the incidence of permanent migrants has

increased. fn I9-lI 4"9 percent of the Indonesian
 187

population lived in a province other than that of their

birth. In 1980 the proportion increased to 7 percent and
to 8.2 percent in 1990 (Table 6.1) . Some provinces,
especialJ-y West Sumatra and Yogjakarta have consistentJ_y
lost popuJ-ation due to an excess of outmigration over
inmigration. Whereas other provinces have had net gains
of migrants. DKI Jakarta, Lampung and East Kalimantan
were the main destinations for interprovincial- migrants.
Mantra (1992:39) pointed out that "the size of the fl-ow
of migrants to a certain province is very much influenced

Table 6.1 Indonesia: Outmigration and Inmigration As A

Percentage of Prowincial Resident Populations,
1971, 1980 and 1990

r91 \ .L
980
.L
990
Province Net
outmi - rnmt- mi. - Oucmi - nmi- NeL mi - ouLmi- Inmi- NeL mi -
grants grant s granLs grants grants grants grants qranLs grnts
01 Dl Aceh 1 -0 5.6 1.1 1.8 5.1 1 9
02 North Sumat.ra 3.0 3 5 5.1 0.8 7.1 7.3 4-5 -2 I
03 West Sumatra 10. 7 2 -t 4.0 -10,6 4.5 5.4 -9 1
04 Riau 2.4 2 10 4.6 16.5 11.9 4.1 2r.o 116 3
05 JambI 3.1 9 12 4.0 20.1 t6.1 4.8 23.3 18 '1

06 SouCh SumaLra 6.0 1 3 1.1 13.3 5.6 1 .6 14.8 1 2

01 Bengku.L u q 0 2 5.1 16.0 4.8 ?l 5
08 Lampunq L1 2 34 2.O 38.0 36.0 3.8 24.8 "6
25 0
09 DKI Jakart 4.6 1 35 9.4 40.1 30.1 1.2 38.5 2i 3
10 f',est Java 5.3 I -3 5.3 3.t -i .6 5.0 6.8 I
11 Centrl Jave 1.1 2 -6 11.4 1.4 3.9 1.8 ,'2
12 DI Yogyakart 10.1 I -6 6.6 -2.4 6.1 ql 1
13 Easc Java 2.9 2 -1 5.3 1.6 -3.t 1.2
I4 Bali 2.'t i - ' 2.6 -2.', 4 .') -3
15 West. Nusa Tenggar c.6 2,6 2.8 ?.'
16 EasL Nusa Tenggar .'l
5
6 _i)
.()
2." t?\ ..: -0
71 E sL 'f imor 1.8 6.2 4
18 West KalimanLn .1 2 _q t.5 ,.t l.l 6.2 2
19 Central K.1 imanLan 1.1 2 ) 5 3.0 i4.9 :.9 4.C r.3 i3
20 souLh Ka.IimnLan 4.9 0 -0 9 8.1 1.4 tc.6 2
2I East KalimanLan 6 2 3 3.6 24 .4 20 .4 4.8 32 .2 21
22 North Suawesi -0 6 5,1 4.3 -1.4 6.C .3.6 -2
23 CenLra Su.Lawesi 3.8 6 1 I 3.0 r4.6 11.6 3.3 76 .9 i3
24 South Suawesi 4.5 4 -3 1 1.9 2.O 8.7 3.2
25 South East Su.Iawesi 4.3 6 -0 1 9.'1 11.3 i.6 8,8 1t.6 I
26 Maluku 3.4 0 0 6 4.8 9.2 4.4 5.4 10.2 4
21 Irran Jaya 5.2 5 I1 3 1.5 8.1 1.2 2.2 16.i 13

Tota L 'l -o l-o 4.2 a.2

Note: Populatlon 1971: 118,367, 850 (140, 136 born broad)

Populac.lon 1980: 146,116t413 1I24t148 born abroad)
Population I990r 1'79t241,1A3 \I23t609 born abroad)
Source: BPS, Sensus Penduduk 1971, serie D; Penouduk Indonesia, Hasil sensus Pensusuk 1980, Serie s2,.
Penduduk Indonesia, Hasil Sensus Penduduk 1990, Serie S2
 Iil1

by the ups and downs of the development of the pr ovrnce

since their reasons Lo migrate are mostly due to economic

matters " .

In West Java, the flow of outmigrants has been relatively

stable at around 5 percent since I97L (Table 6.2) . The
main destinations for West ,Java mig'rants were DKI Jakarta
and Lampung. The flow of outmiqrants from West Java to
Lampunq is partly associated with the "transmiqration"
program, which is the Indonesian National Policy which
aims to achieve a balance of population distribution by
movinq the population from high density areas to sparsely
populated areas (Hardjono, 1-977). West Java was the major
source of migrants to DKI.lakarta in the 1960s and 1970s
(Hugo, I9'78) provding more than 45 percent of miqrants
to DKI Jakarta before L97L. It has since lost its
position as the chief source of migrants l-o Jakarta to
Central Java.

Whereas the flow of outmigrants has remained stable, Lhe

number of inmigrants to t.his province has increased.
Consequently, net migraLion losses declined from 3.5
percent at the 1,971 Census to 1,.6 percent in 1980 and by
1990 a rerTrsal had occured so that a l.B percent net
migration gain was recorded. Table 6.2 indicates that
inmigrants f rom Central 'Java (34.6%) and DKI Jakarta
 189

Table 6.2 West Jawa: Percent Distribution of Prowinces

of Destination of Outmigrants and Origin of
Inmigrants (lifetime migration), L97L, 1980
and 1990

Miqrton, 1971 1,1grtion, 1980 Migrai ion, 1990

Province :rmi-
ouLmi - NeL mi - Net mi- NeL nl-
q:.r n[ s granf:; granLs {; r.t nl r; i r .:: s

01 DI Aceh 4.2 -0 0.8 o.2 4.1 0.5 .0 0.6 -0. 4

02 North SumaLra 1.9 3.5 1.6 1.8 3.9 2.r 7.1 4.8 3.i
03 West Sumatra 0.5 2.8 2.3 0.4 4.5 o.l 3.'l 3.0
04 Riau 0,4 0.5 0.1 o.6 0.5 -0. 1 3.1 0.7 -2-4
05 iambi 1.3 0.9 -0.4 0.9 0.3 -0. 6 2.6 -) 1

O6 South SumaLr 5.6 4.0 -L.6 5.8 6.4 3.0 -3.4

07 Bengkulu c.2 0.3 c.i c.6 0.2 -0.1 :.6 -l.4
08 Lampung i4.3 c.8 0.9 _.t.6 .3- / '-.6 -"2-1
09 DKI Jakarta 64.3 't4.4 -49-9 56.3 26-t -30.2 49.',1 33.0 -16.1
10 Centra Java 5.1 48.6 13.5 40.5 35.4 6.2 34 .6 28 .4
11 DI Yogyakarta 0.6 3.i 0.9 2.4 -..2
.J J.) 2.3
12 East Jva 2.4 9.0 6.2 3.t 't.l 4.6 3.2 8.4 5-2
13 Bali o,2 0.7 0.3 0.4 0.1 0.4 0.4 0.0
14 West Nus Tenggara 0.0 0.3 0.3 o.2 0.3 c.t o.2 0.3 0.i
15 East Nusa Tenggara 0.1 0.4 0.3 0.1 0.3 0.2 0.1 o.2 0.1
16 East Timor 0.0 0.1 0.0 -0. 1

17 West Kal.imantan o.2 0.9 o -'l o.1 0.6 -0. 1 i.2 0,8 -o .4
18 Central Kallmantan 0.1 0.1 0.0 o.2 0.1 -0.1 c.8 0.1 -o.1
19 South K.Limantn 0.6 1.1 0.5 0.8 c.5 -0.3 n? -o.1
20 EasL KlimnLan 0.1 4.6 0.5 0.7 0.2 -0.5 1.3 0.3 -1.0
21 North Sulawesi 0.-l I.l 0.8 1.6 .4 0.3
22 Cenrrai Sulwesi ,'''
. :: .2 :l .3

23 souch sulawesi c.5 .r.J 4.6

24 Souch Easc Su-tawesi o.2 -0. : 4.9 -a .4
25 Mluku 0.1 0.8 J./ 0.3 c.2 a4 4.2
26 Irlan Jaya 0.3 0.1 -o .2 0.3 -0. 1 o. t o2 -0. 5

27 Abroad 3.2 3.2 c.8 0? c.l

Not Stated 3.

Tot 1 5.3 1.8 -3.5 5_.3 3.1 -1.6 5.0 6-B 1.8

Note: Popu.LaLionI91I: 2\,620,950; I98Oi 21,449,840; 1990: 35, 3AI,682

Source: BPS, Sensus Penduduk l9?1, serie Di Penduduk Indonesa, Ilsi L Sensus i)ensusuk 1980, Serle S2;
Penduduk Indonesi, Hasil Sensus Penduduk 1990, Serie S2
 190

(33%) dominate the flow of inmigrants to West Javct.

However the number of outmigrants f rom West ,lava t o DKf
.lakarta (49.I2) was higher than to Centra-L Java (6.2%) .

The data in Table 6.2 does not include permanent

migration within WesL Java and non-permanent migrat,ion,
such as circul-ation and commut.inq. Ci-rculation is
movement outside the village or ci-ty involving temporary
absences (usually for work or education) of more than 24
hours. When the absences are for less than 24 hours and
movers return home within the same day, this is called
commutinq (Hugo, t 1 . , 1-987 ) . f n West Java, circulation
and commuting often involve crossing provincial
boundaries. Although these movements are not detected in
the national- censuses, a study by Hugto (I918 ) has shown
that non-permanent migration between rural and urban
areas in West Java is significant. Saefullah (L992:64)
points out that " since the improvement in transport
facilities, population mobility in West Java seems to be
dominat.ed by commuting rather than permanent and circular
migration"" People move to urban areas, especially to
Jakarta and Bandunq, for work or to attend an educational
institution, and reLurn to the place of origin in the
same day.

TWo decades go, Hugo (1915:333) pointed out that. " amongr

the major migration streams to Jakarta only that from

 l9l

West Java has a predominance of females. The increase of

population and wealth in the middl-e and upper classes of
Jakarta's residents has created a considerabl-e demand for
young femal-es to be employed in domestic \n/ork"
(Hugo ,I915 : 335 ) and these are the opportunities Iest

Javan females take up. An important point here is that

aJ-though femal-e workforce participation in West Java is
still wel-l bel-ow the rate f or Indonesia as a whole. There
are a significant number of r/omen participating in J-egaJ-

international contract labour and many are from Kabupaten

Cianjur (Pusat AKAN, 1992) .

Hugo, t al. (1987) have summarised the main types of

popul-ation movement which occur j_n contemporary Indonesia
in the typology presented in Figure 6.I. These incl-ude
migration, circulation and commuting occur within the
local community, outside the community but within the
province, inter-provincial movement within an isIand,
inter-island, and movement across country boundaries.
Hence, the international movement under consideration
here is only one subset of the totalj-ty of mobility in
the province of West Java.

Figure 6.I shows that the internationa l_abour migration

under study here is only one type of international_
movement and can be viewed as a form of circul-ation over
 r92

relat.iveJ-y longer periods and occuring across country

boundaries. Stal-ker (\994) defines international contract
workers as people who are admitted to a destination
country on the understand-ng that they will work for a

limited period in that country and then leave.

Circulation, commuting and the migration of overseas
contract workers are all movements where persons do not
have the intention of a permanent change in
residence (Lee, 1966; ZeIinsky, I9'11-; Standing, 1,982) .

However such movement to another country will- usually

involve migrants in having greater contact with different
J-anguages, peope and customs (Hugo, et al . 1987 ) .

Figure 6.1: Tlpology of Population Mobility in Indonesia

PatLerns 'L'y pe s

commur-ing ci rculaion mgration

1. MovemenL within Lhe
local communiLy
2. MovemenL ouLside
the communiLy buL
wiLhin fhe province
3. InLerprovincia.l RuraL-->Rura1
movement wiLhin Rura-->Urbn
an i s.l and Urban-->Rural
Urban-->Urban
Inter-island
moveme n t

5. International Legal
moveme n t. Illegal

Source: Hugo, t.I., 1987:170

The Indonesian Inter-censal Survey of 1985 (Supas)

indicated that migrant s move mainJ-y because of
 193

employment-related reasons (Mantra, I981:35). In the case

of circulation, Forbes (1981:70) has stated that this
strategy the onJ-y choice many poor people have to
"is
earn a subsistence income (mencari nafkah) and 1t cannot
be closed off until alternative opportunities arise. "
Thus, the main reason for migration in Indonesia is
economic. In other words, the main aim of population
mobil j-ty is the search f or empJ-oyment, whereas education
occupies second place in the reasons for migration. It i_s

apparent that difficulties in getting work, the lack of

educational facilities and the scarcity of agricultural-
Iand in rura.l- areas have all caused rural-urban movement.
Moreover, the 1990 Census lndicated that the vol_ume of
migrant f lows to urban areas \,vas greater than the f Iows
to rural areas. This is because the economic motivation
of migrants is stiII dominant in their decision to
migrate and the
service and industrial sectors are
generalJ-y found in cit j-es. Therefore migration to cities
is consequently higher than to rural- areas (Mantra,
Harahab and Sunarti, 198B; Hugo, 1993f).

Economic reasons of movements for West Javans have been

dominant since precolonial times as Hugo (1978:296)
pointed out:

"In precoJ-onial times most West Javans were shifting

agricuJ-turists engaging in highly focalized circul-ation
and even after the chanqeover to sedentary wet rice
 t94

cul-tivation, temporary movements outside the viIJ-age to

harvest crops or to trade were common. Colonial rule
resulted in many West Javans leaving their vill-ages to
work for limited periods on plantations or in cj-ties. "

The causes of mobility in the West Java context have been

f ound by Hugo (1975 , I9'7 B) in his study of I4 viIIages.
Some findings of his study \iere:

In aggregate level, economic factors are the main

factor to inf l-uence peopJ-e to move.
a In indiviual level, decj-sions to move are influenced
by i) the degree of uncertainty associated with
movinq, ii) the normative context of the village
society, and 1ii) the personal- characteristics of the
migrant himself.

SimiJ-arly, Saefullah (1991) f ound a predominance of

economic factors infJ-uencing population movement in West

Java. Regional economic differentials influence the

potential- migrants in making the decision to move or to
stay. However, migrants have made the decision to migrate
after they have considered the posit-ve and negative
factors in both their pJ-ace of origin and that of
destination (Lee, I966; Hugo, L9'78; Mantra, Harahab and

Sunarti, 1988) "

 195

6.3 Population Mobility in Desa Sukasari

In 1-992 0.1 percent (sB) of Sukasarirs populat ion r^rere

permanent inmiqrants from elsewhere, while an almost

equal number (51 had moved out of the village
permanently during the year. However, many vil-l-agers move

Table 6.3 Selected Economic and Education Facilities

in Cianjur City and Sukasari Village, L992
Vilage markec shop smaii bnx (:oope- Iacrory r<:pair cinema prce
shop raLion shoo :oa re-

Cianjur City:
Sawahgede 1 29 2I5 2 3 1 25
Pamoyann 1 291 58 3 25 3 I 2
Bojongherang 52 L29 1 2 2 4
.t5
Muka 1 r86 100 6 I 6
SoJ- okpandan 1 150 96 1 4 i8 1

Sayang 3 532 48 1 5 4

Limbangansari 5 68 1 2 3
Mekarsari 25 6 2

Sukasari 1 41 9

Village Primary Junior Senio tsLKl ) i)usL- Pesr- ivlosque Cl':.:rch

School liiqh Hiqh PTKI pusaL r,ren2)
School School AgenLkursus

Cianjur CiLy:
Sawahgede 15 15 1 10
Pamoyanan 11 I 6 3 1 B

Bojongberang 10 2 2 2 69
Muka 1 4 47 2
Solokpndan 8 4 3 3 2 58 4

Sayang e -ll
Limbangansari 5 1 1 9
Mekarsari 4 2 10

Suka sa ri 6 1 4 85

Note: 1) BLK:Job Training Centre.'

2) Pesntren=Religious boarding school
Source: FieId daLa, OcLober 1992
 196

vilJ-agers move temporarily outside the vilJ-age to work or

attend education institutions/ especialJ-y in nearby
Cianjur City where, S Table 6.3 shows, there are a

substantial- number of work and education opportunities.

The sample survey of 212 heads of households provides

more information regarding non-permanent population
movement in Sukasari . Tabl-e 6.5 shows that more thana
fifth of working househol-d heads work outside the viJ-J-age
(grenerally as commuters) Most of the 'movers' are males
who work as civil servants (13%), private employees
(59.3%), or seJ-f-employed/traders (21 .1%) . Most of the
tmoversr to other provinces go to Jakarta. This city can
be reached in two and a half hours from Sukasari using
publ-ic transportation (about 131 km) .

Table 6.4: P1ace of l{ork of Working Household Heads

Return OCW Non-OCW

Place of Work Toral ( % )

Ma-l-e Femal-e MaIe Female

fn the village T4 145 9 I'7 L ( /b 0% )
In other village 3 : 1,'7 1 2I (9 3% )
In other district 1 T4 L6 ('7 1%)
In other regency 1 1 3 1 5 t) 22',)
In other province 2 10 T2 (s 3% )

Total- 24 14 20L 2'72 (100.0%)

Not working 3 10 I2 22 47 (17.3%)

Source: Field data, October I992

 197

The survey found that during I919-1992 there h/ere 350

overseas contract workers in Desa Sukasari (86 males and

264 femal-es) . Most of them ,I%) went to Saudi Arabia
(9'7

(16 males and 264 femal-es ) and other countries mostly to

Malaysia. Of the total OCWs, there \^iere I41 returnees (54

mal-es, 93 femal-es) who \^/ere all staying in the village.

6 4 The Process of fnternational Labour Migration

From Desa Sukasari

The discussion in Chapter Two has shown t.hat the causes

of international labour migration are complex. The puII
factor j-n receiving countries because of demand for
immigrant Iabour apparently does not aJ-ways make people
want to work overseas. A desire to work abroad is not
sufficient since working overseas depends on many other
factors. The maj-n reasons for international- migration are
economc (Kols and Lewison, 1983 z 245) . Most migrants
move because they expect to find better jobs and higher
rragies at the destination. The Neoclassica economics
approach suggests that, international labour migration
occurs as a result o f the di f f erent ial in \4rages and
employment conditions between countries which cause
workers from a low wage or low employment country to move

to a hiqh wage/plentiful employment country (Wood, f982;

Cl-ark, I986; Massey, 19BB; Hugo, I99I, 1993a; Massey, et
 198

I., 1993). In Desa Sukasari the volume of people working

in the agricuJ-tural sector is decreasing, and are more

active in looking for non-agricultural- work than before.

Moreover, the work overseas has been seen by Sukasari's
popuJ-ation as an opportunity to obtain work which could
not be obtained in their homel-and.

However, according to Piore (I9'7923, I6-I1), immigration

is only caused by pull factors in receiving countries
ie.(a chronic and unavoidable need for foreign workers)
and is not caused by push factors in sending countries.
As he points out, "the migration process. . . seems to
respond to the attraction of the industrial countries. "

The receiving countries, because they have a shortage of

workers , recru j-t them f rom other count r j-es . EmpJ-oyers in
receiving countries need Iabour for;obs that the native
workers refuse to accept. In other words, international
Iabour migration is driven by conditions of abour demand

rather than supply. Without l-abour shortages in other

countries, workers will- not migrate across national
borders.

The basic cause of international l-abour migration is

simple: workers go to other countries because, according
to the perception of the workers (based on the
information avail-able to them) , in the country of
 199

destination there are greater opportunities than in their

region of origin (and not vj-ce versa) Although there may

be a'push' in the place of origin,

if there is not any
'pul-I ' in the country of destinat j-on, people will not
move for work to that country. "The major, perhaps the
sole, 'pufI factors' which determines migration for
foreign empJ-oyment is the vast differences between
wages/salaries offered for foreign jobs compared with
those in Sri Lanka" (Athukorala, 1990:330) In Indonesia,
low wages and high under- and unemployment will not cause
Indonesian workers to move abroad for work if there is no
demand for labour in another country. Huqo (1993a:65) has
pointed out that "it would appear that fabour shortages
are becoming more wdespread in the rapidly growing
Malaysian economy. . on the other hand, the forces in
Indonesia to supply those labour shortfall-s are
increasinq in significance".

However, a desire to move is not sufficient for overseas

mgration to occur since international- labour migration
depends on many other factors. For example, gtovernment
poJ-icies directed at foreign workers in origin and
destination countries can be influential. State poJ-icies
of both receiving and sending countries have played a
rol-e in shaping migration patterns and processes in the
region (Abella, I99I:22-23,29). Regulation of entry
 200

through border controfs and the balancing of labour

markets through visas and work permits are some of the
obstacles confronting workers wishing to enter a country
for employment. On the other hand, some of t.he obstacles
facing workers Ieaving their country include emigration
controls through passport issuance, taxation, exit
cl-earance procedures and restrictions on emigration to
some countries of employment. Burma for example, bans the
recruitment of alI female workers except professionals,
whereas Saudi Arabia, in its Fourth Development PIan,
1985-1990, sets out as one of its main objectives, a

reduction in the number of foreign workers. The available

empJ-oyment opportunities could then be taken up by Saudi
Arabians (RDCMD- YTKI, I9B6:15-11) .

Looking at the reasons for working overseas among

returned OCWs in Sukasari vilJ-age, the expectation of

obtaining higher income h/as given as the main reason for
migratng overseas (Table 6.5). Working overseas is not
just for obtaining work, but rather the most important
reason is for obtaining a higher income than they could
obtain in the home area. However, the decision to work
overseas was gieneral ly made by the OCWs themsel-ves and
not by their families. Here, a differentiation needs to
be made between the decision to work overseas and
 20t

permission from the family, especially from the head of

the family.

Table 6.5: Reasons for Working Overseas (Returned OCWs)

Main Reason Other Reason

Mal-e FemaIe MaIe Femal-e

Obtaininq work 22 .6 aa B 3.2 11.9

Obtaining more income 35. s 30. 5 12 .9 r0.2
Obtaining experiences I6.I 1)
IJ. 6 25 .8 6.8
Pilgrimage to Mecca 1,9 .4 15. 3 25 .8 39.0
Havingr a house 6.4 6.
q
B 3.2 5.1
Other 0 J. r0 .2
Dontt know/not stated 25 .8 r6 .9
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
n=3 1 n=5 9 n=3 1 n=5 9

Source: Field data, I992

Note: There are some vill-agers working overseas for
particular purposes, such as the medicinal treatment
expenses of a household member or for the celebration of
the khitanan (circumcision) of their son.

fn I984, Adi (1986) made a study of 51I Indonesian OCVs

who v/ere working in Middle Eastern countries. He found
that most of the Indonesian OCWs had two objectives,
which were t.o gain more earn,ings and have an opportunity
to make the pilgrimage to Mecca (see also Bethan,
1993:81-). Most were employed before migrating to work in
the Middle Eastern countries.
 202

To understand the cause of international labour

migration, it is necessary to understand the socio-
economic conditions of the migrants at the place origin.
Obviously there is a significant inter-relationship
between popuj-ation mobiJ-ity, economic development and
social- change , I982a; Hugo, t. f. , 7981; Mantra,
(Hugo

I981; Bandj-yono, 198 B,' Manning, Maude and Rudd, I989;

Guest, l-99]-) .

In Desa Sukasari (see Chapter Five), while there is a

tendency (especiall-y amonq the young villagers) for
people to prefer to work in the non-aqricul-tural sector,
the opportunties in this sector are limited. This
situation is one of the factors which causes Sukasari
vilJ-agers to move out of the village to work in other
pJ-aces, incJ-uding overseas countries. A decreasing
proportion of people work in the agricultural- sector
because of the decline in land avail-abl-e for agricultural-
activity due to the growth in population, J-abour
displacing nnovations in agriculture an increase in
housing development, the tendency of people to have
greater respect for a non-agricultural- rather than an
agricultural- occupation and the increase in the
participation of women n economic activity, are some of
the factors which have infl-uenced Sukasari's population
to make the decision to work overseas. Making the
 203

pilgrimage to Mecca was a second reason for them working

in Saudi Arabia (Table 6.5). It is generally because of
the lack of money that. people are unable to fulfill the
f if th pillar of rslam (that is, to make rilgrimage r-o
Mecca), but by working in Saudi Arabia means they have
the opportunity to do so. The pilgrimage to Mecca is one
of the needs of life for a Moslem as ari act of devotion.
The main reasons for working overseas were similar for
both males and females, however looking at their other
reasons, making the pilgrimage was mostly given as [he
second. main reason for females working in Saudi Arabia.
The second reason for males is both the pilgrimage to
Mecca and obtaining exPeriences.

A survey by DoralI and Paramasivam (1-992 ) of illegal

Indonesian OCWs in Malaysia found that Ehe main source of
information about the work situation in Malaysia and
migration possibilities were from friends and relatives
(word of mouth, letLers written home, and return visits
to home). Friends and relatives not only provided
informaLion, but could also be counted upon for materj-al
and financial support, and most import.antly became guides
to the process of entering, and finding a job in
Malaysia. This is consistent with the social network
explanation to migrration which argues that, internaLional
Iabour migration increases with the closeness of Lhe
 204

rel-ationship between those in the countries of origin and

destination, for example having a brother, a cousin, a
neighbor, or a friend in the receiving country (Massey,
et 1., 1993) .

Social- networks, according to Hugo (1993a, I994b), have a

central- role in sustaining migration between Indonesia

and Mal-aysia, but it is not only the l- inks with
individual family members, relatives and friends at a

range of destinations but often al-so wj-th potential

empJ-oyers as weIl.
"WhiIe networks have an important function of informing
potential new migrants of the availability or Iack of
availability of job opportunities, one of the most
important features of the networks established by
migrants is the role they have in sustaining population
fl-ows quite independently of obective economic
conditions in origin and destination" (Hugo, I994b:28) .

Having family or friends in the country of destination

makes prospect.ive migrants feel secure. In Desa Sukasari
44.5 percent of returned OCWs had contacts with family or
friends before they went abroad (Table 6.6). However,
since most female OCWs in Saudi Arabia worked as
housemaids and h/ere not free to go outside of the house
of their employer, this has not such an important factor.
 205

Table 6.6: Having Family/Relatives or Friend.s Overseas

Before Reurned OCWs went Overseas for Work
Having family/ Returned OCW
relat ives / friends
Male Female Total 9o

Fami lyl Relat ives 7 I'7 24 26

Friends 10 6 I6 I1 B
Don't have 1-4 36 50 55 5

Total 31 59 90 100.0

Source: Field Data , L992

In this case, the flow of OCWs from Desa Sukasari rs more

likely to be influenced by the situation which Massey and
Espana ( 1987 ) have pointed out, where people in a
community from which many members have migrat.ed and in
which a largre stock of foreign experience has
accumulated, are more 1ikely to migrate abroad than
people from a community in which international miqration
is reJ-atively uncommon. Having a brother, cousin,
neighbor, ot friend in t.he receiving country, is likeJ-y
to be a more important cause of illegal international
movement. Legal migrant.s who are under work contracts
which usually involve g'overnments of origin and
destination countrj-es, have no need to worry about for
example, material and financial support, a place to live
or obtaining work.
 206

Relating to the nature of movement, Hugo (1978) has

pointed out that it is fallacious to characterise
Sundanese people as being almost totaJ-J-y static. The

Sundanese traditional advi-ce to their people who intend

to migrate merantau is as follows: "kudu bisa pindah cai
pindah lampian" (Mustapa, 1991:I12) which means that
Sundanese peopJ-e who want to be safe in their pJ-ace of
dest.ination must be able t.o adjust to the culture of
their destnation. Besides that, Sundanese people must
"nyawa giagaduhan banda sasampeuran", which means that
they must be able to be loyal to their employer. These

two pieces of advice sugqest that for Sundanese people j-t

has been the custom to move (merantaut) since the time of
their forefathers (nenek moyang) .

In order to obtain overseas work, there is a cost to be

paid by OCW candidates. The amount of money paid and the
time spent in arranging the departure varies from perso,n
to person . Tempo (No. 14, 2 June I9B4 ) stated that to
obtain work overseasr OCW candidate has to pay Rp
150,000 (about US$ 100 at that time) to the middleman.
Konpas (4 March 1990) conducted an investigation into
ths fee and found that a middl-eman in Sumenep, Madura,
asked Rp 300,000 from OCW candidates. According to the

t The term merantau is most commony applied in Indonesia

to spontaneous out- migration of the Minangkabau people
from their homeland of West Sumatra (Naim, I919\ .
 201

middleman, that money was only for transportation from

Sumenep to Jakarta. The OCW candidate had to pay the
PPTKI (agent for overseas employment) in Jakarta a total
of about Rp I ,'7 5 0, 0 0 0 . Kompas reported that the l-owest
fee that had to be paid to a middleman in Surabaya was Rp
200,000, whereas in Bogor it reached Rp 400,000. A survey
by the Manpower Development and Research Center,
Indonesian Manpower Department (1991) found that the cost
which had to be paid by 100 femal-e OCW households before
migrating ranged between Rp 350,000 and Rp 800,000 (Table
6.'/) , however in Desa Sukasari most of the returned OCW

had paid l-ess than Rp 350,000.

Table 6.7 Administration Cost Paid by Female OClil

Households Before Female OCYs Depart Owerseas
by Region

Cost DKT West East Tot al Desa

(in thousand Jakart a Java Java Sukasari
rupiah) West Java
5 10 15 35 11*)
350-s00 6 5 1B 29 1 )x\
500-650 40 2 42 1 '7*)
650-800 10 10 4 1*)
800 > 4 4 6 B*)
Total 6 64 30 100 59 (29*)

Note: * Mal-e OCWs

Source: Pusat Penelitian dan Pengembangan Tenaga Kerja,
I99I:65; Field Data, 1 992
 208

These facts contradict what the Head of Office for

Overseas Empj-oyment (Pusat AKAN), Indonesian Department
of Labour claims, which is that for working overseas the
OCW does not need to pay anything because the employer
overseas pays all of the costs (Kompas, 4 March 1990;
Plate 6.1). Moreover, the agent for overseas employment
wil-I obtain a profit from the overseas employer for each
OCW that they send, but because of competition between
aqencies, this situation no J-onger happens. "Competition
among Iabour exporting countries, which is now becoming
more keen, makes some of the l-abour exporting countries
begin to lower the pr-ce each time and travel- costs are
borne by exportinq countries" (Adi , I9B'7a:.2) .

In the case of Desa Sukasari, after people obtained

inf ormatlon about overseas empJ-oyment, the process of
finding overseas work can be expJ-ained as fol-lows:

(1) After they obtained information about working

overseas, they made the decision to work overseas (by
themseves or after discussion with their spouse)

(2) The candidates went to the government agency of

OCW
-iabour (AKAN)
overseas directly or through a middleman
and applied for overseas work. The OCW candidates,
toqrether with a middJ-eman, arranged the required
 209

documents (including skills test) before departure. The

amount of time required to arrange the departure was

between less than a month and more than 6 months, but

mostly (38.6%) about 31-60 days (Table 6.9) . In many
cases they had to stay in a dormitory/barracks of the
agency while waiting for their departure or while
receiving training for the ;ob they woul-d do overseas.

Plate 6.1 Looking for Owerseas Employment: ft is Easy

(the poster explains the steps of overseas
employment arrangements in fndonesia)
 210

Table 6.8: Translation from Poster of Plate 6.1

l. You must be legaly considered as an aouLL. AdulL means lB years o.Id nd over
or wbo bave ever married.2-You musL be abLc:o rcad and wrt-e.3.You musL be
spiritually and physica'ry neachy.
Number i to 3 are basic reclri re rnenLs wl-c1 ::ve Lo be f ulf r ic:t: bcf <>re yc,. c
proceed to Lhe nexL sLges of applicaLion.
You bave to ook far j.nformaLion aL che l-oca.L office of Lhe DeparLmenL of
Manpower" If you can noL do iL or you have difficulLies, you can do it Lhrough che
head of your local community IRL/Rw) or head of your vi I lage. The officers
should noL make other rules that can cause pung)i (thaL is a tariff which is
col-l-ected withour proper legal authoriLy).
5. After you have informaLlon from Lhe locaL office of Lhe DepartmenL of
Manpower, you have Lo make an application Lo a legal recruiLing company
(PPTKI),For tbis you sboud not pay anyLhing.
6. After your appication is accepLed by Lhe PPTKI, you have Lo 9o Lo Lhe nearesL
community bealch cenLre (Puskesmas) for a healrh examintiorr,
7. AfLer you pss the medica examinaLlon you wi L1 be brought Lo work
Lraining cenLre lBalai LaLihan Kerja) co be appropriately crained Ior Lhe
overseas jobs. These training cent-r-es .nusL be licenseC l>y l.he lvltnlstry c
Manpower.In Lhe centre, you wil be lrainecl in (a) r.-h( orient-tion of t-he
desLinaLion counLry nd (b) specilic skr:.1 s. AtLer,-rining, you wi.Li be LesLed
by Lhe examiner board.
AfE.er you pass Lhe examinaLion, you wiii be given a conLracL or a IeLLer of
promj-se for work. You musL read carefully the conLracL IeLLer. I I you agree
with Lhe condiLions you should sign ir.
9. Aft.er you already have a work conLract, you can apply for a passporL and social
security (ASTEK) membership, al of whic h should be pa i<l by Lhe PPTKI . In Lhe
process of obLaining a pssport, if you are a m.:rried womn yori musr. have l I cl :-c r
of permission from your husband. Al overseas workers are exemof from Lhe
overseas Lrve.L iax.
l0.AfLer you have complefed your conLrcL r-ime anci wish Lo rerqLrcn or renew your
conLracL while overseas, you shculcl io this Lhrou(Jt,.nc PP'l'KI o( an
Indonesian labour l.tche aL -he desijnain. liowever, L yoL; don'L wish Lo
renew your conLracL ro wish Lc rel.uan 'ac lncjonesia, yor.: will be meL by Lne
PPTKI aL Lhe airporL in Indonesia.
4essqe from Min i sLer of 4noower:
While you are j-n another counLry you have Lo careful o proLect- fhe good name of
the Indonesian people and naLion. Obey a-l regular-ions whrch apply Lo
workers. !,le must have the moLLo TRADIMAS ('tranptl, RAjin, DIsiplin, MAwaSdjri),
which means thaL a worker musL have skiLI, diligence, discipline, and
introspection.

