Toward An Anthropology of Music Listening

Toward an Anthropology of Music Listening
Author(s): Bruno Deschênes

Source: International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Dec., 1998)
, pp. 135-153
Published by: Croatian Musicological Society
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B. DESCHENES,TOWARDAN ANTHROPOLOGY IRASM29 (1998)2,135-153
OFMUSICLISTENING, 135
TOWARDAN ANTHROPOLOGY
OF MUSICLISTENING
BRUNODESCHENES UDC:78.067
OriginalScientificPaper
Izvorniznanstvenielanak
5561, rueClark, Received:October27, 1998
MONTREAL(Quebec)H2T2V5, Primljeno:27. listopada1998.
Canada Accepted:November11, 1998
Prihvaeeno:11. studenog 1998.
Abstract - Resume
The technological developments of this cen- tural context. However, a large number if not
tury have profoundly modified the context in most cognitive and psychological studies of
which music is enjoyed compared to previous music disregard the role of society and culture
centuries. Today, we can listen to the same piece in our cognition of music. This paper proposes a
of music as often as we want, and we can listen first sketch of an anthropological study of music
to a large number of types of music, something listening which would take cognitive studies out
totally impossible before technology. When lis- of their laboratories to bring them to the psycho-
tening to an unknown type of music, let's say social and psychocultural contexts where music
from Asia, we get acquainted not only with the is created, performed, conceived and experi-
music itself, but as well with an underlying cul- enced, i.e. where music finds its full meaning.
Introduction
XXthcenturytechnologicaland social developmentsprofoundlychangedthe

evolution of music. On the one hand, we saw the advent of technologies of trans-
mission and reproductionof music, such as radioand television,recordsand mag-
netic tapes. Thanks to these technologies, we also witnessed the creationof new
music styles (e.g. serialism,impressionism,electroacousticmusic,minimalism,and
the like), but, just as importantly,we saw the emergenceof a considerablenumber
of new types of music (e.g. jazz, blues, rock, reggae, and, lately rap, and many
more).Moreover,these technologiesgave us the chanceto hearnon-Westerntypes
of music, either traditionalor newly createdones (generallyinfluenced by West-
ern music). In the XIXthcentury,the musical situationand contextin the Western
136 TOWARD
B.DESCHENES, ANANTHROPOLOGY
OFMUSIC 29(1998)2,135-153
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LISTENING,
world was homogeneous and familiar;today's contextat the end of this centuryis
heterogeneous and undetermined.
No studies seem to exist in either ethnomusicologyor anthropologyexamin-
ing the impact this technologicalupheaval has forced upon the musical situation
in Humankind's societies in this century. Moreover, few ethnomusicologists or
anthropologistshave shown an interest in investigating Western society and, in
particular,the multi-ethnicityof its social development and the globalization of
communicationsand exchanges between all countriesof the world as has contin-
ued to occur in this century.For their part, psychology, cognitive sciences, musi-
cology and even philosophytodaystillstudyman,the musicloverand musicmaker,
outside the social and culturalcontexts from which he defines himself and from
which he appreciatesmusic.
In the following paper, I would like to sketch the premises for an anthropo-
logical study of music listening that would bring cognitive, psychological,philo-
sophical and sociologicalstudies of music under the guidanceof one field:anthro-
pology. The primaryaim of this multidisciplinarywork would be for these fields
to apply theirresearchbeyond the scope of the originalconfinesand constraintsof
their fields, into the main context in which music is enjoyed, i.e. the psychosocial
and psychoculturalcontext. To do so, these fields must agree to recognize firstly
that each type of music is primarilydefined by this socioculturalcontext which
bounds how it is created,performed,listened to, appreciated,experienced,social-
ized, symbolized and thoughtof. In this sense, no matterhow objectivea researcher
may be, these factorsinadvertentlymold one's cognitiveresponsesto music.Moreo-
ver, for such study to give pertinentand genuine results, it must also go beyond
the typically delimiting Westernconceptionof music. All types of music, Western
or not, must be viewed on an equal footing. What would be studied is music, the
extraordinaryhuman phenomenon in all its diversity.
This multidisciplinarystudy would explorewhethermusicological,cognitive
and psychologicalstudies areverifiablewhen listeningto music in commonplaces,
either in Western or non-Westernsituations. In other words, are the results the
same when one is attendinga concert,listening to recordings,to radio,to music on
the street or in public places, at festivals, with a walkman on the head, during
particularrituals,etc.?Are the results the same with the Indian,Balinese,Russian
or Yanomamoas with Westerners?Are the results the same when Westernmusi-
cians are compared to other musicians or non-Westernmusicians trainedas well
in Westernmusic?Thebasic questionwould then be:how does one's psychosocial
and psychoculturalentrainmentaffectone's cognitionof music?Althoughresearch-
ers may claim to be objectivein their laboratorystudies by ignoring psychosocial
factors,'these factorsare too prevailingto be disregardedaltogether.They entrain
and bound one's grasp on music, one's cognition of music.
I
Thetermpsychosocial refersto humanpsychologyas it is expressedin sociallifewhilepsychocultural
refersto humanpsychologyas it is expressedin a culturalcontext.Foran anthropologicalstudyof music,
thesetermsaremorepertinentthantheirregularcounterpart,i.e. socialandcultural.Oneof my premises
in thesepages is thatthe roleand valueof musicis as muchpsychologicalas socialand cultural,and that
these factorsmutuallyalterone another.We can only distinguishthemin our investigations.
B.DESCHENES, AN ANTHROPOLOGY
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IRASM
LISTENING,
The following pages firstpresent a few remarkson cognitive and psychologi-

