Dynasty History of United Koraput

DYNASTY HISTORY OF
UNITED KORAPUT
(B.C. to 1250AD)
DAS KORNEL
First published 2017
@ Das Kornel 2017
All rights reserved. No parts of this publication may be reproduced or
transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of
the author and the publisher.
ISBN 978-93-5288-893-1
Published by Das Kornel, 2017

kornel_das@yahoo.com
drkorneldas@gmail.com
Mobile: +91 9437411576
Coverpage by Arjun Ojha

Dedicated to
Prof.N.K.Sahu, the eminent Historian of Odisha who contributed immensely

to the knowledge of local History in Western Odisha and Emperor
Kharavela
Dr. Das Kornel
Dr. Das Kornel was born in a Punjabi family at Jeypore (Koraput district) in
Odisha State of India on 18th August 1948. His family came down during 1870
from Amritsar to Jeypore, then was under the Agency area of Visakahpatam in
Madras Presidency and Jeypore as a State ruled by the Suryavamsi family; they
have few documents since 1892. Dr.Kornel is a qualified Veterinarian with
specialization in Animal Genetics and exercised his profession uptill 1999.He had
an excellent accademic carrier and had earned Honours to his degree and 3
University Goldmedals and several prizes. He worked with Government of India
in various positions since 1971 and took Voluntry retirement from the post of
Director, CCBF in 1999.He was instrumental in establishing Indo-Australian
Sheep Breeding Project, Hissar and Central Cattle (Jersey) Breeding Farm,
Sunabeda, Government of India. He had established Frozen Semen Bank and
Embryo Transfer Laboratory in CCBF, Sunabeda. He has worked with DANIDA
as Danida Advisor for 10 long years and was the Programmee Coordinator (IC-
SDC) Indo-Swiss Natural Resource Management Programme, Odisha for 4 years.
Dr. Kornel has grassroots level experience of 25 years in Rural Sector
Development.- Project and Programmes, especially the Poverty alleviation
programmee areas in tribal dominant districts of Odisha. His early education and
most service period were spent in Koraput district and for brief period in Bastar
i
district but from last eight years he is working with poor tribals of Mayurbhanj
and Kenojhore districts of Odisha. He is associated as a Consultant to GALVmed,
Scotland since 2009. The programmee is associated with two lakh fifty thousand
house holds in Mayurbhanj and Kendujhar district tribal families spread across16
blocks of the said districts. The skills to raise small animals particularly the back
yard poultry through trained Community Animal Health Workers is the strategy
to alleviate poverty here. Some how, the life and culture of tribals fascinated him
and thus he went deep into the subject. He has published about 44 papers in
Animal Science and few books in Farming Systems, Socio-anthropology etc. and
notably, Tribal Crops - Livestock Farming Systems in South-East India.
Manohar Publishers, New Delhi. (2006). Tribal Culture Heritage and Cult
.Gutob Gadaba Tribe of Orissa, (1999c) Modern Book Depot, Bhubaneswar;
Tribal Culture. Koya Tribe in Transition, A.P.H.Publishing Corporation, New
Delhi, (2006).This is a work based on Koya tribe of Malkangiri, Koraput, and the
Bangladesh refugees who settled there. The study is spread across 22 years, and
observations on Koyas to meet the challenges due to sudden influx of a modern
world society have been detailed. Kornel started working on the livestock bio-
diversity of Orissa as early as 1975 and in 1999 he published a book titled,
Livestock and Poultry Genetic Resources in Orissa, and in 2006 along with
Prof. S.C.Móhapatra and Prof. R.M.Acharya published the Indigenous Poultry
Genetic Resources of Orissa, and Sheep and Goat Genetic Resources of
Orissa: A Survey Report with Government of Orissa. He has also published a
work entitled, Livestock and Poultry Dynamics in Tribal life based on the
tribals of Koraput. Kornel also published two volumes of e-books entitled,
Culture Heritage History and Historiography in Dandakaranya (BC to
1250AD)– vol. I, & vol. II – (2010). This is a detail work on tribal culture, local
religion set up, history of people and history of Dynasties that ruled the region
and the Historiography that was awaiting discovery here in United Koraput and
Bastar districts of Orissa and Chhattisgarh states. Kornel and Dr. Giridhar
Gamang published a detail work named, Lost Jaina Tribes in Trikalinga. This
work depicts the former day Jaina tribals of Koraput and the monuments and
antiquities that are found in the district. Das Kornel was the lead consultant to
prepare the Livestock Policy and Plan of Chhattisgarh Government and it
was approved by the CG governmemt and was also implememnted. Kornel
worked for three years with FAO in India as FAO Associate Professional to
South Asia Pro Poor Livestock Policy Programme (a joint initiative of NDDB
and FAO) New Delhi. He was the author of Poultry Sector Country Review---
- India for FAO, Rome in 2008. Das Kornel is a reputed International
consultant in Backyard Poultry Development and he is well known for his
pioneering work on Biodiversity of Livestock and Poultry Resurces in
Odisha.
ii
PREFACE
Dandakaranya as known from Ramayana has been well defined and documented.
The united Koraput district is a part of Dandakaranya of Ramayana fame. There
are 62 tribal groups in Orissa and out of that 51 are in united Koraput district
alone that constitutes 82 percent of the total tribal groups.The Tribals of united
Koraput, represent to a wide stock of origin, and may have come down from
various regions with time. They represent Austro-asiatic, Dravidian and Indo
Aryan and mixed origin. They have maintained their own tribe group identity
through various measures as social discipline and social orders.
For all practical puroses this book mentions Koraput means United Koraput
district i.e. Koraput, Nabrangpur, Rayagada and Malkangiri districts of Orissa.
This volume has been carved out of the two volumes of Culture Heritage History
and Historiography in Dandakaranya (BC to 1250AD), authored by Das Kornel as
the request for separate volume of Tribal People History of Koraput grew.
This book is mainly focuses the ‘Dyanasty History in united Koraput from BC to
1250 AD”. I have published another volume separately that gives insight into
‘Peoples History in Koraput’.
Many dynasties invaded Koraput and ruled. They made history. They are
Kharavella, Ikshvakus, Mayurias, Vakatakas, Nala, Western Chalukya, Cholas,
Rastrakutas, Western Gangas, Pitribhktas, Panduvamsis, Pallvas, Konas, Telugu
Chodas, and Kalachuris of Tripuri, Nagas or Chhindaka dynasty, Mathras and
many more minor dynasties. The dynasties of Eastern Ganga and Eastern
Chalukyas origined from Koraput district and ruled Kalinga and Andhradesa,
respectively for long years. Kharavella established Risi Khebri of Hathigumpha
fame and derived its man power for military from Korput then known as
Vidydhar abode. It was the Atavi of Emperor Asoka.
Nala dynasty ruled from Podagada of Umerkote, Nadapur was the centre of
activity for many dynasty for centuries. Cholas had their headquarter at An-chola-
gumma and An-chola also carved out Purvadesa and ruled it. The former in
Tentulikhunti block of Nabrangpur and the later An-chola in the boarder of
Borigumma. Chakrakote of Koraput block remained the bone of contention to W.
Chalukyas, Cholas and Nagavmsis and many. It now stands as ruins. Bhairab
singpur of Borigumma stands silent with its history of the past. Kalyan Singpur
was the capital of Western Chalukyas of Kalyan branch in Koraput.
iii
The Koraput was also a part of Kalinga and was also known as Giri Kalinga and
Paschima Kalinga in the pages of history. This was also the country of Trikalinga.
This was also well known as Telinga and more so in Budhist literature.
The tribal children are now going to schools and many are in Asram schools. The
tribals have their identity and the future generation shall search their culture,
history and their roots. This book will help them. Their history and roots shall
give them the required strength to march in the process of development safely and
in dignified manner. History will guide them. They shall not be lost.
The history was built from the history that was recorded in the neighbouring
Andhradesa, Kalinga, and the South Kosala and others. This took about 30 years
of work. The inscriptions related were thoroughly studied and interpreted where
required. The incidences like marching of army and capitals, dynasties ruling for
time and period were considered for inference. After thorough study of relevant
history texts a detail study of specific Dynasties was taken up along with study of
original inscriptions as far possible in context to united Koraput district region as
defined in the book. It was the personal advice of renowned Orissan historian of
repute, Prof. Manamanth Das to make field studies to write history, otherwise it
shall be like many others whose works did not last long; similarly Dr. S.N.
Rajaguru was of the opinion that history should have evidences from inscriptions
or else it will be a story only. So the above advices were carefully followed to
carve out this piece of the history. Most important contribution was due to Prof.
Somsekhar Rao and Dr.Kolleru Suryanarayana of Visakahapatnam who willingly
gave hours to discuss the relevant history and historical evidences being close to
Orissa and in particular the South Orissa history. They also suggested the authors
and books of concern to my study which saved lot of my study time. In many
instances they were ready to make available inscriptions and photocopies of
articles when requested by me. This was very useful because I could save time.
However my knowledge of anthropology in particular in context to Koraput and
Bastar and practical experiences due to my birth in Jeypore, Orissa and by luck I
had spent most of professional carrier in the region was most helpful to derive
many things of interest, more so my knowledge of Tribal languages and culture
was of significant advantage in the direction.
This book starts with’Introduction of history in Koraput’ for the benefits of the
reader. It gives introduction to the dynasties that came here or dynasties that were
born here and ruled along with important events of history that took place.
There is another separate chapted named,’Ancient and Changing Geography:

Koraput’. It implies all that countries and states that emerged out in Koraput and
iv
more widely in Dandakaranya from BC to 1250AD. This will give a clear
perception of history that the people of Koraput witnessed in the past.
Historigrapical change incorporates new evidence and new way of looking at the
existing history reports. Findings of new coins, inscriptions, archaeology, links
historical and socio-linguistics along with aspects of oral-traditions have enriched
knowledge of new history. In recent years history has increasingly drawn more
evidence from archaeology.
Orissa still houses a large number and range of societies and some of them are
still very primitive. This living pre-history, underlines the continuity of cultural
survivals. Attempts have been made here to bring the cross discipline like ethno-
archaeology to correlate ethnographic findings with history. Thus field work has
been the basis to bring together all elements of interest to form the history of the
region and has been reported.
Archaeological evidence has underlined the geographical significance to history,

particularly the location of settlements and the movement of people and it still, to
a greater extent can indicate the period of occurance.There are departures to
earlier views as simultaneously the geographical regions continue to have
historical activity. That is multiple centers share the same history. This
phenomenon was witnessed simaltaniously during Sangma period of South India
and also in Koraput region and has been reported in detail. These events are of
most interest to historians.
.
Further a detail history has been built on the Dynasties and those rulers lived in
the Koraput region in this volume. It is based on research notes of the past and a
list of historiography has thus been built basing on practical field investigation
and analysis of the Historical notes, mostly the disputed areas of importance. The
political histories of different dynasties have been detailed with relevance to
Koraput.
The archaeology and inscriptions where available have been incorporated and
reported. Two sepearte volumes entitled Jaina antiquities & monuments in
Koraput and Hindu and Budhist antiquities monuments in United Koraput,
respectively is being published. The authors are Das Kornel and Dr. Giridhar
Gamang.
Some how the beginning was from limited early works of Robert Sewell on
archaeology in (Rayagada) Koraput, a detail study of Edgar Thurston and
Rangachari and later works of many independent researchers including G.
v
Ramdas of Jeypore and Hira Lal from Bastar contributed to development of
anthropology and history in Koraput.
This work could not have completed without the encouragement of Dr. Giridhar
Gamang. Dr. Gamang does not need introduction; he had represented the Koraput
constituency for 9 times as Member of Parliament. He being a tribal himself has
deep love and respect as well as knowledge of the local Koraput culture and
tradition of the people and was very keen to record it; so that the future generation
can maintain the values. We both were associated since early 70s and had several
serious discussions on history, culture and heritage that the people have built
since centuries in Koraput-Bastar. Koraput remained special to both us, not
because we were born here but the people and their broad approach to life, their
rich heritage value full of poetry, songs of life, dances and music fascinated most.
I was practicing a profession for my living and twice I had to change it, so mostly
the little free time and holidays that was available to me was devoted to these
studies and research. In due course of time, it is natural to lose interest because
many new issues creep up in life but luckily his inspirations and interest in the
subject always renewed my interest. I am grateful to him. After long years of
struggle this piece of work has come to this shape. I hope in future many will take
forward this subject and more knowledge will enrich it.
I am thankful to many friends in academics, tribal friends who willingly

supplemented knowledge to this work. I had the privilege to use the published
literature of many and my thanks are due to them. I am thankful to Jeypore and
Bastar Museum for their help and co-operation.This research work is open and
there are hypothesis which will require validation; so I believe in future, scholars
and local knowledge base will take it forward to a logical conclusion.
In future, I hope collaboration in the field of Koraput culture; history will come
up with new partners from Chhattisgarh, Tamilnadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh
and Orissa Universities and Research Institutions to enrich the field. There is an
urgent need to collect the Tribal Folklores and poetry that are sung at home in
festivals and in paddy fields by ladies for further study. Equally, there is a great
deal to explore the caves of Koraput that will shed more light on religion and
history and will also enhance the future tourism prospects in Koraput.
Conservation of archaeological finds through private-public partnership should
come in future as part of their social responsibility.
Das Kornel
Bhubaneswar
November 2017.
vi
ABBREVIATIONS USED
ARSIE Annual report of South Indian Epigraphy
ASI Archaeological Survey of India
CII Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum
DHNI Dynastic History of Northern India
EI Epigraphia Indica
Epi.Carn. Epigraphia Carnatika
EA Epigraphia Andhrika, Hyderabad
IA Indian Antiquary
IE Indian Epigraphy by D.C. Sircar
IHQ Indian Historical Quarterly
IO Inscriptions of Orissa by S. N. Rajaguru
Ins. Inscriptions
JAHRS Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society,
Rajahmundry
JAIH Journal of Ancient Indian History Edi. By D.C. Sircar
JAS Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta
JASB Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta
JBORS Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Patna
JKHRS Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society,
Bolangir
JNSI Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Calcutta,
Bombay and Varanasi
JOR Journal of Oriental Research, Madras
JORS Journal Orissa Research Society
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland, London
JRASB Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta
MAR Mysore Archaeological Department
OHRJ The Orissa Historical Research Journal, Bhubaneswar
PHAI Political History of Ancient India by H. C. Raychoudhury,
Calcutta
PIHC Proceedings of the Indian History Congress
RE Rock Edict (of Aasoka)
SI Studies in Indology by V.V. Mirashi
Sel. Ins. Select Inscriptions by D.C.Sircar
SII South Indian Inscriptions
SRE Special Rock Edicts
vii
Contents
INTRODUCTION OF HISTORY IN KORAPUT ............................................. 1
DANDAKARANYA .......................................................................................... 1
Geographical location of Dandakaranya ......................................................... 1
Geographical Changes in Dandakaranya ........................................................ 2
Creative literature and knowledge in United Koraput ........................................ 4
EMERGING STRUGGLE FOR EMPIRE AND REGIONAL KINGDOMS IN
PENINSULA & UNITED KORAPUT .................................................................. 6
Mauryas in South India ....................................................................................... 6
Eastern Gangas in Trikalinga ............................................................................ 10
Kubja Vishnuvardhana I: (Saka 526- C. 544-45) founder of Eastern
Chalukyas ...................................................................................................... 11
Chola dynasty.................................................................................................... 13
Rajendra I to Kulottunga I ............................................................................ 14
Kulottunga I as Prince in Koraput –Bastar ....................................................... 15
Chakrakote ........................................................................................................ 16
Ancient Dandakaranya and Changing Geography: ............................................... 19
Koraput-Bastar-Kalahandi .................................................................................... 19
Physical Landscape ....................................................................................... 21
Epigraphic notes on Dandakaranya .............................................................. 24
Sangdrusne parichita bhuva dandakaranya bhagaha (29) ................................. 26
Puranic List of Rivers and Dandakaranya ............................................................ 26
TRILINGA, TELINGA AND TRIKALINGA -KORAPUT CONTEXT ........ 31
Historians and their views on Trikalinga ...................................................... 40
A T A V I .......................................................................................................... 45
VIDYADHARA TERRITORY ........................................................................ 48
NISADHA......................................................................................................... 50
MAHAKANTARA AND KANTARA............................................................. 53
CHAKRAKOTE ............................................................................................... 55
GIRIKALINGA ................................................................................................ 57
MASUNIDESA ................................................................................................ 58
KALINGA ........................................................................................................ 60
SOUTH KOSALA ............................................................................................ 66
DESIA DESA IN KORAPUT .......................................................................... 68
Lord Mahavira in Kalinga and Koraput ........................................................ 69
Ikshvakus ...................................................................................................... 70
Kalinga Emperor Kharvela in Koraput ......................................................... 70
Eastern Chalukyas in Trikalinga and Jainism ............................................... 70
Chhindaka Nagas of Chakrakote .................................................................. 71
viii
KALINGA EMPEROR, KHARAVELA AND PRESENT KORAPUT DISTRICT
............................................................................................................................... 75
Kharavela and Rsi Khibira of Koraput as of Hathigumpha inscription: ........... 81
Kharavela’s Chief Queen from Vaijraghara (present Wairagarh of modern
Chanda District of Maharashtra) ................................................................... 82
Kharavel’s second queen from Simhapatha .................................................. 82
Kharavela’s Vidyadhara abode and Koraput district .................................... 83
Geneology of Kharavela ............................................................................... 84
SAMUDRAGUPTA’S SOUTHERN EXPEDITION AND MAHAKANTARA
COUNTRY ........................................................................................................... 91
RAMAGIRI ........................................................................................................ 101
Location of Ramagiri of Kalidasa ................................................................... 104
THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS AND CHAKRAKOTE, DAKISHNA
KOSALA, KALINGA AND VENGI ................................................................. 115
Jayasimha II conflict with the Cholas ......................................................... 116
Somesvara I ................................................................................................. 117
Vikramaditya VI ......................................................................................... 118
Gangakunda, Vengi and Chakrakuta .......................................................... 118
KALYAN SINGPUR.......................................................................................... 122
Devagiri....................................................................................................... 122
DEVAGIRI REMAINS ...................................................................................... 124
IKSHVAKUS AND PRESENT DISTRICT OF KORAPUT ............................ 133
NALA DYNASTY IN KORAPUT KALAHANDI AND BASTAR DISTRICTS
............................................................................................................................. 137
Chronological account of Nala Kings ......................................................... 138
Nala Dynasty Inscriptions, Copper plates and Numismatics evidence ....... 140
Podagada Stone inscription of Skandavarman, son of Bhavadatta ............. 145
The Nala Rulers .......................................................................................... 146
Archeological Remains of Nalas ................................................................ 150
Religion and Archeology evidence ............................................................. 154
Art and Architecture and Remnants of Nalas in Podagada......................... 156
NALA REMAINS IN PODAGADA .................................................................. 160
PITRIBHAKTAS AND PITA BHATTRAS OF KORAPUT-BASTAR ........... 167
VAKATAKAS .................................................................................................... 169
PANDUVAMSIS OF SOUTH KOSALA .......................................................... 170
Lineage ........................................................................................................ 170
Territories under the Dynasty ..................................................................... 170
Udayana .............................................................................................................. 172
Mahasiva Tivara.................................................................................................. 174
Candragupta ........................................................................................................ 174
Harsagupta .......................................................................................................... 175
ix
Sivagupta Balarjuna ............................................................................................ 175
EASTERN CHALUKYAS OF VENGI ............................................................. 178
Southern Expeditions .................................................................................. 186
Amma I, Vikramaditya II and Yuddamalla II ( A.D. 921-927) .......................... 190
Chalukya Bhima II (A.D. 927-945) .................................................................... 191
MATHARAS ...................................................................................................... 195
Rajendra I the Conqueror of Purvadesa ..................................................... 199
Rajendra I and Indraratha of Somavamsin.................................................. 202
Virarajendra and Eastern Ganga ................................................................. 207
Virarajendra and nephew Prince Rajendra Chola of Eastern Chalukya in
Chakrakotam ............................................................................................... 208
Battle between Virarajendra and Vikarmaditya in Chakrakuta .................. 209
Jayasimha II of Western Chalukya and Sakkarakottam ............................. 210
Kulottunga Chola I and his stay in Koraput-Bastar Region ........................... 211
Kulottanga I’s sons ruling Vengi ................................................................ 222
Rajaraja II, Velanati Chief Gonka II-Kalinga invasion and Anantavarma
Chodaganga................................................................................................. 225
Kalinga wars ............................................................................................... 226
Pradhani Family of Nowrangapur and relation to Eastern Gangas and
Chola 233
PURVADESA..................................................................................................... 239
ANCHOLAGUMMA ..................................................................................... 242
ANCHALA ..................................................................................................... 244
GUMMA AND HISTORY ............................................................................. 247
EASTERN GANGA ........................................................................................... 248
Eastern Gangas and Western Gangas in Trikalinga ........................................ 258
ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS RELATED TO EASTERN GANGA IN
DANDAKARANYA .......................................................................................... 264
WESTERN GANGAS, EASTERN GANGAS: KALINGA AND TRIKALINGA
(KORAPUT), KOSALA AND KONGA COUNTRY ....................................... 271
Relationship of Western Ganga and Eastern Ganga ....................................... 273
The Western Gangas and Koraput district ...................................................... 278
Rastrakutas and Western Gangas: Kalinga, Chitrakuta and Eastern
Chalukyas .................................................................................................... 282
Trikalinga, Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi ......................................................... 284
SOMAVAMSIS AND KORAPUT .................................................................... 290
Kathargada and Somavamsis .......................................................................... 295
NAGA OR CHHINDAKA DYNASTY OF CHAKRAKOTA .......................... 297
Epigraphic records of Nagas or Chhindaka dynasty ................................... 300
Coins of Nagas ............................................................................................ 301
Seals ............................................................................................................ 302
x
Genealogy ................................................................................................... 304
Political History .......................................................................................... 305
Relation between Kalinga, Utkala, Dakshina Kosala, Dahala, Chedi and
Nagavamsi....................................................................................................... 307
Somesvara I and Janamejaya II of Kalachuri and Telugu Chodas ............. 308
Defeat of Naga kings in the hands of Jajalladeva I of Kalachuri................ 309
Rashtakuta Kings in Dahala and Chakrakotte ................................................ 309
NAGAVAMSI CHAKRAKOTE AND ITS LOCATON ............................... 314
NARAYANA TEMPLE, JEYPORE .................................................................. 319
BARASUR IN BASTAR DISTRICT ................................................................. 321
Dantwada in Bastar district ......................................................................... 321
KALACHURIS OF TRIPURI ............................................................................ 323
Kalachuris of Ratnapur (7) and invasion of Chakrakota and South Kosala ... 323
TELUGU CHODA IN CHAKRAKOTA AND SOUTH KOSALA .................. 326
Genealogy of Telugu Chodas of Bastar and South Kosala ......................... 328
ARCHAEOLOGY REMAINS OF BASTAR .................................................... 329
TELUGU IN DANDAKARANYA .................................................................... 332
Andhri ............................................................................................................. 333
TRILINGA AND TELINGA IN KORAPUT CONTEXT ................................. 334
Garh Dhanora and Telingi .............................................................................. 338
DYNASTIES IN SOUTH KALINGA................................................................ 341
The Matsys of Oddadi A.D. 1200-1470.......................................................... 341
PALLAVAS OF VIRAKUTA ............................................................................ 344
GANGAS OF JANTARNADU .......................................................................... 348
NANDAPUR ...................................................................................................... 351
Silavamsi Kings of Nandapur as per Inscriptions ....................................... 353
Hathigumpha Record and King Nanda ....................................................... 355
Pravhavati Gupta and Nandapur-Nandvardana .......................................... 356
Nanda or Nandodbhava family Ruling Jeypore-Nandapur ......................... 357
Nandivarman Pallavamalla and Nanndigrama............................................ 358
Bhatiporlu inscription and Nandapuram ..................................................... 359
Vyghraraja in Jeypore forest tract ............................................................... 359
Some Jaina Inscriptions and Trikalinga ...................................................... 359
Chalukyas of Vemulavada and Subaie (Nandapur) .................................... 361
Patasivaram inscription of the Chalukya king Tribhuvnamalla Vira.......... 362
Kalachuris of Tripuri as Trkalingadhipati................................................... 362
Kalachuris of Ratnapur and Nandavalli ...................................................... 362
Krishana Deva Raya of Vijayanagar Empire in Nandapur ......................... 363
Nandapur from People’s Account ................................................................... 364
Pandya Dynasty and Chellia Poraja or Konda Poraja in Koraput District . 364
Eastern Gangas in Trikalinga ...................................................................... 365
xi
Eastern Chalukya in Trikalinga .................................................................. 365
Amma I, Vikramaditya II and Yuddamalla II (922-935) .................................... 366
Nadupuru in Pottapi-nadu ........................................................................... 368
Western Gangas in Kalinga (Nandapur) and Konga................................... 369
NANDAPUR ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS ............................................. 377
BHAIRABA SINGAPUR ................................................................................... 383
ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS IN BHAIRABA SINGAPUR..................... 386
INDEX ................................................................................................................ 389
xii
Dynasty History of United Koraput 1
INTRODUCTION OF HISTORY IN KORAPUT
DANDAKARANYA
United Koraput was with in the territory of Dandakaranya.The name
Dandakaranya derives from an alleged identity with the ‘Dandak forest’ of the
epic ‘Valmiki Ramayana’, where the demon Dandak held his sway. Epic of
Ramayana speaks that Lord Rama spent his precious 13 years in Dandakaranya
until the abduction of the Goddess Sita.
Geographical location of Dandakaranya

As regards it’s identification of territorial limits, some consider this region as far
as west as Nasik, the abode of Rama in the forest on the bank of the Godavari and
suggest the coincidence of Dandakaranya with modern Maharastra. A few
scholars, alternatively, claim that ancient Dandakaranya covered a very large area
of Central India from which the forests have gradually been cleared by man In
the maps of mid-19th century (1860), the Dandakaranya was a large triangular
tract (fig I)(John,1960) (4).
Dandakaranya region between 17. 50’-20. 30’ N and 80. 15’-84. 0’ E occupy
about 89,078 square Kms that comprises of three states, e.g. the Bastar district of
Madhya Pradesh, the Koraput and Kalahandi districts of Orissa as well as some
parts of Andhra Pradesh including Yellavaram and eastern half of Chodavaram
(Rampachodavaram) tahasils of East Godavari district, Chintapalli and Paderu
tahasils of Visakhapatnam district and Salur and Parvatipuram tahasils of
Srikakulam districts. The region extends for about 480 Kms from east to west and
320 Kms from north to south.
In the Ramayana, Lord Rama tells his brother Lakshman on their way to
Agastya‘s asrama as to how Agastya rendered the earth habitable by
overpowering a demon. This may be indicative that the Aryan occupation of
Dandakaranya happened due to Agastya’s success against the asuras and Tataka
and her husband Sunda. The great forest of Dandakaranya had become unfit for
human habitation because Bhargava had cursed it. Agastya’s presence brought
back the fertility to soil; rains came and became fit for living of several groups of
Aryan sages (rishis).
The mountains and plateau of central India including the Dandakaranya, with
their dense forests, tended to get bypassed by migrants and settlers for many
centuries. The major settlements were along the more frequented routes from the
northern plain south wards to the Deccan. These settlements made only a
1
marginal impact on the forest dwellers until later centuries when encroachments
into the forests for timber and elephants, as well as cultivable land, became more
common. Central India was regarded as the major habitat of ‘tribal societies’ and
forest peoples, even though such societies were scattered throughout the
subcontinent. Pockets of these continue to the present.
Geographical Changes in Dandakaranya

The geography of Dandakaranya was first evident for Uttararamacharita, 2.14.
Recent publication of J.P. Mittal (2006) has identified many places, ponds, hills
and rivers cited in Ramayana and Puranos in Koraput-Bastar region
The major part of evidence to Dandakaranya so far has come from geography and
location of rivers, hills that continued appearing from Ramayana to many Purano
and literature.
The ancient history-geographical identity of undivided Koraput, parts of
Kalahandi districts of Orissa, and partly the undivided Bastar district of Madhya
Pradesh now in Chhattisgarh as has been found in various inscriptions, literature
is denoted as Dandakaranya and from time to time many dynasties who ruled the
area in part or full carved principality and was known by the following names
 Atavi
 Nisadha
 Vidyadhara territory
 Kantara and Mahakantara
 Trikalinga
 Telinga
 Chakrakote,
 Masunidesha
 Jharakhanda
 Purvadesa
 Girikalinga
 Paschimakalinga and
 Konga
2
 Desia Desha or Country

The adjacent countries were
 Kalinga to its east
 Dakshina Kosala to its north and north-west
 Vengi to south and south-eastern end
These represented fully or a small principality curved in the main land. The
South Kosala appeared as distinct land.
Sometimes this land came in as full or partial into the territory of Kalinga,
sometime into Vengi occupation and South Kosala dominion.
Several of the Southern dynasties came in to the present undivided Koraput and
Bastar and won the said country and or carved small feudatory for them. They
occupied the land thus owned or were compelled by their natural enemy kings.
This has been seen with the Maurya Chandra Gupta, Samudra Gupta,Kharavela,
Vakatakas,Western Gangas, Western Chalukyas, Eastern Gangas, Cholas, and
Telugu Chodas mainly and even by Eastern Chalukya (Vengi)’s and so many
others, may be Haihaya, Pallavas, Hoysalas and Rastrakuttas.
Apart from kings forming kingdom, the religion interception did occur from time
to time in the past centuries. The Jainism, Buddhism, Saivism and Vaishnavism
in its original and modified sects, came into this land and established.
It has been recorded that there are 51 scheduled tribes inhibiting Koraput
district alone of the total 62 tribes recorded in Orissa. That implies 82 percent of
the tribes group live in united Koraput alone. There is still more to redefine the
tribes of Koraput.
Bagata, Baiga, Banjara or Banuari; Bathudi, Bhottada or Dolada; Bhuiya or
Bhuyan; Bhumia, Bhumij, Binjhal, Birhor, Bondo Poraja, Chenchu, Dal, Dharua,
Didayi, Gadaba; Gandia, Gond or Gondo; Ho, Halva, Jatapu, Juang, Kawar,
Kharia or Kharian; Khond, Kond or Kandha including Nanguli Kandha & Sitha
Kandha;. Kisan, Kol, Kolha, Koli including Malhar, Kondadora, Kora, Korua,
Kotia, Koya, Lodha, Madia, Mahali, Matya, Mirdhas, Munda, Munda Lohara or
Munda Mahalis, Mundari, Omanatya, Parenga, Paroja, Pentia, Rajuar, Santal,
Saora, Savar, Saura or Sahora; Shabar or Lodha; Sounti and Tharua.
The Kondh, Sabara, Koya, Gadaba, Bhattra, Gond, Bhumia and Poraja are the
major tribe groups of Koraput district. The following distribution as denoted does
not count very minor tribes.
3
Creative literature and knowledge in United Koraput
Poetry as prose in Sanskrit was valued by elite, the court and aristocracy, they
thus gave support. The oldest Sanskrit inscription that is found is the one standing
at the Podagada of Umerkote in Koraput district. It was engraved by Nala dynasty
king during 5th century A.D. It is well evident from the inscription that Sanskrit
was the language of Nala court.
Mahakabi Kalidasa of Ujjain (c.A.D. 400). an extraordinary dramatist and poet
composed in Sanskrit, who is said to have composed Meghaduta (Cloud
Messenger) in Ramagiri located in Koraput district of Orissa. Many eminent
scholars have given their views basing on the geography and historical settings of
the time.
Poet Kalidasa describes in Raghuvamsa, canto X, how Vishnu lying on the great
serpent in the ocean of milk with Laxmi gently rubbing his feet. was born as
Dasaratha’s son for Ravana’s destruction; while Vakataka Queen Pravavati-gupta
(5th Century), the atyanta-bhagavad-bhakta daughter of Chandragupta II, was
worshiper of Bhagavat Ramagirisvamin( literally, the lord of Ramagiri ) who
seems to be no other than Ram, son of Dasaratha. The suggestion is supported by
the reference in Kalidasa’s Meghaduta to the foot-prints of Raghupati (Rama
Dasrathi) on the Rama-giri
Ugradityacarya, a Jaina teacher composed medieval medical text entitled
Kalyana-Karaka at Ramagiri in Tri-kalinga. The Tri-kalinga country has been
identified to be Bastar-Kalahandi- Koraput region.Ugradityacarya lived in 770-
840 A.D. and it is said that Ugradityacarya studied the science under his Guru,
Sri Nandin at Mount Ramagiri. Ramagiri is described to be beautiful hill adorned
with many Jaina caves, temples etc
4
Lord Rama’s Feet in Pujariguda, Ramagiri, Koraput District, Orissa.

Dharmkirit, a renowned Buddhist monk resided in Candralekhesvara at Padmapur
in Gunupur of Koraput district as per inscription of the 7th century A.D.
Dharmakirti composed Nyayabindu in Sanskrit to defend Dinnaya against
Uddyotakara, who probably was his senior contemporary. He mastered the
Sankhya philosophy and defeated the eminent teachers in controversies. He
surpassed Dinnaya in his contribution to science of logic. He contributed another
valuable work called Pramanavartika in his Tattavasngrha and also Padmana-
vinischaya that was translated by Parahitavrata of Kashmir.
Another Buddhist, Sthiramatti hailed from Dandakaranya became disciple of
Vasubandhu and learned sastras from him. He studied both Hinayana and
Mahayana philosophy and wrote commentaries on Vasubandhu’s
Abhidharmakosa, Abhidharmasamichchaya and other works. He committed to
memory the Ratnakntasutras and commented one of its texts, the Kasyspa-
parivarta. He wrote disquisitions on Madhyantavibhaga and Vasubandhu’s
Trimsika, both of which have been discovered in original Sanskrit.
5
EMERGING STRUGGLE FOR EMPIRE AND

REGIONAL KINGDOMS IN PENINSULA & UNITED
KORAPUT
Mauryas in South India
Mauryas in the later part of 4th century B.C had covered a large part of the
subcontinent, the focus being construction of Empire there by a single power.
Chandragupta Maurya succeeded Nanda throne in c.321 B.C and founded the
empire. He acquired the throne of Magadha and interaction with Greeks was
initiated.
As per Jaina tradition claims Chandragupta, towards the end of his life abdicated
in favour of his son Bindusara and became an ascetic of Jaina. Along with a well
known Jaina elder Bhadrabahu, and other Jaina monks and he left for south India.
He ended his life by Sulakhanna process of Jainas. This story is associated to a
site close to the Jaina centre of Shravana Belgola in Karnataka.
Bindusara succeed him in about 297. B.C. and died in 272 B.C by the time he had
already acquired a large part of the subcontinent. It is said that one area Kalinga
(east coast Orissa) was hostile to Mauryan commerce thus interfering their path to
Peninsula and South India. Bindusara’s son Ashoka whose later campaign
(260B.C.) was more than just an event of military significance is well known in
Indian history.
It implies thus that Chandragupta Maurya had used the least resistant path, other
than Kalinga to reach south, and the same path was used by Samudra Gupta in his
south expeditions.
Samudra Gupta (A.D 335-380) of the Gupta dynasty is well known from
Nalanda plate of inscription. He is well known from his Allahabad Pillar
inscription that was engraved on one of the stone pillars set up at Kausambi by
Ashoka. He annexed several countries to build his empire. The Allahabad Pillar
inscription has given very valuable information about Samudra Gupta’s south
expedition.
The Bodo Malis of Nandapur in Koraput district claim their origin to Allahabad,
so it may be that they came with the vassal of Samudra Gupta. The route of
migration can be corroborated to Allahabad pillar inscriptions of the Samudra
Gupta.
6
The Magodhia Goudos of Kalahandi – Koraput may have come after

Chandragupta Maurya and may be with Samudra Gupta from Magadha.
It is with a strong tradition that Jainism came into South India about the same
time as Buddhism if not earlier.
The Nasik cave inscription of Vasisthaputra Pulumavi indicates the conquest of
Gautamiputra Satakarni .The inscription further indicates that he was the lord
of the mountains like the Vindhyas, Rksavat, Parijatra, Sahya, Krsnagiri, Malaya,
Mahendra, Svetagiri and Chakora.
However, Sahu wrote the Malaya is Malayagiri in Dhenkanal district; Krsnagiri in
the Ganjam, Mahendragiri of Ganjam. The Svetagiri is probably the Dhavalgiri in
Puri district. The Chakora was identified with the Chakrakuta hill in Bastar
district. However, we are inclined to believe it to be Chikma hill of Borigumma
in Koraput district, about 40 kms from Bastar district. This is based on ancient
Jaina it and note of Chikma
Hathigumpha inscriptions of Kharavela, of first half of the second century
B.C. mentions league of Tamil states that was 113 years at the date of inscriptions
was a source of threat to Kalinga Kingdom. The said reference to Tamil country
was after the Asoka Inscriptions. In the 11th year of his reign (c. 155 B.C)
Kharavela is said to have destroyed a confederacy of Tamil sates –
Tramiradesasanghatam. The same inscription mentions that Kharavela caused
‘numerous pearls in hundreds’ to be brought from Pandya to Kalinga, and perhaps
also horses, elephants, jewels and rubies.
The Bramhin settlements began around the middle of the millennium, the
inscriptions were in Tamil with some Prakrit words, and this thus gives clue to the
process of adaptations of the Ashokan bramhi scripts in south. This may be
having been due to influence of Mauryan administration and together with the
arrival of Buddhist and Jaina monks.
Shangam corpse is a collection of anthologies of poetry on popular themes of the
time speak on Tamil traditions.
It is known that many centuries ago thrugh successive assemblies (Shangams)
were held, and the last was in Madurai which speaks between 200 B.C and A.D
300.
With the passing of Guptas, the focus shifted to south wards – Tamilaham. There
were long years of conflict between the western Deccan and Tamilham. The
kingdoms of the peninsula desired to control the entire water way particularly the
Godavari and Krishna Rivers and Vengi lying in between the said rivers became
the frequent bone of contention together with the fertile land of Raichur doab.
7
Vakataka prince Narendra-sena succeeded his father, Parvara-sena in c.440

A.D. Nala king Bhavadatta-varman, ruling from Puskari, present-day Podagada
in Umerkote region of Koraput District and border to Bastar district invaded and
occupied the capital of Vakatakas during 445 A.D.After the death of Bhavadatta-
varman Narendra-sena carried the war into Nala country and captured and
devastated the Vakataka capital.Arthapati the successor of Bhavadatta varman
was killed and later his brother Skanda varman recaptured the capital. Deva-sena
succeeded in 475 A.D. by his son Hari-sena who is credited to be the most
powerful ruler of Vakataka and gained victory over Gujarat, Malva, South Kosala,
Andhra and Kuntala. At that period the South Kosala was in Nala dominion.
The Vakatakas in the Western Deccan gave way to Chalukya power of Badami.
The control over Karnataka was between Kadambas, Nolambas and Gangas.
Kadamba control extended to the Konkan and the Eastern Gangas ruled in Orissa.
The eastern Deccan bordering (South Kosala) other dynasties were the
Sharabharpuriyas and Panduvamsis of Sabara lineage.
The Tamilham areas of further south remained under the control of the Cheras,
Cholas and Pandyas. From the middle of the sixth century, other a period of 300
years the Tamilham history of south is virtually a story of mutual conflict among
the above there powers each seeking control of the neighbour’s empire. They
were the Chalukyas of Badami, Kanchipuram Pallavas and Pandyas of
Madurai. The Chalukyas first came into prominence as subordinate rulers to
Kadambas but later they broke away as independent rulers. The Chalukyas of
Vatapi / Badami moved north wards and annexed the kingdoms of former
Vakatakas that was centered on the upper Godavari. Harsh was defeated by
Chalukya King Pulakeshin II and that contained the power of the north. In the 3rd
century A.D. Ikshavaku dynasty conquered the Krishna and Godavari. The rules
of Ikshavaku ended with the invasion of the Pallavas. The Pallavas were
responsible for the over throw of Kadamba rulers, south of Chalukya Kingdom.
The earliest records denote the Pallavas ruling at Kanchipuram. Pallava resources
refer to the sub-ordinate rulers, Udayana and Prithvi-Vyagrah as the chiefs of
Sabaras and the Nishada.
Mahendravarman I (600 – 630 A.D) is credited to be the Pallava ruler of later
group who was responsible for the growing political strength. He begun his life
as a Jaina but converted to Saivism by Appar.
Besides the main house of Bandami / Vatapi the Chalukyas established
themselves in two other branches, more or less independent to the main branch,
the Chalukyas of Lata and the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. The Eastern
Chalukyas and Gangas of Mysore together look sides in the conflict of the there
kingdoms.
8
The founder of the Chalukya line was Pulakesin I. Pulakesin I’s son,
Kirtivarman I (566-7 A.D) extended kingdom by war against Kadambas of
Banavasi, Mauryan of Knokan and the Nalas who ruled Bastar and Jeypore
Agency.
The Western Ganga rulers Durvinita gave one of his daughters in marriage to
Pulakesin, and she became the mother of Vikramaditya I.
Pulakesin II made his younger brother Vishnuvardhana yuvaraja and left him
in-charge of the capital and set into an extensive campaign of the eastern Deccan.
He subdued South Kosala and Kalinga. After return, Pulakesin II (621 A.D)
sent Vishnuvardhana to rule over the Andhra Country as Viceroy. He with the
approval his brother found the Eastern Chalukya dynasty that ruled the Telugu
country for over five centuries thereafter.
In about 500 A.D. a new kingdom named Trikalinga was evident from the
Jirjingi copper plate. J.K.Sahu wrote,” The ruler of the Eastern Gangas was
established in the hilly region of Bastar after the fall of the Nalas at the close of
the 5th century A.D. The dynasty is so called because Indravarman, its founder,
belonged to the Ganga ruling family of Karnataka which after this came to be
known as Western Gangas. Indravarman like Sarbhraja was probably a General in
the army of Harisena Vakataka and was allowed to rule the hilly region which
was the original country of the Nalas. He asserted independence after the sudden
fall of Vakataka power.”
The Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara traced their descent from the Western
Gangas who claimed belong to Ikshvaku family; perhaps of Nagrjunikonda .The
founder of the Western Ganga line was Kongunivarman or Madhava I who
probably ruled 300-400 A.D. with his capital at Kolar. Durnvita (540-600)
conquered Punnad (South Mysore) and Kongudesa and maintained friendly
relation with Chalukyas. However, the Kukkanur plate of Marasimha I during
968-69 indicates the presence of Western Gangas in Dhavala visaya and
Gangapati-. The marriage between Santikara I of Bhauma king of Orissa and
Tribhuvana Mahadevi, daughter of Rajamalla I of Western Ganga dynasty of
Mysore, who ruled from 817-835 A.D. Prior to this inscription the relationship of
Bhauma Kings and Western Gangas, is well established.
Western Chalukya Pulakesin I’s son Kirtivarman I (566-7) expanded the

kingdom by wars against the Kadambas of Banavasi, the Mauryans of Konkan
and the Nalas. The Nalas ruled over a fair sized kingdom in the region of Bastar
and Jeypore agency and their capital at the modern Podagada, located near
Umerkote of Nowrangpur, Koraput district. Kirtivarman I ‘s son, Pulakesin II
9
received first the submissions of South Kosala and Kalinga and then made his
younger brother Vishnuvardhana yuvaraj leaving him incharge of the capital, he
started an extensive campaign of conquest in the Eastern Deccan (10)
The northern part of Koraput district and eastern part of Bastar district including
southern Dakshina Kosala area was under the Mahakantara and Kantar zone. Thus
in 4th century itself, Samudragupta Maurya crossed the kingdom during his
southern military expedition. A detail political history has been given in the Nala
chapter of this book. However, it can be said in short that, there has been
speculations as regards the identification of the enemy who defeated the Nalas
and destroyed Puskari, who was afterwards destroyed by Skandavarman. As
there was apparently a struggle between the Nalas and Vakataka of the main
branch and the enemy was identified with Prithvisena 11, who claims to have
twice restored the fallen fortune of his family. Skandavarman may also have been
the Panduvamsi king Nanna of South Kosala who had occupied the whole of
Western Madhya Pradesh and is indicated in an inscription at Bhandak. The
Chalukya king Kirtivarman I (AD 567 to 597) who claims to have subdued the
Nalas some times represented his old enemy of the Chalukyas and to destroy their
residences (Nilaya) and thus possibility it has got its name Podagada.
In the Aihole inscription of Kirtivarman’s son, who can hardly be expected to

have supposed the glorious achievements of his father, Kirtivarmana I is
described as the “night of destruction “to Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas, and also
as having broken up a confederacy of the Kadamba Kings.
Eastern Gangas in Trikalinga

G.Ramdas of Jeypore was the first to publish his classical work ‘Chronology of
the Gangas of Kalinga’.However, it is certain from Jirjingi plate which is the
first copper plate source for the first evidence of Trikalinga and the Ganga king
named Indravarman was assumed the title of Trikalingadhipati (Lord of
Trikalinga). .J.K.Sahu wrote,’Jijjika in Vonkhara-visaya donated in the Jirjingi
plat of Indravarman I refer to village Tunganna in Rupygvati-visaya and the
village identified with Tung near Tekkali. So both Vankhara and Puspyavati were
in Tekkali estate .I have examined the Jirjingi plate,No.2 published by
S.N.Rajaguru and edited by R.Subba Rao,1928 and inclined to read it as
Bododongar-visaya and Jijika village but not Vonkhara district as mentioned.
Again, I identify the reference village with present day Jijingi village in north
Umerkote close to Podagada of Nala dynasty reference and Bododongar in
Bastar district.
10
Kubja Vishnuvardhana I: (Saka 526- C. 544-45) founder of Eastern

Chalukyas
Kubja Vishnuvardhana was the younger son of Kirtivarman I and therefore, the
younger brother of Pulakesin II. Pulakesin II sent Vishnuvardhana to rule over
Andhra country as Viceroy and completes the process of conquest, which
completed by 631 A.D. Then with the approval of his brother he found the
Eastern Chalukyan dynasty of rulers, which ruled over five centuries the Telugu
country.
The Chipurupalli grant indicates that Kubja Vishnuvardhana was in Kalinga, very
near the capital Kalinganagara, at the time of making this grant, probably fighting
Indravarman III, son of Gunarnava, the Eastern Ganga king of Kalinga. It was
probably that Kubja Vishnuvardhana died during the wars in Kalinga in the
southern part of Visakhapatnam.
Kubja Vishnuvardhana I rewarded 3 of his military officers, of which one Atavi

Durjaya, born in the Matsya family who had fought for his master. He was the
ainapti of the Chipurapalli grant of Vishnuvardhana I. The chiefs of the Matsya
family ruled over a small tract of the country to the south-west of Visakhapatnam
th
district, with their capital at Vaddadi or Oddavadi. They flourished upto 13
century.
Throughout the reign of Jayasimha I of Western Chalukya, the Eastern Ganga

king of Kalinga seem to have been constantly at war with Vengi to regain their
lost territories in the south. Kubja Vishnuvardhana conquered the Southern
provinces of the Eastern Ganga Kingdom as far as the Nagavali and was under the
control of his son. Simultaneously, the region of Jayasimha I witnessed the
Western Chalukyan kingdom of his uncle Pulakesin II being overrun and his
capital Badami sacked and burnt by the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I (A.D.
630-660), about the year 642.
The Madras Museum plates of the king Vishnuvardhana I were dated 684,
expressed by a chronogram possibly in 634 corresponding to A.D. 21 November
721. The Timmapuram plates of Vishnuvardhana I. Vishamasiddhi were
discovered from village Timmapuram in the Saravasiddhi taluka of
Visakhapatanam district in Madras Presidency. The plate was deciphered by Rai
Bahadur Venkayya and reported by Prof. E. Hultzsch. This finding is of great
significance to present Koraput district as it is.
11
The inscription records a grant by Vishnuvardhana- Maharya Surnamed

Vishamasiddhi, who was younger brother of Satyasraya Vallavha- Maharaja, the
son of Kirtivarman.
The grant’s donnees are not mentioned by name, but simply stated to have been
forty Brahmanas of the Chhandoga School. E. Hultzsch wrote. “ The object of the
grant was some land seems to be referred to in the Chipurupalle plates of
Vishnuvardhana I, and the name has been read doubtfully as ‘Puki-Vishaya’; but,
if the facsimile can be trusted. The engraver has written in reality Plaki-vishaye,
which may be meant for Palaki-vishaya.” The learned author had not identified
the village ‘Kumulura’ too.
However, I believe from my study that it is ‘Puki-Vishaya’ as has been rightly

mentioned in Ind. Ant. Vol. XX.p. 16, text line 13. This place is still called Puki.
It is located in Dasmanthpur area in Koraput block of Koraput district. This Puki
has a large population of Oriya Paikos at present is thus called Paika -Puki.
Around this place there are Jaina vestiges and it was an ancient Jaina culture
centre. The Kumulura village is near by present day Kumulura village with
Brahmin families. It is in Nowrangpur region of Koraput district.
In the 9th century the Pallavas succumbed to a combined attack from the Pandyas
and their southern neighbours and those tributary to them such as the Chola.In the
same period, Chola Adity I slew Aparajita and that was the end of the Pallava rule
of Tondanad and whole of the Pallava Kingdom became Chola territory.
The Cholas emerged as the dominant power in the south and thus Tamil identity
forged in the peninsula. This was a period in south Indian history filled with
corpus of inscriptions. It was a classical age of Cholas; it drew less on political
authority move on the institution development with cultural reforms. Social
institutions, religion, fine arts dominated the society and influence on South East
Asia was evident. The core region of the control was Cholamandalam, the
around Tanjavur up to the eastern ward, the Coromondal
Kirtivarman II was the last ruler of Chalukya of Badami. His power was
steadily undermined by the Rastrakuta prince Dandidurga. Dandidurga
subdued the Gurjarjs of Malwa, the rulers of Kosala, Kalinga and Telugu
Chodas of Srisailaim country
The Cholas came in conflict with the declining Rastrakutas, who were replaced
by Chalukyas of later period – rising to power in Western Deccan. The Deccan
was divided into small Kingdoms, and Cholas were occasionally at war. The
Yadavas of Devagiri (north Deccan), Kakatyas of Warangal were strengthening;
12
further south there was competitions with Western Ganga, Hoyasalas of

Dorasamdra (Karnataka ) as well as the Pandyas of Madurai and Cheras in
Kerala.
In their last days Cholas were weekend by incursions of Hoyasalas and Pandyas.
Chola dynasty
Towards the middle of the 9th century, a Chola chief conquered region of
Tanjavur, the heart of Tamilham. In 907 A.D. Parantaka I, the first Chola dynasty
ruler came to power and ruled almost half a century. He captured Madurai, the
capital of Pandyas. The hostility between Pandyas and their allies Sri Lanka thus
lasted for several decades.
But Parantaka I saw defeat under the hands of Rastrakutas and lost the recently
acquired northern districts of Chola kingdom. On the other hand Rastrakutas was
losing ground due to Chalukyas who were once their subordinates. In the
confusion the Cholas recovered the lost territories from Rastrakutas.
Rajaraja I (985 – 1014 AD) the Chola power firmly established and his son and
successor, Rajendra, consolidated the Chola kingdom in next half a century.
Rajaraja attacked the alliance between Cheras of Kerala, Sri Lanka and Pandyas
in order to break the trade monopoly held by these kingdoms with west Asia. By
that time Arab traders had established in the west coast of India. The Cholas and
later Chalukyas went on war to control the rich province of Vengi.
Rajaraja I ruled jointly with his father for 2 years, and succeeded him in 1014.
The policy of expansion continued with the annexation of Vengi from Chalukyas.
Campaign against Sri Lanka and Kerala continued.
Rajendra set out his nest expedition to the north, marching through Kalinga
(Orissa) to reach the banks of Ganges. On way, in Vengi, the Chola forces
defeated Vijayaditya and conquered the country and processed north towards
Kalinga, probably because the Eastern Ganga ruler Madhukamarnava (1019-
38) had sided with Jayasimha. After seducing Kalinga the armies proceed to
further north to Ganges. But with the advance of Chola army to north, trouble
broke out in the rear and thus Rajendra I marched towards north and camped on
the banks of Godavari and tried to secure the safe return of his army back. He
celebrated the coronation of his nephew Rajaraja on 16th A.D. 1022.
It is said that he carried holy water from Ganges back to his capital. He then
began his overseas campaign involving navy and army against the kingdom of
Shrivijaya in South east Asia. The campaign was successful, and trade interest of
Cholas with China – India was secured.
Rajendra then refocused his attention to conflicts within the peninsula, the
Chalukyas reviving their interest to control Vengi. A Chola raid into heart of
13
Chalukya territory, Kalyani was witnessed, and the same was avenged in 1050
A.D. by Chalukya king. The Cholas were generally aided by the Eastern
Chalukyas which drew closer to Cholas by marriage alliances until at last one
ruler Kulottunga I occupied both the Chola and Vengi thrones. The victorious
army joined him soon after.
The Chola ascendancy was weaning by the later part of 12th century AD. The
Yadavas, Hoysalas and Kakatiyas were gaining strength over the gradual
weakling Cholas. The main attack on the Cholas was from the west came from
Hoysalas, the Pandya kings of Madurai, the old hostilities revived. This lead the
Chola defense, in both western and southern boarders.
As the 13th century A.D came, Chola power that wakened significantly. Hoysala
king had inflicted much damage to Chola kingdom.
Rastrakutas, further north in the western Deccan were gradually unseated by their
subordinates, the Silaharas. They attained full power and gained monopoly our
trade and were known as ‘Lords of the West’.
Rajendra I to Kulottunga I
Rajadhiraja assessed by his younger brother and yuvaraja Rajendra II lead an

expedition against Somesvara (1053-4) at Koppam on river Krishna. Rajadhiraja
fell mortally wounded, but Rajendra turned the battle in victory and crowned
himself in the battle field and returned back to capital.
There were several battles between Somesvara and his sons with Rajendra
including the battle of Kudal – Sangama. Soon after Chola yuvaraja
Rajamahendra and his father Rajendra II died, Virarajendra became the king
(1063)
Somesvara I prepared to defend the Chola attacks, thus counted on the help of his
vassals, the Nagavamsi ruler Dharvarsha of Bastar and Eastern Ganga
Vajrahasta III of Kalinga. He stationed a Paramara prince, Janantha of Dhara
near Bezwada and engaged. Vijayaditya carried the war into the Chola country.
After a great battle near Bezwada that ended with defeat of Chalukya,
Virarajendra crossed the Krishna river and marched into Kalinga. He crossed
Mahendragiri and reached Chakrakuta to crush the Nagavamsi king of present
Koraput - Bastar region.
The war was assisted by Vijayaditya, and Rajaraja, the son of Vajrahasta III,
Vikaramaditya to Chalukya side where as Rajendra the future Kulottunga I on the
Chola side. Unable to meet the army of Virarajendra, Somesvara I due to his
illness took paramayoga by drowning himself in Tungabhadra river in 1068.
14
Somevara I of Western Chalukya was an able diplomat and great warrior of his
times.
Somesvara I was succeeded by his eldest son Somevara II, but Virarajendra took
over the throne from his brother. Vijayaditya made his submission to
Virarajendra and ruled Vengi as his feudatory.
Virarajendra married his two daughters, one to Vikramditya of W. Chalukya and
the other to Eastern Ganga prince Rajaraja. Vikramaditya IV ruled
independently the southern half the empire. This led to the settlement of eternal
feud between Cholas and the Chalukyas for sometime
Kulottunga I defeated Vikramaditya at Nangili in Kolar district and annexed
Gangavadi. But Somesvara who co-operated Kulottunga I by attacking
Vikramaditya’s rear was the worst suffer. He fell in the hands of Vikramaditya
who threw him into prison and proclaimed himself King (1076). Kulottunga
witnessed problems with Pandya and Kerala countries and Ceylon
Kulottunga I as Prince in Koraput –Bastar
At time of Kulottunga’s father’s death, his uncle Vijayaditya made himself the
king of Vengi kingdom and kept prince Rajenrdra II (Kulottunga I) out of his
inheritance. Thus alone and unaided Rajendra sought a life of adventure across
Vengi frontier in the land of Cakrakuta (Koraput-Bastar) and overcame the
treachery of his enemies, captured herds of elephants, levied tributes from the
Nagavamsi king, Dharvarsa of Chakrakuta. Rajendra spent best part of his
life in Koraput-Bastar from 1063-1070 A.D. He carved out for himself a small
dominion beyond it in the Puvadesa, even if he did not gain full control over
Chakrakote state and annexed parts of the Purvadesa to it. After making peace
with his uncle Vijayaditya; and after the death of Saktivatman II, he bided his
time hoping that in some manner he might gain the Chola throne for himself. He
is said to have made his mark in Vayirkaram and Sakkrakkottam. This attracted
invasion of Vikramaditya against Vengi and Chakrakote that was countered by
Virarajendra’s campaign culminating in the battle of Bezwada that ended at
Chakrakote. So Virarajendra and his army marched across Kalinga up to
Mahendragiri mountain and beyond Chakrakote.
At the death of Virarajendra, Vijaditya II pronounced his rightful claim to throne
of Vengi and expelled Vijayaditya. On the other hand, Vikramaditya the
Chalukya king installed Adhirajendra formally on the Chola throne but the Chola
king lost his life in a popular rising and the vacant throne was Chola was captured
by Rajendra II (Kulottunga I)
15
As it appears from historical accounts, Chakrakote was the bone of contention and
the south dynasties and the west made efforts to occupy the country.
Chakrakote
The Chakrakote has been mentioned in many inscriptions and various authors
have given their arguments to identify the region and place. The Chalukyas of
Vemulavada: Inscriptions of a later period and Vikramarjunavijayam trace the
descent of the family from Vinayaditya-Yuddhamalla. He captured a fort called
Chitrakuta, which was inaccessible. His son, Arikesari-I, is said to have
conquered the kingdom of Vengi and Trikalinga during the time of Nirupama
Dhruva, the Rastrakuta king who ruled from A.D. 780 to 793 (Kollipara
Plates).The inaccessible fort of Chitrakuta, which Vinayaditya is said to have
captured, is not identified. As there are a number of forts with that name in north
and central India, its identification bristles with difficulties have been mentioned,
was the opinion of Kolaru Surayanarayana.
Again, in the inscriptions of Eastern Chalukya and Choda the name Chakrakote
appears. Vijayaditya III of the Eastern Chalukya line, who ruled between 844 and
888 A.D, so far as is known appears to have been made raid and burnt
Chakrakota.As said above, the Chola Rajendra Chola I (A.D. 1011-33) took
Sakkara-Kottam While one of his successors, King Vira Rajendra I claims to have
crossed Godavari, passed through Kalinga, and advanced against Chakrakota
.Next the Chola king Kulottunga, while yet a youth cover his first laurels in battle
by storming Chakrakota. This happened prior to 1070 A.D.and is mentioned in
the Tamil poem Kalingattu Parani (x24) (5), and also in inscriptions Vikrama VI
was probably the fifth raider, the sixth being Vishnuvardhana Hoysala in the 12th
century.
The Nagavamsis of Barasur (Bastar) were the lords of Chakrakote.
Madhurakantaka occupied the throne of Chhindaka Nagas after King
Dharavarsha Jagadekabhusana (c.1065 A.D.) But Madhurakantaka was soon
ousted by Dharavarsha’s son Somesvara I, who was supported by Chalukyas of
Kalyani while Madhurakantaka received help from Cholas. Somesvara I killed
Madhurakantaka and is credited for his military activities such as burning of
Vengi, the subjugation of Bhadrapattna and Vajra, and seizure of South Kosala.
Many authors relate Bhadrapattana to Bahandak in the Chanda district but
Bhabanipattana in Kalahandi cannot be ignored. The success of South Kosala
was at the expense of both the Kalachuris and Somavamsis. The Somavamsis
acknowledged the supremacy of Somesvara I. Telugu –Chodas were rewarded
with governorship of a portion of South Kosala, as they were feudatory of
Nagavamsis.At the time of the conquest of Vengi, it was under the rule of
Chalukya-Chola Kulottunga I and his son Virachoda was ruling as a
16
Viceroy.Somesvara I also came in conflict with King of Udra and Lanji and
Lemna.The Kalachuri king Jajalla I claim to have seized Somesvara I in a battle
and later released him.
Gunda- mahadevi mother of Somesvara I had issued the Inscriptions of ------ had
gifted land at Narayanpur for the Bhagabati temple. I am of the opinion that the
said site of the inscription is present day Jeypore in Koraput district where most of
the identities mentioned are coinciding.
Somesvara I (W.Chalukya) and his feudatory, the Kakatiya Prola, raided Kosala,
and conquered Chakrakota, in the Bastar State, after defeating the Naga king.
At the death of Vijaditya (1076) of Eastern Chalukya, Kulottunga I sent his sons
to rule Vengi as Viceroys: Rajendra Mummudi Chola (1076-8), ViraChola
(1078-84), Rajaraja Chodaganga (1084-9), Virachoda again (1089-90), and
lastly, Vikrama Chola (1092 – 1118).
The chieftain of Kolanu entered into a league with Anantavarman Choda Ganga
of Kalinga and rebelled against the viceroy. Kolanu was sacked and Kalinga was
invaded by Vikrama Chola and Parantaka Pandya from south. Some year later in
1110, Anantavarman Choda Ganga withheld tribute to Cholas and second
invasion of Kalinga was evident. This war was recorded as celebrated poems,
Kalingattupparani of Jayangondar.
The Chalukya empire disappeared at the end of 12th century A.D. and Chola
tottered at the beginning of the 13th century.
There were several small kingdoms in South Kalinga after 12th Century and ruled
over by many a local dynasty. Such were the Matsyas of Oddadi, the Gangas of
Jantarnadu, the Pallavas of Virakuta, the Silas of Nandapur, Matsyas of Madgole
etc besides the Chalukyas and the Haihayas. All these dynasties had allegiance to
the Eastern Ganga emperors whose control over Trikalinga or the Kalinga empire
was never effective in this period and was definitely on the downward move in
the latter part the local dynasties grew stronger as the central power grew weaker.
Kalinga especially South Kalinga – was the invading ground for the conquerors
from the south, west and north – the Cholas, the Chalukyas and the Muslims
respectively.
This sounds natural for the names of some of the dynasties – for instance the
Gangas, the Matsyas, the Chalukyas, the Konas and the Pallavas are exactly
same as those some of the major dynasties and subsidiary powers in South-India-
suggesting, obviously their southern origin, though it is not possible to see when
and how they separated from the major dynasties migrated and settled down in
South Kalinga. This is the view taken by Yashoda Devi, the eminent historian
17
who has contributed a great deal in the aspect. The subject requires more research
and documentation in future
It can thus be concluded that Nalas, Estern Gangas and Eastern Chalukyas
origined in Koraput district in the past.
Refernces
1.Culture Heritage History and Historiography In Dandakaranya Vol I—Das

Kornel–(B.C. to 1250 A.D.)
www.scribd.com/.../Culture-Heritage-History-and-Historiography-
in- Dandakaranya-Vol-I
2.Culture Heritage History and Historiography In Dandakaranya Vol II--- Das
Kornel–(B.C. to 1250 A.D.)
www.scribd.com/.../Culture-Heritage-History-and-Historiography-in
Dandakaranya-Vol-II
18
Ancient Dandakaranya and Changing Geography:

Koraput-Bastar-Kalahandi
The ancient history-geographical identity of Dandakaranya studied and reported;
and is limited to undivided Koraput, parts of Kalahandi districts of Orissa, and
partly the undivided Bastar district of Madhya Pradesh now in Chhattisgarh.It is
seen from various inscriptions, literature that the Dandakaranya region at various
periods was also known by various names as following.
 Atavi
 Nisadha
 Vidyadhara territory
 Kantara and Mahakantara
 Trikalinga
 Telinga
 Chakrakote,
 Masunidesha
 Jharakhanda
 Purvadesa
 Girikalinga
 Paschimakalinga and
 Konga
 Desia Deasa
Adjacent countries to Dandakaranya was--Kalinga to its east, Dakshina Kosala to
its north and north-west; Vengi to south and south-eastern end
There appeared small or larege principality curved in the main land of

Dandakaranya but the South Kosala appeared as distinct land.
19
From time to time parts of Dandakaranya came into the territory of Kalinga,
sometime into Vengi occupation and South Kosala dominion.
Several of the Southern dynasties came in to the present undivided Koraput and
Bastar and won the said country and or carved small feudatory for them. They
occupied the land thus owned or were compelled by their natural enemy kings.
This has been seen with the Western Chalukyas, Cholas, and Telegu Chodas
mainly and even by Eastern Chalukya (Vengi)’s and so many others, may be
Haihaya, Pallavas, Hoysalas and Rastrakuttas.
Apart from kings forming kingdom, the religion interception did occur from time
to time in the past centuries. The Jainism, Buddhism, Saivism and Vaishnavism
in its original and modified sects, came into this land and established.
DANDAKARANYA AND KORAPUT-BASTAR

The name Dandakaranya derives from an alleged identity with the ‘Dandak
forest’ of the epic ‘Valmiki Ramayana’, where the demon Dandak held his sway.
Epic of Ramayana speaks that Lord Rama spent his precious 13 years in
Dandakaranya until the abduction of the Goddess Sita.
Geographical location of Dandakaranya
Dandakaranya region between 17.50’-20.30’N and 80.15’-84.0’ E occupy about

89,078 square Kms that comprises of three states, e.g. the Bastar district of
Madhya Pradesh, the Koraput and Kalahandi districts of Orissa as well as some
parts of Andhra Pradesh including Yellavaram and eastern half of Chodavaram
(Rampachodavaram) tahasils of East Godavari district, Chintapalli and Paderu
tahasils of Visakhapatnam district and Salur and Parvatipuram tahasils of
Srikakulam districts (Singh,1995) (1).The region extends for about 480 Kms from
east to west and 320 Kms from north to south.
As regards it’s identification of territorial limits, some consider this region as far
as west as Nasik, the abode of Rama in the forest on the bank of the Godavari and
suggest the coincidence of Dandakaranya with modern Maharastra (Bhandarkar,
1957)(2). A few scholars, alternatively, claim that ancient Dandakaranya covered
a very large area of Central India from which the forests have gradually been
cleared by man (Deshpande, 1948) (3)
In the maps of mid-19th century (1860), the Dandakaranya was a large triangular
tract (fig I)(John,1960) (4).
20
Physical Landscape
Singh described the physical landscape of Dandakaranya and it
runs,”Dandakaranya, on the whole, has an undulating topography with well-
marked elevations and depressions. While the region, on the one hand, represents
typical wide forest-clad plateaus and hilly tracts including highly dissected
plateaus and the Abhujhmar Hills in the west and the Eastern Ghats mountains,
known as Mahendragiri in ancient times after a peak of that name which is about
1500 m high, in the east, there are few extensive plains also comprising a part of
Chhattishgarh Plain in the north and Godavari-Sabari Plain in the south west.
The plateaus, however, are dominant landform of the region, covering about two-
fifths of its area.
Map of the Dandakaranya Region
The plateaus extend throughout the region except for the portion of the Koraput
district occupied by the Eastern Ghats. The hills abruptly rising on the eastern side
21
gradually lower down on the west. The Ghats end at Koraput where the elevation
is about 900 m which gradually decreases to about 600 m in the Umarkote region.
They further lower to about 300 m and 200 m in the Paralkote and Malkangiri
zones respectively.
The plateau topography is most evident in the Bastar region; right from Jeypore
ghat the long axis of Bastar Plateau stretches away for about 190 km at an
elevation ranging from 550 m -750 m to Keskal Ghat where an abrupt descent to
the Kanker Basin is observed and where the width of the plateau, approximately,
varies between 80 km and 130 km. consequent upon almost general internal relief,
the plateaus are slightly dissected with the existence of fretted scarps in the east
and north due to the deep and narrow cutting by the tributary streams. But they
are highly dissected on the west by the tributaries of the Godavari including the
Indravati. The western dissected edge of the Bastar Plateau, lying to the north of
the Indravati is marked by the Abhujhmar Hills which provide one of the richest
iron ore deposits of the country at Bailadilla Range, but much of the Bastar
Plateau is undissected, formed of the gneisses of the Dharwar and Cudappah
Systems. The Bastar Plateau drops on all sides except in the south-east (bordering
the Eastern Ghats), where they are considerably eroded to form the Godavari
Plain.
To the east of the well-marked scarp edge of the Bastar Plateau extends the
Kalahandi Plateau ranging from 250 m to 300 m in elevation drained by the Tel,
Udanti and other tributaries of middle Mahanadi, the Kalahandi Plateau tapers
into the Tel Valley towards the north-east. To the north west of the region lies the
Kanker Basin (450 m) a southward extension of the Chhattishgarh Plain, crossed
by the few higher ridges of quartzites. Another extensive plain spreading in the
south –western portion of the region, designated as Godavari-Sabari plain is
drained by the tributaries of the Godavari, chiefly the Sabari and Sileru. This plain
has undergone different nomenclatures by various scholars, notably Great
Southern Plain and the Malkangiri Plateau.
River System
The drainage of Dandakaranya may be classified into two systems: (i) the
Mahanadi river system in the north draining the northern parts of both Bastar
(Kanker Basin) and Kalahandi (Tel Valley) districts and the (ii) Godavari river
system draining about three-fourths of the region including the Central Plateaus
and the Southern Plains; a part is also drained to the Bay by the Nagawati and the
Vamsdhara rivers.
22
The Mahanadi River System: The Tel, Jonk, Udanti, Hatti, and Sandul, the
tributaries of the Mahanadi, drain a major potion of the Kalahandi district. The
Tel and Jonk are the most important tributaries, rising from the hills of the Eastern
Ghats. The Ret and the Udanti take their rise in the north-western hills of
Nawapara tahsil of Kalahandi district and flow towards east.
The Godavari River System: The Godavari, the biggest of the east-flowing rivers
of the Peninsular India comes in contact with the south-western limit of the region
for about 16 km where it coincides with the Bastar district boundary near
Bhadrakali. Since the Godavari flows through high lands on both the sides, its
valley is narrower at this place than in the lower reaches.
The Indravati, a major tributary of the Godavari, flowing through the central part
of Dandakaranya region, with about 41,665 km catchment area in M.P(
Chhattisgarh) and Orissa rises at an altitude of 915 m in the Kalahandi district on
the western slopes of the Eastern Ghats. It flows westward through Koraput and
Bastar districts, turns south and joins the Godavari about 530 km from its source
at an elevation of 82 m near Bhopalpatnam. At Chitrakot, about 40 km west of
Jagdalpur, the Indravati, while descending from the quartztic sandstone to the
Archaean granite and gneisses, makes a 30 m waterfall. Also it makes a few
rapids towards further west from Chitrakot.
The major tributaries to the Indravati are the Narangi, Boardhig, Kotari, Bandia
and Nibra flowing from its right and Nandiraj as well as Dantewara from the left.
On the north the Narangi and Boardhig drain the north-eastern plateau while the
Gudra flows through the eastern Abhujhmar hills. The Abhujhmar hills lying
between the Indravati, the Gudra and the Nibra exhibit radial drainage pattern.
The southern tributaries of the Indravati, the Dantewara, Nandiraj, Berudi and
Chintavager, smaller than the northern ones, drain the Bailadilla and Usur Hills as
well as the slopes of the southern plateau of Bastar.
The Kolab joins the Indravati, another important tributary of the Godavari, rising
at an altitude of 1,372 m, in Sinkaram hill range of the Eastern Ghats, drains the
southern uplands of the Dandakaranya region. The Sileru or the Machkund, a
major tributary of the Sabari, rises at an elevation of 1,220 m and flows for about
306 km before joining the Sabari above its confluence with the Godavari. The
Indravati and Sileru to gather cover a catchment area of about 20,427 km. the
Kanger and Malengar are the two other important tributaries of the Sabari. The
former rises at Tangiri and the latter in the Bailadilla hills. Both flow towards
south to join the Indravati. The Kanger makes a water fall (45 m) at Tirathgarh
while descending from the Cuddappah quartzitic sandstone.
23
The Nagawati and the Vamsdhara rivers drain the easternmost pen plain of the
region. The latter takes its rise in the Eastern Ghats near Ambodala in Kalahandi
district and falls into the Bay flowing from north to south through the
Parvatipuram and Salur tahsils of Andhra Pradesh.
Most of the rivers of the Dandakaranya region are perennial through with highly
fluctuating regime. Upper Indravati,upper Kolab, Sileru water is used for
agriculture. The local nalas and streams are seasonal and dry up as soon as the
monsoon ends. Dues to rapid run off and evaporation, the land is very quickly
dried up after the monsoon. The topographical and stratigraphical features
indicate that the region is mostly deficient in underground water resources.”(5)
Epigraphic notes on Dandakaranya

The geography of Dandakaranya was first evident for Uttararamacharita, 2.14.
Sukla (1977) (6)in his work ‘Lanka Ki Khoja’ which means ‘The search of
Lanka’ had placed his argument that greater Bastar is the Dandakaranya. Recent
publication of J.P. Mittal (2006) has identified many places, ponds, hills and
rivers cited in Ramayana and Puranos in Koraput-Bastar region (7).
According to Kalidas’s Raghuvamsa 12.9 and 12.25 versus, Dandakaranya’s

north boundry was the Chitrakutta forests and south boundry was the Godavari
river. Chittrauta in Bastar has been identified as the place of description.
The major part of evidence to Dandakaranya so far has come from geography
and location of rivers, hills that continued appearing from Ramayana to many
Purano and literature.
Tripathy (8) had cited Ramayana and other literature there on and identified
Indravati river of present day as Indarataya, a tributary to Sapta Godavari
river and countries like Suktimata Khetra and Sapta Godavari Khetra.
Mahendragiri or parbata: Ramayana (6.26.80) (9), Bhagabata purano

(10.79) (10) Raghuvamsa (4.39) (11) of Kalidasa cite Mahendragiri of
Dandakaranya. The Harshacharita (VII) (12) and Chaitanyacharitamruta
describe Mahendargiri extending upto Madura in south. The Mahendragiri is
the present hill located on the border of Orissa, Ganjam district and is close to
Bay of Bengal and the height of the peak is 5000ft. On the basis of
Vamsadhara river and Langulini origin, Hiralal was of the opinion that
Mahendragiri eastern boundary of Dandakaranya and was with Bastar and
Jaypore States. The Vamsadhara river is flowing 88 miles of Koraput district
before entering Srikakulam district of Andhra Pradesh; Nagavali river is about
24
151 miles long covers 63 miles of Koraput from its origin point. Nagavali is
called Langulia from Srikakulam onwards. It is the puranic river Langulini.
(13)
Chitrakutagiri: In the early banabasa, SriRam first came to Chitrakuta.

