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Archaeology of Maritime Hunter-Gatherers from Southernmost


Patagonia, South America: Discussing Timing, Changes and
Cultural Traditions During the Holocene

Manuel San Romn Bontes, Omar Reyes Bez, Jimena Torres Elgueta and
Flavia Morello Repetto
The main focus of this work is the proposition of an archaeological sequence for marine
hunter-gatherers in Southernmost Patagonia, based on the recent study of different coastal
archaeological sites in the Magellan Strait, Otway Sea and Almirante Montt Gulf, located between
50 and 53 South latitude. This includes discussing timing, changes and cultural traditions during
the Holocene within three sets of technological and economic features grouped in consecutive
time blocks and characteristic cultural material assemblages: a) Early period (74006200 cal. years
BP), b) Intermediate period (49002350 cal. BP) and c) Late period (<1500 cal. BP). Discriminating
archaeological elements of each assemblage are related with lithic and bone industries, both
instrument design and manufacturing techniques, as well as trends of different use of raw
materials. Modern research has raised the discussion that these Patagonian populations
were characterized by a marked homogeneity, stability and cultural continuity, assuming
that technological changes could be explained as minor or irrelevant modifications and/or
innovations occurring through time. We argue that differences express changes that are best
understood when considering the presence of different cultural traditions, based on variations
in information circulation, social interaction and their spatial scale of distribution over time. In
turn this can be related to exchange or transport of artifacts, ideas or knowledge and people.
Introduction
Archaeological research during the twentieth century has increased our knowledge about past
human occupation of marine environments in Southernmost Patagonia during the last 7000
years. Results have uncovered hunter-gatherer technological trajectories and economic strat-
egies, adding information of unknown archaeological sites and evidence of the human peo-
pling of the Patagonian and Fueguian Archipelago (Figure 1).
Moreover, results tend to open the span and detail of question, emphasizing the little we
know about the occupational history of this macro-region. Nevertheless, important research
gaps are being fulfilled and allow us to better understand these maritime hunter-gatherer
groups and their spatial and temporal distribution.
Keywords: Maritime specialization, technology, subsistence strategy, information circulation,
interaction, Patagonia, Holocene

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Figure 1 Southernmost Patagonia Archipelago showing general location of major archaeological sites.

Previous interpretations that had suggested a regional continuity in technological traditions


and subsistence strategies along the Holocene motivated this paper. These where supported by
similarities between marine hunter-gatherer sites bounded in the chronological extremes of the
sequence, c. 7400 cal. years BP and nineteenth century (Legoupil 1997, Orquera and Piana 1999).
The question of cultural discontinuity in marine adaptation was first suggested as a connec-
tion between two elements: first, the description, distribution and timing of lanceolate projec-
tile points; secondly the lack of use of one particular lithic raw material of great importance
(green obsidian). The initial interpretations proposed a different cultural tradition related
to this discontinuity and the influence or contact with northern groups from Chilo Island,
Patagonian Archipelago (Borrero 2001; Morello et al. 2002; Schidlowsky 2004).
The existence of three periods was suggested to account for the cultural discontinuity in
Southernmost Patagonia (Morello et al. 2002; this paper). Recently, this scheme has also been
adopted in general for the western archipelago (Orquera et al. 2011).

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The archaeological record of the Magellan Strait and nearby inner seas (Otway and Skyring)
is marked by the limited presence of long occupational sequences in the same locus, site or
stratigraphic series. We found ourselves facing a first challenge: to find a more or less con-
tinuous record for the last 7500 cal. BP in one specific location. This was necessary in order to
establish a database for the reconstruction of local occupation sequences, and to advance in
the characterization of technologies and subsistence strategies.