cal studies indicatingwhy I think that the presentproposalappearsto be relevant.
The next section will comment on today's situationin regardto music. A descrip-
tion of a few of the main psychosocialfactorswhich mold one's cognitive integra-
tion of music will follow. The last section will sketchhow these factorsmold one's
experienceof music and how they are cognitive filters.
CognitiveStudies
It is a common tendency among cognitive scientists to ignore psychosocial
and psychoculturalfactorsaltogether,the belief being thathuman psychology and
cognition can be investigated independently of these factors.If some of them take
a more anthropologicalor ethnomusicologicalapproach,it is generally on very
specific and thereforedelimited topics.
The most importantbook published in the last 20 years on cognition of music
is John A. Sloboda's TheMusicalMind, TheCognitivePsychologyof Music (1985).
Only in the last chapterdoes he discuss the matterof culture and biology in rela-
tion to musical thinking. He indicates that cognitive scientists generally do not
consider cultural contexts because of their relativity, therefore their lack of
specificity.As specialists,they investigateparticularaspectsof humanpsychology
and cognition, yet, paradoxically,they considerthattheirfindings point to human
psychological universals. Cognitivists, and psychologists as well, ignore the in-
between to consider what in the particularcan be universally applied, i.e. to all
human beings.
Sloboda'sbook is representativeof the generalattitudeof the cognitive scien-
tist. In that last chapter,he takes a unique example,i.e. notation,to discuss how it
affectsmusicalthinkingin a generaland in some universalways. He also goes on to
discuss commonlymentioneduniversalsin musicamong cognitivists,i.e. pitchand
scale. As such, he does not bring anythingparticularlynew. Forexample,he could
comparenotationsystems between differentsocieties,for example,the notationin
Japanesemusic and in some other music. How does it affect thinkingof music in
each case? The other way round as well, how is notationrepresentativeof a par-
ticularmusical thinking?How does pitch and scale in Indianmusic, that is in quar-
ter-tone,affectmusicalthinkingcomparedto ours,thatis predominantlyhalf-tone?
Few cognitive scientists have tackled this issue of anthropological or
ethnomusicological studies of musical cognition. For example, Michel Imberty
(1993)proposesan anthropologicalapproachto stylisticperceptionof musicalworks
in which he compares the works of two Europeancomposers.JamesKippen pro-
poses an ethnomusicologicalapproachto the analysis of musical cognition (1988).
Recently,SimhaArommade a very interestingpresentationof Africanpentatonism
(1997).
The most interestingpaperthatpresentsa study in a vein similarto the present
proposalis PandoraHopkins'AuralThinking(1982).In thatpaper,she asked three
musicians, an Indian violin player (bothWesternand Indianmusic), a Greekmu-
138 B.DESCHENES, AN ANTHROPOLOGY
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IRASM
sician and ethnomusicologist who plays the lyra, and an American violinist, to
give their impression of the beat patternof Norwegian hardingfelefiddle pieces.
They were chosen because they were violinists. Because of their original
psychoculturalbackground and trainingin music, each understood these fiddle
pieces accordingto their entrainedauralperception.Aspects that were not part of
that background were not noticed, including the beat pattern considered so im-
portantby hardingfeleplayers.
Thereare of course many more researcherswho have tackledthis. The point I
want to raise here is the following: Can we find universalsin the particularif we
ignore the in-between contextswhich shape it and throughwhich the particularis
expressed?Can what is cognitively applicableto a particulartype of music be ap-
plied to any other type of music which requiresa differentfocus of attention?Can
we find universalsif we ignore the so wide-rangingdiversity,flexibilityand malle-
abilityof human cognitionthatis shown in the varietyof music?Hopkins'study is,
for me, the best example of the type of study I envision for this proposal of an
anthropologyof music listening.Such study shows that we still have a lot to do to
understandhow psychoculturaland psychosocialcontextsshape perceptionand,
doubtlessly,cognition.Musicperception,experienceand appreciationis, I strongly
believe, dependent upon context.This is what this paper proposes to investigate.
SomeRemarkson Today'sStateofMusic
Comparing the situation of music in the last century in the Western World
and the present situation, the following can be noticed:
1. During the last century, music lovers could listen to only a small number of
musical works, most of the time from a unique type of music2typical to the
social class and context of which they were a part. Today, one can listen to a
wide variety of types of music, coming from all around the world, unlinked to
the class or context in which one is born.
2. It was unusual for someone to hear a piece of music more than once, and even
more unusual to hear it repetitivelyin a short period of time.3Today, thanksto
recording, any musical work can be heard repetitively, as often as one may
wish, whenever one wishes.
3. The number of new types of music we can hear is growing almost by the day.
Today, the majorityof new types we may discover in recordstores are almost
2
The expression typeof musicrefersto the overallcharacteristicsof a form of music that distin-
guishes it from otherforms,this in regardsto its socialand culturalbackgroundand premises,includ-
ing its history.Forexample, rock,classicalmusic, blues or rap differsfrom one anotherbecause each
one is characterizedand framedby social premisesinherentto its particularhistory.A musical style
then becomes a particularexpressionwithin the specificconfinesof a type of music.
3 With the rise of the bourgeoisie during last century
in Europe,more and more families were
acquiringmusical instruments(in particularthe piano) and buying scores. This, however, was cer-
tainly not the majorityof the bourgeoisie.At thattime music was obviously not thatunavoidableand
overwhelmingpart of everyday life it is today with radio,recordingand television.
B. DESCHENES,
TOWARDAN ANTHROPOLOGY IRASM29 (1998)2,135--153
OFMUSICLISTENING, 139
entirely from non-Westernethnic origin. In the last century in Europe,people