Chitrakuta is mentioned in Ramayana (Pyadhakanda, adhya 55) (14),
Mahabharata (Banaparba, 85.58) (15), Bamanpurano (45.99) (16)
Matsyapurano (114.25)(17) Padmapurano (adhya II Tirthamahatyams)(18)
Bnagabatitika (7.6)(19).
There are different views on the location of Chitrakuta of Mahabharata; some

opin Banda district, Uttar Pradesh and Hiralal loc cit. believes it is the Bastar
district, and he has laid his arguments (20).
According to Sivapurano (Astama Khanda, daitia adhya) to the south west of

Chitrakuta is thick forest, where from river Godavari is flowing (21).
As per Ramayana (Ayodhyakanda, 56. 1-18) (22) Chitrakuta is the place

where Mandakini and Malini rivers are flowing. The river Mandakini is north
of the said hill, and SriRam stayed in the same hill. Agin Mahabharata (85.58-
9) (23) and Raghuvamsa (12-15; 13.47) (24) also cite that Mandakini is close
to Chitrakuta. Hiralal identified Narangi river of Bastar to Malini.(25)
However, I believe it is Chitrakuta of Nawrangur close to village
Ancholaguma on the bank of Indravati river. The Mandakini is the present
Indrabati river. Malini is the Muran river of present days, which is joining
river Indravati.
The description of Sivapurana, Chitrakuta may be present Chitrakonda located

near Balimell river of Malkangiri (Koraput district)
Ramagiri:
Markandaya Purano mentions,
Maharastra mahiskaha kalingaeshaba Sarbasha .||

Kaberiaha saha chausika attabhia sabaraicha yae.||
Pulinda bindhiamulika (ya) bidarva dandakaha saha.||
Parika molika scheva asamaka bhogovardhasaha. ||(26)
The author Sircar has identified Kalinga to be Puri and Ganjam district of Orissa,
Sabaran forts, Saoras of Ganjam and Visakhapatnam and Dandaka as the old
name of Mahrastra identity especially the Nasika draft.
25
Sircar cited, “Act I of Uttaramacarita by Bhavabhuti, who flourished in the 8th

century A.D., is styled ‘the inspection of the painting’. It is said that a painter
(chitrakara) painted along a walk (vithika) the experiences (carit) of the Iksavaku
king Rama of Ayodhya in Dandakaranya, Kiskindha, Lanka and other places,
according to the institution of the king’s brother Laksmana who had accompanied
Rama to the forest.” (27)
Another picture of the nature of a map in the same context is introduced by

Laksmana to Rama and Sita in the following words; “Here is the tract (bhaga) of
the Dandaka forest, known as Citrakunja vat, to the west of Janasa thana, haunted
by the headless giant Danu; this is the site (pada) of the heritage of Matanga on
the Rsyamukha hill, his again is the Savara women named Sramana; this is the
celebrated lake called Pampa.”(28)
Singhdhasyamha kabichidparto bhisanobhogorukhya ||

Sthane sthane mukhurokokubha jhadangalerute nirijharanam
Ita tirthasriramagirisa ridgor ta kantara misraha
Sangdrusne parichita bhuva dandakaranya bhagaha (29)

(Uttaramacharita, 2.14)
The Kalinga forest is described in the following verse, Vindhyadri-

Citrakutadri-Kalinga-Dravid-asritams vanam Kalingakam name
samudra-avadhi kirtyat. As per Mansollasa verse 1.2. 175-76. (30)
This forest (Kalinga vanam), the Vindhya range, the Citrokuta hills and the
Kalinga and Dravida countries and extended upto the sea (i.e. the Indian Ocean)
Puranic List of Rivers and Dandakaranya
Sircar mentioned, “Mandakini dasarna cha (i) chitrakuta tatheba cha (ii) Tamasa
(iii) pipala srane (iv) karamad pisachika (v) Chtropola bipas cha (vi) manjula
balubahini (vii) and Dandakaranya.”(31)
i. The Mandakini river flows into the Paisuni near the Citrakuta hill, while
the Dasarana is the modern Dhasan flowing past Sagar between the
Betwas and the Ken .
ii. Citrakutas is the same as the Mandakini or, more probably, a part of it
(32).
26
iii. Tamsa was classified to modern Tons flowing into Ganges below
Allahabad (33).
iv. Chtropola bipasa cha: The citropala is a branch of the Mahanadi in
Orissa or Mahanadi itself below its junction with the Pyri (34).
However, I belive that Citrakuta is the village close to Anchalagumma of

Nabrangpur and about 2 km from the Indravati river. Indravati was known as
Mandkini in puranic literature.
The former authors could not identfy Tamasa; however Tamasa is a river 7 kms
south of present Malkangiri in Koraput and known by the same name.
Mahendra
(a) Trisama rishikuliya scha

(b) Ingsula tridiva sch ya
(c) Langulini bansodhara
(d) Mahendratanaya ha smuritaha (35)
a) Rishikuliya still bears its ancient name. It flows into Ganjam district from
Koraput district.
b) Langulini is the river running through Sikakulam district in Andhra
Pradesh (36).
c) The Vamsadhara, still bears its ancient name, and runs through
Kalingapatnam near Srikakulam (37).
d) Mahendratanya is name of the river coming from Mahendra, the great hill
of Paralakhamundi. The name still stands (38).
Suktimati:
(i) Rusikulejya kumari scha

(ii) Mandaga mandabahini
(iii) Kupa palasini scheba
(iv) Suktamt prabhavaha strumetaha(39)
The name of the Suktimat is preserved in that of the Sakti hills in Raigarh,
Chattisgarha, and possibly in that of the Suktel river which joins the Mahanadi
27
near Sonepur in Orissa. The name Suktimat was probably applied to the chain of
hills that extends from Sakti in Raighar, Chattisgarha to the old Manbhum dist. by
the Kumari and perhaps even to the hills in the Santal paraganas.
28
References
1. Singh, R.L. (1995) Ed. India- A regional Geography, National Geography of

India. New Delhi. pp.775-790.
2. Bhandarkar, R.G. Early History of Deaccan (1957), pp.11-12.
3. Deshpande, C.D. Western India (Dharwar, 1948). pp.99
4. John, Wyld. Geography to the Queen and the Prince’s consort, (London,
1960).
5. Singh, R.L. (1995).op.cit.
6. Sukla, H.L. (1977) Lanka ki khoj (in Hindi) Allahabad, 1992..
7. Mittal, J.P. (2006) History of Ancient India.
books google.co.in/books?isbn=8126906154
8. Tripathi, Sunderlal. Historical and Archaeolgical Aspects of Dandakaranya.
Dandakaranya Samachar, Jagdalpur (Feb.8, 1970).
9. Ramayana (6.28.60), Nirnayasagar Press, Bombay.
10. Bhagabatapurano (10.79), Bangabasi Office, Calcutta.
11. Raghuvamsa (4.39)
12. Harshavamsa (VII)
13. Nagavali river is puranic Langulini, Sircar, D.C. Geography of Ancient and
Medieval India: Puranic list of peoples. VII. Mahendr, p.61
14. Ramayana (Pyashakanda, adhya 55), Nirnayasagar Press, Bombay.
15. Mahabharata (Banaparaba, 85-58), Sircar, D.C. op.cit.
16. Bamanpurano (45.99)
17. Matsyapurano (114.25), Bangabasi Office, Calcutta.
18. Padmapurano (Adhya II Tirthamahatyams)
19. Bangabatika (7.6)
20. Hiralal, Sukla. Adibasi Asmita Aur Bikash., M.P. Hindi Granth
Accademy. pp59.
21. Sivapurano (Astama Kahanda, daitiaadhya)
22. Ramayana (Ayodhyakanda, 56.1-8) Sircar, D.C. op.cit.
29
23. Mahabhata (85.58-9) Sircar, D.C. op.cit

24. Raghuvmsa (12-15; 13.47)
25. Hiralal, Sukla.op.cit pp44-106
26. Ramagiri: Markandaya purano: Sircar, D.C. op.cit. IV Daksinapatha, p.39.
27. Sircar, D.C. op.cit, p.326-27; Chapter XVIII, Cartography cited-Ed. S. Ray,
Calcutta, 1934, p.106.
28. Ibid.
29. Sircar, D.C. op.cit. The Eight Elephant Forests., p.336.
30. Uttramacharita, 2.14.
31. Ibid. III, Rksa, p.55
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid
34. Ibid
35. Ibid
36. Ibid. GAMI, p.61
37. Ibid
38. Ibid
39. Ibid. VIII, Suktimat, p.62
30
TRILINGA, TELINGA AND TRIKALINGA -KORAPUT

CONTEXT
Trilinga, Telinga and Trikalinga as a geographical term have been of interest to
the historians since long. The Trikalinga review and sequences basing on
epigraphic sources and others have been detailed by G.Ramdas (1926 & 1928) (1)
Acharya (1952) (2), Ms.Tripathi (1985) (3) and Ajay Mitra Shastri (1995).”(4).
The assumptions of earlier scholars that the territory of Trilinga comprises three
parts, viz, Northern, Central and Southern parts of Orissa and also by others that it
meant three contiguous regions, such as Kalinga, Utkala and Kangoda have now
proved to be wrong, as said by Tripathi, 1985. (5). On the other hand, scholars
have taken it to mean a separate region suited to the western part of Kalinga. The
inscriptions of Amma I clearly indicates that it was a forest country and the
opinion of G.Ramdas has been rightly taken up and the suggestion that Trikalinga
denoted the high or elevated hilly region situated contiguous to the country of
Kalinga. So it can be located as per Tripathi (1985) in the present district of
Koraput in Orissa and the western part of Bastar in Madhya Pradesh, the southern
most part of the Kalahandi district. This was the finding of G.Ramdas. So it can
definitely be said that this region forms southern border of the South Kosala
kingdom of the Somavamsis, the South-eastern border of Tripuri kingdom of the
Kalachuris, the northern border of the Vengi kingdom and western side of the
Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara. This hilly and forest regions of Koraput and
Bastar which are even in the present day covered with dense forest, some of its
areas are still inaccessible were considered to be one of the most important
strategical units. This was also one of the reasons given by the historians that the
enmity between the Kalachuris of Tripuri and the Somavamsis was possibly their
respective claim over the possession of the Trikalinga region.
In verse 2 of the Bahmesvara inscription Janamejaya has been described as lord of

Trilinga (Trilingadhipati) and the conqueror of Odradesa. But Janamejaya’s
copper plate grants mention that he had the title of Trikalindhipati and not
Trilingadhipati. This inscription mentions in the last line that Udyotakesari had
the title of Trikalingadhipati that was assumed by all his predecessors (6).
The Trilinga has been identified and cited from the following epigraphic sources.
 Akkalapundi grant of Singaya-Nayaka (7) of the year 1368 AD

mentions Desastrilinganama and Trilingadesadhipat.
31
 Srirangam plates of Mummandi-nayaka (8) of the year 1358 AD gives

the boundary of Tilinga, which is “to the West and the East, two
famous countries Maharastra and Kalinga; to the south and the north
Pandya and Kanyakuvja, it is that country which is called Trilinga”.
The above two inscriptions belong to the same family.
 Purle plates (9) of Indravarman the lord of whole Kalinga (Sakala

Kalinga) mentions that the donee came from Tilinga and got land in
Kalinga. The date of this plate was assigned to 631 AD (11). These
inscriptions give a history of Trilinga from the 7th Century
onwards upto 14th century AD. The Trilinga has been mentioned in
Puranas and in Sankrit literature in Markandey Purano, Vayu Purano.
According to Acharya, the Trilinga cannot be taken as a mistake for
Trikalinga (12). G.Ramdas has quoted a verse from a work called
Trilinga Gramma belonging to the 12th Century AD (13).
 The Thana plate (10) of Ram Chandra of the year 1272 mentions the
defeat of Tilingas (Tlingatunga-tarunmulana-damatavala).
Trilinga from foreign sources
 ‘Taranatha’ wrote Caldwell ‘repeatedly designates the Telugu country

Trilinga’ and describes Kalinga as a portion of Trilinga and Kalingapura
as its capital (14). Taranatha’s Tibetan History of the propagation of
Buddhism in India’ was written in 1573 AD (15).
 The Arab and Persian authors write Tilong and Tilingana (16).
 Ptolemy’s (c.150 AD) writing has been translated as Triglypton or

Trilingon. But it is bit surprising that only after the year 1000 AD the
name of the country was met after Ptolemy. The above reference clearly
shows that the antiquity of Trilinga is well established for a period of 1500
years from 15 AD from the time of Ptolemy to Taranatha.
 Cunningham suggested that the Sankrit equivalent of the Greek Trilingon

is Trikalinga and Trilinga (17). But Caldwell very rightly doubted this
identification and wrote “General Cunningham thinks Telinga derived, not
from Trilinga, but from Trikalinga, but this derivation of the word needs to
be historically confirmed Kalinga and linga may probably in some way be
connected, but the nature and history of connection have not as yet been
made out”(18). Again elsewhere he writes “the foreign name Trilinga
32
must have been the name by which the place was called by the natives of
the place, whilst Triglypton or Trigly-phon must have been a translation of
the name which had come into use amongst the Greeks. Hence the
antiquity of Trilinga, as the name of the State, or of the capital city of a
State, situated somewhere in India in Ptolemy’s time must be admitted to
be established”(19).
 McCrindle fully agrees with Caldwell and writes “The Andhras and
Kalinga, the two ancient divisions of the Telugu people are represented by
Greeks and Gangetic nations. It may be taken as certain that Triglyphon,
Trilinga or Modolinga was identical with Telingana or Trilingam, which
signifies the country of the three lingas. Pliny and Ptolemy fix the Telugu
name and language as near the mouths of the Ganga or between the
Gangas and the Godavari. Modo or Modogas equivalent to mudu of
modern Telugu means three (20). McCrindle’s Ptolemy was published in
1885 and Yule and Burnell’s Hobson Jobson was first published in 1886
and from the following note on Telenga, it appears that the authors had not
the occasion to take advantage of McCrindle’s views because this note
seems to support the views expressed by Cunningham in his Ancient
Geography of India which was published in 1871 was remarked by
Acharya, P. (21).
 The McCrindle’s researches on Ptolemy’s Geography were confined to the

study and identification of places in India alone, but Girini’s researches on
Ptolemy’s Geography were extened to further India and Indo-Malayan
Peninsula. Girini writes that “the Andhras and Telengana in conjunction
with their near relatives, the Kalingas, founded, it appears, in that region,
kingdom consisting of three districts or separate communities called Tri-
Kalinga or Trilinga, a name from which the town Telengana was derived
and employed to designate the country of Kalinga proper, on the western
side of the Gulf of Bengal, as well as the country of Mons or Telenga
(Talaings) on the opposite shore, which had been colonized by them”(22).
The identity of Trilinga with Trikalinga as said in the extract is attributed
to the influence of Cunningham on Girini. There is no direct reference to
or even tradition of Trikalinga, has been recovered in any of the works on
this subject of the further India up till now.
 The Burma colonisation by the people of Kalinga or Trilinga of India

proper is forgotten to the extent that in Eastern India the traditions are
even silent. The study of history in Burma, Siam, Combodia, Java etc. has
dispelled the obscurity of the then history of Eastern India has become
33
brighter now. Kalinga is mentioned as a civilised country in the Dhauli

edict of Ashoka and the title of Kalingadhipati of Kharavela is found from
Hatigumpha inscription (23).
 “The coast of Kalinga appears to be that of the continent which

commences with the Archipelago at an early date and emigration thither
was most ripe; and the name appears to have been in great measure
adopted in the Archipelago as the designation of India in general or of the
whole of the peninsular part of it. Throughout the book of Malay
historical legenda called Sijara Malaya the word Kalinga or king is used
for India in general but more particularly for the southern parts”(24).
 Acharya wrote, “The geographical and ethnical names such as Sriksetra

(25) Utkala (26) Kalingarattah (27) and Tilanga (28) in Burma shows the
influence of the people of eastern India on the western side of the Bay of
Bengal who established their colony there before the Asokan period. But
we have not yet got any reference from Indian sources to Trikalinga in that
period. The remark of the reviewer of the Gazetteer of the Pegu district is
worthwhile quoting here in this connection.
“The only city of Pegu is referred to in inscriptions of the eleventh and twelfth
centuries as Ussa Pegu, and the identification of Ussa with Orissa has been placed
beyond doubt in Mr. Duroiselle, the Government Epigraphist. The long debated
question of the origin of the name Talaing may also be looked upon as settled.
According to Mr.Stewart the non-inhabitants of the country were confounded by
the Burmese with Indians from Kalinga (Taleing) and Orissa (Ussa)” (29).
 Cunningham writes “the Mahabharata names the Kalingas three separate

times and each time in conjunction with different peoples”(30). Sylvain
Levi has discussed all the three appelations, which do not help us to find
out the term Trikalinga from them. Asokaa’s Edicts only mention Kalinga
and “after him under Kharavela, Kalinga became the centre of a powerful
empire of which the Chief assumed the title of Chakravartin”(31). As
Kharavela’s inscription omits Trikalinga it is unsafe to think of Trikalinga
in these days. Pliny mentions Macco-Calingae, Gangarides Calingae as
separate peoples from Calingae and this led Cunningham to write that the
name Trikalinga is probaly old and was known as early as the time of
Magasthenes, (4th Century B.C) from whom Pliny chiefly copied his
Indian Geography (32). Cunningham’s chief sources of information on
Trikalinga are the copper-plate grant from near Jabalpur in the Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal Vol.VIII, p.485 and Colonal Francis
34
Wilford’s article on the Indian Geography published in the said Journal

Vol.XX 1851 which was written as early as 1811 was cited by Acharya
(1952).
Wilford writes on Trikalinga,“Sri Karna Deva takes the title of king of Trikalinga
or the three shores to the east, west and south of India.
In his grant found lately at Benares he calls himself Sri Karna Deva King of
Trikalinga or India”(33). “The sea coast of Calinga of India is divided into three
parts emphaticaly called ricalinga or three shores. The first Calinga includes the
seacoast about the mouth of the Indua; the second extends all round the peninsula;
and the Gangetic shores, from Cuttack to Chatganh constitute the third. No
emperor in India, would pretend to celebrity, and lasting fame unless he was the
master of these three shores when he assumed the title of Tricalingadhipati, the
lord-paramount of Tricalinga (34), Elsewhere in the same paper he writes: “This
is a well known legend in India and these three towns are styled Tripuri or
Traipuri under Tripurasura who was Tricalingadhipati and had a town in each
Calinga. These were destroyed at once by unerring arrow of Siva who was
standing in the district of Tipperah. One of these towns was to the east-wards of
the Ganges, the other near Amaracantaca and the third to the west of Indua” (35).
 The copper plate grant 41 of Vajrahasta V mention that his predecessor

Gunamaharnava who came from Trikalinga Kingdom which was ruled by
Gangas. Sahityadarpana, a treatise on Alamkara written by Visvanatha
(early 14th Century AD) mentions that the then king of Orissa possessed
the title of Trikalingabhumitilaka. From this it appears that the title was
assumed by the Ganga kinga from 1038 AD to 1327 AD nearly for 300
years by the later Ganga king.
The earliest reference to Trikalinga is met with in the Jirjingi copper plate grant of
Indravarman I of the early Eastern Ganga dynasty of Kalinganagara, issued in the
Ganga year 39 (665 AD)(36). He assumed the title of Trikalingadhipati, evidently
after claiming Trikalinga or atleast a part of it to be under his control. The other
ruler of this line of kings to assume the title was Mahasamantavarman as known
from his Ponnuturu copper plate issued in the Ganga year 64 (790 AD)(37).
These two rulers seem to have in their possession both the territories of Kalinga
and Trikalings with the capital at Kalinganagara and sometimes at Dantapura
where from the above two characters were issued. From this it can be derived that
the present Dantewada which remained a place of history for Bastar and the
relevance of the Dantewada temple since centuries may be the one to place
35
Dantewada as Dantepuram and of Trikalinga and the Dantewada comes under the
control of Trikalinga.This needs examination by future historians.
After Samantavarman, the successor known from the records; who have issued
the title of ‘Sakala-Gondramadhipati’. Kalinga is well known to comprise of the
districts of East Godavari of the present Andhra Pradesh together with the Ganjam
district in Orissa. The question may arise here as expressed by Ms.Tripathi did the
expression ‘Sakal Kalinga’ mean to include the territory of Trikalinga also. But
from the records of Gangas of Svetaka, who ruled almost contemporaneously the
northern part of the Ganjam district with the present Chikiti as their headquarters
in a semi-independent capacity under the Bhaumakaras of Tosali and Utkala, also
often used the expression ‘Sakala-Kalingadhirajya’ and the title of ‘Sakala-
Kalingadhipati’. It appears to indicate that there existed constant rivalries
between both the Ganga families over the Kalinga country. But the Svetka had
never assumed the title of ‘Trikalingadhipati’, thus evidently denoted a separate
region, different from the whole of Kalinga (Sakala Kalinga) and which remained
under the possession of the Eastern Gangas till atleast the end of the 8th century
A.D.
Trikalinga had gone out of control of the Eastern Gangas for long time, after
Samantavarman, until it was recaptured by Vajrahasta III during about 1045-46
A.D. and thus in the possession of the Gangas, they are generally called the later
Eastern Gangas or the Imperial line till at least beginning of the 12th century A.D.
There are various copper plate grants of the Imperial Gangas, after Vajrahasta III
that the title continued to be with his son Devendravarman-Rajaraja (1070-78
A.D) and then continued with Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1152 A.D)(38).
But it was discontinued for sometime, indicating that Trikalinga reign was lost to
the Gangas until Aniyankabhima II, the great-grandson of Chodaganga, who was
the last king of this dynasty to assume the title, recovered it. The Chatesvara
temple inscription (39) of his time records that Visnu, his minister claimed to
have established the empire of the lord of Trikalinga, i.e., Anyankabhima III.
After the reign of this ruler there is no history to indicate that, king of this dynasty
nor the contemporary rulers of any other royal family have assumed this title.
The Eastern Calukya inscriptions show that there was a kingdom called
Trikalinga adjoining to Vengimandala. The Masulipatam plates of Amma I (918-
925 A.D) tell us that king Vijayaditya IV (918 A.D) ruled Vengimandla joined
with Trikalinga forest (Trikalinga-tav-yuktam)(40). Likewise, we learn from the
Kolavaram plates of Calukya - Bhima II that Vikramaditya II (sometimes after
925 A.D) held sway over both Vengi-mandala and Tri-Kalinga (sa-Tri-Kalingam
Vengi-mandalam)(41). The inclusion of Tri-Kalinga, obviously a part thereof, in
36
the Vengi Calukya Kingdom finds support from some unexpected literary
evidence also. The following stanza into he colophon of the medieval medical
text entitled Kalyana-Karaka by one Ugradityacarya states that the work was
composed at Ramagiri which is described as adorned with structural as well as
rock-cut temples and situated in the Tri-Kalinga country which was under the
Vengi ruler (cited Itihasa, second edition:447).
Veng-Isa-Trikalinga-desa-janana-prastutya-san-utkata-Prodyad-Vrksa-lata-
vitana-nirataih
siddhais = ca vidyadharaiah/
Sarve mandira-Kandar-opama-guha-caity-alay-alamkrte
Ramye Ramagirav-idam viracitam sastram hitam praninam (42)
As per Ajay Mitra Shastri, “This Ramagiri is apparently different from modern
Ramtek near Nagpur which is generally believed to represent the Ramagiri
mentioned in the opening stanza of Kalidasa’ and Megha-duta (Purva-megha,
verse 1). We propose to identify it with the homonymous locality situated in the
Koraput district of Orissa bordering the Srikakulam district of Andhra Pradesh,
which alone would satisfy the description. The assumption of the title Tri-
Kalingadhipati by the Somavamsins, who also called themselves Kosal-endra or
‘Lord of Kosala’, would show that Tri-Kalinga. It must be remembered in this
connection that the Panduvamsins, who were lineal ancestors of the
Somavamsins, also ruled over South Kosala and when under pressure from other
powers they were forced to shift eastward and southward, they naturally moved
towards the Kalahandi-Koraput-Bastar region. For some time they could have
continued to hold a part of Kosala together with the adjoining area. And lastly,
the assumption of this title by some later members of the Kalachuri dynasty as
well as the continuation of its use by the later Eastern Gangas would show that it
was a bone of contention among them as well as the Somavamsins and the
Eastern Calukyas. Therefore, the region of Tri-Kalinga or a part of it must have
been situated not very far from their territories. Any identification of Tri-Kalinga
must satisfy this condition”(43). This supports the view that Trikalinga,
obviously a part thereof, in the Vengi Chalukya kingdom.
While considering the question of the location of Tri-Kalinga, Ajay M.Shastri

continued, “The fact that in ancient times natural barriers like mountains, rivers
and seas played an important role seems to have been ignored. Taking into
consideration the above mentioned political facts together with the geographical
factors, we may conclude that the region comprising the Three Kalingas had three
distinct geographical features: (i) Eastern Ghats dividing Kalinga region into
Western and Eastern parts; (ii) the Mahanadi and the Godavari forming the
37
northern and southern borders of Western Kalinga; and (iii) the Indravati dividing
the Western Kalinga into North and South Kalinga, North Kalinga between the
Indravati and the Mahanadi and South Kalinga between the Godavari and the
Indravati. With this geographical overview we may attempt to locate the Three
Kalingas as follows: (i) South-Kalinga, bordered on the west and north-west by
the Indravati, on the south by the Godavari and on the east by the Eastern Ghats,
comprised southern portion of Koraput together with a considerable part of Bastar
and a small region of north-West Srikakulam; (ii) North Kalinga, bordered on the
north and west by the Mahanadi and on the south and east by the Eastern Ghats,
consisted of northern Koraput and the adjoining south-eastern region of
Kalahandi; and (iii) East Kalinga-bordered the west by the Eastern Ghats, on the
south by Godavari till it meets the Bay of Bengal, on the north by the Mahanadi
where it empties into the Bay of Bengal and on the east by the Bay of Bengal-
includes the whole of eastern Srikakulam and Visakhapatnam together with the
whole of Ganjam”(44).
He further continued; “The above is only a very rough indication of the areas
comprised in the three Kalingas, and it is impossible in the present state of
disinformation to be more precise. Perhaps, none of the kings who assumed the
title Tri-Kaling-adhipati controlled at any time of their rule the whole of Tri-
Kalinga; but even capture of a part of it, temporary or permanent, was thought
enough to justify the assumption of this title. This was true of the Somavamsins
also as they could control only a part of Orissan region of Tri-Kalinga adjacent to
South Kosala, viz., Koraput-Kalahandi-Bastar”(45).
It is also interesting to see that during the first part of the 10th Century A.D., the
Eastern Chalukya king Vijayaditya IV (918 A.D), son of Chalukya Bhima ruled
Vengimandala together with the forest kingdom of Trikalinga for six months and
passed away. This is revealed by the Masulipatam plates of the Eastern
Chalukyan, Amma-I (918-25) (46). It seems after Vijayaditya the forest kingdom
of Trikalinga asseed to the hands of the Eastern Gangas. But it also seems
probable that the Kalachuris of Tripuri under the rule of Gangeyadeva and
Karnadeva had shared a part of this kingdom with the Eastern Gangas of
Kalinganagara.
These ruling families probably occupied the western and southern parts of this
forest kingdom, contiguous to Vengi and Kalinga the kingdom of the Gangas.
During the first part of the 10th century A.D. the Kalachuri kings of Dahala,
ruling from Tripuri, who were also known as the Hahayas assumed this title at
least for sometime. Yuvaraja I claimed victory over the Kosala and probably
38
Janamjaya I, but only Yuvaraja-I seemed to have taken part of Trikalinga and
claimed the title. During his regime, Trikalinga is known to be in the possession
of Somavamsis. Along with his subordinate ally Kamalaraja of Tummana, he is
known to have defeated the king of Kosala and Utkala and assumed the title of
‘Trikalingadhipati’. His son and successor, Karnadeva is also known to have
assumed the title, from his first known grant (Banaras grant), issued just one year
after Gangeyadeva’s death in 1041 A.D. He was probably contemporary of the
Eastern Ganga king Vajrahasta II of Kalinga.
Probably the Somavamsis had captured the territory of Trikalinga from

Karnadeva of Tripuri and from the time of Janamejaya-I, who was the first known
powerful king of the Somavamsa and extended the kingdom east-ward in the
Sonepur-Bolangir region of Orissa, the rulers of this family continued to assume
the title of ‘Trikalingadhipati’ till the downfall of the dynasty during the time of
Karnadeva, the last known independent ruler of this family. The claim of the title
by the Eastern Gangas, the Kalachuris of Tripuri and the Somavamsis and their
struggle over the possession of Trikalinga may tend to suggest that this
geographical unit was situated quite contiguous to their respective kingdoms.
Among the Kalachuri kings the following possessed the title of Trikalingadhipati
(47):
Gangeyadeva Vikramaditya (C.1030-40 A.D), Laksmikarnadeva (C.1040-70

A.D),
Yasakarnadeva (C.1073-1125 A.D), Gayakarnadeva (1151 A.D),

Narasimhadeva (1155-70 A.D), Jayasimha (1175 A.D) and Vijayasimhadeva
(1180-95 A.D)
Among the kings of Jejakabhukti dynasty only Trailokyavarmadeva Candella

(1205-1247 A.D) assumed this title and his Rewa grant of 1240 A.D. mentions the
title.
The Paithan plate of Yadava king Rama Chandra of the Saka year 1193 (1272
A.D) mentions that Jaitungi I “slew the king of Trikalinga and seized the whole of
his kingdom and rescued king Ganapati from the prison”.
The above references clearly prove the existence of the Trikalinga kingdom on the
north of the Godavari. It seems that this kingdom Its northern limit is said in the
Mahabharata to be the river Viatarani (mod, Byterni), which river and the Kalinga
people the Pandavas are described to have reached at the same time on their
southward progress from Bengal in the course of pilgrimage. According to this
39
account, Kalinga would include a considerable portion of Orissa. But the limits
of the countries fluctuated from time to time and there is no certainty that the
same river was the northern boundary of Kalinga also at the time of inscriptions
some points which would indicate tht Kosala was included in the countries known
as Tri-Kalinga (or the three Kalingas). The grantors of these charters have the
title Tri-Kalingadhipati attached to their names, but not the title Kosalendra (lord
of Kosala), although they were undoubtedly the masters of the Kosala country.
Indeed, by the later title is not used along with their names nor is it joined to the
title Trikalingadhipati, which is almost invariably prefixed to their names. This
seems to show that the title Trikalingadhipati was thought sufficient by these
kings to imply their possession of Kosala also. It is therefore, probable that
Kosala; (i.e. Southern Kosala) was included in Trikalinga (three Kalingas). Thus
we see that they possessed at least a part of Trikalinga and, therefore, the title
Trikalingadhipati was not altogether an honorific one as thought by
Mr.M.M.Chakravarti. I do not mean to say, however, that the whole of Trikalinga
was under their rule” (50).
Historians and their views on Trikalinga

In 1926 and 1928 G.Ramdas discussed on the significance of the title of
Trikalingadhipati and wrote, ‘Thus Trikalinga means ‘high or elevated or hilly
Kalinga and signified in those days the region of the Eastern Ghats from the upper
course of the Mahanadi to about the source of the Languliya river in the south. It
cannot be understood to signify the country occupied by the Kalinga proper,
Kongada and Orissa; nor does the affix ‘Tri’ means three’ (51).
B.C.Mazumdar has interpreted Trikalinga as denoting three countries Kalinga,

Kongada and Utkala. He has further identified Kongada and Kalinga with the
modern Puri and Ganjam districts respectively (52). Pandit B.Mishra and
Dr.R.G.Basak have accepted Mazumdar’s identification.
Harekrishna Mahtab is in agreement with Ramdas and gave the boundary of

Trikalinga to comprise of the entire region between the Rishikulya river and
Languliya river with the Zamindari of Jeypore in Koraput and Bastar, Bolangir,
Kalahandi and Sonepur districts and also the district of Sambalpur (53)
R.D.Banerji wrote,’ The country of Kalinga was divided from very early times
into three parts and was called Tri-Kalinga. The existence of the term Tri Kalinga
in Sanskrit tempts us to accept Mudu Kalinga as a direct translation of the
Sanskrit form or vice versa. The natural division of the northern extremity of the
eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal is very well suited to the term Tri-Kalinga.
40
The vast country of the western shore of the Bay of Bengal, which extended from
the Delta of the Ganges to that Godavari was called Kalinga in the ancient times;
but he also writes that Trikalingadhipati is “the high sounding title” and “the
meaningless title” respectively (54).’
R.Subba Rao writes that ‘Trikalingas’ are Utkala or north Kalinga, Kalinga proper
and Tel Kalinga or South Kalinga” and Trikalinga country “extended from the
river Ganges in the north to the river Godavari in the South”(55).
From the geographical existence of a country called Madhyama Kalinga in the

Ganga inscriptions D.C.Ganguly is of the opinion that it “corresponds roughly to
the modern Vizagapatam District.
The designation was probably given to this province in order to distinguish it

from south and north Kalinga which corresponded roughly to the modern Districts
of Godavari and Ganjam respectively. These three divisions seem to have
constituted the country known as Trikalinga” (56).
R.C.Mazumdar’s note on Trikalinga is very illuminating and it runs as follows:
“In Eastern Chalukya records of the 10th and subsequent centuries Trikalinga is
distinguished from Kalinga and is obviously regarded as a place of less
importance than Kalinga. Without entring into further discussion on this point I
think we have to admit that we cannot take Trikalinga in the present record to
denote the whole Kalinga, and that it was the designation of a separate region,
most probably the hilly tract to the west of Kalinga”(57).
H.C.Ray at first took the title of Trikalingadhipati as a conventional one. His

notes on Trikalinga only refer to Pliny. He has also criticised the interpretation
suggested by G.Ramdas. But in the map No.1 of Vol.II he has shown the position
of Trikalinga as the very same as Daksina Kosala comprised in the modern area
covered by the Ex-States of Kanker, Patna, Kalahandi, Sonpur and Baud and the
Districts of Raipur in Madhya .Pradesh and Sambalpur and Ganjam in Orissa
(58).
P.Acharya (59) has discussed the question at length, though at one place he
appears to be in agreement with Ganguli’s findings. Although V.V.Mirashi says
Tri-Kalinga as ‘three Kalingas’, and he refrained from defining it and confined to
that it was different from Kalinga, Kongoda, Utkala and Kosala (60).
There had been controversies among the scholars of the location of Trikalinga,
which had remained unsolved to a satisfactory degree.
41
Almost all the rulers of the Somavamsa, whose inscriptions have been discovered,
had assumed the title of ‘Trikalingadhipati’. According to some scholars,
Janamejaya I, the first known Somavamsi ruler to assume the title of
Trikalingadhipati, acquired the title only after he conquered the Sonepur region
from the Bhanja ruler, Ranabhanja (61).
The territory of Trikalinga must have covered an extensive region. We also come
across references to Trikalinga country in two more epigraphical records of about
the 12th century A.D. During the last part of the regime of Chodaganga of the
Ganga dynasty of Orissa, perhaps a part of this territorial unit passed away to the
hands of the Velamanti-Cholas under the able generalship of Ganga II, the father
of Rajendra Chola II, who is said to have vanquished during about 1142-43 A.D.,
the lords of Marata, Lata, Karnata, Kuntala, Andhra, Kataka and Trikalinga
during about the first part of the 12th Century A.D (62).
It was evident from the Gangas, that a part of the territory, situated contiguous to
the Vengi country, was captured. Further a ruler of another royal family claimed
the title of Trikalingadhipati, though it seems for a short time only. The Rewa
charter of the Kalachuri (1174 A.D) refers to this title known to have assumed by
one Jayasimha, probably a later Kalachuri king of Tripuri. The grant was issued
by one of his feudatory chiefs belonging to the family of the Kauravas of
Karkkaredi (the present Kakreri, 28 miles north of Rewa), who were at first
feudatories under the Kalachuris of Tripuri and later on of the Chandellas of
Jejakabhukti (63).
From the above references to the rulers claiming the title of ‘Trikalingadhipati’ it
may be inferred that there was a keen contest among the several royal families of
imperial status, such as the Kalachuris, the Gangas, the Eastern Chalukyas, and
the Somavamsis etc. It may also be presumed on the above context that the
territory of Trikalinga comprised a vast area situated contiguous to and
surrounded by the kingdoms of the above ruling families. On the whole,
Trikalinga was never under the control of any of the above ruling families for a
long time. The Somavamsi rulers are only known to have continued to claim the
title for generations and probably a major part of the territory of Trikalinga was
under their control.
42
Reference
1. Ramdas, G. (1926 & 28) JBORS, Vol.XIV, pp 539.ff JAHRS, Vol. 1, pp 16-
23 ff.
2. Acharya, P (1952) Trilinga, Trikalinga, Kalinga, Odra and Utkala, OHRJ
Vol.I (1) 93ff
3. Tripathy, S (1985) “Royal Titles of Trikalingadhipati and Samasta-
Gondramadhipati of the Early Medieval Orissa's Epigraphics. ORHRJ, Vol.
XXXI, No.2, 324 p. 143 ff.
4. Shastri, Ajay Mitra, Inscriptions of the Sarabhapuriyas, Panduvamsins and
Somavamsins, Part I, II.
5. Tripathy, S. OHRJ, XXXI, Nos. 2, 3 and 4, p. 143 ff.
6. OHRJ, Vol. XXXI, No. 2, 324 pp 143 ff
7. E.I. Vol. XIII, p.362
8. E.I. Vol. XIV, p.90
9. Ibid, Vol. XIII, p. 199 & 202.
10. Ibid, Vol. XIV, p.362
11. JAHRS Vol. VI, p.79.
12. OHRJ. Vol. I, No. 1 p.93 ff.
13. I.A. Vol. XLII, 1925, pp 35-37.
14. Caldwell’s Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian languages, 1913, p.28.
15. Ibid. p.9
16. Pre. Arya and Pre-Drvidian p.76.
17. Ancient Geography of India, 1924, p.524.
18. Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Language 1913, p. 29.
19. Ibid. p.77
20. Ptolemy’s Ancient India by Mr. Crindle, 1927, p. 234
21. Acharya, P. OHRJ, Vol.I (1), p.98.
22. Gerini’s Research on Ptolemy's Geography of Eastern Asia, p.139
23. Hobson Jobson, kling, p.488
24. Goromo p.66
25. Ibid p.73
26. Ibid p.32
27. Ibid p.30
28. JRAS, 1918, p.150.
29. The Ancient Geography of India, 1924, p. 594.
30. Pre. Aryan and Pre-Dravidian, p.75
31. The Ancient Geography of India, 1924, p.594
32. Asiatic Research, Vol. IX, 1807, p 104 and 107.
33. JASB Vol. XX, 1851, p.233.
43
34. Ibid. p. 484.

35. JAHRS, Vol. VI, p.71.
36. E.I., Vol. XXVII, pp 216, ff.
37. S.H, Vol.V. No. 1010, JAHRS, Vol. VII p.183; S, II, Vol. V. No. 1348.
38. E.I. Vol. XXIX, pp 121 ff
39. E.I. V, p 133, text-line 17.
40. S.I.I, I. 43.
41. Cited by Nathuram Premi in his Jaina sahitya aura Itihasa, second edi. 447.
fn.1.
42. Shastri, Ajay Mitra, op.cit. p.183
43. Ibid. p. 184.
44. Ibid. p. 185
45. E.I. V, 133, text-line 17
46. Ray, H.C. Dynastic History of Northern India. Vol II. Haihayas of United and
Central Provinces.
47. I.A, XVII, 225, E.I. 11, 298
48. E.I. Vol. 11, p. 298.
49. JB & ORS Vol. XIV, p.145.
50. JBORS, XIV, 547.
51. E.I. XXIII, p.70.
52. Mahtab, H. K. History of Orissa.
53. Banerji, R.D. History of Orissa p 1-3.
54. JAHRS, Vol.VI p.201, 203.
55. I.H.Q Vol. VIII p.29.
56. E. I. XXIII, p.70.
57. Ray, H.C. op.cit. Vol.I, 391 and 392
58. Acharya, P, OHRJ Vol. I (1) p. 109-116.59 &Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-
Chedi Era, CII, 249, 262 et.
60. Rath, B.K., ‘Cultural History of Orissa’ p.59.
61. E.I., Vol. XXIX, pp 235 ff.
62. I.A., XVII, 232, text-line 6.
44
ATAVI
The word ‘Atavi’ also ‘ataviyo’ country has been mentioned in the Asoka Rock
Edicts (R.E.) XIII, Shabhazgarhi, which is now in Pakisthan (1). This rock edict
was edited by Buhler and Hultzsch, independently and has been mentioned by
Sircar in his Select inscriptions. The said inscription of Asoka mentions clearly
about his Kalinga war. There are two more Edicts, OSRE I and II, which
elucidate the administrative policy of Asoka in the newly conquered provinces of
Kalinga, as well as, his policy towards the unconquered Atavi people living
beyond the borders of his empire to the west of Kalinga.
The Rock Edicts XIII, L.V.7 and 8 runs as follows:
L.V.7: Sata-bhage va sahasra - bhagan va (a) ja guru-matim v(o)

Devanampriyasa Yo picha apakareyati ksamitaviya - mate va Devanamp (r) iyasa
yam sako ksamanaye Ya picha atavi Devanampriyasa vijite bhoti ta pi
anunetianunijapeti anutape pi cha prabhave
L.V. 8: Devanampriyasa vuchati tesa kiti avatrapeyu na cha (ha) - mneyasu -

ichhati hi D(e) vanampriyo savra-bhutana aksati Sa(m) yamam sama (cha) riyam
rabhasiya - ayi cha mukha-mut(a) Vijaye Devanampriya (sa) yo dharma-Vijayo
so cha puna ladho Devanampriyasa iha cha savesu cha amtesu.
The translation of said edicts L.V 7 and 8.is “If any one does harm that may be
pardoned by the ‘Beloved of the gods’ as far as it can possibly be pardoned. To
those Atavi people, who are residing in the empire of the ‘Beloved of the gods’,
he appeals and warns that the ‘Beloved of the gods’ has power in his remose, and
he tells them to desist from (doing harm), as otherwise, they would be killed.
He explicitly tells those people, “The kind Asoka himself desires that they should
not have any anxiety because of him, they should be consoled by him, and they
should obtain happiness and not sorrow from him.”
Further, Asoka seems to have incorporated in his empire the costal plain of
Kalinga with its long sea-board, but the wild country uplands to the west, known
as Atavika territory was not annexed by him. That this territory was left
unconquered and remained, as an outlying region is known from the S.R.Edict 11,
where he speaks of the Atavika as the ‘unconquered frontagers’.
45
After the annexation of Kalinga, Asoka could have occupied the Atavika the wild
country to the west of Kalings, which was then probably the asylum of many
national heroes of Kalinga. But the emperor eschewed the ideas of conquering the
land by violence and conceived in its place the sublime idea of conquering the
hearts of the Atavikas by love, remarked N.K.Sahu.(2)
The R.E.XIII suggests that these officers were employed for cultural and religion
missions in the lands of the frontier people and very probably an imperial envoy
was also stationed in the territory of the Atavikas, who were regarded as ‘Anta
Avijita’.
The Antas are also described as Avijita, unpublished in K.R.E.I, also referred to
R.E.11, where the alternative term pratyanta is also used and also in M.R.E.I,
R.E.11 and their Edict shows that by the term Antas, Asoka meant people outside
his dominion, both in India and beyond. This has been as per footnote by
Radhakumud Mookerji. (3)
However, Law (4) wrote, “Samudragupta made the ruler of the Atavika rajyas
(forest kingdoms) his servants, and led an expedition to the south’. He cited that
according to Dr. Fleet, the Atavika rajyas were closely connected with Dabhala
i.e. the Jabbalpur region. (5) This is not tenable.
Further, N.K.Sahu (6) wrote, “The Rock Edict XIII of (7) Asoka refers to the
people of the Atava territory and very likely the same territory finds mention in
the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta (8) as ‘Sarvatavika rajya’. He
further concluded, ‘The Nalas ruled over the Bastar-Koraput region which was a
part of the ancient Atavika territory and later on became well known in the history
as the land of Trikalinga. Subsequently, the name Trikalinga is found for the first
time in the Jirjingi Grant of Indravarman dated 537 A.D. (9). In the Betul Plates
Samksobha (10) these tracts have been described as ‘Astadasatavika -rajya’ and in
the Early Medival copper plate inscriptions of Orissa they have been named
‘Astadasa (11) Gondramas’
Footnote: The word Atavi also Ataviyo, has been mentioned by Kautilya (XIII.5)
where mentions two kinds of conquests, viz. (1) the conquest of the Atavyas or
Forests, and (2) the conquest of settled territory (gramdi).
46
References
1. Rock Edict XIII, Shabhazgarhi (Pakistan) Version, Inscription on the west
face of the Shababagarhi rock in Kharas the script. It was edited by Buhler
E.I. II, pp 246 f. Hulzsch, C.I.I. 1, PP 667. Sircar Slect Inscription, i, pp. 35. f
2. Sahu, N.K.Utkala University History. p.108
3. Mookerji Radhakumud (1995) Asoka. Motilal Banarasidas, New Delhi, p.165
4. Law, Bimala Churn (1973) Tribes in Ancient India. Bhandarakar Oriental
Series No. 4. Poona.
5. E.I. VIII, pp. 284-7
6. Sahu, N.K. op.cit.p.108
7 Hultzsch, C.I.I, Vol.I, p.66 ff& E.I.., II, pp.246ff.
8. Fleet, C.I.I, Vol.III, p.6 ff
9. E.I.XXI, pp.281 f
10. E.I., Vol.VIII, pp 286-287
11. Ibid., Vol.XXVI, p.77
47
VIDYADHARA TERRITORY
The Vidyadhara territory, which probably extended over the present Kalahandi
Bastar and Koraput region, was under the political sway of Kalinga. This land
during the Kharavela period was being referred as Vidyadhara territory, which is
the Atavika country of Asoka (1). N.K.Sahu wrote, “Hathigumpha inscription
rightly calls their territory as ‘Ahatapurvam’ meaning never conquered in the past
(2).” The second Chedi King Chetaraja, the King of Kalinga was the lord of
Vidyadhara. As per Hathigumpha inscriptions, he had premature death in 49 B.C.
The Line 5-6 translation says, ‘Then in the fourth year (His Majesty)... the
Vidyadhara tract that had been established by the former kings of Kalinga had
never been crushed before (3)’. Kharvela succeeded Chetaraja and ruled as
Yuvaraja from 49 B.C. to 40 B.C. and was anointed in 40 B.C.
The Hathigumpha inscription refers to the Vidyadhara settlements
(Vijadharadhivasam) in connection with the military exploits of Kharavela in his
4th regnal years. It is indicated that Kharavela organised the strength of the
Vidyadhara land and led a powerful army against the Rathikas and Bhojakas (4).
The relation between the Vidyadhara family as mentioned by the Paumachariyam
and the Vidyadhara settlements referred to by the Hathigumpha inscription.
Before his second invasion of the Satavahana territory Kharavela organised the
military sources of the Vidyadhara settlement (Vijadharadhivasam) which has
been described by the inscription as an invincible land founded by the former
kings of Kalinga. It was indicated that early literary works like Paumachariyam
and Tilakamanjari (5) have designated the family of Meghavahana as Vidyadhara
and as such it is generally assumed that the settlement made by the members of
this family is known as the Vidyadhara territory. We find reference to eighteen
Vidyadhara settlements with their sixty towns in the Jaina Jambuddivapannatti
(6) and it appears that ‘Vijadharadhivasam’ of Hathigumpha inscription and
‘Vijjaharanagharavasa’ of the Jain work refer to the same territory. In some
epigraphic records (7) a territory called ‘Astadasatavi rajya’ extending from
“Baghelkhand right up almost to the sea coast of Orissa (8) is met with, and we
(handarkar) to identify these eighteen forest kingdoms with the eighteen
Vidyadhara settlements, associated with the Vaitadhya or the Vindhya range.
N.K.Sahu (1984) wrote, “The Vidyadhara territory which was the same as the
Atavi territory probably comprised the forest clad hinder land of Kalinga and
Kharavela organised the fighting forces of that land for his campaign against the
Satavahana Kingdom”.
48
He further wrote, “The Rock Edict XIII of Asoka (9) refers to the people of the
Atava territory and very likely the same territory finds mention in the Allahabad
Pillar inscription of Samudragupta (10) as ‘Sarvatavika rajya’. The Vidyadhara
territory which was the same as the Atavi territory probably comprised the forest
clad hinder land of Kalinga and Kharavela organised the fighting forces of that
land for his campaign against the Satavahana kingdom.” While the Atavi people
fought for the defense of Kalinga in the famous Kalinga war of Asoka.”
Reference
1. Sahu, N.K. ‘Kharavela’ Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar p.102
2. Ibid p.108.
3. Hathigumpha Inscriptions L 5-6, Ibid. p.336
4. Sahu, N.K. op.cit. p. 108.
5. Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala (Nirnaya Sagar Prem) p25.ff
6. Jambu divapannatti, 1-12 (See also Barna, Asoka and his inscriptions p. 85)
7. Khoh Copper Plates (528 A.D.) of Samkosyobha, Fleet, C.1.I, No.C. 111, p.
114 ff
8. Bhandarkar, G. R. Asoka p. 47
9. Hultisch, C.I.I. Vol.1, p. 66 ff
10. Fleet, C.I.I. Vol. 111, p. 6 ff
Foot Note: The Paumachariyam of Vimalasuri (1) traces the ancestry of king
Meghavahana to Rsabha who was ruling over some territory at the neighbourhood
of the Vindhyas. In his later life, Rsabha relinquished the world dividing the
kingdom between his two sons Nami and Vinami. Vimalasuri status that these
two brothers well-versed in many Vidyas because of which they were called
Vidyadharas(2).In the Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala (3) who flourished in the
courts of the Paramara kings Munja and Bhoja.(4), we come across a Jain King
named Meghavahana. According to this work the son and successor of
Meghavahana had the epithet ‘Vidyadhara Narendra’ (King of Vidyadhara
lineage).
References to Foot note

1. The date of Vimalasuri is subject to dispute. He himself states that the work Paumachariyam
was written 530 years after Mahavira’s Nirvana which would be 63 A.D. and scholars scribe
it to the period from the 3rd to the 7th century A.D.(vide Romila Thapar, the Ramayana,
India: History and Thought, p.235 and note 68 at p.248).
2. Paumachariyam (Varanasi 1962) V, 168-251
3. Tilakamanjari (Nirnayasagar Press);, p.25ff
4. The date of the Paramara kings are as follows:
i) Munja - A.D. 914-995
ii) Sindharaja also called Navasahasanka (both of Munja) - A.D.995-1018
iii) Bhoja (son of Sindhuraja) A.D. 1018-1060
49
NISADHA
The word “Nisadha” means ‘Forest’. Nisadha is mentioned in ancient Indian
writings like Veda, Purano, Mahabharata and Ramayana and it is mentioned with
Kosala, which denotes as two adjacent geographical distributions. According to
the Mahabharata, the capital of the Nisadhas was Giriprastha. The Nisadhas
played an important part in the Kuruksetra war in which they remained with
Pandavas, along with Mekalas, Kosalas and Dasarnas. But notwithstanding the
celebrity of the Nisadha country as the kingdom of Nala, it is not difficult to
ascertain exactly where it is located. It was thought to be not far from Vidarbha,
the Nala queen, and Damayanti’s country. Wilson (1) and place the Nisadha
countries in Vindhyas and Satpura hills to the north-west of Berar. The evidences
from above sources it has been concluded that Koraput-Kalahandi districts,
between Kosala and Vidarbha is the ancient Nisadha kingdom over which the
Nala ruled.
The famous Sanskrit grammar scholar Panini points out in ‘Astadhyai’ that
Nisadha and Vidarbha are two adjacent countries (2 and 3) It is between 6th and
7th century A.D.
The Nisadha has been ruled by Nalas. Thus, according to G.Ramdas and
N.K.Sahu who have rightly identified Puskari i.e. modern Podagoda of Umerkote
in Koraput district of Orissa as the capital of Nalas (4 and 5). This has been
further strengthened by the evidence of the extensive ruins of a city of 3rd 4th
century A.D., a copper plate grant of Nala king Arthapati which was issued from
Puskari and stone inscriptions of his successor Skandavarman lying still in the
ruins of the fort. Other Nala relics i.e. coins and epigraphs found are from Bastar-
Durg and Koraput districts proves the fact.
There has been reference to Nisadha and Nisadas, in the ancient Indian literature.
Law (6), identified the Nisadhas and Nisadas to be origined from two different
stocks, and said to be have been confounded by many. According to the Epic and
Puranic traditions, the Nisadhas are said to have sprung from King Prthu, son of
Vena (7). The Nisadha tribe has been identified to Nalas. It is described in
Puranas and Bhagavatgita to have been the son of Atithi, grandson of Kusa, and
the father of Nala (8). According to Vishnupurana (9) the ten kings of the Mekala
country and nine of the Sapta Kosala country state to have been succeeded by the
nine kings of the Nisadhas. They were all descendants of King Nala, and
according to Vayu purana lived in the country of Nisadha (10). This king Nala of
Puranas is most probably identical to the king Nala whose story has been referred
in the Mahabharata (11).
50
As per Mamata Choudhury (12) the Nisadas seem to have settled themselves over
a widespread area, as various ancient texts have described them inhabiting regions
in west, east, south and north. On the basis of the evidence derived from the
Junagarh inscriptions (A.D.150), they possibly had their original settlement in
Malwa around Dwaraka in the Western region and then migrated during the Epic
period to the east along the Ganges beyond Kosala (13), as also to the South-West
(14) (comprising the region between the Sarasvati and the Western Vindhya)(15),
and the South-Eastern(16) regions of Madhyadesa.
These tribes are: the Paripatras (17) (Pariyatras)- dwellers of the mountain
Paripatra along with the Nisadas and the Kukuras; the Mahendra (18) dwellers of
the mountain in the Eastern Ghat representing the Kalingas.Mahenragiri hill is
still the epicenter of Sabara tribe and culture.
With reference to Sabara tribe N.K.Sastri wrote, “Early in his (Mahavarman

Rajasimha I, Pandya king, C.780 A.D) formed an alliance with Chalukya
Vikramaditya 11, espoused the cause of Chitramaya, and after inflicting a number
of defeats on Nandivarman Pallavamalla beseiged him a place called Nandigrama
i.e. Nandipuram, near Kumbakonam. The able Pallava general Udayachandra,
who encountered the Pandya forces in many battles, raised the seige of
Nandigama, beheaded Chitramaya, and thus made the Pallava throne secure for
his monarch. He also dealt with other enemies of Pallavamalla like the Sabara
king Udayana and the Nisadha chieftain Prithivivyaghra who were probable
acting in collusion with the Chalukya, Vikramaditya11. The invasion of
Vikramaditya (735A.D), in which the Ganga feudatory Sripurusha also co-opted,
was indeed the greatest danger that threatened the kingdom of Pallavamalla in the
early years of his long reign (19)”.
During the reign of Vishnuvardhana III, who was an Eastern Chalukya king, a
Nisadha king named Prthivivyaghra had let loose a horse for performing the
Asvamedha sacrifice (20). They seem to have occupied the southern part of the
Eastern Chalukya; a dominion about the northern fringe of the Nellore district has
been mentioned.
51
References
1. Wilson, H.H. (8bs) Visnu Purana Vol. Vl.p.220 ff.

2 Sukla,H.L. Prachina Bastar. p 29-176
3. Bhandarkar, G.R. History of Deccan and JRASW 1903-4, P.48
4. Ramdas, G., J.B.R.S Vol. XXXIII, pt.I-II, pp. 33-42 also E.I.Vol, XXVIII
p.12
5. Sahu, N.K. Utkala University History of Orissa, Vol-I, p-508
6. Law, Bimala Churn (1943) Tribes in Ancient India, Bhandarkar Oriental
Series No.4, Poona.
7. Vayu P.62, 137-48, Brahmanda P., 11, 36, 158-73
8. Kurma P, 21.58, Bramha p, 8, 88
9. Vishnuparana IV Chp. 24,17
10. Vayu Purana Chp. 99, 376
11. Mahabharat 111
12. Mamata Choudhury (1977) Tribes of Ancient India, Indian Museum, Calcutta.
13. Ray Choudhury, H.C. (1) p.491; Br hat Sam, XIV,4
14. Raghu, IV; VI, 54 ef.also Wilson’s Note Vis P.Vol.II, P.179
15. Dey, N.L.Geographical Dictionary of Ancient & Medieval
16. Brhat Sam; XIV.10; Mark, P.LV III, 18: Manu.X.48; Vaikh.Smarta.Su, x.12
17. Rath 11, 50:83; 19; Law, B.C.p.99
18. Mbh; Sabha, P.XXX; 65; Santi P.LVIII, 93-97
The Nala story itself seems to have been much older than Mahabharata for it
is referred to by Sita in the Ramanaya.
19. Sastri, K. Nilakanta. A History of South India. p-155
20. Ibid
52
MAHAKANTARA AND KANTARA

Literally ‘Kantara’ means famine, impassible road, deep forest, desert, a time of
scarcity, bamboo etc. The name Kantara, Kantaraka or Mahakantara was first
traced in Mahabharata. Mahakantara literally means a great forest.
The Raipur Gazetteer puts the Mahakantara to be southern part of Kalahandi

district, parts of Dhamtari tahasil, somewhere near Sihawa in Raipur district and
much of Bastar district (1).
H.C.Ray Choudhuri (2) wrote that the Mahakantara tract comprised the southern
part of Kalahandi district and most part of Koraput of Orissa and Bastar tract of
Madhya Pradesh.
G.Ramdas (3) identifies the Mahakantara of the Prayaga Prasasti of

Samudragupta with Jharkhanda.
N.K.Sahu (4) puts forth that Mahakantara was then under a king named Vyghraja
whom Samudragupta claims to have defeated. He continued to say that the
territory of Mahakantara is very likely the same as the land of Mahavana referred
in one Nagarjunikonda inscription and it comprises the modern Koraput and
Kalahandi tracts.
He further continued “There are instances to show that the hill and the forest
region of Western Orissa, Chhattisgarh and south-east Bihar forms single cultural
unity during the early historic times being known as the Mahakantara.”(5)
The Allahabad Pillar Inscription enumerates Kosala along with the territories of
the Daksinapatha and associated it with Mahakantara and the kingdoms of the
Kalinga region (6).
Mahakosala, Mahakantara and Kosala comprised the Western and the South-
Western parts of the modern Orissa and the exact territorial limits of these three
kingdoms are difficult to be determined. It seems that Samudragupta started his
campaign from the Jumna valley more particularly from Kausambi and marching
through the modern Rewa and Jabalpur regions entered into the territory of South-
Kosala. After subduing Kosala, Mahakantara and Korala he could easily precede
towards the Eastern coast through the ancient trade route that linked Kosala with
Kalinga (7).
53
Sahu wrote, “To the West of the Mathara Kingdom lay the Trikalinga territory
which was probably known as Mahakantara comprising the modern Bastar,
Koraput and Kalahandi region. It was this territory that the early Nalas rose to
power by the time the Matharas flourished in Kalinga. Mahakantara served as an
important buffer territory between the dominions of the Vakatakas and the
Matharas, and as such, the Nala who played an important role as a bulwark
against the Vakatakas, were a power friendly to the Matharas. (8)”
There is also strong significance to the name of Mahakantara, due to repeated

draught and famines like conditions of Kalahandi till date that may have been due
to rain pattern and eastern Ghat geographical positions.
References
1. Singh Deo, J.P. Cultural Profile of South Kosala, p.50
2. Ray Choudhuri, H.C.,Political History of South India.(1950) p.538 &
Gazetteers of India, Orissa, Bolangir, Edt. Senapati, N., Cuttack, 1968, p.43
3. Ramdas, G., Indian Historical Quarterly. Vol.p.684
4. Sahu, N.K. Gazetteers of India, Orissa, Bolangir, Edt. Senapati, N., Cuttack,
1968, p.43.
5. Sahu, N.K. Utkala University History of Orissa, Vol. I, Bhubaneswar. p. 432-
33
6. CII, Vol.111, p.13.
7. Sahu, N.K. op.cit. p. 432 and 514.
8. Ibid.p.505
54
CHAKRAKOTE
The Chakrakote has been mentioned in many inscriptions and various authors
have given their arguments to identify the region and place.The Chakrakote has
been spelled as Sakkarakottam, Cakrakotya, Citakota, Chakrakuta,
Chakkarakttam, Chakrakotta, Chakrakottam, Chakrakutam, Chkrakotam,
Chakrakuta, Chakkarakkottam, Chakkrakote, Cakrakote, Ca-krakuta etc. by
various literature and authors. The Chalukyas of Vemulavada: Inscriptions of a
later period and Vikramarjunavijayam trace the descent of the family from
Vinayaditya-Yuddhamalla. He captured a fort called Chitrakuta, which was
inaccessible. His son, Arikesari-I, is said to have conquered the kingdom of
Vengi and Trikalinga during the time of Nirupama Dhruva, the Rastrakuta king
who ruled from A.D. 780 to 793 (Kollipara Plates).The inaccessible fort of
Chitrakuta, which Vinayaditya is said to have captured, is not identified. As there
are a number of forts with that name in north and central India, its identification
bristles with difficulties has been mentioned, was the opinion of Kolaru
Surayanarayana.(1)
Again, in the inscriptions of Eastern Chalukya and Choda the name Chakrakote
appears. Vijayaditya III of the Eastern Chalukya line, who ruled between 844 and
888 A.D, so far as is known appears to have been made raid and burnt Chakrakota
(2) Then the Chola Rajendra Chola I (A.D. 1011-33) took Sakkara-Kottam (3).
While one of his successors, King Vira Rajendra I claims to have crossed
Godavari, passed through Kalinga, and advanced against Chakrakota (4). Next the
Chola king Kulottunga, while yet a youth cover his first laurels in battle by
storming Chakrakota. This happened prior to 1070 A.D.and is mentioned in the
Tamil poem Kalingattu Parani (x24) (5), and also in inscriptions (6) Vikrama VI
was probably the fifth raider, the sixth being Vishnuvardhana Hoysala in the 12th
century (7).
It would therefore, instead of “Rajakesarivarman (i.e. Kulottunga Chola I)

conquered the king of Dhara at Chakrakota ‘read’ Rajakesarivarman conquered
king Dhara (varsha) at Chakrakotta’ (8).
According to K.A.N. Sastri, who mentioned Sakkarakkottam has been identified

with Cakrakotya which finds mention in a Nagavamsi copper plate grant from
Bastar dated A.D. 1065, and its modern representative is probably Citrakut or
Citrakota, 8 miles from Rajapura where the copper plates were found. Rajapura,
the capital of Bastar, is itself 22 miles north-west of Jagadalpur, on the bank of
the Indravati river. (9)
55
Accordingly Hiralal pointed out that Bhramanakotya was possibly an alternate

name of Chakrakotya, which seems to survive in Ghumara, a name given to the
fall of the Indavati at Chitrakota. (10)
Somesvara I (W.Chalukya) and his feudatory, the Kakatiya Prola, raided Kosala,
and conquered Chakrakota, in the Bastar State, after defeating the Naga king (11)
However as per literature it is evident that there are different spellings of

Chakrakota they are Chakrakota and Chakrakuta. I identify the Nagavamsi
Chakrakota in the district of Koraput rather than Bastar.
References
1. Kolaru Surayanarayana. History of the Minor Chalukya Families in Medieval
Andhradesa.p-7 and 16
2. E.I. Vol.IV p.226 - Vijayaditya III
3. S. I.I.., Vol.II, and p.108 - Rajendra Chola I. p.120 note 3
4. S. I..I..,Vol.III, p.70 - Vira Rajendra I. p. 132 Kulottunga I
5. Kalingttu Parani (x24) Tamil poem
6. I.A. Vol. XXI. p 286
7. Kielhorn’s South List No.3960
8. Kielhorn’s South List No.756
9. E.I. IX pp. 178-9.
10. E.I. Vol.X. 24ff
11. The Struggle for Empire. The Nagas or Chihindakas, Bharatya Vidya Bhavan.
p.216.
56
GIRIKALINGA
The word Girikalinga, itself is indicative of its location on hills. The Pedda-
dugam plate of Sri Sattrudmanadeva was issued at Simhapura mentions
Girikalinga. The plate was deciphered by V. Bhanumurti (1) and re-edited
D.C.Sircar (2). It had 3 plates. The donees were Bramhins with names as
Yajnasarman, Bappasarman and Sarvasarman of Kaundiya gotra. The topography
is Basu-vataka (district?), Juha-grama (village), and Giri-Kalinga (Province?)
Varhamana – ograhara (village). The site was never ever identified.
I am definite that the said topography is the present Balimella suberv of Koraput
district. Informants say that the Vardamanapura village is now located 2 km. from
Balimella, still known by the same name. (I have not confirmed) The Juha village
in at 5kms from Balimella, and the name remain unchanged. The Patuva grama or
village may be the Patrali which is near to Tarlakota in the same region. Again,
the said topography comes under the present Patrali Panchayat.
It is thus concluded that Girikalinga was including the hill portion of present
Koraput, part of Vizagapatnam (Paderu) and extended to Balimella and
Malkangiri area, and beyond Govindapalli hills.
Reference
1. Bhanumurti, V. J.A. H.R.S. Vol. XXI p. 159 ff
2. Sircar, D.C. E.I. XXXI, pp 89-96ff.
3. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa (c.600-1100 A.D) Vol. 11. p.237-241.
57
MASUNIDESA
The Tamil prasasti records transactions where Chola king Rajendra in his second
phase of campaign, the march of his army through Kalinga and Odda to the
Ganges. Rajendra himself advanced to Chakrakote through Godavari to protect
the rear of the Ganges expeditionary force, because of the threats issued by the
Kalinga rulers and Odda who were acting under the order of Chalukya Jayasimha
(1). A much more detailed picture is as follows (2).
“(He seized) Sakkarakkottam, whose warriors were brave, Maduramandalam

destroyed in a trice (3), the prosperous city of Na-manaik-Konam with its dense
groves (4), Pancap-palli whose warriors (bore) cruel bows (5), Masunidesa with
its green fields, a large heap of family treasures together with many other
treasures (which he carried away), after having captured Indraratha of the ancient
race of the moon, together with (his) family, in a fight which took place (at)
Adinagara (a city) whose great fame knew no decline; Odda-visaya which was
difficult of approach on account of its dense forest defence, the good Kosalai-
nadu, where Bramhins assembled. Tandabutti, in whose gardens bees abounded,
(land which he acquired) after having destroyed Dharmapala (in) a hot battle.”
Learned historian of repute K.A. Nilakanta Sastri gave his opinion, which runs as
follows:
“Sakkarakottam has been identified with Chakrakotya which finds mention in a

Nagavamsi copper plate from Bastar dated 1065 AD, and with modern
representative in probably Citrakuta or Citrakuta, 8 miles from Rajapura where
the copper plate was found. Rajapura, the capital of Bastar, is itself 22 miles
north-west of Jagadalpur, or the bank of the Indrabati river (6). Sakkarakkottam
and the places that follow up to Masuni-desam have to be sought in the territory
contiguous to the Vengi kingdom to the north-west of it. Masunidesam literally
means the land of the snakes, the king of the Chindaka family represented by the
Rajapura plates, called Naga-vamso-dhava (born of the cobra race), and
Bhagavatipura-naressvar a (lord of Bhagvati, the best of cities); in a later stone
inscription of Saka 1140, one of them is called Sri-bhuja gavara-bhusana-
maharajulu, (7) the maharaja who was the ornament of the race of the best
serpents. It is perfectly reasonable to suppose that by Masuni-desam is meant the
land ruled by these kings. Or this assumption, Maduraimandalam,
Namanaikkonam and Pancappalli must be sought in the same region and held to
be part of Masunidesam. It may be noted that Cakrakota is itself called a mandala
(8) like Madurai-mandalam, and that the donor of the Rajapura plates is called
Madhurantaka.”
58
He further continued, “The fact that Sakkarakottam was the first place taken by
Rajendra’s army in the course of this campaign and that the king met his
victorious general on the banks of Godavari on his way back at the end of the
campaign imply that the Vengi kingdom had come back to the same relation of
close subordinate alliance with the Cola empire which it has held in Rajaraja time
(9)”.
We are thus inclined to identify the area thus mentioned in the inscriptions as per
analysis and proposals placed by K.A.Nilakanta Sastri.
As per the description given in the said above inscription, the Masunidesa may be
the Jeypore tract, extending into Bastar covering Indravati-Kolab, doab and
Mathil-Kondakamberu area. This is the plain land and still the granary of the
district. The Nagavamsi King of Chhindaka ruled this area.
The Namanaikkonam may be the Naimgiri-Muniguda-Chatikona area located in

Bisam-cuttack area of Rayagada. The Naimagiri-Chatikona area is the most
dense groove locality. Well known horticulturists, Dongria Kondh tribe and
Kuttia Kondhs inhibit it.
The Panca-palli is the Panchapalli hill range above Potangi connecting the
Kalinga region. The entry to this area (Koraput in ancient time towards
Nandapur) was from Pachipetta, which was later in British period was a small
Zamindar under Jeypore state. In Jeypore tract it was called Panchipetta Kabata,
means Panchipetta door. The hill route from Panchipetta was to Sanki, Chandka,
Pukali, Raisingi, Balda and then Nandapur.
Reference
1. Tiruvalangadu plates of Jayasimha -S11, III p.399 v. In. See Ibid V 120p.400
and E.I. IX p. 233.
2. E.I. IX p.233
3. Hultzsch wrote: whose forts (bore) banners which (touched) the clouds’, but
K.A.Nilakanta .Sastri commented that it has no support from the text.
4. The translation here is based on the reading in 176 of 1923: ‘Kamidai val
anagar Namanaikkonamum’.
5. Another form has ‘Venjina Virar’ for Venjilai-virar’
6. Hultzsch. S.1.1, iii p. 57, n.1.
7. E.I. XVI p.53
8. 185 of 1893
9. Read: pasadaip-palanr -masunidesam (S11, II 20 1.5 & p.108)
59
KALINGA
The name Kalinga, Trikalinga and Trilinga has been referred in several literatures.
This has been the subject of research for long time.
The ancient Kalinga Empire had included the whole of present Orissa and
extended to neigbouring states from time to time. Kalinga Empire was spread has
‘appeared in several literature’.
Megasthenes (1) refers to a territory Gangaridum Calingarum Regia (Gangetic

Kalinga Kingdom) with the river Ganges as its north boundary. Pliny (2)
suggested that the south boundary of Kalinga to be Cape Calinga. Yule (3)
pointed it to be the mouth of the river Godavari. Thus Kalinga Empire was spread
to Ganges as its northern boundary and to its south was the Godavari river. The
eastern border of Kalinga was the Bay of Bengal, which was known as Kalinga
Mahodadhi. The Western border was upto Amarkantak hill of the Vindhyas. The
Amarkantak hill in Kalinga has been cited in Matsya (4), the Kurma (5) and the
Skanda (6).
The Matsya purano speaks that Kalinga was located both in Dakshinapatha and
Madhyadesa. (7)
Pliny (8) gives clear picture of Kalinga territory. He had divided it into three
parts. The Gangarides Calingae that is apparently the same as Gangaridum
Calingarum Regia refers to the region on the bank of the Ganges near its mouth.
The Macro Calingae may be the middle or central Kalinga comprising of Utkala,
Odra and Tosali region. Calingae was Kalinga proper. This may be called as the
home land of Kalinga people. Pliny wrote on the basis of Megasthenes, which
indicates that Kalinga had extended from Ganges to Godavari in 24 B.C. It is
when Asoka conquered it.
It is not well known when Kalinga was established. The Jaina Parisista Parvan
(9) has shown that the minister of King Nanda conquered the whole Kalinga
down to the sea. The fact is supported by Hathigumpha inscriptions of Kharavela
(10), where it refers to the excavation of a canal in Kalinga by the Nanda King
and the Kharavela restoring the Kalinga Jina, which had been seized by King
Nanda from Kalinga.
The Greek historians as Diodorus, Curtius and Plutarch state that Agrammes, the
last Nanda king, who was also contemporary to Alexander the Great, was ruling
over Prassi and Ganga ridae. The Prassi is the same as Prachya, the home
province of Magadha and Gangaridae was the Gangarides Calingae, the part of
60
Kalinga Empire near the mouth of the Ganges (11). It is also indicative that the
central and southern part of Kalinga was lost from the Kalinga Empire.
The rebel Chandragupta Maurya occupied the throne in 322 B.C. The classical
writers never mentioned Chandragupta Maurya as King of Gangaridae, but Prassi
continued to be the centre of his empire. (12)
Ashoka destroyed the Kalinga Empire. He had incorporated the Gangetic portion
of Kalinga, the Gangaridae of the classical writers to his mainland. The central
part of Kalinga Empire, the Macco Calingae, which was Utkala, Odra and Tosala
region, formed a separate state with its capital at Tosali near Dhauli (13). Kalinga
proper in the south formed another administrative centre with its headquarters at
Sampa near Jaugada (14). This thus after Asoka’s invasion of Kalinga there was
reorganisation of Kalinga empire territory.
The grammarian Panini, who may be taken to have lived more or less about 600
B.C., mentions only Kalinga in the east and knows nothing south of Narmada on
the west except the country of Asmaka, near the headwaters of the Godavari (15).
The following stanza is met in the Brahmanda Purana, of Orissa State Museum
defines Kalinga and Tri-kalinga respectively as (i) the land between the Rsikulya
and Jhanjavati and (ii) that between the Jhanjavati and Vedavati. The river
Jhanjavati now origins from Koraput district whereas Vedavati flows to east
boundary of Salur, a small town at the bottom of Eastern Ghat, and road entry
point to Koraput from Andhra Pradesh. The Vedavati location referred by
Rajaguru is incorrect (16).
Rsikulgam samasadya yavad Jhanjavati nadi/,

Kalingadesa prkhyato desana garhitas- tada//
Jhanjavati samasadya yavad Vedavati nadi/,
Trikalingeti Vikhyato...........//
Ajay Mitra Shastri wrote, the dependability of these stanzas is not beyond doubt;
they contain grammatical errors and the last eight syllables of the second stanza
are lost. They may represent the narrow definitions prevalent at the time the
manuscript was copied, viz. during the late medieval period. Anyway not much
significance can be attached to these stanzas, particularly, as they go against the
unimpeachable epigraphic evidence (17). However, S.N.Rajaguru reports the
same stanza.
61
Epigraphical and literary evidence points out that in ancient and medieval times,
Kalinga, whether it was a part of Andhra or Orissa, always remained a separate
political entity.
The inscriptions of Later Eastern Gangas, Gajapatis from Simhachalam,

Mukhalingam, Srikurmum and Narayanpuram point out land between Mahendra
hill and Simhachalam was referred to Kalinga desa, Kalingamandala,
Kalingavisaya, Trikalinga. Daksinadesa, Kalingavani, Trikalingavani, or Kalinga.
D.C.Sircar wrote, “In early medieval period, it is only the kingdom of these early
Eastern Gangas that was exclusively known as Kalinga, because, as will be seen
below, the kingdoms in the Ganjam-Puri-Cuttack region assumed different names
such Kongoda, Tosali, Udra etc, since the later part of the sixth century A.D. But
the old name did not get time enough to became popular again as the successor of
Anantavarma Codaganga soon transferred their capital to the Cuttack District
(Orissa) far away from the Srikakulam region that had become famous under the
name Kalinga during the many centuries’ rule of Early Eastern
Gangas.....................................(18)
The later E.Gangas records also make it clear that Kalinga and Trikalinga refer to
one and the same region of which Kalinganagara (modern Mukhalingam),
Srikakulam District was the capital. Thus in reference to the location of the
Madhukesvara temple at Kalinganagara, we get the following expressions:
Kalingavaninagari Sriman = Madhukesvaraya Sarvaya (19 a)

Trikalingavaninagai Sriman = Madhukesvaraya etc (19 b)
An inscription of Rajendra Coda 11 of Velanadu, dated S’1091 say,
Purvambonidhi Kalahasti sikhari Sriman= Mahendracala

Srisaliar = Valayikrta Andhra visayam (19)
Bishop Caldwell notes: “Taranatha repeatedly designates the Telugu country
Trilinga and describes Kalinga as a portion of Trilinga and Kalingapura as its
capital (20).
It should be noted that Anantavarma Codaganga, who had the title

Trikalingadhipati, defines the limits of his kingdom, when he says that to his west
was the ruler of Utkala and to his east the ruler of Vengi (21).
1. The ancient Kalinga country (roughly speaking the coastal land between
the river Mahanadi and Godavari) was split up into a number of small
62
states, which is disintegration of the Chedi Empire founded by Kharavela.