Material and Methods


Survey techniques were based on geomorphological information of coastline evolution from
the central area of Magellan Strait (Porter et al. 1984; Brambati et al. 1998; McCulloch and
Davies 2001; McCulloch et al. 2005; San Romn et al. 2009; Morello et al. 2012b; San Romn 2013).
Intense samplingcoring and test pitswere carried out in terraces and landforms placed at
different heights above sea level in four localities: Punta Santa Ana (Brunswick Peninsula), Off-
ing Island (Dawson Island), Englefield Island (Otway Sea) and La Corua Bay/ Humberto Island
(Almirante Montt Gulf) (Figure 1).
Extended excavations were performed on 6 archaeological sites: Punta Santa Ana 2 and 3 (PSA
2, PSA 3), Offing 2 Locus 2 (OFF2L2) and Pizzulic 2, 3 and 4 (PZ 2, PZ 3, PZ 4). Stratigraphic sam-
ples reached between 15 and 25 m2, and smaller excavations in other sites (Table 1, Figure 2).
In addition, material analysis and background information from other coastal sites in Patago-
nia were included (Emperaire and Laming 1961; Ortiz Troncoso 1975, 1979; Legoupil 1989, 1997;
2003; among others). Archaeological remains were addressed, considering technological, mor-
phological and/or zooarchaeological perspectives.
A synthetic picture of the evidence for the formulation of an occupational sequence for
marine hunters of Southernmost Patagonia is presented. References to maximum and mini-
mum radiocarbon ages are used for chronological range of each archaeological site (Table 1).
They were calibrated with CALIB REV 7.0.2 software, data set SHCAL13 and local reservoir
effect information (Stuiver and Reimer 1993; Hogg et al. 2013; San Romn et al. 2009).
Spatial Distribution and Chronology
Survey results have allowed accounting for a strong correlation between archaeological site chro-
nology and elevation above present sea level (Table 1). This arrangement is related to changes
in Holocene coastlines and the development of several landforms, including marine terraces,
described for the region (Brambati et al. 1998; De Muro et al. 1996; Porter et al. 1984). Spatial and
chronologic distribution of the evidence groups in three blocks: First, older sites with 75005600
cal. BP, located within 12 to 15 masl. (meters above sea level). Secondly, intermediate prehistoric
contexts, dated between 4858 to 2350 cal. BP within landforms from 5 to 8 masl. Third, archaeo-
logical sites with later chronologiesunder 2000 cal. BPlocated near modern sea level (<2 masl.).
Early sites are settled within or above maximum shoreline heights achieved by the middle
Holocene marine incursion (c. 7580 cal. BP, McCulloch and Davies 2001). Sites with intermedi-
ate chronology are located above marine terraces generated by this maximum transgression,
over landforms available after c. 4800 cal. BPdate from Offing Island palaeo-beach,1 central
Magellan Strait. The later contexts are associated with current coastlines that would have
reached their positions during the last 2000 cal. years BP.

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Figure 2 Archaeological sites OFF2L2 (top) and PSA2 (bottom). Photographs by Manuel San Romn.

A common feature for all three periods is the restricted time frames of use of each archaeo-
logical site. In most of the cases they are characteristic of camping and domestic activities.
They are mono-component sites, barring a couple of exceptions,2 a fact that allows a strong
framework reference for assessing technology and resource exploitation properties in each
of the periods. Also, in a general sense, all archaeological sites are located in similar inner sea
landscape and environmental conditions. This characteristic mostly depends on accessibility
problems that have restricted survey and excavation sampling in all the macro-region.

Early Period: 76005600 cal. BP


Archaeological sites from this time block have been integrated under the denomination of
Englefield Culture, identified by the work of Ortiz-Troncoso (1975, 1979) in Magellan Strait
and Legoupil (1997) in Otway Sea. The main records in the Otway Sea are at Englefield Island
and include sites Englefield 1 (ENG), pioneer finding of 1950 (Emperaire and Laming 1961),

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Table 1 Archaeological sites, main characteristics and radiocarbon dates.

exposure (m2)

range (2 CAL
Chronologic

depth (cm.)