were listening to the type of music typicalto theirsocialbackgroundand status.4
4. Radio, stereo systems and/or ghettoblasterscan now be found almost every-
where around the globe. The sounds and noises of music, specially in cities,
have become an integralpart of the everyday environment.
5. In the last century,in Europe,it was totallyimpossible for someone from a low
working class backgroundto think of becoming a musician of classical music.
Thatwas the lot of the bourgeoisieand the aristocracy.Today, it is common for
someone born in a ghetto to become an operastar,while the son of an aristocrat
may become a rockstar,althoughrockis still consideredthe music of the low or
young rebellious classes.
Obviously, the technologicaldevelopments of the past hundred years or so
have irremediablytransformedour relation to music, making the musical situa-
tions considerably more complex and elusive. This transformationhas not been
uniquely musical, but psychosocial and psychocultural,as well as philosophical,
aesthetic, psychological and cognitive. It metamorphosedhow and what one ap-
preciates in music, bringing a diversity of musical choices - which was not the
case previously - but also a complexityin ascertainingone's musicalexperiences.
At the end of the XXthcentury,we have the chanceto listen to a broad diver-
sity types of music, either new ones createin this century or typical ones from
of
non-Westernsociety. It is near to impossible to know and appreciateall possible
types of music. Each one of us must make choices and determine which type or
types of music will grant us the best possible aesthetic experience.Some people
may appreciatea unique type of music while otherswill appreciatea largevariety.
However, therewill always be a psychosocialand psychoculturalbackgroundupon
which all types of music will be comparedand judged. In fact, one's musical tastes
are never strictlyaesthetic;they are primarilypsychosocial,establishedaccording
to the psychosocial context that defines any type of music, i.e. how and what can
be appreciatedin this music, and how one can do so.
If we appreciatea single type of music, our attitudes and expectationsabout
that type is based on it. It becomes the gauge fromwhich any other types of music
are judged. Since our expectationsreflectthatchoice,anythingthat does not corre-
late with it will be criticizedand denigrated.On the other hand, if we appreciate
an array of types of music, from rock to classical music, from blues to rap, from
Sufi to Balinese Gamelan,and more, our listening attitudes and aestheticconsid-
erations will reflect this kind of diversified open-mindedness. We will surely be
less severe in regards to types of music we do not appreciateor do not know. In
other words, one's musical choices become, to a great extent, cognitive filters.
Each type of music, be it classical music with its large number of styles,
Balinese Gamelan,JapaneseGagaku,rock, blues, Latin-Americanmusic, reggae,
rap, etc., is defined and evolved accordingto the psychosocialcontext which cre-
4 The first official public event which presented music from many countries of the world to a
wide audience was the Universal Exhibition of 1889 in Paris. It was then that Debussy heard Balinese
music for the only time (Montagnier, 1990).
140 B.DESCHENES,
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ated it. This context establishes the grounds upon which a type of music will be
appreciated.We will be attentive and thus solicit our cognition differently if we
listen to a type of music we deeply appreciatecomparedto one we totally dislike.
If we listen a type of music alien to our psychosocialbackground(e.g., Sufi music),
our cognitive focus of attention will be different than that of someone raised in
that context. The same holds true for that person in regardsto classicaland other
Western types of music. We attend to any type of music based on the original
psychosocialbackgroundwith which we are entrained.Everythingelse is deemed
accordingly.
Moreover,if we want to become a musicianof a particulartype of music, our
cognitive integrationand focus of attentionwill be entrainedaccordinglytowards
a better learning of that music. But that learning process differs for a foreigner
compared to a native (e.g., a Westernerlearning the Japanesebamboo flute, the
shakuhachi),because there is much more to learn than simply a technique.There
is also a way of learning the instrument,a way to experience,feel and think that
music that can never be entirely learnedby a foreigner.
In this sense, each type of music offers a frameof listening and cognitive inte-
gration through attention which delimits how it can be appreciated.There is ap-
preciation when one's attention can correlateduring listening to what has been
cognitively acknowledged and integrated previously. By appreciatinga type of
music, we focus our attentionto attendto music in a characteristicway. If we listen
to a piece of music that demands a differentframeof listening because of a lack of
correlationwith previous experiences,we run the risk to dislike that music. Alter-
natively, if that music also conveys some social values or an ethic with which we
disagree, we will frameour focus of attentiontowards this music accordinglyand
obviously depreciateit.
The aim of this very general presentation of an anthropology of music lis-
tening is to make few suggestions which could, one hopes, help fill a wide gap in
the cognitive study of music. Commonly, cognitive scientists refer to classical
music in their study of the cognition of music, as if classical music is music. The
results of these studies are obviously fragmentary,incomplete,biased, and thus,
in all honesty, can not be considered universals. The malleability of human cog-
nition is shown, I believe, by the wide-ranging diversity of types of music found
in human societies. But today, with a democratizationof music through technol-
ogy which grants us access to such a diversity, all listeners must adapt their cog-
nition to this situation, something that cognitive science has not yet fully consid-
ered.
Factors
SomePsychosocial
This section presents some of the main psychosocialfactorsthatcan influence

and mold, even if only partially,our cognitive integrationof music.
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The EmotionalImpactof Music

The emotional impact of music is acknowledged by everyone in psychology
and is rarely,if ever, questioned.In fact,the emotionalimpactof music is takenfor
granted. For example, music therapy has been created and has evolved on this
premise (Lecourt,1988),although this discipline is still belittledby many from the
medical professions.Studies in the U.S.A. and Europeshowed that the simple fact
that listening to music we like before an operationcan help its outcome (Spintge
and Droh, 1992).
What is not recognizedyet, is that this emotionalimpactappearsto be differ-
ent from one type of music to the other. Forexample,rock or pop fans seem to be
more interestedin a kind of kinestheticmusic, where the mind and particularlythe
body participatethroughdancing. For their part,classicalmusic lovers habitually
consider this emotional impact with detachment and restraint,the only explicit
expression of contentmentusually being the applause (Dahlhaus,1982).s During
concertsat the Japanesecourt,it was consideredtraditionallythat applauseor any
open manifestationwould shatterthe charmthat one gets from the performance,
while at festivals, the situationwas entirelythe reverse.Besides, ethnomusicology
teachesus that a large numberof non-Westernsocietiesdo not assign an emotional
value to music, but a more practicalone. In ethnology, folk music is consideredas
being primarilya play (in the sense of the Frenchword ludique).
The emotional impact that Western society confers to music is much more
than a purely psychophysiologicalimpact.Thisbelief is fashionedby our Western
value system, and everyone of us is acculturatedso we experienceand feel these
emotions similarly.Generally,acculturationrefers,for example, to the learningof
tonal structures,but there is also an acculturationof listeners' responses to and
views about music. Is such emotional impactof music really universal?Since psy-
chological and cognitive studies do not considerthe largerpsychosocialimpact of
music, much still needs to be done pertinentlyto answer this question.
CulturalModels
One of the major thesis in cognitive anthropology is the notion of cultural
models or cultural schema that is defined as a cognitive structureshared by all
membersof a society (this is based on Piaget'snotion of schema).A culturalmodel
structures the way members of a group grasp similarly a surrounding reality,
molding accordingly their social behaviors and interplays (Holland & Quinn,
1987:4).This notion of culturalmodels has not caughton with ethnomusicologists,
although it is directly applicableto the currentsocial development of music at the
end of this century:in order to be a fan of any type of music, one must identify
with the culturalmodels that psychoculturallydefine it.
s The notion of fans commonlyrefersto pop formsof music.To referof classicalmusic lovers as
fans might seem unappropriateto many readers,as if this notionof fans can not be applied to classical
music. Yet, Pavarotti,Domingo, Karajanor Bernstein,for example,have theirfans. The expressionis
applicableto any artistwho becomes renowned,independentlyof the type of music.
142 TOWARD
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In cognition of music, musical acculturationrefers to the integrationand as-