(3) On the journeyt, nine of 90 returned OCWs said that

they had had an unpl-easant experience because they felt
frightened in the airplane and alv/ays remembered their

' Mass media in Indonesia have often reported the travel-

experiences of Indonesian OCWs, (especiall-y those
t.ravelling by boat), their successes and failures,
happiness and suffering, (Pelita 20-27 August 19BB),
Media Indonesia (6 August 1992), Kompas (29 November
r992)
 21t

family which they had Ieft behind. When they arrived in

the country of destination, eight OCWs had unpleasant
experiences, because their employers were late in picking
them up. Meanwhile they coul-d not communicate with the
l-ocaI people because of language problems and did not
know where they had to go. One OCW \^/as only picked up by
her employer after 2 days.

Table 6.9 Time Consumed in Departure Preparation for

Overseas Work
Day Returned OCWs

25 30.1
30- 60 32 38.6
61-90 16 19.3
9L-120 5 6.0
1,2r-r50 T I.2
151- 18 0 I I.2
181 > 3 3.6
TotaI B

Source: FieId Data, I992

6.4.1 The Decision to Migrate

The decision to miqrate, it is argued, is often made by

the family because the money that migrants send home adds
to and diversifies the famity income (Wood, I9B2z3I2,314;
Kols and Lewison, 1983: 245; Hugo, 1993c: 6-1; StaIker,
1994:33) " However, the decision to move or to stay is
al-so often made by the individual actor him/herseIf"
 212

Nevertheless, in the decision to move, the infl_uence of

other members of the household cannot be ignored. When
the Sukasari returned migrants \^iere asked "who made the
decision to work abroad for the first time?", generally
thelr answers were that it was made by themselves (1 6.1%)

and not by the family, although 17. B percent of

respondents decided together with their spouse (Tabl_e

6.10) . Moreover, those who made the decision by

themselves v/ere asked "when you made the decision to work
overseas, did you feel- that there was any person who
infIuenced?" Most of them (92.2%) vere not influenced by
others in making their decision and only 1.8 percent said
that they were influenced by their spouse or friend.
Before the prospective OCWs make their decision to work
overseas, senior members of the family (usuaJ_ly the ol_der
males) are often involved (Hugo, I994b:2L) . They can have
a key rol-e in giving permission to the prospective OCWs

to work overseas. Accordi_ng to the Indonesian law (pusat

AKAN, 1992) someone cannot go overseas for work
\^/ithout (a letter of) permission from his/her parent/
guardian/ husband/ wife. In Sukasari, the head of the
family generalJ-y, will not order his wife or children to
work overseas in order to survive under difficult
economic conditions, or to improve their standard of
J-iving.
 2t3

Table 6.10: Return Migrants by Decision to glork

Overseas
Decision to Move n o
6

Themselves 69 /. I
Together with Spouse L6 17. B
Together with parents 5 5.5
Total- 90 100.0
Source: FieId data, I992

Therefore, t.he decision to work overseas in Sukasari can

be l-argely considered to be an individual decision, and
the family in this context, rc required only to support
ir.
6.4.2 The Role of Middlemen

As institutional theory argues (Chapter Two), private

institutions and voluntary organisations ( Indonesian
Manpower Supplier, brokers and middlemen) have arisen to
satisfy the demand created by an imbalance between the
J-arge number of people who seek jobs and the receiving
country who seek workers (Massey, t al., 1993) " They
have facilitated international Iabour migration by
ncreasing the a\^rareness of overseas obs, organising the
actuaf migration, and providing loans (see Hugo, I993a;
Spaan, I994) . I-n Desa Sukasari, the middlemen have an

important rol-e in providing financial support " They first

pay al-I of the necessary costs which are required in the
process of working overseas. The OCWs pay back the
 214

middl-emen an amount twice that or much higher than the

Ioan, depending on the agreement between them and the
duration of the loan.

In Desa Sukasari, according to returned OCWs, who were

f inancially supported by middl-emen (TabIe 6. 11) , most of
their loans \^/ere l-ess than Rp 350,000. Some 38.9 percent
of returned OCWs said that when they were going to go
overseas for work they borrowed money from a middleman,
41 . B percent used their o\^/n money and 13 . 3 percent
borrowed from others in the family.

TabLe 6.11: Total of Loan to be Paid Back to Middlemen,

Desa Sukasari

Loan Returned OCWs %

24 6B 6
350-500 4 11 4

s00-6s0 3 B 6
6s0-800 2 5 1
800 > 2 5 1

Total 35 100.0

Source: FieId Data, I992

 215

Unfortunately the researcher was unable to interview

those middlemen in order to confirm the process of
recruitment of OCWs, the amount and the use of the
recruitment fee, their rol-e in the process of
recruitment, and their relationship with ppTKI. Two

middlemen \^rere not available each time the researcher

went to their home. One middleman did not want to be
interviewed and according to the informants, it was

because there \,vas compet it ion between them in recruit ing

workers.

In Desa Sukasari there are three middlemen (al1 of them

residents) and it seems that the rel_ationship between
OCWs and the middeman does not present a problem.
Formerly, these middlemen were active in looking for OCW

candidates. They of fered work overseas wi_th high r^iages

and lighL work. Over a third of returned. OCWs said that

the first time they knew about working overseas, the
information came from mi-ddlemen. Friends are also
important as a source of information about working
overseasr S 36.1 percent of returned OCWs said that they
found out about working overseas from a friend (TabIe
6.r21 .
 2t6

Table 6.L2: The First Source of Information bout lorking

Overseas and the Content According to
Returned Migrants
INFORMATION OBTAINED
Offer of work offer of work
Source of overseas with overseas with saw the
information high wage high wage neighbour other/
and light go no
work overseas ansvre r
Newspaper I
Radio 1
Depart of Labour 4
Middl-eman I1 4 1 11
Friend 13 5 ) 13
Other 1 11

Total- 43 9 3 35

Source: Field Data , 1,992

"Brokers and middlemen have facilitated migration by

increasing the a\^rareness of employment possibilities

overseas, providing loans and organising the actual
migration" (Spaan , L994:I0'7) .

During field work, it was observed that the middlemen in

Desa Sukasari had no need to ook for OCII candidates,
because the vilJ-agers who wanted to work overseas came to
them and asked for help. This \^/as a changing stuation as

it seems that people in the village now know about

working overseas and do not need to be encouraged by
middlemen. The Sukasari middlemen work in cooperation
with overseas labour suppJ-iers in Jakarta.
 217

A middl-eman in Indramayu, West Java, had a representative

in each viIJ-age to rcatch' OCW candidates. For each OCW
canddate, the middleman received Rp 50,000 from the Rp

350,000 that \^ias paid by the candidate. Rp 50,000 \^ias

paid for arranging the surat keLakuan baik (good
behaviour certificate) and other documents and the rest
of the money (Rp 250,000) was paid to the agent for
overseas employment in Jakarta (Kompas, 4 March 1990).

6.5 Conclusion

The causes of international population mobility from

Sukasari was not only because people moving spontaneousl_y
J-ooking for a better place to ive, but also because of
other factors such as the government programs to move
people overseas " Thus both macro- and micro-structural
condltions may infl-uence the individual to move overseas.
Opportunity for improvement of the individual and
famify's economic situation are incentives that determine
proqress through the decisiqn-making stage (Fawcett and
Arnold (1987a) "

Middemen are the peopJ-e who connect the OCW candidates

to the employers. Middlemen in Sukasari have an important
ro-Le, not only in faciltating the prospective migrants,
 218

but al-so as are a "bank" where prospective migrants can

borrow money to pay the cost of the journey overseas
(al-beit with a relativeJ-y "high" interest rate) . However,
wthout them, it was impossibl-e f or people in Desa
Sukasari to get opportunities to work overseas. This
important role of middl-eman has been pointed out by Spaan
(1994:109) who said that "brokers and middl-emen have
facilitated migration by increasing the awareness of
employment possibil-ities overseas, providing l-oans and
organising the actual migration". However, there are
negrative aspects as wel.
 Chapter Seven

IMPACT OF INTERNATIONL IJABOUR MIGRATION:

THE IDIVIDUI-, IJEVEIJ OF A}IAI-,YSIS

7.L IntroducEion

In examining the impact of international labour migration

at the individual level one has to be cogn-zant of the
varying' characteristics of those individuals - their
socio-economic status, education level, g, gender and
even personality can influence both their propensity to
move and the consequences of the move for Lhem. In this
chapter the focus is particularly upon the demoqraphic,
social, economic and welfare impacts of international
labour migration upon OCW's from West Java. At. the outset
it is necessary to establish the characteristics of
movers since this has a significant influence upon the
way migration impacts upon them.

In assessing the impact of overseas labour migration upon

individuals one of the crucial dimensions is the degree
of success they achieve financially. However measuringr
this success is not a simple matter since perceptions of
success can differ between individuals and groups and the
perceptions of the success of an individual can vary
between different observers of the same individual. The
 220

structural- framework for the analysis in thj-s chapter is

adapted from Hugro's work (I9B2a, 1985a, 1-987) . Only some
selected aspects of the international labour mj-gration
impact are studied here since al-1 of the elements in
Hugro's framework are not appropriate for the examination
of OCWs in the Indonesian context. It is important to
adopt an individual level of analysis since, s was shown
in the last chapter much of the motivation to move comes
from the miqrants themselves. The impact upon those
individuals depends t.o some extent on the characteristics
of miqrant s, t.heir type of employment etc . Hence it is
important at the outset to make some analysis of the
characteristics of the migrant workers leaving rndonesia.
7.2 Demographic Characteristics of OCWs

7 .2.1 Gender Selectivity

According to the United Nations, about half of all

int.ernational migrants in the world are women (Shah,
1993:10). In Indonesia, the ratio of males per hundred
females among official OCWs fe11 sharply from L4L in
I9B3/84 to 79 in 1,984/85, 44 in 1985/86 and 29 i-n I7BB/89
(Hugo , I992a:1-82) . Recent data from AKAN shows that

f emales are dominant. j-n international labour migration

out of fndonesia: the ratio of males per 100 females was

35 in L989 / 90 , '72 in I990 / 9]-, 48 in 1991 / L992 and. 59 in
 221

1992/93. The increasing volume of Indonesian female

international labour migrat.ion, is important because of
the linkages between the mobility and the changes which
are occuringr in t.he roles and statuses of women
(Hugo ,L992a) .

Female OCWs outnumber males in Desa Sukasari where of the

t.otal- number of overseas contract workers at t.he end of
L992 of about 382 persons, 70.2 percent were female. It
is apparent that. t.he demand for female workers in many
receiving: countries is gireater than for males, especially
in the Middle East countries (RDCMD-YTKI , I9B6:1-01) . The
fndonesian qovernment, unlike several other countries in
Lhe region has encouraged the international labour
migration of women Lo work in the domestic service sector
Moreover, sending female workers is more attractive to
Indonesian Manpower Suppliers than sending males ( see
Abella, 1990 1-4) . fn Indonesia there is a policy thaL
employers in receiving countries must pay Lhe cost of
sending Indonesian workers abroad. Employers in Saudi
Arabia, for example, have to pay US$870 for a male worker
and US$1,350 for a female worker (RDCMD-YTKI, 1986:L62).
This money is paid to t.he recruiter f or a plane ticket
(US$600 ) , travel documents (US$170 ) , recruiting fee
(US$100 for mal-es, and US$300 for females), barracks fee
for females (US$100) and development and training fee for
 222

females (US$150). For the recruiting fee for a female

worker on1y, a recruit.ing agent can obtain three times
the amount they receive for a maJ-e worker (Temtrso, 2 .luni
L984:13 ) . However, because of strong competition between
labour recruiters (Rural Development Foundation,
L992: lB7 ) , the system has changed and recruiters are
charging employers in Saudi Arabia much lower fees and
making up the difference by charging the worker
applicants a fee.

Accordinq to [he Ministry of Manpower Regulatrons

(Peraturan Menteri Tenaga Kerja Nomor: Per-07/MEN/1991
Tentang Antar Kerja Antar Negara) , recruiters are
responsible for the costs of sending Indonesian workers
overseas and are prohibited from collecting money from
OCW candidates, except if the Minister of Manpower
determines otherwise. The fact, s one of the Directors of
a recruit.ing agency said publicly, a male oCW candj-dat.e
has to pay Rp. 1,500,000 to PPTKr while a female pays
only Rp. 400,000 (Tempo, 19 December 1992) . The
government has not enforced at all its regulations
prohibiting recruiters f rom collecting f ees f rom OCI/
candidates. Whatever the reason, recruit.ers are profit
making institutions and they often seek to maximize their
profits by sending more females than males " Hence, the
 223

recruiters themselves have played a significant role IN

encouraginq female internatonal labour migration.

In the survey village it was pointed out that many mal,es

in the village wanted to go overseas to work, but the
cost is high and they could not afford to pay it. To
apply for overseas work, males have to pay the equivalent
of about US$900 to agients, while f emal-es pay only about
US$250. It is similar in other countries like Sri Lanka,
where agents' fees are lower for women than for men(Shah,
7993: 11 ) .

By way of illustration that the demand for females in the

Middle East countries is high, in L986/81 90 percent of
the richest Kuwaiti households with incomes of US$6,800
or more a month had at least one domestic worker and one-
third of the Kuwaiti households with i-ncomes less than
US$850 a month had at least one domestic worker (Shah,
L993:1-2) . According to the Rural Development Foundation
(L992:222), for workers with no skills domestic work in
Saudi Arabia is reqarded as the only available employment
open for them. The flow of Asian female migrants from
Indonesia, Sri Lanka, India and the Philippines to the
Middle East involves annually some 95,000 women migratingr
through leqal channel-s and another 50, 000 t.o 60, 000
mi-gratj-ng clandestinely (Abella, t990; Shah, l-993)
.
 224

Malaysia, Sinqapore and Hong Konq are afso significant

destinations for many Indonesian female OCWs to work in
domestic service. There also is however, some demand for
nurses, professional-/ skilled workers and entertainers.
Dorall and Paramasivam ( 1992 : 35 ) have explained that,
"women mig:rant workers are likely to be increasingly in
demand in the Malaysia of the 1990s as domestic helpers,
service workers in restauranLs, shops, petrol stations
and cleaners, etc." However, Indonesian domestic workers
in Malaysia are still small in number compared wich
Filipino maids (Figure 1.I).

Each year around 62,000 women leave from the

Phillippines, Sri Lanka and Thailand to Honq Kong,
Sinqapore, Malaysia, Brune j- and .Tapan to work as
housemaids and service workers in hotel-s and restaurants.
The flow of Filipino and Thai women has been 35,000 a
year, most of them leaving to work ma-nly as entertainers
in Japan where, in 1988, '7I,000 Filipi-no women were
admiLLed 1egal1y. The migration of skilled and
professional women (doctors, nurses ) , salespersons,
clerical workers from the Philippines, Korea and Indiato
the Gulf countries has involved at least some 28, 000
Filipino liomen (mostl-y nurses ) . Asian women migrating
to AusLralia, Canada, the Unit.ed St.ates and Europe, have
numbers that are estimated to be 14,000 to 18,000
 ll.5

mrgrattnq legally and 35,000 to 50,000 are migr-acing

thrcugh irreqular channels (Shah,1993) . II has been
surqested [hat more than 320, 000 As j_an women migrare as
wcr:-{ers ever}z }zear, the ma j ority t_o other countrres
wrthin Asia ( Shah , L993 :11 ) .

Figure 7.L Employment of Foreign Maids from Ind.onesia in

Malaysia

o*

5 -+-

J+

2-'

l-

1985 98 r987 988 989 ,90 99t

vr
I ooruesl1. vlos t luqlo vlos

Source: Dorall and paramasivam, L992:27

 226

It is suggrested that international labour migration,

(Hugo, 1,98J , L992a, 1-993d; Lim, 1990) enhances the status
of women and increases the level of modernity. In the
Indonesi-an situation this issue has to be looked at
carefully. The status and the roles of women in rndonesia
as a producer or member of the paid or unpaid l-abour
force, wife, mother, housewife, kin, community member and
as an individual (Lim, 1990:7), differ from one ethnic
group to another. Hugro (I992a:L75) has pointed out that:

"The enormous cul-tural-, ethno-linguistic, economic and

geographcal diversities make it difficult to generalise
about the rol-es and status of women and how this is
changing with the rapid shifts occurring in Indonesia's
economy and society. "

Traditionally Desa Sukasari has a patriarchal system with

the male as head of the household leading household life,
having official possession of, and control over resources
of the household and decision maki-ng. However, rapid
social and economic change in Indonesia has led to a
decrease in the strength of patriarchal structures in
f amilies (Hugro , I994b:5 ) . With respect to this issue,

this study analyses whether international labour

migration will reduce this gender inequality.

By worki-ng overseas, there is a separation between the

OCW and spouse, making one partner a s-ngle parent for a

period of time. In t.he case of Desa Sukasari, of the

 727

households who had OCWs stil-l working ,abroad, 46.5

percent were the spouse of t.he OCW and 45 .4 percent were
parents of the OCWs, with the remainder in other
relationships. Some 26.3 percent of households who had an

OCW still working abroad, were headed by a woman. The

proporLion of "female headshipl among' return households

where the OCW was the head of household was much higher
(36.8%) than in non-OCW households (4.8%) or households
with returned OCWs who were not the head of [he household
(see Table 7.I). In the Indonesian context, headship of a

household usually involves sigrnificant responsibifities

both in family based decision making but al-so in
representing the family at village meet.ings.

Female household headship in Indonesia is significant

(Hetler , 1986) and can originate from a number of causes.
ft is clear from Tabl-e 7.1, that international labour
miqration has had an influence on the headship rol-e of
women in OCW households. Their participation in
international labour migration shows other members of the
household that they can and do play important
I The headship of household here is the head of household
on the basis of a de facto ( tfre 'head' of the family at
the time of the survey) . fn a nuclear family (husband-
wife-children) thre husband is considered as the 'head' of
family (de jure)although he is absent. Thus, where the
OCW is still working overseas, the spouse left in the
place of origin is considered to be a de facto headship.
Whereas in the case where OCWs have returned, they can bre
a household head, if they are divorced or widowed.
 22tl

breadwinning rol-es in the f ami1y. It has been noted in

Sri Lanka, that migrant. women achieve higher status due

to their economic activity as they have become income-

earninq members of the household and community (Spaan,

1989). In Desa Sukasari, where females became the head of

household whil-e their husband's work abroad (26.3e.) , only
one took up a job outside the household and she opened a
small shop (warung). However, these women generally had
to Lake on additional roles in the household which were
usually done by their absent husbands.

Table 7 1 Headship of Households Accordng to T14pe Of

Household by Gend.er and Average Age.
Respondent Male Female Total Average
Household type (z) Age N

Return OCW as a Head

of Household 63 .2 36.8* 100.0 36.6 3B
Head of Return OCW
Household 94.2 5.8 100.0 40 .4 52
Head of Household who
has OCW still Abroad 73.1 26.3 100.0 44 .9 99
Head of non-OCI,/
Household 95.2 4.8 t-00.0 40. B B3

Total 82.1 L7.3 l_00.0 4r.6 212

* 64.3 percent has divorced status.
Source: Field Data , ]-992

7.2.2 Age Selectivty

The age of female workers who are still working abroad is
much younger than the age of males in that position. From
the survey it was f ound that t.he average age of f emale
OCWs is 10 years younqer (26 .9 years ) than males (36. j
 )2e

years ) . This dif f erence is because most of the f emal-e

OCWs leave their parents' household to qo overseas while

most male OCWs are the head of the households they leave.
A study by Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan Universitas
Gadj ah Mada (l-986 : 18 ) showed that both male and f emal-e

OCWs from West Java were mostly aged 25-34 years old. In
Desa Sukasari the averag:e age of return female workers
was 32.8 years old and for males 35.3 years old, while
non-OCW household heads were older again (40.7 years old

for males and 43.5 for females) (rable 1.2).

Table 7.2 The Average ge and. Age at First

Marriage of OCWs and Non-OCW Household Head
by Gend,er

AVERGE AVERGE
AGE AGE .A,T
FIRST
MARRTAGE
OCVII s11 Return Non-oCW ocI Ret,urn Non-oc!{I
working ocvll bousehold still OClrI household
overEeaa bead workLng head
overgeas

Male 36 "1 (22) 35"3(31-) 40.7(19) 22.7(Zt) l:.4(30) 24.8(7e)

Female 26 .9 (7'7 ) 32.8(s9) 43.s(4) 16 .9 (64) 16 .2 (56) 18 . 0 (4 )

Total- 2e.L(99) 33.7(90) 40.8(83) 18.2(85) 18.4(86) 24.5(83)

Source: Field Data , 1992
Note= Number of cases given in brackets

Figure 1.2 shows hat Ehe age distribution of OCWs in the

study does not differ from the distribution of fndonesian
OCWs (Adi l-986). Thus, the age range of OCWs is mostly in
 110

the productive age g-roup. Unfortunately Pusar- -\l{AN co not

produce age Cata for OCWs to allow us tc establist ihe
age of fndonesian OCWs as a whole. Table ; . i alsc shows

that 1-he averaqe age at which they first mLrlied was, for
both male and f emale non-OCW household heacis, aboLrr tvo
years older than OCWs and returned OCWs.

Figure 7.2: The Age Structure of OCWs by Gend.er

Sukosori OCWs.l992

50+

45-49 Mole Femole

4+44

o) 35-39
o)
3G34

25-29

224
I5-.l9

20 r0 r0 n 30

Source: Field Data ,1992

lndonesion OCWs,l984

50+
Mole Femole
45-49

40.44

q) 35-39
o)
3G34

25-29

2G24

l5-r9
120 r00 80 0 40 20 0 n Q

Source:Adi,19B6
 231

7 .2.3 Marital Status

Table 1.3 shows that significant differences exist

between the OCW population stil1 away and their returned
counterparts with respect Lo their mariLal status and
living arrang:ements. None of the f emale absentees v/ere
household heads but a significant number of returnees
were. It is especially noticeable thaL a significant
proportion of female OCWs (especially among those still
away) are currently divorced.

Table 7 3 OCWs ccording to Gender, the Stat,us of

the Household. and. Marital Status.
OCItVS Returned OCWs
Status of Total
household & Male Femal-e Male Female
tvlarital Status
Head t_5 25 L2 52 t)'7 q9\
\ t . J o I
Spouse 31 3 43 17 (40.8U )
Children 4I A tr,) (27 .5e.)
Other member
4
3 5 i B ( 4.22)
Total a')
4att
1'7 31 59 189(100.0%)
Married 20 4I 28 41 136 (12 . 0e")
Unmarried L 13 1_ 3 1B ( e.su)
Divorced 1 23 2 9 35 (18.s%)

Total )) '7'7
31 59 rB9(100.0u)
Source: Field Data , 1992

This points to a significant relationship between

overseas labour migration and divorce. There has been
discussion of absence of partners being a factor
initiating divorce, but in Sukasari-, divorced women were
 232

more likely t.o go overseas partly because of their family

and economic situation. Many of these women move back to
their parents' house upon divorce and left for overseas
from that house. Hence, more than hal-f of women absent
were children of the household head of the family they
had left, but some 40 percent were currently married and
left behind husbands and children. It is interesting to
note al-so that almost a fifth of those women still away

have never been marrj-ed, yeL the offj-cial requlations

state that women OCWs should be married. Almost all male
OCWs stll away are married and heads of the households
t.hey lef L.

Returned are somewhat older than those still away

OCWs

and among women, a fifth are household heads but most are
spouses of the household head. Some 15 percent were
divorced at the time of Ehe survey. Most returned male
OCWs, ofl the other hand are married household heads.
These fi-ndings are similar Lo those of Pusat Penelitian
Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada (1986:20) among oCWs
j-n West Java. This situation has to be seen against the
background of the tradj-tional pattern in West Java of
marriaqe at young age and subsequent higfh rates of
divorce amonq West .Java people (Pusat Penelitian
Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada, L9B6:20). At the
1-990 Census, the proportions of adults divorced in rural
 233

West Java reached 13.6 percent for females and 2.6

percent for males (Biro Pusat Statistik, oo? -'l
LJJJ
\
I "

Table 1.4 shows that the proportion of divorced persons

in Desa Sukasari was high compared with the situation in
rural- West .Java as a whole. The low proporLion of
divorces among the heads of non-OCW households is partly
associated with many divorced persons among them
remarrying. It is apparent that the relationship between
internaLional fabour migration and divorce is complex.
High levels of divorce are as much a cause as a
consequence of women working overseas in Desa Sukasari.

Table 7 4 Comparison of Percentage of Divorce Between

Rural West Java, Sukasari Village and Sample
Survey
% of divorce
Rural West. .lava (1-97I Census) 1.2
Rural West ,Java (1980 Census ) 9.L
Rural West ,Java (1990 Census) 8.1
Sukasari Village (Village Registration I99L) r0 .2
Non-OCW Household (sample survey L992) 3.6
OCW Household (sample survey L992) 1) )

Source: Biro Pusat Stat.istik, I914, L983, 1993

Fiel-d Data , 1992.

7.2.4 Level of Mod.ernity

According to fnkeles and Smith (L974;76-25), modernity

is a process of change of thinking, feelingr and attitude
by individual-s from traditional to modern. Modernity of
 2?4

an individual is measured by Inkeles and Smith (L974)

using a number of j-ndicators as f ollows:

. openness to new experience
. readiness for social change (change orientation)
. the realm of the growth of opinion
. information
. time orientation
. the sense of efficacy
. planning orientation
. calculability
. valuing of technical skil1
occupational and educational aspirations
. awareness and respect for t.he dignity of others
o particularism
. optimism
All of the concepts are linked to each other and form a
'modernity syndrome ' In t.his study, however, the level
of modernity is measured in terms of (1) aspirations n
education and occupation, (2) change orientation, (3) the
sense of ef f icacy , (4) f amily size, (5 ) kinshj-p
obligations, and (6) attitudes toward women's rights. The
differences in levels of modernity between returned OCWs,
OCWs' households and non-OCWs' households hopefully can
shed some light on the impact of international labour
mi-gration on the changing of attitudes of OCWs and
changes in their way of doing things.
 23.s

It is difficult to determine whether someone rs a

'modern person' or a 'traditional person' To ident.ify
the indj-vidual level of modernity of respondents, this
study asked each respondent to respond to a number of
statements (see questionnaire in Appendix 4) . Each
statement had three possible answers which ranged from
traditional- (scored I), transitional (scored 2) and
modern (scored 3). The scores which were obtained for
each respondent were added and the result meant that each
respondent would score between L2 and 36 from the L2
statement.s/ questions. Furthermore, this scale, was
qrouped to become: (1) < 18 = traditional, (2) L9-25 =
transitional, (3) 26-32 = modern, and (4) 33 >
modern in thinking, feeling and attitude.

Table 7.5 shows the frequency distribution of the

modernity score of returned OCWs who were heads of
househol-ds, heads of households which contained reLurned
OCWs, heads of households which had OCWs working overseas

and heads of non-OCW households. The table shows that the

proportion of returned OCWs who were heads of households
and heads of households who had returned OCWs was
sliqrhtly higher in terms of modern attitudes than the
heads of non-OCW households and heads of households who
had OCWs still working overseas.
 236

This suqgests that the thinking, feelingrs and attitudes

of returned OCWs and the heads of households which
contained returned OCWs are more modern compared with
the others . However, test staListics show t.hat the
differences between heads of OCW household and heads of
non-OCW households are not significant in level of
modernity (chi-Square .191-80, signif icance .661,4) .

Table 7.5 Modernty Score of Respondents

Tradi- '.1'ransr- Modern More
t ional tional modern Total
(< 1B) (L9 -25 ) (26-32) (33 >)

Returned OCWs
as head of
household 23.1 11-.0 5.3 100.0
n=3 B
Head of house-
hold of re-
turned OCWs 1- .9 23.r 75.0 100.0
-_tr4
LL_JZ
Head of house-
hold of OCWs
still abroad 32.3 64.7 3.0 100.0
n-oo
Head of non-
OCWs househol-d 30.1 61 .5 2.4 100.0
n=83

Source: Field Data , ]-992

Although from this evaluat.ion it seems t.hat international

l-abour migration has not had a role in initi-at-ng an
increase in t.he level of modernity of OCWs, w have to
consider that it is possible there was some chanqe in the
attitude of OCWs after they worked overseas. As Hugo
 237

(L982a: 196 ) pointed out 'some have sugrgrested that

population mobility has been one of the major vehicles
whereby increased commercialisation and a growing
emphasis on individual-ism has been spread into rural-
areas in Southeast Asj-a, often initiating major changes
in traditional agrricultural- practices' The results of
the present survey were inconclusive in this respect.

7 .3 Socio-Economic Condition

7 .3.1 Income Level and Employment

The experience and money brought back from overseas

provide a resource for the OCWs to utilize upon Lheir
return. They can potentially use the experience and
skills gained overseas for re-employment in their
homeland and use the remittances for fulfilling their
needs for a certain period, ot for investing in
productive activities (Roonqshivj-n , L986; Smart, Teodosio
and Jimenez, L986) . However, when returned OCWs in Desa
Sukasarj- were asked "Do you think that your work
experience overseas is useful for your work here in your
vi11ag:e? ", only 32.2 percent of them said t.hat working
overseas was beneficial for them. However, when they were
asked "What do you think were the detrimental
consequences for your househol-d resulting from your work
 238

overseas? " B1.1% suggested there was no detrimental

rmpact.

Since many of the job opporLunities overseas (especially

in Saudi Arabia) are in the domestic service sector, most
returned oCWs said that the usefulness of working
overseas was t.hat they became aware how the (rich)
families look aft.er their households and how modern
appliances vvere used in household chores. The cleanliness
of the house, food, ways of looki-ng after the chi-l-dren,
etc. which were different from whaL they knew before,
were all new experiences for them. That they could now
speak Arabic was al-so seen as a positive impact for
Muslem OCWs since The Koran (The Holy Book of Islam) is
written in the Arabic language. One returned OCW become a
teacher of Arabic in Desa Sukasari. Another OCW often
helped his neighbors or friends who had members working
overseas in writing letters or in making a lonq distance
call to Saudi Arabia (as a translator).

The main perceived positive impact. of working overseas at

the individual level was that the miqrants received
better wag:es compared with their place of origin.
Logically, the OCW will not go to another country for
work if helshe can find work with a good wage in his/her
place of origin" Most. (92 " 6%) female OCWs worked as
 239

domestic helpers overseas and there were only 4.4 percent

who worked as babysitters, whereas most of t.he males
worked as drivers. Although they worked in low status
jobs, they could obt.ain what was perceived to be hiqh
incomes. Most returned OCWs (61-.3U ) had an income less
than Rp. 100, 000 a mont.h while 96.9 percent of OCWs
received more than Rp.200,000 a month while they were
overseas (Table 7.6).

Table 7 .6 The Income of OCWg whilst, Overseas and the

Income of Returnees in Their Homeland
Income ocw Returnee
(in thousands) n z nZ

Rp .100 < L9 6l_.3

21 .6
Rp .101-200 3 '7
2.2,
Rp "201-300 67 69.r 3 9.1
Rp .301_-400 t6 16.5 L <,)
Rp .40L > t_ 1_ 11.3 l- 3.2
Total 9'7 100.0 31 100.0
Note: 2 OCWs and I Returnee had no answer, and 58
returnees had no jobs yet.
Source: Field Dat.a , 1992

Haji Mahbub (35 years old) is one of the returned oCWs

in Sukasari village. fn his case, although he did not
earn as much income as when he worked in Saudi Arabia,
his life was better on his return compared with before he
went overseas. He was willing to go abroad again. He
returned from Saudi Arabia in L992. After six months
 240

unemployed he found a job as a bus driver in Bandung

(capital city of west .Java province ) , so he
circulated once a week to Bandung and back Lo sukasari
village where his family remained. From this job he
received Rp. 150,000 a month while in saudi Arabia
his waqes were about Rp.400,000 as a driver. Although,
he said that, t.he main reason f or working in saudi
Arabia was t.o make the pirgrimage, by working
overseas he has now been able to have a good house, 0.5
hectare of wet rice fietd and he has the prest.ige of
having made the pilgrimage to Mecca. rt. was impossible
for him to make the pilgrimage v/ithout working in
saudi Arabia, because the cost for this journey from
Indonesia was very expensive Now (L992) he has a title
and term of address for such a pilgrim (Haji) , whereas
he only finished primary schoor- and worked as a hawker in
Jakarta before he worked overseas. As a naj i, the people
in his village respecL him since Ehe rslam religion plays
a significant role in Ehe daily life of the villagers.

From the case of Haji Mahbub it can be seen that there is

a strong rel-ationship between international and internal
forms of population movemenL. The experiences of movement
of Haji Mahbub internally encouraged him to work overseas
and upon return he worked in a large urban centre to
which he circulated on a regular basis. The survey found
 241

that amonq unemproyed female return oCWs, 20 (4i..72) of

t.hem were not tooking for work because t.hey had to look
after their children or their husbands and were not able
to work outside the household (Table j.1). However 58.3
percent of female return ocws are still seeking work
opportunities. certainly t.he experience in sukasari seems
t.o be that females return ocws in sukasari are more
likely to seek work outside the household as a resul_[ of
[heir overseas experience. This was also the case with
female Sri Lankan OCWs (Eelens et al,199O). Keely and
saket (]-984 ) also observed that mig'rants who have
returned to Jordan were more economically active than
before their departure.

Table 7 .7: The Reasons for Not Working Aiong Unemployed

Returned OCWs
The reasons Mal,e Female Total
Still not found a job yet 4 13 L1
Looking after their children L 1-6 L1
Want to take rest first 6 o
Their husband did not allow t.o work 4 4
Did not have capital for business 4 4
Did not give reason 9 o

Total 9 48 51
Source: Field Data , 1992

Most returned OCWs (66.1%

from 33 working returnees) who
were working at the time of the survey was undertaken,
took less than 6 mont.hs to get a job on their return. The
 242

waiting time before finding a job among ret.urned. ocws in

sukasarj- village was between 1 and 36 months and this may
be compared with returned Korean ocws where a review of
1000 employee records conduct.ed by Konq-Kyun Ro found
that for 5l percent of returning migrants, the waiting
time before findinq a job in the homeland was between 1
and 11 weeks. rn Go's survey of returning migrants to the
Phitippines, the median waiting time for those who found
local employment was 5.5 months (ESCAP , ]'9B6a:-7 ) .

Meanwhile, among ocws returningr to Jordan al_most two-

thirds were back in the labour force within four months.

7.3.2 Social Welfare

rn the case of sukasari's ocws 63.3 percent said that

they had problems which working overseas, for example in
communicating with their employer, separation from their
family, having a fierce employer, work overload, food.,
weather, rr employer did not pay the waqe, prohibition
f rom groing out of the house and many more kinds of

difficulties. But from all of the difficulties, four

kinds were most f requently f aced by t.he ocws: languagre
difficulty (52.6%), family separation (2B.IZ), fierce
employer (26.3e"), and work overload (2r.Le"). A sLudy by
Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan universiLas Gadjah Mada
(l-986:71) found that 85.4 percent return ocws said that
 243

bhe different customs were the main cause of difficulties

in the country of employment. The differences in their
experi-ences overseas resulted in ndividual ocws having
quite different perceptions about working overseas.