(22)
2. The Allahabad pillar inscriptions mention Gupta emperor Samudra-
gupta’s victory over the kings of these region i.e. the kings of
Dakshinapatha and several others located in different parts of
Kalinga.............but nothing is mentioned about their history related to
their states and the name of Kalinga does not appear (23).
It informs that
1) But the continued existence of Pithapuram in East Godavari, which was

Pishtapura, and the Yallamanchili taluks of the Vizagapatam district, which
was Devarastra, is proved from the above inscription.
2) A royal city named Simhapuram is mentioned in these records, historians
have identified it to modern Singupuram near Chicacole. But this city is not
found in Samudragupta’s inscription, thus indicates it flourished after
middle of 4th century A.D.
The conquest of Kalinga by Asoka (C.260 B.C) is one of the best known events of
his reign and formed the turning point in his spiritual carrier. No wonder his
edicts are found in Dhauli in the delta of the Mahanadi, and at Jaugada in the
Ganjam district, then certainly part of Kalinga. Dhauli was perhaps the same as
Tosali, the capital of Kalinga in those days (24).
Kharavela of Kalinga states clearly that the territory of the Satavahana king
Satakarni lay to the west of his kingdom. Kharavela defined in the second year of
his reign by sending a large army, the Satakarni King II (25).
In Kalinga the period following Samudragupta’s invasion is taken up by the rule

of a lineage of kings who belonged to the Mathrakula. Seven kings bearing
names ending with varman are known, from their copper-plate grants, although
their genealogy is not forth coming. Pishtapura, Simhapura and Vagdh amanpura
are among the places from which grants were issued. The language of the
inscriptions is Sanskrit and the kings called themselves Kalingadhipatis and
Paramamahesvaras (26). Roughly their period of rule extended from 375 to 500
A.D when the Gangas in north Kalinga, south Kalinga becoming part of Vengi,
succeeded them.
63
Village Sumandala in Khallikote, Orissa refers to Gupta suzerainty in Kalinga in

the year 250 of the Gupta Era (A.D. 569-70). It also says that king Prithivi-
Vigrha was ruling over Kalinga under Gupta suzerainty (27).
The Sailodbhava king Sainyabhita II Madhavaraja II, one of his grants dated A.D.
619 invokes the name of Sasanka as his suzerain. The king issued this grant from
the Jayaskandhavara of Kongoda and claims to have exercised sovereignty over
the whole of Kalinga (28).
According to Hiuen-Tsang Kalinga was south west of Konyodha (the present

North Ganjam district) (29).
The Odras appeared to have seized the northern parts of Kalinga before the time
of Hiuen-Tsang, dividing the Kalinga Rajas south into the northern most outposts
of the Telugu country in Vizagapatnam and a bit of Ganjam district (30).
The Supreme lord of Kalinga in Vasistiputra Saktivarman whose Ragholu plates

are in early southern alphabet and were issued from Pithapuram. The grant was
made on Kalinga Visaya (31).
64
Reference
1. McCrindle, Ancient India, p.137
2. Pliny’s National History (Trans. by Dr. Bostock and Riley) vol. II, pp.42-44
3. McCrindle, pp. 42-44
4. Matsya, CXXCIV, 12
5. Kurma II, XXXIX, 0
6. Skanda V, 3, XXI, 7
7. Matsya, Ibid, 31
8. Pliny, op. cit. pp.42-44. List of Indian Races quoted by Mc Cridle in Ancient
India, pp-129f
9. Mc Cridle, Invasion of India by Alexander, pp. 221, 228 and Parisistha
Parivar, VII, p. 81
10. E.I. XX, pp.87-88 Text lines 5, 12
11. McCridle op cit, p.136
12. Sahu, J.K. Historical Geography. In: History and culture of Orissa, Vol. I. p.
55
13. Sahu, N.K. Utkala University History of Orissa, WCI, Bhubaneswar 1964 pp.
284ff
14. Ibid. pp. 295ff
15. Astadhyayi of Panini (5th Century B.C.)
16. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. II, pp.333-34.
17. Ajay Mitra Shastri cited N.K.Sahu, op.cit. 98, fn. 3
18. Sircar, D.C. Kalinga: In Classical Age, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay pp.
211-217.
19. (a) S.I.I.V. 1039
(b) SI.I. V. 1101
(c) E.I. XXX. P. VIII
20. Ramachandra Rao, C.V. The Later Eastern Ganga and Somavamsi Gajapatis.
21. Majumdar, R.C. Outline of the History of Kalinga. Dacca University Studies,
Vol. II No.1 pp.213 ff.
22. Ibid.
23. Sahu, N.K.op.cit. p.80.
24. Sastri, K.A.N. The History of South India p.86.
25 Ibid p.93.
26. Ibid p.106
27. E.I. XXVIII, p.79.
28. Rajaguru, S.N.op.cit.p.331-332.
29. Subramanian, K.R. Budhist Remains in Andhra Part-I, p.119-125.
30. E.I. XII, p.212.
31. E.I. XII, p.1.
65
SOUTH KOSALA
South Kosala had played significant role in Indian history. N.K. Sahu says that in
the epic Kosala (South Kosala) is not included in the Daksinapatha, but Allahabad
pillar inscription enumerates it (1).
H.C.Raychaudhuri identifies the territory of Kosala state mentioned in Allahabad

pillar to be the modern Bilaspur, Raipur and Sambalpur district of M.P. and
Orissa (2).
The Imperial Gazetteers of India cites the country between 19.50’ and 23.7’ north
and 80.40’ and 83.38’ east with an area of 21,240 sq. miles as South Kosala. The
area as of now is Durg,Raipur, Bastar, Raigarh, Surguja and Bilaspur districts of
Madhya Pradesh; and Sundargarh, Sambalpur, Kalahandi and Koraput districts of
Orissa.(3 )
There is very scanty history of South Kosala prior to the rise of Sarba
Sarabhapuriyas, about the end of fifth century A.D (4). The available history
indicates it to be a part of the Maurya and Satavahana empires.
The Allahabad inscriptions of Samudragupta show certain Mahendra in the region

as the ruler and defeated by him. It is presumed to be either a Nala or
Sarabhapuriya member only. However, there is evidence to indicate that there
was growing influence of Gupta era from the coins of Mahendraditya and
Kramaditya (5). The Vakatakas king Narendrasena boastfully claims that the lords
of Kosala obeyed him (6). But after the Sarbhapuriyas rise between the end of 5 th
century and early 6th century A.D. the historical grounds became clearer.
N.K.Sahu further wrote, ‘It is further known from the Vana Parva that the
territory of Kosala was distinct from the kingdom of Vidarbha. The epic
represents Nala, who was wandering with Damayanti in the Vindhyan forest, as
pointed out the paths to Vidarbha and Kosala in the following words: “This path
leads to Vidarbha and that one to Kosala beyond that to the South lays
Daksinapatha”. (7)
Chinese traveler Hiuen Tsang has described South Kosala in his accounts (8). He
writes, “From Kalinga, he went by hills and woods for above 1800 li to Kosala.
This country more than 6000 li was surrounded by mountains and was a
succession off woods and marshes……….. The soil of the country was rich and
fertile, the towns and villages were together.”
66
Patel concluded that the above description refers to the Nala territory in the north-
west of Kosala, i.e. modern Koraput, Kalahandi and Bastar region (9).
Cunningham (10) identifies the Vidarbha and Berar region as South Kosala of the
pilgrim’s account.
Reference
1. Sahu, N.K. History of Orissa p.129.

2. Ray Choudhuri, H.C. Political History of Ancient India. 1950, p.536.
3. Imp. Gazetteer of India.Vol.X, p.202.
4. Watters, II, p.200.
5. Majumdar, R.C. and Altekar, A.S... The Vakataka-Gupta Age. p.85 &104.
6. E.I. IX p.271.
7. Van Prava, IVIII, 22.& Sahu, N.K. Gazetteers of India, Orissa, Bolangir. Ed.
Senapati, N., Cuttack, 1968. p 43.
8. Watters, Book II, pp.200-08.
9. Patel, C.B. Dynastic History of Nalas.p.14.
10. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, p.520.
67
DESIA DESA IN KORAPUT

The tribal people living between Kolab and Indravati rivers and extending into
Rayagada region in Koraput district of Orissa present themselves as “Desia
loak”, where as they refer other population in the district as “Godia loak”.
Kornel and Gamang (2009) have discussed the issue more vividly (1). They were
of the opinion that the Godia people refer to Goudia people who came here in the
past and are living in the region. Non-tribals look down the local tribals and utter
the word’Desia” in a degrader sense. The Desia country and Desia people have
relevance to Jaina identity but not as a mere society name with in a geographical
limit as has been indicated by some authors like Strumpell (2001) (2) and others.
On the other hand, Pfeffer (1997)(3) and Berger (2000)(4) indicated the
importance to understand the Desia society to take into account the
interrelationships between tribal, Scheduled Caste and other societies living in the
area. The social relationships within Desia society are hierarchic, but the
hierarchy in Koraput is of a different type than the one prevailing in caste society
of coastal area, it cannot be discovered in the tribal hills at all. No estate of
intellectual ritualists is opposed to the holders of secular power or segregated
from the general peasant community’ (Pfeffer 1997) (5). The terms expressing
status differences are also not the same as those of caste society. Status
differences are expressed in the idiom of seniority ordering the different Desia
categories internally into senior (boro) and junior (sano) sub-tribes and externally
into senior and junior tribes.
Some how, Pfeffer and Berger along with Strumpell described the Koraput
inhabitants in the anthropological setting and described the hierarchy that exists
in-between the tribes and other non-tribal population.The top hierarchy described
by Berger point to the ‘Godia loak’.
Desigana are found in the relevant Jaina records of the 10th – 11th centuries.
Desigana is one out of the nine ganas known in the Jaina organization of the past.
The Pustaka gaccha, which is an important branch of the order, is referenced to in

the inscriptions. Govind Pai states that the country between the Western Ghats,
the Karnataka country of architect and medieval times and the Godavari river was
known as desi and the members of the Nandi-Sangha who settled in this area
called their order as Desigana (6/8), clearly the word Desi is derived from the
Sanskrit desa which means home land. Possibly the monks of the south, for it is
frequently referenda to as a branch of the Mula Sangha on Kundkundanvaya,
which was the oldest monastic order in Kantanaka”.
68
Singh with reference to his studies of Jainas wrote, “The Desigana, variously
known as Deisya, Desiga and Desika in the epigraphs from Sravana-Belgola and
other places, emerged as an important monastic order of the Digambare monks
(7). An epigraph of 860(8) described Trikalyogisa as belonging to the Pustaka
gaccha, Desiya gana of the Mula Sangha. Ramesh has given a detail account of
Desiagana that is known from the Western Ganga records.
Kornel and Gamang loc.cit. with reference to Desiagana, and Nandi sangha; have
identified two Gachchas in the close vicinity to Chakarokote of Nagavamasa
reference in Koraput district and they are Narigachha and Barigachha, that
survived centuries (9). The Dev Honjeru of Nandapur has been identified to the
Honjore cited with relation to Nolamba-Pallava family and there is a Jaina temple
(depilated) in Paliva village of Nandapur(10).The relevance of ‘handi’ suffix to
village names like Papadahandi,Dhamanahandi,Chndahandi, Nandahandi etc has
been enumerated in detail and these are possibly the past Jaina sub-centers of
Nandi sangha and points to Nandi sangha and influence Jaina schools during the
period of Amma II, the Eastern Chalukya who has fled into Kalinga(11).
Korenel and Gamang loc cit. have also given several identities to Jaina relevant
place in Trikalinga that has derived its name from Jaina teachers of the past (12).
Two inscriptions from the Tumkur District in the Mysore States furnish
interesting information testifying to the eminence of Padmaprabha Maladhari
and his sphere of influence (13). The epigraph further states that Padmaprabha
was a disciple of Viranandi Siddhanta-Chakravarti and that he belonged to the
Mula Samgha, Desiyagana, Pustaka gachchha Kondkundanvaya and Vanada bali.
In the centre of Jaina movement in Nandapur there is the village called Maladha
and Virahandi exists in Kotapad, on the boarder of Bastar. This amply verifies
the Desia influence of Kanada in Trikalinga.
Lord Mahavira in Kalinga and Koraput

Lord Mahavira’s travel to Kalinga is a well established fact; further it is
strengthened due to his presence in present Koraput district in particular reference
to Pithicampa, the name still refers to a cave in the heart land of Jainas in
Nandapur (14), Panyabhumi is the same as of later Masunidesa of Nagavamsis,
Sarvati in Nandapur, Majjhima Prava is the present day Majjhima gauri of
Rayagada has been identified. The names of the places cited in Lord Mahavira are
from various Jaina literatures (15).
69
Ikshvakus
Ikshvakus traveled down south from the north and are said have influenced the
southern culture. They were known to be Jainas and a brief history of theirs and
relation to Koraput region has been placed with logic in one of the chapters (16).
Kalinga Emperor Kharvela in Koraput

Kalinga Emperor Kharvela’s inscription at Bhubaneswar refers to Risi Khibira
and it is identified to present day Risi Khibidi and Sondi Khibidi in Borigumma.
The influence of Kharevela and with relation to Jainism is not known
Eastern Chalukyas in Trikalinga and Jainism
Amma II Vijayaditya VI (A.D. 945-970)
On the death of Chalukya Bhima II, Amma II, his son by Lokambika, ascended
the throne, overstepping his elder step-brother Danarnava, and assumed the name
of Vijayaditya. The Savara chief had a very good relationship as it is seen during
the Yuddhamalla’s period. The Rashtrakutas assisted the Savaras. Amma II is
described as the lord of both Vengi and Kalinga and is known to have made the
grants of lands in Parukonadu vishaya, Yellamandhili Kalinga in Visakhpatnam
district.
After Amma II had ruled for 11 years about A.D. 956, Badapa son of king
Yuddhamalla drove him out of Vengi country. Badapa became king with the help
of the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III (A.D. 939-67) (17) Unable to withstand the
advance of the Rashtrakuta invasions, he (Amma II) abandoned the kingdom and
saved himself by timely flight to Kalinga (18).
The events of the last years of the region Amma II after his return from Kalinga
are lost in obscurity. Inscriptions slightly later in date, however, throw some light
on the concluding stage of the reign.
I am of the opinion that Ammaraja II most probably lived in forest claded

Trikalinga part of the Kalinga country and spent his time in spreading the Jainism
in the region. The places like Ammaguda Ammagaon have been named after him?
Amma II, of Eastern Chalukya followed a liberal policy in matters of religion. He

gave liberal gifts to temples and other religious foundations. His personal faith
cannot be deduced from his records. The Jaina ascetics of Nandi
70
Addakaligacchhas and Kalamkha Saiva monks flourished in his

dominions.(19) It was during the period of Amma II, probably the Jainism took
strong root in Koraput district, particularly in Nowrangpur region, that can be
verified from the places with suffix hanandi, like Papadahandi, Goriahandi etc.
It is recorded that at Attili in Attilinadu visaya lived a celebrated Jaina muni

Arhanandi who belonged to Addakaligacchhas. Among the lay pupils of
Arhanandi was the queen of Ammaraja II, Chamekamba of the Patavardhani
family (20).
Vimaladitya (A.D.1011-1022) adopted Jainism in late old age. It was due to the
profound influence of Trikala Yogi Siddhantadeva, a teacher of the Desiagana
school of Jainas as his preceptor (21). The Jaina teacher was a Canarese person by
birth and came into Andhra country, apparently at the invitation of king,
Mummadi Bhima.The Jaina teacher resided in Ramathirtham, near Vizinagaram
which appears to be one great Jaina culture and learning centre of that time (22).
Arikesarin III, in Sabbi country
Peddaperappadu plates (23) of Vishamasiddhi and Prabhani plates referring

Arikesarin III, of 996A.D. are of interest to Trikalinga and especially to Nandapur
region. The Arikesarin III‘s plate is pointing to ‘Sabbi country’ and we are of the
opinion that it is the present Subaie in Nandapur. The argument is strengthened
due to its Jaina relevance.
Chhindaka Nagas of Chakrakote

The Nagas or Chhindaka Nagas of Chakrakote ruled the region and South
Kosala and we have identified the Nagavamsi Chakrakote in Koraput block and
the ruins and the namstill stands. The Nagas were ardent followers of Jainism and
Gunda Mahadevi of the family is known from the Narayanpal Inscription 1111
A.D(24) and the description of it is fitting to the Bhagvati temple of Jeypore and
details of the evidences to the effect is given in one of the chapters.
Nandi Puja of Jhodia Poraja is celebrated in the house of Janis the priest once
in every three years. A detail account of the celebration is given in the
book.Jahadia’s Nandi and Mail’s Bali and Raj’s Dashera is as a proverb is known
to all. Nandi celebration is a Jaina celebration as we have mentioned has survived
the time (25). This is a fertility cult of the past where replica of ‘Queen White
Ant’ as sign of fertility is at the center of celebration.
71
Pengo Porajas are the prajas of Vengi, Eastern Chalukyas and later to the Choda
-Chalukyas Dynasty that commenced from Kulottunga I. The Pengo were Jainas
of the past, like their master E. Chalukyas and they too have maintained the Jani
institution so far. We have described the Bali celebration by Pengo Porajas(26).
The Bali is celebrated by all ‘Desia Loak’ in Koraput district. It is puja to get
bumper crop and good health and prosperity to all subjects and is also celebrated
once in three years by the Bali Mutha villages though there are significant
variations in celebration interval from tribe to tribe.
Parenga Porajas of Nandapur region were possibly the prajas of Western

Gangas, now living along the Issani Ganga river. The Parenga pujari still
worships the Jaina shrines in the Tentliguda (Umbel) village (27).
Bhumia tribe are said to be the Prajs of Somavamsis of Orissa (28). The Janis
play important role in the Bhumia religious life. A Bhumia Pujari family worships
the Phupugaon Jaina temple in Kundra block of Koraput.
Konda Porajas other wise called Chellia Porajas are prajas of Pandya dynasty
(Pandyas were otherwise known as Chellia) and they also celebrate Nandi and
have the Jani institution (29).
Amarapuram contains a good number of Nishidhi memorials one of which (30)

refers to the teacher Prabhachandar Bhattaraka of Ingalesvara Bali of the Mula
Samgha, etc. Another celebrates the demise of the preceptor Bhavasena Traividy
chakravarti who was a terror to the disputants and belonged to the Mula Samgha,
Sena gana (31).
I am inclined put forth the presence and still continuing the culture of Nisadhi
memorials among Jhodia Porajas, where memorial pillar is constructed for
women members only. Nisadhi are small stone plates placed vertically on the
ground after death of women members only, they can be seen in rows in a village
or it can also be in a given crowded place. I have seen the Nisadhi memorials
close to the Jhodia villages spread all over Koraput.
72
Reference
1. Strumpell, Christian (2001) Industrialisation in a 'tribal zone' the Desia of
Koraput and a Hydro-electric Power Plant. Adivasi, Vol. H 40-41, 1: Z, p.71-
81.
2. Pfeffer, Georg, The Scheduled Tribe of Middle India as a unit: Problems of
Internal and External Comparison. In: Georg Pfeffer and Deepak K. Behera
(eds.): Contemporary Society Tribal Studies. Vol. I. Structure and Process.
New Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, 1997.
3. Berger, Peter, The Gadaba and the 'non-ST' Desia of Koraput, Orissa. Some
Observations on their Interrelations. In: Pfeffer, George and Deepak K.Behera
(eds.): Contemporary Society Tribal Studies, Vol. V. New Delhi, Concept
publishing Company, 2001 (in print) Parry, Jonathan: Introduction. In:
Jonathan Parry Jan Breman and Karin Kapadia (eds.): The worlds of Indian
industrial Labour. New Delhi, Sage, 1999a.
4. Ibid.
5. Pfeffer, Georg op. cit.
6. Singh, R.B.P., Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka.
7. E. I. VI, p.36.
8. J.A.I, no. 2, pp.65ff.
9. Dehera may be derived from Sanskrit 'Devagriha.'
10. S. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. I, 115.
11. An. Rep. on S.I. Epigraphy, 1917, Appendix O, No. 42.
12. Ibid., No. 40 and p. 113.
13. Ibid, No. 43.
14. Jawaharlal, G. Jainism in Andhra, p.137.
15. Kornel Das and Gamang Giridhar (2009) Lost Jaina Tribes of Trikalinga.p.88-
100
16. Jawaharlal, G. op.cit p. 137.
17. E.I., XIS, p. 142
18. ARE, Cp. 1 of 1916-17
19. ARE. Cp.11 of 1914-15, E.I.XII,p.16
20. E.I.Vol.VII.p.177
21. ARE. 1918pp.133.p.6
22. ARE. 832 of1918
23. Pedda purappadu Plates of Vismagiddhi, Bharti, Oct. 1983, 1984 and May
1985.
24. Gunda Mahadvi Narayanpal Inscription.E.I.IX.311ff, 161-162.
25. Kornel Das and Gamang Giridhar (2009) Lost Jaina Tribes of Trikalinga.
p.194-209
26. Ibid. p218-240.
27. Ibid. p.241-249.
73
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.p.253-254
30. Ibid.p.120-121
31. Ibid.
74
KALINGA EMPEROR, KHARAVELA AND PRESENT

KORAPUT DISTRICT
The Kalinga Emperor Kharavela was anointed in C.40 B.C. The history of
Kalinga would have remained incomplete and obscure, but for the important
epigraphic record of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharvela.
The contribution of many researchers for years and development in Kharavela

history from Hathigumpha inscriptions, the recent work of N.K.Sahu (1984) titled
‘Kharavela’ and others given a good account Kharavela of Kalinga (1).
A.Stirling was first to notice the inscription in the Hathigumpha of Udayagiri hill
and in 1820 he conducted Colonel Mackenzie to the spot who prepared for him a
lithograph facsimile of the inscription and it was published by Stirling in ‘Asiatic
Researches’. (Asiatic Researches, (2) Vol.XV, pp. 313 ff.)
In 1837 James Prinsep, then Editor, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
requested Lieutenant Kittoe to visit the ‘Khandagiri rock’ for re-examining the
inscription of which the lithograph was published by Stirling (3).
Towards the end of 1871, H. Locke, Principal, Govt.School of Art, Calcutta,

accompanied by his students surveyed the caves of Khandagiri and Udayagiri
hills and prepared the drawings.
Alexander Cunningham made improvement of the reading of the Hathigumpha

inscription in his ‘Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum’, where he inserted a reduced
photograph of the plaster cast taken by Mr.Locke (4).
Consequently R.L.Mitra (1880) made further improvement on the reading of the

Hathigumpha inscription and Pandit Bhagwan Lal Indraji was the first scholar to
declare that the King eulogised in the Hathigumpha inscription was named
Kharavela. He took the eye copy of the inscription in 1866 and got his reading
published in the Proceedings of the VIth International Congress of Orientalists
held at Leiden in 1885(5).
George Buhler in 1895(6) and 1898 (7) proposed certain corrections in the text of
the Hathigumpha inscription.
75
In 1905-06 Sten Konow supported Indraji regarding his reading and interpretation
of the inscription and accepted the theory of the Maurya era (8). But V.Smith in
1908 proposed that the Maurya era of the inscription may be synchronous or
identical with the Seleuciden era of B.C.312 (9). In 1909-10 Prof.Luders
published a summery of the Hathigumpha inscription and at the end of it noted
“there is no date in this inscription” (10).
K.P.Jayaswal made considerable improvement on the reading of the Hathigumpha

inscription and attempted identification of the historical persons mentioned in the
record. He claimed to have identified for the first time the King of Magadha who
was contemporary of King Kharavela. According to him King Bahasatimita was
no other than Pusyamitra Sunga who came to the throne in 185 B.C. and founded
the rule of the Sunga dynasty in Magadha (11). R.D. Banerji published a “Note
on the Hathigumpha Inscription” where he discussed on Maurya era and the date
of Kharavela and also gave a summary of the inscription (12).
In 1918, K.P. Jayaswal (13) personally visited the Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills
to examine the contents of the Hathigumpha inscription on the spot.
K.P.Jayaswal published and illustrated in the Journal of Bihar and Orissa
Research Society in 1927 (14). The results of the new attempt as given by him
are stated below:
TRANSLATION
(Line 1) Salutation to the Arhats (Arihats=lit. ‘Conquerors of Enemies,’ i.e.
Jinas). Salutation to all the Siddhas. By illustrious Kharavela, the Aira (Aila),
the Great King, the descendant of Mahameghavahana, the increaser (of the glory)
of the Cheti (Chedi) dynasty, (endowed) with excellent and auspicious marks and
features, possessed of virtues which have reached (the ends of) the four quarters,
overlord of Kalinga.
(L.2) for fifteen years, with a body ruddy and handsome were played youth some
sports; after that (by him who) had mastered (royal) correspondence, currency,
finance, civil and religious laws (and) who had become well-versed in all
(branches) of learning, for nine years (the office of) Yuvaraja (heir apparent) was
administered. Having completed the twenty-fourth year, at that time, (he) who
had been prosperous (vardhamana) since his infancy and who (was destined) to
have wide conquests as those of Vena.
76
Map showing Kebirhi, Borigumma, Koraput district
(L.3) then in the state of manhood, obtains the imperial (maharajya) coronation in
the dynasty of Kalinga. As soon as he is anointed, in the first (regnal) year (he)
causes repairs of the gates, the walls and the buildings (of the city), which had
been) damaged by storm; in the city of Kalinga (he) causes the erection of the
embankments of the lake (called after) Khibira Rishi, (and) of (other) tanks and
cisterns, (also) the restoration of all the gardens (he) causes to be.
(L.4) done at (the cost of) thirty-five-hundred-thousands, and (he) gratifies the
People. And in the second year (he), disregarding Satakamni, despatches to the
western regions an army strong in cavalry, elephants, infantry (nara) and chariots
(ratha) and by that army having reached the Kanha-bemna, he throws the city of
the Musikas into consternation. Again in the third year,
(L.5) (he) versed in the science of the Gandharvas (i.e., music), entertains the
capital with the exhibition of dapa, dancing, singing and instrumental music and
by causing to be held festivities and assemblies (samajas); similarly in the fourth
year, ‘the Abode of ‘Vidyadharas’ built by the former Kalingan king(s), which
had not been helmets (bilma) cut in twain, and with their umbrellas and
(L.6) bhingaras cast away, deprived of their jewels (i.e., ratana, Skt. ratna,
precious objects) all the Rathikas and Bhojakas (he) causes to bow down at his
77
feet. Now in the fifth year he brings into the capital from the road of Tanasuliya
the canal excavated in the year one bundred-and-three of King
Nanda............................. Having been (re-) anointed (he while) celebrating the
Rajasuya, remits all tithes and cesses,
(L.7) bestows many privileges (amounting to) hundreds of thousands or the City-
Corporation and the Realm-Corporation. In the seventh year of his reign, his
famous wife of Vajiraghara obtained the dignity of auspicious
motherhood................. Then in the eighth year, (he) with a large army having
sacked Goradhagiri
(L.8) causes pressure on Rajagaha (Rajagriha). On account of the loud report of

this act of valour, the Yavana (Greek) King Dimi (ta) retreated to Mathura
having extricated his demoralised army and transport.................... (He)
gives..............................with foliage
(L.9) Kalpa (wish-fulfilling) trees, elephants, chariots with their drivers, houses,
residences and rest-houses. And to make all these acceptable (he) gives at a fire
sacrifice exemption (from taxes) to the caste of Brahmanas. Of
Arhat..........................................
(L.10)........................ (He) causes to be built......... a royal residence (called) the

Palace of Great Victory (Mahavijaya) at the cost of thirty-eight hundred
thousands. And in the tenth year (he), following (the three-fold policy) of
chastisement, alliance and conciliation sends out an expedition against
Bharatavasa (and) brings about the conquest of the land (or, country).............
and obtains jewels and precious things of the (kings) attacked.
(L.11)......................... And the market-town Pithumda founded by the Ava King

he ploughs down with a plough of asses; and (he) thoroughly breaks up the
confederacy of the T[r]amira (Dramira) countries of one hundred and thirteen
years, which has been a source of danger to (his) Country (Janapada). And in the
twelfth year he terrifies the kings of the Utarapatha with................................
thousands of
(L.12) ...................... And causing panic amongst the people of Magadha (he)
drives (his) elephants into the Sugamgiya (Palace), and (he) makes the King of
Magadha, Bahasatimita, bow at his feet. And (he) sets up (the image) ‘the Jina
of Kalimga’ which had been taken away by King Nanda..................and causes to
be brought home the riches of Amga and Magadha along with the keepers of the
family jewels of.........................................
78
(L.13).......................(He) builds excellent towers with carved interiors and creates

a settlement of a hundred masons, giving them exemption from land revenue.
And a wonderful and marvelous enclosure of stockade for driving in the elephants
(he) .........and horses, elephants, jewels and rubies as well as numerous pearls in
hundreds (he) causes to be brought here from the Pandya King.
(L.14)..............................(he) subjugates. In the thirteenth year, on the Kumari

Hill where the Wheel of Conquest had been well-revolved (i.e., the religion of
Jina had been preached, (he) offers respectfully royal maintenances, China clothes
(silks) and white clothes to (the monks) who (by their austerities) have
extinguished the round of lives, the preachers on the religious life and conduct at
the Relic Memorial. By Kharavela, the illustrious, as a layman devoted to
worship, is realised (the nature of) jiva and deha.
(L.15).......................... bringing about a Council of the wise ascetics and sages,

from hundred (i.e., all) quarters, the monks (samanas) of good deeds and who
have fully followed (the injunctions)...................... near the Relic Depository of
the Arhat, on the top of the hills ,........................ with stones .................. brought
from many miles (yojanas) quarried from excellent mines (he builds) shelters for
the Simhapatha Queen Sindhula ..............................
(L.16) ............................. Patalaka ................ (he) sets up four columns inlaid with
beryl ................. at the cost of seventy-five hundred thousands; (he) causes to be
compiled expeditiously the (text) of the seven-fold Amagas of the sixty-four
(letters). He is the King of Peace, the King of Prosperity, the King of Monks
(bhikshus), the King of Religion (Dharma), who has been seeing, hearing and
realising blessings (kalyanas)-
(L.17) ...................... accomplished in extraordinary virtues, respector of every

sect, the repairer of all temples, one whose chariot and army are irresistible, one
whose empire is protected by the chief of the empire (himself), descended from
the family of the Royal Sage Vasu, the Great conqueror, the King, the illustrious
Kharavela.
Cheti-raja-vasa: Evidently Cheti is the same as Chedi. The later Chedis,

Kalachuris or Haihayas of Dabhala or Dahala were in occupation of modern
Baghelkhand and Chhattisgadh in the mediaeval period. Before that in the 7th
century the Kalachuris Sankaragana and Buddharaja were in possession of Malwa
and the Northern Maharashtra until their conquest by the early Chalukyas of
Badami. The Buddhist books mention Cheti as one of the sixteen great kingdoms
or nations of Northern India. In the dynastic lists given in the Puranas, the
79
Haihayas are a branch of the Yadavas. Pargiter thus states the origin of the
Chedis. Vidarbha of the Yadava clan had three sons named Bhima Kratha,
Kaisika and Lomapada. Kaisika’s son Chidi founded the dynasty of Chaidya
kings in Chedi. From Chidi the name of the clan as well as that of the country
became Chedi. In the Buddhist books Cheti is placed between Malla andVamsa
indicating that the kingdom lay close to Kausambi in the Allahabad district, and it
is very likely that modern Baghelkhand was originaly called Chedi. (Vasu, from
whose line Kharavela’s family descended (1.17) was, however, not a Chaidya, but
the conqueror of the Chedi country. He was fifth in descent from the Kuru who
was the 72nd Aija (15). The Jaina Harivamsa-Purana also includes Vasu in the
Aijeya list and as the son of the founder of Chedi-rsthra in the Vindhyas (16)
Kalinga-raja-va(m)se: In the third line the details about Kharavela’s ancestry

are made clear. He was born in the royal line of Cheti and was the overlord of
Kalinga, but the dynasty to which he belonged was the 3rd dynasty of the kings of
Kalinga. This dynasty was one of the Aila dynasties settled in Central and
Southern India. The name Kharavela (probably, ‘one whose waves are brackish’=
the Ocean) is unusual, and so is the name of the other king of the dynasty, viz.,
Kudepa (Manchapuri inscription). Kharavela is described to be an Aila or Aida,
that is, of the Lunar House as opposed to the Solar. Pargiter holds that the kings
of the Aila stock held the Ganges and the Jumna valleys from the Siwalik Hills to
Magadha, the country between the Rajputana desert and the Berar, with the
Panjab and Peshawar in the north and East Bihar and Bengal proper in the east.
The town and country of Vidarbha is generally recognised to be the modern
Berar.
Khibira-isi-tala: We have examined these two words very carefully on the rock,
estampages and casts. The reading is perfectly clear but no explanation seems to
be possible unless Khibira is taken to be a proper name of a Rishi who excavated
the tank or lake or after whom it was named. In that case, the phrase will have to
be taken as referring to a particular tank while tadaga and padiyo will refer to
artificial excavations.
1. The identification of the dynasty (Cheti-Chedi) of Kharavela.

2. The discovery of the historical datum regarding the invasion and retreat of a
Greek king.
3. Solution or at any rate a stage nearing solution of the difficult line-11.
4. Fixity of the text of line-16, giving information regarding the loss of Jaina
scriptures in the reign of Chandragupta and that no date in a Maurya era
is to be found in the inscription.
80
5. That although no Maurya era is found, yet it seems that a clear reference to
a Nanda era is met in the record of the 5th regnal year (line-6).
He discussed the date of Kharavela and placed him in between 207 B.C. and 169
B.C. After that, K.P.Jayaswal and R.D. Banerji once again jointly examined the
plaster cast and paper impressions and freshly edited and published the
Hathigumpha inscription in the Epigraphia Indica in 1930(17). Prof.A.S. Altekar
prepared 52 notes of the text, which were published at the end of the edited
inscription before the translation of the text.
Kharavela and Rsi Khibira of Koraput as of Hathigumpha

inscription:
In the meantime, Prof. B.M. Barua published his book ‘Old Brahmi Inscriptions
in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves’ in 1929, where he edited the inscriptions
with new readings and critical notes. His conclusions were (18) as following.
However, the publication of Barua created confusion because of his attempt at
conjectural restoration of the damaged and mutilated portion of the inscription.
Barua later revised his mistakes and published in 1938(19)
Barua later published another corrected version from his studies (20) which runs,
“Among the new points to be noted in the edition, the first is the name of the
capital of Kalinga. The inscription may be taken to mention Khibira as the name
of the capital, or more accurately that of the city of Kalinga. Unfortunately, the
name is not met with either in literatures or in any of the inscriptions. The
location of the capital will remain a matter of dispute up till the discovery of
definite evidence setting the question at rest. But one will look in vain for the
site of the capital of Kharavela’s kingdom in the South, whether in
Kalingapatam or near Chicacole. The inscription itself furnishes with two dates
only, one of which is definite, while the other is tentative”.
I have identified the site Khibira of Hathigumpha inscription to be located in
Jeypore Sub-division of Koraput district, Orissa near the town Borigumma
underneath the hills of Ranigad where there are two Khibiras - one is called
Sondi Khibidi and the Risi Khibidi and there is also the evidence of an old
temple. Jaina temples and idols are scattered in the surrounding region; with
Bhairaba Singpur as the centre of activity. Ranigad reserve forest and hill is
close by and the said hill has few caves where local people assemble once year
and offer their prays.
The desperate attempt of B.M.Barua to search for the capital of Kalinga under
Kharavela was to a great extent fulfilled by archaeological excavations of
Sisupalgarh. T.N. Ramachandran (21) is of opinion that Sisupalgarh may be
81
identified either with Tosali, the capital of Kalinga under Asoka or with
Kalinganagari the capital of Kharavela. He summarises the arguments in favour
of both in the following words:
The fort is well planned, fortified, square in shape, with two elaborate gateways
for each side and several exists.
Regarding Kalinganagara, Kharavela’s repairing in his 4th regnal year some

sacred buildings called “the abode of the Vidyadharas” and building in his 9th
regnal year a palace called Mahavijaya or the “palace of victory” and in the 12th
regnal year building towers at home, are all events that perhaps happened in the
fortress or city at Sisupalagarh.
Kharavela’s Chief Queen from Vaijraghara (present Wairagarh of

modern Chanda District of Maharashtra)
The Chief Queen is very probably referred to in line-7 of the Hathigumpha
inscription where she is called the Queen of Vajiraghara (Diamond Palace). R.D.
Banerji (22) is inclined to identify Vajiraghara with Wairagarh in modern Chanda
district of Maharashtra and in some medieval inscriptions (23) this place is found,
referred to as Vayirakar. Vajiraghara is very likely the same as Vajravantadesa
mentioned in the Kamasutra of Vatsayana. According to this work (24) Strirajya
was located to the West of Vajravantadesa and as the Mahabharata (25) places
Strirajya at the neighbourhood of Kalinga, Vijravanta was also not far away from
Kalinga. It is further revealed from the Hathigumpha inscription that this Queen
gave birth to a son in the 7th regnal year of King Kharavela. In the lower storey of
the Manchapurigumpha (26) we find the inscription of Maharaja Kudepasiri
belonging to the Arya Mahameghavahana dynasty.
The Wairagarh is not very far off from the southern capital of Kalinga Khibidi (of
Koraput) and Khibidi is just 20 Kms from Simhapatha from where the second
queen of Kharvela hailed (Bhairaba Singpur).
From Wairagarh to Bastar thence to Khibidi and then through Bhairaba singpur
leads to the coastal Kalinga.The Bhairabasingpur pass was the gateway to ancient
path for Kalinga. Thus geographical accounts also support the identification of
R.D.Banerji’s theory.
Kharavel’s second queen from Simhapatha

Sahu (1984) wrote, “From the inscription, as well as, from sculptural
representation King Kharavela is known to have two Queens. Line-15 of the
82
Hathigumpha inscription refers to the Queen of Simhapatha (lion path) who was
very likely his second Queen. Simhapatha may be the same as Simhapura that was
the Capital of Kalinga during the rule of the Matharas in the 4th century A.D.
The place is identified with modern Singupuram in Srikakulam district of Andhra
Pradesh (27). The main wing of the upper storey of the Ranigumpha presents a
long frieze narrating the thrilling circumstances under which Kharavela seems to
have married the second Queen.” It has been further suggested by Sahu (1984)
that the series of sculpture in the upper story of the Ranigumpha depict the scenes
from the life of king Kharavela himself. they have respected the averts leading to
the marriage of the king with has second Queen, the Queen of Simhapura.The
Bhairaba Singapore near Borigumma has been identified by the present authors as
the capital of Southern Kalinga in the 4th century A.D. and this was the entry path
from the Western end and to the Kalinga and the coastal region and this was
abrupt path to the hills, therefore, the name Simhapath, which means the lions
path and to cross this entry point must have been a very difficult matter in those
days and the name was derived from that and descriptions to this have been given
elsewhere. The Risi Khibra is within 30 kms from this place as mentioned above.
Kharavela’s Vidyadhara abode and Koraput district

The Hathigumpha inscription refers to the Vidyadhara settlements
(Vijadharadhivasam) in connection with the military exploits of Kharavela in his
4th regnal year. It is indicated that Kharavela organised the strength of the
Vidyadhara land and led a powerful army against the Rathikas and the Bhojakas.
The relation between the Vidyadhara family as mentioned by the Paumachariyam
and the Vidyadhara settlements referred to by the Hathigumpha inscription
requires further research, however N.K.Sahu has given critical examination of the
issue and the problem. The forest clad hinterland of Kalinga known as the land
of the Atavi people was left unconquered and during the rule of Kharavela we
find this invincible territory known as the abode of the Vidyadharas. The
Vidyadhara territory that probably extended over the present Kalahandi, Bastar
and Koraput region was under the political sway of Kalinga. The coastal region,
which was the most fertile and prosperous, was the main land of Kalinga and the
Capital city Kalinganagari was located in that area (28).
The aboriginal people in the hilly regions were probably classed among the
Sudras and they constituted important elements in the army of Kalinga. The
Savaras and the Pulindas fought valiantly in the army of Kalinga at the
Kuruksetra battle, while the Atavi people fought for the defence of Kalinga in the
famous Kalinga war of Asoka (29). The Hathigumpha inscription reveals that
Kharavela organised the military resources of the territory of the Vidyadharas and
83
with the help of the army of that land crushed the Rathikas and the Bhojakas in
his 4th regnal year. Thus the tribal people constituted the strength of Kalinga
through ages and the Hathigumpha inscription rightly calls their territory as
‘Ahatapuvam’ meaning ‘never conquered in the past’. This refers to Eastern
Ghats.
The Hathigumpha inscription reveals that Kharavela maintained a powerful navy.

The Tamil confederacy, which was, then in existence since thirteen hundred years
had also vigorous maritime activities and therefore, clash between Kalinga and
the Tamil League in the open seas became inevitable. After the defeat of the
confederacy the overseas trade of Kalinga must have flourished to a very great
extent, what the historians think (30). This also is very well manifested the
invasion of Tamil confederacy by Kalingadhipathi Kharavela, which has been
clearly brought out by K.N.Sastri (1975) (31). According to him the inscriptions
of Kharavela briefly mentioned in an earlier chapter contains the only early
epigraphic reference to the kingdoms of the Tamil country after the Asoka
inscriptions. Kharavela ruled in Kalinga in the first half of the second century
B.C., and in the eleventh year of his reign (155 BC) is said to have destroyed a
confederacy of Tamil states - Tramiradesasanghatam- which was 113 years old at
the time, and had long been a source of danger. The same inscription records that
Kharavela caused ‘numerous pearls in hundreds’ tobe brought from the Pandya to
Kalinga, and perhaps also horse, elephants, jewels and rubies. In itself a difficult
document, the gaps in the inscription and its extremely worn-out condition render
its meaning very uncertain. Of the Tamil confederacy and its aims, of how it
became a danger to Kalinga, and of the measures taken by Kharavela to avert the
danger and the new relations he established with the Pandyan kings we hear
nothing more from any other source.
Geneology of Kharavela
In the Hathigumpha inscription Kharavela not only declares himself as descendent
of Rajarsi Vasu, but also indicates that he belongs to the family of
Mahameghavahana (32). In the Manchapuri cave inscription (lower story) his son,
Maharaja Kundepasiri also calls himself Mahameghavahana. The Tilakamanjari
(33) further refers to the son and successor of Meghavahana and describes him as
a ruler of considerable power. It has been pointed out above that according to
Paumachariyam King Meghavahana belonged to the Vidyadhara family and that
tradition was very likely followed by the author of Tilakamanjari.
Rulers belonging to the family of Mahameghavahana (34) are known to have

continued in the lst century A.D. The Guntupally inscription (Epigraphical
84
Series, Hyderabad, 1968) in West Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh, reveals

that a king named Sada, who on paleographical ground is assigned to the lst
century A.D. belonged to the Mahameghavahana dynasty and was ruling over
Kalinga-Mahisaka territory (Kalinga-Mahisakadhipati) (35). R.Subramanyam
suggests that the King referred in the inscription may be identified with
Mahameghavahana Maharaja Kharavela who is glorified in the Hathigumpha
inscription (36). But D.C. Sircar refutes the identification with reasons (37). The
problem has been made clear after discovery of the Velpuru inscription (38) in
Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh belonging to the same period, which throws
light on the rule of one Aira Maharaja Haritiputra Manasada. Here we get the
name of King Manasada who is very likely the same as King Sada of the
Guntupally inscription. The Aira Mahameghavahana king Manasada (Sada)
belongs without doubt, to the line of Aira Mahameghavahana Kharavela and may
be assigned to the lst century A.D.
About the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. Kalinga was conquered by the
Satavahana king Gautamiputra Satakarni and the civil war described by the
Manimekalai (39) cannot be attributed to some period after that. According to
this work Kalinga by that time was divided between these two-cousin brothers-
Vasu and Kumara who were ruling from their respective capitals Simhapura and
Kapila. Simhapura the capital of Vasu may be the same as Simhapura mentioned
in Vrhatprostha grant (40) of the Mathara king Umavarman (360-395 A.D.)
identified with Singupuram in Srikakulam district of Andhra Pradesh, while
Kapila, the capital of Kumara may be the same as Kapilasapura referred to in the
Mallar grant (41) of Mahasivagupta Balarjuna. It appears that Vasu ruled over the
southern territory that was the main land of Kalinga, while the northern portion of
the Kingdom was under Kumara.
The Nasik cave inscription (42) of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi indicates the conquest
of Gautamiputra Satakarni and as the restorer of the glory of the Satavahana
family.
The rule of Mahameghavahanas over Kalinga and Kosala region was very likely
overthrown by Gautamiputra Satakarni who established the rule of his family in
those territories early in the 2nd century A.D (43). His son Vasisthiputra
Pulumavi who maintained the integrity of the empire and probably occupied the
Andhra territory comprising the coastal region between the mouths of the
Godavari and the Krishna succeeded him in 130 A.D. On his death which took
place sometime after 154 A.D (44)., the Satavahana power suddenly declined and
although their fortune revived for sometime during the rule of Yajna Satakarni
(174-202 A.D.). Kalinga and Kosala did not continue under the Satavahana rule
85
after Pulumavi. The Puranas reveal that scions of the Megha

(Mahameghavahana) family again raised their heads in Kosala about the middle
of the 2nd century A.D., while both literary and numismatic evidences point out
to the rule of a foreign dynasty named Murunda over the Kalinga region (45).
According to the Puranas nine generations of Kings belonging to the Megha

dynasty ruled over Kosala before the rise of the Guptas (46). Moreover, the
Meghas as known from their inscriptions ruled from the first quarter of the 2nd
century A.D (47) upto the middle of the3rd century A.D. while the Meghas as
known from available evidences ruled from the middle of the 2nd century A.D. to
the middle of the 4th century A.D. About the middle of the 3rd century A.D. the
Meghas were ousted from power by the Nagas who occupied the Kausambi-
Ahichhatra region at the time when the Meghas were power in South Kosala and
continued there for sometime even after annihilation of the Naga power by
Samudragupta (48). The last of the series of the nine Megha rulers of Kosala
mentioned in the Puranas was very likely King Mahendra who as known from the
Allahabad pillar inscription was defeated by Samudragupta in course of his South
Indian campaign.
Vasu ruled from Simhapur over Kalinga region towards the close of the lst
century A.D. and beginning of the 2nd century A.D.
N.K.Sahu (1984) (49) has given a comprehensive chronology based on the

analysis and interpretation of available materials, leaving the door open for further
research is given below:
1. Abhichandra: The founder of Chedirastra in the Vindhyan region in c.20

B.C. in the Suktimati valley identified with the modern Suktel river in
Balangir district of Orissa.
2. Vasu: Referred to in the Hathigumpha inscription as Rajarsi Vasu and as an
ancestor of Kharavela.
3. Mahameghavahana: Liberated Kalinga from the hegemony of Magadha
in c.72 B.C. and founded the Chedi rule in Kalinga.
4. Chetaraja: The second Chedi king of Kalinga and the lord of Vidyadhara
(the Atavika territory). He had premature death in c.49 B.C.
5. Kharavela: Ruled as Yuvaraja from c. 49 B.C. to 40 B.C. and was
anointed in the third generation of the Chedi kings of Kalinga in c. 40 B.C.
Last known date was 27 B.C.
86
6. Kudepasiri: Probably the son and successor of Kharavela. He is known

from the inscription found in the main wing of the lower storey of the
Manchapuri cave.
7. Kumara Vadukha: Probably the son of King Kudepasiri. He is also known
from the inscription found in the right wing of the lower storey of the
Manchapuri cave.
8. Galaveya: Known from Velpuru inscription.
9. Aira Maharaja Manasada: Ruler of Kalinga and Mahisaka in the lst
century A.D. He is known from the Guntu-pally and the Velpuru
inscriptions.
10. Vasu: Ruled from Simhapur over Kalinga region towards the close of the
lst century A.D. and beginning of the 2nd century A.D. Referred to by the
Tamil epic Manimekalai.
11. Kumara alias Kumara Varadattasri: Brother of Vasu (Sl.No.10) ruled
from Kapila over Kosala region towards the close of the lst century A.D.
and beginning of the 2nd century A.D. referred to by the Tamil epic
Manimekalai and the Gunji Rock Inscription.
12-20Nine Megha Kings: Ruled over Kosala from the middle of the 2nd century
A.D. to the middle of the 4th century A.D. referred by the Puranas and
King Mahendrameha is referred by the Allahabad Pillar inscription of
Samudragupta, is probably the last of the series of nine Kings.
The Hathigumpha inscription presents achievements of Kharavela year after year

upto his 13th regnal year and since no reliable records are available, as to what
happened to this great king after that year.
It is certain from the inscriptions of Chief Queen of Kharavela that Kharavela

were succeeded by Aira Maharaja Mahameghavahana Kudepasiri. This is also
supplemented by Hathigumpha inscription line 7.
Rulers belonging to the Mahameghavahana family are known to have continued

in the lst century A.D. The Guntupally inscription of West Godavari district of
Andhra Pradesh reveals that a king named Sada belonged to Mahameghavahana
family ruled in lst century A.D. over Kalinga - Mahisaka territory (Kalinga-
Mahisakadhipati). This view was later strengthened after the discovery of
Velpuru inscription in Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh as said above.
87
- The Satakarni I had extended his suzerainty upto Krishna- Godavari,

when newly crowned king Kharavela took his first military campaign
against Satakarni territory located in Maharashtra region.
- In the second year, his vast army marched without carrying the Satkarni and
marched upto Krishna and stormed the city of Asika. This result is not
known.
- In 37 B.C. sometimes during 3rd regnal year, Satkarni breathed his last and
this gave Kharavel opportunity for the decisive victory of the 4th regnal
year.
- Before his second invasion on the Satavahana territory, Kharavela organised
the military resources of the Vidyadhara settlement (Vijadhara-dhivasam)
which has been described by the inscription as an invincible land founded
by the former Kings of Kalinga. This is Kalahandi-Bastar-Koraput land.
This territory as per Rock Edict XIII of Asoka refers to the people of ‘Atair’
territory and as per N.K.Sahu very likely the ‘Sarvatavika rajya’ mentioned in the
Allahabad Pillar inscriptions of Samudragupta.
The army of Kalinga marched against Rathikas and Bhojakas respectively to the
South and North of Nasik, the capital of Satavahana kingdom. As a result of this
victory Kharavela’s suzerainty spread over Decan from sea to sea.
- On the 8th regnal year, Kharavela lead an invasion against Magadha and
marched towards the North stormed the fort of Godadhagiri (Gorathagiri)
and seige of Rajagrha and proceeded to Mathura and Mathura and defeated
the Yavanas.
This was glorious and successful.
- On the 10th regnal year, Kharavela undertook the second North Indian
campaign and on 11th regnal year defeated enemies (not specifically
described) and very likely the confederated Tamil States in south with
whom Kharavela fought in the 11th regnal year.
- The third north Indian expedition undertaken in the 12th regnal year.
That year Kharavela proceeded with a vast army as far as the Uttarapatha
(North-West India) wherever several thiefs submitted to him. On return,
he encamped on the banks of Ganges, near Pataliputra. The King of
Pataiputra, Brhaspatimitra was forced to surrender and pay obeisance at his feet.
He brought back the image of Kalinga Jina with its throne that was taken away
by King Nanda in the 4th century B.C.
88
Thus within a short span of ten years (from his 2nd to 12th regnal years)
Kharavela could achieve a series of brilliant victories extending his suzerainty
from the North-Western part of India to the farthest extent into the South and fully
justified the epithet ‘Chakravarti’ given to him in the inscription of his Chief
Queen.
Reference
1. Sahu, N.K. (1984) Kharavela. Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar

2. Stirling, A., Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV, pp 313 ff.
3. J.A.S.B. Vol.VI (1837) pp 1072-91
4. Cunningham, (1877) Inscriptions of Asoka, C.I.I: Vol -1
5. Mitra, R.L. Antiquities of Orissa, Vol 11-p1b ff
6. Buihler, George (1895) India studies, No. III. p.13
7. Ibid (1898) Origin of the Brahma Alphabet p. 13 ff
8. Archaeological Survey of India (Annual Report from (1890-96). p.166
9. Smith, V (1908) Early History of India, p.38, note-1, p.40, note, p-87, note-2
10. E.I., X. App, pp 160-61, No. 1345
11. J.B.O.R.S, III, pp 473-85, A further note on Hatigumpha inscription.
12. Ibid pp. 486-505, Note on the Hatigumpha inscription
13. Ibid, Jayaswal, K.P, A further note, P1,I.
14. Ibid, XIII, (1927), p.237
15. E.I., XX, pp. 71-89
16. Harivamsa, XVII,pp.1-17.
17. E.I..XX,pp 71-89.
18. Barua, B.M., O.B.I. Preface XII
19. Ibid. I. H.Q., XIV, Hatigumpha Inscription of Kharavel; pp 454-85
20. Ibid., pp 483-85
21. Ramachandran, T.N. (1951) Lecture delivered in the Indian Museum
Calcutta, see also J.A.H.R.S., XIX, pp.146-48
22. Banerji, R.D. History of Orissa, Vol-I.p. 78.
23. The place is mentioned as Vayirakard in the Turi vulrriyur Adhi Purisvara
temple inscription of the second year reign of Kulohungai. In temple pardana
perumal at conjeeveram in soreferst to Kulottunga I’s victory Vajirakara and
Chakraakotta while he was prince, i.e. before 1070 A.I)
24. Kamasutra, edited by Durga Prasad, p.130.
25. Santiparva, 4.7
89
26. E.I.., XIII, p.160.