References
Horizontal

material2

m.a.s.l
C BP
Code

BP)1
Site

14
Emperaire and Laming
Englefield ENG 300 6100110 Oxa-1182 6663-7240 C 15 50 1961, Legoupil 1997
Pizzulic 1 PZ 1 1 559545 Ua-21032 6279-6438 A 12 60 San Romn 2013
594545 Ua-21030 6570-6881 C
Pizzulic 2 PZ 2 15 12 100 San Romn 2013
605560 Ua-21031 6675-7139 C
590070 Gif-6930 6308-6633 S
Baha Colorada BC 97 15 25 Legoupil 1997, 2014
576520 UCIAMS-121651 6436-6632 C
5210110 GrN-7614 5658-6200 C
100 Ortiz-Troncoso 1975,
Bahia Buena 1 BB 1 33 12
589565 Gif-2927 6490-6846 C 1979
633050 Beta-252914 7014-7406 G 50 San Romn 2010
Punta Santa Ana 1 PSA 1 29 12
629050 Beta-252913 7001-7272 H
Punta Carrera PC ? 597550 Ua-24688 6640-6895 G 12 ? This paper
356040 Beta-317489 3645-3910 G
Isla Humberto 1 IH1 2 8 35 This paper
375030 Beta-317611 3927-4153 G
3720130 Gif-1049 3654-4411 C
Ponsonby (Layer B) PNBY 100 6 80 Legoupil 2003
421075 Gif-10787 4447-4858 C
Pizzulic 3 PZ 3 15 389040 Beta-293303 4101-4414 G 6 40 San Romn 2013

100 Ortiz-Troncoso 1972,


KM 44 Locus 1 K44L1 9 296060 Beta-153516 2872-3234 C 6 Morello et al 2002
334040 Beta-271326 2745-3056 S
Punta Santa Ana 2 PSA 2 25 7 55 Morello et al 2012
328040 Beta-271325 2959-3329 S
3170100 Beta-241365 2350-2920 S
Legoupil et al 2007,
Offing 2 locus 1 OFF2L1 30 396050 Beta-241366 3413-3832 S 6 100 2011, Legoupil and
Pigeot 2009.
421863 Erl-10955 4528-4848 C
Baha La Corua BLC 2 148030 Beta-317490 1293-1376 C 2 120 This paper

Pizzulic 4 PZ 4 15 96030 Beta-293304 750-918 C 1 30 San Romn 2013

Punta Baja PB 90 27080 Gif-5538 1-469 C 2 50 Legoupil 1989


101030 Beta-316350 799-928 H
Punta Santa Ana 3 PSA 3 17,5 1 90 Morello et al 2012
71540 Gif-12224 559-674 C

KM 44 Locus 2 K44L2 56 21030 Beta-316355 1-299 A 1 40 This paper

124050 Beta-241368 727-933 S


Offing 2 locus 2 OFF2L2 15 2 100 This paper
145040 Beta-241369 673-917 S
1. Calibrated with SHCal13. For shell samples a 55060 years reservoir effect was considered (San Romn et al 2009).
2. C=charcoal, S=shell; H=human bone; G=Lama guanicoe bone; A= Artiodactyl bone.

Baha Colorada (BC) excavated by Legoupil (1997), and sites Pizzulic 1 (PZ 1) and Pizzulic 2 (PZ
2) (San Romn 2005, 2013). Another early site is known for the southern coast of Riesco Island:
site Los Noruegos (San Romn et al. 2002). The central Magellan Strait area is represented by
sites Punta Santa Ana 1 (PSA1) and Baha Buena 1 (BB 1), excavated by Ortiz-Troncoso (1975,

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Figure 3 Lithic and bone artifact assemblage from early period: (a) multi-denticulate harpoons, (b)
detachable harpoon points with cruciform base, (c) chisels on pinniped ulnas, (d) pendants
on drilled pinniped incisors, (e) obsidian projectile points, (f) obsidian bifacial knives and (g)
fishing-line weights. Photographs and compilation by Flavia Morello and Manuel San Romn.

1979), and also by partial information from Punta Carrera site (PC).3 There are no early sites
in Almirante Montt Gulf, but sampling intensity is very low compared to the other localities.
General features of all sites include that they are shell middens of various thickness, with a
maximum of 1 meter for PZ 2 and BB 1. As for time ranges for deposit formation, PZ 2 site has
an estimation close to 300 radiocarbon years. At PSA 1 dates also confirm a very short time
deposit formation, between the top and bottom of the stratigraphic record. Both early sites