The remj-t.t.ances improved the economic conditions of the

migrants themselves. But how long the remittances
benefitted them is open to quest.ion. The oCWs contributed
Eo meeting the costs of daily necessities of their
families, paid debt.s, bought or renovated houses,
supported the educat.ion of ther chilclren or other
household members and assisted t.heir family's welfare in
other ways as well. This will be discussed in detail in
the next chapter"

7 .3.3 SociaL/Poltica1 participation Upon Return

one interesting aspect. of the consequences of

international labour migration is the social /poLitical
participation of ocws upon their return. The migrant,s
experiences in the host country, it has been suggested,
has had an impact on the migrant in terms of atLitude and
behaviour. changing attitudes and behaviour obviously
made them l-ook different from before they migrated. what
is attempted here is to compare the social/political
participation of returned ocws, oc'ws' households and non-
 244

oCWs' households, and also attempt to assess the id.eas,

money and manpower they have provided for village
development efforts. The social/political participation
in this sLudy refers to whether the ocws have
parLicipated in:
o the recitation of the Koran (pengrajjan)
. voluntary labour service (kerja bakti)
. sport (olahraga)
. the village proqram t.o educate women on
various aspects of family welfare (pendidikan
kes ej ahteraan keluarga)
. things having to do with art (kesenian)
. night watchman (ronda maLam)
' information/elucidation for example in famiry
planning agricultural extension, etc.
(penyuLuhan)

' poli-cy of miritary personner participating in

village development projects (BRr masuk desa)
. qeneral election campaign (kampanye pemilu)
. head v_1lage election campaign (kampanye
pemiTihan kepala desa)

Besides that, this study also seeks to discover whet.her

they are a member of t.he co-operat.ion of village unit
(Koperasi unit Desa), a political organisation (partai
poTitik) or social- organisation (organisasi sosral ) ,
 l4.s

whether they are a leader of a religious (pelr ntpin

agama) , or social organisation (pemimpin organisa,sl-

sosial-) , or leader of a political organisation (penimpin

partai pol-itk) . Any ideas that oCws have qiven to the
village development efforts, whether they qave money or
manpower (tenaga) and the purpose for which that money
and manpower was given, also been assessed in order to
understand the soci-a1/political partici_paLion of the
OCWs.

To measure the participation level of ocws in the

social/polit.ical life of the village upon rer-urn, a scale
has been used similar t.o the one used to measure the
l-evel of modernity. rn this case respondents were asked
abouL their participat.ion in the activities listed above.
Each response is scored 1 for never participated in an
act-vity, 2 for occasional]y, 3 for often and 4 for
always. The scores which were obtained by respondents
were added and as a result each respondent was given a
score between 72 and 48 (from 12 activities/questions).
This scale, has then been grouped to become: (1 ) !2 = do
not participate at all, (2) 13-16 = low participation,
(3) L7-24 = high participaton, and (4) 25_48 = very high
l-evel- of social /poriticar participation. Table i.B and
Table 1.9 indicate that, most of the respondents have a
high level of social/political participation.
 246

Table 7 -82 The social/political participation of

Respond.ents (percent ) .
Low Hiqh Very Total
High (n)
Returned OCWs as head of
household 7.9 13.1 rB.4 (38)
Head of household of
returned OCWs 1-.9 86.5 11. s (52)
Head of household of
OCWs still abroad 4 0 88.9 1.1 (ee)
Head of non-OCWs household 4 8 80.l L4 .5 (83 )

Tot.a1 4.4 83.B 11.8 (212)

Source: Field Data , 1,992

Test statistics show that between heads of ocw househol_ds

and heads of non-oCW households there is the same level_
of social/polit.ical part.icipation (Chj--Square .00000,
Sj-gnif icance 1.00000 ) .

Table 7.9 The Role of Respondent n Social,/political

Organisations
Re E.urned Head of Head of Head of T,:,1-. I
OCWS as household househoLd 11,lt-- OL-rIs
heacl of of returnecl of OCWS hou,qehclrl
household OCWs sti-fl-
abroad
A-q a tneml rel r_rf
soc i a1 /pt,,I i r- i caI
(_)r.Jani-qaf,ions:
r,)lle I LL 22 20 ii _I
lnr-)l-e 3 2 2 I 15
As a rel91()r_ts
I e"r,ie r-- 5 3 l -11

As s,:)ci,1l
crrrJaniaral.ir 11

I earle r 1 6 10 I7
Source: Field Data , 1,992
 247

Furthermore, in looking at the association between the

level of modern-ty and the level of participation and
between income and the level of part.icipation, test
statistics show thaL t.he assocation between the level of
modernity and the level of participation and associat.ion
bet.ween income and the level of participation is not
significant. Moreover, in the process of viltage
development, observaLion indicates that both OCWs and
non-OCWs in Desa Sukasari village have an almost. equal
role in the contribution of ideas, money and manpower.
The Heads of al-l dusun and some village officers said
that there was no difference between them in contribution
Lo village development. Every returned OCW who had just
arrived from overseas recently had been asked to give a
donat.ion (vo1untary) , of about Rp 15, 000 for village
development funds. However, Table 7.L0 shows that non-OCW
households tend to be more involved in village
development activites than OCW households. Lhey more
often contribute ideas, money and labour to such
act.ivites.
 248

Table 7.]-0: Contribution by Respondents of Id.eas, Money

and Manpower for Village Development
Returned Head of Head of Head of
OCVrls household household non-OCWs
as
head of of ret.urned of OCWs household
household OCWs stitl-
abroad
Contributi-on
of ideas for
village
development:
often 2L .1- 9 6 9.L 32 .5
seldom 1-0.5 l 1 25.3 18.1
never 68 .4 82 7 65 .6 49 .4
Contribution
of money for
village
development:
often 5t .9 57 .7 49 .5 62 .1
sel-dom 31.6 34.6 4t.4 21 .1
never 10.5 7.1 9.r 9.6
Contribution
of manpower
for village
development:
often 26.3 53 I 49 .5 66.3
seldom 44.7 )a B 25.3 22 .9
never 29 .0 1-'7 . 3 25.3 10. B

Source : Field Data, 1,992

7.4 Conclusion

This chapter has shown that rndonesian overseas contract

workers generally are dominated by females, due partly to
t.he nature of j ob markets overseas f or whi-ch rndonesia
competes requiring more females than males. Female ocws
are mainly the children and wives of household. heads in
Desa sukasari and they have had an important role in
 24e

become more independent in fulfilling their daily needs.

It also would seem that since many women go overseas
before getting married overseas contract work has the
impact of delaying the age of marryinq and havingr
children.

The negative and positive impacts of work-ng overseas on

individual migrants have also been discussed in Lhis

chapter. Generally international labour migration has had
a positive impact at the individual level. The mlgrants
obtained work with higher wages. Their remittances were
used for both productive and consumption activities to
fulfil their needs. Upon return, although [he
unemployment rate among them was still high, if all
employment activities are looked t, like agricultural
act.ivities or making a small business, then most OCWs
seem to be successfully absorbed back into the local
labour market. Besides money, the returned OCWs brought
back their experiences from the host country which were
perceived as being useful by most of them. However, the
level of modernity as a consequence of working overseas
is still- open t.o question since this study did not
analyse t.he dif f erences bef ore and af t.er working
overseas. S[atistical testing has sugqested that the
level of modernity of returned OCWs and non-OCWs in Desa
Sukasari was not signif icant.ly df ferent.
 2.s0

LastJ-y, it is interesting to consider a short story of a

typical reLurned ocw by an rndonesian story writer
(Radhar Panca Dahana) which was pubri-shed in KoMpAS , L5
November L992 with t.itle "Titin pulang Dari Saud.i" . The
following is a summary of the story:

Titin, younq and divorced, worked. as a housemaid in saudi

Arabia for 4 years. Her father died 3 months after she
left to work abroad. when she arrived in her village in
Kabupaten Sukabumi, West ,_Tava, she was very happy,
especially when the time came to give qiftJ to her
mother, brothers and sisters, and relatives. The strain
of 4 years in saudi Arabia however, is gone after 3 days,
and life returns to normal. with about Rp 14 millions she
has from saudi Arabia, she had planned to renovate her
parent's house, pay off her father's debts, buy
furniLure, and open a small shop.
But after 3 weeks, her mind was confused: she onry has Rp
4 million left while the renovations of the house ar-e not
finished. Her mother, sisters and brothers continually
give Lheir opinions on t.he renovation of the house, ...to
chanqe this or to use thi-s. Every day Titin can not st.op
the reguest,s of her mother and sister/brother about whaL
they say are " imporLant needs " . to buy col-our
teevision, bicycle, clothes, shoes, cosmetics,
motorcycle, wristwatch, jacket, even to hire a minibus
f or picnic toqet.her.

Entering week seven, she only has a few hundred thousand

Rp left, while the small shop is not realised yet. Her
sisLer, L7 years old, is willing to ro to Saudi Arabia.
Her view since she was in Saudi Arabia ,,I will not come
back to work Lo Saudi Arabia again,, , has now f aded.
Final 1y, she decided to back to Saudi Arabia with her I1
year old sister
 251

Chapter Eight
IMPACT OF INTERNATIONIJ LBOUR MIGRTION:
THE HOUSEHOIJD IJEVEL OF AIAIJYSIS

8. 1 Int,roduction

The impact of international labour mi_graLion on Lhe

family/household is important because the family is the
fundamental social unit in rndonesian society as well as
often being an important economic unit. rt is clear that
the overwhelming cause of such movement is the lack of
su f f i c i ent income in t.he origin area to sus t ai_n a
family's perceived needs (Hugo , 1'993c ) . By working
abroad, the ocw attempts to improve t.he family,s economic
sit.uation. However, the absence of the ocw (head of
household/ spouse/children or ot.her members ) also may
produce changes in the family in some respects,
especially if the ocw is the recogrnised head of Lhe
household or the spouse of the househord head.

According to neo-classicar economic t.heory, international

labour migration occurs as a resul-t of the differential
in wages and employment conditions between countries,
which causes workers from a low wage or row employment
opportunity count,ry to move to a high waqe/prentiful
employment country (Wood , L9g2; Cl_ark , L9B6a Massey,
1988; Hugro , L991_, l_993a; Massey, et dI. , 1993 ) . However,
 252

accordinq to Hugo (1-gg3c) this theory

has limited
explanatory power in Less Developed Countries,
because
the family as a unit of production has an important
role
in [he alrocation of the labour members of
Lhe famiry in
response to economic stress (Wood, !982;
Stark, 199L;
Hugo , I993c; Massey et 1.
, 1993 ) . fn this s_t.uation,
some family members can work in the
10ca1/regional
economy' while ot'hers may work in another
country. stark
(1991) argrues, thaL although there
are differentces in
wages and empl0yment conditions between
counLries, if the
income in Lhe country of origin is sufficient
to sust.ai_n
the family's perceived needs, the overseas
labour
migration would not have occurred (Wood, LgB2:3I4).
Thus
the result of working overseas is very important
for Lhe
OCW's family.

This chapter examines the impact of working

overseas on
the demographic and socio-economic situation
of Lhe
family in the place of origin. The analysis
in Lhis
chapter is based on a framework adapted from
Hugo,s work
(r9,2a' 1gg5a, rggl) which has been present.ed
in Chapter
Two. rn particular the analysis involves
comparison of a
range of conditions in ocw households
to those in non_oCW
households. Examination of the -mpact
on demographic
aspects of family will focus upon changes
in family si-ze
and composition, marri age/divorce and f ert.ility.
Socio_
 253

economrc aspects focus on income level and distribution,

employment, social welfare, social /poLitical
participation and kinship linkages in oCW and non-oCW
households.

8.2 Demographic hpacts

8.2.7 Family/Household Size and Compostion

The survey found, that (Table 8.1) the proportion of

nucrear families of non-oCW households is higher than rn
ocw househords. This contradicts the argument t.hat
international labour migration wilr reduce family size
and place greater emphasis on the nuclear family (Hugro,
L987 : 158, Werner , L99I) . Clearly, international
labour
miqrants have come mostly from households composed of
extended families. The larger number of household members
enables them to allocate their members to work overseas.
of course this is a measure of resi dentiaJ_ nucreation or
extension of the family and not the emotional- nucleation
or extension which is important in social change.

As theories of "household sustenance strategies,,

indicate, households will respond to economic stress in
reaching and/or increasing their desired quantity and
quality of consumption and investment, for example,
by
sending wives and children into the workforce moon-
 254

Table 8.1: Household Compositon of t,he Nuclear

Extended Famly of the OCW and. Non-OCWand
Households
Hr:r l seholcls H(rrsel-r,-)1,:lrl i. rt:ltr:,f . fl l- ,hl
with re- wi l-hr:rr-tl i il'l
,

turn ocw reEllrn ,, li irr.ill- lt, - I

a-q he.ao ocw l.;',ri:iti,:l
of h,fuse- as hea,.i ,'.i I:,.t,1
ho I c-t hc,use
h:rl cl
-[. H,.] r-,i hrrrr seho l-d and spouse only
9.6 0
Z . Heacl ,,f l-iousehold and sp,:use +
chilclen 44 .1 5-I I i F i.._.4
3 . Heacl r_'f h,rrsehold and spouse + paL ents,/
granclarnts
1.0
4. ieac, ,r f rr_)rl-qeholc,l ancl sporrse + c)ther mem.bers 5.3 c
i.u
5. He.rr- (.,f lr-)lseholcl and spouse + chilclren
+ ,,1rents/grandparenE s 2L. l r-' . -l
t'. H3n,-l ,.,f it,useholr anrl sp,r.rse + cirilden
+ ,,r_h:r iltembers 1^ tr t ij.), i )J
7. Heaci ,:,f i]ousehold ancl spouse
grallclF.lrDts + ol_her members + parents/ 7 1i
1.b
!l . Her,i -rf d and spouse + chilcren
hi:rusehof
+ [)renl-s/gfrandparenEs + oEher members
10.5 lD.1
Nuclear family (l+2) 44 .7 6t.5 tc : l:. .1
Extenr'led f;rmily (3+4+5+6+7+g)
s5.3 lf' c /i F

To tal 100.0 100.0 rrl0.0 tcc.c

(n=3I ) (n=5.: ) r=99)
Source: Field data, ]-992

lighting, or by engaging in short.-term migrat.ion to take

seasonal or temporary jobs in anot.her country (Wood
,L9g2;
Massey et aI.,1993; Hugo, Igg3c). The role
of the family
as a unit of production in LDCs is importanb
in Lhe
allocation of their labour (member of the family)
in
response to economic stress (Hugo , 1_993c,
Lg94) . The fact
that ocw famiries tend to be extended families
more than
non-ocw families suggests that extended famii_ies
are more
likely to allocate labour to overseas locations
as part
of their family strategry for maximising family
income and
 2.s-5

spreading the risk across a number of income generatingr

sources .

Most female ocws (53.2? of the sampJ-e survey)

who were
still workingr overseas were the chir_dren of ocw household
heads and generally they were married or divorced
(Chapter Seven) . Thus, it means t.he
structure, or
composition of household members for the household
which
still has an ocw workingr overseas generally consists
of
t.he "head of household and spouse plus children, (49.5
percent) and "head of household and spouse plus
chirdren
and plus other members " (30.3 percent ) (Table
8.1 ) . The
"other members,, mostly include son/daughter_in_law and
grandchildren (three generations). However,
in the
households which have a returned ocw as
head, the
proportion of parents/grandparents who live
with the
family is higher compared with other kinds of households.
This indicates also Lhat international abour migrat._on
meant that t.he ocw f amilies tended to be
extended
families which were taking care of parents/grandparents
by bringing them to live with them.

The total number of household members in ocw

households
is slightly higrher t.han in non-oCW househords (Tabre
8 '2) " From this sample survey
however, the average number
of household of both ocw and non-ocw househords
was
 256

higher than the averag'e number of household members

in
Desa Sukasari as a whole. Table 8.2 shows
also Lhe
disLribution of household members accordinq to age.

Table 8.22 Average Number of Household Members of

and Non_OCW Households, Distribution of the
the
OCW

Members According to Age and Sex Ratio

Households Honsehol ds HrusehrrJrr :l
wich re. wiuhouu wi rh !a
turn OCW return oCW stllI r lr
as head OCI^I ars W( )rkincf
of hrtus-o-head of abro.rrl
hold househod
vr!d= No. of
1rr j l!r --h,) ld members 4.4 4 .' ir.0
:r-_-_t L;rtir_-r 80 94 .) c)

0-14 39 .2 -ia..1
r5-29 26 .5 24.4 11. (,)

."i)-44 ')) tr,

2l .4 2I
45-59 1.4 6.3 ':, o
{)+ 4.4 /Lr ')
,

T,rt:rl nnmber of
hol tsr -o6ldg 204 252 53

n 38 41. t)9
Note According t o Mantri Statistik Kecamaban Cianjur
(1991) , in 1990 Lhe average number
of household
members in Desa Sukasari was 3.9 persons.
Sour ce: Field Data , 1_992

rt shows that the age structure of ocw and non-ocw

households was not much different. Additionally, the
averaqe number of members in both ocw and non_oCW
households tends to be similar (2.j for households
with
return ocw as head of househord, 2.5 for househord
without return OCW as head of househol-d
, 3 .I f or
households with ocw sti11 working abroad and
2.6 for non-
 2s7

ocw househords). compared with the non-ocw househords,

there are more femar-es in oCW househords (Table 8.2) . The
sex rat.io for non-oCW households in Desa sukasari is L02
indicating a sliqht dominance of mar-es while in all ocw
household qroups females outnumber males.

Table 8.3: Nunber of persons in Each Household

Number of Household Household Household Non-OCI,V
members with re- wi_thout with house-
of house- turn OChIs return OCWs still holds
hold as head OCWS working
of house- as head abroad
hold of house
hold Total
5
1
l 1
r.
4 o
r 4.1
E 10 19
(i
11c !4 1 15 t,,
1 tr I2 1 '12
f0
4
2 14 l
9 1
L1
4
3 9
0 .- 4 1
b,
11 1
I: 4 4
I
!7
_-

i i it
Tr:,- 1 38 \2 99 Ll i]

Source: Field Data , 1992

Generally, the totar- number of household members for non_

ocw households was lower than for ocw households. rt is
shown in Table 8.3 that the averag.e number of household
members was 3.5 persons for non-oCW households and
5 for
return ocws as heads of households and households which
have return ocws and. 6 for househords which have ocws
still working abroad. Moreover, in Desa sukasari- the age
structure of both ocw and non-ocw households differed
little although the migrants themselves are a serective
 l.s8

Figure 8.1: Age structure of Household. Members of ocw

and non-OCW Household in Sukasari and Rural
West Java (percentage)

Household who hos Relurn OCW os the Heod ol Household

Household o, Rurol West Jo/o,l97l

:0r r

ra-5
5-59 I

3A-u,
J 30. I

::9
r 5-29 |

:-l I
G4 I

0
percenloqe 0505202aJ035O45fl
Dercnloge
Household vrho hos Return OCW not os lhe Heod ol
Househotct
Houshold ol Rurol West Jovo, lg60

:.

J'59 r

559 |

30
o
3H4t
5-29 i

5-29

G4
0 5 r0 n 25 3035i0 I

percenloge
0 0r5n25JO35&a5
pfcnloge
HoG.hold who hor OCW flll Workhg Ab.ood
Hou.hold ol Rurol Wosl Jqvo, lggo

50+ I

,/.__-_.---:' O+ i

rs59 |
s59 I

w o
MI
nt t5-29

Gl4 t
Gt4
0 5 l015zJ 25 30
percenloge
0 r0 n 30 35 4)
prcntoge
NonCW Howohold

50+.
'/'-- t-)
r-59 I

l4a I

-a
Source: Bro Pusat Statstik, 1993
Field Data, L992
-t4 I

0 U r5 n 30
pfcentoEe
 259

group of young v/orking age people. rn this study however,

although the age structure of the oCWs and non-ocws
households members were similar, the households which
have ocws still working abroad have a higher proportion
in the L5-29 aqe groups compared to non-oCW household or
returned ocw household or for rural west .lava as a whole
(Figure 8.1) . This perhaps reflects the fact that
households with several younq workers tend to deploy some
of them overseas t.o work, while still housing some
available to work in the village.

8.2.2 Marriage/Divorce and Fertility

It has been suggested (Chapter Seven) that international

labour migration has not increased Lhe incidence of
divorce in the study vi11age. The l_oss of harmony within
a f amily due t.o the separati-on of the ocws and their
spouse and children, however, is seen as having a
significant. impact. in international labour mi_gration
because the period of absence of ocws from their family
is quite long. Table 9.4 shows the length of time worked
overseas, with most returned oCWs being away for more
than 18 months. During the f iel-dwork, there were B oCWs
sti11 working overseas who have been away for more than
five years. A study by pusat penelitian Kependudukan
Universitas Gadjah Mada (1996) found that 15 percent of
 20

OCWs from West Java and Central .lava were under two year
contracts while from Yogryakarta 63 .4 percent move under a

one year contract. The length of time working in another

country often depends on the nature of the worl< contract,
which are generally for two years. There were OCWs who

worked only for a few months before [he contract

f j-nished, while f or others it was more t.han f ive years

after the first extension of the contract (Tabl-e 8.4) .

Table 8.4: L,ength of Tme Working Overseas of Returned

OCWs and OCWs stil1 Working Overseas
OCW still Returned
(month ) working OCW Total
overseas
No. Z No. Z No. Z

L-6 I]
))
rt. ))
11
2 ) z 19 10 1
1 -L2 4 4 4 26 13 B
13 -18 '7 7 l_ 5 5 6 L2 6. 3
t9 -24 I9 19 ) 40 44 4 59 31. 2
25-30 4 4 U 7 7 v LL 5. B
31-36 9 9 L 1 1 8 I6 8. 5
a- Aa ) ) 0 2 ) 2 4 2. 1
43-48 l 1 1, a B 9 15 7. 9
49-54 2 ) ) 2 1. 1
55-60 4 4.0 2 2 2 6 ? 2
6L> a 8.1 11 t2 2 I9 10. 1

99 100.0 90 1-00.0 189 r00.0

Source: Field Data , ]-992

In the survey most of the respondents said tha[ Lhe

absence of migrants did not creat.e a problem j_n their
households. Table 8.5 shows respondents who indicated
that their households were experiencing problems and it
is noticeable that households with migrants still abroad
 26t

had the highest rate of reportinq that their household

was facing problems. Almost a third of these households
(31 out of 99) reporLed having problems, with more than a
quarter of these indicating that t.hese problems were
associated wj-th Laking care of children. fL is
understandable that the separation of spouses means that.
the remainingr spouse in the village will_ face greater
difficulty as a sole parent in handling family problems
and dif ficulties t.han would two parent families (Go and
Postrado, 1986) .

Negative i-mpacts of t.he separation caused by working

overseas were reported by several_ respondents. Separat_ion
from family caused 6.5 percent of OCWs to experience
loneliness and both married OCWs and their spouse felt
t.heir biological needs were unfulfilled. Moreover, those
who were left behind (spouse and chil_dren), were not as
well orqanised as before. Single parents (male or female)
had to look af ter the children and according r-o 29
percent of the respondents who had OCWs still working
abroad, Lhe children were not. taken care of well enough
(Table 8.5 ) . Therefore, working overseas appears to
frequently disrupt the harmony of family life ir-r the
villaqe. In other words, the relationship amonq the
members of the househol-d could weaken. However, the fact
that in Desa Sukasari the proportion of extended families
 262

amonq OCW households was hgher than non-OCW househol-ds

(Table 8.1) suggests that the extended family substitutes
for many of the roles played by the absenL amily
members. Hence, t.he extended family acts as a cushion to
the problems created by the absence of adults.
Table 8.5: Household. Problems According Eo the
Respondent
Households Households Non-OCW
with re- with house-
Household turn OCW OCW still holds
problem as head of work-ng
household abroad
(n= 18 ) (n=31) (n=18)

Economy '7) ) 51.6 s5.6

Taking care of
household/ children L6.l 29 .0 5.6
Quarrel (dispute)
husband/wife IL .1- 3 )
Debt 9 1
Loneliness 6 5
Others 11. t_ L6 1

Note: The percentag'e from the total respondents of each

household who answered that they have a problem
Source: Field Data , 1992

An example is the Arifin family (not t.heir real name) in

Desa Sukasari. fE seems that to look after the OCW's
chil-dren left behind was not a problem. When the survey
was being done, Arifin looked after the two children of
his daugrhter, who was working (as a housemaid) with her
husband (a driver) in Saudi Arabia. Arifin also looked
after the wife of his son who was also working overseas.
The wife of his son opened a small shop ('warung,) in the
front of Arifin's house and bought goods in t.he city and
 263

sold them in the village. It seems that these activrties

were intended to keep herself busy to decrease her
loneliness. At the time of the survey she clid not feel
free, s if an unmarried woman, to associate with society
in her village while her husband was absent. Meanwhile,
t'he Arifin grandchildren have grown up as fine children.
They associate with good friends and no bad stories about
them can be heard from their neighbours. However,
according to Arif in's daugrhter-in-Iaw, if she could
choose, it would have been better for her husband nol, f,o
have left her.

The relationshj-p between Arifin, his grandchildren and

his daughter-in-1aw is good with l-ove and affection,
because t.he lonelines due to separation has made them
more careful to protect their relationship. Arifin pays
more att.ention t.o his daughter-in-law and grandchildren
because he feels his responsibility towards them is
greater than if his son and daughter were present. On Lhe
other hand, his daughter-in-law and his grandchildren all
need shelter. A st.udy in Sri Lanka shows a similar
pattern of extended family support comi-ng into play when
adult family members are overseas. Parents often call on
the help of close or distant relatives for assistance j-n
child care and the runninq of the household (Spaan,
1989 :64) .
 2(A

A serial story ( tiLled " Peni " ) in a popular women, s

magazine, FEMINA (no.1-5, xxi, 28 ,-Tanuary - 3 February

L993) by Sasongko Adiyono, provides a vivid picture of
how wider relationships than the nuclear family are
important in supporting the famlies left behnd by
miqrants.

Peni (rrade 3 in .fun j-or High School ) has one brother

(grade 3 in Primary School). Her father works in the city
temporarily, depending on the job order. When her father
stopped sending home money, and after all- the things that
could be sold were finished, her mother went to Saudi
Arabia to work as a house maid. Peni had to look aft.er
her brother and manage t.he household. Because her mother
never sends money, Peni works as a laundress in the
village. When her father had to sell the house to pay the
debt, Peni stayed with her teacher who met her needs. Her
brother stayed with her father in city. The story has a
happy ending: her mother returnd after the work contract
finished, her father obtained a permanent job in c-ty,
and Ehey st.ayed together again.

The field survey also found that, s discussed in Chapter

Seven, although in a rational sense, working overseas
wj-ll cause a delay in having a baby for married OCWs and
a delay in marrying for unmarried OCWs and consequently
decrease the fertility rate, the facts show that the
averag:e number of children among- OCW and non-OCW
households is not much dif f erent. Nevert.heless, Table 9.6
suqgrets that working overseas changes the attit.ude of
migrants towards having children. In general, they
preferred a smal1 family size compound to non-migrants.
Most returned ocws who are heads of househords (3i-.6%)
 265

are aqed between 20-54 years and have two children

compared with only 2I.I percent of non-OCW heads of
households. Most (26.82) of non-OCW heads households are
aged 20-54 years and have three children.
Table 8.6: Fert,ility Level of Returned OCW and Non-OCW
According to ge Group
Total children
Returned OCW Nun 4,, Itl

0i234561 I Sub- 012].u't.li

to tal F-, lj r.1 -
20 24 I
21, 9 il1- 5
l0-34 11
35 39 R
40 44 6
4t- 49 -21-1 4
-11 3

t5 59 1

ii0-64 2rl
65+ II
Tc)r-l t, J 12 6' 2 4 I 1 38 I4 I7 1-7 -lr: -iil

Source: Field Data , 1-992

8.3 Soco-Economic Conditions of the Household

8.3 . 1 fncome Level and Emplofrment

The most important impact of working overseas is the flow

of remittances from the count.ry of employment to the
country of origin (Russell, 1986, 1992). Remittances are
the main means of making up for [he insufficient
household j-ncomes of miqrants. Remittances increase the
househol-d income and make it possible to encourage
investment in the home country (Marius , L98'7 Shrestha,
l-988; Hugo and Singhanetra-Renard, 1991-) . In the case of
 266

Desa Sukasari, a household whi-ch has an OCW still abroad

obtains a than other households. Their
much higrher income
household income can reach Rp 495.000 a montl-r (including
other households only obtain about
remiLLances ) , whereas
a half of this level or less (Table 8.7). This difference
is due to the remittances from t.heir household members
who work overseas (the remittances could be sent
regularly or irreqularfy). The averaqe household income
from remittances is Rp 332,600 a month, which means that
67.2 percent of the income of households who still have
an OCW abroad is f rom remittances. A sl,udy in t-he
Philippines (Go and Postrado, l-986 ) shows that the
average income earned by families with an OCW was about
2.2 times larger than a non-OCW families' income.

Table 8.7 The Average Household fncome (in thousand

rupiah a month) According to the Main ,Job of
the Head of Household.
Households Households HousehoLds Non-OC.,I
Mai-n with re- without with horts e -
occupat ion turn OCV'I return OcW sti1l holds
of the as head of OCW as working Total
household household head of abroad
head (n) hhold (n) (n) (n) (n)

Teacher 668 (1) 985 (1) 250 (4) 442 (6)

Farmer L29 (11) 131 (2t 404 (43) 111 (40) 22r (r2L)
Worker 22e (2) r_88 (4 ) 470 (e) 467 (11) 404 (26)
Entre-
preneur 575 (2) 5'75 (2)
Trader 254 (4) 225 (e s42 (B 2]-8 (12 ) _l03 \-).r/
Driver 250 (s) 207 (B 464 (4 209 (5) 264 t)) \
Other 240 (2 475 (8 204 (6) J^
(16)
Unemployed,/
pens ].oner 269 ) 1s8 (2)
( 13 61L (26) 281, (5 ) 459 (46)
TotaL 278 (34) L6e (52) 495 (98) 205 (82) 374 (266)
Source: Field Data, L992
 267

The income of heads of households in Sukasari tends to

depend upon their occupation. The highest income is for
entrepreneurs (Table while farmers obtain the
8. B ) ,
l-owest incomes compared to other occupations. Table B. B
shows the median individual income of return OCWs and
non-OCWs accordinq to occupation in Desa Sukasari.
Looking at. this situation demonstrates that. remittances
have an important role in international labour migration
in terms of capital for opening a business upon return
from overseas.

Table 8.8: Median Individual Income (Rp 1000/month)

of the Head of Household from the Main
occupation
Main Return Head of Head of Head of
Occupa- OCW as return household non-OCW
tion of head of ocw which has house-
the house- house- house- OCW sLill hold
hold head hold hold working
abroad

Teacher 151 230 IT2

Farmer 4Z 31 3B 4L
Worker 1_3 0 t-l_0 105 L46
Entre-
preneur 400
Trader 90 150 60 90
Driver 160 165 150 90

Source: Field Data , 1992

Haji lbinl (not his real name), for example, upon his
return from overseas bought a piece of land in the upland
I Before he worked overseas he worked as a driver. His
friend persuaded him to work in Saudi Arabia to earn a
Iot of money. He decided to go there and his wife urged
 268

part of the village of about 30 hectares at the price of

Rp 10 million and used it to open a business in mining by
digging the hill to collect st.one and sand for sale (see
Plate 8.1). From this business he earns about Rp 50O,0OO
a month and has hired 16 employees.

Plate 8.1 Return OCW business: digging a hill to

collect sand and stone for sale
fn Desa Sukasari survey found that. i9.9 percent of
Lhe
OCW households spent their remj-ttances on consumption

him also. Besides the money, making Lhe pilgrimage to

Mecca was his second goal. Now, besides his btsinels in
sLone and sand mining, he is also a contractor in housing
and a "ustadz" (term of address for rslam t.eacher) . All
of his six children are st.ill- in school and two of them
are in universit.y.
 269

needs like building a house, paying debts, education and

the daily needs of the members of t.he household. A small
proportion used it for productive efforts like developing
or opening a business (trading, industry, agriculture,
service and other) (Figure 8.2) . A study by Pusat
Penelitian Kependudukan Universitas Gadjah Mada (1986) of
returned migrants in Java demonstrated a similar
situation.

Do remittances improve the standard of living of the

family/household of OCWs? Swamy (1985:36) has arqued that
by working in another country OCWs are able to improve
their standard of living. Purchasing a house, improvingr
the household facilities, increasing consumption and
supporting education for their children are some of the
aspects of improved well-being that they obt.ain. To
explore this dimension, this study analysed the socio-
economic status of households using four variables:
education and employment of the head of household and the
income and property/wealth of the household.

Each variable is given a score from l- to 5 as shown in

Appendix 5. Scores of I-2 are given for low socio-
economic status, 3 for middle and 4-5 for high status.
These socio-economic variables have been used by pusat
Penelitian Kependudukan Universitas cadjah Mada (1986) to
describe the socio-economi-c characteristics of rndonesian
 270

OCWs [o Middle East. However to measure the socr-o-

economic Ievel of the househol-ds a more concrete, index
measurement was used in this study (see Effendi, 1989)

Figure 8.2 The Use of the Remittances in Desa Sukasari

Returnees

Troding

lndustry

Service

Other

Unproductive use

OCWs

Troding
Not send money yet

Servrce
Other

ductive use

Source: Field Data, 1992

 271

Table 8.9 presents the results of the calculation of the

scores for each household g'roup. The proportion of non-
OCW households which have low socio-economic status is

higher (54.42) Lhan for OCW households. Generally, the

socio-economic status of OCW households is in t.he middle
range. However, the proportion of non-OCW households with
hiqh socio-economic status is much larger (I1 .62) t.han
households which have a return OCW (2.32 ) and which have
an OCW still abroad (6.42). But of the households with a
return OCW as the head of household, the proportion with
hiqh socio-economic status is L9.4 percent.

Table 8.9 Socio-economic Condtion of Households

Socio- Households Households Households Non-OCW
economic with re- without with households
s tatus turn OCW return OCW still
of house- as head ocw working
hold of house- as head of abroad
hold household
22.2 '74
Low O
25 .5 54.4
Middle s8.3 62 .8 68. r_ 2 / .9
Hiqh L9 .4 6.4 r1 .6
Total r_00.0 100.0 100.0 1_00.0
f)= 36 43 94 6B

NoLe: 31 missing observations

Source: Field Data , 1992

tests indicate that the differences

Moreover, statist.ical
in the socio-economic status of OCW households and non-
OCW households are significant (Chi-square=3 4.12094,
Sigr.=.0000).
 272

Tn addition to socio-economic status, this study

determined whether househol-ds could be regarded as
wealthy or not. Observation in Desa Sukasari found that
owning their own house, owning a permanent house, using
electricity for house illumination, havinq wet rice
fields and. having television, are all looked upon locally
as characteristics of wealthy/better off households.
owning a car in Desa sukasari is also perceived by
villagers to indicate a wealthy household, however almost
all villagers do not own a car.