similation of musical structures.However, the cultural models which allow for
such acculturationare ignored. For example, as we all know, Western music is
based on a half-tonemusical structure,while that of Indianmusic is on a quarter-
tone one. Western musicians are often astonished at the ease with which Indian
singers can sing in quarter-tone.Both societies have evolved through different
culturalmodels, which imposes an acculturationtypical to these models. Accul-
turationis not individual, as cognitivistsare generallyimplying, but psychosocial
and psychocultural.It is as much dependent upon other people or particularly
musicians who exploit these musical structuresin order to perform this music.
Individually, we can integrateand recognize musical structuresonly when they
are shared by a group of people or a society.
At the end of the XXthcentury,each type of music, be it rock or reggae, clas-
sical or avant-gardemusic, BalineseGamelanorJapaneseGagaku,evolves through
its intrinsicculturalmodels which define what musically and psychosociallydis-
tinguishes it from any other types of music. Additionally,it defines as well what
one must identify with and how this can be done in order to appreciateit. Each
type of music develops its inherentcognitive structuresthat everyone must share
in order to become a fan, and more so if one wants to become a musician playing
this type of music. There is a large number of musical structuresthat are found
among all types of music and could be considereduniversals.What is not univer-
sal is how they are shared and consequentlyacculturated.6
Social Identification
To be a fan of a type of music, one must identify, even if only partially,with

the culturalmodels that characterizeit. This is not necessaryin the case that one
simply enjoyslisteningto it. Theattractionof a young rapperto rapis psychosocial.
This type of music conveys values with which he identifies and that are repre-
sentative of his social situation.His appreciationof this music and any other type
of music is thus framed by that identification.Similarlywith classical music, a
music lover must identify with the Westernsocio-historicalculturalmodels which
define and maintainit as it is today. On the otherhand, we might appreciatelisten-
ing to a type of music without identifyingwith the originalculturalmodels which
define it. Forexample, we might enjoy listening to Sufi music without identifying
with the culturalmodels that createdand still nurtureit.
We might appreciate a large number of types of music, but we can only
identify with one primarytype of music, the one that conveys the values that cor-
relate the psychosocial and psychoculturalsituation of the society in which we
were born. It is during teenage years thatsuch an identification settles in, when
6
Forexample,a largenumberof Worldbeattypes of music in non-Westerncountriesare a blend
of traditionalsongs with Westerntonal structures.Nothing pertinenthas been done to study how the
Westernhegemony is modifying theircognitionof music.
B.DESCHENES,
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one learns to establish one's identity and one's place in society. Although this re-
mains to be appropriatelyinvestigated, it appears that during those years, one is
accordinglyshaping one's tastes in art (at least in Westernsociety). Thatis to say,
one is creatinga psychosocialgroundingupon which music and all otherartforms
will be enjoyed and appreciated.
Following this line of thought, our criticismof music, aestheticor otherwise,
is framedby our identificationwith a type of music we considerour own. We can
make our own only that which conveys psychosocial and psychoculturalvalues,
meanings and symbolism with which we can directlyidentify, i.e. a type of music
that correlatesthe values that define and determine our identity. This identifica-
tion thus becomes the basis upon which any music will be judged. If classicalmu-
sic is for us the one and only type of music worth appreciating,we will criticize
and ignore all other types thatdo not correlatewith the culturalmodels that define
it. It is similarwith fans of any othertypes of music. However, for a classicalmusic
lover to appreciaterock,for example,he does not need to considerhimself a rocker,
but he must at least accept, even if only partially,the culturalmodels that define
this particulartype of music. In otherwords, the intensity and flexibility- or lack
of flexibility - of our identificationwill play a role in determining how we will
attend to other type of music.
In this second half of the XXthcentury,we can notice one interestingphenom-
enon in the social evolution of music:a form of >tribalization<<of music. In similar
termsas presentedby DanahZoharin TheQuantumSociety(1994:262-263),groups
of people form what could be termed >tribes<<accordingto their appreciationof a
particulartype of music, e.g. rap, rock, jazz, blues, classical music. Dictionaries
include in their definition of ,,tribe<<:a group of people with a common interest.
Although this is most obvious among teenagersand young adults, it can be found
among all walks of life and for all types of music. By selecting a particulartype of
music as one's primary music of choice, one also selects a group of people with
whom this enjoyment will be shared, and an identity that will be recognized by
the other people of this >tribe<.
The best example of this is undoubtedly rap, a type of music that character-
izes the young African Americans from city ghettoes. To be rappers and to be
considered as such, these young people, speciallyblackbut also white, must iden-
tify with the cultural models that define and demarcatepsychosocially what it
means and representsto be one. To make this identificationpart of who they are,
these youngsters make their own the behaviors, attitudes, slang, clothing, body
movement, gestures, etc. that socially differentiaterappers(Rose, 1990).Similarly,
if a young AfricanAmericangirl from the same ghettoes shows talent and is en-
couraged to become a star of opera, she must make her own the cultural model
that defines classicalmusic and what it representsto become a opera star.The son
of a rich aristocratmay also become a rock singer, identifying more strongly with
the culturalmodels of rock than with the ones into which he was born.
In this line of thought, one's musical choices and tastes nowadays are not
established on the basis of some aestheticbeliefs or aestheticconsiderations.They
are based more specifically on the social meaning and value a type of music con-
veys and with which we can identify.
144 B.DESCHENES,
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Rituals and Myths of Music