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have micromorphological analysis that sustains a short occupation period (Morello et al. 2012b;
Arroyo 2012 pers. com.).
Lithic Technology
The most common instruments are knifes and side-scrapers, made of retouched flakes and
blades. Morphometric studies done by Schidlowsky (1999) indicate core reduction, aimed for
long supports that were selected for the preparation of these instruments, as well as end-
scrapers and a variety of other retouched artifacts. Bifacial faonnage is dominated by triangu-
lar or subtriangular projectile points and bifacial knifes (Figure 3). A remarkable issue is the
predominant exploitation of green obsidian as the main knapping rock characteristic in Otway
Sea, Magellan Strait and nearby areas. The most common cobble rock instruments are fishing-
line weights with grooves and/or side notches.
Bone technology
Bone tools are highly standardized in form and manufacture, including a diversity of instru-
ments as chisels made on pinniped ulna and cruciform base stemmed wedges on whale bone.
Weapons are dominated by detachable harpoon points with one or two barb and cruciform
base, but also other fine multi-denticulate harpoons with fusiform base are recorded. Further
instruments include retouchers made over artiodactyla long bones, mainly guanaco (Lama
guanicoe), awls on long bird bones, and ornament artifacts as pendants on drilled or grooved
pinniped incisors and Fisurella apex. Some instruments show engraved decoration as cruciform
base harpoons and chisels (Figure 3).
Subsistence Strategies
In all sites of this period, marine exploitation is dominated by pinnipeds, specifically Arcto-
cephalus australis. Independent from island or continental location, the presence of Artiodactyl
is low, in comparison to marine mammals. As for birds, they are dominated by cormorant
(Phalacrocorax sp.), with local variation in secondary taxa. Fish exploitation is systematically
dominated by demersal species, mainly tadpole codling (Salilota australis) and other deep water
taxa. Nevertheless, we emphasize the high taxonomic diversity of fish.

Intermediate Period: 48502350 cal. BP


Distinctive archaeological sites have been recorded in all four localities, considering: Isla Hum-
berto site (IH) on Almirante Montt Gulf, Pizzulic 3 site (PZ 3) in Otway Sea, and Ponsonby site
(PNBY), layer B, in Riesco Island (Legoupil 2003). Also other sites as Punta Santa Ana 2 (PSA
2), KM 44 Locus 1 (KM44L1) and Offing 2 locus 1 (OFF2L1), at the northern and southern coast
of the Magellan Strait, are integrated. Most sites include shell middens (PSA 2, OFF2L1, IH) of
different stratigraphic potential but no more than 1 meter depth. Other sites have scarce mala-
cological evidence as PZ 3 and PNBY (layer B).
Range for site formation is brief in PSA 2 and IH (less than 200 radiocarbon years), but there
are sites that have over two thousand years long accumulations as Ponsonby and Offing 2
Locus 1, being multi-component sites. This period has been identified as Ponsonby Cultural
Phase, taking the name from the first site where lanceolate or foliaceous projectile points were
discovered (Legoupil and Pigeot 2009).

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Figure 4 Lithic and bone artifact assemblage from intermediate period: (a) lanceolate projectile point,
(b) spears with small bumps on the base (left) and harpoon points with fusiform base (right),
(c) chisel on pinniped radius, and (d) small bone points. Photographs and compilation by Fla-
via Morello and Manuel San Romn.

Lithic Technology
Lithic assemblages are characterized by an elaborate bifacial industry directed to manufac-
turing big lanceolate or foliaceous projectile points, with frequent denticulate or sawed sides
(Figure 4). Technological studies show that supports are large flakes which are subsequently
thinned by bifacial extractions with hard and then soft percussion technique. The denticulate
retouch is a final step but not mandatory (Legoupil and Pigeot 2009; Morello et al. 2002; San
Romn 2013). Though typologically assigned as projectile points, their function has not been
determined by traceological analysis. Other frequent artifacts are grinding elements and bone
instrumentsbird bone pointsas those found in OFF2L1 and KM44L1. PSA 2 materials do not
have a lanceolate projectile point record, but share the other technological elements. It is also
common the record of a Levallois dbitage concept as seen in PNBY and OFF2L1 core reduction
methods for flake production (Pigeot 2003; Langlais and Huidobro 2015).