Table B.1O describes Some sel-ective possessions owned by

households at present and five years ago. It shows that
the economic condition of the households in DeSa Sukasari
compared with five years ago has improved. But generally
[he changing economic condition of non-OCW households has
been l-ess Lhan that f or OCW househol-ds. The increase in
the number of possessions is much greater for OCW
households than non-OCW households, especially when it
comes to wet rice fields and eJ-ectricity fac1ities.
Therefore it can be argued that international labour
migration accelerates the improvement of the socio-
economic condition of OCW households.

To further investigate chanqes in economic condit.ions,

this study also asked heads of households to evaluate
 273

themselves on th ir economic condition at present,

compared with their conditions five years ago.

Table 8.10: SomeSelective Possessions Owned

by the Households
Some Households Households Households Non-OCW
s el-ect ive with re- without with households
pos ses s ions turn OCW return OCW still
as head OCW working
of house- as head of abroad
hold househol-d
(n=38) (n=52 ) (n=99 ) (n=83 )

Own house:
5 years ago 52.6 6t .3 1I.'7 66.3
Now 63.2 84.6 /. c) 11 .L
DevelopmenL +10.6 +L'7 .3 + 1.L +10.8
PermanenL house:
5 years ago 57.9 11
JI.J
AA
I 32 .5
Now 65.8 6l_.5 tr 39. B

DeveJ-opment + '7 .9 +28 .8 +1-B .2 f, ''1

t.)
')

Using electricity:
5 years ago 52.6 59 .6 50. s 6L .4
Now 100.0 98. r_ 91 .0 88.0
Development +4'l .4 +38.5 +46.5 +26 .6
Having wet rice
field:
5 years ago 23.7 2r.2 a.1 1 L6.9
Now 50.0 38.5 32.3 25.3
Development +26.3 +Ll .3 + 5.0 + 8.4
Having television:
5 years ago 50.0 25 .0 28.3 27 .1
Now 55.3 38.s 43 .4 45. B
Development + 5.3 TTJ. J +l-5.1 +18.1

Note: The percentage from the total respondents of each

household
Source: Field Data , L992

Five years was used for comparatrve purposes because the

respondents should still remember their conditions at

that time and the chang'es that have occurred during the
last five years. By using scores from 1 (very poor to9 )
 )71

(./erv wealthy) , the results shown in Figure 8.3 :,vere

ni:.-a'l
uvLg-uv '

Figure 8.3 Scale of Economic Conditions of the

Household

Economb Condilion of Hour.hokt Who hos OCW still Abroocl

EconomG Condlbn o, NonOCW l{ou.tot l
l5r
30+
o o zsi
o +
o
5 ; n+
a 15+
o
,0
l0f
5:

J2 8a o2 A 89
/ery 9r scole Vry P 5COle very wnhv
I 5vrsogo I oorsmr I syeorrqe ! 5 vrs o9o - o orqmt E 5 vr rqq ,

Economc Conctitn o, Ralun OCW Hous.hotd (Rotrm OCW Economic Concllln ol Pelum OCW Hou.oLl (palrn OCW
nol or Hod ol Hour.hold) o o Hcod ol Housalolclt
l5r o

30+

$
l5
il
c
62s
+ I
o t5 + &
t5
ii
0+
t0

5
0 0
o2
vsry pr
5 89 o2 89
rcda, very pr SCCtlO vdy wnhy
I vn ogo f qr prffit t veq ros
5 5
I ,l o prgor I
,
5 yn ogo 5 veq rols r

Source: FieId Data , L992

It shows that grenerally alI of [he respondents perceived

Ehac their economj-c condiLion had improved. It al-so shows
how they anticipated their economic condition would be
five years into the future. Most of them were optimistic
 27.s

that [heir economic situation wou]d improve s[ill more rn

the future.

Moreover, Table B.11- describes the conditions of

households accordinq to the head of each household's
perceptions of their household income, house, facilities
and furnishings, food, clothes and fulfilment of
educational- needs of children aL present compared with
their condition five years ago. According to their
perceptions, generally OCW households were much ber-ter
off compared with non-OCW households. But the proportion
of OCW households experiencing worse conditions also was
higher than for non-OCW households. It would seem that
working overseas has had some impact in improving
conditions in some households. While in oLhers their
condit.ion has worsened despite having been overseas.

The conditions with respect to food and clothing in all

types of househol-ds was generally unchangied over the last
five years. Only the households which were headed by
return OCWs were much better situated than other types of
households. The conditions of housnq, fulfilment of
educational needs of children and household income were
also better for most households. The facilities and

condition of household furnishings were better for most

return OCW households only. This supports the concLusion
 27(t

that generally the impact of international fabour

migration on t.he economic well- being of households is
positive, especially for return OCW households

Table 8.11: Perception of Some Conditions of r,he

Household Compared with 5 Years Ago

better unchanqed worse

Household income:
R=ttr:t Ii|r.j .,r lla' of HHoI,l 50.0 10. s 39.5
H-a: l: Pirrrll r xlw 25 .0 1() ')
HHo,1
55. B
H-;, :::a HHet with (l(ll] .!ti1l l,roa'f 31 .4 33.3 29 .3
H* i ilcJrr -, , i,^J HHol'l
,:,
39 .1 1 O 25 .3
House Condition:
P:ii,rr- 'i\-.i.r il:a,l of HHoI,l 50.0 23.1 26. 3
ll,.i, P-f i; t. ' rr'W HHo.l l
5t_.9 38.5 9 6
H+n i : i.ll-,:,1, wlth r rlt',] ;tiil At,roa'l
55.6 31.3 13 L
Hr :i ,::: ,:jl -r i
"^l
HHol'l 45. B 36.1 IB 1
Fac i 1 i-t ies /hous ehold
furnishinqs:
trl: ,), 'd i,: Hla,l of
Prf HHol'l 60. s 26.3 l3 2
Ha i 'l i F:f llrrI ( xlw HHol,l 63. s 2B.B 1 7
H:aj,:;i Illlrl'l wi.rh {.){lW 3till t,roa,j
31 .4 5t-.5 11 I
H!.:l cf Itot_, r'!,,/ HHol,f 44.6 48.2 '7 )
Food condition:
F-tlr: 'W i.r Ha,l of HHo1,l
( r,
39.5 42.I LB .4
Hea, r:;i F:trtt ( -,W HHol,j 30.8 s9.6 9.6
H-a,1 ,:'t HH1.,1 with LrrltJ;till- t'roa,l )) ) ot./ r0.1
H*a,.1 ::i tlon-ix'i,J HHo1,l 34 .9 55 .4 9.6
Clothing condition:
Rilrirl) ),'N a.r Hea'l of
r HHo1,l
42.r 44.7 L3 .2
Hi,: ti P-tLrt ( r(ltl HHoL,1
36.5 57 .1 5.8
H.a,t ,:,f HHc,l,1 with (lCW irtill L,roa'i
24.2 66.7 9.1
H+a, :ti icn_r r.'r,,1 HHoIrl
30.1_ 63 .9 6.0
Fulf ilment educational
needs of children:
i,, "
R.trrlll HHol,l i.r H+a'l of 42.r 2L.r 10 s (26 3*)
H!.,i rf P.:furIr (.r(lw HHo,f 46.2 11 1 1 9 (30 B* )
H.a,.,:,f HH.)1,1 w.ith (l(ltl ;itj.1 t'roa,l 34.3 ))) LL r (32 3*)
Ha,.,:,i lit r'W HHoId 21- .1 1-6 .9 4 B(s6 6* )

Note:*) = crrlot.Oe Compared because tfve years ago they

had not fulfill-ed educational needs of children.
Source: Field Data, 1992
 277

8.3.2 Social Welfare

The definition of social welfare is very broad and it is

difficult to measure all aspects of it (Biro Pusat
Statistik, t99L) . Hugo (I982a) has stated t-hat to define
social welfare in an operational way is difficutt. In
Lhis study, social welfare is considered to be access to
housing, schooling and services. What OCWs have obtained
will generally be shared by the members of t,he household
(eg.the house built by a returnee in Plate 8.2, is for
the whole family) .

Plate I 2 Female returned OCW with her family and her

new house
 278

The goals of working overseas are to make a contribution

to Lhe economy of their family for daily necessities,
such as paying debts, buying or renovatingr the house,
supporting the education of the children and others
(Table 8.1-2). The benefits and detriments that have been
obtained by OCWs as individuals become benefit.s and
detriments for his/her family as a whol-e.

Table 8.t2: Benefits of Workng Overseas According to

the Head of the Household
Benefit of Households Households Households
working with re- without with
abroad for turn OCW return OCW still
household as head OCW as worki-ng
of house- head of abroad
hold household
1n=25) (n=37 ) (n=58)

Economy (increasingly of
the fulfilment of daily
needs/education costs ) 64 .0 54.I 60.3
Buy/build/ renovate
a house 20 .0 51- .4 20.'7
Buy land/wet rice field 16.0 2r.6 10.3
Capital for business 8.0 1-6.2 8.6
Buy goods (carlmotor-
cycle/TV/Jewe1ry / eLc. ) 1-2 .0 10 B 1- .1
Pay debts 8.0 ) 7 1-5.5
Get experience/knowledge/
OCW can speak Arabic 1-2 .0 8 1
Children become
independent 4.0
Can make pilgrimage
to Mecca
4 0 L.1
Note: The percentage from the total respondents of each
household which stated that the OCW provided
benefit
Source: Field Data, L992
 279

A woman in Campurejo village, Kecamatan Panceng, Gresik,

East ,Java whose husband was still working in Malaysia,
for example, said "biar berpisah, daripada di sini
mel-arat terus" (Its better separate, than poor forever in
this village) (Tempo, 7 April 1984). Plate 8.3 shows an
unfinished house where remittances are still needed to
pay for the completion of the building due to the lack of
sufficient income in the origin area.

.-
t

Plate I 3 Unfinished house of OCW household: waiting

anot,her remittance

Working overseas brings contributions in many respects

and most of the respondents of OCW households (64e")
stated that remittances were used especially in the
 280

fulfilment of daily needs and to support t.he education of

their children (Table B.L2) . Accordinq to the neighbours
of OCW households, who do not have OCWs in their own
household, the condit.ions of OCW households were
generally better than before the oCW went. working abroad.
The conditions of the house (eg. plate 8.4), the clothes
they wore and other facilities (Table B.13 ) were atl
better than before as a result of remittances. For a
small proportion of non-ocw households conditions became
worse. According t.o non-ocw households, ocw households
were oft.en rich for a short time, because t.hey used the
remittances for 'ext.ravaqant expenditure, and they did
not find a new job immediat.ely. one (non-ocw) respondent
said that returned OCWs did not want to work in the
villagre as bef ore.

Table 8.13: Opinions of Non-OCW Households About OCW

Households
Some conditions
of OCW households Better Unchanged Worse Total
n=83
House 1Q ? 20.s 1a r00.0
CloLhes 69 .9 30.r- 100.0
Facil-ities and
household furnishings 12 .3 26.5 1 2 100.0
Economic condition L)) 50.6 1 2 100.0
Fulf ilment educational
needs of children 42 .2 s1. B 6 0 100.0
Standard of living 57.8 /,) ) 100.0
Source: Field Data , 1992
 281

Plate I 4 Reurn OCW houses: the o1d and the new

the new houee (brick wal1) was built beside
the old, one (bamboo/wood wa1l): outcome of
overseas cont,ract work

Another respondent (head of non-OCW household), said his

neighbour sold his house to obtain overseas work, but he

faited to make sufficient money overseas and

consequently, he does not have a house anymore. Another
said a female return OCW (wife) became more assertive
towards her husband as a result of her experience as a
migrant, while st.i11 another said a male returned OCW
married again after he becomes richer than before.
Nevertheless, benefits must outweigh bad experiences
because many people still want to go overseas for
temporary work from the village.
 282

rn some cases people do not want to work overseas,

although Lhey work in " 1o\/ income,' positi_ons at home. A
conversat.ion on a motorcycle beLween an ojek driver and
the researcher during a ride from the main road to a
village office is reported here to demonstrate this
(English summary) :

Researcher Doy ou think many people from this village

are working overseas?
Driver Many
Researcher Why are you not qoj_ng overseas?
Driver Ah, ro, for what? Here is better.
Researcher Do you t.hink working in another country is
not enjoyable?
Drrver Ah, for what? The money wj_ll finish in one
year on1y.
Researcher whv?
Driver It's just for building a house.
Researcher Are they not workingr at home after working
overseas ?
Driver No. Some of them went back abroad.

rn terms of access to schooling, remittances have been

used by oCWs for the education of thei_r children and
other household members. The impact of workinq overseas
on the formal education of oCWs themselves seems to have
been zero. Generally the respondents staLed thaL they did
not continue their education because of the lack of money
for supporting their further schooling. others said that
they had Lo work, were married, or continued attending
religious school (pesantren) . Thus, the education of OCWs
largely has been obtained before they went to the other
 283

country for work. rn Desa sukasari the most conmon

fevel
of education of returned ocws who are [he head of
the
household was higher than primary school_ (36.ge")
, whereas
for the heads of households who have returned oCws
, ar
ocws stilr abroad. and Lhe heads of non-ocw househoJ_ds,
only 7 .6 percent , L4.2 percent and 24.I percent
respectively had achieved a rever of educati_on higher
Lhan primary school.

The members of ocw households seem to be bet.ter

educaLed
than non-ocw househord members. The proportion of
those
currently undertaking training among OCW household
members tends to be greater than among non-ocw
household
members ' Table 8.1'4 shows that the proportion of
household members with returned oCWs as a head
of
househol-d and who had finished Junior Hiqh
schoor and
above, is higrher (22.32) than non-ocw household members
(L'7.3e") whereas the proportion of
those aged 15 years ord
and over was similar (60.g? for household members
which
return oCWs as a a head of household and 6r.42 for
non-
OCW household members). Compared to West Java as
a whole,
the proportion of ocw househord members who had finished
'Junior High schoor- and above was higher. rn 1990, there
was only 79.2 percent who had finished Junior
High school
and above in west .Tava (Biro pusat statistik
, rg93)"
 284

Table 8. 14: Ievel of Education of the Members of the

Household
Education Households Households Household Non-OCW
of the with re- without with households
household turn OCW return OCW still
members as head OCW as work-ng
of house- head of abroad
hold household
n-)11 -,.ltr,.l -(O1
I!-AJZ n=398
No Schooling Lt .5 1,4.1 L4.9 2r .9
Primary School
( unfini shed ) 44.0 37 .I 30 2
Primary School_ 24.6 z.o 29 .4 24 6
Junior High
School
( unfini shed 8.1
) 5.5 5.6 6.0
Junior Hiqh
SchooI 6.2 )a 5.2 3.3
Senior Hiqh
School
Unfinished
(
) 3.3 2.4 )) 2.5
Senior High
School 9 5 2.0 4.2 1.8
University
Unfinished
(
) 1')
I.J )'1
University 1_.0
Total 100.0 100.0 1_00.0 100.0
Source: Field Data , L992

Relat.ed t.o this, s is shown in Table B . 15, household

expenditure for ed.ucation was also highest (Rp 30,400 per
month) for returned ocw households. Based on these
f indings it can be concluded that internati_onar
i-abour
migration enhances the desire of returned oCWs to provide
education for Eheir househord members at the highest
level they can. consideringr some of the possessions of
households (house and electricity)
in Table 8.15 and the
proportion of household members who are receiving an
 28-s

education, international labour migration may be seen to

be of benefit in increasing. Lhe social werfare of famiry
members.

Table 8.15: verage Household Expenditure a Month

(in 1000 Rupiah)
Household Households Households Households Non-OCW
expenditure wi-th re- wiLhout with house-
turn OCW return OCW still holds
as head OCW as working
of house- head of abroad
hold household
(n=38 ) ( n=52) (n=99 ) (n=93

1. Food 108.1 81. ?

J 80.6 r00.2
2. Clothing 20 .6 B. a 13.1
3. Household
maintenance ), o 5 3 10 5
4. 26 .0
Health 12 .0 1_0 0 7 3 20 .9
5. Education 30.4 10 3 I9 4 13.1
6. Soap/toothpast.e/
shampoo/powder
and other items
for makeup 7.1 6.9 6.3 18.5
7. Cigarettes 1,7 .0 1s.9 11, .6 24 .8
B. Transportat.ion 1-6 .1, ?q 6.3 23 .4
9. Petroleum/
firewood / gas 9.L 9.5 8.5 2r.L
10 . Donations 6.6 5.1 5.1 18.8
11. Tax (televis ion/
land and other) 11
0.9 I 3 r.4
12 . Savingrs 28 .4 1')
13 . Housingrental 6 1 8.4
3.6 1 1 2.5
14.Electricity 6.1 4.3 4 9 4.3
Total expenditure
per month 292 .8 161 .6 183.2 L9I.3
Expenditure per
capita per month s5.5 49.r 37. B 48 .l
Source: Field Data, ]-992
 286

8.3.3 Social/potitical participation

Remittances and the experiences of oCWs from the host

count.ry, s well as the absence of ocws, inf luence the
activiLies of members of t.he household and their
social /political participation. As Hugo (Ig87 :LAj ) has
stated, the t.emporary absence of family members and the
influence of money, groods, ideas, attitudes, behavior and
innovations transmitted back to the place of origin must
be adjusted to by the families of miqrants. chapter seven
has attempted to look at the ]evel of modernity and
social /poritical participation of returned. oCWs and the
ideas, money and manpower they have cont.ributed to
village development. efforts, by comparing OCW househods
with non-ocw househords. rn this sect.ion, [he
social /political participati_on (this concept and how to
measure it, has been discussed j_n Chapter Seven) of bhe
members of ocw househol-ds wil_t be compared with Lhat of
t.he members of non-OCW households.

The survey found that if every househord was given a

score of 0 for none of the househord members
participating in social/political activities and a 1 for
one or more members participat.ing in those activiti_es,
t.hen many househords which had an ocw st.i1r abroad
(2L.2e") had members who did not participaLe at alr
in
 287

sociaf\political activities in their village (Table

8.16). statistical tests shows that there are significant
differences between these four types of households in Lhe
level of social\political parLicipation of Lheir members
(Chi-Square 34.69I42; Significance .0000) . The non_OCW
household members are higher in social\political
participation than ocw househol_d members. The tests have
also shown thaL the economic leve1 of each type of
househol-d does not have a significant rerat.ionship with
the level of social /porltical participation of household
members.

Table 8.16: Level of Social/po1itca1 ParticipaEion

of Household Members.
Participation Return Head of Head of Head of
OCW as return household non-OCW
head of OCW which has OCW house-
household household still work- hold
ing abroad
Not at all 7.9 I.9 2r .2 I.2
Low ( 1-3 ) 63 .2 80.8 45.5 63 .9
Hish(4 >) 28 .9 1,7 .3 34 .9
Total- 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
n=3 I n=52 n=99 n=83
Source: Fied Data, L992

Looking at each kind of activity for all members of the

househol-d, members of ocw househol_ds which were headed
by
a returned ocw generally participated more in the
recitation of the Koran, in voluntary r-abour service, in
 288

education programes on family welfare and in information

activities (Table g.17), while members of non_OCW
households participated more in sport, head of
the
viJ-1age el-ection campai-qns, politicar orqanisations and
the policy of miritary personner participating in vilrage
development proj ects. rt can be said that ocw household

Table 8-]-7: Household Members Aged. 15 years

According to heir narticipation and over
Participation Return Head of Head of Head of
OCW as return household non-OCW
head of OCW with ocw house-
househol-d household sLill work- hol-d
(n=I24' ing abroad
(n=161) (n=399 ) (n=249,
RecitaLion of
the Koran 66.9* 54.0 51.1 60.8
Voluntary
labour service 29 . O* L9 .9 ) . )1 q
Education program -7

on family welfare 8.1* o"z 1.3 ?tr

fnformaLion 11.3* 8.7 3.8 10.0
Art I.6 L.2 3.0* 1.3
Niqht watchman 8.1 J./ 10.0* 4.2
General elect.ion
campaig'n 6. 5 5.6 11.3* 10.0
Sport 11.3 8.1 1a )J
15.9*
Policy of mili- L.

tary personnel
participating in
village develop-
ment projects !.6 1)
Head of villagre 1.0 I"7*
election campaign 2.4 5.0 10.8*
Member of politi-
cal orqanisati_on 4. O 6.2 1tr Q ?*
Member of cooperation
of village uit 0. g 1.9* I.7
Member of social
organi zat ion r.g* 0.8 1')
I..J
* Highest percentages
Source: Field Data , I9g2
 289

members tended to participate in religious educati_on and

education for self development, whire the members of non_
ocw households participated more in sport and political
activiLies. Tt is possible, however, that this situation
is due to the nature of the migrant workers Lhat they are
more economically orient.ed than non_migranLs.

8.4 Concluson

This chapter has attempted to anaryse the impact of

international labour migration aL bhe family/household
level-. The sLudy found that the decision to work overseas
was made by the individual (OCW) himself/herself. There
was no evidence of compulsion from oLher famiry members
to work overseas. The family as the basic social and
economic unit in the society, has a ror-e as supporter
or
provider of influence in the decision to work overseas.
However, althougrh Lhe decision was made by the ocw
himself/herse1f, the main purpose in working overseas was
to achieve, or increase, the quantity and quality of
consumption and investment of the f amily. consequentJ_y,
t.he impact of working overseas on the f amily/household
was more significant than upon the OCW himself/herself.

rnternational r-abour migration as an independent variable

has an important rore in increasingr the desired quantity
 290

and quality of consumption and invest.ment of the

family
in the homeland. rnt,ernational labour migration
has
demographic and socio-economic impacLs upon, chanqes
in
family/househord size and composition, marriage,
divorce
and fertility, income revel and distribution, empl0yment,
social we]fare, sociar and politicar participat.ion
and
relat.ionships among' ocw household members. These changes
depend upon how [he ocw famiry attempts to improve
the
family's economic situation to sa[isfy their perceived
needs from working abroad. Remittances have been
abre to
improve Lheir standard of livingr or their werl-being:
their housingr, improving household facilities, higher
consumption and provide supporL for Lhe education
of
their children.
 Chapter Nine
TMPACTS OF INTERNATIONL I,BOUR MTGRTION:
THE COMMUNITY IJEVEI, OF IAI,YSIS

9.1 Introduction

The impact of international labour migration on workers

and their families has been examined in previous
chapLers; but what are the consequences for their
communities of origin? Does int.ernational labour
migration change the demographic and socio-economic
structure of the society? Do rndonesian oCws have an
impact in enhancing sociar and economic development in
their home communities? Do living standards among many
residents of the home community rise, S Go and postrado
(1986) found in the philippines? These are some
of the
questions which arise when we examine Ehe impact
of
internationar rabour migration in the communities of
origin of migrrants. There is rittle internationar
miqration research which addresses such issues. The net
impact of out-migration in Lhe place and country of
origin are less clear (Hugo, 7gg5a:3 ISBT:737), whereas
population movement as an independent variable
has an
important ror-e in the demographic and socio-economic
change upon Lhe home communities (Bilsborrow, rgBL;
Findley, I9g2; Hugo , L9B2a, j_9g5b)
.
 292

The movement of community members, s Hugo (rgB2a:190,

1985b:r66, 198l:138) points out, forces the community to
adjust in one or more of three ways : (1 ) adj ust.menL in
many areas of rife to the permanent or temporary absence
of the out-mover; (2) adjustment to the permanent or
temporary presence of the in-mover; and (3) adjustment to
the reciprocar f lows of money, g'oods, information, ideas,
and attitudes which are initiated along the linkages
established by movers between origin and destination.
Therefore, a communiLy level of anarysis rooking at the
migration impact. in the home communities is required for
a comprehensive understanding of international labour
migration consequences. Bilsborrow (1981:B) stated Lhat
"most of the community factors that influence migration
decisions are in turn altered by that in- or out-
migrration " This ref ers to the consequences of migrration
on boLh origin and destinaLion communities. ', According to
Hugro (1985b:161), there are three basic reasons why
community-leve1 analysis should be undertaken:
"First, by aggregating individuar
data into contextual variabres for and household revel
socially meaninqful
larger units, our understanding of t.hre siqniricance
those explanatory variables may be enhancd. Secondry,of
Lhere are community effects which have an independent
contribution to make to the explanation
movement and its ef f ects. rhirdly, the of population
perspective facilit.ates the incorporation "o*nrrlily_level
of both macro
structuraf and micro individuJl consideraLions rnto
explanation in a way not possibre if the focus is upon
either individuals or large population agrgregates. ,,
 293

The aim of this chapter is to examine Lhe extent of

demographic and socio-economic change in origin
communit.ies caused by international labour migration
and
to trace some of Lhe implicat.ions of such changes. The
rol-e of this movement in the socio-economic deveropment
of the community is addressed, in addition to any social
problems in the community which arise from the movement.
rn addressing these objectives, comparisons were made
between five sub-communities, each with a different
number of ocws, in the study area of Desa Sukasari.
The
nature and extent of the change initiated by popuration
movement in the mover's community of origin is a function
of the scale of movement, the duration of absence of Lhe
movers and the degree and nature of mover selectivity
(Hugo , 19 B5b: 166; Lipton
, 1-gB0 : 1 ) . To this should be
added the fact. that the degree and nature of movers,
selectivity (especiarly with respecL to 9e, sex and
education) wilt greatry infruence the impact of movement.
Moreover the socio-curtural context in which the
movement
occurs wil-1 shape the response of individuals, families
and communities to the presence or absence of movers.
rn
addition, these and other factors infruence the nature,
strength and tenacity of orign/destination linkages
maintained by movers and persons remaining at the place
of origin. (ltugo , Igg2a: 190 )
.
 294

9.2 Demographic Impact on the Communit,y

Data from the field survey (L992) shows that 382 Sukasari
villagers have partici-pated in overseas employment (48.j
percent of whom have returned). In Cilaku and Gegerbitung
the proportion of villagers who have participated in
overseas employment was L0.4 percent (Table 9.1) .

Palasari has the smarrest proportion in Lhis

participation. whereas, s has been explained above, in
this sub-village female participation in employment is
only 2 .5 percent and it has the higrhest proportion in
female unemployment of all the sub-vi1lages.

Table 9.1 Overseas Contract Workers And The Population

15 Years Of Age and Over, Sukasari Village

Populaton
15 Years Overseas Contract Workers, 19rf
of Age
irr-11-Vi I I age and over, Re turnee Still AbrDad Srrl_-T,:,F.,rl T,rF_,rl :t
1991
(x) Male FemaIe Mae Female MaIe F:ilt.ii:
(l r l,kl L ,278 32 40 19 36 5l IJl
(liIku Hllir 945 - I
10 22 31 1tj 17
Geger).ri tung 833 l0 22 L2 43 z i1
L,OL] l 25 5 L7 I2 4

fala-cari t98 1 t1 4 15 1l :i: ltl 4

Tc, fa I 4 811 6 6 1_20 4 8 1,48 II4 I r: l-.!

Source: Population Registration, Sukasari Village, May

L99L; Field Data, 1992

Chapter Seven has indicated that in Indonesia, females

are dominant. among overseas contract workers. The survey
 295

found that 10.2 percent of ocws from Sukasari were

female. The participation of females in international
labour migration shows that. females have an increasingly
important role in the family as human capital, especialry
to spread the economic risk of the family across a number
of sources of income. rn sukasari, althougrh possession
of, and control over, resources of the household and
power to make decisions is rest.ed largely with the mafe
head of household, it has been concluded in chapLer seven
Lhat international labour migration is one of the factors
which makes females more independenL in fulfilling their
daily needs.

rnternational labour migraLion may increase depedency

ratios and loss of younq population and reduce popuration
pressure on the land. Accordinq to Lhe available data,
the population of Desa sukasari decreased from g,683 in
1990 (Mantri Statistik Kecamat.an Cianjur, L9gi_) to 8, 178
in 1992 (Desa Sukasari , 1,992) . Moreover, observation of
populat.ion density in a1l of the dusun in Desa sukasari
showed that there is rittle evidence of excess pressure
on the land as yet. To conclude that internaLional rabour
migrat.ion reduces populat_on densi_ty, this sLudy needs to
compare the situation i-n the five d.usun in Desa sukasarr
which have different numbers of ocws. unfortunatery,
there was no such data avairabre. rn the phi-rippines
 296

however, according to Go and postrado (1986:r4r-43), the

labour force of the overseas worker household in the home
place invol-ves more f emal-es, more elderly males and more
very young men than other areas. rn dusun Rejodadi (East
,Java), which has a population of 325 persons, there were
only 5 males left in the dusun whil_e the other 150 males
were working in Malaysia (Tempo, 7 April 1984).

The sex ratio in Desa sukasari both in Lggr and from the
sample survey was 96 (Tabte 9.2) . The ratio is lower Lhan
rndonesi-a as a whole as well as for west Java, Kabupaten
cianjur and Kecamatan Cianjur in 1990 (Table 9.2) . From
this point of view, it can be said thaL there is a
tendency that international labour mig:ration has made the
village more feminine. But. among the five d.usun in Desa
sukasari, cilaku and Gegerbitung are iden[ified as having
a higher number of ocws and a lower sex ratio. rn other
words, in these two dusun, females outnumber males to a
grreater degree compared with t.he other three dusun which
have smal-ler numbers of ocvrls. rt is important to note
that Lhere is little divergrence f rom the L9g2 sampJ-e
survey, in pal-asari- although the number of oCWs was
smallest there among the f ive d.usun in sukasari, the sex
ratio was also smallest (Table g.2) " Other factors might
have effected that situation, for exampre, internal
movement to other parts of Indonesia.
 297

Table 9.22 Demographic Characteristics of Sub-Vi11ages of

Sukasari, L99L
Charac;: r'i i c-q Cilaku Ciakrr (--ij,1ii
-q t_ G,-ger F.i,rsari T,i-.,1
Hilir lli tutg
F',-,1 ,; t. _ i,,,r - 'I
, 441 'I 4).i
Nrlnl ,:r ,. : i1c,rrsehor cl-q ,
500 ,i06 3 93
t.:l ::.,i. :. rliler ic- 1,3r.= {:l .,J\r c'1/
196 5r2
l.:,r ";.... :_ , 5. year s , i ag+ a:rr
i:V?f
e. I ,2ItJ 94t tt33 , t'-
,:,f Age, I :rsons (55>) 9.1 i1 7 9.9
11
l\rrml )3r ,r f I er-srnS per hr:Usehold 4.r 3 E
3.6 .
6.3* 4 l* 4- 9*
Nrrml.,:l , I rhil.lt en per household (%)
no child
1f
L2.7* L)
0* .,:- ,,. g*
46.9* 59.6* 14 6* ol; .4* i'r,41
4> 40.5* 19.3* I6 4* t6.r* i-i* i-
!=^ rdLI' -1.
l
90 101 93 !!, 9!i 9ii
95* 109* 91* 99r 96*
% r-,f 15 ye:rrs of age and over
who are: ra r ri ecl 66 .2 t\.5 l6.L 7it .J
51.6* 45.6* 44.2* 5:.9' :1.I* 4:' . 1"
r:nma rr i ecL 22 .0 15.1 10.3 1l. l -'.' .: +..1
42.r* .'1 1 * 46 .3* 4-r. !)* i r. *
divc,rc ec[ 11. Ej 9.4 il.6 1.;
,,f i:ls- marrlr,Je: o-i^ 7.3* 9.5* ,.7* ,:.r,'
.Age male 24.0* 22.5* 2r.6*
female Ll .9* 17.3* i.4* lci. i- - _-.0- I +
t)31-3(l,ncl/ rtio 1 : l nl 86 105 i:)ij tc0
Note: 1. rat.io popul ation under 15 and 55 and over years
o1d per 100 persons aged 15-54
2 * Sample survey 1992
?
J

Source:

Figure 9.1" indicates that Lhe proporLions in the very

productive age groups of 25-34 and 35-44 years in
sukasari village tend t.o be smar-r-er compared to
Kabupaten cianjur and west ,Java as a whole, while the
older age group (45 and above) tends to be larg.er. Fiqure
9.2 shows the age structure in each dusun of sukasari and
despite the different numbers of ocws they are quite
similar.
 298

Figure 9.1 Population pyramid of Sukasari Village, 1997,

Cianjur Sub-DisErct, Cianjur Dstrict, West
ifava, and Ind.onesia populaton, 1990

Poulqlion Pyromid ol Sukosori Vllloge, 991 Populolion Pyromid ol lndonesio,l990

55+i 5+i

femote mole femole

4S5l mo9 55-41

5-5l
J5-41
35-4 I

25 Ut
25-3t
15.2l
r5-2l

G 4I Gr4l
o 3020100 l0 20 30 4 3020100 l0 20 30 o

Populotion Pyromicl ol Dlttlcl ol Cloniur,l99O Populollon Pyromid ol Wesl Jovo, 1990

5+l i 5+
mole lemolo
55-4 554 mole femole

45-5 ssl

35-,1 sl
25-34 25-3

t5-24

G G

3020100 r0 20 30 o o3020r00 r03040

% %

Populollon Pyromid ot Su-DLtrlcl ol Cloniur, 199{

5+t

55, I
10lo lemol

45,5 I

3t4t
2t3t

t5-24t

ori
504030201001030aD50

Source: Biro pusat Statistik, t992, 1993; Kantor

Statistk Kabupaten Cianjur, 1991r Mant,ri
Statistik Kecamatan Cianjur, 1991; Desa Sukasari,
L992
 299

Furthermore, t.he dependency ratios (ratio of population

under 15 and 55 and over years o1d per 100 persons aged
l-5-54) in Cilaku which had the highest proportion of OCWs
in Sukasari, is not much different from the oLher dusun
with lower proportion of OCWs (Table 9.2) . However when
compared with Indonesia as a whole, West Java, Kabupaten
Cianjur or Kecamatan Cianjur, the depedency rat.io in
Sukasari was higher.

Figure 9.22 Age Structure of Desa of Sukasari, by Dusun

199 1

5+

55-4
n Polosori

45-U n ctjoti

35-44
I Gegerbitung

n citoku Hitir
25-34
n cttoku

15-24

0-14

o 5 10 l5 20 25 30 35 4D 45ro 50

Source: Population Registration, Sukasari Village, May

199 1
 300

9.3 Socio-Economic Impact on Community

9.3.1 Income Level and Distribution

Lrpsey (L984:536) has pointed out with respect to the

demand for goods and services creat.ed by remittances:

"When output expands to meet this demand, employment will

increase in all the affected industries. New incomes will
then be creaLed for workers and firms in these
industries. When they in turn spend their newly earned
incomes, output and employment wil-l- rise further. More
income will be created and more expenditure induced".