27. Sahu, N.K. (1984) Kharavela p.62
28. Ibid p.102
29. Ibid p. 108
30. Ibid p 129-30
31. Sastri, K.A.N. The South India History.
32. E.I. XIII, p 160
33. Tilakamanjari (Nirnaya Sagar Press) p. 25ff cited by Sahu,N.K.(1984)
Kharavela.
34. Sahu, N.K. (1984) Kharavela p.77
35. Epigraphical series (Hydrabad, 1968) Guntapally inscription
36. Ibid. Subranarayns, R. Edit. Guntapally inscription
37. J.A. F.H. III, pl 182, pp 35-36s
38. E.I.XXXII, pp 82-87
39. Marimekalai, Ch. XXVI, See also the English trans. by A.S.P. Ayyar, p.82
40. E.I.XII, pp. 4-6.
41. Ibid. XXIII, p. 113 ff. and J.K. H.R.S.I, No.3 P 217 ff.
42. Ibid., VIII, p.60 ff, Arch. Suru. W. Ins. IV, p.10
43. Ibid., VIII, p.73.
44. Ibid., VII, p.71.
45. Sahu, N.K. (1984) Utkal University History of Orissa, Vol.1, pp 418-30
46. Pargiter, D.K.A. p.51
47. E.I.XXXI, (Bandhogarh inscription); E.I.III, p.306 (Ginj inscription)
48. Sahu, N.K. (1984) Kharavela, p.307.
49. Ibid. p 308-309.
90
SAMUDRAGUPTA’S SOUTHERN EXPEDITION AND

MAHAKANTARA COUNTRY
(KALAHANDI-KORAPUT REGION)
It was Fleet, Dubreail, Subramanian, Majumdar, Sircar, Sahu, Barnet, Vineent

Smith, Jayaswal, Raychoudhuri, Rajaguru, and G Ramdas were the authors who
studied the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta, which is dated back to
4th century A.D. and tried to solve the geographical location of the places
mentioned.
According to Allahabad posthumous pillar inscription of Samudragupta of the 4th

Century A.D. Maharaja Samudragupta marched towards the Deccan after crossing
over the countries of Kosala, Mahakantar and Kaurala. Following is quoted from
lines 19-20 of the said inscription:
Kai“Kausalak Mahendra, Mahakantaraka Vyaghraraja, ralaka

Mantaraja, Paistapuraka Mahendra, Girikausturaka Svamidatta,
Airandapallaka Damana, Kanceyaka Visnugopa, Avamuktaka Nilaraja,
Vaingeyaka Hastivarmma, Palakkak-Ograsena, Daivarastraka Kuvera,
Kausthalapuraka Dhananjaya. PrabhrtiDaksinaptha-raja-grahana-
moksanugrahaprataponmisra-mahabhagyasya”(1).
Dr.Fleet gives the translation of this page as follows: “Whose great good fortune
was mixed with, so as to be increased by (his) glory produced by the former
shown in capturing and then liberating Mahendra of Kosala, Vyaghraraja of
Mahakantara, Mantaraja of Kerala, Mahendra of Pishtapura, Svamdatta of Kottura
on the hill, Damana of Erandpalla, Vishnugopa of Kanchi, Nilaraja of
Devarashtra, Dhanamjaya of Kusthalapura, and all the other kings of the region of
the south...............”(2)
Rajaguru wrote, “Fleet could not correctly identify the city of Kaurala, but tried to
submit the name of Kerala which is a country, situated in the far south.
Samudragupta passed through the countries of South Kosala and Mahakantara to
arrive at Kurala. It suggests that he crossed over the river Tel at the district of
Kalahandi before he entered into the forest region of the Ganjam Agency. This
whole area, covered with dense forest, was called by the name Mahakantara.
From there he came to the headquarters of Gumsur in Ganjam which, upto the
present day, is known as Kulanda, probably a corrupted form of Kurala.
91
Although the other places in the Allahabad-Prasasti were not recorded in

accordance to geographical order, it was not so in the case of three contiguous
territories, namely Kosala, Mahakantara and Kurala where Mahendra, Vyghraraja
and Mantaraja were ruling the time of Maharaja Samudragupta. These territories
were extended roughly from the present district of Raipur in Madhyabharat as far
as Ganjam Agency in Orissa. At the centre of this tract was situated the country
of Mahakantara, which may be located within the modern district of Kalahandi.”
(3)
He further wrote that only one copper plate inscription from Kalahandi region has
been discovered so far, belonging to Maharaja Tushtikara (No.16). They have
assigned it to 5th-6th centuries A.D. It was not established whether he was a
Mahakantara king. (4)
Subramanian wrote, “In the Deccan there was no strong and united empire in the
middle of the fourth century A.D. There was no king so powerful as
Gautamiputra Satakarni or the later Pulakesin II. The Kadambas has not yet risen.
Perhaps the Vakatakas had not yet begun to expand southward as the first to do so
was Prithvisena I whose son married the daughter of Chandra Gupta II (5).
Some of the places and kings of Dakshinapatha contained in the Allahabad

inscription have not yet been identified. The great Emperor is said to have
captured and liberated (i) Mahendra of Kosala, (ii) Vyaghrarya of Mahakantara;
(iii) Mantaraja of Kaurala, (iv) Mahendra of Paishtapura, (v) Svamidatta
of Kauttura on the hill, (vi) Damana of Airandapalla, (vii) Vishnugopa of Kanchi,
(viii) Nilaraja of Avamukta, (ix) Ugrasena of Palakka, (x) Hastivarman of Vengi,
(xi) Kubera of Devarastra, (xii) Dhananjaya of Kusthalapura and all other kings of
the region of the south.”
Subramanian further wrote, “According to Dubreuil, all the states of the Deccan
in the Allahabad inscription belonged to the East Deccan as Airandapalla” (6)
(Amudalavalasa B.N.Rly) and Devarastra were in Ganjam and Vizagapatnam
districts according to later inscriptions. But the states are not found in the
inscription in any geographical order. Samudragupta’s march across W.Deccan
would give completeness to his expedition and the location of five kings between
the Mahanadi and the Godavari; three of them so near one another were not so
likely.
Next to Mantaraja of Kaurala which has been identified with the lower valley of
the Mahanadi is mentioned the king of Pithapuram, Mahendray name.
‘Paishtapurakamahendragiri Kanthurakasvamidatta’ has to be spelt into
Mahendra of Pithapuram and Svamidatta of Kotturu on the hill (7) etc. Kotturu is
92
about 1 mile from Paralakimedi and has some ancient remains. So between
Godavari and Mahanadi were two states with their capitals at Pithapuram and
Kotturu. Between the Godavari and the Krishna did Hastivarman then rule the
kingdom of Vengi? South of the Krishna were Ugrasena of Palakka (Palakkada,
Nellore district) and Vishnugopa of Kanchi, Nilaraja of Avamukta is
unidentified, while Kubera of Devarastra and Damana of Airandapalla may be
identified as kings of Maharastra and Kandesh respectively. Dhananjaya of
Kusthalpura is again unidentified. “
As per R.C.Majumdar (1988), “Samudragupta’s campaigns of conquest were not

confined to N.India. He made one or more expeditions to the Deccan and
defeated no less than twelve rulers. The defeated chiefs include Mahendra of
Kosala (Durg, Raipur, Bilaspur and Sambalpur districts), Vyagraraja of
Mahakantara (probably forest regions in Jeypore state, Orissa), Mahendragiri of
Pishtapur (Pithapuram in the Godavari district), Hastivarman (the ana chief) of
Vengi (modern Peda-Vengi, 7 miles north of Ellora between Krishna and
Godavari), Ugrasena of Palakka (Nelore district) and Vishnugopa (the Pallava
king of Kanchi (Conjeevaram in Chingleput district), king Damana of Erandapalla
and Kuvera of Devarastra probably ruled Vizagapatam district. Four other kings,
Mantaraja of Kaurula, Svamidatta of Kotturu, Nilaraja of Avamukta and
Dhunanjaya of Kusthalapura cannot be identified with certainty.
Although these four southern kingdoms cannot be located, it is clear that

Samudra-gupta proceeded through the eastern and southern parts of Madhya
Pradesh to Orissa and then advanced along the eastern coast upto the Palava
Kingdom, probably beyond the city of Madras (Sathianathaier)”(8).
D.C.Sircar (1988) wrote, “the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudra-gupta,

while describing Gupta Emperor’s victory over the kings of Dakshinapatha,
speaks of several kings who have been located in different parts of Kalinga. They
are Svamidatta of Kottura, Mahendragiri of Pishtapura, Damana of Erandapalla”
(9).
N.K.Sahu wrote, “Mahendra of South Kosala, Vyaghraraja of Mahakantara,

Mantaraja of Korala, Mahendragiri of Pistapura, Svamidatta of Kotturu, Damana
of Erandapalla, Visnugopa of Kanchi, Nilaraja of Avamukta, Hastivarman of
Vengi, Urgrasena of Palakka, Kubera of Devarastra and Dhananjaya of
Kustalapura.
Among these rulers, the first six and eleventh one come under the preview of our
discussion as they were ruling over the territories comprising Kosala and Kalinga
93
regions. Kosala the territory of king Mahendra is without doubt the same as
South Kosala comprising the modern districts of Bilaspur and Orissa. Contiguous
with this kingdom was lying the territory known as Mahakantara which is
according to the Mahabharata (10) extended from the East of Kosala upto the
banks of the river Vena (Wainganga), a tributary of the Godavari. This territory is
generally identified in the kingdom of king Vyaghra, father of Jayanatha
belonging to Uchchakalpa family, who was a feudatory of the Vakatakas.
Inscriptions of this king are found in Nach-ne-ki-talai and Ganj in Madhya
Pradesh (10). But this king was the ruler of the Bundelkhand region, north of the
Vindhyas and hence, cannot be classed with the rulers of Daksinapatha.
Mahakantra appears to be the same as Mahavana referred to in two of the
Amravati stupa Inscriptions (12) and may be identified with the wild tracts of
modern districts of Kalahandi and Koraput (13). Vyaghraraja, the king of
Mahakantra gallantly fought with Samudragupta but was ultimately defeated by
him. If the tiger type coins, which depict the emperor Samudragupta as
overpowering a tiger, were said to have represented this war, the victory over
Vyaghraraja was considered a very significant one by the emperor himself. After
defeating Mahakantara, Samudragupta defeated king Mantaraja of Korala, a
territory which is identified by many scholars (14) with Sonepur region of
Bolangir district. Barnet (15) suggests identification of this place with Kurala in
South India and scholars like Vincent Smith (16) and Jayaswal (17) locate it in the
territory on the banks of the Kolleru (Kottair) lake, but as pointed by
Raychoudhuri (18) this place must be within the territory of Hastivarman of
Vengi mentioned separately in the Allahabad Inscription. According to
S.N.Rajaguru, Korala may be the same Kolaulapura pattana or
Kokalavalapurapatlanam found in the records of Eastern Gangas of Kalinga and
identified with the modern town of Kulada in Ghumsur Taluk of Ganjam district.
But the name Kolaulapurapattana, which is the same as Kolahalapura, was the
seat of the Western Gangas and has been identified with Kolar in Mysore. If
Kollaulapurapattana is taken to be the town established by the Eastern Gangas in
Kalinga and named after the original Kolahalapura of the Western Gangas, this
town must be ascribed to the period much later than that of Samudragupta.
The Sonepur region of Bolangir district that was contiguous to Mahakosala may
be said to have represented the territory of Korala. The villages named Bada-
Karala and Sana-Karala near Binka (Vinitapura of medieval epigraphs) are very
likely the reminiscent of the name of ancient Korala. This region is located in the
Ang river valley and is found rich in antiquities datable to both pre-Gupta and
post-Gupta periods and also occupies an important position in between the
territories of Mahakosala and Mahakantara”. (19)
94
Mahakosala, Mahakantara and Korala comprised the Western and the

Southwestern parts of modern Orissa and the exact territorial limits of these three
kingdoms are difficult to be determined. It seems that Samudragupta started his
campaign from the Jumna valley more particularly from Kausambi and marching
through the modern Rewa and Jabalpur regions entered into the territory of South-
Kosal. After subduing Kosal, Mahakantara and Korala he could easily proceed
towards the Eastern coast through the ancient trade route that linked Kosala with
Kalinga. (20)
The territory of Kalinga as pointed out above, was no longer a unitary and
compact State capable of offering a formidable resistance against the invaders.
This territory was then divided into not less than four principalities, namely,
Kottura, Erandapalla, Devarastra and Pistapura, each being under the rule of a
petty chieftain. Svamidatta, the ruler of Kottura is said to be the first chief of
this region to be defeated by Samudragupta. Kottur has been identified with
modern Kothoor about 12 miles to the South of Mahendra hills, and after
occupying this territory Samudragupta must have marched towards Erandapalla
and Devarastra ruled respectively by Damana and Kubera. These two kingdoms
have already been identified with modern Erandapalli and Yellamanchili
respectively in Srikakulam and Visakhapatnam districts (21). The name Damana
suggests that this king was probably an ancestor of Maharaja Satrudamana known
to us as the ruler of Girikalinga or Trikalinga from the Peddaduggam Copper
Charter (22).
The god Damanesvara who was the tutelary deity of this family seems to have
been installed by king Damana and from this consideration Damanesvara may be
regarded as the earliest known Saivite god in Kalinga.
The next ruler of the Kalinga region, encountered by Samudragupta, was

Mahendragiri of Pistapura identified with modern Pithapuram in Godavari
district. After subjugation of this territory the campaign of Samudragupta in
Kalinga was successfully over and the victor triumphantly crossed the river
Godavari and proceeded towards Vengi over which king Hastivarman was ruling.
The Southern kings claimed to have been defeated by him are Hastivarman, the
Salankayana king of Vengi (Peddavegi), Visnugopa, the Pallava king of Kanchi
(Canjeevaram), Nilaraja of Avamukta (not satisfactorily identified), Ugrasena of
Palakka (Palakkada in Nellore district) and Dhananjaya of Kusthalapura
(identified with Kuttalur in North-Arcot district). The last three rulers are obscure
figures in history and are not known to us from any other source, while
Hastivarman and Visnugopa belonging respectively to Salankayana and Pallava
dynasties, were famous kings in the South. Hastivarman is known from the
95
Pedda-vegi grant (23) of Nandivarman II, where he is described as a conqueror of

many battles and Visnugopa Varman I is also described in the grants (24) of his
son as one who obtained victory and glory by dint of his valour and courage in
many a battle.
J.Dubreuil (25) has suggested that Samudragupta advanced as far as the river
Krisna, was opposed by a confederacy of kings of the Eastern Deccan and being
repulsed, abandoned his conquests in the Orissan coasts and returned to Magadha.
Jayaswal is of opinion that the Southern potentates were grouped under two chief
leaders, Mantaraja of Korala and Visnugopa of Kanchi and that Samudragupta
fought his decisive battle in the Colair lake region. Such suggestion is no doubt
speculative as it is contrary to the evidences of the Allahabad Inscription. But the
statements in the inscription being of dubious nature, have naturally given rise to
confusion and controversy. Harisena, the royal panegyrist who was also a
Minister of Peace and War, seems to have no personal knowledge about the
geographical location of the territories through which his sovereign led his
campaign.”
According to J.K. Sahu (1997), “Somudragupta marched from South Kosal

towards Kalinga through Mahakantara and Korala (26).
South Kosala is identified with the district of Raipur, Bilaspur, etc. of Eastern
Madya Pradesh, where as Mahakantara included Bastar of Madhya Pradesh and
Nowrangpur-Koraput with portions of South Kalahandi of Orissa.
There is lot of controversy regarding the location of Korala. N. K. Sahu (27),

identified it Bad-Karla and San-Karla near Sonepur. S.N.Rajaguru (28) holds that
Korala is the same as modern Kulada in Ghumsur region of Ganjam
Regarding the Kushan coin finds in Orissa, it was postulated to be brought to

Orissa in 2nd and 3rd century or later to make up for the shortage of copper coins
during the Gupta period (29).
However S.C.Dey (1954) wrote; “One thing is worth noticing about the find-spots
of these coins in so far as they relate to Bihar and Orissa. The coins have been
found in Chotanagpur region, in Keonjhar, Mayurbhanj and the coastal region
from Balasore southwards till Ganjam. If we remember the probable route of
Samudragupta on the occasion of his Deccan campaign, we would not be inclined
to take the finds as sporadic ones. I quote here from Smith’s Early History of
India, the portion referring to Samudra Gupta’s campaign. ‘The invader,
marching due south from the capital, through Chutia Nagpur, directed first his
96
attack against the kingdom of South Kosala in the valley of Mahanadi, and
overthrew its king, Mahendra. Passing on, he subdued all the chiefs of the forest
countries, which still retain their wilderness and constitute the tributary states of
Orissa and then backward parts of the Central Provinces. ...... Still advancing
southwards by each coast roads Samudra Gupta vanquished the chieftain who
held Pisthapura, the ancient capital Kalinga, now Pithapuram in the Godavari
district as well as the hill fortress of Mahendragiri and Kottura in Ganjam whose
territory lay on the banks of the Kotteru (Colair) lake (30).”
Thus, according to Smith, Samudragupta came to Chotnagpur region from

Pataliputra, then conquered South Kosala and the chieftains of the jungle region
now comprised in western hilly tracts of Orissa, emerged on the along the coast
and moved along the coast southwards passing through Ganjam.
Though there is some divergence of opinion about the location of Mahakantara, it

is fairly certain that Samudragupta conquered South Kosala comprising the region
covered by the modern districts of Raipur, Bilaspur and Sambalpur. Then he
passed through jungle region that most probably included the hilly regions of
Orissa in the ex-States of Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar. His route to Ganjam and
farther south, most probably, was along the sea-coast, as suggested by Smith.
But as per J.K.Sahu,” there is no reason why Samudragupta should have to march
to far off Sonepur or even to north Ganjam and then back to south Ganjam
(Gajapati district) and Srikakulam. A close study of the march of Samudragupta
leads us to believe that Korala must be somewhere in Koraput-Rayagada region.
It is likely that the modern village Korada on the bank of Nagavalli in Rayagada
close to the district of Srikakulam presents the ancient Korala of Mantaraja. After
conquering Korala, Samudragupta entered Kalinga territory.”(31)
As noted above, Kalinga at that time had been divided into a number of petty
principalities. It is not improbable that Korala was also one of them. In that case,
Korala would have been first State in Kalinga to face the Gupta onslaught.
Mahendragiri of Pistapura, Svamidatta and Kottura and Damana of Erandapalli
were other rulers of Kalinga whom Samadragupta defeated with the present
village Kottura in Hirramandala Taluk of Srikakulam district.(32) Erandapalli is
the present Erandpalli in the district of Visakhapattnam. All these places are now
in Andhra Pradesh.
The above discussion reveals that the undivided district of Koraput is the only
district of Orissa, which lay on the route of the military expedition of
Samudragupta. His march did not even touch the district of Ganjam. Some
historian (33) identified Kottura with Kothur of Ganjam. (Gajapati district), about
97
12 miles south of Mahendragiri. The village is the same as Kuttura of

Mahendrabhoga Visaya donated by a Mathara king Umavaranm in his Devalapeta
charter (34). If Svamidatta had been a ruler of this Mahendrabhoga, he would
have been described as the Lord of Mahendra or of Kalinga and not of a small
village like Kottura. In all probability, Kottura of Allahabad Prasasti who located
in Srikakulam and was different from Kuttura of Mahendrabhoga.”(35)
There is no doubt as remarked by several historians that Samudragupta travelled
through South Kosala, then to Mahakantara (South Kalahandi-Nowrangpur of
undivided Koraput district). The controversy due to Kairala and Kottaru in hill is
agreed to.
However, we propose Kurlu of Koraput district (Kurlu nandi or river which flows
form the Ramagiri forest through Kundra and join Kolaba river) as the Korala of
Mantaraja.
The famous Kottur Zamindari of British period, was located on the banks of
Indravati and a hill country in the west Bastar district of Madhya Pradesh itself.
The S’Kosala, Mahakantara, Kottura and Kurlu are thus in contagious plane.
The river Muran on Koraput hills joins the River Indravati and flows down
through Nowrangpur and Bastar district to join Godavari. Around River Muran,
the Vengi dynasty of Eastern Chalukya appeared. This has been seen from
inscription of Chipurupalli grant. Around River Muran, there were villages with
post fix ‘pustka’ like, still exist. This was one medieval Jain school. This further
strengths the belief that River Muran gets its name due to Mauryas.All along
Muran river are a large community of Magadha Gaudas. These Gaudas are the
Yadavs of north and same Gaudas of south. They came from Magadha of present
Bihar with Chandragupta Maurya vassal.Samudragupta avoided the resistance of
coastal Kalinga and followed the path of Chandragupta to Deccan and further
south.
Map showing Kutru in former Basta State
98
References
1. C.I.I., 111, p.7
2. Ibid pp 11-13
3 Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, pp.343-45.
4. Ibid.
5. Subramanian K.R. (1931) Buddhist Remains in Andhra.p.192
6. E. I., Vol. XII, p.212
7. Another interpretation is that Sramidatta was king of Pithapuram and
Mahendragiri Kotturu. The Raghuvansam places the capital of Kalinga near
the coast. So the question of identifying Kotturu (there is one on the coat
also0 teems with difficulties. According to the poem Kalinga was very
powerful and Mahendragiri was in Kalinga. According to the inscription
Kalinga was divided. If Mahedra was lord as far as Kotturu in Paralakimedi
where are we to locate the kings of Airandapalla and Devarashtra..
8. Majumdar, R.C. (1988) Samudra-Gupta’s Conquest, The Classical Age,
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.p.9
9. Sircar, D.C. (1988) Kalinga: Ibid. p.211.
10. Sabhave parva, XXXI
11. C.I.I. 111, p.233; E.I.XVII p.12
12 Burgess, Notes Amaravati - Stupa-Inscriptions, No.8 and 231
13. See J.A.H.R.S.I pp. 228-37
14. Dandekar, R.N - History of the Guptas p.51.
15 B.S.O.S. 11 p.569
16. E, H.I. 4th Ed. p. 300 fn.3
17. History of India p. 136
18. .Raychoudhuri, H.C., P.H.A.I. 1950-p.539
19. Sahu, N.K. Utkal University History of Orissa. Vol. I p.437
20. It was probably through this route that the Chinese pilgrim Yuan-Chwang
travelled in the 7th century. A. D from the capital of Kalinga to the capital
of Kosala, a distance of 1800 Li.
21. Dr. Fleet identified Erandapalla with Erandol in Khandesh and Devarastra
with Maharastra. But J. Dubreuil has proved that these places are
respectively identical with Erandapalli a town near Chicacole and
Yellamanchili (Ancient History of the Deccan pp.58-60 and 160).
Erandapalla has been mentioned in Sidhantam Plates of Kalinga (E.I.XIII p.
213) and Devarastra finds mention in Sringavarapukota Grant of king
Anantavarman of Kalinga (E.I.XXVIII p. 564)
22 E.I.XXXI pp. 89-93.
23. Bharati-August 1224
24. E.I.VIII pp. 159 f; E.I. Vol. XV. pp 253f
25. A.H.D.pp, 60-61
99
26. Allahabad Prasasti, CII, 111, pp 6f.

27. Sahu, N.K. op.cit. p.437
28. Rajaguru, S.N., Inscriptions of Orissa, II, pp. 343-45.
29. Journal of Numismatic Society of India, Vol.X, p.137 &Vol. XVI.p.216
30. Mangalam, S.J. Historical-Geography and Toponomy of Andhra
Pradesh.p.190 and Jayaswal, P.K. History of India .p.130
31. Sahu, J.K. Historical Geography in Comprehensive History and Culture of
Orissa.p.56.
32 Mangalam, S.J. Historical-Geography and Toponony of Andhra Pradesh
(1986)
33. Sahu, N.K. op.cit. p. 435
34. JAHRS, X, p. 143-44; EI, XXVI, pp. 132-35.
35. Sahu, J.K .Comprehensive History and Culture of Orissa: Historical
Geography.p.56-57.
100
RAMAGIRI
Ramagiri is located close to Baipariguda block in Koraput district of Orissa.It is

extended with range of hills on the banks of the river Kolab, which flows from
Nandapur down and meets the Indravati, before it joins the Godavari
river.Ramagiri hill range has numerous caves discovered and waiting to be
explored. The caves of Gupteswar is famous for its Siva linga that stands 5 feet
high of stalagmite formation .People from Bastar and Orissa come together on
Sivaratri day to celebrate.Boipariguda has the large concentration of Bhumia tribe
that extend into Ramagiri and Mathili; where as the Matias are the majority in
Mathili-Govindapalli area contagious to the Bhumias.However the Ramagiri,
towards the Gupteswar has a large concentration of Dhuruva tribe that extend
deep into Bastar district.
Jawaharlal (1) wrote, “Ugraditya was pontiff of the Desigana, Pustaka gacchha,
Pansogavalli-sakha of the Mula-sangha in the line of Kundakunda in Jaina
organization. His guru was Srinandin and Lalitakiriti-Acharya was his colleague.
He lived at Mount Ramagiri and studied the science. This Ramagiri has been
rightly identified with the hill of Ramatirtham in the Vizianagaram district by
J.P.Jain, (2) for; the modern Ramatirtham still contains Jaina caves, temples, etc.”
He further wrote,’ like other Jaina preceptors, Ugraditya was reputed for his
learing. He is the author of the Kalyanakaraka, a complete and original treatise on
the science of medicine. It will be seen from a perusal of his Kalyanakaraka that
Ugraditya was well acquainted with most of the earlier literature, both Jaina and
non-Jaina, on the subject (3). Curiously we are informed in his work that ‘by
order of his guru, Srinandin, whose feet were worshipped by Vishnuraja
Paramesvara, Ugraditya wrote his work, Kalyanakaraka for the good of mankind,
on the beautiful hill of Ramagiri… which was situated in the level plains of Vengi
in the Trikalinga country (4).It is further learnt from the Hithita adhyaya (i.e. the
extra chapter) of his work that he “delivered the discourse on the uselessness of
meat diet in the court of Sri-nripatungavallabha Maharajaadhiraja which was
adorned by many learned men and doctors”. Now scholars are agreed in
identifying the Vishnuraja Paramesvara with the famous Eastern Chalukya
monarch of Vengi, Vishnuvardhana IV (A.D. 762-99), and Nripatungavllabha
with the Rashtrakuta Amoghavarsha I (A.D.815-77). Ugraditya thus seems to
have lived in circa A.D.770-840. (5) It is not unreasonable to suppose that
Ugraditya, having completed his work sometime in the last quarter of the 8th
century A.D., visited Manyakheta and delivered his illuminating discourse in the
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court of Amoghavarsha I about A.D. 830-40, or still earlier. Thus, Ugraditya,

being proficient in medicine and a staunch follower of the Jaina faith, must have
succeeded in weaning away the people from meat eating by his admonitory
discourses”.
Ramatirtham
The Ramagiri as mentioned above has been identified with Ramatirtham,
particularly by historian of Andhra Pradesh.
Ramatirtham is in the Vijayanagaram taluk of the same district. It is situated at a
distance of 16 kms. from the town of Vizianagaram and can be reached by bus
only. It still contains caves and numerous Jaina images on the hill. It is interesting
to recall that ‘Ugraditya, the author of Kalyanakaraka studied the science under
his guru, Sri Nandin at Mount Ramagiri. By order of Sri Nandin, whose feet were
worshipped by Sri Vishnuraja Paramesvara, Ugraditya wrote his Kalayanakarka
for the good of mankind, on beautiful hill of Ramagiri that was adorned with
many Jaina caves, temples, etc. and was situated in the level plains of Vengi in the
country of Trikalinga(6). J.P. Jain has rightly identified this Ramagiri, (7) with
the modern Ramatirtham and the Vishnuraja Paramesvara with Vishnuvardhana
IV (A.D.762-99). Thus Ramagiri (modern Ramatirtham) had become an
important center for Jaina literary activities were remarked by Dr. Jawaharlal (8).
He wrote,” Further, it is equally interesting to learn from an inscription engraved
on the wall of the Durgapancha cave that Vimaladitya’s (A.D.1011-22) religious
guru Trikalayogi Siddhantadeva of the Desi gana paid homage to Ramakonda
with great devotion. It testifies to the eminence of Ramatirtham as a sacred resort
of the Jaina religion then. It is further evident from other records that the place
was an influential center of the faith from early times and a holy abode of
pilgrimage for its followers. No doubt, at first Ramatirtham was stronghold of
Buddhism during the early centuries of Christian era. For, numerous Buddhist
remains have been unearthed here (9). It may not be wrong to assume that Jainism
might have captured this place during the days of the decline of the Buddhist
creed and converted it into a stronghold of its own during the heydays of the
Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. Still we can see the caves with Tirthankara images,
and a large number of Jaina sculptures there”.
Ajay M. Shastry (10) wrote “According to the Masulipatam plates of Amma I
(918-925 A.D.), his predecessor Vijayaditya IV (918 A.D.) ruled over the
Vengimandala together with the Tri-Kalinga forest (Vengi-mandalam Tri-
Kalingatavi-yuktam (11). Likewise, the Kolavaram plates of Chalukya-Bhima II
that Vikramaditya II (sometime after 925 A.D.) held sway over both Vengi-
102
mandala and Tri-Kalinga, (sa-Tri-Kalingam Vengi-mandalam) (12). The inclusion

of Tri-Kalinga, obviously a part thereof, in the Vengi Chalukya kingdom finds
support from some literary evidence also. The following stanza in the colophon of
the medieval medical text entitled Kalyana-karaka by one Ugradityacarya states
that the work was composed at Ramagiri which is described as adorned with
structural as well as rock-cut temples and situated in the Tri-Kalinga country
which was under the Vengi ruler:
Vinga-Isa-Tri-Kalinga-desa-janana-prastutya-san-utkata-
Prodyad=vrksa-lata-vitana-nirataih siddhais=ca vidyadharaih /
Sarve mandira-kandar-opama-guha-caity-alay-alamkrte
Ramye Ramagirv-idam viracitam sastram hitam praninam//(13)
This Ramagiri is apparently different from modern Ramtek near Nagpur that is
generally believed to represent the Ramagiri mentioned in the opening stanza of
Kalidasa’s Megha-duta (Purva-megha, verse 1). We (Ajaya M. Sashtri) propose
to identify it with the homonymous locality situated in the Koraput District of
Orissa bordering the Srikakulam District of Andhra Pradesh which alone would
satisfy the description. The assumption of the title Tri-kalingadhipati by the
Somavamsins, who also called themselves Kosal-endra or ‘Lord of Kosala’,
would show that Tri-Kalinga must have abutted on or must have been very close
to South Kosala. It must be remembered in this connection that the Panduvamsins,
who were lineal ancestors of the Somavamsins, also ruled over South Kosala and
when under pressure from other powers they were forced to shift eastward and
southward, they naturally moved towards the Kalahandi-Koraput-Bastar region.
For some time they could have continued to hold a part of Kosal together with the
adjoining area. And lastly, the assumption of this title by some later members of
the Kalachuri dynasty as well as the continuation of its use by the later Eastern
Gangas would show that it was a bone of contention among them as well as the
Somavamsins and the Eastern Chalukyas. Therefore, the region of Tri-Kalinga or
a part of it must have been situated not very far from their territories. Any
identification of Tri-Kalinga must satisfy this condition.
While considering the question of the location of Tri-Kalinga, the fact that in
ancient times natural barriers like mountains, rivers and seas played an important
role seems to have been ignored (14). Taking into consideration the above-
mentioned political facts together with the geographical factors, we may conclude
that the region comprising the Three Kalingas had three distinct geographical
features: (i) Eastern Ghats dividing Kalinga region into Western and Eastern
parts; (ii) the Mahanadi and the Godavari forming the northern and southern
borders of Western Kalinga; and (iii) the Indravati dividing the Western Kalinga
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into North and South Kalinga, North Kalinga between the Indravati and the
Mahanadi and South Kalinga, North Kalinga between the Godavari and the
Indravati. With this geographical overview we may attempt to locate the Three
Kalingas as follows: (a) South-Kalinga, bordered on the west and north-west by
the Indravati, on the south by the Godavari and on the east by the Eastern Ghats,
comprised southern portion of Koraput together with a considerable part of Bastar
and a small region of north-west Srikakulam; (b) North Kalinga bordered on the
north and west by the Mahanadi and on the south and east by the Eastern Ghats,
consisted of northern Koraput and the adjoining south-eastern region of
Kalahandi; and (c) East Kalinga-bordered the west by the Eastern Ghats, on the
south by Godavari till it meets the Bay of Bengal, on the north by the Mahanadi
where it empties into the Bay of Bengal and on the east by the Bay of Bengal –
includes the whole of eastern Srikakulam and Vishakhapatnam together with the
whole of Ganjam.
The above is only a very rough indication of the areas comprised in the Three
Kalingas, and it is impossible in the present state of disinformation to be more
precise. Perhaps none of the kings who assumed the title Tri-Kaling-adhipati
controlled at any time of their rule the whole of Tri-Kalinga; but even capture of a
part of its, temporary or permanent, was thought enough to justify the assumption
of this title. This was true of the Somavamsins also as they could control only a
part of Orissan region of Tri-Kalinga adjacent to South Kosala, viz., Koraput-
Kalahandi-Bastar (15).”
Based on the findings of Ajay Shastry I am inclined to locate Ramagiri of Koraput

to be the place in Tri- Kalinga where Ugraditya lived.
Location of Ramagiri of Kalidasa

The location of Ramigiri as mentioned in Meghaduta has been the subject for
research for several years and thus a good number of papers have been accounted
so far; and they have been discussed in the following paragraphs.
H.H.Wilson in 1843 translated Meghdutam to English and the first stanza runs as,
I ’Where Ramagiri's cool, dark woods extend,

And those pure streams, where Sita bathed, descend; (16)
The above is the first stanza of the Meghaduta composed by Kalidasa in Sanskrit,
and it mentions clearly the place called ‘Ramagiri’.The Ramagiri region is
considered most sacred because Lord Rama with Sita and Lakhmana during their
104
long period of vanabasa had spent most time in the said area. Since long there
are standing controversies over the identification of Ramagiri of Meghaduta fame
and different sites have been proposed by various historians and research scholars.
K.D.Bajpai wrote, “The location of Ramagiri of Kalidas has been discussed for a
long time past and several localities have been identified with it. V.V. Mirashi,
followed by other scholars, has put forth the claim of Ramtek near Nagpur for its
identification with Ramagiri. Sundarlal Tripathi and some others located in the
Koraput district of Orissa. There are still others who have tried to put Ramagiri
elsewhere (17).”
Lord Rama’s Feet in Pujariguda, Ramagiri in Koraput district
An Epic, Puranic and Historical setting of Dandakaranya has been reported by

Sundarlal Tripathy. (18) He has reviewed Godavari river from all puranic, epic
and literature sources and the location of Panchavati is forwarded to be at the
configuration of Godavari and ---- at Bhadrachalam.This is in reference to Lord
Rama, Sita and Lahmana banavasa in Dandakaranya. He has cited the views of
eminent research scholars and historians as to the location of Panchavati.
He has also taken into account the Balmiki’s puranic notes and then has seen it
from the Kalidasa’s kabyas to find the geographical locations as described for
Dandakaranya, more so for Panchavati and Ramagiri etc.
Kalidasa has described Ramagiri in Meghaduta and that gives a clear description
of its geographical and physical account. Sunderlal Tripathy has identified
105
Ramagiri of Dandakaranya close to Bastar-Koraput boarder and on the bank of

Kolab or the river Savari as it was known; has given enough of evidences from all
source possible including the published literatures in detail to ascertain that
Ramagiri of Koraput-Bastar is the one that Kalidasa has mentioned in Meghaduta.
He has defined the geographical sway in Dandakaranya like Ramagiri and
Panchavati and placed the different place components in logical sequence with its
present name and given its present location in Dandakaranya as has been narrated
in the Meghaduta (19).
106
Map of Dandakaranya –Chitrakuta showing path of Meghaduta of Kalidasa as per

Sundarlal Tripathy
Bajpai differed in locating the Ramagiri as has been pointed out by Sunderlal and
wrote, “The regional geography in the Meghaduta of Kalidasa is chiefly
concerned with the vast area of the present Madhya Pradesh. In the return journey
of Rama from Lanka to Ayodhya, as described in the Raghuvamsa (canto XIII),
also a large area of Madhya Pradesh is covered. Kalidasa takes unusual delight in
describing the beauty of nature and the lively life of the people inhabiting the long
stretch of land in this State from Ramagiri in the east to Dasapura in the west
(Meghaduta, I, 14-47). Dasapura was the ancient name of Mandsaur in the
extreme north-west of Madhya Pradesh (17).”The following observations of
Bajpai are showing his view that Ramagiri can be identified with Rangarh in the
Surguja District of Madhya Pradesh. (20)
As regards the location of Ramagiri, it is more plausible to identify it with the

hillock of Ramagarh in the Surguja district of Madhya Pradesh than with any
other site was the opinion of Bajpai. The internal evidence, particularly from the
Meghaduta, supports this identification. The hillock of Ramagarh, with the
panoramic beauty around, tallies with its enchanting description given by
Kalidasa in verses 1-4, 12 and 14 of the Meghaduta (21)
Further in Canto XII of Meghaduta it is mentioned,
“Short be thy farewell to this hill addressed;

This hill with Rama's holy feet impressed;”(22)
Sircar wrote,” The poet Kalidasa (c.A.D.400) describes in Raghuvamsa, canto X,

how Vishnu, lying on the great serpent in the ocean of milk, with Lakhsmi
rubbing his feet, was born as Dasaratha’s son for Ravana’s destruction, while the
Vakataka queen Pravavatigupta (5th Century A.D.), the atyanta-vhagvad-bhaka
daughter of Chandragupta II, was worshipper of Bhagabata Rama-grisvamin (
literally , the lord of Ramagiri) , who seems to be no other than Rama,son of
Dasaratha. The suggestion is supported by the reference in Kalidasa’s Meghaduta
to the foot prints of Raghupati (Rama Dasarathi) on the Ramagiri. (23)”
I have discovered a pair of feet on a stone plate in Ramagiri in the village of

Pujariguda that is worshipped locally. It is the lone pair of Feet in the region
and is quite different in shape than that has been reported from various sites
of Koraput district by Kornel and Gamang, 2009. In the same village lies the
ruins of a fort that was built by Mohammedan rulers of South who had occupied
the Ramagiri region and the Jeypore Kings had taken control after the defeat of
107
the Mohammedan rulers. The erect stones and grave yard in the fort gives the
indication that it was a Muslim ruler’s Fort. This has amounted to some loss of
archaeology in the region is the local opinion.
The following from Meghaduta gives glimpses of Ramagiri.

The gentle breeze shall fan thy stately way,
In sportive wreathes the Crane around thee play;
pleased on thy left the Chataka, along
pursue thy path, and cheer it with his song;
And when thy thunders soothe the parching earth'
And showers, expected, raise her mushroom birth;
The swans for Mount Kailasa shall prepare,
And track thy course attendant through the air. (24)
Ramagiri of Meghaduta is bound by geographical details as described by

Kalidasa. The description of Ramagiri as per Meghaduta still holds good to the
Ramagiri in Dandakaranya. Kalidasa pointed out to the outburst of ‘Slindhara’
and it still continues in Sravana month in the region that is Sal forest red soil belt
and this is called Sravana Chatu locally. Kalidasa mentions- Twabanamalikhia
pranayakupitam dhaturagaha silaimatyaman’. It means the hill is made up of
‘dhatu’ and is made up of geru. The colour of Ramagiri hill is geru, pinkish
shade. Ramagiri has been described.(25)
On to the travel of cloud messenger in Meghatuda it refers to Chitrakuta on way

from Ramagiri to Amarakuta and it runs as following described in Meghaduta.
Next bending downwards from thy lofty flight,

On Chitrakuta's humbler peak alight;
O'er the tall hill thy weariness forego,
And quenching rain-drops on its flames bestow;
For speedy fruits are certain to await
Assistance yielded to the good and great. (26)
108
Temple having the Feet of Lord Mohammedan fort ruins,

Rama, Pujariguda, Ramagiri Pujariguda, Ramagiri
In Raghuvamsa, Kalidasa speaks of Pampasalil, Godavari river, Mandakarimuni

Panchapsar, Saravanga ashram etc. including Chitrakuta waterfall and description
of Nisara sundar parisfuta. It becomes clear from Raghuvamsa that the river
Mandakini and Chitrakuta are in Dandakaranya.Mandakini is the present day
Indravati river. (27)
This was one of the basis that Sunderlal Tripathy made use of to prove his
hypothesis that Ramagiri in Dandakaranya is the relevant place that Kalidasa used
in his Meghaduta
Eastward, where various gems, with blending ray,
In Indra's bow o'er yonder hillock play,
And on thy shadowy form such radiance shed,
As peacock's plumes around a Krishna spread,
Direct thy course: to Malas smiling ground,
Where fragment tillage breathes the fields around;
Thy fertile gifts, which looks of love reward,
Where bright-eyed peasants tread the verdant sward.
Thence sailing north, and veering to the west,
On Amrakuta's lofty ridges rest;
Oft have thy showers the mountain's flames allayed,
Then fear not wearied to demand it's aid. (28)
From Ramagiri, Kalidasa takes his cloud messenger to the north, then a little back
to the south-west and again to the north to reach Amrakuta. The cloud passes over
the fertile low land of the Mala region before reaching the heights of Amarakuta.
In the region of Mala was situated the chief town of (south) Kosala, from where
Kauslya, the mother of Rama, hailed.
109
Bajpai again wrote, “The hill of Amarakuta and apparently the northern fringe of
the river valley of Reva (Narmada) are described in no less than 6 verses
(Meghaduta, I, 17 to 22). During its early course, the river is split up into several
branches. This is described by the poet as ‘spread on the uneven Vindhyan hill
like the streaks on an elephant’s body (Meghaduta, I, 19). It may be pointed out
here that the cloud of Kalidasa is never asked by the poet to cross the river Rava
(Normada) to reach Dasarna. While describing another big river Surabhitanaya
(modern Chambal) in the Meghaduta (I, 47), Kalidasa clearly uses the word
uttirya having crossed, which is not the case with the Nramada. In the latter case,
the cloud has to go, for sometime, along the course of the river from Amarkantak
onwards. This fact also goes against the identification of Ramagiri with Ramtek.
In order to reach Dasarna from Ramtek, the river Reva has to be crossed.
The description of Amrakuta by the poet tallies very well with the high-peaked
Amarkantak and its beautiful natural environment. The direction from Amrakuta
to the Dasarna janapada and its capital Vidisa is given almost straight to the west,
and hence the poet for reaching that area suggests no change of direction. From
Vidisa to Ujjain a diversion, vakrah pantha (Meghaduta, I, 27), is suggested.
After Ujjain to Alaka the route is to the north, and hence no diversion is hinted at.
(29)”
Previously a few scholars like K.B. Pathak, M. Venkataramayya and V.K.

Paranjape, identified Ramgarh with the Ramagiri of Kalidasa. The present author
(Bajpai) has surveyed the area from Ramagarh in the Surguja district to the
Tripuri-Bheraghat region in the Jabalpur district of Madhya Pradesh. He (Bajpai)
has also studied the sites of the Koraput area in Orissa and the ancient remains at
Ramtek near Nagpur. The chief reasons which go against the identification of
Ramagiri of Kalidas with the site of the Koraput district or with Ramtek are
briefly given below (30)
(A) There are several sites known as Ramagiri in Orissa, including the one in
the Koraput district on the bank of the river Khonlab supposed to be the
ancient Sabari river). The existence of a Chitrakuta (apart from the one in
the Banda-panna districts) in the Koraput district and that of Panchavati
(on the confluence of the rivers Godavari and Indravati (ancient
Mandakini) can also not be doubted. But the site on the Khonlab river
does not indicate any archaeological potentiality to warrant its
identification with Ramagiri of Kalidasa. At the same time, the internal
evidence, as found in the Meghaduta giving the geography of the land
110
from Ramagiri to Vidisa does not tally if we identify the above site with
the Ramagiri of Kalidasa.
(B) As regards Ramtek near Nagpur, there is no doubt that during the
Vakataka Gupta Age it had become quite famous as a religious center. The
art-relics that have been discovered in and around Ramtek bear eloquent
testimony to the development of architecture and art, of a high order, in
Ramtek during the Vakataka Age. But the identification of Ramtek with
Ramagiri does not seem to be possible due to the following reasons:
(i) The description of Ramagiri, as found in the above work of

Kalidasa, does not tally with Ramtek, The flora and fauna of the
area to the north of Ramtek are also quite different from those
described by the poet.
(ii) Had the forest area of the Chhindwara-Narashinghpur districts

been familiar to the poet, he would have mentioned at least its
lower region in his other work, the Raghuvamsa. In canto XIII of
that work Kalidasa describes the return journey of Rama from
Lanka to Ayodhia. The poet would have certainly mentioned
Ramagiri (if it was Ramtek), where Rama had stayed with Sita and
Lakshmana. No such description is, however, noticed in that work,
whereas the asramas of several Rishis, Panchavati and the river
Mandakini (present Indravati of Bastar) has been mentioned by the
poet. Ramtek falls almost on the direct route from Sri Lanka and
South India to Ayodhya.
It is concluded that the findings of Sunderlal Tripathy (31) that the Ramagiri of
Kalidasa described in the Meghaduta is located in Koraput district of Orissa close
to the Gupteswara Cave Sivalinga Temple and is right on the boarder of Bastar
district in Chhattisgarh State and is located in the Dandakaranya. Ample of
evidences related to that described in Meghaduta has been cited and the present
author have discovered a pair of Feet, as have been mentioned in Meghaduta as
the foot prints of Lord Rama, still being worshiped in Pujariguda in Ramagiri
vicinity adds to the argument.
Ajay Mitra Shastri have identified the same Ramagiri where Acharya Ugraditya, a
Jaina Guru wrote Kalyanakaraka, a treatise on medicines in 7th Century A.D.
111
This Chapter is dedicated to the fond memory of Late Sri Sunderlal Tripathy of
Jagdalpur, Bastar district for his life dedicated to people of Bastar, their culture
and heritage, more especially to the Tribals. His contribution to Dandakaranya
history and especially the papers like ‘Meghaduta Described Ramagiri and its
Geography Review’ and inferences as well as the paper on ‘Dandaka, Chitrakut-
Chakrakuta and Bastar-Koraput’ will remain as inspiration to future generation.
Largest Siva Linga, Another Siva Linga,

Gupteswara, Ramagiri Ramagiri Caves
NB: Eminent personalities and Scholars have identified Ramagiri of

Meghadutam in Koraput district. They are Dr. Ajit Tripathy, Author and Fmr
Chief Secretary to Gov. of Odisha, Peetambar Panda of Balasore, Dr.Ananta
Tripathy Sharma of Berhampur, Prof (Dr.) Prafulla Kumar Mishra, Vice-
Chancellor, North Odisha University, Anadi Sahu, Fmr. Inspctor General,
Gov. of Odisah and Member of Parliament, Dr. Sundarlal Tripathy of
Bastar, Prafulla Chandra Tripathy and many more.
Reference
1. Jawaharlal, G.Jainism in Andhra. p.130
2. Ramagiri of Ugraditya’s Kalyankaraka, PIHC, Nagpur session. 1950.
Pp.127-33.
3. MAR 1922, p.23, See Kalyanakaraka, published in sakhiram Nemichandra
Series No. 129.
4. Ibid, and also see J.P. Jain. The Jaina Sources of Ancient India. p.205.
5. J.P. Jain, op.cit. p.206
6. Ibid. p. 206
7. A.S.I, A.R, 1910-11, pp.78-87.
112
8. Jawaharlal, G. op.cit. p.91.

9. Rea, A.R.A.S.I., 1910-11, p.75, PI. VLIII, No.20
10. Ajay Mitra Shastri Inscriptions of Sarbhapuryas, Panduvamsins and
Somavamsins, part I,.pp.183-185.
11. E. I., V, 113, text-line 17.
12. S.I.I. I, 43. The Arumbaka grant of Bdapa states that Ammaraja II (945-
970 A.D.) at first ruled over the Vengi-desa joined with Tri-Kalinga,
But later left for Kalinga where he ruled for fourteen year (EI, xix,
137). This has been taken as an evidence of a distinction between Tri-
Kalinga and Kalinga (ibid. xxiii, 69); but here Tri-Kalinga may refer to
the forest portion of the country while Kalinga may refer to the coastal
region.
13. Cited by Nathuram Premi in his Jaina Sahitya aura Itihasa, second edition,
447, fn.1.
14. Even in these days of scientific and technological progress when many of
the natural hurdles have been overcome their role in dividing the areas is not
insignificant.
15. The following stanza met with in a manuscript of the Brahamnda Purna
deposited in the Orissa State Museum defines Kalinga and Tri-Kalinga
respectively as (i) the land between the Rsikulya and Jhanajavati and (ii)
that between the Jhanjavati and Vedavati.
Riskulyam samsadya yavad Jhanjavati nadi /,

Kalingadesa prakhyato desana garhitas-tada //
Jhanjavati samasadya yavad Vedavati nadi /,
Trikalingeti vikhyato ..…. //.
The dependability of these stanzas is not beyond doubt; they contain

grammatical errors and the last eight syllables of the second stanza are lost.
They may represent the narrow definitions prevalent at the time the
manuscript was copied, viz., during the late medieval period. Anyway, not
much significance can be attached to these stanzas, particularly, as
they go against the unimpeachable epigraphic evidence.
Hiralal Shukla, Pracina Bastar 79-86; S. Tripathy, “Royal Titles of

Trikalingadhipati and Samasta-Gondramadhipati of the Early Medieval
Orissan Epigraphs’, OHRJ, XXXI, Nos. 2-4, 143-151.
16. Wilson, H.H. (1843) Meghdutam (a English Translation of Kalidasa’s
Meghaduta)
http://www.google.co.in/search?q=%28Cloud+Messenger%29+by+Kalidas
113
a+%28Translated+from+Sanskrit+by+H.+H.+Wilson%2C+1843%29&btn
G=Search&hl=en&sa=2
17. Bajpai, K.D. in Ajay Mitra Sashtri, Ed., The Age of the Vakatakas.
Publication Herman Publishing House, New Delhi-28. p.85-91
18. Tripathy, Sunderlal. Dandak, Chitrakuta-Chakrakote and Bastar-Koraput.
p.72-124.
19. Ibid.
20. Bajpai, K.D. op.cit.
21 Ibid.
22. Wilson, H.H. (1843).op.cit.
23. Sircar, D.C. Vaishnavism: The Avatars of Vishnu (from Kalidasa’s
Meghaduta, St.15): In Classical Age. p.422
24. Wilson, H.H. (1843).op.cit
25. Tripathy, Sunderlal. (1974) Meghaduta Barnita Ramagiri ki Bhogalic
Punarvichar (in Hindi). ANC.IND. History and Archaeology, Sagar
University, (Madhya Pradesh) p.1-38.
26. Wilson, H.H. (1843).op.cit
27. Tripathy, Sunderlal. Dandak, Chitrakuta-Chakrakote and Bastar-Koraput.
p.72-124.
28. Wilson, H.H. (1843).op.cit.
29. Bajpai, K.D. in Ajay Mitra Sashtri, Ed., Ibid.
30. Ibid.
31. Sircar, D.C.Vaishnavism: The Avatars of Vishnu (from Kalidasa’s
Meghduta, St. 15.) In Classical Age.
114
THE WESTERN CHALUKYAS AND CHAKRAKOTE,

DAKISHNA KOSALA, KALINGA AND VENGI
The founders of Chalukya line was Pulakesin I, the name means ‘the great lion’
of Badami, Karnataka, (1) which was later known as Western Chalukya.
Pulakesin’s son Kirtivarman I (566-7) expanded the kingdom by wars against
the Kadambas of Banavasi, (2) the Mauryas of Konkan and Nalas-ruling present
Bastar-Jeypore Agency.(3)
At Kirtivarman I (597-8) demise, his son Pulakesin II was too young to rule, thus
his uncle Mangalesa, Kirtivarman’s brother, held sway as vegent, but instead of
surrendering Mangalesa sought to prolong his rule with a view to hand over the
kingdom to his son in due course. Pulakesin II waged war against Mangalesa and
killed Mangalesa in the battlefield and proclaimed himself the king (609-10). He
attacked and over threw the Kadamba capital Banavasi and the Gangas of Mysore
were compelled to acknowledge his suzerainty and married the daughter of
Ganga ruler Durvinita who became the mother of Vikramaditya I. (4)
Later Chalukyas represent Kirtivarman I as having destroyed the habitants of

Nalas.
The arguments of many scholars that Vakataka Harisena uprooted the Nala
family in the same epoch and transplanted the Western Gangas in their territory
is untenable.
Kirtivarman I had also the title ‘the first maker of Vatapi’ suggests that
Kirtivarman I began to build town with temples and other buildings.
The first invasion recorded from south came through the Western Chalukya king
Kirtivarmana I (597-8 A.D) to Nala capital, Pushapagiri, the present Podagadha
of Koraput, close to Bastar. In the Aihole inscription, this has been described by
his son Pulakesh II (5).
Pulakesin II, son of Kirtivarman I of Western Chalukya, further followed the

second invasion; who defeated Southern Kosala and Kalinga. It is said that
Pulakesin II gave the charge of his capital in the hands of his younger brother,
Kubja Vishnuvardhan then Yuvaraj and then started his campaign of conquer in
Eastern Deccan. The southern Kosala (Pauduvamsis) and Kalinga made their
submission first. Pithapuram was then attacked and reduced (6). This has been
described in the Aihole Inscription (7)
115
It was Kirtivarman I who had conquered the coastal belt of east and had formed
the Vengi country. Kubja Vishnuvardhana, the second son of Kirtivarmana I and
brother of Pulakesin II, ruled the Vengi. The Kubaja Vishnuvardhana’s family
rule of Vengi in later times was known as Eastern Chalukyas (8).
The conflict between Western Chalukya and Cholas was apparent, records of
Taila II, Satyasraya to Jayasimha II. The conflict came from the Chola interest
in Eastern Chalukyas matters.
Jayasimha II conflict with the Cholas

The Eastern Chalukya Vimaladitya, the brother of Saktivarman had married
Kundavai, the sister of Rajendra Chola. Their son Rajaraja was to succeed to
the Vengi throne. If this were to be allowed, then the Chola would grow stronger
in the region. Thus to check this Jayasimha II planned to uphold the claim of
Vijayaditya to the Vengi throne.
Vijayaditya was stepbrother of Rajaraja, born to Vimaladitya by his second wife

Melama or Medama of the Telugu Choda family (as per Konidena records) (9).
Rajaraja succeeded to throne of Vengi in about 1018-19 A.D. Vijayaditya did not
easily let go his claim for the throne, more so Jayasimha II supported him.
It is stated in an inscription from Tanjore (10) that Rajendra Chola conquered

Irattapadi from Jayasimha who turned his back and fled from Muyangi or
‘Musangi’. The Cholas deprived the assistance to Vijayaditya from Jayasimha II,
thus Vijayaditya was obliged to flee from the country and seek shelter at the court
of his ally, the king of Kalinga. The generals of Chola, Aryan Vikrama-chola
Choliyavarayan followed him to Kalinga where he met resistance from the
combined forces of the ‘Kalingas, Oddas and Telungas’ in a battle, though
nothing is known about the final outcome of the contest, as known from
Kottasivaram epigraphs.
There was yet another important moves of Jayasimha II against the Eastern
Chalukyas to uphold the cause of Vijayaditya. He also appears to have succeeded
in his efforts. The Pamulavaka plates of Vijayaditya VII (11) state that after
Rajaraja had ruled (Vengi) for a period of twelve years, he was expelled by his
brother Vijayaditya and came to the throne by 1030-31 A.D. The Kalidindi
grant of Rajaraja (12) seems to throw some light on this fact. The grant speaks of
3 Chola generals who laid their life in the battlefield; these Siva temples were
built in their memory by Rajaraja.
116
Somesvara I
The accession of Somesvara I ushered in a brilliant period in the history of the
Chalukyas of Kalyani, who attained power and glory in the reign of his son
Vikramaditya VI.
Bilhan’s Vikrankadeva Chairta helps us to study the period of Somesvara I to

some extent, though it deals mainly with Vikramaditya VI.
The year 1044 A.D. the very first year of his rule Somesvara I, saw the death of
Rajendra Chola I and Rajadhiraja accessioned the throne.
According to some scholars Rajadhiraja met Somesvara I five times in the battle
field (13).
In 1061 A.D., Rajaraja of Vengi succeeded by Saktivarman II, the son of

Vijayaditya VIII (14). But Saktivarman could not rule for more than one year.
He appeared to have died in a battle. The Karur inscription of Vija Rajendra
mentioned that he had defeated Somesvara thrice. Of these three occasions, the
second one refers to the battle fought against the Western Chalukya army that was
in occupation of Vengi. The Charla plates of Virarajendra confirm this by
saying that he conquered back ‘Vengi and Kalinga countries, which had been
captured by his powerful enemies’ (15).
Then Vira Rajendra helped Vijaditya VII, the stepbrother of Kulottunga I to

gain the throne of Vengi. It is Kulottunga I who was the claimant for the throne
of Vengi. It is proposed by K.V.Subramania Iyer that Kulottunga I was too young
to press his claims, at that time.
The battle of Kudalasangama appears to be the first battle of Somesvar I after

being crowned. The Tamil records have described the battle in length. The two
sons of Somesvara I, Vikramaditya and Jayasimha were in the battlefield.
Somesvara I lost the battle, many generals of W.Chalukyas were killed (16). It
speaks of one Singana of Kasalai was also killed. This is interest to us. This
battle was during 1064 A.D.
The next battle fought by Virarajendra against Chalukyas as per Chola records,
‘on the bank of an unnamed river’ in 1066 A.D. The details are not available.
The Manimangalam inscription (17) says that the Chola had killed, in a battle,
number of generals of Chalukya; thus this made the Chalukyas to invite Cholas to
appear at appointed place Kudal (or Kondai). The Cholas came but Chalukya
117
king did not; thus the Cholas attacked and destroyed the army of Chalukyas.
Venkatrama Ayyar thinks that this was because Someswar was too ill to go to
battlefield due to his illness (18). This fact has been corroborated by Bilhana who
says that, “with the consent of his minister he had travelled to the sacred stream
(Gadavari river)” when he found he is uncurable.
Vikramaditya VI
Somesvara I was succeeded by his eldest son Somesvara II in 1068 A.D. He
ruled for 8 years. This period witnessed a struggle between him and his younger
brother Vikramaditya VI. Vikramaditya VI at last crowned after long confusion
between the brothers (19).
Bilhana wrote, as a prince Vikramaditya VI started on a digvijaya after obtaining

permission of his father. He finally conquered (20). This is based on Bilhana’s
Kavya.
Gangakunda, Vengi and Chakrakuta

Gopal wrote (21); “However, that Vikramaditya and Virarajendra met on battle
field near Chakrakuta appears to be correct. Soon after 1065 A.D. when
Virarajendra extended invitation to defend Vengi, which he had determined to
reconquer, Viramaditya must have produced there. But this fact is not mentioned
in Chola records.
At this period of time Kulottunga I, the successor of Virarajendra was in the

region of the modern Bastar (1063-70 A.D), and possibly carved out for himself a
small dominion beyond it in the Purvadesa, even if he did not gain complete
control over the Chakrakuta state and annexed parts of the Purvadesa to it, as his
inscriptions imply. Possibly this north extension of the influence of the Vengi, so
closely allied to Colas, was the cause of Vikramaditya’s expedition against Vengi
and Chakrakuta, counteracted by the campaign of Virarajendra culminating in the
battle of Bezwada (22).But this period is really confusing, remarked K.A.N.Sastri.
Vira Rajendra’s records narrate the victory he achieved in the battle fought near
Vijayawada (23). Thereupon he returned back home and undertook an expedition
to Ceylon. It is after this the Chola once again proceeded against Chakrakuta in
the Bastar region. A battle was fought at Kondai (Kondapalli) and his victory
there in was stated to have commemorated by the erection of the pillar of victory
with the Chola emblem on it. In these exploits, the Virarajendra Chola appears to
have been assisted by his nephew Rajendra the future Kulottunga.
118
The events as per Bilhana, that Vikramaditya conquered Vengi and Chakrakuta,
where after he had come as far as the Krishna when he heard of his father’s death
and returned back. Thus the claims of Virarajendra are not tenable.
Virarajendra Choda soon thereafter gave his daughter’s hand to Vikramaditya

VI; and another daughter (Rajasundari) to the Kalinga ruler Rajaraja, the other
ally on Vikramaditya’s side (24).
Vikramaditya VI failed in his turn to prevent Kulottunga I from succeeding to the

Chola throne, after his maternal uncle Virarajendra passed away. Thus
Somesvara II, the elder brother of Vikramaditya VI joined hands with Kulottunga
I. The Vikramaditya VI waged a war against Somesvara II and taken him prison.
The Tirukkukkunram inscription of Kulottunga I dated in the 14th and 15th

year of his reign, records his driving Vikkalan (i.e. Vikramaditya VI) out of Nagli
(in the Kolar district) by way of the Marialur to the Tungabhadra river, and his
conquest of the Gangamadala and Singanan by which he dominions of Jayasimha
IV seems to be mean (25).Dr.Hultzsch says, “the Virudaraja of the
Kalingattuparani, and the king of Kuntala whom Kulottunga claims to have
defeated, is Vikramaditya VI. The war between these kings must have taken
place before A.D. 1074-75”. With the accession of Kulottunga I, the Vengi passed
on to the Cholas. He sent his son Rajaraja Mummadi-Chola as viceroy to
Vengi (1076 A.D.); he stayed for one year there (26).
The basis of Eluru copper plates, M.Somasekhara Sharma summarised that

Western Chalukya and Eastern Gangas of Kalinga together invaded Vengi and
Rajaraja Mumadi Chola faced boldly with the assistance of his feudatory
Mummadi Bhima, and drove them out (27).
The EasternGanga contemporary was Rajaraja Devendravarma who also

passed away in Saka 999. He was married to the daughter of Virarajendra,
Rajasundri and Antanta Chodagangadeva was born to this couple, and he was
a minor. It is still uncorroborated fact that Mummadi Chola rendered all
assistance to Kalinga to save from the attack of Western Chalukyas.
His younger brother Vira Choda as viceroy of Vengi soon succeeded the
Rajaraja Mecumadi Chola. He had two terms of his office, i.e. from 1084 to 1089
A.D. and.............. The second term was specially meant for saving the reign from
war clouds as per Pithapuram plates of Vira choda (28).
119
The history of Vikramaditya VI is not clear for this period, with relation to his
efforts on Vengi.
During second tenure of office Vira Choda faced an invasion of Somesvara,

king of Bastar, described as Lord of Chakrakuta. It is summarised (29) that
Paramara Jagaddeva might have rendered assistance to this king of Nagavamsa,
since his Jainad inscription state that he defeated the King of Audha. It is further
said that the king of Chakrakotta might have been provocated by Vikramaditya
VI. But neither the Kuruspal record (30) of the Somesvara nor the Jaina
inscription are dated nor it is not possible to fix the date of this invasion on Vengi.
There are evidences that even from the time of Chalukya Somesvara I, regions
adjoining the Vengi country like Kokipake-7000 were under the control of the
Chalukyas.The Kolanupaka inscription(31) dated 1077 A.D. states that
mahamandelesvara Sankaraganda was governing Kokipake-7000(32), refers to
Tondaya-Chola-maharaja as the governor of that region. In 1066 A.D. we see
Paramara Jagaddeva, in charge of this region, while Somesvara III, the Chalukya
prince was the administrator of the area (33).
This Kolanupaka may be identified with the present Kolyan Simhapur or Kalyan
Singapur as called, located close to Rayagada of Koraput district in Orissa. This
was an ancient seat of Western Chalukya. The archeological remains in the
locality prove this.
120
Reference
1. I.A. XIX, p.16; E.I. VI-I p.1.
2. E.I. Vi, pp.4-5.
3. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta. A History of South India. P.148
4. Ibid
5. Ibid.p.148
6. Ibid.p.149
7 Ibid.
8 Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta., op cit.p.150.
9. S.I.I. VI, No. 684.
10. S.I.I. II, No.10, See also No.17.
11. JAHRS, II, p.287.
12. Bharati, XX, E.I. XXIX, pp.57ff.
13. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta The Colas. p.222, 224-25 and 253-57.
14. The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi p.246.
15. TAS. III, pp.147-48 (Verse 77).
16 S.I.I. III, No.20, 30 etc.
17. S.I.I. III, pp.68-69.
18. A.I. XLVIII, pp.139-40.
19. Gopal, B.R. The Chalukyas of Kalyana and the Kalachuris. pp.218.
20. Buhler (Ed.) Vikramankadevacharitam (1975). p.31.
21. Gopal, B.R., op.cit p.222.
22. E.I. XXV, p.249.
23. Gopal, B.R. op. cit. p.223.
24. Sastri, K.A.N. The Colas p.290.
25. S.I.I. III, No.69.p.144
26 Ibid. p.129
27. Sarma, M.S. in Vijmana-saravasuvamu (Telugu).p.192 cited by Gopal, B.R.
The Chalukyas of Kalyana.p2.61.
28 E.I. V. Pp. 70 ff
29. Sarma, M.S.op. cit. p262
30. Ibid.
31. R.I.E., 1961-62, App.B.No.84
32. Parabrahma Sastry (Edi.) Select Epigraphs of Andhra Pradesh, No.18
33. Ibid.No.10
121
KALYAN SINGPUR
At Kalyan Singpur, close to Rayagada of Koraput, a cave temple is of
archeological interest. The hill is called Devagiri. The hill top has damaged stone
carved inscriptions, which was recorded by George Swell but could not decipher.
Devagiri
This is an unique single stone hill located close to Kalyan singpur, 48 Kms from
Rayagada and 158 Kms from Koraput. The hill rises to height of 120.2 meters and
is flat on the top and thus giving a shape like an egg. The top floor has perennial
pools of water and is known as Ganga, Yamuna, Saraswati, Bhagabati, and
Indradyaumna. There is a cave on the top, in the shape of an open jaw and a Siva
linga is housed in it. At present there is a small collection of different deities like
Siva linga, Vishnu and others placed safely in the cave.
As per historical accounts, the predecessors of the Yadavas of Devagiri ruled over
a country comprising Khandesh, Nasik, and Ahmadnagar Districts in the Bombay
State, as vassals of the Rastrakutas of Manyakheta and the Chalukyas of Kalyana
for more than three hundred years. The founder of this feudatory family was
Dridhaprahara, who is said to have been the son of Subahu, king of
Dvaravatipura, modern Dwaraka, in Kathiawar. Dridhaprahara flourished in the
first half of the ninth century A.D., and established his capital at
Chandradityapura, modern Chandor, in the Nasik District. His son and successor
Seunachandra I founded a city called Seunapura and also gave the name Seuna-
desa or Sevuna-desa to his kingdom after his son. It was situated on the confines
of Dandaka, and included Devagiri, Seunachandra are referred to as the Sevunas
in their own inscriptions as well as in those of their neighbours. A remote
successor of Seunachandra was Karna, whose son Bhillama V was the first
independent king of the dynasty (1).The geography as described above and its
linkage to Dandaka makes it more sure that the Devagiri of Kalyansingpur has
relationship to said Yadavas.
D.C. Ganguly wrote, “Western Chalukya King, Somesvara I and his feudatory,
the Kakatya Prola, raided Kosala, and conquered Chakrakota, in the Bastar district
after defeating a king of Naga dynasty. It is unlikely that he came into clash with
Virarajendra and Rajendra Chola I at Chakrakota. Prola claims to have defeated a
122
chief named Bhadranga (?) Kadaparti, and killed Gonna, the chief of Purakuta.
Vijrahasta V, king of Kalinga, suffered defeat at the hands of Somesvara I. (2).”
Other way, as there is ample evidence which circle around Chakarakota in all
possible way it is a confirmed fact that Kalyana branch of Western Chalukya had
presence in present Koraput. So I conclude the present Kalyan Singpur derives its
name from Kalyana branch of W.Chalukya and Simha refers to Jayasimha II.
But in later period, Vikrama Chola in his short region of 1118 to 1133 A.D. freed
the Southern Andhradesa from the yoke of the Chalukyas of Kalyani and E.
Gangas of Kalinga with the support of his Andhra feudatories.(3)
Gopal, B.R. mentions,” Even from the time of Chalukya Somesvara I, regions
adjoining the Vengi country like Koollipake-7000 were under the control of
Chalukyas. The Kolanupaka inscription (4) dated 1077 AD states that
Mahandalesvara Sankaganda was governing Kollipaka-7000 division.”(5).This is
also indicative of Kalyan singpur of Koraput.
Reference
1. Ganguly, D.C. (1989) The Yadavas of Devagiri. The Struggle for Empire.
The History and Culture of Indian People. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay,
p.185.
2. Ganguly, D.C. (1989) Later Chalukyas and Kalachuries of Kalyana. The
Struggle for Empire. The History and Culture of Indian People. Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, p.172.
3. Kumari, Krishna.The rule of the Chalukya-Chola in Andhradesa. P-56.
4. A.R.I.E.1961-62, App. B, No.84.
5. Gopal.B.R. The Chalukyas of Kalyana and Kalachuris, Prasaranga Karnatak
University, Dharward.p-263.
123
DEVAGIRI REMAINS
View from Devagiri Hills
Devagiri Hill, Kalyan Singpur,Rayagada Flat top of Devagiri Hills
124
Hills in the shape of Siva Linga is believed Tanks over Devagiri

to be behind the name Devagiri
Tank over the Devagiri Hill

Brusava over Devagiri
125
Old Bricks Brusava over Devagiri
Brusavas over Devagiri Brusava over Devagiri
126
Brusava over Devagiri Brusava over Devagiri
Unidenfied Images
Brusavas over Devagiri
127
Ganesha Image not identifiable
128
Akapada Siva? Ganesha
Visnu Visnu
129
Kalyan Singpur Siva Temple images
Ganesha in Kalyan Singpur Siva Temple Pair of Feet in Narayanpur Siva

Temple
130
Siva Lingas in Devagiri Siva Lingas in Devagiri
Convex forehead of Brusa in Narayanpur (may be Karnataka origin)
131
Sivalinga in Narayanpur Pair of Feet in Narayanpur Siva Temple
132
IKSHVAKUS AND PRESENT DISTRICT OF

KORAPUT
Simhanandi was great figure in the early history of Jainism in Andhradesa. He

became the leader of the Vakargachcha, established by Konda- Kundacarya (1).In
Dasmanthpure area of Koraput sub-division, on the bank of river Muran there are
two villages located close by and are named Barigaccha and Narigaccha
respectively. I believe the name of the villages have survived the time and is
giving evident to Simhanandi and Jaina influence of past.The Gacchas/ Gachahas
are Jaina institutions of the past under the Mulasangha organization.
Simhanandi appears to have taken active part in the contemporary politics and his
name is connected with the foundation of the Western Ganga Kingdom of
Talakad (2). The Gangas claimed descent from the Iksvakus and the founder were
two princes by name Dadiga and Madhava.
The probable date of the foundation of the Western Ganga kingdom is A.D. 350,
(3). It may be recalled that the Pallavas destroyed the Iksvakus of Sriparvata about
A.D 295 (4) and therefore it may be assumed that the Iksvaku brothers migrated
to the south from the Sriparvata region (5).
Iksavakus of Sriparvata were Vidikas and their queens patronized Buddhism. It

may therefore signify that the Iksvaku princes, on the advice of Simhanandi gave
up their side, became Jainas (6).
The earliest known Ikshvaku King Vasishthiputra Santamula I (Chantamula)

flourished about the second quarter of the third century, which was immediately
after fall of the Satavahanas.
Like the Kadambas and Chalukyas of later times, he is described as "favoured by

Mahasena (Skanda-Karttikeya)." Santamula I had at least two sisters, the first of
whom was married to a feudatory chief who had the style 'Mahasenapati' Mahatla
vara and belonged to the Pukiya family. The King's daughter Atavi-Santisri was
married to an official styled Mahsenapati Mahadandanayaka and reported to have
belonged to the noble family of the Dhanakas. Some scholars have connected the
word Pukiya with Pungi district covering parts of southern Guntur and the
adjoining region. (7)
133
Word 'Pukiya family', 'Puki visaya' and Pukali have been examined with relation
to history of South. 'Pukiya family' is referred in Ikshavakus inscription and 'Puki-
vishaya' in Chipurupalle plates and in Timmarapuram plates of Vishnuvardana I
of Eastern Chalukyas. The Timmarapuram plate is giving definite evidence of
Puki-vishaya in Koraput district, the former day Visakhapatnam Agency. It is
further strengthened due to identification of Kumulura village in BhairabSingpur
region that appears in the inscription of Chipurupalli grant, the Eastern Chalukya
king Vishnuvardana I (8). A detail account is given in the Eastern Chalukya
chapter in the present volume.
There is a village named Attavi near the present day Jolaput in Koraput district,
Orissa. The said village is with in the past Matsya kingdom of Madgole and here
the historical famous Machkund or Fish pond is located. The matrimonial relation
of Attava-Santisri with Ikshvakus and Pukiya family’Mahasenapati’ Mahatla as
reffered above with the arguments I am placing the Ikshvakus were present in
Koraput district. Ikshavaku dynasty and the relationship of Vishnuvardana I to
Attava and Matsya family are further strengthening inscriptions findings and the
location in Koraput region as per following findings.
K.R. Subramanian (1931) with reference to Ikshvakus wrote, 'There was marriage
relationship between the Ikshvaku and the dynasty of Vanavasi in the region of
Bahubala, but it would appear that the Kadambas had not risen then into a ruling
power.'(9)
He further wrote that the above fact is mentioned due to, 'the new inscriptions
introduce to us a number of new class like the Pukiyas, the Dhatakas, the
Sagara, the Chaliki, etc. the last two being names of some of the princes. The
Ikshvaku must have married into the local families. Chantisari married her
brother's Senapati, Mahalalavara Vasishtiputra Skanda Sri of the Pukiya Clan
and their son, was Skandax Sagaram naga…'The said reference is pointing to
south Ishvakus'.
N. Venkataramanaya (1950) wrote, 'Visnuvardhana I was a great soldier and

capable general. He had under him was two capable lieutenants, the Pattavardhani
Brahaman, Kala-Kampa and Buddhavarman of the Caturthakula, the founder of
the Giri pascima or Kondapadamati family (10), who helped him to establish
his authority in the Telugu country. Another chief called Atavi - Durjaya of the
Matsya family is mentioned as the 'ajnapti' of his Chipurupalle Plate (11). He
was probably the founder of the Matsya dynasty of Oddadi, and it is not unlikely
that he accompanied the Chalukya army from the west-coast, and helped
134
Vishnuvardhana I in reducing the forest tracts of Kalinga (Kaling = atavi) to

subjection.'(12). It means Matsya dynasty ruled Atavi and Atavi was with in the
territory of Matsya that means Machkund- Nandapur region of Koraput.
We put forward the fact that there are two ancient villages in Koraput-sub-
division; one is in the Dasmanthpur area (on hills) called Paiko Puki. The other
place near to Perata village and very close to Koraput town is known as Poraja
Puki. One has to cross the Kolab dam water to reach the village otherwise take a
route from Paliva village to Poraja Puki village. This is amidst Jaina remains;
surrounding villages are formed by Jhodia Poraja who call themselves as Bodo
Poraja. The Poraja Puki is close to Nandapur, the former capital of present day
Koraput region; so also Paiko Puki is not very far point from Poraja Puki.
J. Ph. Vogel observes that 'it is interesting to meet with a line of rulers, settled in
the Telugu country, which claimed descent from Ikshaku, i.e., Ikkhaku (=Skt.
Ikshvaku), the mythical progenitor of the famous Solar dynasty of Ayodhya. It is
well-known that not only Rama belonged to that illustrious house, but the
Buddha, too, is called a scion of the race of Ikshaku (Pali Okkaka). It is clear, in
any case, that these Southern Ikhakus were rulers of some importance, as they
formed matrimonial alliances not only with the Maharajas of Vanavasa, but also
with the kings, presumably the descendants of the satrap Chashtana, who resided
at Ujjayini in Central India. The nomenclature of these Southern Ikhaku kings,
coupling their personal names with metronymics like Madhariputa and
Vasithiputa, seems to be a practice borrowed from the earlier rulers of the Andhra
dynasty. It will hardly be necessary to quote the instance of Vasithiputa Siri-
Pulumavi and Gotamiputa Satakanni. On the other hand, there are in these
inscriptions certain expressions which are also found in the Prakrit copperplate
grants of the early Pallavas. '(13).
Iksvaku King Camtamula I and his grandson Ehuvula Camtamula II, and we
believe from the above reports that present day village Kamata of
Bhairabasingpur and another place called Charmula (a Jain temple of ancient day)
have been derived. The Kamata area tribals have recently excavated one ancient
Buddhist temple at Pakkanaguda.
135
Reference
1. Jain, J.P. The Jain sources of the History of Ancient India.
2. Saletore, B.V. Mediaeval Jainism.
3. Desai, P.B. Jainism in South India.
4. Salthianathaiyer, HCIP III p 268.
5. Rama Rao, M. Iksvakus of Vijayapuri p.48.
6. Krishnarao, M.V. Jainism in Gangavadi QJMS XXIV p.48 ff
7. Majumdar, R.C. and Altekar, A.S. The Vakataka-Gupta Age, Cir-200-550
A.D. Motilal Banarsidass. Chapter IV, p. 5.
8. E.I. IX. p.317
9. Subramanian, K.R. (1931) Budhist Remains in Andhra. p. 87.
10. Venkataramanaya, N. (1950) The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. p. 57 ff.
11. SII, IV. 662.
12. Venkatramanaya, Ibid. p. 63.
13. EI.XX, p. 6.
136
NALA DYNASTY IN KORAPUT KALAHANDI AND