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Grinding stones at PSA 2 and OFF2L1 are described as an exclusive artifact for this period
and within marine hunter-gatherer archaeological sites. A very standardized side-scraper with
covering retouch is described as well for PNBY (Legoupil 2003; Legoupil and Pigeot 2009; Schid-
lowsky 2004).
Another characteristic is the absence of exploitation of green obsidian as raw material for
lithic artifacts.4 This is a striking fact at Otway Sea and Magellan Strait sites, since the use of
this rock is very important in the early period and returns as a mostly common feature again in
the later 2000 years and up to historic times. In the same sense, it is remarkable that this is the
period when black obsidian artifacts appear in two Fueguian Island sites (OFF2L1 and Marazzi
13-MA13). This evidence of long distance (>600 km) interaction links the sea nomads with con-
tinental Patagonia (Legoupil 1989; Morello et al. 2012a; San Romn 2013; Morello et al. 2015).
Bone technology
Bone tools are rare, and the presence of a new instrument has been pointed: spears with small
bumps on the base and a pointed extreme (Legoupil and Pigeot 2009). Some harpoons are also
described, in low frequency and only in PNBY and IH sites. Their base would indicate not detach-
able head harpoons. Typology characterized by a fusiform base, with mono or multi-denticulate
barbs of bigger size than in early sites. At PNBY a few harpoons of one barb and simple-tenon
base have been found, but their chronological allocation is uncertain (Legoupil 2003). Chisels
are present but their supports change, using pinniped radios instead of previous ulna bones.
This is outstanding, since under the same conditions there is no natural constrain and the
change in the selection of an anatomic unit of the same taxa for a tool is only a cultural choice.
An interesting instrument, very common in some sites for this period, is small bone points
similar to awl points. They are made on diaphysis of bird radios and ulnas. Their function can
be context-related to fishing and/or marine pelagic bird capture, because of their frequency,
but no use-wear studies are available yet. Bone decoration is present in a few cases of albatross
diaphysis and awls at PNBY and KM44, for example.
Subsistence Strategies
During this period mammal exploitation presents important variation among sites: pinnipeds
dominate at PSA 2, OFF2L1 and PZ 3 but the Ponsonby site, layer B, is dominated by guanacos
(Lama guanicoe). At PSA 2 and PZ 3 there is a predominance of another pinniped speciesOtaria
flavescensover Arctocephalus australis. In a local scale, this marks a significant inflection in
pinniped species predominance. Birds also show ranking variation, possibly related to pelagic
capture strategies for albatross and shearwaters, predominant in OFF2L1 and PSA 2. Fishing
has been characterized at PSA 2, PZ 3 and OFF2L1 sites, with dominating demersal species
especially tadpole codling (Salilota australis). Finally, at OFF2L1 and IH mollusk shells from the
Pacific coast (abalone, Concholepas concholepas), have been identified and suggest expansion of
circulation networks to open Pacific Ocean areas.

Late Period: less than 2000 cal. BP


This period includes many archaeological sites, but only a few have been excavated or sam-
pled. As for this study, we consider Punta Santa Ana 3 (PSA 3) and Offing 2 Locus 2 (OFF2L2) at

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the north and south margins of the Magellan Strait. Punta Baja (PB -Legoupil 1989) at Otway
Sea and Pizzulic 4 (PZ 4) in Englefield Island. As well as at Almirante Montt Gulf site Baha La
Corua (BLC). They are mostly dispersed shell middens of different thicknesses with a maxi-
mum depth of 1 meter 30 centimeters. Deposit formation and chronological evidence indicate
short occupational sequences for PZ 4 and PSA 3 with less than 250 years span between bottom
and top of deposit.

Figure 5 Lithic and bone artifact assemblage from late period: (a) lithic pedunculate projectile points,
(b) green obsidian scrapers and knife, (c) detachable harpoon points (d) retoucher (e) awl and
(f) guanaco bone artifact. Photographs and compilation by Flavia Morello and Manuel San
Romn.