In sufirmary, cormunity remittances were spent by OCW

households on food, clothing, entertainment, television
sets, houses, land, purchase of wet rice fields,
education, businesses, and a range of commodities
(Chapter night). It. can be argued that the remittances
gained by Sukasari's OCW households, then wilt ncrease
the j-ncome of Sukasari villaqers more qenerally and this
was found to be the case in East. Java by the Rural
Development Foundation (1992) . Amonq t.he domestic helpers
j-t was found that the community was advantaged by the
members of that community who worked abroad: (1) in rural
areas, t,he OCWs bought f armland and catt.le. Widows and
singles would ask other people to operate their farms, oy
employ people to work in thej-r cattle breeding or trading
activities such as small shops selling daily consumption
goods; (2 ) housing improvement created employment in
 301

construction; and ( 3 ) in urban areas a few returnees

saved their money in banks.

The flow of remittances from overseas to Desa Sukasari

unt.il November 1992 is estimated to have been about Rp
2,404,9t0,000 by 382 Sukasari OCWs (Table 9.3).

Table 9.3: Estmate of the Flow of Remittances to

Desa Sukasari until- L992, by Dusun
Returnees OCWs St.ill Total
Abroad Remittances
Male Female Male Femal-e
Cilaku 32 40 t9 36 r,065,2L5,000
Cilaku Hilir 10 B 3l 429,5'72,000
Gegerbitung 10 )) t2 A)
+J 433,611,000
Cij at i 7 25 5 I] 324,535,000
Palasari 1 t- l_ 4 15 L5I,9'77,000
Total 66 r20 48 LAB 2 ,404,9L0, 000

Note: Total remittance is calculated from the total of

OCWs (returnee or OCW still abroad and male or
female) [imes the average of their remittances
which have been senL or brought home ( see Table
9 .4)
Source: Field Data , L992

If this amount had been calculated since 1980, when the

fndonesian OCW prog'ram began, then in one year Sukasari
received Rp 200 , 409 ,1-'7 0 on average as additional income
f or the Sukasari community (or Rp L6 ,'7 OO ,7 64 a month) .

compared with the sukasari Development Budget 1-992/93 of

Rp 45,294,6'75 (Desa Sukasari, L992), which is involved in
increasing Lhe per capita income of the virlag'ers, the
 302

remittances from international contract workers are very

important in the socio-economic development of the
Sukasari community.

Tabl-e 9.3 shows that the distribution of those

remittances across each dusun differs. Thi-s difference,
besides depending on the total OCWs in each dusun, also
depends on the amount of average remittances from each
OCW. Table 9.4 shows that mal-e returnees in Cilaku
brought back more money from overseas than male returnees
from the other four dusun ( for female returnees it was
Gegerbitung) . Male OCWs still working abroad from Cijati
sent more money home than male OCWs from the other four
dusun who were stil-l- working abroad.

Table 9.4 The Average of Remittances Which Have Been

arought to Sukasari by Each OCV until November
L992 by Status of OCW and Sex (in '000)
Returnees OCWs Still Abroad
Male (n) Female (n) Mal-e (n) Female (n)
Cilaku 1-8 .418 (11)6.802 (13) 4.61-3 ( 9) 3.r12 (ls )

Cilaku
HIIfT 15.800 ( 3) 6.s13 (10) 2.1-33 ( 3) 3.006 (r4)
Gegerbi-
tung' L2.3r4 ( 8 7 .642 (11) 2.800 ( 3 ) 2.529 I6 (

Cijati 12.700 ( 6 5.992 (11) r_0.333 ( 3 ) 2"01_0 ( 5

Palasari 4.0s0 3 ( 6 .411 ( e) 1.200 ( 1 ) 3.L12 5 (

Total 1-4.L1-4 (31) 6.100 (s4) 4.659 (19) 2.837 (ss)

Source: Field Dat.a , L992
 303

Female OCWs still- working abroad from all dusun qenerally

each sent a similar amount of money home. Moreover,
remittances from male OCWs were generally much higher
than those f rom f emal-e OCWs.

The distributj-on of remittances amonq the five dusun

shows Lhat Cilaku, with the highesL number of oCWs,
obtained the greatest benefit in the total of
remittances. It is certain also, that they will obtain
more advantages in the economic situation of their people
compared with other dusun with lower numbers of oCWs.

9.3.2 Employment

As discussed in Chapter Five, in Cilaku Ehe proportion of

the workforce who were farmers (24.5 percent of males and
10.3 percenL of females) was less than the number of
entrepreneurs 2.2 percent of males and L5.4 percent of
females ) . Economic activities in Lhis dusun are more
concentrated in the non-agricul-tural sector. Tn Cilaku
there are more small shops, factories ( rice mill
factories, concrete brick factories ) and repair shops,
compared with other dusun. The village office,
"Puskesmas" (community health centre), a small railway
station and a market (open Tuesdays and Fridays between
Bam-l2pm) are also found in this dusun.
 304

As has been mentioned above, the villagers in Cilaku are

more urban in thei-r economic activities. Agricultural
land in Dusun Cilaku is not as extensive as in the other
four sub-vill-ages. However, some villagers in Cilaku had
sawah or farmland/estates in anot.her dusun. The househol-d
where the researcher was staying during fieldwork, for
example, had sawah in Gegerbitung and an estate in
Cijati. The head of the household worked as a food
trader. Together with the members of the household, she
cooked certain foods and someone else (not a member of
household) would sell the foods as a vendor. One of the
sons worked as a public servce employee in Cianiur city'
At planting and harvestng time they worked together in
the wet rice field or estate and also hired some

farmhands to cultivate their l-and and to harvest the

crop.

A study by Athukorala ( f990: 333-5 ) showed that the

proport.ion of unemployed among returned overseas workers
can be as high as 16.2 percent in two high migration
subdistri-cs in Sr Lanka, while the pre-migration level
was 8.4 percent. However this difference tends to narrow
with the passaqe of time. In addi[j-on, Athukorala found
that among the returnees who are already employed, a
signi-f icant. proportion (35U ) are willi-ng to remigrate if
there is an opport.unity to do so. In Jordan, it was
 30-s

found that amonq returned migrant.s one-third of them were

willing to go abroad again (Keely and Saket, I9B4) .

Athukorala ( 1990 :335 ) pointed out however, that

difficulties in finding a job upon return and
dissatisfaction with long periods of job search do not
appear to be -mportant f actors behind the desire to
remigrate. However, the large wage differential between
home and foreign employment seems to be the major,
perhaps the so1e, determinant of the desire to remigrat.e.
A similar pattern has been observed with reqard to
mgrant behavj-or in other labor exporting countries
(Athukorala, L990: 336)
.

In the case of Desa Sukasari more than 60 percent of

returned OCWs did not have a job before they went
overseas to work (Table 9.5 ) . The situat.ion of Desa
Sukasari in 1,991, shows that 482 (20.52) males and 2L91
(89 .4Z) f emal-es were not employed (aged 15 years and

over). The higher proportion of females not in

employment, as has been explained earlier, is because
female participation in economic activities j-n

agricultural areas are often is not in the definitions of

work adopted by official agencies or even by women
themselves or their husbands and fathers who are often
the respondents in censuses and surveys. Hence in
response to the presenL survey many women regarded
 306

themselves as not having a job. Even though as a

housewife they were active in agriculLural activities,
helping their husband ot, as some f emale ret.urned OCWs
do, they had a small business in selling clothes/foods
and other items.

Table 9.5 The Occupat,ions of OCWs Before and After

Working Overseas

OCWs still- Returned OCWs

abroad
Occupation ( last occu- Last occupa- Current
pation in tion in occupation
Sukasari Sukasari-
) in Sukasari
Farmer 5.1 5 6 L4 4
Trader 2.0 11 I 6
.1

Driver 2.0 6 1 5 6
Worker 3.0 4 4 3 3
Religious teacher 1 L
Entrepreneur z 2
Ot.her 5.1 tt_.1 )
J 3
No-occupation 40 .4 6r.L 63 3*
Don't know/not stated 42 .4

Total 100.0 r_00.0 1_00.0

_o o n=9 0 --o
Note: *) 84.22 of unemployed returned OCWs was female
Source: Field Data , 1-992

As Hugo (1-993e) has observed, transplanting of rice,

harvestingr, threshing, sowinq and weeding tend to be
tasks dominated by women in .Java. Theref ore, when [he
survey was done j-n 1at.e 1,992, amonq f emale OCWs in
Sukasari '7 6 .6 percent stated that they were not. employed
 ?07

before they worked overseas. Meanwhile the proportion of

male OCWs not employed was only 30 percent.

Among migrants who had returned, the proport.ion not

employed was s1ight.1y higher than it was bef ore t.hey
worked overseas. According to Adi (L981) tfie dif ficult.ies
experienced by miqrants in finding work upon their return
are caused by: ( 1 ) lack of clear cut and detailed
planning for where the workers could invest their
overseas earninqs upon their return. This is quite
understandabl-e since most. overseas contract workers have
no entrepreneurj-al- experience. (2) Increased minimum wage
expectation due to higher earnings received during thej-r
stay overseas which cannot be satisfied by prevailingr
waqe levels in the home country. In the case of Desa
Sukasari, another thing that can be added here is that
because most of the reLurned OCWs were female, upon
return Lhey tended to conLinue being or became
housewives. Tn Sri Lanka also it has been found that the
majori-ty of housemaids came from the non-labor market
group of housewives and t.hey became housewives again upon
return (Athukorala, 1990:335) .

Table 9.5 shows that some return OCWs work at their

former jobs while others have changed their jobs or are
still- looking for a job. Many of those not in employment
 308

before workinq overseas are in a similar siLuation after

their return (63.3%). The bulk of this group are female
(84.22) because most of them considered themselves as
housewives before they left and after their return from
being housemaids in overseas destinations. However, in
Sri Lanka Koral-e (1986:224) observed that among female
return migrants from the Middle East although they were
housewives before their departure, upon their return [hey
sougrht out work opport.unities outside the home in [he
home reqion. In Sri Lanka return migrants showed a strongr
preference to becomingr self-employed (mostly by
establishing service sector family businesses
(Athukorala, 1990 :335; see also Paine , L9'7 4:LII and
Stahl, 19 83: B84)
.

Whether or not remittances help in strenqthening the

local economy in terms of productive investment, is a
central issue in discussions of the impact of
international labour migration upon labor sending
countries. Athukorala (1990:336) has pointed out that
"the impact of remittance income on the long term growth
prospects of t.he economy depends crucially on the way it
is utilized". It has been suggested that labour shortaqes
in the place of origin caused by the loss of young
population leaving t.o work abroad can effect product_vity
and production in the region of origin. There was little
 309

evidence however of reduced agricultural production rn

Cilaku, which suqgests that the marginal productivity of
labour is near zero.

This study found that. the proportion of OCWs in Cilaku

who used the remittances in productive activities was
smal1 compared with other dusun in Sukasari (Table 9.6\ .

Remittances tended to be used in agricultural activities,

especially to buy wet rj-ce f ields. This situat j-on is
similar to findings regrarding returned OCWs from East
Java. The Rural Development Foundation (L992:I42) found
that utilisation of remittances on capital accumulatj-on
mostly involves the purchase of farm land.

Table 9.6 The Use of Remttances for Prod.uctive Efforts

by Dusun
Cil-aku Cilaku Geqer- Cijati Pal-asari Total
Hilir bit.ung
'I'rad rng 3 4 3 1- 11
Industry 2
Agriculture 4 3 ) ) 7 1B
Service l_ 3 4 5 L I4
Other L z 2 3 I
Unproductive 40 )^ 29 L2 10 LLI
11C

Not sent
money yet l 6 1 3 2 25

Tot.a1 56 3B 47 1A 20 189

Note: Each respondent was asked v/hether or noL the remittances Lh=i'
usec were for productive efforts as wel- as fr:r s61srlpf-irr; nl,i.i.3r.--c
(hru-qe, pay debt, education, daily needs and others - )

Source: Field Data , L992

 310

The use of remittances for productive activities has l-n

fact created employment opportunities for many people in
Sukasari (Table 9.1). From the sample survey some 189 OCW
respondents had directly created L23 additional- positions
of employment. This of course does not include the
multiplier effects of jobs created in house construction
etc. due to expenditure of remittances in the village.
Looking at these fact.s, this study concludes that
int.ernational labour migration can improve t.he employment.
conditions of the home area. The st.udy f ound, however,
that the level of advantaqe differed from one sub-village
to another. In Cijati for example, 46.4 percent of OCWs
used their remittances in producLive act.ivities and had
created 64 positions of employment, while in Palasari, 40
percent of OCWs used the remitt.ances in productive
activities and only directly created 5 extra positions of
employment for the villagers.

Table 9.7 The Creation of Emplolzment by Overseas

Contract, Irlorkers* n the Place of Origin
Ci-laku Cilaku Gegerbi- Cijati Pala- Total
Hilir tungr sari
Total- j obs
created I9 I 21 64 5 L23

Note: * l-89 OCWs (sample) of 382 OCWs of Sukasarr

Source: Field Data, L992
 311

In Thail-and, Roongshivin (1986 ) f ound that remit.t.ances

have played a vital role in rural economic and social
development through multiplier effects.

9.3.3 Social Impacts

Besides the economic consequences, international labour

migration also has social consequences for the community
which the OCW leaves. In Sukasari remitt.ances resul-ted in
most returnees having television sets and [he accepted
practice in the village was that households which did not
have a TV coul-d watch progranmes in an OCW house which
dd have a set. The commun-ty had more access to mass
media and other information as a resul-t of t.he migration.
In rural East Java, this vas also found to be the case by
The Rural Development Foundation (1992) .

There are some city resj-dents (orang kota) who have

farmland/wet rice fields (generally very extensive) in or
near Sukasari. This shows a pattern of "invasion" of land
ownership in the village by absentee landlords and this
is contributing to the push on villagers to search for
income out of the vi-1lage. One of the places where
Sukasari villagers sought income was overseas. With
respect to the relationship of the OCWs to the
administration of their sub-village only two such areas
kept t.rack of OCWs. They were the heads of Cilaku and
 312

Cilaku Hilir where every villager who leaves for overseas

always says goodbye to their head of dusun and witl
reporL on Lheir return to the home p1ace. Most returned
OCWs qave money to t,he head of their sub-village (a
minimum of 10,000 rupiahs -about US.$ 5) for [he village
development f und. The chairs and tabl-es n the VilJ-age
Offj-ce, when the researcher was there, had been provided
by some returned villaqers. In the East Java study, the
Rural Development Foundation (I992 ) explained that
returnees who have just arrived, usually were expected to
make a qenerous contribution to the Village Development
Programme (for example, infrastrucLure developments or
village events such as Independence Day celebrations,
etc.). Commonly, the Village Office would require some
donation, mostly ranging from Rp 5,000 to Rp 10,000, all
said bo be for development purposes.

It seems that the mark of success from working overseas

is having a modern house. As Athukorala (l-990:338 ) points
out,

"The heawy emphasis on reaf estate (mostly house

construction) is understandable because such investmenL
is instrumental in improving the social stat.us of Lhe
family, which is the dominant motive behind the
emigration decision (Ministry of Plan Implementation,
l-985 : 5 9 ) . Moreover, in an inf lationary economic
environment real estate is generally a qood long term
investment " .
 313

In Desa Sukasari returning overseas contract labours

generally bought or renovated a house. Land or wet rice
fields and capital for business are also important signs
of success. To obtain this success some villagers worked
overseas for more than one contract period. This is
because the wage as domestic help or driver in one
contract time Q years ) would not. provide for enougth to
be saved to reach the migrants' target. The money they
have spent for their departure must be calculated too.
According to a head of the dusun, sometimes the viJ-lagers
sell their wet. rice fields in order to raise the capital
to be able to work overseas. The cost of working overseas
varied at the time of survey and was between 500,000 and
!,'700,000 rupiah (for administration, training,
transportation, etc.) Domestic help with a real wage of
600 per month (about 300,000 rupiahs), will receive Rp
1,200,000 in two years" With that money he/she can have a
new house in Sukasari . The cosL is about 1, 500, 000
rupiahs for l-00 m2 of 1and, building a permanent house
(9x6m) will cost 3,500,000 rupiahs for buildinq material
and wagres for the workers wil-l be about 750,000 rupiahs.
Thus, in Sukasari, the total cost for building a house
(9x6m) on 100m2 of land. is about 5,150,000 rupiahs and
the villagrer has to bring back about US. $ 3,000 if they
want to have a new house. If the overseas contract worker
 314

wants to purchase wet rice fields then the price of a wet

rj-ce f ield is about 30,000 rupiahs per m2.

To collect money from the villagers for making, building

or repairing a mosque, a bridge, a road or for social
actj-vities, according to the head of the dusun of Cilaku
Hilir, is not much of a problem. Before 1985, there was
no access for cars and motorcycles to dusun of Cilaku
Hilir. Together with the villagers the head of this dusun
has made a thoroughfare under the railway with mutual
self-help (Plate 9.1). Besides financial and voluntary
labour support from the villagers, a group was founded by
returned OCWs called a Mutual Self-help Effort of Moslems
(known by the acronym "UGREM" ) . "UGREM" is a mutual self-
helf effort for making money. For example, someone will
build a house and, as a contractor, Ehe members of
"UGREM" build that house. Or they work on the wet rice
field of someone else. The payment for building the house
or cultivating the wet rice field belongs to "UGREM" as a
qroup. rn Lhis case, the members who worked on building
the house, or worked on "sawah" (weL rice field), only
receives a meal and cigarettes. The money collected from
those activi-ties is used for the development effort of
the dusun.
 315

Plate 9. 1: A t,horoughfare under the railway to Cilaku

Hilir: car and motorcycle can pass here

AIt.hough Desa Sukasari has already produced its own

development p1an, each head of dusun has a role in
developing their community. "UGREM" is one example of
community mobilisation and another example is the effort
of Dusun Cilaku where the vilJ-agers have started giving
numbers to the houses the same as houses in the city. At
the time of this fieldwork, the task had not been
f i-nished. In Desa Sukasari every house does not have a

house number and alI mail is delivered to bhe Village

Office by a postman. Besides this, in an effort to gain
the Development Fund and to improve the standard of
 316

livng of the villagers, there was one small shop which

was operated on a co-operative basis amongi Lhe villagers
of Cilaku. In t.his shop, qoods for dai-ly needs were sold.

There have been instances in Indonesia where a poor sub-

village ( dusun) became prosperous because of its
internationat labour migration j-n a short time. Dusun
Mojosir j-n Campurejo vi11age, Kecamatan Panceng, Gresik,
East Java was a poor dusun before l-980. As a f ishing
community, the average income of the fishermen was about
Rp l-,000.00 a day (less than one US dolfar at that time) .

Most of t.he houses were made from bamboo (gedek) with a

thatched roof of palm leaves. Since I919, many of the
male villagers have gone to Malaysia for work. Less Lhan
five years later al-I the houses were of cement/brick
consLruction with electricity (each house receives 10
watts ) from an electric generator that was a donatj-on
from Mojosir OCWs and mosques and school buil-ding were
al-so built from OCWs donations. Most of the households
have televsions and tape recorders, and everywhere
bright faces are seen.

In Campurejo, Kecamatan Pancenq, Gresik, East Java, the

exodus of OCWs to Malaysia began from a successful youngt
return OCW. Because he could not find work after he
finished at the Religious Teaching Institution (Sekol-ah
 3r7

Pendidikan Guru Agama) in 1915, he went to Singapore with

his friend and because he could not find work in
Singapore, he went to Malays-a and worked as a cool-ie for
a buil-ding contractor. Af ter two years in Malaysia, he
went home, built a house and married. When he went back
to Malaysia, many young villagers accompanied him. Since
then, he has become a guard and recruj-ter of OCWs and
since I919, thousands of people have been sent to
Malaysia (Tempo, 7 April 1-984 ) . Meanwhile the name of
Dusun Mojosir has been changed to Dusun Rejodadi
(Rejodadi from the words rejo and dadi Rejo meaningt
'prosperous ' and dadi mean-nq 'become' ) meaning to
"become prosperous".

In Gegerbiturrg, Cijati and Palasari it seems that the

initiative village development still comes from the
village centre, that is, from the Sukasari Village
Government. In Gegerbitung, however, according to some
village employees and other villagers, the implementation
of the development proqram from the "centre" is not well
accepted. In this place the religious leaders have more
power than the formal- leaders. The head (the owner) of
the "pesantren" of Gegerbitung has been in a key position
in receiving, interpreting and reactinq to any kind of
information and implementation of t.he development program
introduced to the village.
 318

9.4 Conclusion

The demoqraphic consequences of international- labour

migration at the communiLy level are difficult to assess
due to the lack of statistics in the village to show the
changes over time in the economic, social and demographic
characLeristics of t.he communit.y. This dif f culty v/as
also faced by The Rural- Development Foundation (L992)
when they conducted their study in East Java.

Employment opportunities and the hope of making t.he

pilgrimage to Mecca have made villagers search for income
in Saudi Arabia and other countries. However in gieneral,
village and religious leaders remain somewhat ambivalent
about the migration. fndeed the current research project
concerning overseas contract workers in Sukasari may
have raised Ehe awareness of the significance of the
impact of the movement on the village. While remittances
have been used by some of Sukasari's OCWs in productive
enterprises and have had multiplier effects on
employment and enhanced productivity, remittances have
also increased the income distribution not only of
Sukasari villagers but also of people outside Sukasari
who will sell groods and services to the village.
 319

Remittances have been used for personal consumption,

investmenL, debt repayment and savinq and as a result
have contributed t.o community development by improving
the welfare of community members. Hence, in the main the
impact of inLernational labour migrati-on on the community
where migrant workers have come from has been positive in
the Sukasari caSe. According to t.he Rural DevelopmenL
Foundation's study (1-992:224), the community where OCWs
come from enjoyed direct, benefits, for example through
the contribut.ion to village development funds, provision
of loans etc. and indirectly through the creation of
employment opportunities. This is afso the case in
Sukasari.

On t.heother hand, Some negative inf luences were evldent.

There were complaints for example that OCWs generally
could buy sawah or other land at. a higher price than t.he
average villager had t.he ab1ity t.o pay. Int.ernational-
labour migration had increased the price of land and
sawah. This situation can be seen as a negati-ve impact
for the non-OCW vil-lager who is willing to buy land.

Nevertheless, Bilsborrow, Oberai and Standing (1984:295)

have stated that returned OCWs generally are in rural
economic growth with the balance of impacts being a net
positive one:
 320

"It is often claimed that return migrants stimulate rural

economic growth, partly by virt.ue of their enhanced
skills and experience and partly because they come back
with accumulated savinqs and have sent back money
beforehand" .

Reviews of the impact of international labour migrration

have found that the impact varies from one place of
origin to another. However, this study has found that
amonq five dusun in Sukasari, West .Java, there are no

dif f erences in the use of rem-ttances, the

s-gni f icant
integration in economr-c actrvrtres upon return, the level
of social/political participation and the socio-economlc
level of the households.
 Chapter ren
IMPCT OF INTERNTIONAT, I.BOUR MIGRTION:
THE NATIOITAI, I,E\IEI, OF NAJJYSTS

10.1 Int,roduct,ion

Some macro 1evel and asymmetrical growth studies have

suggested that international Iabour migration wilI be
harmful for the sending country. Tt is suggested that it
has a disadvantageous effect on the development of the
country of origin (Hugo , 1987 , l-99L , 1-992b; Shrestha,
1988 Zolberg, 1-989), whereas micro 1evel and balanced
growth approaches believe that workers' mobility can be
an important contributor to the development effect of the
sending country (Wood, 1,982; Clark, l-986a; Hugo , L987 ,

L99L, L992b; Massey, 1988; Shrestha, 1988 Zol-berg,

1989). However, the empirical facts show that the impact
of international labour migration varies from one sending
country to the other. It depends upon many factors, such
as how the remittances and human resources (OCWs) are
used for development in the sending country. Moreover it
is possible that for one country, at one point in time
international labour migration will be of benefit and at
another time will be harmful for the country. To
illustrate this Bangladesh is a good example. As a
sending country, Bangladesh is very dependent on
 322

remittances from their overseas workers to alleviate

their balance of payments problems and to solve the
problem of unemployment. The movement of their workers
overseas is beneficial for Bangladesh's development.
However, this dependency also has had a negrative impact
for Bangladesh at a time when there was a decline in the
export of their overseas contract workers to the Middle
East. Because this country is very dependent on
remittances from its overseas workers to alleviate their
balance of payments, the decline in the export of workers
during the Gulf War caused problems with their balance of
payments. Another huge problem was how to provide
employment for the thousands of workers who returned to
Bangladesh, especially those who failed to earn enough
money to meet the cost of their migration (Pelita, 29
August l-986 ) .

This chapter examines these issues in the Indonesian

context, including whether Indonesian labour migration to
other countries will assist in achieving the development
goals of the country. In particular this chapter analyses
the demographic and socio-economic impact of labour
migration at the national 1eve1 in Indonesia.
 323

t0 .2 Demograptric Impacts

The objectives of sending rndonesian workers abroad. vrere:

(1) to reduce the pressure of unemployment within the
country by (2) expanding employment opportunities and
hopefully (3) enhancing the work experience as well as
improving the quality of Indonesian workers. However, as
the fourth most populous country in the wor1d, the
withdrawal of Indonesian labour to overseas, it is argued
here, will have litt1e demographic impact on the
Indonesian population. The numbers of OCWs compared. to
the scale of unemployment. and underemployment in
Indonesia is very smal1.

Labour force growth in Indonesia is still relatively high

(about 2.72 a year) and the creation of new employment
opportunities cannot keep pace with the growth of the
labour force. In fact, unemployment which has
traditionally been low, has begun to increase (pusat
Akan, n.d). According to the Indonesian Manpower
Department (Kompas, 2 .Tanuary L993), every year there are
2.4 million new persons entering the workforce in
Indonesia, whereas nehr job opportunities are only being
created at a rate of 500,000 a year. There are i".9
million unemployed workers emerging in fndonesia and it
is estimated that there are Lt"9 million underemployed
persons. This situation needs to be resolved if
 324

Indonesian development is to advance C1early, the

deployment of workers overseas only impinges partially on
this problem.

At the national level-, although the impact of

international labour migraton in reducing the
unemployment rate for Indonesia is sti11 sma11, this
study has suggested that international labour migration
has had a positive impact in reducing the pressure of
unemployment. If the i11egal Indonesian OCWs are
included, the proportion of that contribution in reducing
the pressure of unemployment is higher. At present the
Indonesian Government is sti11 trying to improve the
quality of workers, mechanisms, and procedures of sendingr
their workers abroad, as one way of creating employment.
Since the Third Five Year Development Plan (L9'79-1,984),
the government has aimed to increase the number of
Indonesian overseas contract workers as part of its
policy for solving unemployment problems and for earning:
foreign exchanqe (Singhanetra-Renard, l-984) .

10.3 Socio-Economic Impacts

There is a significant interrelationship between

population mobility, economic development and social
change (Hugo, I982a Hugo, t 1., L987; Mantra, ]-987;
Bandiyono, 1988; Manning, Maude and Rudd, 1-989; Guest,
 32s

199Lt. Bandiyono (1988) has sugqested that for improvng

the quality of life n Eastern Indonesia, there is a need
to increase population mobility in the region.

According to the migration systems approach (Fawcett and

Arnold, ]-987a) state-to-state relations, mass culture
connections and family and sociaL networks are all
conditions that have influenced individual migration
decisions. International labour migration has influenced
the Indonesian Government's political relationship wiCh
destination countries. The relationship between Indonesia
and the host countries depends partly on the conditions
experienced by fndonesian OCWs in the host countries,
This section however, will not discuss that matter,
rather the workers' income and foreign exchangre earnings
and their effects will be focused upon

10.3 " 1 Income Level and Dist,ribution

An increase in autonomous expenditure, whatever its

source, will cause an increase in national income. The
change in national income divided by the change in
autonomous e>enditure that it brings about, is called a
"multip1ier" (Lipsey, t 1. , 1984; Sukirno, l-985;
Boediono, ]-982; Dornbusch and Fisher, l-981). In the
previous chapter it was shown that the household income
of OCWs households increases as a result of migration"
 326

However, "it is not only migrants and their families who

benef it directly f rom overseas employment. rnd.onesian
Labour Suppliers (PPTKI) do as well" (Kelly, 19gT:9).
PPTKI is a licensed company for sending a labour force
overseas f or employment. rn 1983 there were only l_5
PPTKT, whereas in 1,984 this increased to became 42, and
one year later (1985) it has been noted that there \/ere
228 PPTK in rndonesia. However, according to the
Ministry of Manpower, from those 228 ppTKf, only 50 were
able to continue their activities (Kompas, 10 January
1986). According to the center of overseas Employment, in
L99L there v/ere 247 licensed pprKr which although present
in some other cities in rndonesia, are concentrated. in
,fakarta (Table 10 . L ) . In West Java, although there were
only five PPTKI, this region sent the highest number of
workers abroad. However, it seems that this region was
not a major source of illegral migration. The mass media
in rndonesia seldom report about this matter. A study by
Dorall and Paramasivam (L992) found that only o.j percent
of the sample of female rndonesian illegar migrants in
Malaysia were sundanese ( ie . west ,Javan origin) . Minang
(33 . 3 ) , Java (26 .22) and Bawean or Boyan (22
%
"'7%) were
the three ethnic g'roups which dominated the f emale
i11egal rndonesian workers in Malaysia. Table 10.j_ shows
the location of the places of origin in rnd.onesia of
i11ega1 worker migration to Malaysia. The distribution of
 327

1ega1 OCWs according to the place of origin from l-989/90

until L99I/L992 is shown in Table l-0.1.
Table 10.1: The Place of Orgn of Indonesian Overseas
Employment (PPTKI) in 1991, Legral Indonesian
Overseas Workers 1989 190-1991/L992 by Sex and
the Proximate I1legaI Workers to Malaysa.
Province PPTKI Legal OCW I11egal OCW

male female
0l- D.I Aceh 2 ,844 3
02 North Sumatera 1 408 64
03 West Sumatera 67 34
04 Riau 5 3 ,237 13 ,1-7L
05 Jambi 9
06 South Sumatera L94 12
07 Bengkulu 3
08 Lampung 222 383
09 DKI Jakarta 221- 1,2 ,037 6, l_3 0
10 West Java 5 2'7 ,23t 98,717 available (1)
1l- Central ,Java 7,999 46 ,205 available (2)
1-2 D. I Yogyakarta 447 1,635
1-3 East ,Java 8 ,972 29 ,538 available (3 )
t4 Bali 3'7 4
15 West Nusatenggara 2 l_,309 5 ,997 available (4
l-6 East Nusatenggara 3,040 1-,622 available (5
L7 East Timor
18 West Kalimantan ; 360 85
19 CentraL Kalimantan
20 East Kalimantan 4 33 ,328 8 ,047 available 6
21, South Kalimantan 26 99 available 7
22 North Sulawesi 95
23 Cent.ral Sulawesi
24 South East Sulawesi - available (8
25 South Sulawesi ; 4,920 1-,1-63 available (9
26 Maluku 24
z/ lrr_an Jaya 9

247 L07,L52 2L2,968

NoE,e: 01 D.r Aceh: Lhoksukon 1
04 Riau: Pekanbaru 2, Tanjung Pnang 2, Dumai 1
09 DKf JakarLa: 227
10 Vest,Java: Bandung 2, Sukabumi 1, Cianjur l,Pondok Gede 1
13 East .Tava: Surabaya 5, Sidoharjo 1
15 Vest Nusatenggara: Mataram 2
18 Vrlest Kalimantan: Pontianak l,singkawang 1
20 East Kalj-mantan: Balikpapan 3, Botang Utara 1
25 South Sulawesi: Ujung Pandang 1
 328

Sources:
Pusat AKAN, L991-, L992;
(1) Berita Buana, IJ July 1992
(2) .Berita Buana, 17 .Tu1y L992; Media Ind.onesia, 6
August 1992
. Pikiran Rakyat, 7 July 1-992
(villages in Kab. Kendal);
. Jayakarta, Merdeka , 24 .Tuly 1,992 (Cilacap ) ;
.Merdeka, 4 June 1992; Pikiran Rakyat, 7 July t9g2
(Kendal);
(3) .Berita Buana, 16, tJ July 1,992; Media Indonesia, 6
August 1992;
.Kompas, 14 ,JuIy L992 (Desa Nogosari, Kec Rambipuji,
Kab. Jember);
.Suara Karya, 22 June I99L (Kab. Jember) ;
.Kompas, 14 July 1-992 (Desa Tamberu, Sampang,
Madura);
.Tempo, 14 Augrust 1993 (Desa Sokobonah, Sampang,
Madura);
.Suara Karya, 7 January L992 (Kab. Sumenep, Madura);
.Suara Karya, 22 ,June L991, (Kab. Bangrkalan, Madura);
.Suara Karya, 22 .June L99I (Kab.Pamekasan) ;
.Tempo, L4 August L993 (Blitar);
.Waspada, L4 July 1-992 (Ponorogo) ,
. Kompas , 29 November 1-992; Tempo , L4 August 1-993
(Tulungagung);
August l-993 (Lumajang) ;
.Tempo,1-4
August L993 (Lamongran) ;
.Tempo,1-4
April 1-992; Angkatan Bersenjata,4 August
.Tempo,11-
t992,' Suara Karya, 22 ,June 1-991- (Banyuwangi);
.Suara Karya, 24 April 1992 (Kec. Genteng, and Kec.
Clenmore, Banyuwangi) ;
.Suara Karya, 22 .fune 1991 (Pasuruhan);
.Suara Karya, 22 June 1,99L (Bawean, Kab. Gresik)
(4) .Berita Yudha, 15 ,Ju1y 1992; Berita Buana, L6,1-j; ,JuIy
1-992; Suara Karya, 19 August 198'7; Media
Indonesia, 6 August 1992
. Pikiran Rakyat , 24 ,Ju1y L992; Kompas , 2! April 1-993
(Lombok) ,
.Tempo,14 August 1993 (Kec. Batukliang, Lombok);
(5 ) . Berita Buana , L6 , I7 ,Ju1y 1992; Sinar pagi , 28 ,Ju1y
L992; Media Indonesia, 6
August 1,992;
.Pelita,23 ,Ju1y 1-992; Kompas, 28 ,Ju1y 1-992 (East
Flores);
.Kompas, 28 .Tu1y L992 (Sikka) ;
.Kompas, 28 July L992 (Lewoleba);
6 Berita Buana, t6 ,Ju1y l.992
7 Berita Buana, L6 July 1,992;
I Berita Buana, L6 ,Ju1y L992;
9 Suara Karya, S April 1-992; Berita Buana, !6,L'l .Iu1y
]-992 Pelita, 17 July 1-992; Kompas , 1 July
L987; Media Indonesia, 6 August L992;
 329

This shows that most of the lega1 Indonesian OCWs come

from West Java and that females dominate in this

miqration flow. Most of them work in the informal sector
as housemaids, drivers and plantation workers.