BASTAR DISTRICTS
The Nalas ruled in Kantara-Kosal region in 4th-5th centuries. They claim to be
descent from the Nishadha king Nala of the epic fame (1). Vayu-Purana and
Brahmanda- Purana also support it. According to Matsya purana and Hari
Vamsha, they belonged to the solar dynasty; but the Mahabharat narrates that they
were of the lunar race. According to Rajaguru, 1958 the reigning period of Nala
kings may be assigned to the 5th and 6th century A.D. and had continued till the
Sarvhapuriyans and the Panduvamsi got supremacy over Madhyabharat (2).
Nalas ruled over the land between river Wian Ganga in the west to the Indravati
in the south and from the Eastern Ghats in the east to the Mekala region in the
north. This territory was known to be the Nalas dominion, when they went at the
height to the power but their original country was confined to the modern Koraput
district of Orissa and part of Bastar district of Madhya Pradesh, may be a part of
Kalahandi District of Orissa also (3). G.Ramdas has identified Pushkari i.e.
modern Podagada in Umerkote of Koraput district in Orissa as the capital of
Nalas (4) but Altekar did not agree to the proposal, on the other hand N.K.Sahu
supported the findings of Ramdas.Thus it is reasonable to say that the Nalas ruled
over the Koraput District in the 5th and 6th century A.D. and this was the
Nalavadi Visaya referred in the Kurnool- grant (5) of the Western Chalukya king
Vikramaditya I who owned about the middle of the 7th century A.D. We learnt
from the Rithapur plates (6) of Bhavadattavarman, that afterwards he transferred
his capital from Pushkari to Nandivardhana. The reason for the transfer is known
from the Podagadh stone inscription where it is stated that owing to some trouble
initiated by external enemies of the Nalas with Skanadavarman son of Bhavadatta,
the town of Pushkari was desolated but was again restored to the normal position
(7). It does not mention the enemy in clear terms.
Some scholar also inclined to suggest that Nandivardan was the capital of Nala as
stated above. It may be better to state that Nandivardan was the capital town of
Vakataka kings of Berar as known from Puna copper Plate inscriptions of
Prabhavati Gupta of her regional year 13 and the Rithapur inscription of
Bhavadattavarman only indicates that the Nala king had succeeded in occupying
the Vakataka capital for some time and started struggle between Nalas and
Vakatakas (8). Hiralal has identified the Nandivardan with Nagavardan 13 miles
north of Nagpur, but as has been also stated that Nandapur 34 mile north of
Nagpur may be the old Nandivardan (9).
137
The genealogy of the Nala kings was workout by several authors including P.L.
Misra, (10) S.N. Rajaguru, (11) N.K. Sahu (12) and G. Ramdas (13) from the
valuable stone inscriptions and copper plate grants. The Kesharibeda plates of
Arthapati was edited by G. Ramdas and re-edited by D.C. Sircar (14). The
Rithapur plates (15) by Bhabadattavarman was edited by Y.R. Gupte and the
Podagada stone inspiration of Skandavarman son of Bhabadutta was edited by
C.R. Krishnamacharalu (16) and also prior to him D. R. Bhandarakar and Raja
Bhadur Hiralal had reported the inspirations in their report (17). The 32 gold coins
of 3 Nala kings were added by S.N. Rajaguru (18) and later Miss Tripathy (19)
gave her observations. However there have been doubts with the genealogy of the
Nala king. It has not yet been satisfactorily worked out.
The work of P.L. Misra (20) is inclined to take king Mahendra of Kosala referred
to in the Allahabad pillar Inscription as a Nala king. His argument that King
Mahandraditya who issued Khairtal hoard of gold coins is identical with king
Mahendra of Allahabad pillar Inscription (21), is based on a guess work and his
suggestion that the name Mahendravarman sounds well with some of the Nala
rulers as Bhavadattavarman, Skandavarman, etc is unwarranted was the opinion
of N.K.Sahu (22).
Chronological account of Nala Kings

According to S.N. Rajaguru (23) that the Chronological account of the institutions
of the Nalas is to be ascertained with the help of the writers named in as Chulla.
In addition to the name of Arthapati and Bhavadattavarman of Edenga hoard; Sri

Nasdanaraja and Stambha are known from revese coins and it is Varaharaj with
the help of the Bhita seal and the gold coins of Bastar (24). The genealogy of the
Nala Kings is prepared by Rajaguru is as following,
Vrishdhvaja (of the Bhita-seal)
Varaharaja (of the gold coins)
Arthapati (Kesaribeda plate)
Bhavattavarman
138
Bhavadatta (Rithapur plate)
Skandavarman (Podagadh stone inscription)
Prthviraja
Viruparaja
Vilasatunga (Rajim stone inscription)
Rajaguru has placed Arthapati as earlier than Bhavadattavarman; but the

Rithapur inscription leaves no doubt that Arthapati was a son and successor of
Bhavadattavarman. The genealogy of Nala King has been given by N.K.
Sahu (25) that is as follows:
Brsabhadhvaja (Cir-400 A.D.) of Bhita-seal
Varaharaja (Upto Cir- 440 A.D.) of the gold coin
Bhavadattavarman (Upto- 440-465 A.D.)
Arthapatiraja (Cir 465-475 A.D.) Kesaribeda Plates of Arthapti
Skandavarman (Cir- 475 to 500 A.D.) Podagadh stone inscription
Prthviraja
Viruparaja
Vilasatunga (Cir- 700 A.D.) Rajim stone inscription
139
The chronological account of the inscriptions of the Nalas is ascertained through

the writer’s name in Kesaribeda plate inscription as Chulla, he styles as
Rahasyadhikrta while in another Rithapur plate inscription he is called
Rahasiniyukta (26).
In addition to the name of Arthapati and Bhavadattavarman of Kesaribeda and

Rithapur plates respectively, we get another name from their gold-coins. It is
Varaharaja. With the help of Bhita-seal and gold-coins of Bastar, Rajaguru gave
below a list of the Nala Kings: (27)
The Nalas rose to prominence that their capital was at Pushkari (28) in the modern
Umerkote Taluk of the district of Koraput.
Nala Dynasty Inscriptions, Copper plates and Numismatics evidence

The Nala dynasty and the chronological of the Nala kings are derived from the
following inscriptions, inscriptions and numismatic evidences and are given as
following.
Numismatics and Nalas

There are four coin hoards so far recorded, which is attributed to Nalas and their
findings are as following:
Edenga hoard of 32 gold coins of the Nala rulers in Kondagaon of Bastar

district
In 1939, a hoard of 32 gold coins of the Nala rulers was discovered in Kondagaon
of Bastar district. The office of the E.C. Hyde, ICS, and Administrator Bastar
State recovered; V.V. Mirashi has edited them. The coins were perfect and round.
They were made up of thin sheet of gold. They are single die coins with design
and legends embossed in relief on the obverse and the reverse is blank. Mirashi
has divided into two groups according to size. The large coins were 10 number
measures from 20 to 21 mm diameter and weight 19.7 to 24.6 gms each. The
small ones numbering twenty-two are about 15mm in diameter and they weigh
about 7.5 gms each. The small ones are numbering twenty-two. The obverse is
divided into two parts by horizontal lines, one to three in number. In the upper
half, a humped bull (Nandi) and crescent are seen. In the lower half is possibly the
legend of the issuer. The figure of the bull is seen beautifully executed on the coins
of Bhavdatta varman (29).
140
Coins of Srivaraha (Varaharaja)

There were thirty-two coins, of those twenty-nine coins belong to Varaharaja.
They were classified by Mirashi (30); who showed to have 1st group of six larger
coins based on device and legend. The obverse contains a circle of dots along the
edge with humped bull facing left towards the crescent down below the horizontal
line; the legend ‘Sri Varaharaja’ is inscribed in the box-headed character of 5th
century A.D. In the other type, inside a circle of dots a couchant bull faces right
with the crescent above its back. Below, the legend it reads ‘Srivaraha’
Coin of Bhavadattaraja
There is one coin of larger variety contains the legend ‘Bhavadatarajasya’ in box-
headed character. Other things of the coin are as above (31).
Coins of Arthapati
This hoard contains two coins; they are of two varieties in larger size of the king
Arthapati (32). On the obverse, there is a circle of dots. Inside the circle along the
edge, a couchant humped bull faces right with the crescent in front. Down below
is the legend ‘Sri Arthapatirajasya’ in box-headed character. In the other variety
the crescent is behind the bull.
According to Mirashi, (33) the coins of ‘Varaha’ appear to be the earliest and that
of Arthapati is the latest. He also doubts if these coins were meant for circulation
and they may be token plaques.
We know about Skandavarman from the grants and his father Arthapati, who had
also issued the Kesaribeda grant. They belong to Nala dynasty.
The name of Bhavadatta is also found in the rock inscription of Skandavarman,

who is apparently his second son. However, as yet due is no mention of the name
of ‘Varaha’ in epigraphic records. Mirashi and Sahu (34) accept him as a Nala
ruler on the evidence of paleography, and he seems to be the predecessor of
Bhavadatta (35).
Kulia Hoard of Gold Coins

A hoard of thirty gold coins was discovered at the village of Kulia in Durg district
of Madhya Pradesh in 1977. It contains twenty-five coins of ‘Mahendraditya’ and
five coins of Nala rulers. The Collector, Durg (36) had collected and lodged the
gold coins in M.G.R. Museum, Raipur. However, B.C. Jain and L.S. Nigam have
published the findings of the said coins (37).
141
Of the five Nala coins as mentioned, two belong to Bhavadatta and one to
Arthapati, who are also known from the Edenga hoard and the epigraphs. The rest
two coins of this hoard introduce to two new rulers ‘Sri Nandanaraj’ and
‘Stambha’ they are identified as Nala rulers by Jain (38) and Nigam (39). We also
find reference to one ‘Sri Nanda’ in the Palai and Gandibera (40) hoards of copper
coins, which experts identify with ‘Sri Nandanaraja’ of this gold coin hoard.
Coins of Bhavadatta
There are two round shaped gold coins with diameter and weight of 21 mm and
1.775 gm., respectively. They are divided into two parts by horizontal lines. On
the obverse, inside a circle of dots, as usual on the upper half, a couchant bull is
facing right with the crescent behind it. In the lower half, there is the legend ‘Sri
Bhavadattarajasya’ in the box-headed character of Brahmi. The reverse of the
coin is blank.
Coin of Arthapati
The obverse is same as above the legend reads ‘Sri Arthapatirajasya’. It weighs-
1.565 gm. and has diameter of 20mm.
Coin of Nandanaraja
The coins are of gold. The diameter is 20 mm. and weighs 1.310 gm. The obverse
is divided into two parts by horizontal lines. A circle of dots, which runs along the
edge; in the upper half a couchant humped bull faces, left with six dots behind it.
In the front of the bull, crescent is shown. The lower half the legend in box-
headed character reads ‘Sri Nandanaraja’.
Coin of Stambha
The coin is made of gold, and has 16 mm. diameters and weighs 0.720 gms. The
obverse is as above. In front of the bull there is a symbol and the legend reads
‘Stambha’ in the box-headed character of Brahmi.
For the first time, Nandaraja and Stambha are known from these gold coins and
they belong to the Nala dynasty (41). They may be assigned to the period after
Skandavarman.
142
Copper Plates and Inscriptions and Nala Genealogy

In addition to the above, the discovery of 32 gold coins issued by Varaharaja, Sri
Arthapatiraja and Bhavadattavarman discovered from Edenga, the village in
Kondagaon Tahsil of Bastar district of Madhya Pradesh adds to the earlier
discoveries. (42)
The copper plates are:
1. Rithapur plates of king Bhvadatta verman (43)

2. Kesaribeda plates of king Arthapati (44)
The stone inscriptions are:
1. Podagada inscriptions of Skanda Varman (45)

2. Rajim inscriptions of Vilasatunga (46)
Rithapur Plates of Bhavattavarman
The donor of the plates was Bhavattavarman, title of the plate was Maharaja,
place of issue was Nandivardhana, topography refereed was Kadamvagiri
(village) and issuing officers were Paddopadhyay’s son Voppadeva and second
name was Rahsyadhikruta Chulla. Y.R. Gupte edited the plate. It was in Sanskrit
(47).
The find place of the plates was the village of Rithapur in the Morsi Taluk of the
Amaravati District of Maharastra. These plates along with another set of plates of
Vakataka queen Prabavatigupta were brought to the ‘Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka
Mandala’, Poona by Mahanya Dattaraja.
It measured 7.3/11” x 3.5” in coverage. The ring and the seal are missing. The
editor is of the view that on the paleographical the record may be assigned to the
later half of the 5th century A.D.
The following few line translations from Y.R.Gupte is given as below.
(Lines 1-21) Perfection has been attained! Hail! From Nandivardhana. The
illustrious Maharaja Bhavattavarman, whose banner bears the Tripataka (hand
with three fingers stretched out or whose banner consists of three pennons) who is
born in the lineage of the Nala kings,..............
143
(Lines 21-26) This copper plate charter, which in the abode of the virtue of
increasing the sacred fame of his father and mother, has been caused to be made
by the illustrious Maharaja Arthapati Bhattarka, who has been favored by the
kindness of respectable people, so that..........
Kesaribeda grant of Maharaja Arthapati Bhattaraka

The inscription was secured by G.Ramdas through Assistant Dewan of the former
Jaypur Zamindary, Koraput district in 1944 from the village of Kesaribeda of
Umarkote Thana of the Koraput district. He had published a small account of
Nalas in the Telugu journal “Bharati’ of June, 1944.
The inscription was edited by G. Ramdas (48) and later D.C. Sircar re-edited and
published (49).
The plate’s donor was Arthapati; Titles were Sri Maharaja, Bhattaraka,
Tripatakdhvaja, Nalasrpatikul unvaya and Mahesvarmah-
asenatisrshtarjayvibhava. The place of issue was Pushkari. The topography was
Keselaka Grama (village).
Ramdas writes. “Compared with Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman (50) those

of our plates appear to be at least a century later.” He further wrote, “before the
age of the Vishnukundins the royal charters were written with three lines each of
the face. It may be taken that the charters with four lines on each of the face were
of the times subsequent to A.D. 350, the east year of Samudragupta’s Champion.”
The said inscription was engraved by Rahasyadhikrta Chaulla.
The find spot of the grant plates is full of ancient ruins. The plates were found
stung to a copper ring. According to G. Ramdas the circumference and ring as
described are 7.4” and 2’. The plates measured 7.5” long and 1.5” wide. The
corners have been trimmed and rounded off. The plates with the ring weighed
43.75 tolas (gms) and the ring alone weighed 6.75 tolas (gms). First face of the 1st
plate is blank, the 2nd and 3rd are inscribed on both sides and set contains 14
lines of inscription (51).
The letters used are scooped out variety of the box headed character of Central
Indian script prevalent in 5th/6th Century A.D. The language of the character is
Sanskrit and has been composed both prose and verse direction.
The Keselaka Grama of the inscription has been identified by G. Ramdas with
present Kesaribeda village, the find spot of the grant. The place of issue of the
grant is Pushkari, which has been identified with present Podagada, revenue
144
village Bhandariguda in Dabugaon Tahsil, formerly Umerkote Thana in

Nowarangpur Sub-division of Koraput district (52).
According to the grant Maharaja Arthapati donated Keseleka Gram to

Durggarayya, Ravirayya and Ravidaarayya.
Podagada Stone inscription of Skandavarman, son of Bhavadatta

The donor of the inscription was Skandavarman; topography was Pushkari
(town). C.R. Krishnamacharlu edited the inscription (53).The inscription was
discovered in 1922 by G. Venkoba Rao, Asst. Superintendent of Archaeology,
Madras.
Podagada is a village in the Umarkote Police Station in the Koraput district of
Orissa. The place is very close to Bastar district.
The inscription still stands, at its find. It consists of thirteen versus and most of
them are composed in Anushtup-Chhanda in Sanskrit.
Rajim stone inscription of Vilasatunga

The donor of the inscription was Vilastunga. It is in Sanskrit poetry. There are 29
verses. V.V. Mirashi had edited the inscription (54), but before him D.R.
Bhandarkar had placed it to be of 8th century. Rai Bahadur Hiralal had also
reported the inscription.
The inscription consists of three stones, and is found at the left side of the
Mandapa of Rajivlochana temple at Rajim, which is about 28 kms. from Raipur
(Chhattisgarh).
The learned editor writes, “Verses 10-12 are devoted to the glorification, equally
conventional, of Prithiviraja’s son Viruparaja. Versus 14th mentions Vilastunga
who was probably a son of Viruparaja. On paleoecological grounds Cunningham
says that it belongs to not later than 8th century A.D (55) However Mirashi places
it to about A.D. 700.
Podagada stone inscriptions

The Southern Archeological Circle, Madras lead by C.R.Krishnamacharlu and
G.Venkoba Rao During 1922 discovered Podagada stone inscriptions and later
edited the inscriptions. The inscription is still found lying on a hill on Podagada in
Revenue village Bhandariguda, Dabugaon Tehsil of Koraput district and it
contains 12 to 13 verses written in Sanskrit.
145
The inscription speaks of king Skandavarman son of Bhavadatta of the Nala

family, who re-established the city of Pushkari and made the gift of a holding and
some money in the shape of ‘Bhrudaksina’ for feeding Brahmins and the
destitute. It described the establishment of foot print (padmaula) of Lord Vishnu,
for which the king made the grant. It was made in his 12th regal year on the 27th
day of Baisakha. The inscription was written by Janturadasa son of Chauli.
According to Krishnamacharalu the inscription belongs to later half of the 5th

century A.D. Pushkari is identified with modern Podagada, which is full of
antiquarian remains and ruins (56).
G. Ramdas opines that Pushkari may be identical with the famous Puskara Tirtha
of the Mahabharata (57) but S.N. Rajaguru did not agree to this view. It is stated
by H.N. Sukla that the village Pushynel located in Bijapur Tahasil of Bastar
District is correct form to place Pushkara (58) and representing the Nala capital
city, which is without a solid basis. It is not out of place to identify Podagada now
a forelone desolated place was once very prosperous and populated town and has
been inclined to identify with Pushkari, the old capital of Nala which is opined by
G. Ramdas, N.K. Sahu and S.N. Rajaguru.
The Nala Rulers

Vyghraraja
In the middle of the 4th century A.D Samudragupta led his South Indian
campaign; Vyghraraja, the Nala king was the ruler of Mahakantara and was
defeated. (59).
Vindyavedhana
There is no definite evidence as to which Nala king ruled Kantara after

Vyghraraja; however on a seal discovered from village Bhita, near North
Allahabad that is belived to have been carried in the train of Bhavadattavarman’s
pilgrimage to Prayaga as known from his grant.
S.N. Rajaguru (60) has pointed out that one of the seals found at Bhita belongs to
an early king of the Nala family. The seal in question contains the following
legend-:
‘Sri Vindhyavevane mahasvara mahasenati srstarajasya Brsahvajasya

Gautamiputrasya..............’ The appellation Mahesvara mahasenatisrsta rajasya’ is
without doubt a conventional expression found in the records of the Nala kings. In
the copper plate inscriptions of the Nalas the conventional epithets run as follows:
146
Mahamahesvara mahasenatisrsta
Rajya vibhavah Nalanrpavamsa
Prasutah tripatakadhvajah etc’.
For the use of similar epithets Brsabhadhvaja might be taken to be belonging to

the Nala family. The seal in question has been described by Marshall to the 3rd.
or 4th century A.D. and in view of it characters being similar to those of the
Mathara and Salankayana chaters it may be attributed to about 400 A.D. The
discovery of the seal at Bhita near modern Allahabad seems to be concluded that
Brsadhvaja was a ruler of the region, but the metronymic expression-
Gautamiputrasya- indicates that he belonged to a south Indian family .His seal
might have gone over to Bhita in the train of Bhavdattavarman’s campaign
against Nandivardhana and his march from the latter place to Prayaga where he
donated grants to Brahmanas. If Brsabhadhvaja is regarded as a Nala king and his
metronymic appellation are taken into consideration his territory may be assigned
to the Bastar-Koraput area rather than to the Brita-Allahabad region. (61).
Varaharaja
He is possibly the next Nala ruler after Vindyavedhana, who is known from his
gold Edenga gold coin finds from Bastar district. Out of the 32 gold coins, as
many as 29 belong to Varaharaja, one to Bhavadattavarn\mana and two to
Arthapati. (62)
……………The Vakataka rulers felt the growing strength of Nalas. They had
acquired sovereignty over Koraput-Bastar region possibly since the time of
Pravarasena I, who flourished during earlier period of 4th century A.D. (63). The
Nalas attained position through consolidation where Vakataka Empire was under
the regency of queen Prabhavatigupta (390-410 A.D.) and Nala king Varaharaja
proclaimed independence and rose to great prominence.
Bhavadattavarman
It is very likely that Bavadattavarman was successor to Varaharaja.He is called

Bhavadattaraja in his coins; in the Rithapur copperplates (64); is known as
Bhavadattavarman and in Podagada Stone inscription as Bhavadatta (65).
The conflict between Vakatakas and Nalas started during the rule of
Narendrasena, son and successor of Pravarasena II and the Nala king who fought
against Vakataka rulers, is known to be Bhavadattavarman.
147
Bhavadattavarman defeated Vakatakas and marched as far as their imperial

capital Nandivardhana and eventually occupied. Narendrasena forced retreat from
his capital. It is believed that the Traikutakas of Southern Gujarat was hard
pressing him, thus he could not stand to the aggression of Nalas. Sometime after
this victory Bhavadattavarman left for holy Prayaga on pilgrimage where he
donated a village named Kadambagiri for acquiring blessing on himself and his
queen to Matradhyaryya of the Parasara gotra and his eight sons named Devrayya,
Devadattaryya, Kumaradttarayya, Viradattaraya, Vasudattaryya, Gauridattaryya,
Dhruvadattaryya and Durggadattaryya. This grant was made in the 11th regal year
of king Bhavadattavarman. It so appears that Bhavadattavarman had occupied the
capital Nandivardan about the middle of the 5th century A.D. It is clearly known
form the Rithapur Copper Plate grant that Bhavadattavarman occupied the heart
of Vakataka empire uptill end of his rule.
He ruled an extensive area including Kosala and Kantara extending from Koraput
to Berar (66)
Arthapatiraja
Bhavadattavarman was succeeded by his son, Mahajaja Arthapati.Rajaguru (67)

had placed Arthapati earlier to Bhavadattavarman but D.C. Sirkar (68) was of the
opinion that he ruled after Skandavarman.It is clear from Rithapur plates that
Arthapatiraja was the son and successor of Bhavadattavarman.
Arthapatiraja had to suffer serious consequences as the hands of Prthvisena II,

son and successor of Narendrasena. The Balaghat Plate (69) of Pritvisena reveals
the fact that this monarch rescued the fortunes of his family twice and the records
however do not reveal as who the enemy was defeated by him. It is no doubt that
they are the Nalas and king Arthapatiraja and the Traikutaka king Dharasena.
Arthapatiraja faced crushing defeat under the hands of Prithvisena II and Nalas
were expelled out of Vakataka dominion.
The Kesaribeda Copper plate grant was made by Arthapati may after be his defeat
from Nandivarman. The said grant was issued from his headquarters Pushkari
donating the village Keselaka in favour of Durggarajya, Ravirayya and
Ravidattarayya all belong to the Kautsva gotra.
Prithvishna II seems to have marched against the Nala capital as a measure of

retaliation and devastated Pushkari town. Arthapatviraja was killed in the battle
some time about 475 A.D.
148
At present at Podagada Pushkari there are six sati stones placed on a strategic
location. The local folk story runs that six princes were killed in a battle. This is
possibly that out of 8 sons of Arthpatiraja 6 sons lost their life. The folk stories
continue to tell the pathetic end of king and queen during the war on Pushkari.
They point out to a close by hill with thick forest where the king and his family
members were hiding and unfortunately a pet parrot started telling that king and
queen are hiding. Taking the clue from the parrot, the enemy searched for the king
and his family who were then slained to death. This folklore still exists in pathetic
poetry form in Podagada village, and retreated by tribals.
Skandavanman
Skandavanman ascended the Nala throne after the death of his brother king
Arthpati Maharaja. He continued struggle with his enemies. The Vakatakas
succeed in repulsing the attacks due to Nalas and Traikutakas but were unable to
smash their power. The Traikutakas king Vyaghrasena, the successor of
Dharasena remained as powerful threat to Vakatakas. The other side, Nala king
Skandavarman struck back the Vakatakas from his territory. He restored and
repopulated his capital Pushkari. His rock inscription was discovered from
Podagada and is still in place. The final destruction of the city took place towards
the close of the reign of Skandavarman about the year 500 A.D.
Skandavarman was a contemporary of the Vakataka emperor Harisena of the

Basim branch. The Ajanta inscription (70) reveals that Harisena had extended his
supremacy and rule over Gujarat, Malawa, South Kosala, Andhra and Kuntala.
This indicates that he had smashed the rules of Traikutakas and Skandavarman,
and later sometime about 500 A.D. Skandavarman lost his kingdom to Vakatakas.
This was the final blow, which effectively broke down the Nalas in Koraput-
Bastar.
The subsequent history of Nalas is not eventful. The Chalukya king Kirtivarman
(566-598 A.D.) as described in the Aihole inscriptions as the night of doom to the
Nalas (71). J.K. Sahu (72) mentions that a branch of Nala family migrated to the
south and settled on the bank of Tungabhadra. There the Chalukya king
Kiritivarman as said above subdued them.
Subsequently, Vikramaditya I, the Western Chalukya monarch gave a crushing

blow on them about the middle of the 7th century A.D. (73).
We are inclined to believe that all the above events look place at Pushkari region
only. This has been discussed with evidence in the proceeding chapters on
Western Chalukya and Eastern Chalukays in Trikalinga and Kalinga.
149
It is needful to speak that after defeat of the Nala king Skandavarman,

Sarbhapuriyas rule was established in Kosala and part of the Nala kingdom in
Kantara region the Eastern Gangas ruled which from that time came to be known
as Trikalinga country (74).
Another branch of the Nalas appears to have remained back in Western Kosala.
An inscription of this branch is found on a slab of stone in the Mandapa of
Rajivalochana temple at Rajim as stated above. The inscription is undated, but on
paleographic grounds, it may be placed about 8th-9th century A.D. The
inscription has faced erosion. It contains the names of three rulers, Prthviraja,
Viruparaja and Villastunga in lines 7, 9, and 11 respectively. Their relationship in
not known. If it is to be taken as a royal record, as per J.K. Sahu this branch of
Nala family ruled over small principality in the upper Mohanadi valley as
feudatories of the Panduvamsi Kings in 8th-9th century A.D.(75)
Pandipathar copper plate inscription (76) Aska in Ganjam, reveals that a family of
Nala was ruling during first half of 10 th century A.D. over Khindarisinga
Mandala. The capital as mentioned was Bhimpur, which is identified with
Bhimanagara of Ganjam. It is about 925 A.D. The donor king Bhimasena
assumed imperial title Maharajadhiraja, which is indicative that he acknowledged
nominal allegiance to his Bhauma overlord. Khindarisinga constituted the small
estates of Ganjam. They were Dharakota, Saragada, Badagada and Soroda.
Archeological Remains of Nalas
Podagada
The Nala strong hold was located on the hill fort, now called Podagada, which
means burnt fort. Podagada is located at the distance of 23 kms. from Umerkote
(Via Dhodra) and geometrically from Umerkote at a distance of 12 Kms. to its
south. Podagada constitute a part of the revenue village Bhandariguda. Previously
it was Umerkote Tahasil and at present it is a part of Dabugaon Tahasil. The
ancient township was instituted on the left bank of Rivulet Singasari which joins
the river Bhaskel near Nandpur in its hay days the city seems to have remained
between the river valley Singasari and Nangi as evident from the part. The river
Nangi flows 6 kms. to the north of Podagada and it is the Bhansagaon near
Dhodra. Both these rivulets have originated from the hilly and forest region of
Podagada, which is located at 2000’ altitude. Moreover the Podagada hill contains
the remnants of forts and the rocky inscription rise to a high of 3043’. The hilly
150
part of its strategy location resembles to the olden days fort locations for military
purpose.
Late G. Ramdas, (77) the historian and academician of repute from Koraput
district, visited Podagada during 1948, and have given vivid survey account. He
further viewed the antiquity of the place to the Epic and Purina age and was of
the opinion that ‘Pushkari’ mentioned in Nala inscriptions was pointing to the
famous Puskara Tirtha of Mahabharata’. The site of Podagada rock inscriptions is
located amidst a formidable hill fort located on the top of the hill. There are still
remains of brick and stone sculptures, parts of broken pillars, pottery and
terracottas and bangles on the hill fort lying scattered here and there. Ramdas
reported the discovery of an ancient stronghold of kings. There are traces of
staircase built of stone slabs, leading to the fort from the ground. Traces of the
gateway are also seen that leads to the top of the hill, which is a flat surface and
quite broad. There are pottery, pieces of tile and burnt bricks lying scattered.
There are a number of stones bearing holes, which are apparently meant for some
short of indoor game. Similar holes are seen in the Vijayanagar Empire ruins in
the south. These holes when closely examined have metal casting.
Ramdas had reported a stone with the impression of the foot-print which was
believed by him to be the original foot-print of Vishnu installed in the temples as
warranted in the inscription of Sakndavarman. But at present this stone is missing
from Podagada (78). But I have found the same footprint safe in Padagada and is
now called ‘Gangaram’ by local people.
The meaning of the word ‘Padamula’ is not very clear. Krishnamacharlu the
editor of the epigraph has translated it as sanctuary and Rajaguru supported him
(79). Some other scholars have identified it as temple. It seems to mean a ‘Vishnu
Vihar’, which the king established with adequate arrangement for its maintenance
and of which Vishnu was the presiding deity (80). In this connection G. Ramdas
(81) said that he had noticed a stone slab, two feet in diameter with a slight
depended depression of the man’s right foot. The foot print itself is about 12”
long and its worn out condition together with the eroded stone gave the
impression to him that it belong to the same age as the epigraph on the rocky hill.
Probably it was the footprint of Vishnu, which was by Skandavarman. At
Bolangir district of Orissa in Ranipur-Jharial there are very many sets of
footprints in the temple complex, which were worshipped in esteemed reverence.
It can also be of Buddhist relevance.
Ranipur-Jharial was a ‘Tirtha’ with a beginning in 4th /5th Century A.D. and was
within the Nala domain (82). Thus the ‘Padamula’ described in the grant might be
really a foot-print of Vishnu, which was established in Vishnu Vihar as is evident
151
from the donating of holdings along with immense ‘bhuridaksina’ for feeding the
destitute and inmates. N.K. Sahu opined, ‘the foot print symbolises the dwarf
incarnation of Vishnu and it appears that the idea of divine incarnation was
popular in the Nala kingdom” (83).
According to Patel (1990) who visited the area in 1985, who made a systematic
exploration and study of the extent antiquities and relics, which impresses and
beyond any doubt that Pushkari was a big flourishing city extended over the
valleys of the twin rivulets Nangi and Singari in the Podagoda plateau. He has
described as follows:
“The formidable stronghold, as gleamed from the ruins was located on the hill and
his presently called Podagada i.e. burnt fort suggesting its destruction by fire and
sword of the enemies. The entrance or simhadvara to the fort was from the
southern side, where we find brickbats and fragments of stone and burnt brick
pillars and doorjambs. The bricks measure 8 x 4 x 2” and the doorjamb contain
floral designs. A flight of steps leads to the stone slab containing the promulgation
of Skandavarman at a height about 40 feet from ground level. Here we find
remnants of an elaborate and massive gateway. G. Ramdas thinks that the colossal
stone pillar supported the arch. Remnants of only one pillar are found and the
local people say that elephants were tied to it in remote antiquity. The design of
the pillar however, suggests that instead of arches the pillars supported a corbelled
gateway, here was the 2nd gateway to the fort proper. Probably a temple was
located here as well, as is evident from the pillar inscription and the ruins of the
place. Another set of staircase spreads on to a height of 20 feet up to a flat
surface, where traces of pottery, brickbats, floors and tiles are visible indicating
the existence of some residential complex. From this plain ground a flight of steps
now in utter ruins runs to the east down to the valley, where there were wells and
source of water. To its west and north there is another extensive flat surface with
ruins of pottery, tile, rammed floor, bricks and rubble wall. In one corner there
exists an iron sword together with a few other iron implements such as nails,
small trident and hooks and at present the local folks worship them. In the north
and west the flat rock surface ends in precipitous fall perhaps a stone rubble wall
had been constructed on these sides and the broken bricks walls represent the
remnants of the fort palace complex. The pattern of this hill stronghold was very
much alike to the yadava fort of Daulatabad. From this place one can have a clear
view of the surrounding area for miles. Even now old vestiges may be seen
spreading over the place, giving the impression of the one time bustling Pushkari
city. A moat was encircling the whole formidable fortification the traces of which
is distinctly visible even now and was being connected with the Singari flowing
nearby. A pond exists near the southern entrance to the fort. In the north, beyond
152
the moat another mountain is there, which was very probably used as the
watchtower. At present at the foot of this hill stone sculptures of Bhairava,
Hanumana, Uma-mahesvara and Ganesa were lying in a thatched cottage together
with a heap of broken terracotta’s of horses, elephants, a horse rider and various
divinities.
To the east of Podagada hill on the valley of the rivulet that connects the moat and
the river Singari near the present village of Bhandariguda we find extensive ruins
of a township in the shape of pottery, brick bats, broken pieces of terracottas and
wax bangles, tiles terracotta balls, beads of clay and semiprecious stone. The
depressions running in straight lines amidst the ruins suggest the existence of road
and streets.
To the west, not very far from the fortification, a broken brick temple near two
ancient tanks may be seen. Krisnamacharlu identifies the temple as a Siva Shrine.
The roof has fallen and the walls and entrance have dilapidated and the entire
complex is in utter ruin. To us it appeared that originally the temple was two
chambered. From the study of the extent sculptures in its vicinity, it is probable to
think that it was a Siva temple. It was originally built on a brick and stone
platform as evident from its ruins. At present in the sanctum we find a Bhairava
image and a lingam along with a Vrisabha. In front of the temple, the figures of
Vrisava, Ganesa, worshipper couples, and memorial Sati pillars are found. In one
of the later pillars, a warrior riding a horse and piercing a wild animal with a long
spear has been depicted.
To the north of this place at a distance of 1 km, we find another group of

memorial pillars. Apart from these antiquities we find here pottery, brickbats,
terracotta figures and balls, broken pieces of tile, beads of semi-previous stones
and clay terracotta bangles, stone missiles and traces of houses, Vihara and places
in profusion.
This archaeological evidence is duly corroborated by epigraphic references. The
Podagada stone inscription of Skandavarman, which is still standing on the hill
fort in solitary splendor, speaks in laudable term that the king had restored and
repopulated the city; apparently he seemed to have adorned the city with palatial
buildings and residential sectors and fortification. The epigraph also states that he
established the Padamula of Vishnu, which very probably indicates a Vihar of
Vishnu to which a satra was also attached. In other Nala records we find reference
to gardens and it is probable that Pushkari was also adorned with gardens and
orchards.
153
With the exuberance of religious institutions, satras, residential sectors, palaces

and fortification, Pushkari appears to have been a bustling city of opulence as the
seat of administration of the glorious Nala dynasty.”(84)
Kesaribeda Village
This Keselaka or present Kesaribeda is located at a distance of 25 Km. to the

north-west of Pushkari i.e. Podagada near the river Tel. G. Ramdas visited the site
in 1944 reported the existence of 5 mounds of rubble pieces of bricks and a tank
of 100 yards square. According to Patel (1985) it is about 3 mounds containing
pottery, brickbats, and pieces of terracotta bangles and stone pieces. Every year
this place is being cleared more and more for cultivation. The present township
has grown up all round the ruined village complex,. There is a village called
Andhri very near to the spot, which probably retains the memory of Arthapati,
who donated the village. (85)
Ramdas made a trial excavation in one of the mounds and exposed a room 8’ x 4’
rectangular and build of walls 2 ft. thick Floor paved with bricks was also brought
to light. Inside the structure was found a beautiful carved Vishnu image. Another
mound near the tank yielded a room with walls 2’ height. Patel (1985) noticed
two more ponds and many sculptures of Vishnu and Siva, now enshrined in small
new temples. Their shape and carving they appeared to be the same age of that
copper grants. The ruins spreading over a quite large area with tanks indicate that
Kesaribeda was small town having temples and residential sectors. There is an old
tank nearby. It is very old and can be ascribed to Nala period (86).
In one of the Nala inscriptions that were discovered at Podagada it was dated in
the 12th regal year of the king whose name seems to be Skandavaraman although
the reading of the first part of it is beyond doubt. The king is described as the son
king Bhavadatta of the Nala family, who is probably the same as
Bhavadattavarman of the Rithapur grant. Skandavarman is said to have recovered
the last royal fortune of his family and to have re-established the destroyed and
deserted city of Pushkari. The city appears to have been situated in the Podagada
region and probably was the capital of the Nala kings. The inscriptions also refer
to the construction of a shrine (Padamula of Vishnu by Skandavarman may be at
Podagada).
Religion and Archeology evidence

Some village, places as per inscriptions and coin findings in Nala ruled country.
154
The Kesaribeda grant of Maharaja Arthapati Bhattaraka records the donation of

the village ‘Keselaka’ to three Brahmins of Kaustsasa Gotra in his 7th regal
year.Keselaka Grama of the inscription has been identified with present
Kesaribeda village, the find spot of the grant.
The place of issue of the grant is Pushkari, has been identified with present
Podagada, now the recover village Bhandariguda in Dabugaon Tahasil, Umarkote
of Koraput district.
Patel (1990) proposed some of his views to identify the geographical locations as
mentioned in the Nala records. The rivulet ‘Nangi’ which flows round Podagoda
North-east direction is possibly of Nala relevance. The Bhandariguda seems to
have derived its name from Bhavadatta, Nala king mentioned in the Rithapur
grant and Podagada stone inscription of his son Skandavarman. (87)
A village named ‘Andhi’ two kms. from Kesaribeda village may have derived its
name from king Arthpati. Rithapur grant has identified Kadambagiri Grama to
village Kalamba in Yeotmal Taluka of Maharastra by Y.R. Gupte (88). However,
L.K. Panda (89) has located Kadambagiri somewhere in Koraput district, where
the first Saiva acharya of Siddhanta system was a resident. This view is based on
Rajaguru’s (90) suggestion that Kadambagiri, found mention in the inscription
discovered inside the Jagannath temple complex of Puri is identical with
Kadambaguha, the ancient Siva centre of the Mattamayura sect. The grant records
donations made by the king of Kadambagiri, Jayantaraja of Matsya dynasty, who
ruled in Koraput region during medieval period. However this view has been
contradictory on various grounds.
Krishamacharlu during 1922 visited Podagada and described the vast

archeological wealth of this area. G. Ramdas visited in 1943 the said areas and
remarked, “in almost all or in the vicinity of every village in this praganas
(Podagada area) are found the vestiges of ancient civilization that was ramped
here in the obscure antiquity.” (91)
There are small wholes whose rims are made up of metal can be seen over the flat
stone, This was some kind of table for a game which is similar to that of forts seen
during Vijayanagar Empire. To its east, leads few steps to the valley where there
were wells for water supply. There is one large stone with flat surface and has
small heaps of ruins of pottery, tiles, bricks and rubble wall.
To the north, at a distance of 1 km. we find another group of memorial pillars. It

has bricks, terracotta figure, broken tiles etc.
155
At present, the local inhabitants have constructed a small temple where they have
collected Hanumana, Umaparbati idols and also Bahirava for worship.
Art and Architecture and Remnants of Nalas in Podagada

The hill fort of Podagada has been placed to 4th-5th century A.D. Nala rules. The
brick bats, pottery traces, broken stair cases beautifully cut rock plates with well
structured Sanskrit letters. It is Skandavarman whose fort stands at the centre of
the ancient town amidst ruins
Panel of Siva Parvati: Siva Parvati is in Yadava position. Siva is holding a

‘bilavafala’ in his right hand embracing Parvati in left hand. Parvati is holding
Sivalinga in her left hand and ‘Ketaki’ flower in her right hand. Karikaya is
placed to the right of Siva. Karikaya is with his peacock. This is small amount of
evasion to the sculpture.
Saivashrine: At the south-west of Podagada hill at about half km a Saiva shrine

exists. It has twin old tanks and numerous sculptures are scattered. The Sivalinga
and Saktipitha are missing. The shrine has a small mandapa in front, which is
uncovered.
Sculptures of the ruined temples and numerous stone sculptures are lying under a
tree. They are Vrusabha, Gangesa, Linga, and Siva-Parvati.
A large Yaksa has been discovered from the site and is now finds a puja place in a
newly constructed temple. It is worshiped as Hanuman.
Satipillars: The Satipillars are common in Nandapur, Narayanapatna,

Papadahandi and also Podagada. The Sati commitment existed in Koraput district.
The Sati Nadi of Jeypore in one such ancient names as well as Sati Khalo of
Nararyanapatna still stand. The epigraphic evidence speaks that Nala rulers were
ruled out due to fight between them and Vakatakas. The Sati pillars do justify
their existence at Puskar.
Vishnu sculptures: Apart from discoveries of G. Ramdas in 1944 at Podagada

area, he reported about the find of a number of images of Bhairava, Uma-
Mahesvara and Vishnu. They were beautifully executed and had assigned to Nala
period.
At Kesaribeda, Ramdas discovered a superb standing Vishnu image. He wrote,

‘the face of the image is beardless and the mouth and the eyes are smiling. The
156
smiling appears dancing on the lips. The cheeks are dimpled and made the
impression more enchanting’. Now this image is missing.
I am inclined to believe Keselaka to be the Keskal town of Bastar, which is about

120 km from Podagada. At about 4 to 5 kms close to Keskal have ruins of
Chaitias housing Sivalinga and Vishnu shrines. This was a recent finding and
excavation by Bastar authorities. Further work will be required.
Reference
1. Pargiter, D.K.A, p.51.

2. Rajaguru, S.N. (1958) Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol.I, Part II, p.109 ff.
3. Rao Krishna, B.V. E.I XIX pp. 100-104.
4. Ramdas, G. J.B.R.S.Vol.XXXIV, p.33-42
5. I.B.B.R.A.S. XVI, pp.225-235.
6. Gupte, Y.R. E.I. XIX, p.100-104.
7. E.I. XXI, p.153-157.
8. E.I. XIX, p.100-104.
9. Hiralal inscription of C.P. and Berar, Second edition, p.112.
10. Misra, P.L. Political History of Chhatisgarh p.16
11. Sahu, N.K (1962) The Nalas, OHRJ, Vol. XI, (2) p. 31 40.
12. Sahu, N.K op.cit.
13. Ramdas, G. J.B.R.S. Vol. XXXIV, Pts. i & ii, p.33-42.
14. Sircar, D.C. E.I.XXVIII, p.12-16.
15. E.I. XIX, p.100-104.
16. E.I. XXI, p153-157.
17. Bhandarkar, D.R. In Cousen’s Progress Report of A.S.W.I. 1903-104,
p.46
18. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscription of Orissa, Vol. I, Part-II, p.109ff
19. Tripathy, S.A Note on the coins of Nagas of Chakrakotta. O.H.R.J.XXIX;
4.p.49-
65
20. Misra, P.L. op. cit.
21. Sahu, N.K. O.H.R.J. Vol.. XI, No.2 p.81 ff
22. Ibid.
23. Rajaguru, S.N. op. cit.
24. J.N.S.I., Vol. I, pp.29-35.
25. Rajaguru, S.N. op. cit
157
26. Sahu, N.K. OHRJ, Vol. XI, Vol.2, p.36.

27. Rajaguru, S.N. op. cit.
28. Ramdas, G. op.cit.
29. J.N.S.I. Vol.I, pp.29-35.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. J.N.S.I. Vol. I, pp. 29-30.
35. Sahu, N.K. op. cit. pp.506-519.
36. J.N.S.I.Vol I-II, pp.108-110.
37. Pracha Pratibha, Vol.V, Vol.I, pp.69-74.
38. Ibid.
39. Pracha Pratibha, Vol.V, Vol.I, pp.69-74
40. OHRJ, Vol.XXIX, Vol.II-III, pp.54-55.
41. Prachya Pratibha, Ibid.
42. J.B.R.S. XXXIV, pt. I Vol. II, p.19.
43. E.I. XIX, p.100-104.
44. JBRS XXXIV, pt. i & ii, p33-42.
45. E.I, XXI, p153-7f
46. E.I. XXVI, p.49-58f
47. E.I. XXI, p.103-7f
48. I.B.R.S., Vol. XXXIV, p.33-42.
49. E.I.XXVIII, p.12-16
51. JBRS, Vol. XXI, Pts. i & ii, p.33-42
52. Ibid
53. Krishnamacharlu, C.R. E.I.XXI, p.153-7ff
54. Mirashi, V.V. Rajim Stone Inscription
55 A.S.I.R.Vol.XVII, p.7
56 Krishnamacharlu, C.R op.cit
57 Ramdas, G. op.cit.
58. Sukhla, H.N.Prachin Bastar, pp.36-40
59. Sahu, N.K. op.cit; C.I.I. pp.6f line19-20
60 Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit
61 Ibid.
62 J.N.S.I.Vol I-II, pp.108-110.
63 E.I. XXI, p.103-7f
64 Ibid.
65 Ibid.
66 Sahu, J.P. Comparative History and Culture of Orissa: Minor Dynasty. p.
136
158
67 Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit.

68 Sircar, D.C. op.cit. (E.I.XIX, pp100ff)
69 Balaghat Plate of Prithivisena E.I.IV, pp67ff
70. E.I.XXVI, 137ff; Hyd.Ar.S.No.14
71 E.I.VI.p.1
72. Ibid.
73. J.B.B.R.S. Vol. XVI, pp.255 ff
74. Jirjingi Plate of Indravarman (537A.D.)
75. E.I.XXVI, pp49ff
76 O.H.R.JPt.182, pp.79f.Vol.XI:2
77 Ramdas, G.op.cit.
78 Ibid.
79. Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit
80 Ibid.
81. E.I., Vol. XXIV, pp. 153-157.
82. Patel, C.B. Dynastic History of Nalas p.82-83.
83. Sahu,N.K.op.cit.
84. Patel, C.B. op.cit., p.158-169.
85. Sahu, N.K. op. Cit., p.518.
85. Ibid.
86. Ramdas, G.op.cit.
87 Patel, C.B. op.cit, p.161-163
88. Gupte, Y.R. E.I., Vol.XIX, p.102.
89. Panda L.K., Savisimmi Orissa, 1985,
90. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscription of Orissa, Vol.IV, p351
159
NALA REMAINS IN PODAGADA
Top of the Nala fort
Hills on East of Nala Fort
160
Nala Stone Inscription Podagada

Entrance vertical stone where elephant
used to be tied
Collection of Nala Period Images in

the Siva Temple, Podagada. Sati Stone Podagada.
161
Remains of Podagada
Remains of Podagada in the Forest
162
Top of Podagada Fort Narrow Passage to Hill Fort
Podagada Pond Nala Vishnu Paduka, Podagada
163
Ganesha Durga
164
Hanumana ? Siva Linga
Un identified Image Siva & Parvati
Un identified Image Siva & Parvati ?
165
Un identified Image Durga
Siva & Parvati Images Old Bricks on the Fort
166
PITRIBHAKTAS AND PITA BHATTRAS OF

KORAPUT-BASTAR
A section of Bhattras, Pita Bhattra as mentioned above may have relationship to

the Pitribhaktas dynasty who was ruling Kalinga from Simhapura. Thus the
Pitribhaktas brief history is given as following.
In Mathara Dynasty Saktivarman was succeeded by his brother Ananta

Saktivarman and is known to have issued Andhvaraman copperplate, known as
Madras Museum plates(1). We come across the title used to members of the same
family as Bappabhattraka, Sakti-bhattaraka. J.K. Sahu has clearly pointed out the
relationship of the words to their family lineage. He further wrote that in early
times, the elder brother were also respectfully mentioned as bhattraka as is
evident from the Malhar plates of the Sarbhapuria king Vyagharaja who is
described as the son of Jaybhattaraka and younger brother (Anya) of
Parvarbhattaraka.(2)
D.C.Sirkar wrote, “A Maharaja named Uma-varman, who assumed the title

Kaliagadhipati, issued charters from the cities of Simhapura, Sunagara and
Vardhamanapura. The Brihatproshtha Grant, issued in the king’s thirtieth regnal
year, shows that Maharaja Uma-varman had a long reign. The seal attached to his
Tekkali grant is said to bear the word ‘pirtibhakta’. Maharaja Chanda-varman,
lord of Kalinga, who issued the Tritthana and Komarti Grants respectively in his
fourth and sixth regnal years, was probably the son and successor of Umavarman.
These characters were issued from the city of Simhapura and the bear seals with
the word Pitrabhakta engraved on them. It appears that the chief city of the kings
Uma-varman and Chandavarman was Simhapura and that they used the word
Pitribhakta as a sort of dynastic designation. The proximity of the regins of these
two rulers is definitely indicated by the fact that while Uma-varman was served
by an official named Matrivara, son of Haridatta, Matrivara’s son Rudradatta was
in the service of king Chanda-varman.”(3)
He further continued, “Another king of the same family seems to have been
Maharaja Nanda-Prabhanjana-varman who’s Chicacole Grant bears the word
Pitribhakta on its seal. He is described as “the lord of the entire Kalinga country.”
His charter was issued from his vasaka at the victorious Sarapallika. Although
Nanda-Prabhanjana-varman is associated with the Pitribhaktas of Simhapura, it is
tempting to suggest that his name indicates Prabhanjana-varman of the Nanda
family to which may have been related on the mother’s side. We know that a ruler
of the Nanda dynasty of Pataliputra is associated with Kalinga in the
167
Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela. A Nanda or Nandodbhava family ruled in

the Angul-Dhenkanal region of Orissa from the ninth century, and another branch
of the family flourished probably in the Jeypore-Nandapur area of the Koraput
District at a later date “(4).
Simhapura, in the last grant of Simavarman is identified with Singapuram near

Narasannapeta in Srikakulam. The shifting of capital from time to time indicates
the continuous efforts of Umavarman for the extension of his kingdom remarked
J.K.Sahu (5).
References
1. EI XXVII, pp.175f
2. Sahu, J.K. Minor Dynasties. (Mathara, Eastern Gangas, Nalas and
Sarbhapuriyas). Comprehensive History and Culture of Orissa, Vol.I.PartI
.p-132-135
3. Sircar, D.C. The Pitribhata. -The Classical Age.Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan.p-212
4. Ibid.
5. Sahu, J.K. op.cit. p.-133.
168
VAKATAKAS
A short note on the Vakataks, especially related to the events in Koraput region
has been described as following
Narendra Sena (C 440 to 460 AD)

Parvara- Sena was succeeded by his son Narendra Sena by c 440 A.D. The
debacle, which temporarily overwhelmed the Vakataka family in the reign of
Narendra Sena was the invasion of its dominions and occupation its capital by be
the Nala King Bhavadatta- varman, ruling in Bastar state (1) The victory of
Bhavadatta-varman may be placed in 445 A.D.
After the death of Bhavadatta-varman, Narendra Sena carried the war into Nala
country and captured and devastated the capital. Arthapati, successor of
Bhavadatta-varman was probably killed in the war and his brother Skanda-varman
repopulated the Capital. (2)
Sarva-sena, a younger son of the Parvara-sena I, founded the Basim branch of

Vakatakas in 330 A.D. (3).Parvasena I ruled 60 years.
One Devasena of the Vakataka family was succeeds in 475 A.D. by his son Hari-
sena, who was the most powerful ruler of the dynasty. He conquered Gujarat,
Malava, South Kosala, Andhra and Kuntala (4) South Kosala was under the rule
of Nalas. The above information is mostly from Majumdas, R.C. and Altekar,
A.S. The Vakataka- Gupta Age.
References.
1. E.I. XIX, p. 102.
2. E.I.XXI, p.153; XXVI, p.52.
3. E.I. XXVI, p.137ff; Hyd.Arch.Seri. No.14
4. Hyd.Arch.Seri. S. No.14.,p.11
169
PANDUVAMSIS OF SOUTH KOSALA

A major ruling dynasty of the Chhattisgarh region of Madhya Pradesh after the
Sarabhapuriyas was Pandavamsis of South Kosala.
Lineage
Natesa Ayar (1914) showed Udayana of the Pandava as of Sabara lineage (1). The
Lakneswar Temple (Kharod) inscription of Indrabala, calls the family sasi-kula or
lunar lineage was the oldest records of the Panduvamsis. (2) A lunar origin for the
dynasty is claimed in some other records also.
As per Pt. Nilakanta Das, “Uddiyana seems to be a Buddhistic terms meaning

Yana or the way of religious thinking and practice by the Uddas or the land
inhabited or influenced by them. These Uddas appear to be a race of the Savaras
or the Austrics greatly influenced by some Dravidians or at least the rudiments of
the Dravidian language in later times” (3).
Territories under the Dynasty

All Panduvamsis family records so far discovered, with the exception of the
Kalanjar inscription of Udayana were reported from the Chhattisgarh region. The
Panduvamsis lays its claim to lordship of the Kosala country and the king
assuming the title Kosaladhipati, ‘Lord of Kosala’ (4). It is the Adhabhara grant
of his son Nannaraja II that he is described as having earned the over lordship of
the entire Kosala, Utkala and other mandalas (provinces) by of his own merit (5).
Mahasiva Tivara extended Panduvamsi power to east and was only temporary.
The Senkapat inscription of “Sivagupta shows that a part of the Vidarbha region
of Maharashtra was within the Panduvamsi control (6).
It is believed by some that the Chanda region of Maharashtra formed a part of the
kingdom of the early members of the Pandu dynasty and it was from here that
they invaded Kosala (7). This view is based on the impression that the inscription
of the time of Nannaraja (8) referring to the restoration by Bhavadev, the fourth
brother of Nannaraja, of a decayed Buddhist temple originally built by a king
named Suryaghosa was found at Bhandak in the Chanda District. There has been
much uncertainty and debate about the actual provenance of this inscription. A
group of historians believe that it was Bhandak of Chanda District of present
Maharashtra and others believe it to be Arang of Raipur in Madhya Pradesh to be
the place of origin, this of course is based on evidence of arguments base.
170
It was Rev. Stevenson first published the inscriptions and Bhandak was given as
its find spot (9). Cunningham also attributed it to the same place. Hira Lal (10)
D.R. Bhandarkar (11) Moreshwar G. Dikshit and D. C. Sircar (12) did likewise.
According to Kielhorn’s information, however, the inscription was brought to the
Central Museum, Nagpur, from Ratanpur (Bilaspur District, Madhya Pradesh)
(13). V.V. Mirashi also initially accepted the view that it hailed from Bhandak
and believed that Tivaradeva’s predecessors were ruling from that locality (14).
But shortly thereafter he felt convinced that the stone bearing the inscription was
found somewhere in Chhattisgarh and that the notion that it belonged to Bhandak
was founded on erroneous information (15). Later, on the testimony of
Vinayakrao Aurangabadkar, (16) and Y.K. Deshpande (17) pointed out the
inscription actually stood originally at Arang, about fifty kilometers’ south-west
of Sirpur in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh. At the behest of Richard
Jenkings, British Resident at Nagpur from 1807 to 1826, Aurangabadkar, who
was in the former’s service, undertook a tour of Chhattisarh and submitted to him
a report on the inscriptions in Chhattisgarh which is at present in the India Office
Library, London (18). According to this report, Aurangabadkar found the slab
bearing the inscription of Bhavadeva Ranakesarin affixed to a large temple at
Aring, may be Ar linga, i.e., Arang. However, D.C. Sircar still thinks that this
inscription originally came from Bhandak, not Arang. N. Natesa Aiyar mentions
of “The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-tsang, who visited India towards the beginning of
the seventy century A.D., mentioned a line on Budhist Kings ruling at Bhandak.”
Ajay M.Shastri has given the above account and has been described here
Capital
The copper plates discovered so far related to Panduvamsis were all issued from
Sripura, which was the capital of South Kosala during the reigns of the
Sarbhapuriya chiefs, Sudevaraja and Pravaraja and also continued for
Panduvamsis. The Sripura, was probably Sarbhapua of Savaras and Sri was
prefixed when Vishnu / Buddhist worships patronised by the Chief is the opinion
of many. This is found elsewhere also.
The stone and copper-plate inscriptions of the family discovered so far supply the
following genealogy:-
171
Udayana
Indrabala Name lost
Nannadeva Isanadeva 123 (Names are lost) Bhavadeva
Ranakesarin
Tivaradeva (or Mahasiva- Candragupta

Tivara)
Nannaraj II
Harsagupta =
Sivagupta- Vasata,Ranakesari
Balarjuna daughter of n
Sivanandin King
Suryavarman
of Magadha
As has been pointed out earlier (19), the Panduvamsis of South Kosala were
probably related to their counterparts in Mekala. V.V. Mirashi postulated that
Udayana, the first known member of the Panduvamsa of Kosala, was probably a
son of Bharatabala, also known as Indra, who was till recently regarded as the last
Pandava king of Mekala (20).
Some relationship between these two lines cannot be denied, there are good many
difficulties in regarding the Panduvamsis of Kosala as the lineal descendants of
the Pandavas of Mekala (21) We may, therefore, regard the two families as
collaterally related to each other, the exact relationship being indeterminable in
the present state of our knowledge was remarked by Ajay M. Shastri.
Udayana
It is mentioned that Udayana was the first member of the Panduvamsa of Kosala.
There is no inscription of Udayana by himself and he is referred to in a couple of
inscriptions of his descendants, viz., Arang stone inscription of Nanna I (no. III: I)
and one of the Sirpura stone inscriptions of the time of Sivagupta Balarjuna (no.
III: XIII). He had erected a brick temple of the god Bhadresvara (Siva) (22) at
Kalanjar (23). It is thus concluded that Udayana ruled over a principality
including Kalanjar and adjoining area in Central India. The present state of
172
knowledge is not sufficient to ascertain if he was in South Kosala. His successors

conquered the Chhattisgarh region. He had at least two sons; (i) Indrabala and (ii)
his younger brother whose name has been lost (24). His relationship, if any, with
king Suryaghosa who, according to the Arang stone inscription of Nanna I, built
temple of Buddha, which was later, restored by Udayana’s grandson Bhavadeva
Ranakesarin.
Udayana’ Successors
His eldest son Indrabala succeeded Udayana. He was the first member of the
family who definitely ruled over at least a part of Kosala. A mutilated Kharod
(Bilaspur District) Laksmanesvara temple inscription states that Indrabala had
destroyed his enemies (25). The rise of Harsavardhana may have forced him to
move away from his kingdom to Kosala where after the fall of the Sarbhapuriyas
it had total political chaos, which enabled him to carve out a small principality for
himself.
The order of succession after Indrabala is still unsolved. Indrabala’s younger

brother in the Arang inscription of Nanna I indicate that ruled over a part of the
Pandava kingdom in Kosala and was succeeded by his youngest son Bhavadeva.
It can be concluded that either both Bhavadeva and Isanadeva ruled over parts of
the Pandava kingdom of Kosala as subordinates under Nanna I or all the three,
viz., Nanna I, Bhavadeva and Isanadeve, ruled independently and ultimately
Nanna I succeeded in becoming the master of the whole of the Pandava kingdom.
How this happened is one unsolved question.
Bhavadeva was also known as Ranakesarin (literally, ‘a lion in the battle’) on

account of his killing the maddened elephants of the enemies; the Viruda of
Apriya-vaisika, ‘one disdainful of prostitutes’; and Cintadurga, by causing anxiety
(cinta) to his enemies and difficult to break (durga).
He patronised Buddhism and maintained the Buddha temple built by Suryaghosa

and repaired and the monastery attached to it was whitewashed and adorned with
stepped well, gardens, etc. (26).
Isanadeva was a follower of Saivism. A Sirpura stone inscription of the time of

Sivagupta Balarjuna indicates that he covered the earth with Siva temples (27).
173
Mahasiva Tivara
Nanna I was succeeded by his son Mahasiva Tivara. It is known for his copper-
plate charters.
The seal-inscription describes Tivaradeva as ‘Koshaladhipati or the lord of the

Koshala, while in the text of the charters themselves he is said to have acquired
the over lordship of the whole of Kosala (prapta-sakala-adhipatya) (28). The
Adhabhara plates of Nannaraja II inform that his father Trivaradeva and acquired
mastery over the whole of Koshala, Utkala and other provinces by of his own
merit. That the claim to have achieved possession of Utkala, etc., is not totally
unfounded is indicated by the fact that Nannaraja, the issuer of the charter,
himself is credited with the possessions of the province of Koshala alone. It
appears that Tivaradeva had tried to take advantage of the struggle for succession
in the Sailodbhava kingdom and apparently gained success. This new acquisition
did not last long by the fact that Tivara’s son Nannaraja himself did not lay any
claim to the Utkala-mandala.
Tivaradeva was a follower of Vaisnavism (29) and bore the sectarian title of
parama-Vaisnava, i.e., a devout worshipper of Vishnu.
Tivaradeva was most admired and the greatest ruler of Panduvamsis. He brought
the entire Kosala country under his rule and it remained right up to the end of the
dynasty. He conquered the Sailobhava kingdom of Kongoda, though only for a
while, of his political control over the adjoining region of Orissa.
Nanna is said to have ruling the entire Koshalamandala. The mission of reference
to the Utkala-mandala, which is mentioned in connection with his father’s
dominions, indicates the loss of Utkala either before to or during his reign
Like his father Tivaradeva, Nanna II also was a follower of Vaisnavism and
enjoyed the sectarian epithet parama-Vaisnava.
Candragupta
There is no record of the reign of Candragupta himself, but known from his
grandson’s reign.
D.C. Sircar proposed to identify Nannaraja mentioned in the Senkapat inscription

of the Sivagupta Balarjuna with the homonymous father of Mahasiva Tivara and
Candragupta.
174
Harsagupta
Candagupata was succeeded by his son Harsagupta who is known from references
in many records, of the reign of the next king Sivagupta Balarjuna. Harsagupta
was a Vaisnava and is said to have worshipped Achyuta all the time. The
construction of a temple of Vishnu in his memory is also a pointer in the same
direction (30).
Sivagupta Balarjuna
Sivagupta Balarjuna, son of Harsagupta ascended the Panduvamsi throne. He had
a long reign of not less than fifty-seven years (31). He had a younger brother
named Ranakesarin who is said to have helped him in his conquests (32). His son
Sivanandin and maternal uncle Bhaskaravarman are also known.
Two villages mentioned in the Lodhia plates of the fifty-seventh years of

Sivagupta’s reign, Vaidyapai and Khadirapadra, have been located in the
Sambalpur or Kalahandi reign of Orissa (33) indicating thereby the inclusion of at
least of portion of the eastern part of Kosala in his kingdom. The ruins of Sirpur
in Raipur (Chhattisgarh), of Ranipur-Jharial in Balangirpatna and Belkhandi in
Kalahandi district (Orissa) are believed to have preserved the glories of his rule.
Sivagupta changed the religion and reverted back to Saivism and was styled
Parama- Mahesvara. He himself donated a village in favour of a Buddhist
establishment and a private benefactor provided for a free feeding house for the
Buddhist monks (34). As stated above, Sivagupta Balarjuna’s mother built a
temple of Vishnu, the same as the so-called Laksmana temple at Sirpur.
The last ruler
Sivagupta Balarjuna is the last known Panduvamsin monarch of South Kosala,

and absolutely nothing is known of the fate in the eighth century A.D. From a
stone inscription found in a wall of Rajivalocana temple at Rajim, about twenty-
eight miles south by east of Raipur, records the erection of a temple dedicated to
Vishnu by the Nala king Vilasatunga. The inscription mentions Vilasatunga’s
father Viruparaja and grandfather Prthviraja also. It is evident that the region
round Rajim in the Raipur district was under Vilasatunga at the time of the
construction of the temple in question, which is undoubtedly the same as the
modern temple of Rajivalocana. The record had been assigned to about the eight
century A.D. on paleographical grounds (35). Thus, it appears that the Nalas, who
were the neighbours of the Panduvamsis on the south in Umerkote region of
Koraput district, took advantage of the decline of the Panduvamsin power after
175
Sivagupta the Vilasatunga succeeded in capturing the Raipur region from

Sivagupta’s weak successors. Whether Vilasatunga’s rule was confined to the
Raipur region or he annexed some other parts of Chhattisgarh also cannot be
determined in the present state of inadequate knowledge. Be that as it may, the
fact remains that after Sivagupta we get no trace of the presence of Panduvamsis
in the Chhattisgarh region forming the western part of South Kosala, which
passed successively under the Nalas, Banas and Kalachuris, and they are found
ruling in western Orissa, which corresponded, to the eastern part of Kosala.
I am of the opinion that Panduvamsis had their influence upto Indravati river.
The present findings of Buddhist temple in Pakanaguda near Kathargad in
Koraput along with discovery of identical Buddha terracotta seal as that of the
Ghasiram museum, Raipur is indicative of it. The Pakanaguda village is having
majority of Sabara tribe settlement.
Ajay Mitra Shastri has published his extensive study in ‘Inscriptions of the
Sarabhapuriyas,Panduvamsins and Somavamsisins’in two volumes (1995);Motilal
Banarsidass,New Delhi and I hope the volumes are most useful to those readers
who want to know in detail.
References
1. Aiyar Natesa (1914) A Historical Sketch of the Central Provinces and Berar
from the Earliest Times. p.9-10f.
2. Mirashi, V.V., Studies in Indology, i, 258, fn. 1 and Nos. III:II, 16-17; III, line
16; IV, text-line 16.
3. No. III: V, text-line 5-7.
4. No. III:XV, text-lines 6-7, verse 7.
5. Majumdar, R.C., and Altekar, A.B. (e.d.), The classical Age, 221.
6. No. III:I.
7. JBBRAS, i, 148ff
8. CASR, ix, 127. For Cunningham’s reasons for the attribution of this
inscription to Bhandak, EI, xxiii, 116-17.
9. IA, XXXVII, 208, fn.20; 1xii, 163; ICPB, 13, no. 14.
10. Bhandarkar’s List, No. 1650.
11. EI, XXI, 34, XXXIII, 256. Sircar’s view.
12. JRAS, 1905, 618.
13. EI, XXII, 17.
14. Ibid, XXIII, 116-18.
15. E.I, XXVI, 227; XXXIi, 252-54; Studies in Indology, i, 251-52.
176
16. As stated by Mirashi, Vinayakrao Aurangabadkar’s report was supplied by

Y.K. Deshpande. A.J. Rajurkar, Candrapuraca Itihasa (Marathi), foreword by
Y.K. Deshpande, 4-5, cited by Ajay Mitra Shastri.
17. MSS. No. Marathi D, 46. Cited by Ajay Shastri, part I, Inscriptions of the
Sarabhapuriyas, Panduvamsins, and Somavansins, Ind.Coun. of Hist. Res;
New Delhi. 1990.
18. Records of Tivaradeva and Nannarajadhiraja in verse 40 of the Arang stone
inscription.
19. Studies in Indology, i, 235-36.
20. supra, 122-6.
21. See Mirashi, V.V. Studies in Indology, i, 236.
22. Kielhorn in EI, iv, 257, fn.4; JRAS, 1905.
23. Sirpur lithic record No. III:XIII, verse 2.
24. Mirashi, V.V. see note 950 above. Vide also Hira Lal, ICPB, 125, no 208.
25. The Arang inscription of Nanna I (no. III:I)
26. No. III:S.I.I. I, verse. 3.
27. Nos. III:II, text-lines 16-17; IV, text-line 19. in III:III text-line 16.
28. No. III: V, text-lines 5-7.
29. No. III: V, text-lines 8-9 (prapta-sakala-Kosala-mandal-adhipatyah).
30. No. III:XI, verse 20.
31. No. III:XI, verse 12; Hira Lal, ICPB, 110, no. 183.
32. No. III:IX, text-line 13. Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle
Progress Report for 1904, 49, no. 2015;
33. E.I. XXVII, 322-23; JKHRS, i, 265-66
34. No. III: XII
35. E.I.XXVI, 49-58
36. V.V. Mirashi, Studies in Ideology, i, 260
177
EASTERN CHALUKYAS OF VENGI