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Lithic Technology
This period is again marked by the use of green obsidian, being very significant in Otway Sea
sites PB and PZ 4, but not as important in the Strait of Magellan sites PSA 3 and OFF2L2. There is
a wide typology of instruments as end-scrapers, side-scrapers, and knives, common along the
macro-region. As for projectile points, they are predominantly stemmed but varied in typol-
ogy, and small size points are identified with bow-arrow arms similar to those found at ethno-
graphic collections. Flake and blade core reduction methods are observed, including Levallois
method in PSA 3 and other sites dated to the late Holocene along the Magellan Strait (Morello
et al. 2008, 2012b).
Bone Technology
Assemblages consider wedges, retouchers and awls, among others, but the key characteristic
instruments are one barb harpoons and simple-tenon base, that are detachable weapon points
(Figure 5). These harpoon types were described in historic times for ethnographic groups.
Multi-denticulate harpoons are also present (PB, Legoupil 1989). Interestingly, while there is
an important ethnographic data related to these tools, archaeological evidence is very scarce
and scattered within the present sample. Other bone elements include long artiodactyl epi-
physes with perimetral marking, the presence of a baguette extraction technique for artiodac-
tyl long bone diaphysis has been described at site PSA3 and ornament artifacts as bird diaphy-
sis cylinders, sometimes with engraved decoration (OFF2L2).
Subsistence Strategies
Pinniped exploitation continues to be dominant; though a local deer called huemul (Hippocame-
lus bisulcus) lifts to near proportion in Magellan Strait sites (e.g. KM44L2). As in the early period,
cormorant has a consistent majority in all sites, with some local variation in secondary taxa
birds. Fishing has an important change during this time period, with a remarkable decrease
in fish bone presence. There is a shift to sea shore species (Eleginops maclovinus, Odontesthes sp.
Patagonotothen sp., sites PSA 3, PZ 4) and the presence of stone fish weirs are related to PB and
other Magellan Strait sites (Morello et al. 2008).

Discussion and Conclusions


Clearly, the general adaptation and life style of marine hunter-gatherer groups that inhabited
Southernmost Patagonia was stable and maintained along seven millennia. Nevertheless, to
better understand cultural dynamics and peopling process we must question and attempt to
explain changes and regularities of the archaeological record. Discontinuities, negative evi-
dence, abuse of ethnographic models and sample biases are, among others, important issues
to bear in mind.
Initially, before discussing changes and discontinuities in the archaeological record, there
is the question of the origin of maritime adaptation in the southernmost end of America. Two
main hypotheses have been discussed for decades. The first supports a local origin from pedes-
trian hunter groups that would have developed specialized technologies for the exploitation of
marine resources (harpoons, fishing techniques) and a transport media (canoes), which would
have allowed colonizing this region. Two likely areas for the development of this process have

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been indicated: the northern archipelago, which includes nearby Reloncav Sea and Chilo
Island (Ocampo and Rivas 2004), associated with a lanceolate projectile point tradition and a
second area is the southern archipelago, near the Magellan Strait linked to the development
of the Englefield cultural tradition (Legoupil and Fontugne 1997; Orquera 2005; Orquera and
Piana 2009). The latter hypothesis bases its explanation on migration of specialized hunter-
gatherer groups equipped with water transport. These sea nomads would have arrived at the
archipelagic region from the north, following a Pacific coastal route.
Among arguments, for or against the origin hypothesis of these prehistoric human adapta-
tions, we must note that ages are higher for sites in the southern end, and this could suggest a
local source. But in return, the early records show a strong degree of technological specializa-
tion (harpoons, deep sea fishing, navigation aids). A reasonable expectative that could support
local origin as an explanation of this maritime adaptations would be to find evidence with
previous chronologies and cultural traits of evolving local development, describing different
stages of experimentation and adaptation to marine environment. Nevertheless, this evidence
has not been recorded for the area. Furthermore, the second hypothesis based on a migra-
tion along the Pacific coast is not supported by existing data, as the northern coast sites pos-
sess ages nearly 1000 years younger than sites from the southern end. However, the northern
Patagonia Archipelago has two mayor evidence problems: one is the low sampling intensity
north of 46 latitude, and the second is the poor preservation expectative due to high tectonic
activity, this could have destroyed an important number of coastline archaeological deposits
(see Reyes et al. this volume; San Roman 2014).
Also, as for the initial period of specialized maritime peopling, we note a marked synchronic-
ity within the radiocarbon ages of early sites, characterized by a close techno-economic and
subsistence assemblage, observed both at the Magellan Strait and Beagle Channel areas.
Available chronology for different localities addressed in this work show gaps in between
the three time periods. Between the early and intermediate period there are about 800 years
of discontinuity, following the antiquity of BB 1 and PNBY-layer B. Then, between the inter-
mediate and the later period there are 1000 years between OFF2L1 and BLC. For the moment,
chronological evidence suggests occupational discontinuity in these specific localities (Table
1, Figure 6).
The synthesis of results allows distinguishing evident changes along the sequence, both
recurrent and synchronous in a combined assemblage of technological characteristics, typo-
logical, functional elements and raw material selection, both lithic and osseous. In this regard,
there are changes in trajectory of green obsidian as raw material for lithic artifacts. Observed
in a macro-regional scale in central areas of distribution of this raw material, as Otway Sea, but
also in marginal circulation areas like the Beagle Channel, where it was present in early sites
and then disappears from the archaeological record. Another example is the shift from bone
harpoon projectile point weapons towards lithic manufacture during the intermediate period,
anchored with the emergence of big lanceolate points (Legoupil and Pigeot 2008, Morello et
al. 2002, Morello et al. 2004, Orquera et al 1977, Piana et al 2004, San Romn 2013, Schidlowsky,
1999, 2004).
Following this first time gap, and changes observed between the early and intermediate
periods, we propose that this is related to technological traditions described for the northern