If the number of OCWs in each region of origin is known,

then the distribution of remittances to each region of
origin can also be estimated. As has been shown in
Chapter Nine, male returnees in Sukasari Village (most of
them drivers and housemaids) on averaqe have brought
money home of around Rp ]-4,1L4,000 (US$7,057) while for
female returnees it is Rp 4,659, 000 (US$2, 330 ) on
average.

In West Java during the L989/90 to L99t/1-992 period there

were 27 ,23 1 male and 98,7I7 female OCWs who went
overseas. If they brought back remttances equal to what
Sukasari OCWs had brought home, the total remittances
then can be calculated as VS422,t79,J77 " Thus, the
distrbution of remittances as an additional income for
the place of oriqin depends or1, among other factors, how
many OCWs they have.

These remittances, moreover, are very important for the

OCW families, especially for their day-to-day household
subsistence. Studies in rural Mexico, according to
Rubenstein (1992:1,29), sugrgrest similar patterns of
 330

utilisation. Mexican OCWs expended their remittances,

usually for family maintenance and other basic family
needs, such as the acquisition of land and livestock. In
the Michoacan community of Huecorio, Mexico, some
remittance income was used to support community religious
rituals, the elaborate f iesta cycIe, marriagre
ceremonials, ritual co-parenthood alliances, social and
material obligations of close friendship ties,
interhousehold hospitality, life-cyc1e rites (baptisms,
weddingrs and funerals) and the education of children
(Rubenstein, L992).

10.3 .2 Ernployment

The progrram for sending workers overseas is one of the

alternatives to creating employment adopted by
fndonesia's Manpower Department. This is not only
employment in the host country, but in the place of
origin as well" By leaving the country of origin there
are work vacancies left behind. In addition, some
returnees have created work in the place of origin as has
been shown in the case of Desa Sukasari"

A central issue regarding the impact of contract

migration on labor exporting countries is whether or not
migrant remittances help strengthen the 1oca1 economy in
terms of productive investment (Athukorala, 1990:336).
 33r

Migrants who have returned to Jordan were more

economically active than before departure (Kee1y and.
Saket, L984:692\ . However, thukorala (1990) observed
that remittances are mostly spent on ostentatious
consumption and "unproductive,' investment, neither of
which contribute directly to the process of economic
development:
"ft is interesting to note that, compared to other labor
exportingr countries in the region, migrant remittance
seems to be less oriented to consumption in Sri Lanka.
Studies conducted in Pakistan, Bangladesh, the
Philippines and Thailand have placed Apc of remittances
in the rang:e of 55 to 80 percent, with the majority of
estimates clustering at the upper end. In Sri Lanka, for
the whole sample, the percentage of remittances spent on
consumption (the average propensity to consume--ApC--of
remittances) is 44 percent " (Athukorala, 1990:336-
337).

However, it is also claimed that returnees stimulate

rural economic growth (Bilsborrow, Oberai, and Standing,
l-984 ) . However, study in Mexico has shown that
remittances seem to be contributing to the economic
weakeningr of rural Mexico (Rubenstein, L992:131), whereas
development in Bangladesh has been dependent on
remittances from their overseas workers (pelita, 29
August 1986). A survey by BIDS (Lembaga penelitian
Pembanglunan Bangladesh) as reported by Pelita (29 August
1986) has shown that after OCWs paid off their debts they
bought agricultural 1and. However, the facts show that
while the use of land for housing increased, that for
agricultural land decreased. Moreover, the returnees who
 332

opened businesses generally failed. This situation

creates social problems.

In Indonesia, although the OCWs make only a sma11

contribution to decreasing the unemployment rate and in
obtaining foreign exchange (although sti1l low
proportion), Raouf Daboussi, an ILO official has
maintained that...

"miqration has always provided - and sti11 does - a

short-term solution to the problems of poverty and
unemployment. It also helps to fill national coffers and
contributes to the balance of payments. In Yemen for
example, money sent home by workers is eguivalent to up
to one and a half times the export income of the country.
At the same time, the changes that have completely
altered society in these countries of origin need
highlighting for. While emigration in the 1-950s or 1960s
involved the illiterate and unskilled, it now involves
people with a higher leve1 of education who can find no
job opportunities at home. This is a matter of concern
for governments, which see valuable human resources
draining away." (Fromont, 1993)

10.3.3 Foreign Exchange

According to the Head of Pusat AI(AN, foreign exchange is

not the most important priority in the program of sending
Indonesian workers to other countries. The main goals are
to increase the income of the community and to make use
of employment opportunities in other countries (Suara
Karya, 12 August L991") . Russell (1992:267-269 ) has
pointed out that remittances are central to the link
 333

between migration and development. Remittances constitute

an increasingrly important mechanism for the transfer of
resources from developed to developing countries. The
important question relates to the extent to which
remittances contribute to the development of a country
like Indonesia. By way of example, for fndonesia, as the
fourth most populous country in the world and a leading
oi1 exporter, sending their workers overseas is 1ikely to
still far from being a major contributor to Indonesian
development. As Kel1y (1987:6) has arqued, "it is egually
clear that overseas employment will never be a leading
source of growth for Indonesia".

Although the remittances from overseas are not a source

of growth for Indonesia, remittances sti1l bring benefits
to the country in the form of foreign exchangre (The Rural
Development Foundation, 19922 224). In some sending
countries, remittances from overseas have an important
role in contributing foreign exchange required for
important e>q>ertise, capital and technology which must be
imported. In Bangladesh, for example, it has been found
that foreign exchange from remittances is very important:
"they would not have been able to implement the import
liberalisatj-on policy which was successfully introduced
in 1-983" (Kelly, L987:4)"
 334

The flows of remittances from Indonesian OCWs through the

Indonesian Government Bank has shown an increase every
year (Table 1"0.2). Those figures would be much higher if
remittances from Indonesian OCWs, which are sent by
friends or brought by themselves, were to be included. in
those figures.

Table L0.23 Flows of Remittances Through Indonesian

Government Bank, ccording tso Bank Indonesia
Indonesia Sukasari
(us $) ( estimation)
l-9I 1_ 33,070,943 n.a
]-982 47 ,95r,469 n.a
r_983 44,719,606 n.a
1-984 / 85 63 ,844 ,200 n.a
1-985 / 86 80,965,399 n.a
1-986 / 87 52 ,889 ,223 n.a
1-987 / BB 5l_,864,097 n.a
1_988/89 r1-3 ,7 97 , 696 n.a
t989 / 90 L87,663,248 n.a
L990 / 9r 1_79,971,593 n.a
L99r/ 92 238 ,949 ,07L n.a
Total 1, 095, 685 ,525 1_,202,455 (0.11%)
Source: -Pusat Ai(N and Bank Indonesia
-Fie1d Data , 1-992

10.4 Conclusion

The impact. of international labour migration on a nation

is the totality of the effects of international labour
migrration on the migrants themselves, their
family/household and their home region. But no one study
has evaluated the international labour migration at the
 33s

national 1eve1. This is because changes in the

development process of the country are caused by a large
range of factors. One of the goals of national
development in each country is to improve the life of its
people. To send their labour to work in other countries
is one way to achieve these goals in conjunction with
other strategies such as those designed to solve domestic
unemployment and underemployment and to improve the
balance of payments deficit.

The flow of Indonesian workers to Malaysia grenerally

consists of i1legal migrants, although the proportion
moving there i11egal1y is increasing. Males predominate
in this movement and most work in construction and on
plantations, while Indonesian workers to Saudi Arabia are
largely legal females and work in the domestic sector.
Singapore is the third major place of destinatj,on for
Indonesian female OCWs, after Malaysia (Tempo, 27
November L993 ) . Indonesia's neighbours, Malaysia,
Sj-ngapore and Thailand are labour-short economies which
will continue to need foreign workers. Unfortunately
there are sti11 many problems in fndonesia in maximising
the benefits to be gained from this.

The Indonesian Government has recognised that

international labour migration l-eads to some social
 336

problems although economically ocws are better off than

they were before migrating (Country Report: Indonesia,
1992). The important problem that has to be solved is
that of "human exploitation', , because it is harmful to
the workers and their families. Meanwhile, the single
most effective strategy to fight against poverty is to
create employment which is as widespread as possible
(Tempo, I May 1.993:3l-). Another problem relates to
middlemen, overseas employment agents, and ,,oknt-::lr-" who
are the cause of many problems of exploitation whereas in
the country of employment, the problems often come from
the employer in the domestic sector, especially in the
exploitation of housemaids.

the mass media in Indonesia frequently show that the

exploitation of housemaids predominantly comes from
employers in Saudi Arabia. According to prihatmi (1990),
housemaids who have a positive migration experience are
less in number ttran those who are disadvantaged. To
protect and to control the workers from the violence of
the employer, OCWs can report to the representative of
the agent of overseas employment, or to the Indonesian
Embassy. The qr:estion is why OCWs are not obligated to
report to the representative of the agent of overseas
employment, or to the Indonesian Embassy, once a month
(by phone for those who are far away from the
 337

representative of the aqent or Embassy), especially about

their conditions and relations with their employer
( especially housemaids ) ?

Most Indonesian OCWs are in low paid jobs. As the

International Labour Organisation observed:
"...the failure of Indonesia's attempt to bid for Middle
East contracts, its efforts to send workers abroad have
been concentrated in the domestic service sector. Thus 85
percent of migrants to the Middle East (especially Saudi
Arabia) are female domestic workers from the rural areas
aged between 30 and 35 years. Their 1eve1 of education is
very low, only about 2 percent having completed secondary
school and they are mostly unskilled. The few males that
go abroad are also employed in the domestic service
sector as drivers " (Sarmiento , 1-9 91 : l-9I )

This is because many fndonesian Labour Suppliers (ppTKf)

and their organisaton, IMSA (Indonesia Manpower Supplier
Association) do not ful1y work under the existing
regulations, as well as middlemen and " ol<rlrJm. . They want
to maximise profits without considering the needs of
their workers which they sell as a commodity (Wiroto,
1-985; Sadik, l-986; Kompas, 2 Juli L987; Mashar, 1988a,
l-988b, l-988c; Suara Karya , 2t April 1-989; Dj idin , L989
Widiyono, l-990; Tim Kompas, 1-990a, 1990b, 1990c, 1990d,
l-990e, L990f Basnoer, 199t; Sukamto, t992; Guhardi,
L992; Aritonang , 1-992; Asnawie, ]-992; Purwanto, 1,992;
Hendrowijono, I992a, 1,992b; Sutardjo, L992; Muhammad,
L992a, 1"992b; Ekonomi, 1,4 July t992; Kompas, 14 September
 338

L992; Kompas, LI September 1992; Tempo, L9 December 1992

Tim Tempo, 1993).

From the equilibrium perspective, it is not impossible

that, one day the development in Indonesia will need
f oreign workers . Massey (1988 : 3 83 ) has argued ,'\nrhen

standards of living are equalised through development,

the economic incentives for international movement will
disappear and large-sca1e migration will end.,' So, the
problem is not how to make " sending overseas workers', a
primary source of foreign exchange and an important \^ray
of solving the unemployment problem within the country.
The important thing for Indonesia, in participating in
nternational labour migration, is how to use the
remittances as " foreign capital" in developing the
country and in creating employment for returnees.
 Cfrapter Eleven

CONCI,USION

11.1 Introd,ucton

This thesis has departed from the traditional focus of

studies of international labour migration which have
concentrated on its causes. Here attention is directed to
consideration of population mobility as an independent
variable and on the consequences which international
labour migration has not only for the miqrant him/herself
and his/her family, but for the community and nation as
well " Detailed examination of the impact of international
labour migration on individuals, families, communities
and the nation has been very limited. However, as Hugo
(l-993d:L22-L23) points out:

"From the perspective of welfare of Indonesian labour

migrants themselves, their families and communities and
the Indonesian economy as a whole, it is important that
policies be developed to maximise the advantages to be
derived from such movement. At the same time, the
exploitation and other negative elements associated with
the movement must be identified and minimised. This can
only be achieved if there is a base of sound knowledge
regrarding the sca1e, patterns, causes and consequences of
existing f1ows. At present this is largely lacking."

This study has attempted to clarify this issue in

Indonesia in a mrrnber of ways. Although the present study
does not cover all aspects of the consequences of
 340

Indonesian labour movement overseas, it is maintained

that the field investigation and secondary clata have made
some contribution t.o the present limited knowledge oi
international labour migration in Indonesia. In
particular Lhe adoption of an approach which has
attempted Eo inLegrrate analysis at the individual,
family, community and national levels has shed some light
on the nature and extent of the impacl- of labour
miqration in rndonesia.

This chapter present a sunmary of the frndrnqs of the

study and discusses some of its implica[ions for policy
development in Indonesia and for Eheory. Some suqgestions
f or f urther st.udy in this area, includi-ng some
reconmendations with regrard to the strat.egty of collecting
data in Lhe field are also presented.

]-t.2 Find,ings and Implications Regarding the Sca1e,

Pattern and Causes of fnEernational Labour Migration

There are many factors which have caused people move to

other countri-es for work. Some of those factors are Lhe
growing internat.ionalisation of capital, the great
improvement in the ease and cost of international travel
and the activities of multi-national corporatons
(Massey, 1-988 :394; Hugo , 1989 224, 1990 : 5,20; Huqo and
Singhanetra-Renard, L99L:L Lim, L99t:L-2). For
Ind.onesia, those causes can be added, s it was found in
 34t

this sLudy, that t.he level of unemploymenl-- and

underemploymenc in Indonesia is an imporEanr- influence.
These lead people to seek work not only r-n r-heir own
country, but overseas as well . This is Ehe crumnt of
neoclassical economics theory- [hat the differentials in
waqes and employment opportunities between countries
cause workers from low wage or low employment opportunity
countries to move to the high wagre/plentiful employment
countries.

The vofume of the flow of legal fndonesian OCW is

increasingr significantly. This is especially due to the
effort of the Indonesian Government to enlarqe the volume
and improve t.he quality of its overseas workers. However,
the flow of ilLeqal Indonesian OCWs cannot be iqnored and
sti11 substantially outnumber the Iegal flow, l[hough
Ehe data are not available for obvious reasons

The movement of Indonesians to seek work overseas is

especially focused upon Saudi Arabia and Malaysia. and
are quite different flows. Indonesian OCWs moving to
Saudi Arabia are dominat.ed by f emal-e housemaids, while
that to the neighboring country of Malaysia, tends to be
be mainly males working in the aqriculLural and
construction sectors. The legal worker movemenL to
 342

Malaysia is much smaller in numbers than lhe rllegal-

flow.

The analysis of Chapter Four has indrcated ihat

hisIorical linkages and cultural homogreneity have payed
an important role in the pattern of Indonesian OCW
movement. Social networks between countries of origin and
destination is an important factor causing prospective
migrants in the place of origin Lo migrate. The social
network between fndonesian people in Malaysr"r and
Indonesia has a central role in the flows of fndonesian
OCWs to Malaysia (Hugo, L993a) . The case in Campurejo
village illustrates this. In this case many youngr
villagers went t.o Malaysia because a successful miqrant
from Campurejo put them in direct cont.act with employers
in Malaysia (see Tempo, 7 April 1984). This implies that
the officj-a1 rndonesian oCW program should pay more
attention to such social- networks to enlarge a number of
OCWs deployed. There is a need to have a knowledge about

the characteristics of Indonesian mi-grant workers in

other countries and how they interrelate with their
families/relatives/friends in the places of origin.

The analysis of Chapter Five and indicated that, rr t.he

context of Desa Sukasari, West Java, insufficient Iocal-

household income in conjunction with knowledge of work
 j.r3

opportrit-lities in other countries have rtlfluence,:i i--il3

prospect ive mgrants to miqrate overseas i;f work. The

government prog'ram in sendinq overSeaS i/orkers .:LllC:.

mrctol-emen have rmportant role in encouraginq prospe(l!l-\'-
overseas migrrants. However, s Wood (L982 ) points ,fuf ,

alrhough it is a fact that the decision ro move trr'r-:

stay is made by Lhe individual actor him/herself, [haE

decision is constrained, to a qreater or lesser clegree,

by a number of considerations. In the decrsron l-o Inove,
the rnfluence of other members of [he houselc;itL cannL-:- r=
ignored.

However, althouqh the main purpose for working oversees

is to reach or increase the desired quantity and quali-'i'
of consumption and investment of the household ii{ooo,
L982:3L2,3L4; Kols and Lewison, 1983 : 245; Hugto , l-993c:
6-'7 \ , there are largre numbers of Indones ians who llave

insufficient income and do not Seek to miqrate overseas

to work. This is partly because they have sme obtacles
preventinq them going overseas caused by, for example,
financial problems for paying the cost of travel, or not
having the social networks to f acilitate that movement. -
grreater understanding of these factors is needed if a
successful progrram to increase the deployment of woriers
overseas is to be developed during the current Sixth Frte
Year Plan.
 34

11.3 rndings and Implcations Regard,ing the fmpact of

fnternat,ional Labour Migration

11.3.1 Individual and Family

The analysis of chapter seven has indicated that work

overseas on a temporary basis has a net benefit for the
miqrant. However, exploitation of workers by employers
and middlemen can and does create difficulties for many
such migrants. The temporary absence can make for a
closer relationship between the migrant and. his/her
spouse and other members of the family. By working
overseas the mi-grant obtains a j ob with a better wage
which can be used for productive activities upon their
return. Besides money the returned OCWs bring
experiences: open mindedness, new ideas I a broad
knowledqe, changed attitudes, more ski1l, from the host
country which are useful for most of them. overseas
contract work has had an impact in delayingr marriage and
as a consequence/ delaying having children" Female
migrants and those females left behind are 1ike1y to
become more independent in fulfilling their daily need.s
as a result of migration" Femal-e migrants obtain money to
increase their household income or become the principal
breadwinner, while females left behind have
responsibilities which were previously taken care of by
 345

her husband. All of these factors have made a

contribution to enhancing the role and status of women.

Work overseas has mostly improved the standard of living

of the OCWs' household, through greatly enhancing the
quality of their housinq, improving household facilities,
increasing Ieve1s of consumption and support for the
education of their children. Remittances have been used.
for personal consumption, investment, debt repayment and
savingr. This study found that, international labour
migration had made no change to OCWs' household/family
size and composition in Desa Sukasari.

11.3.2 Community and Nation

Benefits are passed on by OCWs to their communities

directly through contributions to village development
funds and indirectly through creation of employment
opportunities. The analysis of Chapter Nine has
established this clearIy. Remittances have been used by
some of Sukasari's OCWs in productive enterprises and
have had a nurnber of multiplier ef fects through
employment creation and enhanced productivity. The survay
found that Sukasari's OCWs have created employment
opportunities for many people in the village" Remittances
have also increased incomes not only to Sukasari
 346

villaqers, but also to people outside Sukasari where

groods and services purchased by Sukasari people are
produced.

Bilsborrow, Oberai and Standing (L984 295) have stated

that "return migrants stimulate rural economic growth,
partly by virtue of their enhanced skills and experience
and partly because they come back with accumulated
savings and have sent back money beforehand.". This study
found that community leaders have an important role in
encouragring ocws in using their remittances and
experience to further develop the village. The
involvement of community leaders enhances the benefits
obtained from international labour migration in relation
to the economic growth of rural areas.

The demographic consequences of international labour

migrration at the community 1evel are difficult to assess
in sukasari, due to the lack of statistics in the village
to show the changres in the demography of the community
during the period that international labour migration has
been significant. Additionally, because the impact
depends on "its scale, the length of the period of time
over which it has been occurring and the socio-cultural
structure and composition of the society affected,, (Hugo,
t982a:189), there is a need for a longitudinal study of
 347

the impact of international labour migration in different

types of areas in Indonesia.

At the national leve1, Indonesia actually obtains

benefits from the flow of workers' remittances in the
form of foreign exchanqe and this has significant
employment creation effects. Hence the Indonesian
Overseas Worker Proqram has made a contribution to the
solution of domestic unemployment and underemployment
problems and improved the national- balance of payments.
Nevertheless, the impact in these areas is still small in
the Indonesian context due to the massive size of the
national population. It also leads to some social
problems caused by "human exploitation". Middlemen,
overseas employment agents, and oknum are the cause of
these problems.

LL.4 Some Policy fmplications

The fndonesian Government has attempted to create

employment by sendinq workers to other countries which
need foreign workers. Hovtever, this program is still not
widespread in the society. Generally, it was found in the
present study that the head and staff of the villaqes in
Kecamatan Cianjur do not know about the government
program or about the regulations relating to the sendingr
 348

of overseas workers. Moreover, there is no reqistration,

as Ve t , of OCrds and ret.urnees in al l of the vi llages . In
fact, many indonesian overseas employmenL agencies
(PPTKI)active in the st.udy area did not fulliz work rrnder
the existing regulations. This causes ovr-sc-rs workers to
be Ereated as a commodity export and Lends Io lead to
exploition. This exploitation of workers causes harm Eo
them and their families and creates a social problem
within the country. There is a need to address directly
the wefare and rights of migrants whc are overseas to
ensure that they are treated fairJ-y and not exploited.

To maximj-ze t'he benefits of sending workers overseas and

to minimize the negative effect.s some actions have to be

considered by Indonesian Government :

(1) to send workers only to those counLries where Ehe

host government can provide protection from
exploitat.ion by t.he employer;
(2) then, in Indonesia, a heawy punishment is needed f-o
be puL into effect for recruiters who violate t.he
law;

(3) to provide all- informat.ion relating to overseas

workers directly to the people as a whol-e throurh
the Head of the Village (Kepala Desa or Lurah)
in labour surplus areas throughout the whole of
fndonesia
(4) in order to avoid manipulation or deceit. in Ehe
 349

recruiting and sendinq of workers overseas, al-l i:f

the intiEutions/ especially the aqents of sending
overseas workers (PPTKI),must be open to everybody,
including researchers who need information abouc
sending overseas workers;
(5 ) in order to analyse the grrowth and impacr- of
Indonesian movement overseas and remittances, all
OCWs and returnees at the level of desa need to
register, computerise, that information and publish
the data from Indonesian Worker fdenLifir:al-ion Forms
and Departure and Arrival Cards, and Indonesan Banks
should publish regularly about the information on
sendinq money from Indonesian OCWs;
(1) as it. is an import.ant quesEion f or Indonesia, serr-ous
consideration should be given as t.o how to
effecti-vely use the experiences and remittances as
"assets" in creating employment and assisting the
development of the nation.

11.5 Some Suggestone for Furt,her Study

International labour migration is a complex phenomenon.

There has not yet been formul-ated a satisfactory theory
of such movement. Indeed there are difficult.ies in
developing an adequate conceptual framework for this type
of population movement. The empirical findings of the
 3s0

impact of international labour migrration on the sending

country presented here show that they depend upon many
factors. A framework of the impact of rural-urban
migration developed by Hugro (1,982 , 1,987 ) and used in this
study is very useful in determining the impact of
international labour migration, but needs to be further
tested and refined.

However, because existing data of Indonesian

international migration, especially for international
labour migration is sti11 far from adequate, the
satisfactory assessment of such movement for the purposes
of development of policy is not possible as yet. It is
important therefore, to conduct further research. The
present researcher intends to conduct a further study in
Desa Sukasari five years after the initial study to
investigate changres in the scale and composition of
international labour migration and the changing
demographic and socio-economic conditions in this
particular place of origin. The reason for this is that
the impact of such movement depends considerably on the
length of the period of time (Hugo, I982a:189).

The present study has found that, although there is a

need for research to be conducted over a period of time,

in order to obtain the best results from direct
 351

observation and in-depth interviews, some conditions are

desirable in order to obtain optimum results before the
research activities are carried out. These include:
. it is preferable that the researcher consider
becoming a member of the community and preferable
that no one knows he/she is doing research;
. the researcher should obtain work in or outside
the village in order to avoid the villagers'
suspicions;
. the researcher should often be involved in village
activities so he/she understands the conditions
of both the village and the people.

There is an urgent need for Indonesian arrival-departure

data collection to be signifcantly improved as
international migration increases in importance. Perhaps
the arrival and departure cards developed in Australia
and shown in Figures L1-.1- and 11,.2 could be models for a
new system. Similarly the Australian Department of
Immigration and Ethnic Affairs data storage, analysis and
publicaton systems could be examined with a view to
adapting them to the Indonesia situation as suggested by
Hugo (1,994a) .

The population census does not collect information

concerninq international migration, whereas this
 352

Fgrure 11.1 ustralia: Departure Card

PLEASF PAM
r. FA 4ltY N^M

crGtsTwl ofl
GIVEN IIAMS

J CO.{TRVOF . PASSPOFIT
CiTIZENSHIP NUMsER
5 CUNTFTY 6- OATE OF Ory Monlh Yer
Of AIRTH BNIH
7 5X M.b u I lJ fTA- ! XcrUr o
; C sT^fus O o{ M!.d o Olvor6d
s PloFsaONeor @ On O O" @

@ vrttro, o,
lemporry
Ror d rnt d.p6rtlng
@ lm
rarlly o R ld cn
n9n
do prtln c

rnlr!nl ICLUOES pt dl qN b a tusht;

,o
dcpartlng
I I iland lo sy doed ld 1 CMuy ol lulur
I lhv. ba n p.tro ol ra3iJanca
Auflr1, tr3 vi!il Yaat Mothr O.yt
loa lEod o,
on f---] 2. l A6ufte I liv.d in
2. Main r.fon lor 9oin9.brd
(Plot. t* ONLY ONE tl
Uonthr Sl(del M3itm-
OR
vacat,on -
Lll ,"Oreil-l 5

Oy.
co'c"m
!z xority! e 3. I l bdn in Alsli h
bg go dil y cfi. to
ausherIJ mpotdt!I liv. in A6trli ?
2 ln Ausrh I
ouolm f--l Y... uolha
^domp.nyig
I
il;:: tr.
Counlrt ln whrch I shll
o,n.[,
4 Od you to SETTLE
'nr.nd
p.m^anrty
tSIte ol ?
Y.a Xo
f, Counrry ol
aa!anca n
lo usuAl ocuP^llo.{

Fllghl No / llema ol Shrp

dy msrh
r2. cor.JNTFY ft m{CX I S8^tL GEr trF
THTS FLJGHT OR 9iIP (AEROAOI

SfGNAUFI t tlg

Source: Hugo, t994a

information is needed by planners in making

decisions for future development. ft is time for
Indonesia to nclude quest.ions in their census regarding
international migration and for data collection on
international migration using survey methods. Variables
from the National Migration Survey (ESCAP, L982) which
include emig'rants, immigrants and returnees.
 3s3

Fgrure tl..2 ustralia Arrival Card

Pt^s Pilf
I FA'I-Y l{A'G
2 C+rSTt NOf,
GfiNNAMS

3 (:OUNTTIY Of 4 P^SSPORf
clTtzElrs}llP NUMSR

5 COJMTR/ 6 o^fE of Oay hrh \l rr

Of ARTH 8RTH
7. SEX TA o . MAII a D o* u".i o
D SNTUS O e ra o Oitrd
0 PtodMO\o 6pn@oRO
O Mgrtlng to
Auslrl.
o Viitor or
temporary ntant
Contry d l. I hllr to ilay h Auslrlq
r3d@ ld I Ocrlrd d

Y. tlothr O)r
OR

2 ltg loa cmq lo ,lusrtl

),4ir
lPra ta O\r-Y O^ d,
hl.Gil
!r Vilrlo
rdtat !s
Cqrih !z tbli,y !e
Arrs !c Endovrtt !z
acstp-yirg
hJrs $.ld !r dclih !e
O [-Je

3 Cqyd
iiE

to USAL

tl

SIAT E

r 2 FL6r{f }tiAE OR MME G S}e

r 3. CO{.rflFl l{ ur}lel I 8O^D THS
FLG{f G 9{P
SGl,, lUR r t9

Source: Hugo, 1994a

It is recommended here that the following questions be

included in the Indonesian census:

1" Have you been abroad?

_no
_still abroad, since (year) in
( countrY)
_ever, mainly in (country) from
to." ...(year)
 354

2. What is the main reason that you usually move

abroad?
3. How long have you been abroad all together?
4 The estimate of remittances have you obtained
5 At what age did you first go abroad?
6 What is the main reason for moving abroad
the first time?
7 What tlzpe of usual work did you do overseas?

11.6 Conclusion

The mobility of workers across country boundaries for

temporary work has had an impact in a variety of areas.
Although international labour migration differs from
internal movement (circulation and commutinq), they are
also simil-ar. There is a need for Indonesia's planners to
anticipate carefully the changes of demographic, socio-
economic and cultural aspects in the country caused by
the international labour migration in order to maximise
the positive effects for the naton and to promote nation
building. Information on such international movement is
needed to anticipate the implications for Indonesian
development efforts "
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L79-207.
 374

Siddiqui, A.M.A.H. 1986. 'The Economic and Noneconomic

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^- ^ lnnl-rrl T.:'l-rnrrr in cia.
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 375

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 376

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1-984b. 'Mencari Tuan di Negeri Minyak' , 2 .June "

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Ringgit', 11 ,January.
L992b. 'TKI Gelap: Habis Gelap ,Jadi Legal' , l-l-
Apri1.
1992c. 'Balada Babu di Singapura' , 4 July.
 377

. L992d. 'Prospek Cerah, Tapi Bertingkah, , 19

December.
1-993a. 'Antara Miskin dan Angka, , 8 May
1-993b. 'Soal Tenaga Kerja Indonesia, , 14 August.
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2'7 November.
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March.
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 378

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 APPENDICES

Appendix 1: Country Distribution of Legal fndonesian

Overseas Workers L979/ 8O-L99L/L992
Countries: 19/BO BO/BT BI/82 82/83 83/84
Saudi Arabia 7 ,042 11,073 r0 ,32'7 9,000 L8,552
MaJ-aysia '/
59s 40 19 ,0r0 3,568
Singapore r25 524 r,4'7r 19r 2,096
Netherl-ands r, 632 r, 9'7'7 3,3Bg r, 660 rt446
USA 24 4 1,085 r,846
Brunei 60 51 3B
Hong Kong BO s09 565 302 30s
Kuwalt 155 187 t0 198
Japan 24 9L 391 331 11
Greece 103 918 2 2I 1BB
I raq 418 249 938 485 108
France 20 z /6 r19 180 B1
Monaco 725 22 4I
Abu Dhabi 24 JZ I4 400
West Germany 24 J 1,035
Emirat Arab
Taiwan
U"K 56 54 r20 41 9;
Korea
Italy 23 63 r22 1
Egypt
Jordan \49 26 4
Norway 15 35
Swiss 32 2 1
Suriname n
Cyprus 22 45
Oman
Thail-and
Philippines L2
Qatar 1
Liberia
Romania
Austral-ia
Belgium 2
Spain
India
Sweden
Canada
Others 130

TotaI 10,396 16, 1B 6 r'7 , 904 27 , 224 30 ,190

 conti-nued. . .

Countri-es: 84/Bs 85/86 86/87 81 /BB 8379

Saudi Arabia 2tr tr,'1 '1

44| 690 45 | 292 49,2rI 48, 803
MaJ-aysia tr
Jl 332 5,I'7 9 rB,864 5,825 z, 58s
Singapore I, 565 r,36'l 1,485 2,09r 4, 029
Netherlands 836 813 1]-9 901 L, 100
USA L, 181 908 r, r22 r, 458 2, 228
Brunei 216 a'1
U/ 64 97 456
Hong Kong 383 29'7 253 372 430
Kuwait r82 9 2 230 529
Japan 159 II6 56 24 40
Greece 714 B2 30 252 493
I raq 196 99 B
France 232 253 131 300 L02
Monaco I42 157 r51 206 r97
Abu Dhabi 624 ]-34 39 22 290
West Germany 43 24 31 JZ 1B
Emirat Arab
Taiwan 1s8 4 1 9
U.K 46 I2 9 9 1
Korea
Italy 2 5 1 r'7
Egvpt 2 9 9 B B
Jordan 1
Norway 34 1
Swiss
Suri-name : ?
Cyprus 1
Oman 31 25
Thail-and
Philippines 2 2 1 t
Qatar 1 :
Liberia
Romani-a r6
Australia 4 ;
Belgium 3
Spain 6
Tndia
Sweden
Canada
Others 6B 76 L9 46 BO

Total- 41 , 094 54 , 291 68, 3 60 6L, 092 6r, 4:-9

 continued

Countries: 89/90 90/91 9I/92 92/93 93/94 rotal

Saudi A. 60, I4I 4r, 466 86, 501 95,573 101,141 664,389
Malaysia 11, 130 29,240 40, 40L 50,137 25 | 404 205,389
Singapore 4, B'77 '7 ,'7 43 10, 829 12,398 13,049 64, 440
Netherands 1,l-85 r,230 I, 054 1, 033 1,013 19,994
usA 2,211 2, 432 2, 728 2tB68 3 ,148 23,849
Brune i 2, 481- r,'7 05 T, 514 2,393 2,052 LL,2'7 4
Hong Kong 658 681 919 r, 439 r,54'7 8,900
Kuwait 1 z, 29r 698 B 5, r66
Japan 184 416 I, 044 814 ? ??R
L f JJ 6,228
Greece 175 L23 115 346 158 3,119
f raq 2,56L
France 131 r49 r46 I2I 2BI 2,582
Monaco 259 292 341 302 IlI 2, 4r2
Abu Dhabi I49 r,5'7 9
West Germany 68 96 63 r99 187 1,858
Emi-rat Arab 269 281 217 368 rtr22 2,323
Taiwan 59 116 493 1,700 5,520 8,066
U.K 14 12 12 6B 24 159
Korea 1 587 r,25'7 r, 6]-9 3, 464
It.al-y 2 2 JZ 15 63 354
Egypt 19 40 158 ITl 19 389
Jordan 180
Norway 20 )A
J.t 46 g; 31 316
Swis s 42 I2 1 5 2 115
Suriname 18 L6 11 B 103
Cyprus T9 z B9
Oman 2 4 6 6B
Thailand 28 3 ; , 1B 53
Philippines 26 4B
Qatar 6 9 1 l 13 43
Liberia 1,2 4 T6
Romania 4 20
Australia z 25 187 221
BeJ-gium 1 ; 4 B J 4I
Spain 22 50 t9
India 2 1 3 4 2 11
Sweden 4 1 2 1
Canada 5 3 ?tr 43
Others 3 1 10 12 129 580
Total- 84,014 86,264 r4g,182 r'72,I5'7 Lsg, gg5 r, 047, 034
Source: Pusat AKAN, Departemen Tenaga Kerja
Note: Statistics from 1 April 1919 to 31 March 1994
x No availabl-e data
Appendix 2: Village Questionnaire (Eng1ish Sunnary)

QUEST]ONNAIRE
IMPACTS OF ]NTERNATIONAL LABOUR
MIGRATION

VILLAGE QUESTIONNAIRE :

L992

Head of Village
I. DEMOGRPHIC CHARACTERISTICS

1. Village Area:
Census
L992 1990 1980 r971- L96r
Area (Square km)
. for agricuJ-tural- l-and % % z % %

. for house and yard I * % % %

. for other, specify I z z % z
% % 6 % %

z % z % %

% % % % z
2 z z z z

2. Total household:
r992:
Census 1990:
Census 1980:
Census I97 I:
Census L96L z

3. The averag'e number in househol-d

r992:
Census 1990:
Census 1980:
Census I91 I:
Census 196I z

4. The averaqe number of chil-dren in nucl-ear family

1992 z

Census 1990:
Census 1980:
Census I9'7I z

Census 196I z
5. Age structure of the Population
Census
1961 I91I 1980 1990 1992
age
mal-e femae male female male female male female mae female
0-4
5-9
l0-14
15-19
20-24
2>-/9

30-34
35-39
qo-44

45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65+

Total

6 Are there any persons who asked surat pindah from this
vi I Iage ?
A. YES
b. No
If YES, a.) how many surat pindah have been made for
individuals ?
What were the three most important reasons
for their move ?

b ) how many surat pindah have been made for

househol-ds ?