The history of Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi has been well brought out by B.
Venkatakrishna Rao (1973) (1), N. Venkataramanayya (1950) (2), D. C. Sircar
(1988) (3) and others.
The work of B. Venkatakrishna Rao was published later date but it was completed
far earlier. Most of the materials in this review have been taken from other
authors as well as from the above mentioned historians and inscriptions.
The copper plate grants of Eastern Chalukya dynasty were published in five
grants belonging to the kings Narendra-mrigaraj or Vijayditya II, Amma I or
Vishnuvardhana VI, Chalukya Bhima II or Vishnuvardhana VII, Amma II or
Vijayaditya V and Vira Choda or Vishnuvardhana IX. The Chipurupalli grant of
Pulakeshin II is of most vital to the origin of Eastern branch of Chalukyas. The
Udayendra plates of Nandivarmana II, the Timmapuram plates of Vishnuvardhana
I, the alas plates of Vijaditya I, Maliyampundi grants of Amma II, the Attili grants
of Chalukya Bhima I are the most important ones and source to the E. Chalukya
history.
Introduction
About the beginning of the seventh century A.D., when Chalukya Pulakesin II of
Western Chalukya dynasty began his conquests on the northern Kalinga country
was governed by a Brahmanical dynasty called Vishnukundins.
The northern Kalinga or the Kalinga country proper was ruled by a family
Gangas, usually the Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara, who founded a small but
independent kingdom in the break-up of the mighty Vakataka Empire in the last
quarter of the Fifth Century. The Eastern Gangas were said to be originally
vassals of the Kadambas.
The king of Kalinga at this time appears to be father of Danarnava, Indravarma
III, who reigned between A.D. 595-620.
Kubja Vishnuvardhana I: (A.D.633-650)
Kubja Vishnuvardhana was the younger son of Kirttivarman I and therefore, the
younger brother of Pulakesin II. Pulakesin II sent Vishnuvardhana to rule over
Andhra country as Viceroy and completes the process of conquest, which
completed by 631 A.D. Then with the approval of his brother he found the
Eastern Chalukyan dynasty of rulers, which ruled over few centuries the Telugu
country.
178
The Chipurupalli grant (4) indicates that Kubja Vishnuvardhana was in Kalinga,
very near the capital Kalinganagara, at the time of making this grant, probably
fighting Indravarman III, son of Gunarnava, the Eastern Ganga king of Kalinga. It
was probably that Kubja Vishnuvardhana died during the wars in Kalinga in the
southern part of Visakhapatnam. He mentions of two vishayas in the grant. One is
Palka vishaya and the other is Dimile vishaya.
Kubja Vishnuvardhana I, rewarded 3 of his military officers, of which one Atavi
Durjaya, born in the Matsya family who had fought for his master. He was the
ainapti of the Chipurapalli grant of Vishnuvardhana I. The chiefs of the Matsya
family ruled over a small tract of the country to the south-west of Visakhapatnam
district, with their capital at Vaddadi or Oddavadi. They flourished upto 13th
century. (B.V. Rao. History of the E. Chalukyas of Vengi, p 85).
Map showing Timmapuram plates of Vishnuvardhana I denoting Kumulura village

near Paika Puki and Chakrakote, Koraput district
179
Throughout the reign of Jayasimha I the Eastern Ganga king of Kalinga seem to
have been constantly at war with Vengi to regain their lost territories in the south.
Kubja Vishnuvardhana conquered the Southern provinces of the Eastern Ganga
Kingdom as far as the Nagavali and was under the control of his son.
Simultaneously, the region of Jayasimha I witnessed the Western Chalukyan
kingdom of his uncle Pulekesin II being overrun and his capital Badami sacked
and burnt by the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I (A.D. 630-660), about the year
642.
The Madras Museum plates of the king Vishnuvardhana I were dated 684,
expressed by a chronogram possibly in 634 corresponding to A.D. 21 November
721. The Timmapuram plates (5) of Vishnuvardhana I. Vishamasiddhi were
discovered from village Timmapuram in the Saravasiddhi taluka of
Visakhapatanam district in Madras Presidency. The plate was deciphered by Rai
Bahadur Venkayya and reported by Prof. E. Hultzsch. This finding is of great
significance to present Koraput district as it is.
The inscription records a grant by Vishnuvardhana- Maharya Surnamed
Vishamasiddhi, who was younger brother of Satyasraya Vallavha- Maharaja, the
son of Kirtivarman, the grand son of Rana Vikrama and the great-grandson of
Ranaraga of the Chalukya family. This short pedigree established the identity of
the donor of this grant with Vishnuvardhana I. Vishamasiddhi, the founder of the
Eastern branch of the Chalukya dynasty. That he was the younger brother of
Satyasraya, i.e. the Western Chalukya king Pulakesin II, and the son of
Kirtivarman II.
Prof. Hultzsch concluded that, at the time of this grant, Vishnuvardhana I was still
a dependent on his elder brother, the Western Chalukya king Pulakesin II. He
preferred to be a worshipper of Bhagavat (1.10); i.e. Vishnu, and resided at
Pithapura (1.1), the modern Pithapuram in the Godavari district. In the Aihole
inscriptions the capture of this fortress is ascribed to his elder brother and
sovereign Pulakesin II.
The grant’s donnees are not mentioned by name, but simply stated to have been
forty Brahmanas of the Chhandoga School. E. Hultzsch wrote. “ The object of the
grant was some land seems to be referred to in the Chipurupalle plates of
Vishnuvardhana I, and the name has been read doubtfully as ‘Puki-Vishaya’; but,
if the facsimile can be trusted. The engraver has written in reality Plaki-vishaye,
which may be meant for Palaki-vishaya.” The learned author had not identified
the village ‘Kumulura’ too.
However, I believe from my study that it is ‘Puki-Vishaya’ as has been rightly
mentioned in Ind. Ant. Vol. XX.p. 16, text line 13. This place is still called Puki.
It is located in Dasmanthpur area in Koraput block of Koraput district. This Puki
180
has a large population of Oriya Paikos at present is thus called Paika -Puki.
Around this place there are Jaina vestiges and it was an ancient Jaina culture
centre. The Kumulura village is near by present day Kumulura village with
Brahmin families.
We are thus inclined to postulate that the Bissama-Cuttack in the Rayagada,
which was within the scope, for Western Chalukyas may have been named after
Vishamasiddhi and thus it is Bissama-Cuttack.
It records the grant of the village of Musinikonda in Toka Natavadi vishaya, to the
Jaina temple Nadumba vasati by Ayyana Mahadevi at Bezwada, through the Jaina
teacher, Kalibhadracharya of the Kaurigana and the Sangh-anvaya. The
ajanpti of the grant was the queen, Ayyana Mahadevi herself, a queen of Kubja
Vishnuvardhana; and curiously enough the record was sealed with the seal of
Vishnuvardhana himself. The king, who issued the charter, was however,
Vishnuvardhana III, son of Mangi Yuvaraja and a grandson of Vishnuvardhana II.
Vishnuvardhana III (A.D. 719-755)
This will give an account of the war between Eastern Chalukya king
Vishnuvardhana III and the Nandivermana II, the king of Pallavas, who was a
hereditary enemy to both Western Chalukyas and the Eastern Chalukyas (6). The
said Pallava king had an eminent military officer named Udayachandra, who
claimed victory over northern region probably the vicinity of Nellore district and
also says to have persuaded and defeated the Nisada Chief Prithivivyaghra, who
was ruling the Nisada area, may be the present Koraput was also known as
Nisada. He claimed to have defeated the Nisada Chief who was following an
aswamedha sacrificed horse and probably this Nisada king was evidently a vasal
Vishnuvardhana III and the Udayachandandra claims that he had defeated and
sent back the Nisada king to Chalukyan dominion back. This indicates the
positive relationship of Eastern Chalukyan relationship with Nisada, or present
Koraput. However, the Nisadha chief mentioned Prthivivyaghra were of Nellore
district said by N. Venkataramanayya. Vishnuvardhana I who ruled between 755-
772 A.D. had the period when the Rashtrakutas over ran great empire and their
history was marked with the conflict of Western Chalukya Rastrakutas and the
Western Gangas. This was also the history during the Eastern Chalukya king after
the death of Krishna I of Rashtrakuta king A.D. 770. His two sons Govinda II
and Nirupama Druva made the history of Koraput area and the history of
Rashtrakuta king. Vishnuvardhana forces interference in the affairs of
Rashtrakutas during the regime of Druva I only rekindled the hostility flame and
the Rashtrakutas looked upon the Chalukyas of Vengi with hatred of a natural
enemy.
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The relations between the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga and the Chalukyas of Vengi
were not apparently strained as before from the days of Vijayaditya-Bhattaraka, or
probably from the last days of Vishnuvardhana III. The cause for this change
seems to lie in the rise of a new power of the Rashtrakutas in the west and the
disappearance of the supremacy of the Westen Chalukyas of Badami. During this
period, beginning with the middle of the eighth century A.D. Vengi and Kalinga
seem to have combined against the Rashtrakutas in order to assist the Western
Chalukyas of Badami in the latter’s attempt to retain sovereignty in the west. The
kingdom of Kalinga was, at this time, ruled by Anantavarman III, the donor of the
Alamanda plates (7), dated in the 304th year of the Ganga era, and son of
Maharaja Rajendravarman I. There is one small village called Alamanda on the
plateau of Eastern Ghat hills of Koraput, which was in a strategic location, and we
believe the grant was issued from there only.
Vijayaditya I (A.D. 755-772)
On the death of Visnuvardhana III, Vijayaditya I, his son by his chief queen
Vijayamahadevi, ascended the throne. Vijayaditya I appears to have been a
powerful king; but very little is known about his achievements; and his
inscriptions as well as those of his successors give no information of any
historical importance.
One important event which happened during the period of his rule, though
unconnected with the affairs of Vengi, must be noticed here, as it exercised a
profound influence in subsequent years on the fortunes of the Eastern Chalukya
royal family. A few years after Vijayaditya’s accession to the throne of Vengi, a
dynastic revolution broke out in the neighbouring kingdom of Karnataka, which
resulted in the overthrow of the Chalukya dynasty of Badami. The Rastrakutas,
who had been the feudatories of the Chalukyas of Badami ever since the
foundation of the kingdom about the middle of the 6th century A.D., rose up,
under the leadership of Dantidurga, against Kirtivarman II, overthrew his
authority seized his throne, and made themselves masters of Karnataka. The
disappearance of the friendly house of Badami, and the emergence in its place of
the new Rashtrakuta power upset the political equilibrium of Southern Deccan.
Vengi, which enjoyed comparative peace, since the time of its conquest under
Pulakesin II, was drawn into the vortex of an inter-dynastic struggle and became
the arena of warfare between the Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas during the
succeeding two centuries.
Vijayaditya I appear to have ruled in peace until almost the end of his reign.
Although Dantidurga is said to have conquered the neighbouring kingdoms of
Kanci, Kosala, Kalinga and Srisaila, Vengi does not find a place among the states
conquered by him (8).
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At the end of his regime of Vijayaditya, the Rashtrakutas became more aggressive
and invaded Vengi from west. The Western part of Vengi was the hills of Giri
Kalinga upto the dominion of Chakrakota that is the present Koraput district,
thus this place also came into the savage of wars. Krishna I paternal uncle and the
successor of Dantidurga sent a large army completed very successfully. It is stated
in the Alas Plates dated A.D. 769 that the king of Vengi, i.e. Vijayaditya I, unable
to resist the invading Rashtrakuta forces saved himself by the cession of his
treasury, forces, and his country (9).
Vishnuvardhana IV (A.D. 772-808)
Vijayaditya I was succeeded by his son, Visnuvardhana IV. Very few records of
his reign have come down to historians. The Permanjili and the Karumuru Grants,
which probably belong to his, offer no historical information. And his long reign
would have remained a blank in the Eastern Chalukya history, but for valuable
references in the contemporary Rashtrakuta inscriptions. He was involved in a
protracted war with the Rashtrakutas, and played an important part in politics of
his own day. At the time of his accession to throne, Vishnuvardhana IV must have
been a feudatory of the Rashtrakutas, as a consequence of his father’s defeat in
the hands of Rashtrakutas during the last years of his reign. Soon after his
coronation an opportunity appeared itself to regain the lost independence. Krishna
I died in A.D. 772, and his eldest son Yuvaraja Govinda II, succeeded him on the
throne. This however, roved to be the sign for the outbreak of a civil war in the
Rashtrakuta dominions, as Dhruva Nirupama Dharavarsa, Govinda’s younger
brother, disputed the right of his brother to sit upon the throne, and rebelled. This
Dhruva won over to his side many of the nobles’ of the kingdom and Govinda II
turned, in his difficulty, to Vishnuvardhana IV and the other neighboring
monarchs from whom he had formerly exacted tribute and solicited their help.
The defeat of Govinda II and the enthronement of his rival Dhruva in his place
got disaster on all his allies, and Vishnuvardhana IV who had rendered him
valuable help was one of them. Thus, as soon as Dhruva settled the affairs of his
kingdom, he organized an expedition against Vengi, and sent an army under the
Lemulavada Chalukya chief Arikesarin I. The conquest of Vengi and Trikalinga
by Arikesarin I is referred to both in the Parbhani Plates and the introductory
section of Pampa’s Vikramarjuna Vijayam. Though the former makes it appear
that Arikesarin affected the conquest of these countries on his own account,
Pampa clearly shows that he had undertaken it on behalf of his master, Nirupama
Dhruva (10).
The treaty was concluded, according to the terms of which he probably had to
agree to acknowledge the supremacy of the Rashtrakuta monarch and pay him
tribute. It was further improved by a marriage alliance. Vishnuvarchana IV gave
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his daughter Silamahadevi in marriage to Dhruva, who was pleased to make her
his chief queen (11). The royal houses Vengi and Malkhed were thus united for
the first time in their history. As a consequent of which there was peace between
the two kingdoms until the death of Vishnuvarchana IV in A.D. 806.
Vijayadittya II (A.D. 808-847)
Vishnuvardhana IV left two sons, Vijayaditya II and Bhima Saluke, daughter
Silamahadevi, who, as stated above was the chief queen of the Rashtrakuta king,
Nirupama Dhruva, death, Vijayaditya II, as the eldest son of Vishnuvardhana IV
and their proclaimed himself the king after his father’s death. But Bhima Saluke,
his younger brother claimed to the throne. He with the help of the Rashtrakuta
monarch taken forcible possession of the kingdom and thus precipitated a civil
war. It lasted for a period of twelve years. The main events of this are briefly
described in the inscriptions of his successors. In the Staluru Grant of his
grandson, Gunaga Vijayaditya III, it is stated the he (Vijayaditya II) scattered; the
forces of the Gangas, built one hundred and eight temples dedicated to Siva.
According to the Ponangi Plates of the same king, Vijayaditya II fought with his
enemies one hundred and eight battles (12).
The Attili Gant of his great grandson, Chalukya Bhima I, however, omits the
reference to the commanders of Vallabhendra in this connection, but mentions in
their place the forces of the Southern Gangas who fought on the side of Bhima
Saluke (13). It is thus obvious that the struggle was bitterly contested and that
Vijayaditya II had to fight for every inch of the ground he recovered from the
enemy.
Vijayaditya III or Gunaga Vijaditya (A.D. 844-888)
Vijayaditya III or Gunaga Vijayaditya, is (he) commonly referred to in the
inscriptions of his descendants. He seems to have ascended the throne in A.D.
848-49 after the short reign of his father (Vijayaditya II). He was the most
powerful of the early Chalukya rulers of Vengi, who had long reign. During his
regime the Eastern Chalukya power reached to the zenith of its glory, and the
Vengi kingdom attained the widest extent. Vijayaditya III was frequently at war
with his neighbours almost from the very beginning of his reign. The reign of
Gunaga Vijaditya once again brought importance to the Eastern Ghats, and made
history. Here after the role and important participation of tribes living on these
difficult terrains became clearly visible, and showed their vital role during and
after Amma II (945-970).
The history of Vijayaditya’s wars and the circumstances under which he came
into conflict with his enemies are generally unknown.
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War with Amoghavarsa I: After his victory over Rahana, Gunaga Vijayaditya
came into conflict with the Rastrakuta monarch, Amoghavarsa, even though they
were related to each other by ties of kinship. It may be recalled that Gunaga’s
mother, Silamahadevi, was the first cousin of Amoghavarsa I, being the daughter
of his paternal uncle, Indra, the founder of the Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakuta
family (14). The circumstances under which the relation broke war were obscure.
The Eastern Chalukya inscriptions are almost silent on this war; probably due to
the disastrous consequences, including the loss of their independence. Rashtrakuta
records no doubt say that Gunaga Vijayaditya was engaged in a war with
Amoghavarsa I about the middle of the 9th century A.D., and the defeat in battle
he was obliged to acknowledging the latter’s supremacy (15).
The invasion of Gangavadi; Gunaga Vjayaditya’s expedition against the Gangas
is mentioned in several Eastern Chalukya copper-plate grants including, the
Maliyampundi Grant of Amma II (16).
This is also supported by the evidence of the Attili Grant of Chalukya Bhima I,
which, while associating Mangi laid the other Eastern Chalukya inscriptions with
the Gangas, mentions in juxtaposition to them the Kalinga Gangas or the Gangas
of Kalinga.
The Rastrakuta dominancy on Western Gangas and relationship with Eastern
Chalukyas of Vengi with their neighbour Kalinga had much to derive the basic
empire growth, thus in the present study details has been given for the rulers.
Gunaga Vijayaditya was obliged to embark on the expedition by the command of
Amoghavarsa-I to whom he became a subordinate.
In the Masulipatam Plates of Vijayaditya III (17), it is said that the king made the
gift of the village Trandaparu to the Brahman Vinayadi Sarman as a reward for
the marvellous advice, which he gave to the king on the battle-field suggesting the
method of putting Mangi to death.
Taking advantage of the confusion in the Rashtrakuta dominions caused by the
invasion, Gunaga Vijayaditya proclaimed his independence and declared war
upon Krishna II.
The main incidents of this war described in several Eastern Chalukya records. The
Sataluru Grant (18) of Gunaga Vijayaditya himself, which belongs most probably
to the last years of his rule, alludes to his conquest of the Rashtrakuta kingdom
and the establishment of his suzerainty over the whole Daksinapatha including the
Trikalinga country.
The first campaign, Pandaranga, the general was leading Gunaga Vijayaditya’s
armies, is said to have seen the back of king Kannara i.e., Krishna II in the battle
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and put down the pride of another king called Sankila; he is also said to have
entered, at the head of his army into Kiranapura, Dahali-niruta, Dalenadu, and
Acalapura (19). The Attili Grant of Chalukya Bhima I, which is contemporaneous
with the Dharmavaram epigraph, furnishes some more facts of his war. Gunaga
Vijayaditya, it is stated, set fire to the cities of Kiranapura and Acalapura besides
Nellurpura and acquired the title of Tripura-martya-Mahesvara, won a victory
over Krishna in a battle, extracted silver from the Gangas of Kalinga, took
elephants from the ruler of Kosala and plundered the gold of the Pandyas and the
Pallavas (20).
The Kandyam Plates of Danarnava, and the Penneru the Pabhuparru and the
Telugu Academy Plates of Saktivarman I mention besides Krishna and Sankila, a
certain Baddega among Gunaga’s enemies to whom, however, he is said to have
promised security from molestation (21). And lastly Pithapuram inscription of
Mallappadeva, Gunaga Vijayaditya, burnt a place called Cakrakuta, restored to
Vallabhendra his own exalted position and received elephants from the king of
Kalinga (22). The information from the inscriptions cited above shows clearly that
the Eastern Chalukya army not only overran the Rashtrakuta dominions but also
penetrated into Dhalla, a nine-lakh country, which was situated between the
Bhagirathi (i.e., Ganges) and the Narmada. Throughout this war, Krishna II
appears to have been dogged by misfortune (23).
Southern Expeditions
The history of the Tamil country during the closing years of the 9th century A.D.
is far from clear. The relations between Aditya I, the real founder of the Chola
kingdom of Tanjore, and his Pallava overlords were not always friendly. Assailed
by the Pallava or the Pandya or by both together, Aditya might have turned in his
difficulties to the north and solicited help from Gunaga Vijayaditya. The
statement in the Attili Grant of Chalukya Bhima I, that Gunaga plundered the gold
of the Pandya and Pallava lends to this view.
The second campaign against Krishna II: This is but a continuation of Gunaga
Vijayaditya’s war against Krishna II described earlier. Venkataramanaya (24)
(1958) wrote; “Why Gunaga Vijayaditya was obliged to invade Dahala, the home
of the Haihaya kings of Cedi, is far from clear. It may be explained in a
satisfactory manner campaign, lost control over his hereditary dominions and had
taken refuge at the court of his ally and brother-in-law Sankila, the ruler of
Dahala, However, that may be, the expedition set out from somewhere in Vengi,
and marched westward through the well known passes in the Eastern Ghats
towards Dahala. The route passed through two or three independent kingdoms,
which lay between Vengi and the Cedi territory, and it was necessary to subjugate
them to secure a passage for the army. Gunaga Vijayaditya, like the later Chola
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emperors who set out from Vengi for the conquest of Central and Northern India,
had to begin his campaign by the subjugation of Kalinga. Of the three divisions
into which Kalinga was divided from ancient times, two, the Central and the
Southern, called the Madhya and the Daksina- Kalingas respectively, were in the
possession of the Eastern Chalukyas, since the time of Kubja - Visnuvardhana
(25). Therefore, the Kalinga Ganga subdued by Gunaga Vijayaditya must have
been the independent ruler of North Kalinga, probably Devendravarman, and the
donor of the Cidivalasa Plates or his father, Bhupendravarman. The steps, which
the Eastern Ganga had taken to defend his kingdom, are not known. It is,
however, certain that he ultimately suffered defeat, and had to purchase peace by
surrendering his wealth and war elephants.”
He further wrote, “The victory over the Kalinga secured for him the passes in the
Eastern Ghats, commanding the route along which he had to march. This enabled
him to cross the mountains safely and reach the open country which lay on the
other side of the Ghats without incident.” This clearly indicates the Eastern Ghats
separating the plain land of coastal side as well as the plain lands of Koraput
district. It was probably here that he came into conflict with Baddega, whose
territories lay on his left flank. Baddega, though like Gunaga Vijayaditya was a
Chalukya by birth, came of a different stock, and was a firm supporter of the
Rashtrakuta power. He was, as pointed out by the Government epigraphist, a
Western Chalukya prince an ancestor of Arikesarin II, the patron of the Kannada
poet, Pampa (26) and flourished about A.D. 941-42. Yuddhamalla I, the founder
of the family, migrated, as stated in an earlier context, from the Spadalaksa
country in Rajaputana to Northern Telingana, where he carved out a small
kingdom for himself and settled down at Bodhan in the Nizamabad district of the
Hyderabad State. The seat of his family, however, was shifted further east to
Lembulavatika or Lemulavada, the modern Vemulavada, in the Karimnagar
district during the time of his successors. Baddega was said to be a great warrior
and a powerful prince. His exploits have been described at length in Vikramarjuna
Vijaya of Pumpa and the inscriptions of his descendants (27). The records belong
to late stage of his career, and do not mention his relations with Gunaga
Vijayaditya; whereas the Eastern Chalukya records spoke of his defeat in the
battle and were compelled to sue for peace. The sway of Baddega extended
perhaps to Bastar, the ancient Chakrakuta - mandala, which was situated
immediately to the north-east of his dominions on the other side of the Godavari”
The learned author of this book are putting Bagdari a place with ancient
archeological remains, on the bank of the river Kolab may be Baddega as has
been denoted here. This may be the site at Baddega and present Bagderi of
Koraput, very close to Bastar. Venkataramayya further wrote “It may be
remembered that Bastar, though situated at present in the Central Provinces, was
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included in Telingana until the fall of the Kakatiya monarchy in the first quarter
of the 14th century A.D. and the Lemulavada chiefs, who were the masters of the
territory on the south bank of the river Godavari, might have exercised some
authority over it. If this surmise is not altogether wide of the mark, it may be
presumed that the conflict arose out of Gunaga Vijayaditya’s attempt to seize the
fort of Cakrakuta, which stood at an important strategic point, on the route of his
march. Though nothing is known about the details of the warfare, two facts stand
out clearly, viz., that the Chalukya army succeeded in taking the fort of Cakrakuta
which they reduced to ashes; and that Baddega, worsted in the battle and unable
to offer further resistance, sued for peace. Gunaga Vijayaditya, who had no desire
to drive the defeated prince into desperate opposition, assumed an attitude of
conciliation, and appears to have won him over to his side by promising to leave
him in the undisturbed possession of his territories (28).” Gunaga Vijayaditya
then moved on with his army to Kosala, where probably a member of the
Sarabhapura family, which supplanted the Sripura line and ruled in Kosala for a
while who opposed Gunaga Vijayaditya’s advance and suffered defeat and had to
make peace by giving up his war elephants and other valuables (29).
Then, Gunaga Vijayaditya reached at last Dahala, the objective of his expedition
Pandaranga, the general of Gunaga Vijayaditya, according to the Dharmavaram
epigraph, entered, at the head of his army, Kiranapura, Dahala, Niruta, Dalenadu
and Acalpura (30).
With the capture of Acalpura, the modern Ellichpur of Berar Gunaga
Vijayaditya’s war with Krishna II came to an end. It was a brilliant military
success.
Gunaga Vijayaditya ruled for three or four years Dahala; but they were
uneventful. He died in A.D. 891 after a long reign of forty-four years, full of
honour.
It is very clear from this expedition of Gunaga that the route from the coastal area
on the hills of Easter Ghats through which he traveled to Chakrakuta and then to
Kosala was a dominion of Kalinga and this was most probably the Girikalinga. So
in this case, there could have been a route he could have got in through Narsipat
area to Paderu and then to Nandapur, or may be Panchipetta to Nandapur and then
decent down from the hills either at Bhairava Singhpur or Kathagadh;
Bhairabasingpur or Borigumma that could have been the base. But I think on the
hills he assumed interference from other allied kings of Kalinga empire and
therefore, he took most probably the route by coming to Srikakulam district, from
there to Narainapatna to Kothagad or Bhairabasingpur of the present day. It is
very clear that this route was operation able for invading the army from time
immemorial and the civilisation were always looking for a route a route with least
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resistance from the enemy, and resistance from the point of big rivers. This can be
concluded that the Vijayaditrya crossed through the Koraput district and went into
the Bastar district and then to the Kosala and Dhala countries.
Chalukya Bhima I, or Visnuvardhana VI (A.D. 892-922)
On the death of Gunaga Vijayaditya, Chalukya Bhima I, his nephew, the son of
his younger brother Yuvaraja Vikramaditya, ascended the throne. The most
important aspect in his period was that after the death of Vijayaditya,
Rashtrakutas became active and successful at first.
Chalukya Bhima I, if we may trust the records of the Lemulavada chiefs, fell into
the hands of the enemy in some unspecified battle, was defeated at the hands of
Baddega. Pumpa states, in his account of the Lemulavada family that Baddega,
the grandfather of his patron, Arikesari II, seized, as if seizing a crocodile in
water, Bhima had won frame as a great warrior. The same statement is repeated in
the Parbhani Plates of Arikesari III also.
As Baddega suffered defeat at the hands of Chalukya Bhima’s uncle and
predecessor, Gunaga Vijayaditya in the Dahala campaign, there can be no doubt
that they were contemporaries. Baddega was, as said already, was a faithful
feudatory of Krishna II, His estates lay immediately to the north of the Ranamarda
territory, it is natural that he should have accompanied the expedition, and played
an important part in the invasions. The success of the Rashtrakutas was, however,
short lived. Kusumayudha, the ruler of the Ranamarda country quickly retreated
with his forces, and may be with Chalukya Bhima supporters inflicted a crushing
defeat and thus chased them back to their own country. Taking advantage of the
confusion that was prevailing in the enemy’s camp. Chalukya Bhima perhaps
affected his escape from captivity at this juncture and joined his family.
Vijayaditya IV Kollabhiganda (A.D. May 922-November 922)
On the death of Chalukya Bhima I in A.D. 922, his eldest surviving son,
Vijayaditya IV surnamed Kollabhiganda or the slayer of the heroes who opposed
him ascended the throne. The reason as to why Vijayaditya IV had to lead an
army into Kalinga immediately after his accession to the throne, it is not possible
to ascertain. The Eastern Gangas probably became restive, and had to be kept
under control. The activities of Vajrahasta, the son of Gunarnava or
Gunamaharnava, who must have been ruling about this time probably called for a
demonstration of military strength.
At the time of Vajrahasta’s accession, Kalinga was divided into five principalities,
each of which was governed by an independent chief. Vajrahasta wrote to all
these principalities and create the united kingdom of Kalinga (31). This naturally
clashed with the interests of the Eastern Chalukyas, whose sway was extended
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over a large part of the country. The Chalukyas thus probably lost their
sovereignty over the bulk of Kalinga either during the last years of Chalukya
Bhima I or immediately after his death. Gunaga Vijayaditya, it may be recalled,
reduced to subjection the entire land of Kalinga, and became the lord of
Trikalinga country. Chalukya Bhima I succeeded, not withstanding his pre-
occupation with the Rashtrakuta wars, in keeping his hold over a large part of his
uncle’s Trikalinga conquest, if not the whole of it. The gift of the village of Tini
(Tuni) situated in the Devarastra of the Elamancili Kalingadesa shows definitely
that his authority was recognised in the Madhya or the Central Kalinga (32).
Vijayaditya IV is said to have ruled only over the Trikalinga-atavi or the forest
tracts belonging to Trikalinga in addition to his ancestral kingdom of Vengi (33).
This indicates clearly the Vijayaditya IV was ejected from the whole of Kalinga
with the exception of the forest tracts attached to it. It was probably to re-establish
his supremacy over that country that he led an expedition to Kalinga Vijayaditya
is generally credited to have won victory at Viraja, but the Inangaru Grant of
Rajaraja II, no doubt, a late document of the Chola-Chalukya period, states that
Vijayaditya captured the city named Viraja and departed to the world of the Gods
(34). The Trikalinga-atavi country was probably lost and gained by Kalingas, as
a consequence of their defeat and the death of their leader in the battle at Viraja;
and Vajrahasta II made himself the master of the entire Trikalinga country
without much trouble.
Amma I, Vikramaditya II and Yuddamalla II ( A.D. 921-927)

After a rule of seven years Amma I died. Vikramaditya II appears to have been an
energetic ruler. During the short period of his rule, he brought under his control
not only his ancestral kingdom, Vengi, but also Trikalinga, which was lost after
the death of Chalukya Bhima I. Though a doughty warrior, and the hero of a
hundred battles, he was notable to keep himself in power for more than eleven
months (35). According to the Digubarru Grant of Chalukya Bhima II, the only
record that refers to the event, Vikramaditya II was attacked by Bhima, the son of
Amma I, who killed him in battle, and occupied the throne for a period of eight
months (36). And Yuddamalla II, the eldest son of Tala I, overthrew him in his
turn.
It is also seen that the Rashtrakutas, were not eager to leave Vengi, and return to
their own kingdom. Govinda IV had no desire to relax his hold, and allow
Yuddhamalla II to become the master of the territory; which his forces had
conquered. At his instance, the conquered territory was appointed among the
feudatory Sabara chiefs, the commanders of the Vallabha (i.e., the Rashtrakuta
forces and others who held it for seven years (37); the only a small part of the
country extending to the south of the Krishna appears to have been left directly
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under the control of Yuddhamalla II (38). It was not, therefore, possible for
Yuddhamalla to establish his authority firmly in the country under the
circumstances.
Chalukya Bhima II (A.D. 927-945)

The Eastern Chalukya records ascribe, the victory of Chalukya Bhima II who
perhaps received some help directly or indirectly from outside. The war, which he
waged on Yuddhamalla II and his overlord Govinda IV, was not an isolated affair
confined to Vengi only. Govinda IV, it may be recalled ousted his elder brother,
Amoghavarsa II, and captured his throne. A section of his nobles headed by his
designing paternal uncle, Baddega, and his son Kannara, turned hostile towards
Govinda IV and began to plot against him. Govinda as shown in the Sudi Plates
can be trusted from the kingdom. Buddega there upon repaired with his son to
Dahala and sought the protecting of his father-in-law, the Cedi sovereign,
Yuvarajadeva I. The court of the Cedi monarch became the natural meeting place
of the disaffected Rashtrakuta nobles, where they engaged themselves in devising
schemes for the overthrow of Govinda IV. Baddega and his son had two
important allies, who were mainly instrumental in paving their way to the throne.
The Western Ganga prince Butuga, who had designs upon his ancestral throne,
and was anxious to supplant his elder brother and sovereign Rajamalla III,
expecting to gain his object with the help of Baddega and his son, joined them at
Tripuri. It is said that Butuga met the glorious Baddega, the favourite of the earth,
in the country of Dahala, and then being of the most excellent understanding,
wedded his daughter, along, of a verity, with the Maiden of Eloquence, at Tripuri
(39). More important than this Ganga prince was Arikesari II, the powerful
Chalukya chief of Lemulavada, whose possessions lay in the east of Telingana on
the western frontier of the kingdom of Vengi. He was a brother-in-law of Govinda
IV, having married the princes, Revakanirmadi one of the daughters of king Indra
III (40).
The above incidences clearly indicate the Buddega relationship to W. Chalukyas,
Rastrakutas, Eastern Vengi and Dahala, which if believed as per earlier reports
and evidences to be from Koraput district (plain region) must probably played a
very important diplomatic roles as a state of its own in these countries.
Amma II Vijayaditya VI (A.D. 945-970)
On the death of Chalukya Bhima II, Amma II, his son by Lokambika, ascended
the throne, overstepping his elder step-brother Danarnava, and assumed the name
of Vijayaditya. The Savara chief had a very good relationship as it is seen during
the Yuddhamalla’s period. The Rashtrakutas assisted the Savaras. Then in Amma
II he is described the lord of both Vengi and Kalinga and is known to have made
191
the grants of lands in Parukonadu vishaya, Yellamandhili Kalinga in

Visakhpatnam district.
After Amma II had ruled for 11 years about A.D. 956, Badapa son of king
Yuddhamalla drove him out of Vengi country. Badapa became king with the help
of the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III (A.D. 939-67) (41) Badapa styled himself as
Vishnuvardhana and he was succeeded by his younger brother Tala II. The length
of his (Badapa) ruling period nor the circumstances under which his region came
to an end is not known. On his death, his younger brother, Tala II, ascended the
throne and adopted the name of Vishunvardhana.
Unable to withstand the advance of the Rashtrakuta invasions, he (Amma II)
abandoned the king and saved himself by timely flight to Kalinga (42).
The events of the last years of the region Amma II after his return from Kalinga
are lost in obscurity. Inscriptions slightly later in date, however, throw some light
on the concluding stage of the reign.
Danarnava (A.D. 970-71 to 972-3)

Danarnava celebrated his coronation in 892 Saka corresponding to A.D. 970-
971).The death of Danarnava did not result in the submission of Vengi. The
Samnyats and other adherents of the dead monarch still held out. They fall into
three groups. First, there was the Vaidumba king. Ganda Trinetra Whom
Danarnava had recently reduced to subjection. He was the hereditary enemy of
the Telugu Cholas, and he was not disposed to accept Bhima, whom he must have
regarded as an equal, as his overlord and sovereign. The clash between the two
became inevitable. The Vaidumba was presumably worsted in the contest and had
to acquiesce in the supremacy of the Telugu Chola. Next come the Samnyats,
Manyas, and the wild tribes dwelling in the jungles in the east. The hilly regions
situated in the Madhya or Central Kalinga corresponding to the present Agency
tracts had already been the home of warlike savage tribes who showed no
inclination to submit to authority. It was not an easy task to keep them under
control, and the Chalukya rulers of Vengi had to adopt special measures to
enforce their authority. They assigned estates to their nobles in this region; and
one of the branches of the royal family migrated early to this district and settled
down there permanently. No wonder that the Samnyats and Manyas at the head of
the jungle tribes, confident of the natural strength of their mountain strongholds,
held out against Bhima and defied his authority. Bhima was a brave warrior and
capable leader. Undaunted by the numerous difficulties that beset his path, he led
an expedition against them and put them down with a stern hand.
192
The war with the eastern Samnyats and Manyas involved Bhima in a war with
Kamarnava, the Eastern Ganga king of Kalinga. The causes of this war are not
difficult to surmise. Danarnava was related, through his mother, to the Kalinga
royal family and Kamarnava might have been naturally desirous of avenging the
death of his cousin, and restoring to his children their patrimony. More important
than this was, perhaps, his ambition to re-establish the sovereignty of his family
over the Central and the Southern Kalinga, this had remained in the possession of
the Chalukyas since the time of Kubja-Vishnuvardhana. Kamarnava was not,
however, destined to achieve his ambition. Though he held out for a while against
the Telugu Chola, he had to succumb ultimately. Notwithstanding the great
distance which he had to traverse, Bhima, it is said, marched at the head of an
army to Kalinga and after some hard fighting put to death not only Kamarnava but
also his younger brother, Vinayadiya who, on his death, succeeded him on the
throne of Kalinga.
The Kalinga war was not an easy walk over to Bhima, as the language of the
Kailasanatha temple inscription seems to suggest. He had to spend several years
fighting with the Eastern Ganga princes in the hilly tracts of Kalinga. Though he
slew Danarnava and took possession of his kingdom as early as A.D. 972-3, it
was not until A.D. 981, some eight years later, that he was able to overcome the
opposition of the Kalingas. Kamarnava seems to have offered stubborn resistance
until he fell heroically fighting against the enemy in A.D. 978. The task of
defending the realm seems to have then devolved upon his younger brother.
Vinayaditya, who carried on the fight for three years longer, until he too laid
down his life on the battlefield. With the death of Vinayaditya in A.D. 981, the
backbone of the opposition was finally broken, and Kalinga submitted. Bhima
having thus successfully destroyed all his enemies became the undisputed master
of the kingdoms of Vengi and Kalinga and his authority was not seriously
questioned until the end of the century.
References
1. Venkatakrishna, B., Rao (1973) History of the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi.

2. Venkataramanayya, N (1950) The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. p. 123-25.
3. Sircar, D.C. (1988) The successors of the Satavahanas. p.117.
4. E.I. IX, p.317
5. Timmapuram plates, A.R. No. 443 of 1915; E.I., IX p.3178 I.A. XX p.17.
6. Udayendiram Plates of Nandivarman II, S.I.I.II, p.368
7. E.I. Vol. III, p.18 ff (Almanda plates). The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi by
N. Venkataramanayya, 1950
193
8. Arch. Sur. West Ind. pp. 17. The Dasavatara Inscription of Eluru, Verse 23.
9. E.I.VI, p.210
10. Jain Sahitya aur Itihas, p.90 and Pampa, Vikramarjuna Vijayam, 1:20.
11. E.I.XXII, No.17, pp-98-107.
12. C.P. 3 of 1908-9
13. JTA. XI, p.253
14. JTA-I, pp 140-55
15. E.I. VI, p. 103
16. E.I. IX, p.47
17. E.I, V, p.125
18. Bharati I. No. 1, pp. 104-5 and JAHRS, V. p. 113
19. Ibid, V.i.p.619-20
20. JTA XI, p. 241
21. JAHRS XI, p. 80 f; JTA III, p.407
22. E.I. IV, pp. 233-4
23. MER.1917, Part 11, para 37, Dynastic History 11, p. 763
24. Venkataramanayya,N (1950) op.cit.pp.123-125
25. ARE. Cp. 13 of 1908-9, Cf. CP. 10 and 11 of 1908-9 Bodderi Grant of
Kokuli Varma Maharaja, Vizagapatnam district
26. ARE, 1918, Part 11, Para 5
27. Vikramarjuna Vijaya, 1:16:29, Sources of the Medieval History of Deccan,
II, p.48, JAHRS , VI. p. 169 f
28. JAHRA XI, p. 80f
29. JTA, III, p.407
30. JTA, XI, p.241
31. E.I, IV, p. 189
32. C.P. p.4 of 1908-9
33. E.I, V, p. 133
34. C. P 23 of 1916-17
35. S.I.I, I, No. 37, p.45
36. I.A, XIII, p.214
37. E.I., IX, p.47f
38. E.I., XV, p. 150-59
39. ARE. Cp. of 1916-17 III, p. 183, p. 179
40. Telingana Inscri. Itara No.21;Medival History of Deccan Ii.p.48
41. E.I., XIS, p. 142
42. ARE, Cp. 1 of 1916-17
194
MATHARAS
The Mathara was an ancient royal family of South Kalinga. They had matrimonial
relations with famous families like Iksavakus (1), even before they rose to power.
D.C. Sircar wrote, “When the Pitribhaktas were ruling from Simhapura in Central
Kalinga, the royal family of the Matharas had their capital at Pishtapura in the
south. D. C. Sircar thus opined that there were three separate dynasties namely,
the Pitribhaktas, Matharas and the Vasisthas (2). However, S. N. Rajguru was of
the opinion that these are all one and the same Mathara dynasty. (3). But,
N.K.Sahu was of the view that Mathras and Vasisthas are two distinct families of
Kalinga. (4).A detail account on Matharas is available due to D. C. Sircar, S. N.
Rajaguru, N.K.Sahu and Mrs. S. Tripathy (5). She was of the opinion that during
the period of 5th and 6 th centuries Kalinga was ruled from Pistapura, Devapura,
Simhapura and other places the above families ruled more or less
contemporaneously in the region between the district of Ganjam and East
Godavari district.
The Ragolu Grant of the Mathara Maharaja Sakti-varman, which records a gift of
land near Chicacole, was issued in the king’s 13th regnal year from the city of
Pishtapura. The king bears the title ‘lord of Kalinga.’He has been described as
Vasisthi ( Vasisthi-putra) to have belong to Mathara family. It indicates that the
Mathras and Vasisthas were matrimonially related. He was also known as Sakti-
bhattaraka. The grant of locality called Rakaluva, was stated to have been located
in the Kalinga-Visaya. This shows that the Matharas of Pishtapura conquered the
heart of the Pitribhakta kingdom in Central Kalinga. This is also supported by the
fact that the Sakunaka Grant issued in the 28th regnal year of another Mathara
king named Ananth-Sakti-varman, who enjoyed the title ‘lord of Kalinga,’ was
issued from Simhapura, the former capital of the Pirtibhaktas. Prabhanjanavarman
was the successor of Saktivarman to the Mathara throne that is known from the
extant charter issued by him from Simhapura. (6). Matharas are never known to
have ruled beyond Ganjam district that is towards northern part of Orissa. It is not
known how long Prabhanjanavarman ruled Kalinga. Maharaja Ananth-Sakti-
varman was the successors of Prabhanjanavarman. Two copper plate of this king
are known (7). He ruled from Simhapura, the modern Singpur in Srikakulam
district of Andhra Pradesh. In later period there was conflict between Pitrbhaktas
and Matharas over Simhapura, that later period came under the control of
Pitrbhaktas.
Sakti-varman of the Ragolu grant. This is suggested by the fact that an official
mentioned as Amatya Arjunadatta in the Ragolu grant of Sakti-called
Desakshapataladhikrita-Talavara Arjunadatta in Ananta-Sakti-varman’s record.
195
The Amatya was probably raised to higher offices during the latter part of his life.
According to some writers, the name Ananta-Sakti-varman actually indicates
‘Ananta-Sakti-varman’s son of Sakti-varman.It has been suggested that Ananta-
Sakti-Varman was successor of Sakti-Varman, a third king named Ananta-
Varman probably intervening between the reigns of the two was the opinion of
Sircar.(8)
All these suggestions are negatived by the Ningondi copper plate inscription (9),
issued by the Mathara king Prabhanjana-varman, who was the son of Saktivarman
and the grandson of Sankaravarman, from the city of Simhapura. This
Saktivarman may be identified with the king of the same name who issued the
Ragolu plates; but the relation to Prabhanjanavarman with Anantasakti-verman of
the same family is not yet definitely known. The recently discovered Andhavaram
Plates, however, represent Sakti-varman as the Aryaka or grandfather of Ananta-
Sakti-varman, who may have thus been the son and successor of Prabhanjana-
varman. The Ningondi Grant represents Sakti-varman as the ruler of the people
inhabiting the land between the Krishnavenna and the Mahanadi, but the claim
must be regarded as exaggerated.”(10)
I am of the opinion that the Matia tribe in Koraput district and else where are
possibly the people of Mathara dynasty. They may have entered to the present
locality from Pistapur to Korkonda region of Malkangiri in Koraput district of
Orissa. In the Korkonda area I am said to understand that there is Vardamanpur (I
have not confirmed) gives the clue to Girikalinga that mentions of Vaadhamana
agrahara and was a part of the Kalinga during Mathara rule.
The Mathara rule is still a controversy and the present paper by Mrs. S. Tripathy
is more informative and interested readers may refer.
Reference
1. E.I.XX, pp.19f.
2. Sircar, D.C. A New History of the Indian People. Vol.IV. The Gupta-Vakataka
Age.pp. 79-80
3. Rajguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa. Vol.I Part II.pp.68-69
4. Sahu, N.K. Mathara Rule in Kalinga.Utakal University- History of Orissa. Vol. I.
p.467-504.
5. Tripathy, S. New Light on the Mathars of Kalinga. OHRJ, Vol XXXV, No.3&4
p.135-165.
6. E. I. Vol. XXX, pp.112-18 ff and plate
7. E.I. XXVIII, pp. 175-79 ff and plate: pp.227-35 ff and plate.
8. Sircar, D.C. The Matharas. The Classical Age, Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan.pp.212-213.
9. E.I., XXX, p. 112.
10. Sircar, D.C.op.cit.
196
CHOLAS OF TAMIL COUNTRY IN KALINGA,

CHAKRAKOTE, VENGI AND DAKSHINA KOSALA
The Hathigumpha inscriptions of Kharavella, ruler of Kalinga during the first half
of the second century B.C. and in the eleventh year of his reign (C.155B.C.), is
said to have destroyed the Tamil country, which constituted of a confederacy of
Tamil states - Tramiradesaanghatam. It was 113 years old at that time, and was
a source of danger, as perceived for long time. The same inscription records that
Kharavella caused ‘numerous pearls in hundred’ to be brought from the Pandya to
Kalinga. This was the first inscription, well reflecting the state Tamil country
before the Sangam period (i.e. the first three or four century A.D.).
From the middle of the sixth century A.D., for a period of 300 years, the history
of South India was the story of mutual conflict among three powers each tirelessly
seeking to extend its empire. The three powers were the Chalukyas of Badami, the
Pallavas of Kanchi and the Pandyas of Madura. They rose to prominence in the
sixth century; but the Chalukyas quit the stage about a century earlier than the two
other powers, were replaced from the middle of the eight-century by their
successors, the Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta (Malkhed). The main house of
Badami, the Chalukyas had established themselves in two other branches, more or
less independent of the main line. They were the Chalukyas of Lata and the
Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. The Gangas of Mysore together with the Eastern
Chalukyas took sides in the conflicts of the three kingdoms, sometimes with
decisive results. The Cholas of the Tamil country had practically disappeared. A
line of Telugu rulers bearing Chola name and claiming a traditional relationship
with their capital at Traiyur ruled in the area now known as Rayalaseema.
This conflict of struggle for empire did not remain limited to their respective
territories and by 9th and 10th century extended into north countries of Kalinga,
South Kosala and Chakrakote. Several new dynasties appeared and left the stage.
The present lands of Bastar of Chhattisgarh and Koraput district of Orissa were
active partners and witnesses to all these developments for centuries with their
distant neighbours. The present exercise is to build up of history of Koraput-
Bastar from the existing records..
197
Cholas of Tamil Country
Rajaraja the great (A.D. 985-1014) of Cholas and Kalinga conquest

Rajaraja I, the son of Sundara Chola, ascended the throne in June-July, 985 A.D.
His brother Aditya II was murdered at the instance of Uttama Chola, who had
made Rajaraja heir apparent. Consequently, he was enabled before his accession
to the throne to acquire extensive knowledge of public affairs during several
years. The inscriptions of Rajaraja range from his second to his thirty-first regnal
years. He started the practice of prefixing ‘historical introductions’ to his
inscriptions, which was followed by his successors, and these official records of
public events are thus of great help to the historian of the Cholas. No other
contemporary accounts of Rajaraja are extant.
The Tanjore inscription of the twenty-ninth regnal year of Rajaraja mentions his
warlike achievements in its ‘historical introduction’ (1). “He was pleased to
destroy the ships (at) Kandalur-Salai, and conquered by his army, which was
victorious in great battles, Vengai-nadu, Gangapadi, Tadigaipadi, Nolambapadi,
Kudamalainadu, Kollam, Kalingam, Ilamandalam (which was the country) of the
Singalas who possessed rough strength, the seven and a half laks has of Irattapadi
and ‘twelve thousand ancient islands of the sea’, deprived the Seliyas of (their)
splendour at the very moment when (they were) resplendent (to such a degree)
that (they were) worthy to be worshipped everywhere.” The first great triumph of
Rajaraja was secured early in his reign when he destroyed the Chera navy at
Trivandrum. The Tamil expression “Kandalursalaik-Kalamaruttaruli” means
“pleased to destroy the ships in the roadstead of Kandalur (Trivandrum)”.
Rajaraja’s interference in Eastern Chalukya affairs came due to the result of the
distracted condition of the Vengi kingdom in the tenth century. He thus helped
Saktivarman to secure the throne after the long interregnum from A.D. 973 to
999. The Chola emperor did so to frustrate the scheme of Satyasraya to combine
the resources of the Western and Eastern Chalukyas against the Cholas. This
brought an end to the civil war in Vengi, and Rajaraja claimed to be its conqueror
(2). The alliance between the powers was cemented by the marriage of Kundava,
Rajaraja’s daughter, with Vimaladitya (A.D. 1011-1018) the younger brother of
Saktivarman I. Ultimately this marriage thus prepared the way for the union of
the Eastern Chalukyas and the Cholas. This was seen as great relevance to the
history of these three houses of rulers.
Rajaraja’s conquest of Kalinga must have followed his subjugation of Vengi, as
Kalinga sought to aggrandize itself at the expense of its southern neighbour.
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Lastly, Rajaraja conquered the other islands. Some of his titles reflect his
achievements.
Chola Rajendra I (A.D.1012-1044)
Rajendra I took an active part in public affairs before his accession to the throne,
and was associated with his father in the governing of the empire. He ruled from
A.D. 1012 to 1044, and made his son Rajadhiraja heir apparent as early A.D.
1018. The inscriptions of Rajendra describe his wars and conquests and exhibit
his greatness as a conqueror. The famous Tiruvalangadu grant(3) (thirty-one
copper-plates) of his sixth regnal year (A.D. 1017) recites his achievements, and
additions were made to the account in Sanskrit about A.D. 1025 after his conquest
of Kataha or Kadaram(4). Another important record of Rajendra is his Tirumalai
rock (5) inscription issued in his thirteenth regnal year (A.D. 1024), which gives a
complete list of his continental conquests.
Rajendra I the Conqueror of Purvadesa

Nilakanta Sastri wrote, “In several inscriptions of his reign (Rajendra I) and of the
reign of his successors, Rajendra is described briefly as the conqueror of Purva
desam (6), Gangai and Kadaram; this must be taken to be summary statement of
his most distant conquests, and on this assumptions Purvadesam is best
understood to be, not the Vengi country as was suggested by Venkayya (7), but
Purvarastra, the country to the east of the Maikal range(8) roughly corresponding
to the Southern Kosala country”.(9)
We are inclined to identify Purvadesha, the area between Western boundary of

Kalinga and south-eastern of S.Kosala. This is the present north of Nowrangpur,
Kashipur and Kakrigumma and further down to Bhairaba Singapur. This is hill
region. A separate chapter on Purva desam is given in this book.
R.Sathianathaier wrote; “The next military effort of Rajendra was the expedition
to Eastern India, which was entrusted to his general. Crossing the Godavari and
passing through Bastar and Orissa, the Chola army reached Western Bengal,
defeated two rulers, crossed the Ganga, overthrew another ruler, recrossed that
river, triumphed over Mahipala I and returned home. The victorious general
received the congratulations of his sovereign (Rajendra I) on the banks of the
Godavari. Here it can be thought why did not chose to take the coastal route
instead of the route through Bastar to conquer the eastern India.”(10)
The last years of Rajendra witnessed the Chola invasion of the Western Chalukya
dominions rules over by Somesvara I Ahavamalla (A.D. 1043-1068). Rajendra I
had 3 sons, Rajadhiraja I, Rajendra II and Virarajendra I who ascended throne in
199
succession. His daughter Ammangadevi was the queen of Rajaraja I of Vengi and
mother of Kulottunga I. Rajadhiraja won a victory of Pundi on the Krishna,
sacked Kalyana, and brought home the dvarapalaka image, which is now found at
Darasuram (Tanjore District). The Chola invasion was particularly ruinous and
humiliating to the parts of Mysore, with the result that “cows were carried off and
women’s griddles were unloosed.” The Cholas offended seriously against the
ethics of warfare even in the days of Rajaraja the Great and Rajendra the
Gangaikondachola (11) was remarked.
The Tirumalai (12) inscription records that Rajendra-Chola vanquished the

Kerala, i.e., the king of Malabar. With Sakkara-kottam, whose king Vikrama-
Vira was defeated by Rajendra-Chola, compare Chakrakota, whose lord was
conquered by the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI (13)., and
Chakragotta, which was taken by the Hoyasala king Vishnuvardhana(14).
Madura-mandalam is the Pandya country, the capita of which was
Madura.Oddavishaya, the country of the Oddas or Odras (15) and the U-cha of
Hiuen-Tsiang (16), is the modern Orissa. Kosalai-nadu is Southern Kosala, the
Kiao-sa-lo of Hieun-Tsiang (17), which, according to General Cunningham,
corresponds to the upper valley of the Mahanadi and its tributaries.
Takkanaladam and Uttiraladam are Northern and Southern Lata (Gujarat). The
former was taken from a certain Ranasura. Further, Rajendra-Chola asserts that
he conquered Vangala-desa, i.e., Bengal, from a certain Govindachandra and
extended his operations as far as the Ganga. The remaining names of countries
and kings are not confirmed.
The list of conquests closes with Uttiraladam (1.11) i.e. Uttara-Virata or
Northern Berar, and the Ganga, i.e. the river Ganges.
The Tirumalai Rock (18) inscription gives complete details of Rajendra Chola.
Prof.E.Hultzsch edited the inscription.
The Tamil prasasti records the same transactions, almost in the same order, but
with much more detail, as follows:
Sakkaragottam, whose warriors were brave; Madura-mandala, whose forts
(bore) banners (which touched) the clouds (19); Namanaikkonam, which was
surrounded by dense groves (20), Panchappalli, whose warriors (bore) cruel
bows(21); the good Masunidesa, whose fruits were fresh(22); a large heap of
family-treasures, together with many (other) treasures, (which he carried away)
after having captured Indraratha of the old race of the Moon, together with (his)
family, in a fight which took place in the hall (at) Adinagar, (a city) which was
famous for unceasing abundance; Odda-vishaya, which was difficult to
approach, (and which he subdued in) close fights; the good Kosalai-nadu, where
200
Brahmanas assembled; Tanadabutti, in whose gardens bees abounded, (and

which he acquired) after having destroyed Dharmapala (in) a hot battle;
Takkanaladam, whose fame reached (all) directions, (and which he occupied)
after having forcibly attacked Ranasura; Vangala-desa, where the rain-wind
never stopped, (and from which) Govindachandra fled, having descended (from
his) male elephant; elephants of rare strength and treasures of women, (which he
seized) after having been pleased to put to flight on a hot battle-field Mahipala,
decked (as he was) with ear-rings, slippers and bracelets; Uttiraladam, as rich in
pearls as the ocean; and the Ganga, whose waters dashed against bathing-places
(tirtha) covered with sand,-
In the Tirumalai Inscriptions, the translation by Prof.Hultzsch (23) (E.I.IX, p-232)

stands as follows: It is stated that “; Sakkara-kottam (belonging to) Vikrama-
Vira; Madura-mandalam with the fort of Mudira-bada; (E.I.IX.) Namanaik-
konam, which is surrounded by dense groves; Panchappalli (belonging to)
Vengilai-Viraj the good Masuni-desa, where leaves and fruits are green; the large
heap of family-treasures, together with many (other) treasures, (which he carried
away) after having, in a fight which took place in the hall (at) Adinagar, (a city),
which is famous for its unceasing abundance; Odda-vishaya, whose copious
waters are difficult to approach; the good Kosalai-nadu, where Brahmanas
assemble; Dandabutti (i.e., Danda-bhukti), in whose gardens bees abound, (and
which he acquired) after having destroyed Dharmapala in a hot battle;
Takkannaladam (i.e. Dakshina-Lata), whose fame reaches all directions, (and
which he occupied) after having forcibly attacked Ranasura; Vangala-desa,
where the rain does not last (long), and from which Goundachandra, having lost
his fortune, fled; elephants of rare strength (which he took away) after having
been pleased to frighten in a hot battle Mahapala of Sangu-Kottam(?), which
touches the sea; the treasures of women(?); Uttiralandam (i.e., Uttara-Lata) on
the great sea of pearls; and the Ganga, whose waters sprinkle tirthas on the
burning sand:-
Sakkarakkottam has been identified with Cakrakotya which finds mention in a

Nagavamsi copper plate grant from Bastar dated A.D.1065, and its modern
representative is probably Citrakuta or Citrakota, 8 miles from Rajapura where the
copper plate were found. Rajapura, the capital of Bastar, is itself 22 miles north-
west of Jagadalpur, on the bank of the Indravati river (24). Sakkarakkottam and
the places that follow up to Masuni-desam have thus to be sought in the territory
contiguous to the Vengi Kingdom to the north-west of it. Masunidesam literally
means the land of the snakes; the king of the Chindaka family represented by the
Rajapura plates, called themselves Naga-vamso-dbhava (born of the cobra race),
and Bhagavati-pura-varesvara (lord of Bhagavati, the best of the cities); in a later
201
stone inscription of Saka 1140, one of them is called Sri-bhujagavara-bhusana-

maharayuler the maharaja who was the ornament of the race of the best of
serpents. It is perfectly reasonable to support that Masuni-desam is meant the
land ruled by these kings. On this assumption, Maduraimandalam,
Namanikkonam and Pasncapalli must be sought in the same region and held to
be parts of Masunidesam. It may be noted that Chakrakota is itself called a
mandala (25) like Madurai-mandalam, and that the donor of the Rajapura plates is
called Madhurantaka.
I fully agree to this argument and identify Madurai-mandalam with the fort of
Mudirabada, to the present day Mudlipada located on the Bondo Hills of
Khairput block in Koraput district of Orissa. Bondos, a primitive tribe group of
India and are well known in the world of anthropology due to the work of Verrier
Elwin. The Mudlipada is still the head village to Bondo tribe Chief. The Bondo
tribe villages are located on top of hills, scattered over on a chain of hills, that
which has been described in the Tirumalai inscription as Madura-mandala whose
forts (bore) banners ( which touched) the clouds. The Bondo tribes men still
carry bows and arrows and are known for their ill temper and people fear for their
high homicide rate and lethal bowman ship. The description that Madura-
mandalam whose forts (bore) banners (which touched) the clouds; fully justifies
the ground reality of Bondo hills.
Prof. Hultzsch while described the above said inscription of Rajendra-Chola I
wrote that Maduramandala need not be connected to Madura, the capital of
Pandya king (26) (E.I.IX, p-230).
Rajendra I and Indraratha of Somavamsin

The Tirumalai rock inscription issued A.D.1024 gives a complete list of
conquest. Indraratha of Somavamsin king upto his sixth year of reign was ruling
in full glory. At last, in 1022 A.D. Chola Rajendra I defeated him at
Yayatinagara in course of his Gangetic expedition. According to Chola records,
Rajendra carried away large heap of family treasures together with many (other)
treasures after having captured Indraratha of the ancient race of the moon and
seized Odda-Visaya and good Kosalai-nadu. This expedition appears to have
been taken primarily with a view to thwart the activities of Indraratha who had
aligned himself with the later Chalukya King Jayasimha II Jagadekamalla (1015-
1042 A.D) who, setting aside the claims of Rajendra I’s nephew Rajaraja, had
placed the latter’s step brother Vijayaditya VII Visnuvardhana on the throne of
Vengi.
202
Nilakanta Sastri (27) wrote that Indraratha had to face invasions of other
contemporary powers also. According to Upedur prasasti, he was defeated by the
mercenaries of the Paramara king Bhoja (1000-1047 A.D). Gangeyadeva (1015-
1041 A.D), the Kalachuri king of Tripuri is also credited with success against the
Utkala king who was none else than Indraratha. The Paramavas and the
Kalachuris appear to have allied themselves with the Cholas and the raids of these
three powers against Indraratha were not totally unconnected with each other.
Indraratha after his defeat under the hands of Chola in the battle of Yayatinagara
was probably taken captive with his family and perhaps killed and the entire
Somakula Kingdom lay waste and wrapped in total anarchy for some time.
After defeating Indraratha the Chola Rajendra I proceeded to Kosala and

Chakrakuta (Bastar); instead he could have gone to Ganges without fighting
with Mahipal I, king of Bengal Scholars have explained Rajendra Chola’s attach
on Chakrakuta by supposing that he perhaps persuaded Jayasimha to that region,
but they have not explained why he proceeded from ‘Odda-Visya’ to ‘good
Kosalai Nadu (Kosala)’. Considering his destination that was the river Ganges,
one would expect him to proceeded from Orissa to Mednapore (Dandaka-bhukti)
to which he actually returned from Kosala. This deviation according to
K.C.Panigrahi (28) indicates that Orissa has a subordinate ruler at Yayatinagara
and therefore it was necessary for Chola monarch to attach the main territory of
Kosala to secure safe passage in his return journey from Ganges. The over lord of
the Somavamsi Kingdom of Kosala and Utkala at this time was, according to
chronology, Nahusa did not appear to have opposed the invading army and
therefore the Chola record states that in good Kosalai Nadu only the Brahmins
assembled. This may be the fact that Yayatinagar was a Buddhist cultural centre,
and thus the actions of Chola Rajendra I pleased the Brahmins of Kosala; they
came to greet him.
Rajadhiraja I as joint ruler (A.D. 1018-1052)

Rajadhiraja I (A.D.1018-1052) was made joint ruler with his father as early as
A.D. 1018. During his independent reign from A.D.1044 to 1052 the Ceylonese
troubles continued. They took drastic steps to remove them, which included
barbarities like the mutilation of the nose of the Ceylonese queen-mother. In most
parts of the island Chola authority was maintained intact. The war with the
Chalukyas, ended with the destruction of their cities and buildings, culminated in
A.D. 1052 in the hard fought battle of Koppam. However, in the war the
Chalukya king Somesvara is son Vikramaditya and his alliance Vijayaditya was
defeated, but the Chola emperor lost his life. (29)
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Rajendra II (A.D.1052-1064)
The younger brother of Rajadhiraja I, Rajendra II, who had been chosen heir
apparent, in supersession of the claims of Rajadhiraja’s sons, crowned himself on
the battle field, as he had shown extraordinary bravery. He advanced to Kolhapur
and erected a pillar of victory there. Rajendra II marched against Somesvara in
A.D. 1062 to check the growth of W.Chalukyas in Vengi affair and defeated him
(30).Rajendra’s daughter Madhurantaki married Eastern Chalukya prince
Rajendra whose son later known as Kulottunga I. Rajendra II was succeeded
by his younger brother, Virarajendra I (A.D. 1063-1070), who invaded the
Western Chalukya Empire in A.D. 1067 in response to a challenge of Somesvara
to meet him.
Virarajendra (A.D.1063-1070)
The Tirumukkudal inscription (31) reported by K.V.Subrahmanya Ayyar gives
the detail account of Virarajendra. A study of the records of Virarajendra so far
known reveal that he was crowned king immediately after his victorious return
from the battle held at Kudal-Sangama.
The Kanyakumari (32) inscription states how Virarajendra conquered the

country of Vengi. The Vengi country was first invaded by Rajaraja I (985-1013
A.D) and was again overrun by Rajendra-Chola I (33), but it appears that his
successors Rajadhiraj I and Rajendradeva did not assert their rights over it. This
neglect on their part to hold the reins tight in the Vengi country gave room to the
Eastern Chalukyas to throw off the Chola Yoke. Rajendradeva seems to have
realised the necessity of bringing this tract back under the Cholas but he died
without affecting it. The Kanyakumari inscription speaks of the victories of
Virarajendra in Bezwada, Pandya and Cheras.
He proceeded again to the north, and defeated a number of chiefs of Kalinga who
were fighting under the banner of the Chalukyas, set up a third pillar of victory a
Suttukkal, gained victorious at Chakkarakottam and Kavi and destroyed the
Kalinga country (34). I identify this place to be in Koraput-Kalahandi border.
The Suttukal is the present day Sukatal of Tel river and Kavi is the Kavi-Konga of
Raigarh, and Chakkarakottam is the well known Chakrakote. It is all in
contagious place.
The abstract (35) of the contents and relevant to the study is, himself and his sons,
who assisted him, remaining behind in close quarters, he sent forth an army,
which victoriously fought against countless Samantas along with the (two) sons of
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Ahavamala called Vikkalan and Singanan at Kudal-Sangama on the great

waters, whether they had rushed forth enraged, resolved to advances forward and
fight for a third time; and with (his) rut elephant, he agitated that army (of the
enemy) which was arranged in battle like the Northern ocean, he cut to pieces in
front of his banner-troop Singan of Kosalai who was fighting with his furious
elephants and Vanguard; he (also) cut to pieces Kesavadandanayaka and
Kettarcisar, Maraya of great strength, the powerful Pottaraisan and Reechchayan,
Purkodai and Muvendi who were fighting (fiercely), and many (other) unknown
samantas who offered (him) battle. Then Maduranan, who was the commander,
fled; Vikkalan fled with his heir dishevelled, Singanan fled leaving off the field
work; all other chiefs of the elder brother dismounted from the male elephants on
which they were fighting the great battle and fled; and Ahavamalla, who was thus
put to shame, ran before them (all). He then separated his swift-footed and fierce
elephant, put on a garland of victory and seized the (enemies’) wives, their family
treasures, conches, parasols, truimpets (tarai), big drums, canopies
(meghadambara), white fly-whisks (chamras), the boar banner, the ornamental
arch (makara torana), a herd of camels, metal throne, the female elephant called
Pushpaka, a herd of war elephants together with collection of prancing horses; (he
then) ascended the powerful lion-throne of great splendour, being bowed to all the
world, and along with his beautiful queen Ulagamulududaiyal, put on the
victorious crown set with gems.
After he had reached the great city (called after) the great river Ganga, the
Chalukya (king) who came from the race of the moon, felt the sting and thought
‘it is better to die than live with such disgrace’ and choosing as battle-field the
very Kudal, where his sons and himself had been made to retreat, wrote, so that
all might know, a letter embodying (his) vow- “those who do not come to Kudal
through fear are no kings but are disgraceful liars in war,” handed it over with an
oral message to the Ganga chief Kettan renowned among the liars of Rattappadi
and asked him to take it; and when he came, bowed at the feet of, and delivered
the message to (the Chola king), his (i.e., the latter’s) mind, face and glorious two
arms began to glow doubly on account of the increasing joy and he advanced
forth and entered the field, and not finding the approach of the king of the
Vallabhas at Karandai, stayed there delightfully for one month more after the
appointed day, and then he found him run away until his legs became sore and hid
himself in the western ocean, and each of the three (chiefs) Devanathan, Siddhi
and Kesi turned their backs.
Crossing back the southern region, (the Chola king)........... obstructed at Kondai
where the Chalukyan king again sent against him double the number of elephants
which he had put forth on a former occasion. Among those that were seen (there)
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were the intelligent Nagaiyan, Marayan, Manmagandayan,................... Kondayan,

Achchidaran ................ and others. These ran away showing their backs and
making such an uproar (in their flight) that resembled the noise of thunder during
heavy rains. Koottumadaiyan and others lost their elephants and ran along with
the commanders of infantry (pada-samantas). The Chola king caught hold of
prancing horses and young elephants as well as a galaxy of women that were seen
(in the field) and received as before a parani. Tunnamarayan, ............... Kesavan,
............... who were subdued by his forces ......... the sound............ Singanan, who
was resting under a flag, .............. and (he) planted a pillar of victory at Puli-
Suttukkal, where, getting up a hill ............... and mounted on a vehicle (yanai)
drawn by seven horses, the chief known (by the name) Soliyavaraiyan, .................
-dandanayaka ................... fought. He sent forth a (very) sea of army ................ in
Kalingam ................. his chief feudatories at Chakkarakottam and destroyed by
heavy fire the elephant (forces) of the Chalukya king which appeared in great
numbers at Chakkarakottam in the North. The bowman Somayan of
Sonaiyanagar, Eriyaman, Adityaverman of fearful trident, -these with clusters of
heads that were cut of, - ........... Malli, Sogaiya .............n, who wore ornaments set
with diamonds, Vaidumba, Devanatha, Deviko.............. along with herds of
camels ............. and the reward of ornaments were looted in order ................ and
ran with broken hearts. The wife of ................. nathan trembling with fear,
Kaliyappai, his younger brother ................. and others together with crowds of
their ladies wearing tumbai garlands, fell in his hands in the great field of Kavi
and were caught.
Some of the geographical names of the inscriptions have been given as following:
- Kudal Sangama (1.1) or Kudal (1.4) the place of confluence of the rivers
Krishna and Pancha-Ganga(36).
- Kosalai (1.2) the ancient territorial division of Kosala.
- Karandai (1.5) has been identified with Inchal-Karanjo, in the
neighbourhood of Kudal-Sangama. (37)
- Kuntala (1.5) is the Western Chalukya territory (38).
- Seven Kalingas (1.6) form the territorial division of the East coast, north of
Vengi, ruled by Eastern Gangas.
- Chakkarakottam (1.9) has been identified with Chakrakotta in the Bastar
State.
- Sonaiynagar (1.9) not identified, but it is identified to present Sonepore of
Western Orissa
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- Kavi (1.10) not identified, but I identify now to be Kavi Konga of Koraput
district
- Suttukkal not identified; but we identify now to be Suktal in Orissa
- Jayangondachola-mandalam is the name given to the ancient Pallava
territory of Tondaimandalam during Rajaraja I who bore the designation of
Jayangonda-Chola. As this is a ‘mandala’, I am placing it be in Koraput-
Bastar i.e. Nowrangpur region. It is explained in later paragraphs.
Virarajendra and Eastern Ganga

The Tirumukkudal record (39), dated in the 6th regnal year of Virarajendra
corresponding to 1069 A.D., further describes the advance of the Chola army
close to the beautiful city of Vijayawada, which caused the armies of the enemies
to drink the water of the Godavari. In a decisive battle on the banks of the river
Krishna, Virarajendra inflicted a crushing defeat on the Western Chalukyan
forces commanded by Jananatha and Rajamayan. After this, the Cholas crossed
the river Godavari, marched across Kalingam upto Mahendra mountain and
beyond Chakrakottam (or Chakrakutam), and Virarajendra bestowed Vengi on
Vijayaditya whose broad hands held weapons of war and who had taken refuge at
his lotus feet (40).
In this connection, the evidence of the Eastern Ganga records of Anantavarman

Choda Gangadeva must be considered. In the Korni plates (41) of
Anantavarman Chodaganga dated 1113 A.D. and in the Vizagapatam plates dated
1118 A.D., the marriage of Rajaraja Devendravarman with the Chola princess
Rajasundari after a victory over the Cholas has been referred to. The records of
Anantavarman state that Rajasundari was the queen-consort of Rajaraja and that
their son was Anantavarman Chodaganga. The record of Rajaraja does not refer to
any conflict between the Cholas and Gangas. The Dirghasi inscription of
Banapatideva, the minister of Rajaraja, refers to such a conflict between the
Cholas and the Gangas. The records of Virarajendra Chola dated in his 5th and
6th regnal years (1068 and 1069 A.D.) refer to the Chola attack of Kalinga and
Chakrakottam region. The Korni plates state that Rajaraja first became the lord of
the Goddess of victory in the Tamil battle. Later, he married the resplendent
Rajasundari, the daughter of the Chola king. When Vijayaditya was beginning to
grow old and left Vengi, as if he were a Sun leaving the sky and was about to sink
in the great ocean of the Chodas, Rajaraja, the refuge of the distressed, caused
him to enjoy prosperity for a long time in the western region. Vijayaditya
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mentioned in this record is no other than Vijayaditya VII, the Eastern Chalukyan
king.
Krishna Kumari (42) opined that it might be assumed reasonably, from the above
account, that the Chola king Virarajendra drove Vijayaditya VII from Vengi, after
the battle of Vijayawada, and compelled him to seek help from the Eastern
Gangas. Probably, on this occasion, the Eastern Ganga ruler Rajaraja
Devendravarman lent his support to Vijayaditya VII, and helped him prosperity.
After Virarajendra, till the time of the expedition of Kulottunga to Kalinga, there
was no other Chola fight with the Gangas. This could be the only battle in which
Rajaraja could have faced the Chola forces as recorded by Banapati and
Anantavarman Chodaganga. This battle appears to have been fought in circa
1067-1068 A.D. i.e., two or three years before Rajaraja’s coronation and in the
last years of the rule of Vajrahasta III. Possibly as a yuvaraja, Rajaraja might
have participated in this battle.
Virarajendra and nephew Prince Rajendra Chola of Eastern Chalukya

in Chakrakotam
Rajendra Chola, the Eastern Chalukyan prince, who was brought up in the Chola
dominions after the death of his father, seemed to have accompanied his maternal
uncle Virarajendra in his campaign in the north. For, the early inscriptions of
Kullotunga I, dated in his 2nd regnal year corresponding to 1072 A.D., state that
with the strength of his arms and his sword he overcame the treachery of his
enemies, captured many herds of elephants, levied tribute from the Nagavamsi
king, Dharavarsha of Chakrakutam, and gently raised the earth, resembling the
lotus awaiting the rise of the Sun for blooming, as Vishnu raised the earth from
the ocean in his boar-incarnation and seated her to her great pleasure in the shade
of his parasol, when he was a heir-apparent. This maybe corroborated by the
records of Virarajendra that state that, in the last years of his rule, Virarajendra
marched upto Chakrakutam. This may assume it assumed that probably
Kulottunga I followed Virarajendra in his expedition to the north. The reasons for
the Chola conquest of Chakrakutam are not clearly known. In the literary work
Vikramankadeva Charitra, Bilhana states that Vikramaditya VI conquered Vengi
and Chakrakottam during the life-time of his father, Somesvara I. Possibly with
the intention of reconquering these regions, which were previously held by them,
the Cholas marched into Chakrakutam region. The Chola inscriptions distinctly
state that Virarajendra and Kulottunga I defeated the Chalukya forces, which met
at Chakrakutam.
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Battle between Virarajendra and Vikarmaditya in Chakrakuta

Gopal wrote (43), “However, that Vikramaditya and Vira Rajendra met on the
battle field near Chakrakuta appears to be correct. Soon after 1065 A.D., when
Vira Rajendra extended invitation to defeated Vengi, which he had determined to
conquer, Vikramaditya must have proceeded there. The Chola records mention
the defeat of the Chalukya generals and also Jananatha of Dhara. It is silent of
Vikramaditya. At this period of time Rajendra (future Kulottunga I) was ruling
Purvadesa, close to Chakrakote (44).
Gopal further continues that possibly this north extension of the influence of
Vengi, so closely allied to the Colas, was the cause of Vikramaditya’s expedition
against Vengi and Chakrakuta, counteracted by the campaign of Vira Rajendra
culminating in the battle of Bezwada (45).
Krishna Kumari (46) said, though success was claimed by Virarajendra, in the
battles of Bezawada, Kalinga and Chakrakutam, in his records, it presented
only one side of the picture as they did not even allude remotely to the reverses,
which he suffered in the field. Probably after the battle of Chakrakutam,
Virarajendra gave his daughter to Vikramaditya VI, the Western Chalukyan
prince, as a means of pacifying the situation. Perhaps it is the same far-
sightedness of Virarajendra, which was reflected in Kalinga. He also bestowed
Vengi on Vijayaditya VII, thus satisfying his son-in-law Rajaraja
Devendravarman, and then returned to his capital Gangaikonda-Solapuram.”
She further continued and concluded, “The bestowal of Vengi on Vijayaditya