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Figure 6 Distribution of radiocarbon dates (cal. years BP). Symbols show 2 range and mean probability.

Patagonian Archipelago, including Chilo Island and the southern Chilean coast (see Reyes et
al. this volume). On the other hand, there are a number of tools that remain similar, within a
general concept, as for example awls manufactured with long bird bones or retouchers made
with artiodactyls long bones.
Changes in technology are then more evident as cultural selection, preferences and choices,
transmitted from one generation to another. In this sense, it includes information circula-
tion over time and place. Trends in subsistence and economic change can be read in a less
direct manner, but also reflect a cultural imprint. The general constant is the main reliance on
marine resources, but then minor choices and specific patterns viewed from a local perspec-
tive are significant and need an explanation. For example, fishing as a complex combination of
fauna evidence and technological elements shows a marked shift in the later period, with local
differences (e.g. Beagle Channel and Magellan Strait/Otway Sea Zangrando 2009; Morello et
al. 2012b; Torres and Ruz 2010). Similarly, the remarkable increase of procellariid birds mainly
albatross and Shearwaters (OFF2L2 and PSA 2) in the intermediate period is another tendency
that must be considered. These trends are not environmental constraints as others, like the
predominance of guanaco in PNBY or huemul in KM44L2, both related to geographic and
resource availability.
In this regard, we recognize that identifying trends in the exploitation of resources in prehis-
toric times has been positively biased towards a geographical portion of Southernmost Patago-
nia and Tierra del Fuego, which is the eastern forest and forest-steppe ecotone, and inner sea

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areas. Thus the archaeological record in not representative of all the potential environments
used by marine hunter-gatherers, being the Pacific coast one missing key element, since it has
been described as very high in productivity, diversity and density of marine resources (Ven-
egas and Sielfeld 1979). The identification of abalone shells (Concholepas concholepas) in IH and
OFF2 and an isolated finding of a lanceolate projectile point fragment at Noir Island (Alfredo
Prieto com. pers. 2010), located 25 km from the Pacific Ocean, shows that for at least 4,800 cal.
BP this border was comprised within the range of action of marine hunters.
Summarizing, changes that are best understood when considering the presence of differ-
ent cultural traditions and the stability in a general adaptive system do not contribute to the
understanding or explanation of human peopling processes within the Patagonian and Fue-
guian Archipelago. In the future, archaeological record should allow further discussion based
on variations in information circulation, social interaction and their spatial scale of distribu-
tion over time. This, in turn, will address exchange or transport of artifacts, ideas or knowl-
edge and people, including hypothesis of migration processesrestricted by the limited physi-
cal anthropology evidence prior to 2000 years BP.
Dismissing the recurrent and synchronic trends observed during the three proposed periods
as technological and dietary variations [of] minor importance all in just keeping with stability,
continuity and adaptive success, gives no recognition to the archaeological record potential
for understanding human diversity and changes (Orquera and Piana 1999, 2009; Orquera et al.
2011).
Furthermore, one of the main results obtained from our research is the temporal and cultural
discontinuity of human occupations at Otway Sea/ Magellan Strait. Both phenomena appear to
be coupled and could be related to similar processes observed for the Beagle Channel sequence
(Borrero 2001, lvarez 2009).
In this sense, and following Whallon (2011), the role of information and knowledge is largely
recognized as important in the organization and operation or performance of small-scale
hunter gatherer societies and a key element for anthropological research. In addition to how
things are done, how to react to dissimilar positions, how to behave in social situations, and
what are the conditions of resources and access there, are subtle questions related to quality,
quantity, distribution, etc. Three types of information or knowledge are proposed: environ-
mental, technical and social. All types must be acquired, circulated, stored and eventually be
mobilized appropriately and effectively to be used. As for acquisition and circulation of infor-
mation, they are given in two dimensions: space and time, and knowledge mobilization is two
dimensional also and it is understood as a process.
Following this perspective, an alternative scheme is proposed, based on the notion of Fue-
guian-Patagonian groups as open social formations, interacting through different levels and
scales of information webs (cf. Borrero et al. 2011). The previous perspective would allow us
to understand changes in the spatial and chronological distribution of archaeological cultural
evidence as shifts in this interaction frequency, evaluated using quantity and qualitative crite-
ria. Thus, we propose three time period-related hypothesis as possible explanation of changes
and discontinuities:
First, the early Middle Holocene peopling of the Patagonian and Fueguian Archipelago is domi-
nated by a very strong cultural interaction, which spans within a spatially large scale distribution