Music is largely a ritualizedformof art.This is the more obvious at the end of
our century,speciallywith the growing diversificationof types of music, each with
its own ritualisticpeculiarities.For example, a classical music pianist would not
dare to go on stage in jeans or leatherpants, while a rocksinger would be mocked
if he did not behave as a rockershould.7In classicalmusic, restraintis expected as
much from the musiciansas from the music lovers, while extraversionis expected
from both rock singers and rock fans. The culturalmodels for both of these types
of music dictate a >ritualizationw of theirbehaviorsand attitudes,the use of a par-
ticularjargon and a code of dressing, etc. Moreover, types of music should not
mix, though this has been changingin the 1990s,as we see well-known opera sing-
ers performingalongside rock stars.8
Moreover, music at the end of the XXthcentury is not freed from myths. I
would even suggest thatthe entiremusicworld and industryarenurturedby myths.
The three most predominentmyths are the mythofart,the mythof theartistand the
mythof thestar.They are in fact threedifferentaspects of the mythology surround-
ing any forms of art. The first myth distinguishes what is considered as against
what cannot be art (e.g. for classicalmusic lovers, only this type of music can be
called Art,anything else is not). The myth of the artistdifferentiatesthe artistfrom
the non-artist:the artist somehow has a psychosocial prominence that the com-
moner does not and can not have. He is somehow above everyday commonalty.
The myth of the star gives to the artistan influentialpsychosocialimage, one that
is sharedby a large group of people. Manyfans' identificationwith theirstarswill
result in their desire to look and behave like them (e.g., Elvis Presley's fans who
dress like him, some of whom undergo plastic surgery to look like him). Because
of their influence, many stars are asked to espouse human, ecological or even po-
litical causes in the hope that they will influencetheir fans.
Sensory Modalities
One aspect of the social psychology of man thathas been drawing the interest
of some anthropologistsand historians, but not ethnomusicologists, cognitivists
7 Some journalistsclaimedthatat the beginningof his careerin the 1980sthe CroatianpianistIvo
Pogorelichwent on stage in leatherpants,creatinga generaloutcry.Inan interviewin the issue of May

1986 of Keyboard magazine, Pogorelichrefuted that claim. In the 1980s,the Britishrock singer Sting
presenteda show with a group of jazz musicians(originally,he had been a jazz bass player),Bringon
theNight.Many of his fans were upset becausehe was not trueto his rockimage.
8 LucianoPavarottihas done several concertsand recordingswith rock and pop stars.Placido
Domingosang well known popularsongs on AmericanTV.Therewas even a projectto have Pavarotti
give a performancein 1998 with the famous PakistaniSufi singer Nusrat FatehAli Khan.This was
cancelledbecauseof Ali Khan'sunfortunateand untimelydeathin the Summerof 1997.Suchconcerts
by Operastarsare greatlyappreciatedby the generalpublic.However,the opposite situationis more
often criticized.For example, BarbraStreisand'sclassicalrecordis not appreciatedby most classical
music lovers and scholars.Paul McCartney'sLiverpool Oratorio does not get muchpraisefromthe same
group of people.
B.DESCHENES,
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and/or psychologists as yet, are sensory modalities. Sensorialanthropologysug-

gests that the cognitive grasp of one's environmentis fashionedby the senses, not
only individually but socially and culturallyas well. Thatis to say, a society selects
a dominant sense that becomes a psychosocialframeworkthat models the modes
of thought and the perceptionof realityof all its members(Howes, 1991).By cod-
ing perception in a modality-fashion,a sensory modality becomes a socially and
culturally shared cognitive mold as well as a filter.Anything that does not corre-
late with that modality is ignored and/or denigrated.
The two most common sensory modalities found in human societies are
visuality and orality (McLuhan,1962;Ong, 1982;Howes, 1991).Visual societies
generally enforce a sense of detachmentbetween the self and what is perceived
and sensed; this distancing becomes ethical, moral, and even phenomenological.
Thebasic mode of thought of visual societiesis linearand unilateral;the surround-
ing reality is viewed in terms of space and distance.Fortheir part,aural-oralsoci-
eties (the term used by WalterJ.Ong, 1982)show a mode of thought that is asso-
ciative and referential,in which everything sensed, felt and expressed is inter-
twined. Oralityis omnidirectionaland context-bound,the self being part of what
is perceived, while visuality is unidirectional and content-bound, enforcing a
phenomenologicaldistancebetween the self and what is perceived.Visual thought
is individualist while aural-oralthought is communal(Howes, 1990;Ong, 1982).
This notion of sensory modalitiescan be used to ponder on the currentstate of
music at the end of this century.We can notice thatmost popularand ethnic forms
of music are basically oral (rock,jazz, blues, reggae and rap9).Young people at-
tend a rock concertnot only for the music, but also for the communal experience.
However, classical music is a type of music that is intrinsicallylinked to the his-
tory of Europe. As a result of the advent of printing,Europebecame a predomi-
nantly visual society (McLuhan,1962;Ong, 1982).This shift from an aural-oralto a
visual society has obviously influenced music in all possible ways.10Writingson
the philosophy of music clearlyshows that.Music is consideredas a phenomenon
to contemplate;the musical work is detached and distinct from the listener and
even from the composer (Dahlhaus,1982).The notion of contemplationis essen-
tially a visual concept.The aestheticof the visual Europeansocietiesis static,beauty
being linked to appearance,while in oral society, it is dynamic and contextual
(Howes, 1990:264).
In Western societies, the teaching of music is also visual, although the main
interest of the young music student is basically auditory,i.e. oral. The first things
the student must learn is to read music, to understandthe concepts of music, be-
fore understandingand making sense >>auditorily<< of the music he hears,as if this
is secondary.Fora largenumberof music teachers,the good studentis the one who
9 See Rose, 1990,for an analysisof rap as an oral-basedsocial phenomenon.