What were the three most important reasons

for their move ?
1 Are there any persons who are reported/registered as
livingr in this village from another place?
a YES
b NO

If YES: a.) how many persons (individual-y) have been

reported?
What hrere the three most important reasons
for them wanting to become dwell-ers in
this viJ-Iage?

b ) how many heads of households (as a group)

have reported?
What were the three most important reasons
for them wanting to become dwell-ers in
this village?

B. How many persons died during I919-1992

1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992
ge mf mf mf mI mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-t 9

20-24

JU-J9

35-39

50=54
55-59
60-64
65+

Total-
9 How many persons moved-out permanently during
r91 9-r992
1979 1980 r98r 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 199L 1992
ge mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf
u-4
5-9
10-r4
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-3 9

40-4C
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65+

Total

10. How many persons moved-in permanently during

r91 9-r992
1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 r99]. I992
age mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf mf

5-9
10-14
15-19
20-2 4

25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65+

ToLal
11. How many infants were born during I919-1992
ma-l-e female Total
]-9192

1980:
1981:
1,982 z

1983:
1984:
1985:
1_986:

I9B1:
1988:
t_989:

1990:
]-99I z

r992:
Total-
II . SOCIO-ECONOMIC CIIR;A,CTERISTICS

12. How many persons have asked permission to work abroad

since I979?
1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 r9B7 1988 l9B9 1990 199I t992
ag mt mt mt mt mf mt mt mt mt mt mf mt mt mt
<20

2/o-24
25-29
3U-34
35-39
4rJ-44
45-49
50+

Totl

13. To what countries do they go to work?

Countri-es total
mal-e female total

L4. How many persons have returned? . . . .male

female

15. How many returnees are st1I J-iving n this

vi 1 Iage ?
,.mal-e
female
16. How many persons who are staying in this village
work outside the village?
Year Mal-e Female

r_980
r- 981_
L982
1983
L984
1 985
r986
I981
198 B
198 9
1990
1991
r992

I'7. How many non-dwellers work in this village?

Indonesian ForeigTner
Year Mal-e Female MaLe Female
L9 t9
1980
1- 98 r-
L982
t_ 983
L984
1 985
198 6
1987
198 8
198 9
I 990
1_ 991

L992
18. Level of Education

I96I 191L 1 980 19 90 L992

Census Census Census Census
None

Prmary
School
Junior
High School
Senior
High School-

Uni-ver-
s ity

19. a") Type of the Main Occupation

196r T91 I 1980 1 990 r992
Occupation Census Census Census Census
1 Civil
servant
EmpJ-oyee
of state
enterprise
Emp oyee
of private
enterprise
4. Army
5. Entrepreneur
6 Work for
private
Pens on

B. Student
9. No work
L9. b. ) Profession of main occupation
I96I I91 I 1980 1990 r992
Pro fess ion Census Census Census Census
l-. Teacher
2. Farmer
3. Farmhand
4. Breeder
5 Work for
breeder
6. Entrepreneur
1 Adminis-
tration
Employee
Entreprise
worker
9 Shop
servant
10. Restaurant
servant
1 1 . Housemaid

1 2. Driver
13.
14.
15.
16.
11 .

18.
19.
20.
20. Type of main occupation/professlon of the dweller
according to the place of work:
Type of L992 1980
Occupation
work in $/ork out work in work out
vj-11age village viJ-lage village
1. Civil- servant
2 Employee of
state enter-
pri se
3 Employee of
private enter-
pri se
4. Army

5. Entrepreneur
6 Work for
private
1" Pension
B. Student
9. No work

2I. Are there any unemployed in this viJ-lage at this

time?
YES
b NO

If YES, how many: 1992

1990
1980
I I91
I96I
22. Do all of the houses in this village use electricity
AS i l- l-uminat i on ?

YES
b NO
 If NO, \nrhat percentaqe of the houses use
electricity as illumination?
in 19922 z
1990: I
1980: z
T91I: %
I96I: z

23. Do all of the househol-d in this village use

drlnking water from "PAMrr?
a YES
b NO

If NO, what percentaqe of them are usinq it?

in 1992: ...... z
1990: %
1980: z
I91 I: %
196T: %

24. How many of the househol-ds have the following:

Total
L992 1 990 1 980 r91 r 1961
1. car
motorcycle
3. refrigerator
4. t.v
5. video
6. radio
tape recorder
B. camera
9. bicycle
10. other:
 continued
IJ. el-ectrical comp
]-4. chemist /pharmacy
15. medical centre
16. community health
centre
L] . cl-inic for family
planning
18. mosque
19. church
20. primary school
2L. junior high
school-
22" senior high
school
23. reJ-igion training
centre for
advanced islamic
studie s
(pesantren) ....
24. agent for overseas
empJ-oyment
25. recreation pIaces....
o. movie theater
21 . PKK (Pembinaan
Kese jahteraan
Keluarqa:the
Movement for
Family Welfare
Educat ion )
28. tlarteL
(llarung Telepon
=Smal-I Telephone
Office) ....
29. Other

b.) The main income of the village (explain):

25. Streets in this village:
asphalt gravel land
1992 z I o-
'o

1990 %
9o
z

1_980 I % %

1-91r z >o
%

1-9 6r z z 90

26. How many of the following commercial vehivles are

there in this village?
Total
1992 1990 1980 L91L L96L

I bus
2 colt/mini bus
3 truck
4 motorcycle
5 tricycle
6
1

21. a.) In this village there are:

Total
L992 1990 1980 r9'7r L96r
1. shop
2. smal-l shop
')
repair shop
4. market
5. bank
6. co-operat ion/ union
1. factory

o. train station
bus station
1_0. telephone office
11. telegraph office
L2. post office
 ) Village Status:
Traditional Developing
ViJ-lage (Desa Swadaya) , since
Transitional Developingr
ViJ-J-age (Desa Swakarya), since
More DeveJ-oped ViIJ-age
(Desa Swasembada) , since

IIT. O P I N I O N

28. In this village there are people who have worked

overseas.Do you think the economc status of the
migrant household is better than the non-migrant
househol-d?
a o, economic status of migrant household is not
better
b YS, economic status of migrant household is
better
same

29. Do you think the social status of the migrant

househol-d is better than the non-migrant household?
a. Do, social status of miqrant household is not
better
b. ys, social- status of migrant household is better
c. same
30. Do you think the social behaviour of the migrant
household is different than before?
a YES
!- NO

If YES, what are the changes?

31. Do you think the economic behaviour of the migrant

household is different than before?
a YES
l.- NO

If YES, what are the changes?

32. What. do you think is the main reason that people work
abroad?

33. Is there a middl-eman who recruited workers here?

a YES
b NO

Do you have something to say about the middl-eman?

34. Was there any problem or difficulty in this village

rel-ating to overseas workers?
a YES
b NO

If NO, give the reasons:

If YES, what were the problems, causes and how was it

handled?
problem causes how handled

35. Are there any advantages or disadvantaqes from

overseas workers for village deveJ-opment?
advantage disadvantage
 36. Do you think that migrant workers are more active
than non-migrants in any social organisation in
this village such as soc j-al clubs, un j-ons,
poJ-itcal groups?
name of social are there any
organisation migrant workers if yes, how
as members? active are they?
a yes l-ess active
b no same
more active
t yes l-ess active
b no same
more act ive
a yes les s act ive
b no same
more act ive
a yes l-es s active
b no same
more active
a yes Iess act ive
]- no same
more act ive

31. Do you think overseas migrants have made a

contribut ion ( ideas /money / activity in the process of
)
deveJ-opment of this village?
a. YES
b. No
If NO, why?

If YES, what are their contributions?

a. what are their ideas?

 b how much money and for what has it been
used?

c. in what activity do they participate?

38. Do you think overseas migrant are more modern than

non-migrants in their behaviour and atttude?
a.overseas mrgrants are Ies s modern than non-migrants
b. overseas mi-grants are more modern than non-mlqrants
c. same
If they are more modern, do you mean they do not
fol-1ow the tradi-tions of this community?

39. In the future, do you think that there wil-l- be more

peopJ-e from here who work overseas?

a YES
b NO

Please give the reasons

40. What are the big issues in reation to the overseas

migrant workers in this viJ-J-age which are mentioned
by many dwellers?
ppendix 3: Listing of the Owerseas lorkers , Desa
Sukasari, 1992 (English Surnmary)

RT: RK

Vill age/ Sub-village:

POPULATION
TOTAL OF HOUSEHOLD:

No. Name of OCW Address Returned/ Country of

still- abroad dest inat ion
Appendix 4: Household Ouestionnaire (Engl-ish Summaryl

QUESTIONNAIRE
]MPACTS OF ]NTERNATIONAL LABOUR
MIGRATION
(A) Respondent
Number:

Returned Mgrant Household Questionnaire

RESPONDENT: Head of Househol-d

(head of household is not returned migrant)
Name:
Address: Rt RK
Village City :
District :
Reqency :
Length of stay :

List of household members who ever had or are still

working overseas:
Name Ever St Lengt Country RC dL ons p
abroad (1n years) desti- to respondent
nation

INTERVIEWER

Name:
Date:
Time: from to

I CHARCTERISTICS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF

HOUSEHOLD

I Sex: a " Mal-e

b. Female
2. Age: ears
3. Place of birth: Village/CiLyz
District:
Regency :
Province:
4 Marital- status:
a. If married,is it the first time married? a.yes b.no
Your age when first married:
If not the first marriage, which marriage now?:
b. If unmarried, why?:
c. If widower, why?:
When did it happen:
Your age at the first marriaqe:
5 Number of children (for married and widowers only):
6 Reationshp to OCW:
a. Spouse
b child
c. Parent
d. Other, specify:
1 . Religion:
B. Ethnic qroup:
9. Highest level- of formal education:
a. Never go to school
b. Primary School (unfinished)
c. Primary School
d. Junior High School (unfinished)
e. Junior High School
f. Senior High School (unfinished)
g. Senior High School-
h. Academy (unfinished)
i. Academy
j. University (unfinished)
i. University
Note: if unfinished, what level-:
if did not qo on to tertiary education, why:
10. Type of training/ course:
11. a Main occupation:
a. Civi] servant i No work
b. Employee of state enterprise j Student
c. Army
d" Employee of private enterprise
e. Entrepreneur
f" Work for private
g. Pens j-on
h" Other, specify:
 b. Profession of main occupaton:
a. Teacher:
b. EmpJ-oyee, with task:
c. Worker (e.gr construction worker) :
d. Servant (e.g shop servant):
e. Cook (e.g in hotel) :
f. Farmer:
q. Farmhand
h. Breeder:
i. Work for breeder
). Entrepreneur:
k. Housemaid
I. Merchant:
m. Skilled labourer (barber/driver/blacksmith) :
n. Other, specify:
fncome per month:
L2. If not working, why:
13. Place of main occupation
a. In the vilJ-age
b. Other viJ-lage within district
c. Other district within regency
d. Other regency within province:
e. Other province:
f. Overseas:
1,4. Addit.ional occupatj-on (see 11a) :
15. Profession of additional occupation (see 1lb) :
16. Income from additional occupation, per month:
r1 . PIace of additional occupation (see 13) :

Addit.ional question:
Other income besides that from main occupation and
additional- occupation (e.g rent out the house / car) :
a Rp er month
b Rp per month
Rp per month
d Rp per month
e Rp per month
18. Activity in home reqion
Activity Never Sometimes Often Always
t Recitation of the
Koran (penqajian)
!-
p Voluntary labour
service (kerja bakti)
Sport (olahraga)
d Program at viJ-lage level
to educate women on va-
rious aspects of family
wel-fare (pendidikan
kese j ahteraanke Luarga)
Things having to do with
art (kesenian)
f Night watchman (ronda
maJ-am)
g Information/elucidation for
example in family planning,
agricuJ-tural extension,
etc. (penyuluhan)
h Other, specify:
Ever Never
I Policy of military personnel par-
ticipating in village development
projects (ABRI masuk desa)
) General election campaigrn
(kampanye peniTu)
k Head village election campaign
(kampanye pemiTihan kepala desa)
member no

I. A member of cooperation of
village unit (Koperasi tlnit esa)
m. Pol-itical organisation
(partai poTitik)
n. Other social- organisation
(organisasi sosral), specify:

19. Activity (as number 1B) outside the home reqion:

a. Has activity, specify:
b. Has no activity
zu- The position in the village:
Leader of religious orqanisation: a \IA
jv" Q b no
Leader of social- organisation : a yes b no
Leader of political organisation: a yes b no
2L. The members of the household:
Name Age Sex -tslrtn Marlta-L Re.Latron- Age at Re-Lrgfon ECnnlc gnesL oLher
p.lace stalus ship to first group eveI training/
ocw marrl age of educ- cou r se
ation
1

t)

2I. (Continued)
Marn Protesslon Place oI Iength L n come Sfnce when SLy rn/ ouL vi l I9e
occupaLion of main maln of work per lived in
occupaLion occupaLlon (years) monLh Lhis house ever/ where -LengLh
never

22. Activity of the househod member in home region:

Activit.y Name (as shown ln 21)

a RecitaEr-on ot the Koran

b Voluntary labour service :
c Sport
d Program aE village eve to educaLe women on varous
aspect s of family welfare
Thi ngs having to do h,ith art :
f Night watchman
g Information/elucidation for example in family
planning, agricultural extension, etc.
h Other (specify):
i Participate in po-licy of mj.liLary personnel
participating n village development projects
j ParticipaLe in general el-ecion campaign
k ParLicipaLe in head village eection campaign
I Member of cooperaLion of vilage uniL
m Member poliLical organisation
n Member other social organisation (specify)
zJ " d Status of house:
a. Own
lo. Rent
c. Other, specify:
1-
Status of house five years aqo:
TJ

a. Own
b. Rent
c. Other, specify:
24. a. The condition of the house:
At present Five years ago

a Concrete wall
1,-
TJ Concrete wal1 and board b
C board/bamboo
b. The size of the house:
At present Five years ago

m2 m2

c. Illumination of house
At presenL Five years ago

a Electricity a
b Petromax (kerosene pressure l-antern) b
Other, specify:
25. Some propertl-es:
At present Five years ago

a Wet rice field Ha Ha

1^
Unirrigated
agricultural- field Ha Ha
c. Garden/yard Ha Ha
d. Cow
e. Water buf f al-o
f. Goat
q. House:
. Concrete wall
. Concrete wall and board
. board/bamboo
26. Total savinqs in the bank
At present Rp
Five year ago Rp
21. Househofd expenditure (per month)
a Food Rp
L\
L) Clothing Rp
House maintenance Rp
d Health Rp
e Education Rp
f S oap /t oothpaste / shampoo /powder
and other thing for makeup Rp
g Cigarettes Rp
h Transportat j-on Rp
I Pet ro Ieum/ f i rewo od/ gas Rp
) Donations Rp
k Tax (television/land and other Rp
1 Savings Rp
m Rent house Rp
n El-ect ri c it y Rp
o Other, specify Rp

TotaI Rp

28. Househol-d facilities and furnishings:

At present Five years ago
-Car
-Motorcycle
-Refrigerate
-TV
-Video
-Radio
-Tape recorder
-Camera
-BicycIe
-Sewing machine
-Other, specify:
If you have a television:
At present Five years ago
a Colour inch inch
b Black and white inch inch

29. a According to you, what is the position of the

economy of your household at present?
L2345618
-:- 9 10
poore sc richest
 b According to you, what is the postion of the
economy of your household five years ago?
L23 456189 10
poorest richest

(- According t o you, what is the positon of the

economy o f your househod in the next five years?
r2345618 9 10
poorest richest

30. Compared with five years 9o, what do you think the
following conditions of your household are at
present ?
Better Unchanged Worse
.House condition
. Facil-ities and
household furnishings
.Food condition
.CIothing condition
.FuIfil-l-ment of education
needs of children
.Household income

II. REASON FOR WORKING OVERSEAS

(OnIy for returned OCWs )

31. Before working overseas for the first time, how many
times did you move? (expJ-ain from the birthplace up to
departure overseas)
No. Village/ District Regency Province Duration Reason
Town / City for move
1. (birthplace)
2

3
32. How many tj-mes did you work overseas?
Country Duration Occupation Waqe Reason work
destnat ion (pro f es s ion ) per overseas * )
month
main other

'<) a. I can not obtain a job at my place of orlgin

b. My wage is not enough
My wage is enougth, but I want more
d. On duty (from my employer)
Obtain experiences
f. Make the piJ-grimage to Mecca
g. Other, specify:
33. r otal- remittances during the time worked overseas:
a The money you have brought to Indonesia: Rp
b The money you have sent to Indonesia:

Amount For Through* )

1. Rp

2 Rp

3 Rp

*) Bank/Friend/other, specify
34. Did you use the remittances for a business?
a. No
b. Yes
If yes, what sort of business:
Amount of capital- used Rp
How many workers do you use:
How is the development of your business:
Besides business, for what else was it used?:
f f no, for what \^/as it used?
III. THE PROCESS OF MIGRATION
(OnIy for returned OCWs)

35. Your work experience before work overseas:

Profession Employer Duration Reason to
chanqe j obs

1 ( first
job)
z

36. From where did you first get informatj-on

about workinq overseas:
a Newspaper
b Radio
Department of Labor
d Middleman
e Friend
f Other, specify:
What is the content of that information which made you
wish to work overseas:
31. Before you worked overseas, dd you have family,
relatives or friends in the country you worked?
a. Yes b. No
If yes, who? a Family
b Rel-ative
Friend
d Other, specify:
How often did you communicate with them:
a. Often
b. Rarely
c. OnIy once
d. Never
38. Aft.er you obtained information about working
overseas,what steps did you undertake (explain
chronologically):
Sort of activity The length The cost The problem
of activity
1

t-0.

39. Who first decided that you should work overseas ?

a Mysel f
b Toget.her wit
Decided by
If the decision was made by yourself, did you feel-
that someone influenced your decision (e.g your
spouse or parent)? rf yes, who (explain):

Did you ask for an agreement/permission from someone

(e.g your spouse or parent)? If yes, who:

40. Did you spend any money for your journey abroad?
a. Yes, paid for all: Rp
b. Yes, paid for some: Rp
c. No not at all
Who help to pay that cost? (explain)
4L. With whom did you go overseas?
a. Alone
b. Group: ersons, headed by:
A. PPTKI
b. Other, specify:-

IV. EXPERIENCE IN THE COUNTRY OF EMPLOYMENT

(Only for returned OCWs)

42. Explain your first experience in the country of

employment, whether it be sorrow and happiness,
whether you have friends to help:

43. Whilst workinq overseas, how many times did you

return to Indonesj-a? (give the reason of return)

44. Difficul-ties and problems in the country of

employment:
Kind of difficulty/problem Reason

)J

45 Do you think that your work experience overseas l-s

useful for your work here in your village? Explain
V. PROBLEMS AT HOME
46. a. Difficulties and problems in your household at
present:
Kind of difficuty/problem Reason

I
2

b Did the difficulties and problems above, exist

five years aqo? If yes which one(s):
Kind of difficulty/problem Reason

I
2

41. What do you think the benefit was for your household
after you worked overseas (Only for returned OCWs):
Kind of benefit Reason
L

48. What do you t.hink the detriment was to your

household after you worked overseas (Only for
returned OCWs):
Kind of detriment Reason
1,

3
VI. INTEGRATION AND PARTICIPATION UPON RETURN

49. When did you return (Only for returned OCWs) :

Date Mon Year

50. Are you happy to stay in this village after working
overseas? (Only for returned OCWs):
a. Yes
b. alright
c. No
Reason:
51. When you returned, did you have plans to work in your
place of origin? (Only for returned OCWs)
Explain:
52. How long did you not work between returning and
obtaining the current j ob (Only for returned OCWs) :

months
Reason:

If at this time you are not working, why.

f J. d Have you ever contributed ideas to your villaqe's

development ?
a. Often
b. Seldom
c. Never, because:
rf you have, what ideas?:

b Have you ever contributed money to your village's

development ?
a. Often
b. Seldom
c. Never, because:
If you have, for what activity:

Have you ever contributed manpower to your

village's development ?
a. Often
b. Seldom
c. Never, because:
 If you have, for what activ-ty:

d. What tradition you do not like in your village?:

e. What tradi[ion do you like in your village?:-

VTT. FUTURE MIGRATION

54. Suppose you could get along well enough (where you
are now) to provide food and other necessities for
yourself and your family. Would you be willing to
move to another place far from here where the
language and customs are different,but you
could live better than here?
a. Move
b. St.ay
If you wish to move, how big an income do you want to
obtain there:
a. T\ice biggrer
b. 3 X bigger
c _ X bigger

55. At present, do you have f amily/relat j-ves/ f riends in

other country who sti11 comunicate with you?
a. Yes
b. No

If yes, who are they?

name relationship countrlr status durat.ion
to you of stay of sLay-
(permanent ins
or not
1_

4
VIII. MODERNITY LEVEL OF RESPONDENT

.Circl-e (O) f or respondent: head of household

.Cross (X) for respondent: return OCW
56. (Educational and occupational aspirat.ions)
If schooling is freely available (rf there were no
kinds of obstacles) how much do you think
children of people like yourself should have?
a. Primary school
b. Hiqh school
c. Unversit.y
b. A poor cultivator has only one son aged l0 years
and greatly needs this son's full-time help in
cultivation so the family can raise enough food Lo
eat (well).But the son wishes to continue to attend
school rather than work fulltime. What should the
father decide to do ?If the respondent says "both",
ask:which should the son qj-ve his main attention
to? a. Work for the father
b. Work and continue in school
c. Continue in school without working for
the father
51 . (Change orientation)

T\Mo L2-year-old boys took t ime out f rom their work

in the corn (rice) fields. They were trying to
figure out a way to grow the same amount of corn
(rice) witfr fewer hours of work.
- The father of one boy (A) said: "That is a good
thing to think about. Tell me your thoughts about
how we should change our ways of growinq corn
(rice) . "
- The father of the other boy (B) saj-d: "The way
to grow corn (rice) is the way we have always
done it. Talk about change will waste time and
not he1p" Which father said the wiser words?
a. A
b. Both A and B
C. B

b Some people say that a boy should be taught to

prefer the old, traditional ways of doing things.
Others say a boy shoul-d be taught to prefer the new
and modern ways of doing things. What should a
boy be taught to prefer?
a. Only the traditional ways and things
b. Both t.raditional and new ways/ things
c. Only new ways and things
58. (Ef f icacy)
a Some say that a man born into a poor family will
not better his condition even if he is ambitious
and hard working. Do you t.hink such a man:
a. Will surely fail to get ahead
b. Will probably succeed
c. Wj-1f surely succeed
b Some say that getting ahead in life depends on
destiny. Others say that it depends on the
person's own efforts. Do you think the position a
man reaches in life depends more on fate or more on
one's own efforts?
a. Ent.irely on fate
b. On fate and own efforts
c. Entirely on own efforts
59. (Family size)
a What do you think is the best number of children
for a man J-ike you to have during your lifetime?
children
b Suppose you could adequately provide for and
educate all the children you might have.How many
would you want in that case?
a. More t.han that
b. One or two more
c. The same number as I have s tated
60. (Kinship obligations )

a Suppose a young man works in a factory. He has

barely managed to save a very small amount of
money. A first cousin comes to him and tel-ls him
that he needs money badly since he has no work at
all-. How much obligation do you think the factory
worker has to share his savings with his first
cous in?
a. A stronq obligation
b. A not so strongr obliqation
c. No obligation
b. Now suppose in the story I told you that it was not
his cousin but a distant cousin who came to the
factory worker and said he had no money. How much
obligation do you think the factory worker has to
share his savingis with his dist.ant cousin?
A stronq obligation
b A not so strong obligation
No obligation
61, . s rights
(Women' )

a In general, do you (would you) discuss your work

with your wife:
a. Not at a1l
b. Once in a while
c. Often
b Suppose in a factory or office, both men and
women did exactly the same sort of work, what
should be t'he pay they receive?
a. Men should get quite a bit (lot) more
b. Men should get a little more
c. It should be equal
 QUESTIONNATRE
TMPACTS OF TNTERNATTONAL LABOUR
MIGRATION
(B) Respondent
Number:
Migrant Househol-d Questionnaire

RESPONDENT: Head of HousehoLd

(migrant is sti11 working overseas )

Name:
Address: Rt
Village/City
District
Regency
Length of st.ay
List of household members who ever or are stil1 working
overseas:
Name Ever/sti11 Length Country of Relationship
abroad ( in years ) destination to respondent

Note If in the household there is a return OCW, use

questionnaire A (if return OCW is not the head of
household) or C (if return OCW is the head of
household)
INTERVIEWER

Name:
Date:
Time: from to

I CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF

HOUSEHOLD

1. Sex: a. Male
b. Female
) Age: years
3 Place of birth: Village /CiLy:
District:
Regency :
Province:
4 Marital status:
a. ff married, it is the first time married? a. yes
b. no
Your age when first married:
If not the first marriage, which marriage now?:
b. If unmarried, why?:
c. If widower, why?:
When did it happen:
Your age at the first marriage:
5 Number of children (for marrj-ed and widowers only) :

6 Relatj-onship to OCW:
a. Spouse
b child
c. Parent
d. Other, specify:
7 Religion:
B Ethnic group:
9 Highest level of formal- education:
a. Never went to school
b. Primary School (unfinished)
c. Primary School
d. Junior Hiqh School (unfinished)
e. Junior High School-
f. Senior High School (unfinished)
g. Senior High School-
h. Academy (unfinished)
i. Academy
j. university (unfinished)
i. University
Note: if unfinished, what level:
if did not go on to tertiary education, why
10. TVpe of tra-ning/course:
11. a. Main occupation:
a. Civil servant
b. Employeeof state enterpri-se
c. Army
d. Employee of private enterprj-se
e. Entrepreneur
f. Work for private
g. Pension
h. Other, specify:
i. No work
). Student
 b. Profession of main occupation:
a. Teacher:
b. Employee, with task:
c. Worker (e.g construcLion worker):
d. Servant (e.g shop servant):
e. Cook (e.q in hotel):
f. Farmer:
g. Farmhand
h. Breeder;
i. Work for breeder
j. Entrepreneur:
k. Housemaid
1. Merchant:
m. Skilled laborer (barber/driver/blacksmith) :
n. Other, specify:
c. fncome per month:
d. How long have you been work: years month
1-2 If not work, why:
.

13. Place of main occupation

a. In the village
b. Other village within district
c. Other district withj_n regency
d. Other regency within provi_nce:
e. Other province:
f. Overseas:
14. Additional occupatj-on (see 1l_a)
:

15. Profession of additionat occupation (see 11b)

76. Income from additional occupation, per month:
1-l Place of additional occupation (see 13 )
.
'

Additional question
Other income besides that from main occupatron and
additional occupation (e.g rent out the house/car):
a er month
b r month
r month
d LJ er month
e n er month
18. Activity in home region
Activity Never Sometimes Often Always
a. Recitation of the
Koran (pengajian)
b. Voluntary labour
service (kerja bakti)
c. Sport (oJahraga)
d. Program at village -
level to educate women
on various aspects of
family welfare (pendidikan
kesejahteraankel-uarga) _
e. Things having to do with
art (kesenian)
f. Night watchman (ronda
mal-am)
q. Informaton/elucidation for
example in family planning,
agricultural extension,
etc. (penyuLuhan) _
h. Other, specify:
Ever Never
i. Policy of military personnel
participating in village
development projects (ABRI
masuk desa)
j . General- el-ection campaiqn
(kampanye pemiTu)
k. Head village election campaign
(kampanye pemil-ihan kepala desa)
Member No

1. A member of cooperation of
village unit (Koperasi unit Desa)
m. Political organizaLon
(partai pol-itik)
n. Other social organisation
(organisasi sosial-) , specify:

L9. Activity (as number 18) out side the home reqion:
a. Has activity, specify:
b. Has no activity
20. Theposition in the villaqe:
Leader of religious organisation: a. yes b no
Leader of social orqanisation : a. yes b no
Leader of political orqanisaton: a. \tcvr
_lf b no
21-. The members of the household:
Nane AlJe Sex BirLh Maritaf Relation- qe at Religion EthDi,t: Highest Ol-er
r a^^ sLatus
Prquu ship to first grcrr11, level t r,1i ri r)g/
ocw marrage ,:,f e.l.r.r(.. (:rlUl -qe
, l- i ()Il

21 . (Continued)
I'l;._ PrLrfe-qsion Pl-ace c)f I ength Income Since whgrl l:i.)/ ill /r-)ul. 1tll,-
r:,Crtl:)af-i(:) Of main m ln of work per lrved in
occupation occupaLion (years ) month Lhis house ever/where Iengi--l-,
tever
I

22. Activity of the household member in home region:

Activity Name (as shown in 21)
a. Recitation of the Koran
b. Voluntary fabour service
c. Sport
d. Program at village
level- to educate women
on various aspects of
family welfare
e. Things having to do with
art
f . Nigrht watchman
g. Information/elucidation for
example in family planning,
agricultural extension, etc.
 h. Other (specify) :

i. Participate in policy of
miItary personnel
participating in village
development projects :
j. Participate in general
election campaign :
l-
Participate in head village
election campaign :
l. Member of cooperation of
village unit :

m. Member political organisation :

n. Member other social
organisation (specify) :

Status of house:
a. Own
b. Rent
c. Other, specify:
b S tatus of house five years ago:
a Own
b Rent
Other, specify:
24. a. The condi,tion of the house
At present Frve years ago
Concrete wall
b Concrete wall and board b
board/bamboo
b. The size of the house:
At oresent
'm2 Five vears
-m2 ago

c. Illumination of house
At present Five years ago
a Electricity a
b Petromax (kerosene pressure lantern) b
Other, specify: L

25. Some properties:

At present Frve years ago
a Wet rice field Ha -Etd
b Unirrigated
agriculturaf field Ha -Elct
- Garden/yard Ha Ha
d Cow
 Water buffal-o
f. Goat
g. House:
.Concrete wal1
.Concrete wal1 and board
. board/bamboo
26. Total savings in the bank
At present : Rp
Five year ago: Rp
21. Household expenditure (per month):
a. Food : Rp
b. Clothing Rp
c. House maintenance Rp
d. Health Rp
e. Education Rp
f . Soap/toothpaste/ shampoo/powder
and other thing for makeuP Rp
q. Cigarettes Rp
h. Transportation Rp
i. Petroleum/firewood/gas Rp
j. Donations Rp
k. Tax (television/land and other) Rp
1. Savings Rp
m. Rent house Rp
n. Electricity Rp
o. Other, specify Rp

Total Rp

28. Household facilities and furnishings

At present Frve years ago
-Car
-Motorcycle
-Refrigerate
_TV
-Video
-Radio
-Tape recorder
-Camera
-Bicycle
-Sewing machine
-Other, specify:
If you have a television:
At present Five years ago
a. Colour inch inch
b. Black and white inch inch
29. a. According to you, what is the position of the
economy of your household at present?
r_2_3_4_56789 0
poorest richest
b. According to you, what is the position of the
economy of your household five years ago?
1, 2 3 4 s 6 7 B 9 10
poorest richest
According to you, what is the postion of the
economy of your household in the next five years?
r 2 3 4 5 6 7 B 9 10
poorest richest

30. Compared with five years go, what do you think the
following conditions of your household are at
present ?
Better Unchanged Worse
.House condition
. Facilities and
household furnishings
. Food condition
.Clothing conditon
. Fulfi-llment of education
needs of chil-dren
.Household income

31. Total remittances during time worked overseas:

a. The money OCWs have brought t.o Indonesia: Rp
b. The money OCWs have sent to Indonesia:
Amount For Through* )

1. Rp
2. Rp
3. Rp
*) Bank/Friend/other, specify
32. Did you use the remittances for a business?
a. No
b. Yes
 If yes, what sort of business:
Amount of capital used : Rp
How many workers do You use:
How is the development of your business:
Besides business, for what else was it used:
If rro, for what was it used?