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Archaeology of Maritime Hunter-Gatherers from Southernmost Patagonia, South America
of human groups sharing a collective information web (strong techno-economic and subsistence
traits). This period is related to the Englefield Cultural Tradition (ca. 75005500 cal. years BP).
Second, between 5,000 and 2,000 cal. BP interaction patterns change. Previous raw mate-
rial transport webs are interrupted and the idea of the lost of knowledge of green obsidian
source has been proposed (Morello et al. 2002). Nevertheless, some close distance exchanges
are recorded, for example the provision of guanaco bones between Tierra del Fuego and Daw-
son Islands (OFF2L2 site, cfr. San Romn et al. 2014). On the other hand, the presence of a black
obsidian artifact at OFF2L1 stretches interaction data to over 600 km north of the area. The
technological information for this period could indicate scarcer and less varied interaction,
but qualitatively significant, considering some common lithic technological elements. This
evidence has been used to suggest possible influence of northern groups that migrated to the
area following the Pacific shoreline.
Third, during the last 2,000 years the density and variability of the archaeological record can
be explained as a reduction in the spatial distribution of information webs and a strengthening
of identification strategies as a reaction to the increase in cultural interaction due to a demo-
graphic expansion. This would imply more circumscribed networks, both in a spatial and time
scale, and different degrees of interaction among them.
Thus, as a final remark, we have proposed this archaeological sequence for marine hunter-
gatherers in Southernmost Patagonia as an attempt to include and discuss timing, changes and
cultural traditions during the Holocene within this frame, where technological and economic
features weigh from an anthropological perspective and not only from an adaptive and pro-
gressive view.

Acknowledgements
Research funded by grants FONDECYT 1085329, 1130151, 1140939 and CD MAG0901.
We are grateful to our colleagues who participated in fieldwork: Mara Jos Barrientos, Pedro
Crdenas, Jos Daz, Consuelo Huidobro, Fabiana Martin, Ismael Martinez, Karina Rodrguez,
Vctor Sierpe, Valentina Trejo and Danilo Vilicic. Likewise, we appreciate the enriching discus-
sions with Dominique Legoupil, Marianne Christensen and Luis Borrero.
Finally we recognize the organizers of this symposium and specially Hein Bjerck for his gen-
erous help, patience and dedication.

Notes
1. Palaeobeach: 5060 70 years BP (Beta-241367), 6 masl. and found under archaeological remains
from site OFF2L2.
2. There are two exceptions, the first of which corresponds to Bahia Buena 1 site (BB 1), where a
set of guanaco remains of an upper layer was assigned to a later occupation event dated 1400
cal BP (San Romn 2007). Second, the case of Ponsonby site, which has two levels preceding
layer B (layer C and D) with dates between 6400 and 7500 cal BP, respectively. But archaeological
evidence is not diagnostic (Legoupil 2003).
3. Punta Carrera site, located at 12 masl., was completely destroyed by road work and the evidence
is restricted to rescue archaeology of lithic artifacts and fauna remains.
4. The source has not yet been located although geological research and archaeological distribution
of green obsidian suggests the source would be located near the Otway Sea (Morello et al. 2004).

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