10 For example, although Japaneseappears to be predominantlyvisual, which is shown by a
strongemphasison visual aesthetic,and althoughthereexistsa musicalnotation,the teachingof music
remains typically aural-oral,somehow leaving to the ear what belongs to it. We can notice a similar
situation both in India and China. Though this remainsto be explicitly investigated,it appears that
only Europeansocieties have imposed visualityupon music.
146 TOWARD
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rapidlygrasps the conceptsof music. In fact,the advantageof this student over the
other ones is that he is able to link more easily these concepts with what he hears,
something that any student must do on his/her own since this is not taught in our
music schools.
Are there differences in the cognitive learning of music between a visually
oriented society and an orally oriented one? Although there are common tenden-
cies among each of these modalities,therearealso majordifferencesbetween visual
societies and oral ones.
Repetitive Listening
One rarelystudied currentaspect of music listening only possible with mod-
ern technology is repetitive listening. With the stereo system and the walkman,
each one of us can to listen any music as often as we wish and as much as we want.
Most cognitive and psychological theories of music listening generalize listening
into some kind of universallaws. Musicis considereda temporalart,yet no cogni-
tive researchso far has pertinentlyinvestigated repetitivelistening. Will the 100th
listening to a Bachcantatabe the same as the first?Does the aestheticappreciation
grow gradually or proceed otherwise?How do we integratea long classicalpiece
comparedto an song that is easy to remember?Whathappenswhen we are forced
to listen to a type of music we dislike the first few times we hear it and gradually
learn to appreciateit (e.g., someone that moves to a foreign country)?These ques-
tions and many more still need to be asked, investigatedand answered.
Modem technology profoundly modified how we listen to and thereforeap-
preciate music. In the last century, a music work could be heard at a particular
time, often only once. It was rarefor someone to be able to listen to the same piece
of music many times in a lifetime,let alone in a single year (see Footnote3). One's
appreciationof music had to be based on this single or rarelistening.Today,know-
ing that we can listen to a piece of music as often as we want, we base our appre-
ciationon repetitivelistening.We do not need to make aestheticjudgementbased
on one or a few listenings. Our integrationof a piece can be gradual.Besides, the
number of musical works and the number of types of music a music lover could
listen to was limited in the 19th century (most of the time it was a single type of
music, at least in Europe),while today it is common for people to have hundreds
of records,cassettes and CDs with a wide variety of types of music.
Attention
Another important cognitive factor in one's enjoymentand appreciationof

any form,particularlystage arts,is the state of attention.All artformsrequirea
art
state and a focus of attention that differs from one's everyday states of attention
(including the one reached when an artistcreates,or when trying to solve a par-
B.DESCHENES,
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ticular scientific problem, for example). When listening to a musical work or a

play, our quest for an aestheticexperienceenticesus to focus more attentivelythan
in common everyday occurrences.
The Americanpsychologist of music CliffordMadsensuggests that the unify-
ing factorin listening to music is specificallyattention.One's emotional states are
maintainedthrough the focus of attention(1996)one reacheswhen listening to it.
Additionnally, Carroll-Phelanet Hampson indicate that attentionis highly selec-
tive; among all the auditory signals reachingthe listenerit differentiatesbetween
and concentrateson the ones that have aestheticvalue (1996).
Thereis still a lot that needs to be done thoroughlyto understandthe role and
impact of attentionin music listening, in particularfrom an anthropologicalpoint
of view. The intensity and state of one's focus of attention can greatly vary de-
pending on a good number of psychosocialconditions:whether we know a piece
or not; whether we know a type of music or not; whether we know it but do not
appreciateit;whetherwe do not know it and have no interestin knowingit;whether
we know the piece but do not like the musicians;whether we have musical train-
ing or not; whether we have a personal aversion for a particulartype of music
(e.g., rap or punk), and thereare more. Our focus of attentionis more intense if we
know a type of music, compared to one that irritatesus or that we do not know
and have no interest in knowing.
Along this line of thought, anthropologicallyspeaking, the state of one's fo-
cus of attentiondoes not depend uniquely on one's psychologicalor cognitive state
at the time of listening, but depends just as importantly,if not more so, on the
culturalmodels conveyed by a type of music and the intensity of one's identifica-
tion or lack of identificationwith it. When thereis correlationbetween our models
and the ones conveyed by a piece of music, we will be more easily attentive and
focused than when there is none. Thereis a strongerchance to consider this mu-
sic's aestheticworth. We are much less attentiveto what we can not relateto than
to what unequivocally attractsour attention.
We can distinguish two kinds of attention:1) consciousattentionand 2) focal
attention.Conscious attentionis our state of sentienceand presenceto a surround-
ing realityand throughwhich our thoughts,emotions,statesof mind areexpressed
at every moment of our waking state. For its part, focal attention is a focus on
anything in that surroundingrealitythat attractsour senses and our mind at every
moment of our waking state, and upon which thoughts are focused. Conscious
attention is global but peripheral,while focal attentionis homocentricand selec-
tive. Consciousattentionmanagesone's innerstates,emotions,thoughts,etc.,about
the outside world; focal attentionis subordinatedto it. It works specificallyat find-
ing in the outside world being perceived that which will corroboratethe inner
states managed by conscious attention."
One's inner states are an extremely complex amalgam of emotions, beliefs,
values, symbols, memories, acculturationand identification to culturalmodels,
I
This proposalis based on the theoryof tacitknowledgeput forwardby the Britishphysicistand
philosopherMichaelPolanyi(1975).He discusses,forexample,focalawarenessas I proposeit hereand
subsidiaryawarenessthat is peripheral.
148 B.DESCHENES,
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etc. Consciousattentionembodies (Csordas,1994)this acculturation,while the role