VII by Virarajendra, needs explanation. There is no evidence to state that
Virarajendra was not in good terms with Rajendra. On the other hand, there is
evidence to show that Rajendra accompanied Virarajendra in his expedition to the
north. Hence it may be suggested that only out of political necessity Virarajendra
had to bestow Vijayaditya VII instead of Rajendra, the rightful heir to the Vengi
throne. Meanwhile, soon after the departure of Virarajendra from Vengi, the
political situation once again altered. Rajendra, after his successful march into the
Chakrakutam region, came to Vengi, and established himself on the throne of
Vengi. Even though this information is not clearly stated in the epigraphs, it may
be construed so by the study of the records of Vijayaditya VII of this period and
the records of Kulottunga I and his sons.”(47)
Kulottunga I left Vengi to Vijayaditya VII, paternal uncle
209
Sastri wrote, “Kulottunga left the administration of the Vengi Kingdom in the
hands of Vijayaditya VII until his death. The relations between them, never very
happy, seem to have continued strained even after Kulottunga’s accession to the
Cola throne. There are Eastern Ganga inscriptions, which, as already noted, show
that the Ganga King Rajaraja took up the cause of Vijayditia VII with Kulottunga
and secured for him a peaceful time towards the end of his life and carrier as ruler
of Vengi.”(48)
The Teki, Chelluru, Pithapuram, and Mallavaram plates of the sons of

Kulottunga I clearly state that Kulottunga I, being desirous of the Chola kingdom,
conferred the country of Vengi on his paternal uncle Vijayaditya VII. This
shows that Kulottunga I at first ascended the throne of Vengi sometime after the
death of his father, and placed Vijayaditya VII on the throne of Vengi, and went
to the south preferring the Chola kingdom.
Jayasimha II of Western Chalukya and Sakkarakottam

Jayasimha II is the Western Chalukya king (Jagadekamalla I) who ruled from
A.D. 1015 to 1043; Musangi or Muyangi is Maski in Hyderabad State.
In the closing years of Rajendra’s reign war broke out once more with the
Western Chalukyas and the affairs of Vengi were, as usual, involved in it. In the
Chalukyan kingdom, Jayasimha II succeeded by his son, Somesvara I
Ahavamalla (1042 A.D.). He removed the capital from Manyakheta to
Kalyani. He added new to the amenities of the new capital. He continued the war
begum by his father. D.C.Ganguly wrote that he extended his power across
Vidarbha and part of modern Madhya Pradesh, into Kosala and Kalinga, and
imposed his sovereignty on the Nagavamsi ruler Dharavarsha of Cakrakuta. It
may be noted here (49) that the Kakatiya chieftain Prola I and his son Beta,
assisted Somesvara in his wars, and received from him as grant the Anumakonda
Vishaya. In another direction Somesvara attached Vengi and thus challenged the
Chola power. In Vengi Rajaraja had no peace after his coronation in1022. His
half-brother Vijayaditya renewed his struggle for the throne, perhaps with the aid
of Chalukya Jayasimha II, drove Rajaraja out of Vengi, and made himself king
(1031), but by 1035 Rajaraja had regained his kingdom. Vijayaditya sought
refuge in the Western Chalukya court where he was entertained royally.
Somesvara’s invasion of Vengi was undertaken ostensibly in furtherance of the
claims of Vijayaditya and news of it quickly reached Rajendra I. The king was
too old to take the field himself, his son Rajadhiraja was engaged in the south, so
a trusted Brahmin general was ordered to go to Rajaraja’s relief. Meanwhile
Rajendra I died.
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Virarajendra ‘s foresight and political wisdom was well marked from his building
the matrimonial relationship among Kalinga, Eastern Chalukya and Western
Chalukya dynasties.
Adhirajendra (A.D.1068 to 1070)

Virarajendra I was succeeded by his son Adhirajendra, who ruled from A.D.
1068 to 1070 with his father, and only for a few months as a sole monarch. His
unnatural death and the accession of Kulottunga I resulted in the extinction of the
Vijayalaya line. It is not easy to explain the confusion, which followed
Virarajendra’s death, the intervention of Vikramaditya VI and his return, the
death of Adhirajendra in the rebellion that broke out and the part played in these
affairs by Kulottunga I. Adhirajendra is regarded by some as the Krimikantha
(disease neck) Chola of Vaishnava tradition; and he seems to have been the
persecutor of Ramanuja though some scholars regard Virarajendra I or Kulottunga
as the enemy of that Vaishnava saint and philosopher.
Kulottunga Chola I and his stay in Koraput-Bastar Region

Rajendra II Eastern Chalukya or Kulottunga Chola I was the great-grandson
of Rajaraja I Chola in two ways: his mother, Ammangadevi, was the daughter of
Rajendra I Chola (son of Rajaraja I Chola), and his father, Rajaraja I Eastern
Chalukya was the son of Kundava (daughter of Rajaraja I Chola) and Vimaladitya
of Vengi. Thus Kulottunga I was seventy-five per cent Chola by blood.
Nilakanta Sastri wrote, “At the time of his father’s death and the forcible seizure
of the Vengi throne by Vijayaditya mentioned in the Ryato plates, Kulottunga,
or Rajendra II as he was then known, must have been a youth in his teens. For
considering he lived on to have a long rule of fifty years from A.D. 1070, it is
hardly likely that about A.D. 1062 he was more than twenty years of age. His
earliest Tamil inscriptions record certain facts, which seem to indicate how
Rajendra engaged himself when he was thus kept out of his inheritance. The
records of his second year (50) state that, with the aid only of the strength of his
arms and his sword, he overcame the treachery of his enemies, captured many
herds of elephants, levied tribute from the Nagavamsi King, Dharavarsa of
Chakrakuta, and gently raised the Earth resembling the lotus expecting to rise of
the sun for blooming, as Visnu raised the Earth from the ocean in his boar
incarnation, and seated her, to her great pleasure under the shade of his parasol
(51). His records soon came to describe these achievements as belonging to the
211
period of his ilangop-paruvam, when he was still heir - apparent (52). If this view
is correct, we must conclude that Rajendra spent the best part of the period A.D.
1063-70 in the region of the modern Bastar state, and possibly even carved out for
himself a small independent dominion beyond it in the Purvadesa, even if he did
not gain complete control over the Chakrakuta state and annex parts of the
Purvadesa to it, as his inscriptions imply.
The smaller Leiden plates (53) of Kulottunga I
Translation
(Line 1.) Hail! Prosperity! While the wheel of his (authority) rolled as far as the
golden circle (i.e., Mount Meru) on the earth, which was surrounded by the moat
of the sea, that was (again) surrounded by (his) fame,- Ko-Rajakesarivarman, alias
the emperor (chakravartin) Sri-Kulottunga-Choladeva(54), wedded first in the
time (when he was still) heir-apparent (ilango), the brilliant goddess of victory at
Sakkarakottam (Chakrakotta)(55) by deeds of valour.
(L.2) (He) seized a herd of mountains of rut (i.e. rutting elephants) at

Vayiragaram (Vajrakara).
(L.3) (He) unsheathed (his) sword, showed the strength of (his) arm, and spurred
(his) war-steed, so that the army of the spear-throwing king of Kondala (Kuntala)
retreated.
(L.4) Having established (his) fame, and having put on the garland of (the victory
over) the Northern region, (he) put on by right (of inheritance) the pure royal
crown of jewels, in order to stop the prostitution of the goddess with the sweet
and excellent lotus-flower (i.e., Lakshmi) of the Southern region, and the
loneliness of the goddess of the good country whose garment is the Ponni
(Kaveri).
(L.9) The kings of the old earth placed (on their heads) his two feet as a large
crown.
(L.11) The river (of the rules) of the ancient king Manu swelled, (and) the river
(of the sins) of the Kali (age) dried up.
(L.12) (His) scepter swayed over every region; the sacred shadow of (his) white
parasol shone (as) the white moon everywhere on the circle of the great earth;
(and his) tiger (banner) fluttered on the matchless Meru (mountain).
212
(L.16) (Before him) stood many rows of elephants, unloaded from ships and
presented as tribute by the kings of remote islands whose girdle was the sea.
(L.18) The big head of the brilliant king of the South (i.e., the Pandya) lay outside
his golden town, being pecked by kites.
(L.20) Not only did the speech (of Vikkalan): - “After this day a permanent
blemish (will attach to Kulottunga), as to the crescent (which is the origin) of
(his) family,” - turn out wrong, but the bow (in) the hand of Vikkalan was not
(even) bent against (the enemy).
(L.23) While (Vikkalan) lost his pride, and while the dead (bodies of his) furious
elephants (covered) the whole (tract) from Nangili of rocky roads to the
Tungabhadra, which adorned the country (nadu) of Manalur,-(his) boasted valour
abated; the mountains which (he) ascended, bent their backs; the rivers into which
(he) descended, eddied and breached (their banks) in their course; (and) the seas
into which (he) plunged, became troubled and agitated.
(L.32) Being desirous of the rule over the Western region, (he) seized
simultaneously the two countries (pani) called Gangamandalam and Singanam ,
troops of furious elephants which had been irretrievably abandoned (by the
enemy), crowds of women (the angels of) whose beautiful eyes were as pointed as
daggers, the goddess of fame, did the great goddess of victory, who changed to
the opposite (side) out of fear, because (Vikkalan) himself and (his) father had
turned their backs again and again on many days.
Possibly this northern extension of the influence of Vengi, so closely allied to the
Colas, was the cause of Vikramaditya’s expedition against Vengi and
Chakrakuta, counteracted by the campaign of Virarajendra culminating in the
battle of Bezawada. It will be remembered that in the course of this campaign,
Virarajendra is said also to have marched up to Sakkarakkottam. After the
death of the Virarajendra, Kulottunga marched into the Cola country in good time
to get himself accepted as king; but more of this later. And as he did some
fighting during these years and subsequently came to look upon the whole period
as a sort of probation for the Cola throne, he might have felt justified in saying
that he left Vengi to his uncle Vijayaditya at the death of his father for a double
reason (56).
The literary evidence mainly comes from the Vikramankadeva Carita, the
Vikramasolan-ula (57) and Kalingattupparani of Jayangondar.
Jayangondar, the poet after a convential account of the early years of the prince,
states that Abhaya (58) (Vira Rajendra) made him crown prince, and then
213
proceeds to describe his digvijaya of which particulars are furnished only with
reference to the northern direction. He is said to have made his mark in
Vayiragram and Sakkarakottam. He was still in the north engaged in these
campaigns when the Cola king died in the south, and these ensured anarchy and
confusion until Abhaya Kulottunga returned and restored orders. (59)
The first few lines of the prasasti beginning pugal sulnda pundari refers to the
same events and add that by the strength of his arm he routed an army of the king
of Kuntala (60) and thus donned the garland of victory in the north before he
turned his attention to the south. This was with the king of Kuntala, doubtless the
western Calukya king, waged before 1070, was part of Kulottunga’s activity in
the region of the modern Bastar state, and the circumstances that led to this
conflict are the same as those recorded in some of the later inscriptions of
Virarajendra and in the Bilhana’s account of Vikramaditya’s digvijaya in so far as
it relates to Vengi and Chakrakuta. After Somesvara I failed to turn up for the
second encounter fixed to take place at Kundal-Sangama, Virarajendra threw
down a challenge to the Vallabha (Calukya), proceeded to recover Vengi, and
after the victory of Bezwada, bestowed that kingdom once more on Vijayaditya
VII. These data corroborate Bilhana’s statement that in his war-like carrier as
Yuvaraja Vikramaditya had conquered Vengi and Chakrakuta and was encamping
on the banks of the Krsna when the news of his father’s illness and death reached
him. The Kalingattuparani (61), also implies that Vikramaditya fought against
Kulottunga in the north at this time and that it was in this war that Kulottunga
earned the title Virudarajabhayankara i.e. terror to Virudarajendra or
Vikramaditya. These events took place in A.D. 1067. And now it becomes clear
from Kulottungas prasasti that his northern adventure might have helped
Virarajendra in the war against Vikramaditya. Whether this means that
Kulottunga, on his own account, repulsed Vikramadityas attack on Cakrakuta, or
whether we may infer further that Kulottunga co-operated with Virarajendra and
was present at the battle of Bezwada, it is not early to decide. In any case, the
effective assistance of Kulottunga in the release of Vengi from the Western
Calukya hold shows that Kulottunga might have been on friendly relation with
Virarajendra and kept up a live interest in the affairs of the Vengi and Cola
kingdom. That, as a result of the wars, the kingdom of Vengi was restored to
Vijaditya gives us the measure of the truth of Kulottunga’s statement made later
to his sons Rajaraja that in his youth he preferred a life of war and adventure and
so left the kingdom of Vengi to be ruled by his uncle Vijaditya. It is probable that
this exile was not altogether voluntary and was in the first instance brought about
by the ambitions of Vikramaditya and Vijayaditya (62).
214
During the period of 1063 to 1070, the Nagavamsi kings of Chakrakuta were
still continue to function and the following (inscription) history speaks of their
active presence in the area. This thus indicates, that possibly Yuvaraj
Kulottunga continued to be in Purvadesa, which is contiguous to the
Chakrakote desha. The following of the details of inscriptions found later.
1. Rajapura copper plate inscription of Madhurakantaka, being the date A.D.

1065 records the grant of the village of Rajapura (find spots of the record,
55 kms. North-west of Jagdalpur) in the Bhramanakotya (Bhramanakotta)
- mandala, probably as a compensation for supplying victims for human
sacrifices. The Bhramankotta-mandala was either identical with
Chakrakotta or a part of the later (63)
2. The fragmentary Danteswara inscription of A.D.1061 belongs to the
Dharavarsha or Madhurantaka. King Madhurantaka was soon ousted from
the throne by Dharavarsha’s son Somesvara I whose earliest known date is
A.D.1069 (64).
3. One of the two Kuruspal (55 kms from Jagdalpur) inscriptions of
Dharanamahadei, the second queen of the Chhindaka-Naga King
Somesvara I, bears a date in the Khara Samvatsra, which fell in A.D.1069
(65).
4. The fragmentary inscription from Kuruspal (66), the most important
record of the reign of Somesvara I. This epigraph mentions the King’s son
Kanhara and seems to have been engraved late in his reign.
He is further stated to have killed king Madhurantaka, the ruler of Chakrakuta of

which Somesvara I claimed to have been the hereditary king.
It is noteworthy to mention that the Madras museum plates (67) of the

Nagavamsi Kings of Karunda-Mandala (Karunda mandala is the present
Kalahandi district of Orissa) disclose the name mentioned in the Dirghasi stone
inscription of the time of the Ganga King Rajaraja Deva (1069-1070 A.D.), who
won a great victory in the Chola-Kalinga war. In that inscription we get a
descriptive account of the achievements of Banapati, the Commander-in-Chief of
Kalinga, who claims to have received the Kingdoms of Vengi, Kimidi, Gosila and
Gidrisinghi. The last named place may be identified with Khindarasingha,
mentioned in the Nagavamsi record, as per S.N.Rajaguru (68). The record also
edits Somesvara with many other military activities such as the burning of Vengi,
the subjugation of Bhadrapattana and Vijra and the seizure of the six laks and
ninety-six villages of South Kosala.
215
This inscription (No.17 of 1893) (69) is engraved on the north wall of the
Pandava-Perumal temple at Conjeeveram. The ancient name of the temple
was Tiruppadagam (1.3), and it is mentioned under the name of Padagam in the
Nalayiraprabandham.
The date is the 5th year of the king, who is now styled Kulottunga-Choladeva I,
while in the inscriptions of his 2nd, 3rd and 4th years (Nos.61 to 67 and 77) he
still holds the name Rajendra-Choladeva (II).
The new inscription refers to his early victories at Sakkarakottam and

Vayiragaram. It then states that he vanquished the king of Kuntala, i.e. the
Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI, that be crowned himself as king of the
country on the banks of the Kaveri, i.e. of the Chola country, and that he
decapitated an unnamed Pandya king. An inscription of the 6th year of his reign
adds nothing new to these statements.
(Line 1) hail! Prosperity! Having made the wheel of his (authority) to go as far as
the golden circle (i.e. mount meru) on the earth, which was surrounded by the
moat of the sea, that was (again) surrounded by (his) fame, (the king) newly
wedded, in the time (when he was till) heir-apparent (ilango), the brilliant goddess
of victory at Sakkarakottam by deeds of valour and seized a herd of strong
elephants at Vayiragaram. (He) unsheathed (his) sword, showed the strength of
(his) arm, and spurred (his) war-steed, so that the king of Kondala (Kuntala),
(whose spear had) a sharp point, lost his wealth. Having established (his) fame,
having put on the garland of (the victory over) the Northern region, and having
stopped the prostitution of the goddess with the sweet and excellent lotus flower
(i.e. Lakshmi) of the Southern region, and the loneliness of the goddess of the
good country whose garment is the Poni (Kaveri), (he) put on by right (of
inheritance) the pure royal crown of jewels, while the kings of the old earth bore
his two feet (on their heads) as a large crown.
It then relates that Kulottunga I, drove Vikkalan (i.e. Vikramaditya VI) from
Nangili (in the Kolar district) by way of Manalur to the Tungabhadra river, and
that he conquered the Ganga-mandalam and Singanam, by which the dominions
of Jayasimha III, seem to be meant.
The inscription edited below is one such. It is engraved on a slab in the south
wall of the Bhimesvara temple at Draksharama (70) in the Ganjam district and
is registered in the Madras epigraphical collection for 1893 ‘as being on a third
slab from the bottom between the third and the fourth pillars.’ The text of it is in
Telugu script. For the interesting historical information, which it furnishes, it is
edited here.
216
He reduced to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, defeated the Ganga king,
destroyed in battle Devendravarman and others, and planted a pillar of victory on
the borders of the Odra country which was as it were the raising aloft of
Rajendrachola’s name.
The proper account of the inscription can be well estimated with the help of the
Tamil work Kalingattupparani of Jayangondan (71) composed in the reign of
Kulottunga I. The translation in English due to Pilai has been taken for the study.
The book says that the king, while he was yet a yuvaraja, led an expedition into
the north and destroyed Chakkarakkottam (X, v.23): then went to the south and
was crowned there (ibid, v.34).
On an occasion when he was seated there in the chitramandapa on the western

side of his palace, surrounded by his ministers Vandaiman-Tondaiman and
others,- provincial chiefs (mandalikas) and kings waiting at his gate, -it was
reported to him that the king of the north Kalingas had failed to pay his tribute
twice (i.e. for two years) (XI, vv.3, 4, 16 and 27). On the emperor’s ordering that
the Kalinga country should be subdued and its king brought there, Vandainagar-
arasan, who is variously called Karunkaran, Pallavarkon, and Valavaivendan,
(vv.52-54) volunteered to undertake the invasion of the seven Kalingas, and,
obtaining the king’s permission, set out on his march (vv.29-31). On the way, he
successively crossed such rivers as the Palagu, Ponmugari, Pennai, Peragu,
Godavari, Pampanadi, and Gotamai (vv.55-57). The fight that ensued was a
severe one in which many were killed and wounded. “Invading Kalingam at the
sea,” says the book, “planting a pillar of victory, capturing elephants and treasure,
Vandaiyarkon secured the grace of the feet of Abhaya of powerful army and
sword (XII, v.68)”. The poem closes with an exhortation to sing the
achievements of the king, viz., the defeat of the five Pandyas and the Chera
king, the tribute that was being brought from the north; and also the fame of the
cities Vandai, Mayilai and Mallai and of their chief, Tondaiyarvendan who,
capturing the elephants of the Kalingas, bestowed Kalingattupparani on the
king (XIII. V.65). Verse 44 of Canto II (Kadaitirappu) states in unambiguous
words that the king was at Kanchi while the chief led the expedition to Kalinga
and reduced it.
It will be seen from this short summary of the Kalingattupparani that the account
about the Kalinga war agrees with what is given in the inscription under
publication. There does not appear to be any room for doubting that the chief
referred to in the poem is identical with the one mentioned in the inscription and
that the war described in both is the same (72). This being the case the
information furnished by the one is not only corroborated by the other but is
217
greatly supplemented. The inscription gives the name of the chief as

Vanduvaraja and Pallavaraja while the poem adds to these the names
Karunakaran and Tondaiman, the latter being only a synonym of Pallavaraja.
With Karunakara we may compare the epithet dina-nidhana ekah of the
inscription. This work gives us the additional information that the chief was the
lord of Vandai, Mallal and Mayilai and that he had invaded Ceylon. Both the
book and the inscription declare that the chief invaded the Kalinga country at the
command of the king, the former stating that the king was at Kanchi while the
chief successfully prosecuted the war and the latter adding that the chief reduced
to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, defeated the Ganga in battle and
destroyed Devendravarman and the others with the help of Kosala (73). But
the documents state that the chief set up a pillar of victory, the inscription
specifying that it be on the borders of the Odra country.
The name Karunakara Tondaiman is not unknown to inscriptions. In the Arulala-

Perumal temple at Conjeeveram,(74) there is an inscription of the Chola king
Kulottunga I., dated in the 43rd year of his reign with the introduction pugal-nadu,
registering a grant made by Alagiyamanavalani-Mandaiyalvar, the wife (deviiyar)
of Velan Karunakaran Tondaiman. Here it is stated that the chief was a native of
Vandalanjeri in Tirunaraiyur-nadu, a subdivision of Kulottungasolavalanadu in
Cholamandalam. The name of the donor and the temple to which the gift was
made may be taken to show that Karunakara a Tondaiman professed the
Vaishnava creed while the title Velan is indicative of his being a Sudra by caste
and these facts are in accord with what is reported in the Draksharama inscription.
Vandalanjeri is but a variant of Amandalajeri and Vandai is perhaps connected
with it. The subdivision to which the village belonged is the same in the two
inscriptions: and it may be noted that Tirunaraiyur and Vandalanjeri are places in
the Kumbakonam taluk.
Having shown how the two documents Kalingattupparani and Draksharama

inscription refer to the same Kalinga war, the question regarding the date of this
war arises. Before doing so, it may be useful to know if there was only one war
with Kalinga or more. As the earliest notice of the conquest of Kalinga in the
records of Kulottunga I. without any mention of the details connected with it-
occurs in a stone inscription dated in the 26th year of the reign corresponding to
A.D.1096 and as this is found repeated in the inscriptions of the 30th year and
after, one is strongly inclined to believe that this should have taken place in or a
little before A.D.1096. Some of the inscriptions of the king dated in the 42nd and
45th years of this reign refer to an invasion of Kalinga in which the king himself
is said (75) “to have left his throne, crossed the Vengi-mandalam in the north, set
fire to Kalinga, destroyed in battle a number of chiefs and took possession of the
218
seven Kalingam.” From the fact that the king himself is said here to have taken
the lead in this war, and greater details are furnished regarding it than in the
earlier records, it appears to be different from and later than the one already
mentioned and may have to be assigned to A.D.1111 or thereabout. But as the
historical introductions of Kulottunga I, do not regularly record all his
achievements, adding year by year the later conquests, as do those of the early
Chola kings, it will not be safe to assign these events to the years in which we find
them noticed at present (76).
If the capture of Kalinga mentioned in the 26th year record (A.D.1096) proves to
be the one effected by the king himself, whether it is identical with or different
from the Kalinga war described in detail in the 42nd and the 45th year inscriptions
(A.D.1111-14), they are celebrated in the Kalingattupparani and referred to in the
Draksharama inscription has to be assigned to a much earlier date as will be seen
from the sequel. In enumerating the achievements of Kulottunga I,
Kalingattupparani speaks chiefly of his conquests of the Pandya and the Chera,
the capture of Salai and the destruction of Vilinam with a passing reference to
Navilai and Manalur, which were perhaps connected with his war against
Kuntala. The book is quite positive about the king’s stay at Kanchi while the
chief Vandaiyarkon, at his instance, invaded Kalinga, waged a deadly war,
planted a pillar of victory there, returned with heaps of treasure and elephants and
bestowed Kalingapparani on him. The inscription under publication confirms this
account in the main and adds a very important statement that he defeated
Devendravarman and others as we have already noted. Devendravarman here
referred to cannot be any other than the Eastern Ganga king Rajaraja I., who,
according to the Vrihatkodila grant (77), bore that surname and had his
coronation performed in A.D. 1070, the very year in which Kulottunga was also
crowned. His son and successor Chodaganga, for all that we know about him,
don’t seem to have borne the surname Devendravarman but was Anantavarman
which name, we may note, was assumed by all his successors. Devendravarman
Rajaraja I reigned for 8 years, i.e. up to A.D.1078. He was a supporter of the
cause of Vijayaditya VII, for the Korni plates record (78) that when Vijayaditya
grew old and like the setting sun left Vengi which was like the west and was
about to sink in the ocean of troubles caused by the Cholas , Rajaraja of
Kalinganagara, the refuge of the distressed, caused him to enjoy prosperity in that
region. Here is evidence to show that Rajaraja was an enemy of his Chola
contemporary who was none other than Kulottunga I. Thus the invasion of
Kalinga, undertaken solely by the chief and minister Vanduvaraja-Pallavaraja,
at the instance of king Kulottunga I, as detailed in the Kalingattupparani and the
inscription under publication, must have taken place before A.D.1078 and
probably about A.D.1076-7 (79).
219
Now if there is any truth in the statement of the Kalingattupparani that the
Kalinga king withheld the payment of tribute twice, it must have reference to a
treaty or agreement probably made between the Ganga king Vajrahasta III, the
father of Rajaraja I., and Virarajendra whom practically Kulottunga I, succeeded.
The Arulala-Perumal temple inscription of Virarajendra clearly states that the
king regained Vengi and Kalinga that were neglected by his two predecessors
(80). In his Tamil historical introductions, Virarajendra actually claims to have
driven the Chalukyas at Vijayavadai, i.e. Bezwada, and crossing the seven
Kalingas, and reaching the Mahendragiri, to have bestowed that country on
Vijayaditya who, it is said, sought his refuge (81). This seems to have taken place
in A.D. 1065. Further troubles arising in this quarter, Virarajendra, after his
successful war in Ceylon in A.D. 1066 against Vijayabahu, is said to have sent a
large army into Kalinga and to have defeated the Chalukyas and their allies at
Chakkarakkottam (82). It might be on this last occasion, i.e., immediately
before Kulottunga’s assumption of power that the Kalingas were probably made
to pay tribute to the Cholas (83).
Subrahmanya Aiyer wrote, “To the student of Tamil literary history the
inscription has no less an interest as it serves to determine the date of composition
of the Kalingattupparani which may be take to be contemporaneous with the
Kalinga war of Vanduvaraja(84). With the help of a number of manuscripts,
Mahavidvan K. Subbaraya Mudaliyar (85) brought out an early edition of this
work, which is now out of print. In it as well as in the edition of the late
V.G.Suryanarayana Sastri (86) published several years afterwards in 1898, verse
63 of CantoXI has at the end of the first line the words ‘adipan viram’ which has
been changed into ‘Anantapanman’ in the recent edition of Mr.A.Gopala Iyer
(87); and there is no alternative reading given for it. The difference is indeed very
vital and one would certainly wish to know in this particular case of the
introduction of a proper name, on which manuscript the reading ‘Anantapanman’
which is not found in the two earlier editions, is based and the age of that
manuscript also. If indeed the name Anantapanman is found in a trustworthy
early manuscript not available to Messrs. Mudaliyar and Sastri, it would be worth
a consideration. The Draksharama inscription shows, as we have seen already,
that the date of the Kalinga war must be earlier than A.D. 1078. And being
conducted by the same minister of the king as is mentioned in the
Kalingattupparani, the introduction of the name Anantapanman in the poem,
supposing that it actually occurs in an early and trustworthy manuscript, calls for
an explanation. Besides, the following questions also naturally arise. Did
Vanduvaraja conduct two wars against Kalinga, both in the absence of the king,
or only one? If two, was one waged against Devendravarman Rajaraja I and the
other against his son, Anantavarman? And does the Kalingattupparani celebrate
220
the latter, omitting the general’s other achievement? And if only one, how does
Anantavarman figure in the poem and Devendravarman in the inscription? It
seems to me that the easiest way of getting over the difficulty is to suppose that
while the war was actually waged in the reign of Devendravarman, his son
Anantavarman took an active part in it as we do find in many instances Among
the numerous records of Anantavarman Chodaganga, there are several, which
furnish both the Saka and regnal years that work out for his accession A.D. 1074-
5 (88). This date, it will be observed, is three years earlier than the date given in
the plates for the king’s coronation. The difference has to be accounted for by
supposing that Anantavarman was nominated for rulership in A.D. 1074-5 but
was actually crowned in A.D. 1078. Since stone inscriptions generally count the
regnal years of kings from the date of nomination, it is clear that during the first
three years, i.e., in the period A.D. 1074-5, he must have been co-regent with his
father Devendravarman Rajaraja I and this is perhaps the reason why, in the large
collection of his epigraphs, there is almost none dated in the first three years of his
rule. The above fact shows further that, being associated with his father in the
government of the country, he could well have figured in the Kalinga war referred
to in the Draksharama inscription as having been waged against Devendravarman
(89).
Reducing to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, subduing the Ganga (king)
in battle and destroying the chiefs Devendravarman and others with the
multitude of swords of Kosala (i.e. with the help of the Kosala army) this hero
named Pallavaraja set up a fine pillar of victory on the borders of the Odra
(country) as if raising aloft the fame of his lord Rajendra-Choda. This
illustrious chief constructing with black granite a beautiful temple to Vishnu in
the agrahara of Alaveli as if it were the plant of his fame is now enjoying the
universe. This wise person made an excellent image of Vishnu and set it up there
and getting some land in this village gave it with devotion for the daily offerings
of the god. And for feeding five tapasvins, ten Brahmanas, and five Vanakarmins
in the vicinity of the Brahmesvara temple, he bought.............at the village of
Olarapakam (such an extent of) land that could be sown with thirty khandikas of
seed paddy and gave if free of all taxes. (To provide) for offerings to the temple
of the god Pamchavati-Hari on the bank of the Godavari whose swelling waters
during floods run with unlimited force, and situated in the beautiful country of
Vengimandala, he gave.......in.........rti-vishaya to last as long as the sun and the
moon.And Pallavaraja having made.........pavilion..........at the city of Draksharama
in Guddavadi-vishaya filled with rich and generous persons............Therefore
(this) charity must not be destroyed but must be protected by the wise(90)
221
The historical introduction of Kulottunga’s inscriptions commences in different

ways. One of them found in his earlier epigraphs begins with the words
Tirumanni vilangum and records that with the sole aid of his arm and sword, he
captured herds of elephants at Vayiragaram (Wairagadh in the Chanda District
of the Central Provinces), received tribute from Dharavarsha of the
Chakkarakotta (country) and brought the earth under his parasol. In these
epigraphs, which are dated up to the 4th year of reign, the king is styled
Rajakesarivarman alias Rajendra-Choladeva (91).I am inclined to identify of
Vayragaram Bastar but not of Wairagadh Chanda district, as said above.
Kulottanga I’s sons ruling Vengi

After the death of Vijayaditya VII (1076) Kulottunga sent his sons to rule as
viceroys in Vengi: Rajaraja Mummudi Chola (1076-8), Vira Choda (1078-84),
Rajaraja Chodaganga (1084-9), Vira Choda again (1089-92), and lastly,
Vikrama Chola (1092-1118) (92). About 1097 the chieftain of Kolanu entered
into a league with Anantavarman Choda Ganga of Kalinga and rebelled
against the viceroy. Among those who assisted Vikrama Chola was Parantaka
Pandya from the extreme south (93). Kolanu was sacked, and southern Kalinga
invaded (94). The rebel chieftain made his submission, and Anantavarman
himself had to follow suit. Some years later, about 1110, Anantavarman Choda
Ganga withheld tribute and brought about a second Chola invasion of Kalinga
(95). The famous general of Kulottunga, Karunakara Tondaiman, led this. The
invading army spread destruction throughout Kalinga and defeated
Anantavarman, who had to seek safety in flight. The victorious Chola army
returned with vast booty but the campaign was devoid of any permanent results,
though it formed the subject of a celebrated poem, Kalingattupparani of
Jayangondar (96).
Up to 1115 the extent of Chola Empire remained undiminished under Kulottunga,

except for the loss of Ceylon, and included the entire country south of the Krishna
and Tungabhadra extending at least up to the Godavari on the east coast (97).
According to this Parani the real hero of the expedition was Karunakarapallava,
who had the title Tondaiman. In it the expedition against Saptakalinga or North
Kalinga was described. When Kulottunga I learnt that the king of North Kalinga
or the Seven Kalingas had failed to bring tribute for two successive years, he sent
his troops at once to capture the refractory king (98). At that time his Prime
Minister Karunakaran prayed that he might be honoured with the command over
the army; and the emperor was graciously pleased to grant his request. He is also
known as Pallavaraju. He gathered a mighty army and led it to the banks of the
222
Ganges, and defeated the king of North Kalinga in a pitched battle, and returning
to the Chola Emperor presented him with all the booty. That is the content of the
poem, Kalingattupparani. The king of Kalinga against whom Karunakara led
the expedition was most probably, Devendravarma, the agnate of Anantavarma
Chodaganga. Even though it has been said in the parani that the main reason for
undertaking the expedition against Kalinga was withholding of tributes, it does
not seem so because, during this period, Kalinga region does not seem to have
been in such a dependent state on the Chola country (99). Even though the
Chalukya-Chola rulers helped the Ganga ruler in stabilising his position on his
throne, the Kalinga region was not completely a subject state, as Anantavarma
issued his epigraphs independently without acknowledging the name of the
Chalukya-Chola sovereigns (100).Probably, Kulottunga I undertook this
campaign to check the ambitious Kalinga ruler, Devendravarma, who troubled
Anantavarma from time to time (101). But, even though it has been described in
the Parani that the Chola armies attained victory in this expedition, there are no
permanent results of this war.Anantavarma ruled the Kalinga region
independently even after this victorious march of Kulottunga I.
According to the historians and the Government epigraphist, there were two
Kalinga invasions during the reign of Kulottunga I (102). Of them, one is
mentioned in his 26th year, and the other in his 40th year and in the records of his
later years (103). According to them, the expedition in which Vikrama Chola
participated is the first Kalinga invasion; and the account given in the work
Kalingattupparani is the second Kalinga campaign. A Tamil record of the year
1099 A.D. at Simhachalam temple registered the gifts of a minister of
Kulottunga I. This testifies that the Chalukya-Chola army might have stayed in
these premises during the early years of Anantavarma to guard his interests (104).
But the account given in Parani has been corroborated by a record of Kulottunga I
at Draksarama in which Pallavaraju has been credited with the victories over
Kalinga. He subjugated the Kalinga country defeating Devendravarma, and
planted a pillar of victory on the borders of the Odra country raising aloft
Rajendra Cholas fame (105). As this record was dated in the 33rd regnal year of
Kulottunga I, corresponding to 1102-03 A.D., the victories of Pallavaraja of this
record seem to belong to the first Kalinga campaign (106).
The Chelluru plates (107) of Kulottunga II and the Pithapuram plates (108) of
Mallapadeva state that Kulottunga I was succeeded by his son Vikrama Chola.
His brother, Parantakadeva, disputed his accession to the throne but ultimately
Vikrama Chola came to the throne. According to Prof.Kielhorn’s calculations of
the dates of his inscriptions in the Tamil and Telugu countries, his coronation took
place on the 29th June, 1118 A.D., and his last known date is 1132-33 A.D. (109)
223
Vikram Chola in Vengi Country

The Pithapuram pillar inscription (110) states that after the departure of Vikrama
Chola to the Choda country, the Vengi region became devoid of a ruler, and this
resulted in political turmoil. At the time of the accession of Vikrama Chola to the
Chola throne, Vengi country was under the Western Chalukyan occupation (111).
Vikramaditya VI, the Western Chalukyan ruler died in 1126 A.D. This enabled
the Chalukya-Chola and their subordinates to put an end to the authority of the
Chalukyas of Kalyani. In his campaign against the Western Chalukyas, the
Velanati Chodas assisted Vikrama Chola, Haihayas of Konamandala,
Parichchedis, and other minor dynasties then ruling in Andhradesa (112).
This record shows the reverses suffered by the combined forces of the Chalukya-
Cholas and their feudatories in the re-establishment of their supremacy in Vengi
in the hands of the Western Chalukyan feudatories. Anyhow the Chalukyas of
Pithapur and their subordinates, Malayas and Haihayas of Konamandala, freed the
territory between Krishna and Godavari from Western Chalukyan authority.
After the death of Vikramaditya VI, Somesvara III ascended the Western
Chalukyan throne. He ruled from 1128 to 1137 A.D.(113)
The battle between the Chalukya-Chola armies and the Western Chalukyan
armies seemed to have taken place on the banks of river Godavari. This is
testified by the information provided in a stone record from Draksarama dated
1150 A.D. (114) This record furnishes valuable details regarding the locality and
the presence of Somesvara on the battle field, and states that the victory caused
surprise to Gonka’s lord Kulottunga II, the son of Vikrama Chola.
By the information given above, it is clear that the Velanati chief Gonka fought a
battle on the banks of the river Godavari and put to flight the armies of the king of
Kuntala, after exterminating his famous generals Govindarasa and Lakshmana
Dandanayaka, and captured rich booty in gold and horses and camels (115).
Vikrama Choda’s contemporary on the Ganga throne was Anantavarma

Chodaganga entitled Trikalingadhipati (Lord of three Kalingas) who had a long
reign from 1078 to 1148 A.D.(116) Like Vikramaditya VI, Anantavarma
Chodaganga took advantage of the comparatively weak political situation of
Vengi, after Vikrama Chola had left Vengi for Tanjore to ascend the Chola
throne. In an inscription from Srikurmam dated 1135 A.D., Anantavarma claims
to have conquered and annexed the territory beyond the river Godavari (117). It
has been suggested that soon after the death of Vikramaditya VI Anantavarma
Chodaganga probably took the country upto the Godavari, i.e. the Southern
224
Kalinga comprising Vizagapatam and East Godavari districts. It is likely that

Vikramaditya VI influenced the Kalinga wars and the consequent rebellions
against the Cholas and their feudatories. Probably this might have encouraged the
Kalinga expansion into Vengi. Chodaganga’s records are at Draksarama of the
year 1128 A.D. Probably, in that year he and his queens visited Draksarama and
made gifts of lamps to Lord Bhimesvara (118). By this time, the Cholas and the
Velanadus were recovering the tracts in the north of the Godavari that they later
lost to the Chalukyas of Kalyani. Probably at this juncture, Manda II, the
Kondapadumati chief, came into conflict with the armies of Anantavarma
Chodaganga (119). In the battle at Draksarama, Manda II distinguished himself
by routing the enemy and capturing their elephants, which he presented to his
overlord Rajendra Chola, i.e. Vikrama Chola who must have been present at the
battle then. In the inscriptions (120) of Manda it is described thus: “Having torn
up like a mound the army of the Ganga of Kalinga, having consumed like straw
the warriors of the bold enemy, and having cut off (like) lotuses their heads - the
mighty rutting elephant Mandalika Manda is roaming. Having defeated the army
of the enemy, he gave to Rajendra Choda mighty elephants which had been
captured there and whose temples were bright with rut.” Probably this was the
defensive war led by Vikrama Chola and Choda I of the Velanadus in which the
chief Manda II played a leading role. As Vikrama Chola and Gonka II checked
the power of the Western Chalukyas in Andhradesa about 1135 A.D., the claim of
Anantavarma to have conquered the three quarters (121) has been disputed.
Thus Vikrama Chola, in his short reign i.e., from 1118 to 1132-33 A.D., freed the
Southern Andhradesa from the yoke of the Chalukyas of Kalyani and the Eastern
Gangas of Kalinga with the support of his Andhra feudatories.
His son Kulottunga II to the Chalukya-Chola throne succeeded Vikrama Chola.

The Chelluru copper plate grant of Kulottunga II, dated 1056 corresponding to
1134 A.D., points to the beginning of his rule in that year (122). He was a great
warrior, and as a prince he participated in the Godavari battle by which he
exterminated the armies of the Western Chalukyas (123).
Rajaraja II, Velanati Chief Gonka II-Kalinga invasion and

Anantavarma Chodaganga
Krishna Kumari wrote,” During the reign of Rajaraja II, Velanati chief Gonka II
undertook an expedition against South Kalinga .The reasons for this invasion are
not clearly known. The Eastern Ganga ruler Anantavarma Chodaganga and
Kamarnava were the contemporaries of Velanati Gonka II. Kamarnava was
also known as Anantavarman and Anantavarman Madhukamarnava and also as
225
Jatesvaradeva. Probably Gonka II came into conflict with the Gangas in

extending the bounds of his kingdom into Kalinga. According to an inscription of
Gonka II dated 1132 A.D., he advanced as far as Cuttack and inflicted a defeat on
Anantavarman and his uncle Panda and was praised in the courts of all kings, but
it omits Cuttack(124). As attested by the inscription of Gonka II, his expeditions
into Kalinga continued. An inscription from Nadendla dated 1143 A.D.(125)
records the victories of Gonka II over the lord of Cuttack, Anantavarman.
According to a record from Draksarama (126), he is said to have vanquished the
lord of Kalinga and kept golden vessels on the temples of Srisailam and Puri.
From two records (127) at Draksarama dated 1150 A.D. and 1154 A.D., it is clear
that, as a result of his successes in Kalinga, Gonka claims to have ruled over the
country between the Setu and the Narmada, and that the kings between Srisailam
and Mahendragiri were all subordinates to him. Thus, the victory of the Velanatis
over the Kalinga region is well attested by a number of stone records in Andhra
country. Further, it is corroborated by a record at Simhachalam dated in the 5th
regnal year of the Chalukya-Chola ruler Rajaraja II, corresponding to 1150-51
A.D.”(128)
She further continued,” Though the Velanatis were victorious in their campaigns
against Kalinga, the region towards east was not free of troubles. The Eastern
Chalukyas of Beta Vijayaditya line(129) was ruling in this tract. Whenever an
opportunity came they tried to throw off their allegiance to the Chalukya-Chola
overlords and tried to become independent. This often resulted in rebellions in
this region. From the time of Mallapadeva II, son of Vijayaditya II, great efforts
were made in freeing the territory from the yoke of the Chalukya-Cholas. In this
regard, his matrimonial alliance with the Haihaya rulers of Sagara-vishaya greatly
helped him. But his efforts were not complete until the reign of only his son
Vijayaditya III. With the help of the neighbouring chiefs and the Haihayas of
Sagara-vishaya (130), Vijayaditya III was able to re-establish his kingdom in
1158 A.D. and he coroneted himself in that year, having his capital at Pithapur
(131). Hence, his successors were known as the Chalukyas of Pithapur (132).
Kalinga wars
The inscriptions of Kulottunga speak accounts of two Chola invasions of Kalinga.
The first invasion of Kalinga is mentioned in the inscriptions of the 26th year
(133), and Nilakanta Sastri says that from the brevity with which this subjection
of Kalinga is mentioned on this occasion, it can be concluded that this was the
war in which Vikramachoda distinguished himself as a Youngman. It is thus said
that Vikramchoda, in his short reign i.e. from 1118 to1132-33 A.D., conquered
226
the Southern Kalinga from the yoke of the Chalukyas of Kalyani and the rulers of
Eastern Gangas of Kalinga with the support of his Andhra feudatories.
The second and later invasion of Kalinga comes from celebrated Parani of
Jayangondar (134). It is also mentioned in the inscriptions of the forty-second
and subsequent years. This is the invasion, which gave the occasion for Parani,
and Vikramachoda apparently had no part in it.
Jayangondar, the court poet of Kulottunga I, wrote a long poem which gave a
graphic account of an expedition into the north Kalinga country conducted by
Karunakaran, the Prime Minister of the Chola Emperor Kulottunga I.
Karunakaran had the title of Tondaiman. The expedition describes the invasion
on North Kalinga or Saptakalinga. The poem is very famous still known in Tamil
country as Kalingattupparani.
First Kalinga war

The first Kalinga war seems to have been brought about by Kalinga aggression
against Vengi. This thus resulted to the invasion of Kalinga by Kulottunga I and
the southern part of the Kalinga country was annexed to the Chola
empire(!35).The Southern Kalinga was apparently the territory between
Godavari river and Mahendra mountain(136). This territory was part of the Vengi
some years before the war of Vikramchoda (137).
The Kolanu Chief, the modern Ellore near the Colair Lake was evidently in the
league with the rulers of Kalinga, and thus Vikrama Choda had to fight in both
sides i.e. Colair lake and Kalinga southern. Pandya king Parantaka, who was a
vassal of the Chodas in this war, assisted Vikramachoda. The inscriptions of the
Parantaka Pandya, like those of Vikramachoda state that Kulam of the Telunga
Bhima was captured and Southern Kalinga was subdued. Except this there are no
details available on this first war against Kalinga.
Nilakanta Sastri opines that this invasion seems to have been taken for the
suppression of local revolts rather than for the conquest of fresh territory.
A Tamil inscription of Kulottunga I at Simhachal dated A.D. 1098-9 and several

others at Draksarama and other places attest the successful restoration of
authority.(138).
Second Kalinga war
227
It took place about 1110 A.D. and has been detailed out in length in the
Kalingattupparani (139). According to the inscription, the Chola army crossed
the Vengi territory, destroyed the elephant corps and was sent by the enemy to
oppose its march, spread fire across the enemy country of Kalinga, killed in fight
many powerful leaders of Kalinga army whose heads rolled on the battle-field,
packed by kites, and at the end subdued the Seven Kalinga.
The account of the Kalingattupparani may be summarised as follows. When the

emperor sat in darbar in his palace at Kanci, the tiru-mandira-olai announced to
his master the arrival of subject kings who had vassals were then permitted to
enter and exhibit their presents. At the end, the emperor enquired if there were
any who had defaulted, and was informed that the king of North Kalinga had done
so twice. The emperor forthwith issued the command that an expedition should
be sent against Kalinga to storm the hill forts of Kalinga and bring its ruler as a
prisoner of war. The valiant Pallava chieftain, Karunakara Tondaiman, lord of
Vandai, offered to carry out the emperor’s orders and was accepted. The
expeditionary force led by Karunakara soon started from Kanci. It crossed the
Palar and the Ponmukhari rivers and reached the Pennar; among the other streams
crossed by it before reaching Kalingam were the Mannaru, the Krsna, the
Godavari, the Pampa and the Gotami. The Cola army began to spread destruction
as it entered Kalinga, and territory between the Godavari and Mahendra
mountains and this was already part of the Vengi province some years before the
war of Vikramachoda. Possibly, the subordinate rulers whose territories were
included in the Viceroyalty of Vengi conspired together and rose in rebellion
when the young prince Vikramachoda was appointed to the charge of the
province. The revolt was unsuccessful, and the entire province was restored to
subjection.
The suffering inhabitants fled to their king and reported to him what they had seen
and suffered. Anantavarman, who had known no defeat before, made light of the
whole business, as it was only
Kulottunga’s army, not the emperor himself, that was advancing; one of his
ministers, Engaraya, remonstrated with him and spoke of the great achievements
that already stood to the credit of the Cola army. Nothing daunted, Anantavarman
prepared for the fight. The battle that ensued ended in a complete victory for the
Cola forces and Anantavarman sought his safety in flight. After a futile search for
him, the victorious Cola army returned home with vast booty.
Sastri, Nilakanta wrote,” The invasion of North Kalinga, called the Seven
Kalingas, and the part of Karunakara in it are thus well attested by the inscriptions
228
and the poem. Only the poem gives the immediate cause of the war, namely the
default on the part of the Kalinga king in the payment of the annual tribute. This
king, Anantavarman Chodaganga, was the grandson of Virarajendra by his
daughter Rajasundari. Dynastic connections, however, seldom availed to stop the
course of political ambition, and it would seem that Kulottunga was the aggressor
on this occasion. It is hard to believe that throughout the long and, apparently,
prosperous reign of Anantavarman, the kingdom of Kalinga was a vassal state r
emitting a fixed tribute annually to the Cola court. It may be noted that an
inscription from Draksarama (140) dated Saka 1003 in the reign of
Visnuvardhana (Kulottunga?) records a gift by the wife of a Pradhani of the Tri-
Kalingadhipati Rajarajadeva. If this is a reference to the father of Anantavarman,
it would follow that Kalinga was such a vassal state at least for a time. The real
cause of the war, however, is obscure; and the darbar held by Kulottunga at
Kancipuram in the historic palace of the Colas in that city(141) and the report of
Anantavarman’s default made to the emperor by his secretary, may be, not
history, but only a literary setting for the grand military enterprise described in the
poem. It is clear that the expedition of Karunakara led to no permanent results.
There is no evidence of a Cola occupation of Northern Kalinga (142). It may also
be noted that a Kota chief Bhima is said, in an inscription of A.D. 1108(143), to
have assisted the Cola in subduing the Kalinga country. This may be a reference
to his part in the first or the second war.(144)”.
After victory at Sakkarakottam, and the southern Vayiragram (Vajrakara), the

present Bhairamgarh in Bastar district where Kulottunga I as a Yuvaraj seized
herds of rutting elephants. He then unsheathed his sword, showed the strength of
his arm so that the army of the spear-throwing king of Kondala (Kutala) retreated.
I am of the opinion this is the Kondala is the present Kondagaon, north of
Jagdalpur and between Nala Puskri (Podagada) and Gad Dhanora of
W.Chalukyas. Thence Kulottunga I captured the eastern part to the Chakrakote
where he stayed 7 years i.e. before stepping into the crown king of Chodas. This
period as said by Nilakanta Sastri he had his independent country and he aided
Virarajendra in his campaigning Chakrakote, possibly Kalinga and Vengi. The
Kondaie of Umerkote, Raighar is possible the Kondai where the Choda
Virarajendra met the W.Chalukyas.
Some Chola Inscriptions pointing to Koraput district

An inscription of Kulottunga Chola, found in the eastern wall of the Saiva
temple at Tiruvidamarudur in the Tanjore district is of great significance and
interest for Koraput district (145).
229
It is in Tamil character and is of 11th century A.D. and is reported by

V.Kanakasabhai Pillai, (1892) (146). He further wrote, “The concluding portion
of the inscription, which is in prose, records a deed of sale, executed by the
Brahman proprietors of a village named Vanavanmahadevi
Chaturvedimangnlam in Kumilinadu in Amurkottam in
Jayankondacholamandalam. The property sold was a portion of the village,
which was entrusted to be used as garden land for the Matha of Naminandi Adigal
attached to the Saiva temple at Tirukkalukunram. Naminandi is the name of
one of the 63 devotees of Siva, an account of whose lives is given in the Tamil
Periyapurdram and the Matha was probably founded by him or by his descendants
in his memory. The fact that the proprietors of the village met together is a
Mahasabha or great assembly, and executed this deed of sale, is evidence of the
ancient system of land tenure peculiar to the Dravidian people, under which the
residents of each village were the common proprietors of all these parts of the
village, which were not appropriated to any individual. Two taxes are mentioned,
the peruvaram (great share) and silvuvari (expenditure tax). The first is the king’s
share, which is generally one-sixth of the produce; the second appears to be a
local cess, levied to meet expenses incurred in the repair to tanks in the village.
The Translation runs, “** and, scattering his enemies, erected on all the paths
boundary-marks (of his territories) including Kottaru; who conquered the
Kalinga-mandalam of embanked floods; whose valour and munificence shone
like the gorgeous necklace and the garlands of flowers on his sharply shoulders;
who, worshipped by the whole world, like Siva with Uma, and with Eliseriv
allabhi, the mistress of the seven worlds, the most beauteous amongst women,
like Ganga with Uma, and with the goddess Earth, - the deed in writing of a sale
of land by the great assembly of Vanavanmahadevodalm. The land that we have
sold and given, to be used as a garden for a Matha, to Chantia Chandesvaradeva
of the temple of our lord Mahadeva of Tirukkalukkunram in Sembiyan-
Tirukkalukkunram, otherwise known as Ulagalanda-cholapuram, in Kalattur-
Kumilinadu is as follows: of the land which we have given in Kiraippakkam (a
western hamlet) of our village, to be improved by cutting down the jungle and by
removing the stumps of trees, the eastern boundary is Uromattu (P), the southern
boundary is Talaivettu (P), the western boundary is Vigambam (P), the northern
boundary is Tandurai (P). Within these four limits, the wet land and dry land, the
trees over ground and the wells underground, we have sold to be used as a garden
land for the Naminadi-Adigal-Matha in the madai-vilagam of this town, exempt
from taxes, and we have received as the price achained kusu ten.
230
This is a place in modern Nandahandi block of Koraput district, Orissa of the

present day. The Kumuli is also located near the present Umarakote and also
closer to the block.
As denoted in the said inscription, the area (land) sold to Chantia

Chandesvaradeva of the temple of lord Mahadeva of Tirukkalukunram (may be
Tentulikhunti of present day). It is also now called Chantia Siva.
The Kalattur-Kumilinadu may be the present Kamata and Kumuli. The
Ulagalanda-Cholapuram may be the present An-Chola-gumma. The
Amurokottam is the present Umerkote. The Nasminandi-Adigal-Math may be the
Nandahandi Siva temple of present day.
The boundary marked to Naminandi Adigal Math and the identified place is in
Nowrangpur, Koraput in Orissa state has been given.
The north boundary Tandurai may be the present Turunji; the eastern boundary
Uromattum may be the Usiripadar. The south Tallaivetum to be present
Tokigurha and the western Vigambam may be the Ekamb of present day; of
course it in-between west-south. The author finds the Anchalaguma to be the past
Ulgalanda-Cholapuram.
This inscription speaks of the area and activities of Yuvaraj Kulottunga during his
stay in Purvadesha. The Kumulinadu in Amurokottam in
Jayankondacholamandalam are a very significant line in the inscription. This is
thus the mandala of the Purvadesha of Kulottunga. The Kumuli is located near
toBhairaba Singapur and on its hill there are Siva temple and it was one country
or nadu and the Amurokottam is the present Umarkote, an important town, close
to which is the Podagada where inscriptions of Nala dynasties have been
recorded. Thus it can be concluded that from Umerkote to Borigumma, Jeypore
and hill country of Nandapur, may be Dasmanthapur and Kashipur of Koraput
district, Orissa was the Purvadesha or a part of it as evident from the inscriptions.
As per the Nilakanta Sastri (147), the Masunidesam may be the Nagavamsi ruler’s
country. It is western part of Purvadesha. Thus it can be the Bastar-Kotapad-
Kundra-Nandapur-Paschamalli hills (to Paschapetta Zamindari. This was a
tributary to Rajendra I (Kulottunga I). The Maduraimandalam may be the present
Kundra and adjacent area of Bastar and Koraput district; and the Na-
maniaikokonam may be the Konas of Koraput district i.e. Chati-kona, Kona etc.,
which is located western part of Laxmipur area. This may be contiguous patch to
Bhabanaipatna of Kalahandi; Pancapalli may be the Panchamalli hills to
Nandapur area down to Panchapetta that is opening to Eastern Ghats from the
plains of coastal area the Salur.
231
However another inscription (No.179 of 1894) is engraved on the south wall of

the second prakara of the Vedagirisvara temple at Tirukkalukkunram.
Mr.V.Kanakasabhai Pillai (148) had published before in a tentative manner. The
date is the 42nd year of the reign of Kulottunga I. (1.11). The location identified
by Pillai has relationship to our inference given as above ---
The inscription records that an inhabitant of Rajarajapuram (1.17) made over 10

kasu (1.14) to the temple authorities, who purchased for this sum from the
villagers of Vanavanmahadevi-chaturvedimangalam (1.11) some land for
maintaining the Matha of Naminandi-Adigal at Tirukkalukkunram (1.14). As
stated by Mr.Kanakasabhai, the person after whom this Matha was named is one
of the sixty-three devotees of Siva, whose lives are described in the
Periyapurdnam.
Vinavanmahadevi-chaturvedimangalam belonged to Kumili-nadu, a subdivision

of the district of Amur-kottam (1.11). The land purchased was situated in
Kiraippakkam, a hamlet in the west of that village (1.12), and was bounded in the
east by Urodagam, in the south by Talaivedu, in the west by Uragambakkam, and
in the north by Tandurai (1.13). Kiraippakkam is the modern Kirappakkam in the
Chingleput taluka. East of it the map shows Oragadam (No.228), south of it
Talambedu (No.266), and north of it Tandarai (No.233). The nadu to which these
villages belonged is named after Kumili in the same taluka. The district of Amur-
kottam owes its name to the village of Amur near Mamallapuram, which
belonged to the subdivision Amurnadu. From the Kondyata grant of Venkata II,
it appears that there was another district which also bore the name of Amur-
kottam, but which was named after the town of Amur or Amhur in the Velur
taluka of the North Arcot district.
There is a large chunk of history associated with Virarajendra Chola and his
nephew, later known as Kulottunga Chola I. As said above, as a Yuvaraj
Kulottunga I conquered south Bastar i.e. and Chakkrakote; and then carved out
an independent principality for himself called Purvadesha, close to the
Chakkrakotta. During the same period, Virarajendra had conquered Kalinga,
Vengi and Chakkrakotta. This was related to improve the influence of Chodas
over Eastern Chalukyas and reduce the influence of Western Chalukyas in the
region. Thus, both Virarajendra and Kulottunga I influenced the history in
Kalinga, Kosala, Chakkrakotte, and Vengi, in this period.
However in the inscription of Tirumalai it is mentioned that the village at the foot
of the Tirumalai Hill bore the name of Vaigavur and belonged to Mugai- nadu, a
division of the Pangala-nadu, which formed part of Jayankonda-Chola –
232
mandalam (149). The Cholas imposed their names on the provinces. They
conquered and on the rulers who accepted vassal position in the empire (150). On
this basis we explain the nomenclatures of Cholas in Koraput-Bastar.
ii) Pradhani Family of Nowrangapur and relation to Eastern

Gangas and Chola
Sastri, Nilakanta wrote,” The invasion of North Kalinga, called the Seven
Kalingas, and the part of Karunakara in it are thus well attested by the inscriptions
and the poem. Only the poem gives the immediate cause of the war, namely the
default on the part of the Kalinga king in the payment of the annual tribute. This
king, Anantavarman Chodaganga, was the grandson of Virarajendra by his
daughter Rajasundari. Dynastic connections, however, seldom availed to stop the
course of political ambition, and it would seem that Kulottunga was the aggressor
on this occasion. It is hard to believe that throughout the long and, apparently,
prosperous reign of Anantavarman, the kingdom of Kalinga was a vassal state r
emitting a fixed tribute annually to the Cola court. It may be noted that an
inscription from Draksarama (151) dated Saka 1003 in the reign of
Visnuvardhana (Kulottunga?) records a gift by the wife of a Pradhani of the
Tri-Kalingadhipati Rajarajadeva. If this is a reference to the father of
Anantavarman, it would follow that Kalinga was such a vassal state at least for a
time. The real cause of the war, however, is obscure; and the darbar held by
Kulottunga at Kancipuram in the historic palace of the Colas in that city (152) and
the report of Anantavarman’s default made to the emperor by his secretary, may
be, not history, but only a literary setting for the grand military enterprise
described in the poem. It is clear that the expedition of Karunakara led to no
permanent results. There is no evidence of a Cola occupation of Northern
Kalinga (153). It may also be noted that a Kota chief Bhima is said, in an
inscription of A.D. 1108 (154), to have assisted the Cola in subduing the Kalinga
country. This may be a reference to his part in the first or the second war.”
The above paragraph from Nilakanta Sastri is indicative that the Pradhani family
of Tri-Kalinga had matrimonial relation to the Eastern Gangas. This most possibly
refers to Mr. Khagapati Pradhani family of Patraput close to Ancholagumma in
Nowrangpur who continued to stay as the Member of Parliament for 5
consecutive sessions.
233
References
1. E.I., No.38, Vol.XXI, p.220 ff.

2. S.I.I. Vol.III, pp.64-7; E.I., Vol.IX, p.-179, n.1 and 2.
3. Indian History Congress, Aligarh 1943, pp 161-2
4. A.S.I., 213 of 1911 and S.I.I., ii p.109
5 S.I.I.No.67, pp.95 ff, E.I.IX.No.31, pp.229ff
6 Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta., The Colas.p.228.
7 A.S.I.1922-12 p.172 n.1
8 Fleet Gupta Inscriptions p.192 n, 1; EI, IX, p.283.
9. Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta., The Colas.p.228
10. Sathianathaier, R. ‘Cholas’ p.234-253, HCIP, The Struggle for Empire,
Bombay
11. Ibid.
12. S.I.I.No.67, Vol. Pp.95 ff
13. Dr.Bahler’s Vikramanikacharita, sarga iv, verse 30
14. Fleet’s Kanarese Dynasties, p.66
15. Odra Sanskrit Odras
16 Beal’s Si-ky-ki, Vol.II, p.204
17. Ibid p.209
18. E.I.No.38, Vol.IX, pp 229 ff
19. Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta has placed it as ‘Madura mandalam destroyed in a
trice. But we agree with Hultzsch.
20. The translation here is based on the reading in 176 of 1923: (Kamidai
valanagar
Namanaikkonamum) As per Sastri, Nilakanta it is Masunidesa with its
green fields.
21. Another form has (Venjina Uirar for Venjlai-Virai)
22. Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta reads it ‘pasadaip - palana - masuni-desam (S.I.I. ii
20 1.5 & p.108)
23. S.I.I, Vol.I, p.99 and E.I., p.232.
24. Hiralal., E.I.Vol. IX.p.179
25. Ibid
26. E.I., IX, p.230.
27. Panigrahi, K.C., Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and the Somavamsis of
Orissa.p.34-35.
28. Ibid. p.13.
29. Sathianathaier, R. ‘Cholas’ p.240-241, HCIP, The Struggle for Empire,
Bombay
30. Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, The Colas, Univ.of Madras, Madras, p.170
234
31. E.I.,.Vol.XXI, No.38, p.220-245

32. Travancore Archeological Serins,Vol.III, p.148, V.77
33. Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1918, p.145
34. No.83, Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1898
35. Prof.Hultzsch has translated the introductory portion on pp.36 ff of the
South Indian Inscriptions, Vol.III
36 Above XII, p.298
37. Ibid
38 Ibid
39. E.I.Vol.XXI, p.220-228
40. E.I.Vol.XXI, No.38, p-243
41. J.A.H.R.S., Vol.I, p.106ff and Krishna Kumari, M, The Rule of the
Chalukyas--Cholas in Andhradesam.p.14.
42. Krishna Kumari, M.op.cit. p.14.
43. Gopal, B.R. The Chalukyas of Kalyana and the Kalachuris, K.V.Dharwad,
p-222.
44. Krishna Kumari, M.op.cit. p14-15.
45. The Colas, p.292 cited by Gopal, B.R. op.cit.p-222.
46. Krishna Kumari, M. Rule of the Chalukya-Cholas in Andhradesa, p.15-16.
47. Ibid.p.16.
48. Tamil Historical Texts (V.Kamakasabhai Pillai, No.4. The Vikrama-
Cholan-Ula, in 1893, p.141-150 (pp 149).
49 Ganguly, D.C. (1989) Later Chalukyas and Kalachuris of Kalyana. The
Struggle for Empire in the History and Culture of India People, Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan, Bombay p-172.
50. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta The Colas. University of Madras, p.291-292.
E.C.V. AK. 102 (a) syas that by order of the Calukya Cakravarti he caused
the Cola king to wear leaves. Colikar annaleyam taliram udisi. Also VII,
Sh, 64.
51. E.C. Vii, Ci 33 calls him (Ra) jigo-Cola-manobhanga and says, perhaps
with exaggeration, that he was ruling Nulambavadi 32000.
52. VI. 90.
53. Smaller Lieden Plate of Kulottunga I., E.I.XXII, p.269
54. The name of the king is taken from lines 59 ff. of the inscription.
55. See Vol.I, p.97, and Vol.II, p.108. Two inscriptions of the 2nd year of the
reign of Ko-Rajakesarivarman, alias Rajendra-Choladeva (i.e.,
Kulottunga-Choladeva I.) At Kolar and Tiruvorriyur read; “(he) was
pleased to take tribute which illumined (all) regions, from the king of Tara
(Dhara; compare Ind.Ant. Vol.XIV, p.340, and Vol.XX, p.280
56. Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta.p.269 (see for detail)
57. S.I.I., 44-5, Angavanpin Kavalpurindavani Kottonum
235
58 ‘Abhaya’ in this verse X. 18 does refer to Virarajendra cf.viii 29.

59. S.I.I, iii 64-7, as corrected by Hiralal, EI, IX p.179 n.1 & 2
60. S.I.I.III.pp.142-146.
61. X.V.25
62. See ante, Ch.xii
63. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed. pp.163-64.
64. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd edition, pp. 165.
65. Hiralal, ICPB, 163-64
66. E.I. X.25 ff
67. JOR, V. pp.128 ff.
68. S.N. Rajaguru O.H.R.J. Vol. Viii, No-I pp.65-75
69. S.I.I., Vol. III (part I & II) pp. 140-148
70. S.I.I., Vol. III (Part I & II) pp. 126 and 180 and SII. Vol. IV, Nos.1295,
1263, 1290 etc.
71. Pillai, V.K. (1894) I.A., Vol.XXI, p.281 ff.
72. Kumari Krishna, M (1885) op.cit. p 36-49.
73. E.I.,. Vol. XXV, No.23
74. S.I.I., Vol.III (Part I & II). No. 80 page 186-190.
75. S.I.I. Vol.III (Part I & II) No.80, p. 186-197.
76. E.I.XXII, .p.140-141
77. Vrihatkodila Grant
78. J.A.H.R.S, VIII. 40.
79. E.I.XXII.p.141-142
80. Trav. Arch.Series.,Vol.III,p.148,V.77.
81. E.I. Vol.XXI,p.243
82. Ibid.
83. E.I.XXII, p.142-80.
84. Ibid.
85. Ibid.
86. Ibid
87. Iyer, Gopala, A. Kalingattupparani of Jayangaondar edi. in English,
Madras 1924.
88. Nos.246, 380,386,387,388,392,393 of the Madras epigraphical collections
from 1896.
89. Aiyar, K.V.Subrahmanya E.I. XXII, pp. 140-2
90. Drakshanrama inscription of Kulottunga I, 33rd year.E.I.XXII, p.145
91. E.I.XXII, p.269 (The Smaller Leiden plates of Kulottunga I)
92. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta (1975) A History of South India, 4th Edi. p.191
93. Ibid
94. Ibid
95. Ibid, p.192
236
96 Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V, (1892) Kalingaattupparani translation.

Ind.Ant.Vol.XIX.p.329ff.
97. Ibid
98. Pillai, V.K. (1894) Indian Antiquary, Vol. Xxi, p. 281 ff.
99. A.R.E., 1905, Part II, para-5.
100. Ibid.
101. The rules of the Chalukya-Cholas in Andhradesha, pp.37.
102. A.R.E. 1905, Part II, Para-18.
103. Ibid.
104. S.I.I. Vol. VI, 1144, dt. Saka, 1021.
105. E.I. Vol. XXII, No: 23.
106. Ibid. and Kumari Krishna, M. (1985). The Rules of the Chalukya-Cholas
in Andhradesha p.38.
107. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p.55.
108. E.I., Vol. IV, No. 33, pp. 22-24.
109. S.I.I. Vol. VI, No. 123.
110 E.I. Vol. IV, p.226.
111 Ibid.
112. Kumari Krishna, M. (1985) op.cit.p.56
113. Kumari Krishna, M. (1985) op.cit. p.57.
114. S.I.I. No. 1182, V.17.
115. Ibid. Vol. IV, No.1141, Lines 8 and 9.
116. Kumari Krishna, M. (1985) op.cit p. 62.
117. S.I.I., Vol. V, No.1335.
118. S.I.I., Vol IV, Nos. 1017; 1191; 1194.
119. Kumari Krishna, M. (1985)op..cit p.63.
120. A.R.E. 214 of 1892; E.I., Vol. VI, No. 4, p. 257, S.I.I, Vol. IV, No 662.
121. J.A.H.R.S, Vol. VII, p.58.
122. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p.55.
123. Kumari Krishna, M. (1985) op.cit. p.63.
124 S.I.I., Vol.VI, No.628.
125. Ibid.
126. Ibid
127. Ibid
128. Kumari Krishna, M., op.cit.p.70-71; S.I.I., Vol.VI, No.1174.
129. Kumari, Krishna, M.op.cit.p.71 and 254.
130. Sewell, R., Lists II, Cp.No.77, Part II.
131. Ibid. E.I., Vol.IV, No.33, Vs.32, 122.
132. Kumari, Krishna, M.op.cit.p.71-72.
133. A.R.E., 1905, Part II, para18.
134. Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V,. (1892)I.A. Vol., XIX, p.329ff.
237
135. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta The Colas.p.321.