II. PROBLEMS AT HOME

JJ. d. Difficulties and probl-ems in your household at

present:
Kind of dfficulty/problem Reason

1-

b The difficulties and probl-ems above, is existed

five years ago? If yes which one(s):
Knd of difficulty/problem Reason

I
2,

)J

34. What do you think the benefit was for your household
after the OCW worked overseas:

Kind of benefit Reason

t_

)
J
35 " What do you think the detriment was to your household
after the OCW worked overseas:
Ki-nd of detriment Reason

l-

III. SOCIAL PARTICIPATION

JO.d. Have you ever contributed ideas to your
villaqe' s development?
a. Often
b. Seldom
c. Never, because:
If you have, what ideas ? :

b Have you ever contributed of money to your

village's development ?
a. Often
b. Sel-dom
c. Never, because:
If you have, for what activity:

Have you ever contributed manpower to your

village's development ?
a. Often
b. Sel-dom
c. Never, because:

If you have, for what acLivity:

d. What t.radition you do not like in your village?:

e. What tradition do you like in your village?:-

rV. FUTURE MIGRA.TION

37. could get along well enough (where you

Suppose you
are now) to provide food and other necessities for
yourself and your family. Would you be willing to
move to another place far from here where the
languaqe and customs are different,but you could live
better than here?
a. Move
b. Stay
If you wish to move, how big an income do you want to
obtain there:
a. rwj-ce bigger
b. 3 X bigger
c X bigger
-
38. At present, do you have family/relatives/ friends in
other country who st.ill comunj-cate with you?
a. Yes b. No
If yes, who are they?
name relationship counLry status duration
to you of stay of stay
(permanent
or not
I
2

V. MODERNITY LEVEL OF RESPONDENT

. Circle (O) f or respondent: head of household

. Cross (X) f or respondent: return OCW

39. (Educational and occupational- aspirations)

a rf schooling is freely available (if there were no
kinds of obstacles ) how much do you think children
of people like yourself should have?
a. Primary school c. University
b. High school
 b. A poor cul-tivat.or has only one son, aged 10
years and greatly needs this son's full-time help
in cultivation so the family can raise enough food
to eat (we11).But the son wishes to continue to
attend school rather than work fulltime. What
should the father decide to do? If the respondent
says "both", ask: which shoul-d the son grive his
main attention to?
a. Work for the father
b. Work and continue in school
c. Continue in school without working for the
father
40. (Change orientation)
a TWo L2-year-old boys t.ook time out from their work
in the corn (rice) fields. They were trying to
figure out a way to grow the same amount of corn
(rice) witn fewer hours of work.
- The father of one boy (A) said: "That is a good
thinq to think about. Tell- me your thoughts about
how we should change our ways of growing corn
(rice) . "
- The father of the other boy (B) said: "The way
to qrow corn (rice) is the way we have always
done it. Talk about chanqe will waste time and
not he1p"
Which father said the wiser words?
d,. \
b. Both A and B
c. B
b. Some people say that a boy should be taught to
prefer the o1d, traditional ways of doing things.
Others say a boy should be taught to prefer the new
and modern ways of doing things. What should a boy
be taught to prefer?
a. Only the traditional ways/things
b. Both traditj-onal and new ways and things
c. Only new ways and things
4L (Efficacy)
a Some say that a man born into a poor famity will
not better his condition even if he is ambitious
and hard working. Do you think such a man:
a. Will surely fail to get ahead
b. Will probably succeed
c. Will surely succeed
 b Some say that getting ahead in life depends on
destiny. Others say that it depends on the
person's own efforts. Do you think the position a
man reaches in l-ife depends more on fate or more on
one's own efforts?
a. EntireJ-y on fate
b. On fate and own efforts
c. Ent.irely on own ef f orts
42. (Family size)
What do you thj-nk is the best number of children
for a man like you to have during your lifetime?
chi-ldren
b Suppose you could adequately provide for and
educate all the children you might have.How many
would you want in that case?
a. More than that
b. One or two more
c. The same number as I have tol-d
43. (Kinship obligations)
a Suppose a younq man works in a factory. He has
barely managed to save a very small amount of
money. A first cousin comes to him and tell-s
him that he needs money badly since he has no work
at al-l. How much obligation do you think the
factory worker has to share his savingrs with his
f irst cousi-n?
a. A strong obligation
b. A not so st.rong obligat-on
c. No obligation
b. Now suppose in the story I told you that it was not
his cousin but a distant cousin who came to the
factory worker and said he had no money. How much
obligation do you think the factory worker has to
share his savings with his distant cousin?
a. A strong obligation
b. A not so strong obligat.ion
c. No obligation
44 . (Women' s rights
)

a In general, do you (would you) discuss your work

with your wife:
a. Not at all
b. Once in a whil-e
c. Often
 b. Suppose in a factory or office, both men and
women did exactly the same sort of work, what
should be the pay they receive?
a. Men should get quite a bit (lot) more
b. Men should get a little more
c. It should be equal

Note: Before the OCW goes overseas, has he/she worked?

a. Yes
b. No
If yes, what type of work:

Why did the OCW work overseas?

QUESTIONNAIRE
IMPACTS OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR
MIGRATION
(C) Respondent
Number:

Returned Migrant Household Questionnaire

RESPONDENT: Head of Househol-d

(head of household is ret.urned migrant )

Name:
Address: Rt RK
Vil-l-age/City :
District :
Reqency :
Length of stay :

List of household members who ever or are still working

overseas:
Name Ever / still Length Country of Relationship
abroad (in years) destination to respondent

TNTERVIEWER

Name:
Date:
Time: from to

I CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF

HOUSEHOLD

1. Sex: Male
b Femal-e

2. Age: years
3 Pl-ace of birth: VilJ-age/City:
Dist.rict:
Regency :
Province:
4 Marital status:
a. If married, is it the first time married? a yes
b no
Your age when first married:
If not the first marriaqe, which marriaqe now?:
b If unmarried, why?:
If widower, why?:
When did it happen:
Your age at the first marriage:
5. Number of children (for married and widowers only):
6 Religion:
1 Ethnic group:
I Highest level of formal education:
a. Never went to school-
b. Primary School (unfinished)
c. Primary School-
d. .lunior High School (unf inished)
e. Junior High School
f. Senior High School (unfinished)
g. Seni-or Hiqh School
h. Academy (unfinished)
i. Academy
j. university (unfinished)
i. University
Note: if unf inj-shed, what level- r

if did not go on to terti-ary education, why

9. TVpe of training/course:
10. a Main occupation:
a. Civil servant
b. Employee of state enterprise
c. Army
d. Employee of private enterprise
e. Entrepreneur
f . Work f or prj-vate
g. Pension
h. Other, specify:
i. No work
j. Student.
 b. Profession of main occupation:
a. Teacher:
b. Employee, with task:
c. Worker (e.g construction worker):
d. Servant (e.g shop servant):
e. Cook (e.g in hotel):
f. Farmer:
g. Farmhand
h. Breeder:
i. Work for breeder
j. Entrepreneur:
k. Housemaid
1. Merchant:
m. Skilled labourer (barber/driver/blacksmith)
n. Other, specify:
c. Income per month:
11. If do not work, why:
L2. Place of main occupation
a. In the village
b. Other village within district
c. Other district within regency
d. Other regency wj-thin province:
e. Other province:
f. Overseas:
13. Additional occupation (see 1-1a)
74. Profession of additional occupation (see 1l-b) :

l-5. Income from additional occupation, per month:

16. Place of additional occupation (see L2)
'

Additional question

Other income besides that from main occupatlon and

additional occupation (e.g rent out the house/car):
a p tl er month
b LJ er month
Rp tl er month
d 1) er month
e Rp er month
17. Activity in home reqion:
Actrv:-ty Never Sometimes Often Always
a. Recrtatron of the
Koran (pengajian)
t^
lJ. Voluntary labour
service (kerja bakti) _
Sport (oJahraga)
d. Program at village
l-evel to educate women
on various aspects of
family welfare (pendidikan
kesejahteraan keTuarga) _
Things having to do with

art (kesenian)
I. Night watchman (ronda
mal-am)
g. rnformat on / elucidation for
example in family planning,
agricultural extension,
et.c. (penyuTuhan) _
h. Other, speci-fy:
Ever Never
Policy of military personnel
participating in village
development projects (ABRI
masuk desa)
) General election campaiqn
(kampanye pemilu)
k Head village election campaign
(kampanye pemilihan kepaTa desa)

Member No
1 A member of cooperation of
village unit (Koperasi Unit Desa)
m Political orqanisation
(partai politik)
n Other social organisation
(organisasj sosiaf), specify:

l-8. Activity (as number 7l) outside the home region:

a. Has activi-ty, specify:
b. Has no activity
]-9. The positj-on in the village:
Leader of religious orqanisation: a \/aa
Jep b no
Leader of social org'ansation : a yes b no
Leader of political organisation: a \7C
Jf UU b no
20. The members of the household:
Name Age Sex Birth Marital RefaClon- Aqe at Religion Et]lii. Ii i gr+r: r- O r-he r
place status ship to flrst 9IOr11' r_ ralnirlrJ /
ocw/ marr]-age ,.)f er,luc- C()_lI- -q e
responcent at i c,l.r
l

20. (l(:)Itinrlec
lain Professior Pace of length Income Siuce wi-r:ti I'i..1y ill/,:,-ii- ril1ag'1
clccr-tl-)ar-iLrn of main mafn of work per I ivec in r-iri r:
occupaLion occupatlon (years) month hou-qe / \rhra lelr;l-lt
". "t: I
l1l

tr

l
I

2L. Activity of the household memlf,er in home region:

Activity Name (as shown in 20)
Recitation of the Koran
b Voluntary l-abour service
Sport
d at village
Prog'ram
level to educate women
on various aspects of
family welfare
Things having to do with
art
f Night watchman
g fnformat ion / elucidation for
example in family planning,
agricultural extension, etc .
h Other (specify)
 1.Participate in policy of
military personnel
participating in village
development projects :
j. Participate in general
election campaign :
k. Participate in head village
election campaign :
1. Member of cooperatj_on of
village unit :
m. Member political organisation:
n. Member other social
organisation (specify) :

zz. d tatus of house:

Own
b Rent
Other, specify:
b e tatus of house five years ago
a Own
b Rent
Other, specify:
23. a. The condition of the house:
At present Frve years ago
a. Concrete wal] a
b. Concrete wall_ and board b
c. board/bamboo C

b. The size of the house:

Atp resent ago
m2

c. lll-umination of house
At present Five years ago
a. Electric j-ty a
b. Petromax (kerosene pressure lantern) b
c. Other, specify: C
 24. Some properties:
At present Five years ago
a. Wet rice field _Ha
b. Unirrigated
agricultural_ field -E1cl Ld
c. Garden/yard -Ha -.i
d. Cow
e. Water buffalo -Ha
f. Goat
g. House:
. Concrete wal_1
. Concrete wal1 and board_
. board/bamboo
25. Total savings in the bank
At present : Rp
Five year ago: Rp
26. Household expendit.ure (per month) :

a. Food Rp
b. Clothing Rp
c. House maintenance Rp
d. Health Rp
e. Education Rp
f . Soap/ toothpaste/ shampoo/powder
and other things for makeup Rp
q. Cigarettes Rp
h. Transportation Rp
i. Petroleum/firewood/gas Rp
j. Donations Rp
k. Tax (television/and and other Rp
1. Savings Rp
m. Rent house Rp
n. Electricity Rp
o . Ot.her, speci fy Rp

Total Rp
27 . Househol_d facilities and furnishings
At present Frve years ago
-Car
-Motorcycle
-Refrigerate
-TV
-Video
-Radio
-Tape recorder
-Camera
-Bicycle
-Sewing machine
-Other, specify:
 If you have a television:
At present Frve years ago
a Col-our inch inch
b Black and white inch inch

28. a According to you, what is the position of the

economy of your household at present?
L 2 3 4 s 6 1 B 9 10
poorest richest

b According to you, what is the position of the

economy of your household five years ago?
r_2_3_4_s_6_1 B 9 10
poorest richest

According to you, what is the position of the

economy of your househol-d in the next five years?
L_2_3_4 5 6 7 B 9 l_0
poorest richest

29. Compared with five years 9o, what do you think the
foll-owing conditions of your household are at
present ?
Better Unchanged Worse
.House conditron
. Facilities and
household furnishings
. Food condition
. Clothing condition
. Fulfillment. of education
needs of children
.Household income
rI. REASON FOR WORKTNG OVERSEAS

30. Before workng overseas for the first time, how many
times did you move? (explain from t.he birthplace up
to departure overseas )

No"ViL1age/ Distri-ct Regency Province Duration Reason

Town/City for
move

1-. (birthplace)
)
3

3l-. How many times did you work overseas?

Country Duration Occupati-on Wage Reason work
desti-nation (prof ession ) per overseas* )
month
main other
I
)
3

* a. I can not obtain a job at my place of orgin

b. My wage is not enough
My wage is enough, but I want more
d. On duty (from my employer)
Obtain experiences
f. Make the pilgrimage t.o Mecca
q. Other, specify:
32. Total remittances during the time worked overseas:
a. The money you have brought to Indonesia: Rp
b. The money you have sent to Indonesia:
Amount For Through* )

1. Rp

2. Rp

3. Rp
*) Bank/Friend/other, specify
 D id you use the remittances for a business?
a .No
b . Yes
If yes, what sort of busr-ness:
Amount of capiLal used : Rp
How many workers do you use:
How is the development of your business
Besides business, for what el-se was it used:
If ro, for what was it used?

III. THE PROCESS OF MIGRATTON

34, Your work experience before work overseas:
Profession Employer Duration Reason to
change j obs
1 ( first
j ob)
I
Z

35. From where did you first get information about

working overseas ?
a. Newspaper
b. Radio
c. DeparLment of Labor
d. Middleman
e. Friend
f. Other, specify:
What is the content of that information which made
you wish to work overseas:
36. Before you worked overseas, did you have family,
rel-atives or friends in the country you worked?
a. Yes b. No
If yes, who? a Family
b Relative
Friend
d Other, specify:
 Howoften dj-d you communicate with them:
a. Often
b. Rarely
c. Only once
d. Never
31 . After you have obtained informati-on about working
overseas,what steps did you undertake (explain
chronologically ) :

Sort of activity The length The cost The problem

of activity
1

10

38. Who first decided that you should work overseas:

a Myself
b Together wit
.- Decided
If the decision was made by yourself, did you feel
that someone inf l-uenced your decision (e.g
your spouse or parent)? If yes, who (explain):

Did you ask for an ag'reement/permission from someone

(e.g your spouse or parent) ? If yes,who:
39. Did you spend any money for your journey abroad?
a. Yes,paid for all: RP
b. Yes,paid for some: RP
c " No not at al-l

Who helped to pay that cost? (expJ-ain) :

40. With whom did you go overseas?

a. Alone
b. Group: headed bY: a PPTKT
b Other, speci- fy :

-persons,
IV. EXPERIENCE TN THE COUNTRY OF EMPLOYMENT

4L. Explain your first experience in the country of

employment,whether it be sorrow and happiness,and
whether you had a friend to helP:

42 Whi-lst working overseas, how many times did you

return to Indonesj-a? (give the reason of return)

43. Difficul-ties and problems j-n the country of

employment:
Kind of dif ficul-ty/problem Reason

')
J

44. Do you think that your work experience overseas is

useful for your work here in your village? Explain:
V. PROBLEMS AT HOME
45. a Difficulties and problems in your household at
present:
Kind of difficulty/problem Reason

I
2

b. The difficulties and problems above,existed

five years ago? If yes which one(s):
Kind of difficulty/probfem Reason

1-

46. What do you think the benefit was for your household
after you worked overseas (Only for returned OCWs):
Kind of benefit Reason

1-

41. What do you think the detriment was to your household

after you worked overseas (Onty for returned OCWs) :

Kind of detrrment Reason

1-

)
3
VI. INTEGRATION AND PARTICIPATION UPON RETURN

48. When did you return (On1y for returned OCWs):

Date Mon Year
49. Are you happy to stay in this village after working
overseas? (On1y for returned OCWs):
a. Yes
b. alright
c. No
Reason:
50. When you returned, do you have plans to work in your
place of origin? (On1y for returned OCWs)
Explain:
5l-. How lonq did you not work between returning and
obtaining the current job: nths
Reason

If at this time you are not working, why?

52. a. Have you ever contributed ideas for your

v-l1age' s development?
a. Often
b. Seldom
c. Never, because:
rf you have, what ideas ?

b. Have you ever contributed money for your

villagre's development ?
a. Often
b. Seldom
c. Never, because:
If you have, for what activity:

I Have you ever contributed manpower for

your villagre ' s development ?
a. Often
b. Seldom
c. Never, because:
If you have, for what activity:
 d. What tradition you do not like in your village?:

e. What tradj-tion do you like in your village?:-

VII. FUTURE MIGRTION

53. could get along well enough (where you

Suppose you
are now) to provide food and other necessities for
yourself and your family. Would you be willing to
move to another place far from here where the
language and customs are dif ferent,but you coul-d
live better than here?
a. Move
b. Stay
If you wish to move, how big an income do you want to
obtain there:
a. Tlvice bigger
b. 3 X bigger
c _ X bigger
54. A[ present, do you have f amil-y/rel-atives/ f riends in
other country who still comunicate with you?
a. Yes b. No
If yes, who are they?
name rel,ationshj-p country status duration
to you of stay of stay
(permanent
or not
t

4
VTII. MODERNTTY LEVEL OF RESPONDENT

. Circle (O) f or respondent: head of household

. Cross (X) f or respondent: return OCW

55. (Educational and occupational aspirations)

If schooling is freely available (if there were no
kinds of obstacles) how much do you think children
of people like yourself should have?
a. Primary school
b. High school
c. University
b A poor cultivator has only one son, aged 10 years,
and greatJ-y needs this son' s full-time help in
cultivation so the family can raise enough food to
eat (well).But the son wishes to continue to attend
school rather than work fulltime. What should the
father decide to do ths?If the Respondent says
"both", ask: which should the son give his main
attention to?
a. Work for the father
b. Work and continue in school
c. Continue in school wj-thout working f or the
father

56. (Change orientation)

T\,vo t2-year-old boys took time out from their work
in the corn (rice) fields. They were trying to
figure out a way to grow the same amount of corn
(rice) witfr fewer hours of work.
- The father of one boy (A) said: "That is a good
thing to think about. Tell me your thoughts about
our ways of growing corn
how we should change
/rj
\ ! !v9a\ /
.
tt

- The father of the other boy (B) said: "The way

to grow corn (rice) is the way we have always
done it. Talk about change will waste time and
not help"
Which father said t.he wiser words?
a. A
b. Both A and B
c. B
 b. Some people say that a boy should be taught. to
prefer the old, traditional ways of doing things.
Others say a boy should be taught to prefer the new
and modern ways of doing things. What shoul-d a boy
be taught to prefer?
a. Only the traditional ways and things
b. Both traditional and new ways/things
c. OnJ-y new ways and Lhings

51 . (Effj-cacy)
a Some say t,hat a man born int.o a poor family will
not better his condition even if he is ambitious
and hard working. Do you think such a man:
a. Will surely fail to get ahead
b. Will probably succeed
c. Will surely succeed
b. Some say that getting ahead in life depends on
destiny. Others say t.hat it depends on the
person's own efforts. Do you think the position a
man reaches in life depends more on fate or more on
one's own efforts?
a. Entirely on fate
b. On fate and own efforts
c. Entirely on own efforts
58. (Family size)
a What. do you think is the best number of children
for a man like you to have during your lifetime?
children
b. Suppose you could adequately provide for and
educate all the children you mighL have.How many
would you want in that case?
a. More than that
b. One or two more
c. The same number as I have told.
59 . (Kinship obligations )

a Suppose a younq man works in a factory. He has

barely manaqed to save a very small amount of
money. A first cousin comes to him and tel-l-s
him that he needs money badly since he has no work
at all. How much obligation do you think the
factory worker has to share his savingis with his
first cousin?
a. A stronq obligation
b. A not so strong obligation
c. No obligation
 b Now suppose in the story I told you that it was not
his cousin but a distant cousin who came to the
factory worker and said he had no money. How much
obl-igation do you think the factory worker has to
share his sav-ngs with his distant cousin?
a. A strong obligation
b. A not so strong obligation
c. No obligation
60 . (Women' s rights
)

In general, do you (would you) discuss your work

with your wife:
a. Not at all
b. Once in a while
c. Often
b. Suppose in a factory or offi-ce, both men and
women did exactly the same sort of work, what
should be the pay they receive?
a. Men should get quite a bit (lot) more
b. Men should qet a little more
c. It should be equal
QUESTIONNAIRE
IMPACTS OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR
MIGRATION
(D) Respondent
Number:

Non Migrant Househol-d Questionnaire

RESPONDENT: Head of Household

Name:
Address: RT RK
Village/City :

District :

Regency :

Length of stay :

INTERVIEWER

Name:
Date:
Time: from to

I CHARCTERTSTICS AND SOCIOECONOMIC CONDTTIONS OF

HOUSEHOLD

l- . Sex: a. Male
b. Female
2 Aqe: years
3 Place of birth: Village/City:
District:
Reqency :
Province:
4 Marital status:
a. If married, it is the first time marri-ed? a v r -..:r

b no
Your age when first married:
ff not the first marriage, which marriage now?:
b If unmarried, why?:
If wj-dower, why?:
When did it was happen:
Your age at the first marriage:
5. Number of children (for married and widowers only):
6 Household Status:
a. Head of household
a. Spouse
b chi_ld
c. Parent
d. Other, specify:
1 . Relig-on:
8. Ethnic group:
9. Highest leve1 of formal education:
a. Never went to school
b. Primary School (unfinished)
c. Primary School
d. Junior High School (unf ini-shed)
e. Junior High School
f. Senior High School (unfinished)
g. Senior High School
h. Academy (unf j-nished)
i. Academy
j . university (unfinished)
i. University
Note: if unfinished, what 1evel:
if did not qo on to tertiary education, why

10. TVpe of training/course:

1-1. Main occupaton:
a. Civil servant
b. Employee of state enterprise
c. Army
d. Employee of private enterprise
e. Entrepreneur
f. Work for private
q. Pension
h. Other, specify:
i. No work
j. Student

b. Profession of main occupation:

a. Teacher:
b. Employee, with task:
c. Worker (e.g construction worker):
d. Servant (e.g shop servant):
e. Cook (e.g in hot.el) :

f. Farmer:
q. Farmhand
h. Breeder:
i. Work for breeder
j. Entrepreneur:
 k Housemaid
I Merchant:
m Skilled laborer (barber/driver/blacksmith) :
n Other, specify:

c. Income per month:

d. How lonq have you been working: years months
L2. If do not. work, why:
13. Place of man occupation
a. In the village
b. Other village within district
c. Other district within regiency
d. Other reqency within province
e. Other province:
f. Overseas:
14. Additional- occupation (see 11a) :

15. Profession of additional occupation (see 1lb) :

16. Income from additional- occupation, per month:

L1 . Place of additional occupation (see -1 2\.

Additional question

Other income besides that from mar-n occupation and

additional occupation (e.g rent out the house/car) :

a Rp per month
l^
lJ p per month
p r month
d per month
e p r month

1-8. Activity in home region:

Activity Never Sometimes Often Always

a. Recitation of the
Koran (pengajian)
b. Voluntary labour
service (kerja bakti)
c. Sport (of ahragra)
 d Proqram at village
level- to educate women
on various aspects of
family welfare (pendidikan
kesej ahteraan keJuarga)
Things having to do with
art (kesenjan)
f Night. watchman (ronda
maJ-am)
g Informat on/ elucidation for
example in family planning,
agricultural- extension,
etc. (penyuluhan)
h Other, specify:
-
Ever Never
i. Policy of military Personnel
participating in village
development Projects (ABRI
masuk desa)
l. General- election camPaign
(kampanye pemilu)
k. Head village election camPaign
(kampanye pemiTihan kePala desa)
member no

1 A member of cooPeration of
village unit (Koperasi uni Desa)
m Political orqanisation
(partai poJitik)
n Other social organisation
(organisasj sosiaJ-) , sPecifY:

19. Act.ivity (as number 1-B) out side t.he home region:
a. Has activity, sPecifY:
b. Has no activi-ty

20. The position in the village:

Leader of religious organisation: a yes b no
Leader of social organisation : a yes b no
Leader of political organisation: a yes b no
2I. The member of household:
Nalne Age Sex Birth Marit.al Rel-ation- qe at Reigion Er-ri,- :-:girest OtheL
place status ship to first gr(:rrll) l:v:l F,l 1illill.J/
respondenL marriage :,i eClrlC- C(,)-t -q3
. i I r:)tl

21. (lnLinrle.l.
Main Professlon Place of leDqtr Income Silce wle]] lii,., :rL /,-,r.rL 1ii..f:
c,i cll,,rt.ic)n of main main of work per I i vecl in
occupation occupaci()n(years) monLh this horrs: =\r17 wrEl:
l- engt h
t:t:l

-T

22. Activity of the household member in home region:

Actrv:-ty Name (as shown in 2I)
a. Recitation of the Koran
b. Volunt.ary l-abour service
c. sport
d. Program at village
1evel to educate women
on various aspects of
family welfare
e. Things having to do with
art
f . Night watch.man
g. Informaton/elucidation for
example in family planning,
 agricult.ural extension, etc . :
h. Other (specify) :
i. Participate in policy of
military personnel
participating in village
development projects :
j. Participate in general
election campaign :
k. Participate in head village
election campaign :
]- Member of cooperation of
village unit :
m. Member political organisation :
n. Member other social
organisation (specify) :

ZJ. d, Status of house:

a. Own
b. Rent
- l- l.r ar
V U9! , speci fy :

b c tatus of house five years ago

a Own
b Rent
Other, specify:
C

24. a. The condition of the house:

At present Frve years ago
a Concrete wall a
b Concrete wall and board b
c board/bamboo C

b The size of the house:

At present Frve ye ars ac[O
m 2-

c. Illumination of house
At present Frve years ago
q Electricity a
b Petromax (kerosene pressure l-antern b )
Other, specify: C

25. Some properties

At present Five years ago
a. Wet rce field Ha 1 ci
b. Unirrigated
agricultural field 110
c. Garden/yard _rfo.
U- .lt cl
d. Cow
-Ha
 e. Water buffalo
C
L. Lr(Jd.
^^-L L
g. House:
. Concrete wall-
.Concrete wal1 and board
. board/bamboo

26. Total savings in the bank

AL present : Rp
Five year aqo: Rp
27 . Househol-d expenditure (per month) ,

a. Food Rp
b. Clothing Rp
c. House maintenance Rp
d. Health Rp
e. Education Rp
f . Soap/toothpaste/ shampoo/powder
and other things for makeup Rp
g. Cigarettes Rp
h. Transportation Rp
i. Petrol-eum/firewood/gas Rp
j. Donations Rp
k. Tax (television/l-and and other) Rp
1. Savings Rp
m. Rent house Rp
n. Electricity Rp
o. Other, specify Rp

Total Rp

28. Household facilit.ies and furnishings

At present Five years ago
-Car
-Motorcycle
-Refrigerate
_TV
-vfcleo
-Radi-o
-Tape recorder
-Camera
-Bicycle
-Sewing machine
-Other, specify:
 If you have a television:
At present Fj-ve years ago
a. Colour inch inch
b. Black and white inch inch

,o - Accord-ng t.o you, what is the position of the

economy of your household at present?
r_2_3_4 5 6 7 B 9 10
poorest richest
b. According to you, what is the position of the
economy of your household five years ago?
r_2_3_4_5_ 6 1 B 9 l_0
poorest rj-chest
According to you, whaL is the position of the
economy of your household in the next five years?
r_2_3_4 5 6 7 B 9 10
poorest richest

30. Compared with five years 9o, what do you think the
following condit.ions of your household are at
present ?

Better Unchanged Worse

.House condition
. Facilities and
household furnishings
. Food condition
.Clothing condition
. Fulf ill-ment of education
needs of children
.Household income

IT PROBLEMS AT HOME

3l_ Difficul-ties and problems in your household at

present:
Kind of difficul-ty/problem Reason

3
 b The difficul-ties and problems above, existed five
years ago? If yes which one(s):
Kind of dif ficulty/problem Reason

III. SOCfAL PARTICIPATION

Have you ever contributed ideas for your
village' s development?
a. Often
b. Seldom
c. Never, because:
If you have, what ideas?:

b Have you ever contributed money for your

villaqe's development ?
a. Often
b. Sel-dom
c. Never, because:
If you have, for what activity:

c Have you ever contributed manpower for your

vilJ-age' s development?
Often
b Seldom
Never, because:

If you have, for what activity:

d. What tradition you do not like in your village?:

e. What tradition do you l-ike in your village?:

IV. FUTURE MIGRATION

33 "
could get along well enough (where you
Suppose you
are now) to provide food and other necessities for
yoursef and your family. Woul-d you be witling to
move to another place far from here where the
lanquaqe and customs are different,but you could live
better than here?
a. Move
b. Stay
If you wish Lo move, how big an income do you want to
obtain there:
a. Twice bigger
b. 3 X bigger
c _ X bigger
34. At present, do you have famly/relatives/ friends in
other country who stil-I comunicate with you?
a. Yes
b. No
If yes, who are they?
name relationship country status durat ion
to you of stay of stay
(permanent
or not
L

V. MODERNITY LEVEL OF RESPONDENT

. Circl-e (o) for respondent: head of household

. Cross (x) for respondent: return OCW

35. (Educational and occupational aspirations)

a If schooling is freely availabl-e (if there were no
kinds of obstacl-es) how much do you think children
of people like yourself should have?
a. Primary school
b. High school
c. University
 b. A poor cultivator has only one son, aged 1-0 years,
and greatly needs this son's full--time help in
cultivation so the family can raise enough food to
eat (wel]).But the son wishes to contnue to attend
school rather than working full-time. What should
the father decide to do?ff the respondent says
"both", ask: which
shoul-d the son give his maj-n attention to?
a. Work for the father
b. Work and continue in school
c. Continue in school without working for the
f at.her

36 . (Change orientat j-on )

a Two l2-year-oJ-d boys took time out from their work

in t.he corn (rice) fields. They were trying to
figure out a way to grow the same amount of corn
(rice) wittr fewer hours of work.
- The father of one boy (A) said: "That is a good
thing to think about. Tell- me your thoughts about
how we should change our ways of growing corn
(rice) . "
- The fat.her of the other boy (B) said: "The way
to grow corn (rice) is the way we have always
done it. Talk about change wilt waste time and
not heJ-p "
Which father sai-d the wiser words?
d. .\

b. Both A and B
C. B
b. Some people say that a boy should be taught to
prefer the old, traditional ways of doing things.
Others say a boy should be taught to prefer the new
and modern ways of doing thi-ngs. What should a boy
be taught to prefer?
a. Only the traditional ways and things
b. Both traditional- and new ways/things
c. Only new ways and things

37. (nfficacy)
a Some say that a man born nto a poor family will
not better his condition even if he is ambitious
and hard working. Do you think such a man:
a. WiIl surely fail to get ahead
b. Will probably succeed
c. Will surely succeed
 b Some say that getting ahead in life depends on
destiny. Others say that it depends on the
person's own efforts. Do you think the position a
man reaches in life depends more on fate or more on
one's own efforts?
a. Entirely on fate
b" On fate and own efforts
c. Entirely on own efforts

38. (FamiIy size)

u What do you think is the best number of children
for a man 1i-ke you to have during your lifetime?
children
b. Suppose you could adequately provide for and
educate all the children you might have.How many
would you want in that case?
a. More than that
b. One or two more
c. The same number as I have stated.

39. (Kinship obligations)

Suppose a young man works in a factory. He has
barely managed to save a very small amount of
money. A first cousin comes to him and tells
him that he needs money badly since he has no work
at atl. How much obligation do you think the
factory worker has to share his savings with his
first cousin?
a. A strong obligation
b. A not so strong obliga[ion
c. No obligation
b. Now suppose in the story I told you that it was not
his cousin but a distant cousin who came to the
factory worker and said he had no money. How much
obligation do you think the factory worker has to
share hs savings with his distant cousin?
a. A strong obligation
b. A not so strong obliqation
c. No obligation
40 . (Women's riqhts)

rn general, do you (wou]d you) discuss your work

with your wife:
a. Not at all
b. Once in a while
c. Often
 b Suppose in a factory or office, both men and
women dj-dexact.ly the same sort of work, what
should be the pay they receive?
a. Men should get quite a bit (lot) more
b. Men should get a littl-e more
c. It should be equal

VI. PERCEPTION OF MIGR,NT HOUSEHOLD

41,. Do you have family, relatives or friends overseas?

a. Yes
b. No
If yes, who? a. Family
b. Rel-ative
c. Friend
d. Other, specify:

How often dj-d you conmunicate with them:

a. Often
b. Rarely
c. Only once
d. Never

42. Have you heard information about working

overseas ?
a . YeS
b .No
If ys, from where did you first hear:
a . Newspaper
b . Radio
. Department of Labor
d . Mi-ddleman
. Friend
f . Other, specify:

43. Why you do not wish to work overseas?

44. Accordng to you, what was the condition of your
neigrhbour (OCW household) before they worked
overseas ?
Better Unchanged Worse

.House condition
. Clothi-ng condition
. Facilities and
household furnishings
. Economic condit,ion
. Food condition
. Fulfillment of education
needs of children
. Their living standard
.Other, specify:
Appendix 5: The Score of Socio-Economic Variables

(The socio-economic status of households are measured by

using four variables: education and employment of the
head of household and the income and property/wealth of
the household. Each variable is given a score from l- to
5. Scores of L-2 are given for low socio-economic status,
3 for middle and 4-5 for high status. )

(1) Education of head of household score

. No schooling/noL finish
Primary School 1
. Primary School 2
. Junior Hiqh School 3
. Senior High School 4
. Tertiary Education 5

(2) Employment of head of household

. Other (tailor, craftsman, domestic
he1p, and other) 1
. Driver, Conductor 2
. Farmer, Sma1l trader 3
. Worker/emPloYee, entrepreneur 4
. Teacher 5

(3 ) Income of the Household (per month)

Rp 150,000 and less 1
Rp 1-51,000 - 300,000 2
Rp 301,000 - 450,000 ?

Rp 45L,000 - 600,000 A

Rp 601,000 and over 5

(4) Wealth of the Household

a. t.he house
. Status of the house
-other 1
-stay with parents 2
-parents house ?

-rent house 4
-own house 5
. Condition of the house -)
-not Permanent
-semi-permanent 4
-permanent 5
. Housespace
- L2-45 m2 1

- +i-i3o0 ii
2
3
-1-51-2 m2
0 4
-20t > 5
 House illumination -)
-other J

-"petromak" (kerosene Pressure

lantern) 4
-el-ectricity 5
TVpe of house
-"panggung" (stage house) 4
-ordinary house 5

. Cleanliness of the house

-dirty I
-not bad 2
-cIean 3
. The floor of the house
-wood/bamboo 1
-cement 2,

-floortile ("tegel") 3
- " teraso " (better than f l-oortil-e ) 4
-ceramics 5
. Physical building of the house
-bad 1
-not bad 3
-good 5
b other proPertY
. Wet rice field ( "sawah" )

-0 0
- I-20 acres I
-2L-30 acres 2
')
-3I-40 acres J

-41--50 acres 4
-51 > )
E

. Unirrigated agricultural
field ("ladang")
-0 0
- L-20 acres I
-21--30 acres )
-31-- 40 acres
1
J

-41-50 acres 4
-51- > 5
. Cows
-0 0
- 1-3 5
. Water buffalo
-0 0
- 1-3 5
. Goats
-0 0
I
-z
-) ') 2
-4 3
-5 4
Car
- do not have 0
- have 5
Motorcycle
- do not have 0
- have 3
Refrigerator
- do not have 0
- have 3
Televi-sion
- do not have 0
- have 3
Video
- do not have 0
- have 3
Radio
- do not have 0
- have t
Tape
- do not have 0
- have 1
Camera
- do not have 0
- have z
Bicycle
- do not have 0
- have 2
Sewing machine
- do not have 0
- have 2