of focal attentionis to find in our interplayswith realitythat which will correlate,
maintainand nurturethe state of conscious attentionat any given moment of our
waking life.
Along this line of thought in regard to music, both aspects of attention-
conscious and focal - are cognitive filters.While correlatingour expectationsand
musicaltastes, they filter,ignore and even deny anythingthatdoes not reciprocate
our expectations.This filteringis cognitive.Thebest exampleis the following. Our
acculturationto the tonal and harmonicculturalmodels inherentto Westernsoci-
ety is such that when most of us listen to a non-Westernpiece of music we >hear<
tonality and an underlying harmony,although it has not been written with these
in mind. A large number of musicians are even unable to rid themselves of this
cognitive conditioning,perceivinga harmonystructurein any formof music what-
soever. While consciousattention>>needs<to find tonalityand harmony,it requires
focal attentionto correlatethese needs for our Westerncognitive entrainment,ir-
respective of the fact that harmonyis not part of that music.
This proposal is, of course, still in the embryonicstage, particularlysince we
do not find anything in cognitive researchthat studies attentionalong the lines I
am proposing here. I reserve a more detailed proposal on this matter for the fu-
ture, in a paper entirely dedicated to this topic.
Expectationsand acculturation
The most respectedtheoryof expectationsin psychology of music, still today,
is the one put forth by the AmericanL.B.Meyerin EmotionandMeaningsin Music
(1956).It poses that a listeneris in a state of anticipationin regardto the denouement
of the work heard, upon which expectationsare established.If an expectationis
fulfilled, it becomes unconscious. >So long as expectationsare satisfied without
delay, ... the response will probablyremainunconscious.<< (Meyer,1956:30-31).
For Meyer, an expectationbecomes conscious when something unexpected hap-
pens (e.g. the unexpected ending of a melodic line, a change from a full orchestral
part to a solo part). Expectationsin this sense become habit responses, but these
can only be conditionedthroughrepetitivelistening,thus acculturation,something
that Meyer does not explain.
Meyer presents general psychological laws on music listening. However, he
does not give us any cue as to how these habit responses are formed, or more
specifically, how this acculturationoccurs. As is common among psychologists
and cognitivists, his aim was to formulateand condense his results into general
laws. Many questions are left unanswered:Are our expectationsfulfilled exactly
the same with every listening or do they evolve or change fromone listeningto the
other?If they change or evolve, how does this occur?When someone is listening
over and over to the same piece of music, is there really inhibitionbecause of the
fulfillment of one's expectations,as he suggests? How are habit responses mani-
fested when one hears a piece or a type of music one does not know, does not like
TOWARD OFMUSIC 29(1998)2, 135-153 149
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LISTENING,
or has no interestto know? How can Meyer'stheorybe applicableto other types of

music - Westernor not - particularlyas he based it entirelyon Westernclassical
music? Concertperformancesare never the same each and every time, while on
recordthey are exactly the same each and every time. Is there a differencein one's
habit responses? And there are many more of these unanswered questions. Al-
though I cite only Meyer's work here, these questions have rarelybeen discussed
by other researchers.
An anthropologicalstudy of expectationswould not only investigate listen-
ing habits, but also their evolution and their acculturation process within
psychosocialand psychoculturalcontexts(e.g. compareWesternerswith Indians).
We would know how this acculturationis manifestedthroughour expectationsas
well as understandingif it differs from one type of music to another,and if so, to
which extent. This type of studies is now possible with recordings.An example of
such study could be the following: ask a group of subjectsto listen over a certain
period of time to a type of music they do not know and that they might not appre-
ciate to see how their interestmight evolve.
Becauseit is so easy now to listen to a wide variety of types of music from all
around the world, we are becoming cognitively acculturatedand acquaintedwith
more than a unique type of music implicit to our native social background.Our
habit responses are changing and being adapted accordingly.Our expectations
are basicallymodeled by the culturalmodels of the society in which we were born
and with which we identify. Obviously,we can not express the same expectations
in the same way when listening to classicalmusic comparedto BalineseGamelan,
or rockcomparedto JapaneseNoh Theater.Therearedifferencesbetween types of
music, between our knowledge of a type of music, including our identification
with differenttypes of music. Thereis a lot thatstill needs to be investigatedin this
respect.
ofMusicListening
Towardan Anthropology
My primary aim in this paper has been to identify and present what would
involve a study of music listening froman anthropologicalperspective,putting all
possible types of music, Westernor non-Western,on an equal footing. Although
brief,I hope that this proposalgives a relevantidea of some of the most important
factors (and there are of course more) to considerin such an endeavor.As can be
seen, theirlargenumberand theirinherentmutualcontingenciesand interdepend-
ence obviously show that such a study would be a complex one. In order to recog-
nize the psychosocial and psychoculturalsignificanceof these factorsand incor-
porate such an anthropologicalapproach,the currentpremises in cognitive sci-
ences would need to be expanded. In particular,it would mean leaving aside their
reductivist and fragmentaryview in favor of a broaderone; in other words, con-
sidering the context instead of the content.
To confine the cognitive study of music to typicallyWesternpremises (and in
particularusing almost exclusively classicalmusic) is totally insufficientto grasp
150 B.DESCHENES,
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and understandthe value and role of musicin humansocieties;this holds even more
for the aspects of music that could possiblybe consideredto be universal.Musicis
enjoyedin a psychosocialcontext,impregnatedby culturalmodels that framehow
musicis valued,appreciated,conceived,createdandperformed.Humanpsychology
is expressedthroughacculturationto culturalmodelswith which one directlyiden-
tifiesand shapes one's identity.Musicis a productof such acculturation.Thereareof
course evident tendenciesamong people that show that individualbehaviorsand
responsesto music areuniversal.Butcanwe honestlytalkof universalitywhen a so-
calleduniversallaw has been investigatedonly with individuals,irrespectiveof the
source of their acculturationand, particularly,mainly with Westernersand with a
Westerntype of music?If we honestlywant to find the universal,we are forcedto
bringour cognitivestudies out into the >>wild<<,i.e. we must considerHumankindin
all its possible vicissitudes,not only WesternHumankind.
Here are three examples of potential studies along the lines proposed here.
1. Most currentstudies on melodic structuresconsiderbasicallythe tempered 12-
tone structureof Westernmusic. Many researcherssomewhat tacitly consider
it to be universal. This study could investigate,for example, groups of Indian,
Balinese and Westernmusicians, including a group from an aural-oralsociety
(with as less influencefromWesternsociety as possible,or that has been able to
minimize this influence).The Indiansare acculturatedto differentiatequarter-
tone music. Balinese musicians tune their instrumentsin ways considered out
of tune by Westernstandards;the intervalsincluding the octave not being per-
fectly tuned to the Westernear. Often, musicians from aural-oralsocieties do
not share the sense of tonality Westernershave. Some of the following ques-
tions could be asked: Do Indian musicians integratetheir quarter-tonestruc-
ture as Westernersintegratetheirhalf-toneone? How does a Balinesemusician
integratehis >>out-of-tune<structure?How does oral society integratethe non-
Westerntonal structure(althoughit may be pentatonic)?12 What are the differ-
ences in each case in integratingone's native structures?The Western group
would listen to the music of these other societies. How do they integratethese
non-Westerntypes of music?Similarlyto the native musicians?If so, why, how
and what do they integrate?If not, why, how and what do they not integrate?
And so on. This study would try to show whether cognitive integrationof me-
lodic structureis the same acrosscultures.
2. A second study (alreadysuggested above) would take groups of people to try
to acculturatethem to an unknown type of music. A group of Westernersanda
group of non-Westernswould listen to a type of music unknown or not much
known to both groups, preferablya type they would not like at first hearing.
The study would have them listen to that type of music regularlyover a period
of a few weeks, if possible every day. Everyweek, both groups would be ques-
tioned. Do both groups integratethatothermusic similarlyor differently?What
12 Simha Arom
(1997)presents a very interestingstudy in this respect.He shows that African
singers can a song within the pentatonicscale, changingthe intervalsaccordinglyto the
melody. And,transpose<
for them, it is still the same song.
B.DESCHENES,
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AN ANTHROPOLOGY
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LISTENING,
is integrated,what is not, in both groups? In either case, what are the similari-
ties and/or differences?Etc.(Thisstudy could be done by questioning expatri-
ates working abroad.)
3. A third study could investigate the phenomenon of perfectpitch. A number of
Westernmusicians are known to have this innatesense of tonality accordingto
the Westerntempered scale (althoughthis scale is quite recentin Westernhis-
tory). Indianand Balinesemusicianscould be investigatedto ascertainwhether
they have this kind of perfectpitch accordingto theirown tonal structure.If so,
can it be used for non-native types of music? Is perfectpitch a uniquely West-
ern phenomenon?What would seem to be the common and the non-common
tendencies?Etc.
One of the basic aims of these three studies would be to find how and to
which extent primaryculturalmodels filterthe integrationof music, i.e. how they
frame our cognition of music.
There is still a lot that needs to be done better to define and inventory these
factors,better to understand their role in our cognition of music and, especially,
how and to which extent they frame our cognition of music. Human cognition is
not pure and free from influences. Being manifested within psychosocial and
psychoculturalcontext,it is inextricablyfashionedby the culturalmodels of one's
society. These models define what music is, how it can be listened to and appreci-
ated, how it can be created and performed,what would be considered aesthetic,
what its psychoculturalrole and value is, and the like. It also defines how music
can be conceived and theorized.
This proposal for an anthropologyof music listening is one of context over
content. Cognitive studies have been looking at content while I am suggesting
looking at the context within which this content finds all its meaning and value.
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Sazetak
PREMAANTROPOLOGIJI
GLAZBENOGSLU?ANJA
Tehnologkije razvitaku 20. stoljeduduboko modificiraokontekstu kojemse glazba

slugausporedimo li ga s prethodnimstoljedima.Danas mo2emo slugatiisto glazbeno djelo
toliko testo koliko Zelimo. MoZemoslugati velik broj tipova glazbe, Sto je bilo potpuno
nemogude prije iznalaska tehnologije. Slugaju6ineki nepoznat tip glazbe, na primjeriz
Azije,ne upoznajemose samo sa samomglazbomnego i s njezinimpozadinskimkulturnim
kontekstom. Medutim, velik broj, ako ne i ve6ina kognitivnih i psihologkih ispitivanja
glazbe ne uzimaju u obzir ulogu druStvai kultureu nagojglazbenojspoznaji. U ovom se
radu predlaZeprvi nacrtantropologkogproutavanjaglazbenogsluSanjakojebi kognitivna
moglo izvesti iz njihovih laboratorijai privesti ih psihosocijalnim i psiho-
istra.ivanjakontekstimau kojimase glazba stvara, izvodi, shvadai do2ivljavaiskustveno,
kulturnim
tj. ondje gdje glazba nalazi svoje puno znaCenje.

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Author(s): Bruno Deschênes

XXthcenturytechnologicaland social developmentsprofoundlychangedthe

The following pages firstpresent a few remarkson cognitive and psychologi-

entirely from non-Westernethnic origin. In the last century in Europe,people

This section presents some of the main psychosocialfactorsthatcan influence

The EmotionalImpactof Music

In cognition of music, musical acculturationrefers to the integrationand as-

To be a fan of a type of music, one must identify, even if only partially,with

Rituals and Myths of Music

7 Some journalistsclaimedthatat the beginningof his careerin the 1980sthe CroatianpianistIvo

Pogorelichwent on stage in leatherpants,creatinga generaloutcry.Inan interviewin the issue of May

and/or psychologists as yet, are sensory modalities. Sensorialanthropologysug-

9 See Rose, 1990,for an analysisof rap as an oral-basedsocial phenomenon.

Another important cognitive factor in one's enjoymentand appreciationof

ticular scientific problem, for example). When listening to a musical work or a

etc. Consciousattentionembodies (Csordas,1994)this acculturation,while the role

or has no interestto know? How can Meyer'stheorybe applicableto other types of

ROSE,Tricia(1990).Oralityand Technology:Rap Music and Afro-AmericanCulturalRe-

Tehnologkije razvitaku 20. stoljeduduboko modificiraokontekstu kojemse glazba

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