136. Cunningham, Ancient Geography, p.591.
137. Tekli platesI.83-Manneti-Mahendra-madhya-vartino.E.I.VI, p.335.
138. 363 of 1899 cited by Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta., The Colas.p.338.
139. Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V. (1892) Kalingaattupparani translation.
Ind.Ant.Vol.XIX.p.329ff.
140. I.A.181 of 1893; ARE.givesS.1002.
141, Uttam Cola museum plates I, 13 (S.I.I.III, p.269)
142. A.R.E. 1905 11, 18.
143. 567 of 1925.
144. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta. The Colas.p.322-323.
145. Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V. (1892) Tamil Historical Texts, No.3, An
Inscription of Kulottunga Chola I (Saiva Temple at Tiruvidaimarudur in
Tanjore District). I.A.XXII., p.281-87.
146. Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V,. (1892) Ind.Ant.Vol.XIX.p.329ff.
147. S.I.I.Vol.III (PartI&II) No.75.Inscriptions at Tirukkalukkunram.p.164-
168.
148 Pillai, V.K. (1894) Indian Antiquary, Vol.XXI, p.281 ff.
149. C.I.I., Vol.I p.97.
150. E.C.I, Intr.12-13; V Intr.VII.
151. Uttam Cola museum plates I, 13 (S.I.IIII, p.269)
152. A.R.E. 1905 11, 18.
153. 567 of 1925.
154. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta. The Colas.p.322-323.
238
PURVADESA
Kulottunga I (Rajendra Chola) in Koraput-Bastar, 1069 A.D.
Rajendra Chola has been described as the conqueror of Purvadesam, Gangai

and Kadram, which is reflected in several inscriptions of his reign and of the
reign of his successors. An inscription of Virarajendra from Ramnad district refers
to his father who conquered Purvadesh, Gangai and Kadram (1). The Purvadesam
has been the most distant conquests of Rajendra, thus on this assumption
Venkayya had suggested it to be Vengi country (2). However, it has been
identified that Purvadesam to be east of Maikal range (3) and roughly
corresponding to South Koshala country. Nilakanta Sastri gave the above account.
At the time of his father’s demise, uncle Vijayaditya forcibly seized the throne of
Vengi and Kulottunga or Rajendra, as he was then known who was in his teens
was left out. His earliest Tamil inscription records certain facts that indicate how
Rajendra engaged himself when he was thus kept out of his inheritance. The
records of his second year state that, with the aid only of strength of his arms and
his swords, he overcame the treachery of his enemies, captured many herds of
elephants, levied tributes from the Nagavamsi king, Dharavars of
Chakrakuta, and gently raised the earth resembling the lotus expecting the rise
of the sun for blooming, as Visnu raised the Earth from the ocean in his boar
incarnation, and started her, to her great pleasure under the shade of his parasol
(4). His records soon came to describe these achievements as belonging to the
period of his ilangp-paruvam, “When he was still heir-apparent (5).Nilakanta
Sastri wrote, “if this view is correct, we must conclude that Rajendra spent the
best part of the period A.D. 1063-70 in the region of the modern Bastar state,
and possible even carved out for himself a small dominion beyond it in the
Purvadesa, even if he did not gain complete control over the Charkrakuta
state and annex parts of the Purvadesa to it, as his inscription imply.”
The records of Virarajendra state that, in the last years of his rule, Virarajendra
marched upto Chakrakote. It can thus be assumed that possible Kulottunga I
followed Virarajendra in his expedition to north. The reason why they conquered
Chakrakote is not clear. In the literary work of Vikramadevacharita, Bilahana
states that Vikramaditya VI had conquered Vengi and Chakrakote during the
lifetime of his father Somesvara I. Possibly with the intention of regaining the
239
countries, Cholas reconquered and met Chalukya forces at Chakrakote and

defeated them (6).
The following observation of P. Gopal clearly indicates the fact that Purvadesa
ruled by Rajendra was different than Chakrakote country.
He further wrote, “However, that Vikramaditya and Vira Rajendra met on the
battlefield near Chakrakuta appears to be correct. Soon after 1065 A.D., when
Vira Rajendra extended invitation to deferred Vengi which he had determined to
conquer, Vikramaditya must have proceeded there. The Chola records mention
the defeat of the Chalukya generals and also Jananatha of Dhara. It is silent of
Vikramaditya. At this period of time Rajendra (future Kulottunga I) was ruling
Purvadesa, close to Chakrakote (12).”
There are also references to Purvadesh in many literatures, including Western

Ganga inscriptions, which are detailed out in the later chapters.
The earliest record so far known is grant by the second ruler of the line, Madhava-
Varman I, the son of Konkani-Varman, recorded in the Sakarakota plates and
relating to a brahmadeya (gift to Bramhanas) in the Paru-Vishya (7). The next
genuine record as found in the Penukonda Plates of Madava-Varman II, the
grandson of Madhava I, referring to a brahmadeya in Paruvi-vishya (8). As per
Sastri the “Paru and Paruv are clearly variants of the same name, and are
represented by modern Pairgi, seven miles north of Hindupur in the Anantapur
district (9).”Sastri further wrote with reference to Gangas,”The earliest rulers of
the line, MadhavavarmanI, the son of Konkani-varman, recorded in the
Sasanakota Plates and relating to a branch brhmadeya ( gift to Brahmanas) in the
Paru-vishaya (10). The next genuine record is found in Penukonda plates of
Madhva-varman II, the grandson of Madhava I, referring to a brhmadeya in Pruvi-
vishaya (11)
The local inhabitants of Koraput call Tamilians by name, ‘Arua’ or ‘Parua’. The
Parua is also the other name of ‘Doves’. If we take the later word and meaning,
paruvadesa means country of ‘doves’, peaceful non-violent country. The Arua or
Paruva can also be the ‘Tamil Country’.
The other references to Puruva-desh are
Gaudi language used in Purva-desh, i.e. the eastern country. (12). Bhaiksuki that
was the writing of the Budha (i.e. the Buddhists) used in Udunpur in Purvadesa.
(13)
240
It implies thus that Purvadesha was in the present undivided Koraput district of
Orissa and some area contiguous in the Bastar district. The Pengo porajas were
known subjects of Chalukyas of Vengi and Sodia porajas were that of Chodas. In
the context of Rajendra II (future Kulottunga I) who hailed from Chalukyas of
Vengi royal family and Choda being his mother’s family, and was later adapted
into Choda ruling family had the opportune of ruling; the area originally inhabit
by Pengo porajas as well as the Sodia porajas. The Pengo region was called Pengo
Patti and that of Sodias was Sodia Pali; when both joined together it was the
Purvadeasa of Rajendra II in Koraput-Bastar region of the past.
Reference
1. A.S.I., 1911-12 p.172 n.1

2. Fleet Gupta Inscriptions p.192 n.1; E.I. ix. p.283. S.I.I., iii p. 110 of
1908
3. S.I.I. III 64-7, as per Hiralal, EI. IX p.179 n. 1& 2.
4. S.I.I., III p. 132
5. S.I.I. III, 68
6. E.I., Vol XXI, p.232-33, Ibid, Vol IX, p.179, n. 1& 2, ARE No. 125
of 1900
7. E.I. XXIV, 234-8
8. Ibid XIV, 331-6.
9. Sastri, K.A.N. Gangas; in Majumdar,R.C. and Alter, A.S. (Edi.) The
Vakataka-Gupta Ages, p.248
10. E.I.XXIV, p., 234-9.
11. E.I.XIV, p.331-6
12. Sachu, Alberuni’s India, Vlo. I, P. 173.
13. Bhaiksuki that was the writing of the Budha (i.e. the Buddhists) used
in Udunpur in Purvadesa.
241
ANCHOLAGUMMA
Ancholagumma is a fairly large village is located in Tentulikhunti block of

Nowrangpur in the district of Koraput. It is well known all around due to its large
archeological remains. I am of the opinion that the village was founded by
Rajendra Chola deva who was known in his prasastis as Ko-Parakesarivarman
alias Udaiyar Sri-Rajendra-Chola-deva.the Cholas (1) and the name justifies them
as well. It was the Ko-Chola-gumma of the past and is now known as Un-Chola-
gumma. We presume from the temple and ponds and other archeological findings
that it was the former headquarters of the Chola Purvadesha of Rajendra I and
Kulottunga I who ruled for about seven years as a prince ruler during their
expedition of the east and invasion of Chakrakote.The fact that Rajendra I had
conquered Chakrakote on his way to Ganges supports the hypothesis of
Ancholagumma being the former headquarters of Rajenra I and later of
Kulottunga I as prince.
Ancholagumma Bodo-bondho Siva Linga on the bunds of Bodo-bondho
242
Siva with Bull, typical Choda Silahara Jimtavahahana, with Garuda?

sculpture, Chitrakuta
At the entrance to the village Ancholagumma, the first street is the Pujari sahi that
has the ancient Siva temple having’ Panchamukha linga’. I have come across two
more Panchamukha Siva temples in Koraput district; one is in Jeypore, the other
is in Kalyana Singapur.
Ancholagumma has many ponds; but the twin pond located in the middle of the
village is of significance. The stone paved large pond is called Bodo-bondho and
may have been used by the royalty in the past, Over the bund of the pond has an
ancient Siva linga made up of Black granite reminds of the past history. The other
pond besides it is called Khajuribandha.
One kilometer to the north of Ancholagumma is the village Chitrakuta, it is also

known as Beriguda gaon. The village is historically significant and is close to
River Indravati.The villagers report frequent unearth of swords and other weapons
during tillering of the fields or during construction of new houses. The large sized
ancient bricks as found in Podagada are also frequently noticed. The village has a
243
beautiful carved Siva with standing bull behind along with another idol of warrior
holding a child is still being worshiped in the village. The Siva idol is a beautiful
granite piece and can be ascribed to Cholas. The warrior may be a Chola king or a
Chalukya and very similar bust is seen in another village of Umerkote. The same
village has a small pond and the villagers point out and say in good olden days the
village was celebrating Chandana jatra that was mostly followed by Eastern
Ganga kings.
From Ancholagumma one can go to eastern direction and reach to Mengra

Patraput. It is an old village of Paikos, Sundis, Gonds and the Pengo etc. This
village to its northern end has one large jodi, one Siva temple and two more
village deities. The north road leads to Podagada at Timanpur (Is it Tamilpur?).
As usual this is a raised flat ground now, there are trees, one small place with
small stones raised and worshiped with a tantric pitha with animal sacrifice.
Weekly twice worship is given here. The Jharigumma hill is visible to its east.
This is also called ‘Nitanipur’. Over the Jharigumma hill is one broken fort, the
entrance door still there. It is worshiped annually and is called ‘Devipitha
Godapadarani’. This is having a good population of Pengo.
The Pengo now identify into Jhoria, some call themselves ‘Mudli’ and some
‘Jani’. There are inter marriages, but of less frequency. The Jani and Mudli are
slowly segregating and do not like to be called Poraja also, and feel superior to
Pengo.
References
1. S.I.I., Tirumalai Inscriptions. P.94-99.

2. Sastri,K.A. Nilakanta., The Colas,p.206-08
ANCHALA
The village is located on the Borigumma-Nowrangpur roadside. It is postulated to

be found by Cholas, thus is named as An-Chola or Anchala as is called now.
Before entering the said village there is a small hill, flat on the top, without
stones, and slopping with a comfortable gradient. The top of the hill is a flat
circular area connected with flat land behind. This hill is called ‘Manda Kupli’.
There is one stone pillar of about three to four feet standing erect at its centre; this
has been encountered as Siva linga but actually not. Before it the villagers have
244
placed one small ‘brusha’. It is surrounded with 4 broken walls. The bricks are
large size as seen in the ancient city of Podagada and elsewhere in the district.
To the east of the Manda Kupli under low and deep ingredient lies the Anchola
village, it has one large street going down like in gradient fall and then makes a
loop and appears back. ‘Halva or Pentia tribe’ mainly inhabitat the village. To
the south and south-east, of the village there are twin ponds. One close to the
village is called ‘Bodo Bandha’; another close to Kupli is called ‘Mati Bandha’.
There is large granite ‘Siva linga’ at the Bado- Bandha. This is styled like that of
the south India.. There is Bodo Dangar hill to its south and ‘Bhalu pahada’ to its
northwest end. The north and northeast one ‘jodi’ is flowing with perennial
water.
The hills of Bhairab Singhpur and Kumuli area are prominently visible from the
Manda Kupli l to its east and in between are the plain paddy lands. The Kupli is
in the centre of a large patch of plain land and villages. The scenery is so
beautiful that one cannot leave the top place of the Manda Kupli so easily. It is
most charming. The Anchola people can walk down to village Dubli, then
Mundaguda, Murja and then to Kathargada.
‘Manda Kupli’ top in Anchala village A Brusha in Manda Kupli
Anchala village Siva temple Brushas Anchala village Siva temple Brusha, side
view
245
Anchala village Siva Linga Dorsal view of Brusha in Anchala. Manda Kupli Pillar?
A warrior King is worshipped in between Papdahandia and Umerkote Villages.

Name not known
The Manda Kupli reminds of “the Kondapadumatis’. They were subordinate to

the Chalukyas of Vengi and later on to the Chalukya-Cholas. They had secured an
important military success over the Kalinga and Telugu Chodas. Manda I , was a
subordinate of the Kulottunga I.(1) Manda II…… was a military officer who on
behalf of Velanti Rajendra Choda appears to have fought a battle with the Gangas
of Kalinga (2).I am of the opinion that the Manda Kupli may have been named
after Manda, the military officer as said above.
References
1. Yasodha Devi cited 327 of 1932-33
2. A.R.1915,part II para 54
246
GUMMA AND HISTORY
The Chola invaded Chakrakote and ruled the area; later carved a kingdom in the
area named Purva-desha which was ruled by prince Kulottunga I for 7 years of his
stay.
I am inclined to place the hypothesis that Cholas ruled all localities that has
‘Gumma’ at pre and postfix in Koraput, Gajapati and Phulbani districts of Orissa.
Thus, the possible entry of Chola army was from Godavari by crossing over
Sileru river and ruled Kudumulu Gumma of Balimela region and it extended to
Kotapad-Borigumma, Anchala. Anchala Gumma in Tentulikhunti close to
Papdahandi (Nawarangpur) and then on the Eastern Ghat the ‘Gumma’ village of
Rayagada region well within the Kashipur circle only. Further it extended to
Kakrigumma. There is existence of another Gumma block in the present Gajapati
district, which is also close to another Kashipur. I think after successful invasion
of Mahendragiri, Chola King Virachoda established principality close in Kalinga
country. The said area has archeological, nomenclature and historical evidence
along with its Dravidian subjects. It seems Semiliguda-Patangi-Nandapore did not
come under Chola dominion of Purvadesha.
Desia-Kondhs of Laxmipur area, on hills once in 3 years celebrate ‘Gumma puja’.

It is in Magaha month. Gumma is a stone, standing erect like ‘Linga’. It can also
be derived that Gumma is a ‘Siva linga on hills’. The Borigumma had innumerous
Siva temples with a special type of Siva lingas, with deep in the soil still exist.
These lingas are cylindrical and area about 2 to 3 ft. tall and most of it is inside
soil. It is the same for all villages with suffix Gumma.
The Chodas were close to Sodia Porajas where as the Chalukya of Vengi as well
as the Chalukya-Chodas was closely allied to Pengo Porajas of Koraput. The
Kondhs and Koyas came from South India to the district along with Chodas and
settled here. The Kondhs did change their alliance between Chodas and
Chalukyas along with the subordinate dynasty rulers who ruled the region
subsequently. The Koyas and Madias of Bastar came in the trains of Rajendra
Choda and settled here.
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EASTERN GANGA
In about 500 A.D. a new kingdom named Trikalinga was evident from the Jirjingi
copper plate (1). J.K.Sahu (2) wrote,” The ruler of the Eastern Gangas was
established in the hilly region of Bastar after the fall of the Nalas at the close
of the 5th century A.D. The dynasty is so called because Indravarman, its
founder, belonged to the Gang ruling family of Karnataka which after this came to
be known as Western Gangas. Indravarman like Sarbhraja was probably a General
in the army of Harisena Vakataka and was allowed to rule the hilly region which
was the original country of the Nalas. He asserted independence after the sudden
fall of Vakataka power.” This has been also indicated by Patel (3) who wrote,
‘The argument of many scholars that Vakataka Harisena uprooted the Nala family
in the same epoch and transplanted the Western Gangas, in their territory is
untenable.
The Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara, traced their descent from the Western
Gangas who claimed belong to Ikshvaku family ; perhaps of Nagrjunikonda
(4).The founder of the Western Ganga line was Kongunivarman or Madhava I
who probably ruled 300-400 A.D. with his capital at Kolar (5) Durnvita (540-600)
conquered Punnad ( South Mysore) and Kongudesa and maintained friendly
relation with Chalukyas.(6). N.K.Sahu has cited B. Misra, ‘Orissa under the
Bhauma Kings’ and has mentioned the marriage between Santikara I of Bhauma
king of Orissa and Tribhuvana Mahadevi, daughter of Rajamalla I of Western
Ganga dynasty of Mysore, who ruled from 817-835 A.D. Prior to this inscription
the relationship of Bhauma Kings and Western Gangas is well established. (7).
However, the Kukkanur plate of Marasimha I during 968-69 indicates the
presence of Western Gangas in Dhavala visaya and Gangapati-(8)
Map showing Jerjinga village in Umerkote region of Koraput
248
Western Chalukya Pulakesin I’s son Kirtivarman I (566-7) expanded the kingdom
by wars against the Kadambas of Banavasi, the Mauryans of Konkan and the
Nalas who probably ruled over a fair sized kingdom in the region of Bastar and
Jeypore agency (9). Before hand Nalas ruled this territory. They had their capital
at the modern Podagada, located near Umerkote of Nowrangpur, Koraput district.
Kirtivarman I ‘s son, Pulakesin II received first the submissions of South Kosala
and Kalinga and then made his younger brother Vishnuvardhana yuvaraj leaving
him incharge of the capital, he started an extensive campaign of conquest in the
Eastern Deccan (10)
The northern part of Koraput district and eastern part of Bastar district including
southern Dakshina Kosala area was under the Mahakantara and Kantar zone. Thus
in 4th century itself, Samudragupta Maurya crossed the kingdom during his
southern military expedition. A detail political history has been given in the Nala
chapter of this book. However, it can be said in short that, there has been
speculations as regards the identification of the enemy who defeated the Nalas
and destroyed Puskari, who was afterwards destroyed by Skandavarman. As there
was apparently a struggle between the Nalas and Vakataka of the main branch and
the enemy was identified with Prithvisena 11, who claims to have twice restored
the fallen fortune of his family. Skandavarman may also have been the
Panduvamsi king Nanna of South Kosala who had occupied the whole of Western
Madhya Pradesh and is indicated in an inscription at Bhandak. The Chalukya
king Kirtivarman I (AD 567 to 597) who claims to have subdued the Nalas some
times represented his old enemy of the Chalukyas and to destroy their residences
(Nilaya) (11) and thus possibility it has got its name Podagada.
In the Aihole inscription (12) of Kirtivarman’s son, who can hardly be expected to
have supposed the glorious achievements of his father, Kirtivarmana I is
described as the “night of destruction “to Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas, and also
as having broken up a confederacy of the Kadamba Kings.
G.Ramdas of Jeypore was the first to publish his classical work ‘Chronology of
the Gangas of Kalinga’(13).However, it is certain from Jirjingi plate (14) which is
the first copper plate source for the first evidence of Trikalinga and the Ganga
king named Indravarman was assumed the title of Trikalingadhipati (Lord of
Trikalinga).J.K.Sahu wrote(1997).’Jijjika in Vonkhara-visaya donated in the
Jirjingi plate of Indravarman I refer to village Tunganna in Rupygvati-visaya and
the village identified with Tung near Tekkali. So both Vankhara and Puspyavati
were in Tekkali estate (15).I have examined the Jirjingi plate,No.2 published
by S.N.Rajaguru and edited by R.Subba Rao,1928 and inclined to read it as
Bododongar-visaya and Jijika village but not Vonkhara district as
mentioned. Again, I identify the reference village with present day Jijingi
249
village in north Umerkote close to Podagada of Nala dynasty reference and

Bododongar in Bastar district. (Enclosed Map).
Political history during the period of Indravarman
After strengthening his position, Indravarman wanted to expand his territory. To
the northeast of his kingdom was the Sarbhapurias of South-Kosala. His
relationship was cordial with them. To the east was the Kingdom of Kalinga,
which was ruled by Vasisthas. The Vasisthas had ascertained their sovereignty
after the fall of Matharas. The Vasistha king, Antavarman was Kalingadhipati. In
the south, the Visnukundins were the rising power. The East Godavari was the
immediate neighbours of Indravarman, and was ruled by Prthvimula as a
feudatory of Visnukundins (16). Prthivimula soon declared independence, which
annoyed Visnukundin king Indrabhattaraka. Thus Prthivimula invited to lead the
confederacy against the Visnukundins. The Godavari plate (17) gives a graphic
description of the war between Indrabhattaraka and joint army of Indravarman
and Prithimula. Indrabhattaraka lost the war.
As a result of the said war Indravarman emerged as a powerful ruler. The
Vasisthas of Kalinga lost their political entity. Indravarman thus occupied a large
portion of south Kalinga and established his position from Dantapura and issued
his Jirjingi plate of 537 AD claiming the title of Trikalingadhipati.
Samantavarman
The victory of Indravarman did not last long. King Indrabhattaraka avenged
enmity. His Ramatirtha plate, issued about 553 AD describes him as ‘a great
conqueror against his enemies’ (18). It registered the grant of a village in
Palkirastra, which is identified with Pakky in modern Srikakulum district.
However, the authors identify the place to be in central Koraput district (details
described elsewhere). It is assumed thus that during the period of the invasion
Indravarman was not alive and his son Samantavarman was ruling. The
inscription Ponnuturu (19) of 562 AD (Ganga year 64) was only one after 25
years of the Jirjingi plates of Indravarman. This grant was not issued from
Dantapura of Kalinga but from Saumyavana apparently in Trikalinga. We believe
the Saumyavana is the modern Sombartuta of Jeypore, Koraput district in Orissa
where the old palace and fort of Nandapur dynasty of Jeypore Zamindars was
located and the ruins are still can be seen. Thus the Saumyavana mentioned in the
Eastern Ganga is located in Koraput district. Donor of Dharmalingeswara Plate,
Anantavarmana, who was son of Dvendravarma and brother of Jayavarman, has
also indicated this name.
Inside the boundary of Nilakantheswar temple in Sombartuta of Jeypore, a large
well carved stone Sun god with his horse chariot as in Konark is housed. This idol
250
has relevance to the presence of Eastern Ganga kings who were well known for
Sun God worship.
Hastivarman
Hastivarman succeeded Samantavarman. He is considered to be the founder of
the Ganga rule in Kalinga. He defeated Vigraha King of north Kalinga. Then
Hastivarman assumed the title of Sakalakalingadhipati. The Trikalingadhipati
was disowned.
There are two plates of Hastivarman; Narasimhapalli (577 AD) and the Urlam
Plates (20) (578 AD). These plates describe his battles to achieve Kalinga. He
then changed his capital from Saumyavana of Trikalinga to Kalinganagara. It is
assumed to be the present Mukhalingam on the bank of Vamsadhara in modern
Srikakulam district. The city continued to be the capital of Eastern Gangas for a
long time.
Indravarman 11
Indravarman 11 succeeded Hastivarman. He is known from copper plates of
Achyutapuram plates (21) (558 AD), the Santabommali plate (22) (585 AD), the
Paralakhemudi plates (23) (589 AD) and the Urjam plates (595 AD) (24).
Ranka Jayavarman and Svetaka Gangas
There are no records of Gangas of Kalinganagar for 30 years i.e. 595 AD to 626
AD. But, a Ganga ruler named Ranka Jayavarman issued a charter in Ganga
Samvat 100 i.e. 598 AD from Svetaka. He had used the prasasti of the Ganga
Royal family. J.K.Sahu concluded that the Ganga family of Kalinganagara faced a
political calamity and as a result of which they were driven out of Kalinganagara
and a branch of the family ruled from Svetaka and acknowledged the over
lordship of Bhauma-Karas (25).The Svetaka Kingdom comprised of
Badakhemundi, Sanakhemundi and Seragada in the present Ganjam district.
J.K.Sahu (loc.cit.) wrote; ‘Many scholars confused Ranka Jayavarmandeva of the
charted dated in Ganga Samvat 100 with Maharaja Jayavarmandeva who issued
the Ganjam or Badakemudi charter in his regnal years (sometimes taken as
Bhauma Samrat) as a feudatory of the Bhauma king Unmattakesari (Sivakaradeva
I). The time difference between the two grants is more than 150 years.
Jayavarmandeva of the first grant assumed the title of Ranaka and his queen was
Trikalingamadadevi. Jayavarman of the later grant was a Maharaja and his queen
was Prthimahadevi. The names of the officers in the two grants are also different.
Ranka Jayavarman founded the Svetaka kingdom as feudatory probably of
Prthivimaharaja, Maharaja Jayavarman received it as a feudatory of the
Bhaumas.”(26)
251
From the records of Svetaka Gangas, a queen named Trikalinga – Mahadevi is

found in Jayavarman. This grant was issued in Samvat 100, which is taken as
Bhauma-Samvat and is placed at 836 AD. It is certain that Gangas ruled the
Trikalinga at least upto the time of Samatavarma of G.E.64. (27)
However, Jayavarmana brother of Anantavarman I as denoted by Rajaguru has
not been indicated in the Genealogy of Gangas by J.K.Sahu. The Burnell’s
account on Jayapura Plate (of present Koraput) of Rajendravarman given by
George Sewell denotes that Jayavarman was the grandfather of Rajendravarman.
No much details of this inscription could be known, as per Rajaguru. This
inscription means lot to the Jaypura and thus building the Koraput relation to
Eastern Ganga history.
Rajaguru (28) gave the following remarks on the Jayapura plate of
Rajendravarman.
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“When we compare the above genealogical table with the above we find that it
agrees with our table from Anantavarman to Satyavarman except the name of
Anantavarman’s father and his date.
Our third question relates to the date of Devendravarman son of Anantavarman,
(No.32) and that of Satyavarman (No.33) who is the son of Devendravarman.
The dates of these two inscriptions (Nos. 32 and 33) were wrongly put by the
engraver as 51 for 351. This mistake was detected as the phraseological terms
used in there were considered to be the later development.
Dr.Fleet remark, “These grants of Devendravarman and Satyavarman are shown,
by the characters in which they are engraved, to be of later date than the three
grants of Indravarman. Consequently, the fifty first year, which is quoted is one
of the grants of Devendravarman and the grant of his son Satyavarman cannot be
referred to the same epoch with the dates of 91, 128 and 146 of Indravarman.
And, partly because of this, and partly because in each instance the year is
mentioned without any specification of the month and the lunar day, I am inclined
to look upon it as some conventional expression, which cannot be just now
explained, and to consider that on the year 254, in connection with which we have
the specification of both the month and the lunar day, is a correct date for
Devendravarman, and that is may be referred to the same era with the date of
Indravarman whatever the era might be”.(29)
Indravarman III
About 5 copper plate characters of Indravarman III have been found. It is around
662 AD (30). Not much is known about the political condition of Kalinga from
these inscriptions, but the Chinese traveler Hiuen-Tsang visited Kalinga, and good
account is available from his work dated 639 AD. There are no records of Gangas
between 652 to 681 AD.
Devendravarman I
The Devendravarman I Chicacole plate it is known that in 681 AD he was ruling
Kalinga. There are three more plates issued by Devendravarman I issued from
Kalinganagar. They were Dharmalingesvara (31), Trilinga charter (32) and grant
of Devendravarman I (30).
Anantavarman I
The Dharmalingeswar plate, which was issued, by Anantavarman I, G.E.204, son
of Devendravarman I is of significance to Koraput region. This plate speaks of
Somavatika, Kongadaparbat, and Pamphulli etc. This has been described
separately.
253
Nandavarman and Devendravarman II

Anantavarman I had two sons, Nandavarman and Devenravarman II. The sons
became kings successively. The Santabommali character of G.E.221 (34) was
issued by Nandavarman where as Devendravarman II issued Chicacole plates (35)
(749 AD) and the Vizag plates (36) (752 AD).
Rajendravarman I and Anantavarman II
Rajendravarman I succeeded Devendravarman II. Rajendravarman I was referred
in the character of his son Anantavarman II as Maharaja and Maharajadhiraj.
J.K.Sahu loc.cit wrote that during second half of 8th century AD, the Bhauma-
Karas of Tosala Kingdom showed rise and growth. They were the immediate
neighbours of Kalinga kingdom. The Sailodbhava power, which concentrated
around Chilika Lake, was liquidated and Kongoda was annexed by Bhauma
Kingdom. Even the Svetaka branch of Gangas threw off allegiance to
Kalinganagar and claimed themselves as the real lord of Kalinga under the
suzerainty of the Bhaumas. Historians acknowledged it to be a critical time to
Gangas of Kalinga. (37)
Devendravarman III
Anantavarman II died in about 803 AD (his last known character was in 802 AD)
(38). His son, Rajendra II was a minor, thus his brother Devendravarman III
succeeded him and issued character in 804 (39), 806(40) and 808 AD (41) besides
the undated Chicacole plates (42).
Rajendravarman II and Anantavarman III
The rule of Devendravarman III came to end in about 810 AD. In 811 AD the
queen mother Lokamahadevi issued Podali (Pattali) charter (43), on behalf of her
son Yuvaraj Rajendraverman II. He was described as Maharajadhiraj,
Paramesvara and Paramabhattaraka. Rajendraverman II ruled Kalinga upto 840
AD. He was succeeded by his brother Anantaverman III who donated Tekkali
grant (44) in 856 AD.
Bhupendravarman, Anantaverman IV and Devendraverman IV
The next Kalinga king was Bhupendraverman alias Marasimha. It is known from
other grants that he had two sons, Anantaverman IV alias Vajrahasta and
Devendraverman IV who became one after another the king.
Anantaverman Vajrahastadeva V
The history of Eastern Gangas for 895 AD to 1038 AD is not systematically
known. The copper plates of Anantaverman Vajrahastadeva V (45) (1038 AD-
254
1069 AD) gives the names of eight kings who preceded him with their reign
periods.
After careful study of the available copper characters of Gangas and topography
named thereon it is concluded that, the Gangas did rule Koraput, Bastar region.
The fact is well known from the following:
1. The Jaypura plates of Rajendraverman II, son of Anantaverman and
grandson of Jayaverman are direct evidence to this effect. (46)
2. The Dharmalingeswar plates of Anantaverman I (47)
3. The Chicacole plates of Devendraverman III (48)
4. The Khillingar plates of Kalyandevi of the time of Ranka Danarnava of
Ambavavadi Mandala (49)
It is clearly evident from the above plates that, from Anantaverman I (G.E 204)
(50) once again uptill Satyaverman G.E. 351, the Koraput, Bastar region was
under the direct control and administration of Gangas.
The Jaypur plate speaks of Jayaverman as the father of Anantaverman II, where as
Jayaverman does not appear in Genealogy of succession in Gangas. It can still be
concluded that Jayaverman, son Devendraverman I ruled the Tri-Kalinga part
because his successors are indicated in Jaypur plate.( 51).I am of the opinion that
the name Jeypore, the capital of Suryavamsi kings of Nandapur/Jeypore has been
named after Jayaverman, the Eastern Ganga King.
It is also evident that Bhaumas became powerful in second part of 8th century AD
the E. Gangas concentrated in Tri-Kalinga part.
The Saumyavatika and Saumyavana of Eastern Ganga
The interest with relation to Saumya vatika or Saumyavana is real. We find this
also as Saumyavana in some texts.
1. The Eastern Ganga founder was Indravarman. After his death, his
successor and son Samantavarman issued Ponnuturu plates during 562
AD. This grant was issued from Saumyavana apparently in Trikalinga;
but it could have been issued from Dantapura, the capital of Kalinga.
2. The Dharmalingeswara plates of Anantavarman (GE 204) the donor was
Anantavarman, the son of Devendravarman and brother of Jayavarma. It
was issued from Kalinganagar.
The topography description of the plate includes Samvataka. The other
names are Phupalli Devaparbat, Kongaparbat and Korakonta that are
255
situated in the Koraput district, now agreed by many as the part of

Trikalinga.
3. Hastivarman, the powerful king who became the Lord of entire Kalinga,
transferred his capital from Saumyavana to Kalinganagar.Narasimhapalli
(577 AD) (52) and Urlam plate (578 AD) (53) are the two plates, which
refer to his velour in battles.
Ponnuturu plates of Samantavarman (GE 64) (53) Samantavarman has
been referred as Trikalingadhipati Maharaja in the plate. The topography
refers to
i. Dagha Panchalli (district)( may be the present day Digapur, an ancient
Jaina village near Jeypore)
ii. Saumyavan (village) (Sombartuta of Jeypore)
iii. Pratisthapur (village) (Not known yet)
M.Somasekhara Sarma (54) wrote, “The inscription pertains to Samanta Varman
(1.29) or Mahasamanta Varman (1-7) of the Ganga dynasty of Kalinga. It is
issued from Saumyavana, the abode of the Goddess of victory. (it means
Jayapura.) The original runs as 1st plate; 2nd side
Swati (11) Jaiasrunibasat Somayavana schara charagurorah (:)
This can also be concluded as Somyavana of Jayapura. The ‘nibasat’ has been
wrongly mentioned as Sreenivasa”.
The Dharmalingeswar plate of Anantavarmana (GE 204) (55) 830-831 AD is a
significant and important finding with relation to present Koraput (Jeypore-
Bastar) region. This plate was first edited by S.N.Rajaguru (56) and re-edited by
R.K.Ghoshal (57).
As per Rajaguru, the actual donor seems to be Jayavarmadeva. The place of issue
is Kalinganagara. The plates are three in number, each measuring about 6”×3 ½”.
They are attached to a ring bearing the royal seal containing the emblems of a
lying bull, a conch shell and a chawrie, as usually found in the Ganga grants.
The topography:
Kostrukavartani (may be Kathargad), Talatheravillage, Kamarupa (Kambeda
Panchayat in Korkonda) visaya, Srungatikagrahara, Devaparvata (Kalyan
Singpur), Hemasrunga (Near Bejungwada of Balimella),
2nd plate
Tru (thro) Kuta, Suruli, Bastapur, Kongodaprbate, Phumpalli, Somavataka,
Dharavataka, Balmi, Salmti, Tatapur.
256
The second plate topography is related to Jeypore-Kotpad-east Bastar region. The

Tru (thru) Kuta is the Chitrakuta of Bastar; Surli is the river flowing west of
Kotpad, in between Bastar and Koraput. The Bastapur is the present Bastar or
may be Bastanar of Bastar (Chhattisgarh); The Somavataka is the Somavartuta,
the past capital of Jeypore/Nandapur dynasty. Phampulli is the present Phampuni,
near Jeypore.
The third plate is the area between Mathili-Kundra and Bastar (Chhattisgarh).
The Salmili is the Salmi of Mathili (Koraput) on river Saberi and Kolab, Balmi, I
am not sure, and it may be the Balia village on the banks of Kolab river. The
Kokonta may be Korkonda of Koraput or Konta of Bastar, which to my view is
the Kantakavarttani region of Antatavarman Chodagangadeva.
The first plate, the Devaparbata is the present hill temple of Kalyana Singapur.
The Kostruka vartani is not yet identified, but I think it is the Katharagada on
river Muran, the gateway to Kalinga from Nowrangpur-Bhairaba Singapur of
Jeypore. It was an ancient place of Buddhism, Savism in Kalinga.
The Dharmalingeswar plate, which as per Rajaguru the donor was
Jayavarmadeva, and the plate is topographically, speaks of Koraput-Bastar region;
on this light the Jayapura plates of Rajendravarmana, which speaks of
Jayavarmana and his successors Anantavarman.
The other plates of Ganga kings of interest to Koraput-Bastar region are
Pedda-dugam plates of Sri Sattrudamanadeva (58): The place of issue
was Simhapura. The topography speaks of Girikalinga-Vardamanagrahara,
Juhagrama (village), Vasuvatika, and Patuvagrama. It refers to Vardhamana
agrahara in the Giri-Kalinga district. This can be safely placed to hill portion of
Kalinga, in Trikalinga. This can well refer to the Jaina culture center of
Vardhamana.
This plate was edited by Sri V.Bhanumurti (59) and re-edited by D.C.Sirkar.
The other way, the Duhagram is the Dudhari; Patuvagram- may be present day
Padua or Pottangi. This is located in the Nandapur region, one the headquarters
of politics and people. The Bhadaliguda of Jeypore town may be
Vardamangrhara. But informants claim that there is a village named Vardamana
in Balimella region but I have not confirmed it.
The other plate of importance to the region is Khillingar plates (60) of
Kalyanadevi of the time of Ranka Danarnava of Ambavadi Mandala. The donor
was Kalyanadevi. She was mother of Ranka Darnava. His father was
Rajendravarmana, who was son of Narendravarmana.
257
The topography was Ambavadi Mandala (Province), Nayandi Vishaya (district),

Gondherni, and Lonipataka and Khilladangara. The Ambavadi Mandala is the
area close to Kotpad, Kolaba river flows with a branch from Ambabhalli river.
This is one ancient seat of Jainism. The Amba of Jaina pantheon is standing on a
large stone slab, in an ancient temple still being worshipped by Bhattra tribal
priests. The Nayandi Siva temple is famous. The Nayandi village is close to it. It
is close to Bastar border. The Gondharni and Khilladangar are to be identified.
Rajaguru mentioned under the remarks that the Ambavadi Mandala is known for
its location. However, this name is mentioned in the grants of Chodaganga
Anantavarmadeva (61).
The other plate of interest to us is No.26 Chiracole plates of Devendravarman
(62). The donor was Devendravarman; the son of Rajendravarman and place of
issue was Kalinganagara.
The topography mentions of Pushkarni Vishaya (district), Virinika (village),
Morda village, Pushkarila (village) and Kumarikabhatta (village).
The character records the gift a village named Biriaika in the district of
Pushkarni-Vishaya by the Ganga king Devendravarma to one Chhetilakayavya,
son of Bilichi.
The boundaries of the village are as follows:
In the east the village Marda (and) the boundary bridge and the woods; in the
south the boundary of Pushkarni the forest, in the west the boundary – bridge of
Pushkarni- gram (and) the row of forest.
The Pushkarni name and place exists in Nala inscription. The location has been
identified at Podagada of Umerkote by G. Ramdas and has been seconded by
Rajaguru and N.K. Sahu. This is being identified as the place of Pushkarni visya
of Gangas.
Eastern Gangas and Western Gangas in Trikalinga

In order to examine the relationship between Eastern Ganga and Western Ganga
the study of inscriptions issued by both the dynasty is vital and it can shed some
light. K.V.Ramesh (1984) (63) has studied in detail the inscriptions so far
discovered pertain to the Western Gangas of Mysore where as S.N. Rajaguru has
compiled the inscriptions of Eastern Gangas of Orissa.
The following Western Ganga inscriptions need attention:
258
Sl. Inscription Date Name of the Sub-Division Villages in

No. Territorial the Sub-
Division Division
1. Sasanakota Plate Velputtoru of 4th – 5th Paruvi-visaya - Velputtoru
Madhavavarman year 1 AD
5. Bendiganahalli Plates of 4th – 5th Paruvi-visaya Perti-bhoga Kuru-uru
Vijaya- Krishnavarman year 1 AD
8. Penukonda Plates of Madhava II 4th – 5th Paruvi-visaya - Paruvi (tank)
Simhavarman AD
50. Kottimba grant of Yuvaraja 799-800 Paruvi-visaya - Paruvi
Narasimha year 3 AD
2. Nandi Plates of Kandasala 4th – 5th Kulungijya- - Girubagara
Grant of Madhavavarman AD rajya & Kandasala Madhavavarm
12. Nonamangala Plate of Kongani 5th AD Korikunda- - Cennelkarani
Varman visaya
14. Haskote Plates of 5th AD - Korikunda Pulli-uru
Konganyadhiraja year 12 bhoga
25. .Nallalam Grant of Durvinita, 5th AD Korikunda- - Nattalam
year 40 visaya
22. Diveagar Plates of Durvinita year 6th AD Kovalala- - Paralkunde
24 visaya
29. Bedivur grant of Bhuvikrama 7th AD Kovalala- -
year 25 visaya
46. Melagani inscriptions of 767-68 Kovalala- -
Sripurusa, year 42 AD visaya-300
53. Aralasandra inscription of 8th AD Kovalala- -
Sripurusa visaya-300
54. Aralukote inscription of 8th AD Kovalala- -

Sripurusa visaya-300
55. Bissanahalli inscription of 8th AD Kovalala- -
Sivamara visaya-300
58. Dimbala inscription of Sivamara 8th AD Kovalala- -
visaya-300
th
69. Madival inscription of Sripurusa 8 AD Kovalala- -
visaya-300
259
Sl. Inscription Date Name of the Sub-Division Villages in

No. Territorial the Sub-
Division Division
79. Nivalai inscription (of Sivamara 9th AD Kovalala- -
II) year 17 visaya-300
69. Madivala inscription of Sripurusa 8th AD Pulvaki-nadu- -
1000
121. Honnenahalli fragmentary 10th AD Konga-nadu- -

inscription of Ereyapparasa visaya
The inscriptions with Paruvi-visaya as mentioned in Western Gangas need

attention. It is known from Choda records that Chola Kulottunga I ruled the
Paruvi-desha, when he was a prince. He had carved out a small state in Koraput-
Bastar region and ruled for about seven years.
The Perati-bhoga as mentioned in W.Ganga inscriptions given above may be the
present Parata village of Nandapur region. This was a Jaina village and still
houses Jaina idols all around.
The Korikunda visaya may be identified with present day Korakunda, contagious
to Nandapur. The Pulli-uru village may be the present day Baghra village in the
Koraput block. The word ‘pulli’ in Telugu and Kanada means tiger. Close to it is
the Kachella Jain monastery. This was one important center of ancient Jainism
evident by depleted temples and images.
The Kovala visaya, as noted during 6 A.D. has the village Paralkunde. This
Paralkundi I believe it to be the present day Paralakhemundi. Uptill date no such
name in any inscription has appeared, or else late Rajaguru could not have left
any stone unturned. The Cururu may be another village in the same area.
The other inscriptions, which denote Kovalala visaya, or –300 post fixed to it, has
any village name to further identify it.
The Kukkanur Plates of Marasimha II, 968-69 A.D (64). is of greater
significance to Orissa. Marasimha II had also issued the Kudhur Plates, 962-63
A.D. It contained 7 plates. Both the plates contained the heroic deeds of the king
upto 1-118 lines and references of wars.
The ruler described in Kukkanur Plates as Nitimarga-Kongunivarma-Dharmma-
mahadhiraja Paramesvara having Punnseya-Ganga for his first name as Kaliyuga-
Bhima.
Verse 42: His fame had incessantly spread in all the quarters and
Verse 43: As far as the rivers Mandakini and Kalinda;
260
The river Mandakini is the present day river Indravati flowing from
Nowrangpur through Bastar (K.D.Vajapayee ref: Mandakini cited by Kalidasa in
his Raghuvamsa).
It is evident from the inscription that Marasimha, the Western Ganga king was
ruling over the entire Dhavala-visaya and Gangapati-96,000.
He was constantly worshipping the Lord Jina
Verse 44: His elder sister was Kundanasami
Verse 45: Her husband was the king Rajaditya who belonged to Calukya lineage
and who was the nephew (sister-in-law) of the king Jayadattaranga
Verse 206-211: To that Kalapargya-bhatta was given by Kundanasami, the moon
in the ocean of the Ganga family ……. who was the follower of Batuga etc., on
the occasion of Uttarayana – Samkranti in the cyclic year Vibhava in Saka 890,
the village of Addavurage, situated on the north of Kukkanura – agrahara and to
the west of Rajapura- agrahara in Dhavala-visaya after obtaining it from her
younger brother Ganga-Kandarappa (i.e. Marasimha) when he was ruling over the
entire Dhavala-visaya and Gangapati – 96,000.
The Dhavala-visaya is well defined in the history and is the region close from
north Koraput district of Orissa. The Gangapati is close to it only. How can he
rule two countries located at different length, so the Gangapati may be the
Koraput district. (Kandarapasundri of Orissa).
261
References
1. JAHRS, IX, pf. 3, pp 23f.

2. Sahu J.K. Comprehensive History and Culture of Orissa: Minor Dynasties.
p..142 ff.
3. Patel, C.B. Dynastic History of Nalas.p.85.
4. The Classical Age, The Western Gangas. p.268
5. Ibid p.269
6. Ibid. p.269.
7. H.C.I.P., Vol.IV, p.160 cited by Panigrahi, K.C.: Chronology of the
Somovamsis of Orissa: B. Misra, Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings.p.29.
8. Kukkanur Plates of Marasimha II, Western Ganga.,. A.R.Ep., 1969-70, No.A
5 and Inscriptions of Western Gangas, Ramesh, K.V. No.159, pp.494-513ff
9. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta. A History of South India.p.148.
10. Ibid.p.149
11. Ibid
12. E.I., Vol.VI, pp 4ff.
13. Ramdas, G.J.B.O.R.S., Vol. IX, Pt.3&4, p.398-415
14. Jirgingi plate of Indravarman I.J.A.H.R.S., Vol.III, Pt.I, pp.49-53ff
15. Sahu, J.K. op.cit.142ff
16. Narayan, Sankar. S. The Vishnu Kundins and their Times.pp.45ff.
17. Godavari Plates set I, Text lines 5
18. E.I. XII, pp. 134f. Text line 5
19. Ibid, XXVII, pp. 216 ff.
20. Ibid. XVII, pp 330f.
21. Ibid, III, pp. 127 f.
22. JAHRS, IV, pp. 21f.
23. IA, XVL, pp. 131 f.
24. Urjam Plate, Ind. Arch. (19-54); p.12
25. Sahu,J.K. op.cit..p.144.
26. Ibid..
27. Ponnuturu plates of Samantavarman,E.I.XXVII,pp.216-20ff.
28. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa,Vol,II,p.351-52.
29. I.A.Vol.XIII,pp.273-6ff& Sewell’sArchaeological Survey of South
India,Vol.II,pp.183ff.
30. Tekkali plates of Indravarman 154 E.I. XVIII, pp. 307 f.
31. IAHRS, II, pp. 275-76; E.I, XXVI, pp62f
32. IHQ, XI, pp 300f. IHQ, XX, p. 232f.
33. Sidhantam plates of Devendravanman, E.I.XIII, and pp.212-16ff
34. IAHRS, II, pp. 185f.
35. IA, XIII, pp. 273f.
262
36. Ibid, XVIII, pp. 143f.

37. Sahu, J.K. op.cit.
38. Almanda plates of Anantavarman, E.I.III, pp. 117 f.
39. Salantri plates or Musunika Grant, JAHRS, XVIII, pp.115f. E.I. XXX, pp
23f.
40. Badakhemundi or Indian Museum plates E.I.XXIII, pp. 73f.
41. Tekkali plates, E.I. XVIII, pp. 311f..
42. IAHRS, VIII, pp. 185f.
43. E.I; XXXII, pp. 201 f.
44. E.I. XXVI, pp. 174 f.
45. E.I, IV, pp. 183.f
46. Elements of South-Indian Palaeography (London,1878);cited by J.F.Fleet in
I.A. Vol. XIII,p.274.
47. J.A.H.R.S. Vol.II,pp. 275 ff and E.I. XXVI,pp.62-5ff
48. J.A.H.R.S. Vol. VIII,pp.185-7 ff and J.A.S. letter No. LVIII,No.I(1952) pp.
17-20
49. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol.II.p.232-239
50. Dharmalineswara plates of Anantavarma,J.A.H.R.S.Vol.IIPts.3&4pp.271-6ff
& E.I.XXVI, pp.65-8ff.
51. Elements of South-Indian Palaeography, op.cit
52. E.I.XXIII,p.62-7.ff
53. E.I. XVII,pp.330-34
54. Ponnuturu plates of Samantavarman, E.I. Vol.XXVII,pp.216-20ff Ed..Sarma,
Somasekhara, M.
55. Dharmalineswara plates of Anantavarma, op cit.
56. J.A.H.R.A. Vol.II pt. 324 pp 271-6ff
57. E.I. XXVI, pp 65-8ff.
58. Pedda-dugam plates of Sri Sattrudanadeva, E.I. XXXI,pp.89-93ff
59. J.A.H.R.A. Vol .XXI, p.159ff.
60 Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. II, p232-239
.61. Ibid.p.232.
62. J.A.H.R.S. Vol. VIII, pp.185-7 ff, J.A.S. letter Vol. LVIII. No.I. pp.17-20
63. Ramesh, K.V. Inscriptions of Western Ganga.
64. A.R.Ep., 1969-70, No.A5
263
ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS RELATED TO

EASTERN GANGA IN DANDAKARANYA
Garuda in the same temple

Lord Surya in Nilakantheswara temple
premises in Sambartuta, Jeypore
Lord Visnu, Goriahandi, Kundra Lord Visnu in Narayana temple,

Jeypore
264
Lord Surya in Narayana temple, Jeypore Lord Narayana, Narayana temple,

Jeypore
Lord Visnu in Narayana temple,

Jeypore Garuda in Narayana temple, Jeypore
265
Papdahandi Siva temple Images on the walls of

Papdahandi temple
Sri Chaitanya? In Papdahandi temple Kartikaya, Papdahandi temple
266
Lord Surya in Paikapada Lord Surya in Paikapada
Eastern Ganga King ? performing Ganga King with Queens

Asuamedhayajya
267
King with Queens in Paikapada Visnu and others in Paikapada
Ganga King ?in Paikapada
268
Chodagangadeva in Paikapada Chodagangadeva in Ambavalli , near

Kotpad
269
Ganesha Sarveswara Siva temple, Nandapur
Idols from Kalyana Singapur Siva Temple
270
WESTERN GANGAS, EASTERN GANGAS: KALINGA

AND TRIKALINGA (KORAPUT), KOSALA AND
KONGA COUNTRY
Some important inscriptions related to Earlier Eastern Gangas in
Koraput district (Jeypore)
Burnell (1) has mentioned that some inscriptions of the 10th century found at
Jaypur in the Ganjam District (?) (Jaypur is the present day Jeypore now in the
Koraput district of Orissa) belonging to a dynasty which seems to have been
established by fugitives of the Vengi family in the 7th century A.D. and to have
risen to power again for a time with Kalinganagara as the capital during the
anarchy that existed from A.D. 977-1004 in Vengi. From these inscriptions he
picks out three names, Jayavarman, his son Anantavarman in A.D.985 and his son
Rajendravarman (2).
This indicates the dynasty of Gangas or related who had relationship with Jeypore
of present Koraput district in Orissa and the relationship of it with the Kalinga
history has not been brought out.
The inscription was further given valuable information on dating of

Anantavarman and Eastern Gangas, which can be seen from the following.
Regarding the view of Burnell on Jaypur inscription Dr.Fleet remarks, “If

Dr.Burnell’s date of A.D. 985 for Anantavarman is correct (which, however, I
have no means of testing, I do not now think that this can be done, said
Rajaguru)”(3) Rajaguru’s opinion, for the date of Devendravarman would thus be
A.D. 1010, and then, referring the recorded date of the year 254 for
Devendravarman to the same year with the dates of 91, 128, 146 for Indravarman
to a later period than is indicated by the paleographical standard of them (4).
Again Rajaguru says, “I had already suggested that, on historical as well as
paleographical grounds, Indravarman may be referred to about Saka 579 (A.D.
657 to 660-661). Taking 136 as the mean between the two certain dates of
Indravarman, and taking this as equivalent to Saka 580, this would bring
Devendravarman to about 696 (A.D. 774-775). And this is about the latest period
to which, on paleographical grounds, this grant of the year 254 can be referred”
(5).
Rajaguru further on the Jaypur plates said, “As the date of the above character of
Devendravarman (of G.E.51) is wrongly incised as 51 by the engraver, instead of
271
351 on paleographical and historical grounds, it ought to have been corrected as

351 G.E.(6) The grant of Maharaja Satyavarman of G.E.51 should also be treated
likewise(7).
The Jaypur plates of Rajendravarman, who was the son of Anantavarman and
grandson of Jayavarman. Unfortunately, no text of these plates has so far been
available (8).
Unfortunately, Dr.Burnell does not throw any light on the source of his
information while he arrived at the conclusion as stated above along with the date
of Anantavarmadeva, the son of Jayavarman and father of Rajendravarman, as
A.D. 985, equal to 907 Saka year. Any way, we cannot ignore the value of this
little information, since it due to a renowned epigraphist like Mr.Burnell, who
gave a definite date for Anantavarman, was remarked by Rajaguru (9). It might
be that he himself examined a set of copperplates, discovered somewhere near
Jeypore, which have not yet come to light, but preserved somewhere either in
India or abroad. We are, therefore, neither able to reject nor accept the date
relating to the Anantavarman, mentioned in Dr.Burnell’s book was remarked by
Rajaguru (10).
In this connection, the following remarks of Robert Sewell who wrote, “Later on,
we come to the descendants of this Indravarman in the tenth century. After the
Chalukyan conquest in the seventh century, we hear little or nothing of the
Kalinga Gangas till about the year 917 A.D. At that period, there ensued a period
of anarchy in the Eastern Chalukyan territories which lasted for 27 years at least,
and the Kalinga princes again rose to power for a time at Kalinganagara (11).”
However, Sewell thinks that Satyavarman, the son of Devendravarman, who

issued a grant in the 51st Samvat, might have used an era which was probably
started by Jayavarmandeva, the first Ganga king of this branch.
The following table given by Sewell bearing on Burnell’s report:

Jayavarman
|
Anantavarman(reigning in AD 985
|
| |
Rajendravarman Devendravarman
|
Satyavarman
272
The above notes of Dr.Burnell and Robert Sewell in later course was remarked by
Rajaguru that it at present partially true, for any historical purpose.
The Bangalore copperplates of Devendravarman, the son of Rajendravarman

of G.E. 310, were found in the office of the Inam Commissioner, Bangalore
(Mysore State) (12). Mr.Rice adds a brief note on this inscription, stating that the
date of the grant is 700 A.D. It is rather strange how he could ascertain the date
without referring to the starting period of the auspicious era of the Gangas since
the learned editor did not properly edit this inscription and Rajaguru requested the
Maharaja of Parlakhemundi in 1947 to bring a photocopy of the document for
decipherment. The Maharaja was pleased to bring the same for examination, to
Rajaguru, and after reading the text from these photographs studied and published
the text.
Relationship of Western Ganga and Eastern Ganga

The plate of Devendravarman of Bangalore is a very important record so far the
emblem and the royal seal as found on it are concerned. Rajaguru studied this
aspect and reported (14). The seal of the plate contains the figure of an elephant,
which is not usually met with in the inscriptions of the Eastern Gangas of
Kalinga. The royal emblem in the Kalinga plates is usually a lying bull. But, the
Western Gangas adopted the emblem of an elephant, which was borrowed by the
donor of this grant, i.e., Devendravarman. Why this has occurred and why
Devendravarman’s grant was found in a distant place like Mysore, are the
questions still hidden in obscurity. But, after going through the text of the grant,
we find that his Guru was residing in Srisaila, which is not very far from the
kingdom of the Western Gangas. Probably, the capital of the religious Gurus of
the Gangas was in Srisaila, when the original line of the Gangas was living in
Daksinatya. After they left their homeland and migrated to Kalinga, they had a
similar centre on the summit of the Mahendra, which they referred to in each and
every grant they issued in Kalinga. This is an important clue to consider where
the original home of the Eastern Gangas was. The Western Gangas, in their
epithets, mention the on the top of Srisaila. A similar epithet was also used by the
Eastern Gangas of the Svetaka branch who called themselves as worshippers of
Nandagirinatha; and both the branches established Kolahala as their headquarters.
For these reasons, it is quite evident that the Eastern Gangas and the Western
Gangas originally belonged to one homogeneous stock. We believe that they
migrated from the west a region known as Konkana of the Bombay Presidency
(15).”
273
It is no less important to have a comparative study of the relations between the

Eastern Gangas of Kalinga and the Western Gangas of Mysore. From their
inscriptions, we learn that both the branches used some common names in their
records, viz.
1. Gangavamsa (dynasty),
2. Gangavadi (country),
3. Kolahla or Kolahalapura (town),
4. Gokarnesvara (family-deity),
5. Nandagirinatha (deity).
So there is a coincidence in the names of their places and also their deities (16).
It supports their collateral integration. The following passage may be cited from
the Habbal inscription of Marasimhadeva of the Western Ganga family from lines
3-5:-
Svasti(1)Satyavaka=Kongunivarmma=Dharmma-
maharajadhiraja=Kolalapuravaresvara=Nandagiri-natha-(Sri)mat
Permmanadi=Vutayyange..(17)
According to Rajaguru comparing the above passage with the following Prasasti,
quoted from an inscription of the Gangas of the Svetaka branch of Kalinga
Sva - bhuja - bala- Parakramakranta - sakala-Kalinga-dhirajyah,

Paramamahesvara, mata-pirt-padanudhyato, Gangamala-hula-tilakah,
Srinandagiri-nathah, Kokalavalapura-pattana-vinirtata, Kamvalya-varaya-
ghosa-Maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-paramabhattaraka-Sri
Indravarmmadevah....(18).
The phraseological terms, such as Kolahalapura-varesvara Nandagirinatham” in

the former inscription and Sri-Nandagirinatha-Kolahalapurapattana” in the later
are significant and they suggest the collateral contact of both the lines (19).
Apart from the main line of Kalinganagara, some collateral branches of the
Gangas were ruling over different parts of Kalinga. They established their own
capitals from which places they issued their characters in favour of Brahmanas
and deities. One of the branches was ruling from the city of Svetaka, which was
within the precincts of the Ex-Zamindaries of Badakhemundi, Sanakhemundi and
Cikali in the modern district of Ganjam (20). Only fifteen copper plate
inscriptions have so far been discovered revealing their rule. We get a panel of
274
names of the Gangas of Svetaka from their records. These kings used a different
type of ‘Prasasti’ in their inscriptions, although they used to worship the same god
Gokarnasvamin of the Mahendra Mountain like the Kalinganagara branch. Their
Prasasti runs as follows:
“Om. Svasti Svetak-adhisthanad=bhagavatas=caracaraguroh-sakala-

Sasankasekharadharaskya sthity-utpatti-pralaya-karana-hetor bhattarakasya
caranakamal=aradhanavapta-punya-nicayah saktitraya-
prakarsanuranjit=asesa-samanta-cakra sva-bhuja-bala-parakram=akranta-
sakala-Kalingadhirajyah-parama-mahesvaro matapitr-padanudhyatah Gang-
amala-kula-tilakah........”(21)
Ganga rule in Kalinga commenced in or about 626-27 A.D., where they

introduced their family era. Regarding the original place of the Gangas, before
they came to Kalinga, we get no information from the records (22). But, in
connection with the Western Gangas of Mysore, B.Lewis Rice wrote,
“According to the inscriptions, the progenitor of Kalinga Gangas was Bhagadatta,

between whom and his brother, Sridatta; their father Visnugopa divided his
kingdom giving Kalinga to the former, and the ancestral kingdom, with the
elephant, to the latter.”(23)
It is interesting to note here that the elephant emblem is used in the Bangalore
plates of Devendravarman as said above. The Gangas used this emblem as long
as they were the followers of Jainism. But, in Kalinga, they adopted Saivism (24).
So, they used the emblem of the bull in the place of elephant is the argument
appearing. This fact can well be seen as we think that Ka-linga, the linga suffix is
Saivism and when this is prefixed in later course as Sri-Ka-Kula to ‘Ka’ it
symbolised to Saivites. The ‘Sri’ is prefixed to Vaisnavite places like Srikhetra,
Srisaila, and Sripura etc.
Regarding the migration of the Gangas from Gangavadi and Kolahalapura, we get
some description in the Korni and Vizagapatam plates of Anantavarman
Codagangadeva (1077-1147 A.D.). The following verse is mentioned in these
grants:-
“Asid=eka-sit=atapatra-tilaka-
Ksonibhrd=asy=atmajo
Vira-Sri-vanita-svayam vrta-patir=
Devas=sa kolahalam
Nirmmay=orjjita-Gangavadi-visaye
Kolahalakhyam puram
275
Yascakre sura-sadma-viksana-rasa-
Pratyuhamaksnam hareh (25)
In the records of the Imperial Gangas of Orissa, the same tradition was
maintained with a modification of the verse as quoted below:-
“Dhana-kanaka-samrddho
Gangavadih prasiddhah
Sakala-visayabhutah
Svarga-vargopabhogyah”(26)
Kolahalapura, while the Gangas of Kalinga hailed from ‘Kokalavalapura or
Kolahalapura. Hence, we have to consider if the Gangas had come from the
south. According to a traditional account of the W.Gangas, they (W.Gangas)
migrated from Ayodhya. One branch of them lived in Kalinga and the other
branch proceeded to the South (Mysore), as per inscriptions of a Jaina guru,
named Simhanandi. In this connection, B.Lewis Rice, writes, “The origin of the
Gangas is derived from Iksvaku and traced back to Ayodhyapura. Under
Visnugupta the seat of government was moved to Ahichhatra, which it is hinted as
Vijayapura”. To this is attributed the separation of the two lines of the Eastern
and Western Gangas, those of Kalinga and Mysore, respectively. With the arrival
of Dadiga and Madhava in the south, at Ganga-Perur, and the establishment of the
Gangavadi kingdom in Mysore aided by Simhanandi, we seem to come to
historical events...” (27).
It is, therefore, not conclusive that the Gangas had come to Kalinga from the
south. According to Rajaguru, “Now, according to our assumption, namely, that
Kurala of the time of Samudragupta might subsequently have been called
Kolahalapurapattana, our attention is attracted to the regions of Gumsur taluk in
the Ganjam district and its adjoining district of Phulbani, (situated between the
countries of Mahakantara and the Mahendra-mountain), which we can identify
with the kingdom of Kurala of the 4th century A.D. That was probably the
original homeland of the Gangas, who, afterwards, called it Trikalinga. From the
inscriptions of the Somavamsi kings of Daksina Kosala, who ruled the country
from Suvarnapura (the modern Sonpur in the Bolangir district), we learn that they
used the title of Trikalingadhipati for a considerable long period. Presumably,
they could capture the Phulbani and Gumsur area as these tracts were contiguous
to their kingdom, which he supported with Tirthankara and Parsvanatha Jaina
sculptures of Gupta style of the 4th century A.D. discovered from Phulbani. It is,
therefore, quite probable that the Gangas, who embraced Jainism, worshipped
these images in the Gupta period in these remote hill tracts of Kalinga. The
religious conception of the Gangas was subsequently changed from Jainism to
276
Brahmanism in Kalinga, while in Mysore, the original faith remained in tact for a
considerable long time. Further against relationship of W.Gangas and E.Gangas
by inscriptions record of their gotras as per records like Vajrahasta and
Anantaverman of 12th century belonged to Atreya gotra and W.Gangas as
Iksvaku lineage and Atreya gotra (28).
The W.Gangas of Mysore seems to have established matrimonial alliance with

the Bhauma Karas of Tosali (29). According to Dharakota plate (30) of
Subhakaradeva, the Paramasaugata, his queen, Tribhuvana Mahadevi, is the
daughter of one Rajamalla, who belonged to the family of “Nagodbhava” or
Ganga and an important figure of the southern countries. While editing these
plates, Rajaguru identified Rajamalla with Rajamalla Satyavaka of the W.Ganga
family of Mysore. In this connection he pointed out that Satyavaka Rajamalla had
distinguished himself in the battle of Semiya and overcome the kings of Vanga,
Pundra, Magadha, Kosala and Kalinga. Satyavaka Rajamalla ruled from 870
A.D. Therefore, he is a contemporary of either Nandavarman of G.E. 221 or his
successor, Devendravarman of G.E.254. Anyway, it is quite clear that the
W.Gangas established matrimonial and political contact with the Ganga kings of
Kalinga and the Bhauma Kara kings of Tosali. It is not surprising that a
copperplate grant of Devendravarman (vide No.30) was discovered from Mysore
and that the elephant-emblem was adopted in that inscription (31).
Eastern Gangas of Kalinga

The Gangas of Kalinga who were divided into several branches and ruled in
different parts of Kalinga. So far as we know from their epigraphically records,
the Gangas ruled as important royal branches of Dantapura and Kalinganagara,
situated in the southern parts of the Mahendra Mountain and from Svetaka in the
northern parts of the same mountain.
According to some inscriptions of Anantavarman Codagangadeva (1077-1147

AD), Kalinga was divided into five parts, each of which was ruled by one of the
collateral branches of the Ganga family. In the Korni and Vizagapatam plates of
Codagangadeva, statement is made regarding that five brothers came to the
Mahendra-region from Gangavadi and ruled over Kalinga after portioning it into
five parts amongst them namely, (1) Kalinga, (2) Kanthikavandhurakantha, (3)
Amvavadi-Visaya, (4) Soda Mandala and (5) Kantaka-Varttini which were
ruled by the five brothers namely, (1) Kamarnava, (2) Danarnava, (3)
Gunarnava, (4) Marasimha and (5) Vijrahasta respectively (32). This
fact is corroborated by the following verse, mentioned in the inscriptions of
Vajrahastadeva (1038-70 A.D.):-
277
“Oyrvan bhupatibhir=vibhajya vasudha

Ya pancabhih pancadha
huktva bhuri-parakramad=bhuja-valat=
Tam=eka eva svayam
ekikrtya vijitya satrnivahan
Sri Vajrahastas=catus=
catvarimsatam=aty=udara-caritah
Sarvvan=araksit ksamah”(33)
From this verse of a later period, we understand that the Gangas used to rule in
Kalinga like the Guptas who adopted the system of ruling their country by
distributing the territory among their own brothers. (Sarvesu-desesu vidhaya-
gotrin)
Rajaguru wrote, “Although the traditional version of the eleventh century speaks
that the kingdom of Kalinga was originally divided into five parts among the five
brothers of the Ganga princes, actually we get two collateral branches of the
Gangas in Kalinga, which are known through epigraphically sources as the
branches of Kalinganagara and Svetaka. We have copperplate inscriptions,
numbering more than sixty, which have been issued from Kalinganagara and
Svetaka. Therefore, either the above description of five branches was a myth or
the information about the other three branches has not yet come to the ken of
epigraphy, although the places named Kantakavarttini and Ambavadi-Visaya
are known from some C.P. epigraphically sources. It is interesting to note here
that the royal prasasti used in some of the grants is not the same as the prasastis
found in the grants of either the Kalinganagara line or the Svetaka line of these
kings. We may, therefore, conclude that a third branch of the Gangas who issued
these grants have adopted different type of prasasti. For want of further evidence,
we cannot arrive at any definite conclusion at present on these issues.”(34)
Regarding a general description of Kalinga at the time when the Chinese pilgrim,
Yuan Chwang, visited this country, we quote below from Thomas Watter’s ‘On
Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India’, Vol.II, p.198.”
The Western Gangas and Koraput district

The author of this volume studied the inscriptions of Western Gangas and the
following inscriptions of Western Gangas are related with Kalinga, Kosala,
Konga, Tripuri (Dahala country). They are as follows:-
1. Keregodi - Rangapur Plates of Rajamalla in 9th Century A.D. (35)

2. Kerhalli Plates of Nitimarga Ereganga (36)
278
3. Kudlur Plates of Marasimha, 962-63 A.D. (37)

4. Kadalur Grant of Marasimha, 962 A.D. (38)
The Keregodi-Rangapur plate of Rajamalla Satyavakhya-Konganivarman of

Western Ganga was deciphered Narasimhachar and summary of the 5 plates are
given by K.V. Ramesh (39). The script was in Kanada. The achievements of
Western Ganga king Rajamalla is given as;
“There were the hostile kings of the Vangas, Paundras, the Magadhas and the
Kosalas; and these the hostile kings of the Kalingas, Andhras, and Dravidas -
thus did the people praise his velour as shown in the battle of Samiya (Verse 14).
-his younger brother was Butuga, who had harassed the Pallava family by his
prowess
-Abbalabba, daughter of Vallabha (i.e. Rastrakuta emperor) got married to
Butuga”.
The Kerehalli Plates of Nitimarga Kongunivarma alias Ereganga was a Jaina
himself. The plate denotes the achievements of the king as following.
“ He routed in battle the confederate army of the Vallabha teeming with quality
elephants, studs and soldiers and led by great kings of the Pallava,
Rastrkutas,Kuru,Magadha,Malava,Cola,Samvalla and dynasties (Versus 10)
“These were the hostile kings of the Vangas, Paundras, the Magadhas and the
Kosalas and these the hostile kings of the Kalingas, Andhras and Dravidas; thus
did the people praise his velour as shown in the battle of Samiya (Verse, 12)
Map showing Kabai Konga in Koraput-Bastar border
279
The Kadlur plates of Marasimha indicate:
“Pandiya mahimandaleno swavogantokrita Konga Kalinga

Kosaladi bisaya bisesand bijialaxmilakabysyatha”
Here the indications of Konga Kalinga mean Konga as well as Kalinga to be

contiguous patch along with Kosala. We believe that this is Kobai Konga of
Bastar-Koraput (Umarkote) as well as the Konga mutha of Jeypore sub-division
of Koraput itself. Recently I have discovered a magnificent Jaina Temple in
Konga of Jeypore block that is worshipped by Omanatya priest of the village and
assisted by Gadaba priest from the other mutha village. The Konga Mutha has 32
villages excluding the hamlets and celebrates Bali jointly in every 3 years. The
Jaina temple is in the habitat of Konga where mainly the Doms are now residing.
The Omanatya are strict Saivities and worship Bhairaba; but how came they have
taken the charge of Jaina temple. It was possibly an agreement in later period to
respect the culture and belief of neighbours and the Jaina Mahavira has thus been
regarded as Siva. But in all these Western Ganga inscriptions there is mention of
Chitrakote. This may be because it was under Chalukyas who were related to
W.Gangas on matrimonial ways. Jakamba, the daughter of king Nijagali of the
Calukya family was married and Satyavakya was born (Verse 17). This we shall
discuss soon.
The Kadlur Plate again reads, “Rahall’s younger brother Butuga, who had gone
to the king Baddega in Dahala country and has then duly married his daughter
along with the maiden of eloquence at Tripuri, on Baddega to the heavens as if to
grab Indra’s sovereignty, Butuga recovered from Lalleya the elephants, horse, the
white umbrella and the throne and restored them to the king Krishna” (Verse 22-
23).
Butaga’s son was Nitimarga (Marula) married the daughter of Krishna, who had
destroyed all his enemies and whose feet was worshipped by the Magadha,
Kalinga, Pandya and Cola kings (verse 28).
Nitimarga’s younger brother Guttiya-Ganga (i.e. Marasimha) or Krishna -

Raja-Deva, who took possession of the whole Cola country, who brought under
his control Simhala and various islands and the Kerala, Pandya, Konga, Kalinga,
Kosala and other countries.
The inscription mentions Konga and Kalinga separately but still in contiguous
patches; thus Konga may be derived from the name of Kongunivarman to a place
of significance.
280
Kadalur Grant of Marasimha, 962 A.D. says:
‘Of the king Jayaduttaraya (i.e. Butuga II), the queen was Kallabba, daughter of
Simhavarman of the Calukya family, to them was born the king Satyavakya
Marasimha, the brother of the king Marula (Verse, 34).
The summary note indicates clearly the patronising Jainism by queen Kallabba.
We are inclined to think that the following names in the Western Ganga
inscription have much to do in relation to Koraput-Bastar Jainism. They are
Nandagiri, Kongunivarman, Konga country and queen Kallabba of the king
Jayaduttraya with the existing name of the places and rivers of Koraput i.e Kolab
river.
The findings clearly indicate that Jainism persisted in between the Kolab river and
Indravati river doab and both join at different points in Bastar district of
Chhattisgarh to form the Godavari river that flows down in Andhra Pradesh.,
The Nandapur was one of main pithas of Jainism in Koraput, and was the ancient
capital of the Jeypore state. There is one large single granite stone Elephant,
beautifully carved on the banks of Isani Ganga at Nandapur. This was probably
the first capital of Western Gangas where Jaina temples were prevalent. It is
agreed by all that the existing all Jaina idols of Kalika temple of Jeypore was all
from Nandapur which were transferred after the shift of capital to Jeypore. This
lone elephant is like the one at Gulbarga museum in Karnataka.
Elephant in Nandapur Elephant in Gulberga Museum, Karnataka
There is no written inscription on Western Gangas; discovered from Koraput as it

is. This may be due to the fact that the land being under occupation of ruling or
allied Dynasties may be Chalukyas and Rastrakutas; and Western Gangas were
only interested in making Jainism influence. The other aspects also that
281
subsequent king erased out all evidences to this effect. We believe that it was the
queen Kallabha, wife of king Jayaduttranga (Batuga II) and mother of Satyavkya
Marasimha of Western Ganga dynasty who had established the Jainism through
teachers and mulasanghas all over Nandapur, Jeypore sub-division and the great
river flowing from Nandapur down to Bastar is named after her and since known
as Kolab river.
The Nandapur as it may run for various historical findings, it looks to be Western
Ganga capital in this part and ruled by one branch and is described out of
Nandagiri title, which Western Gangas used to bear. There is no concrete
evidence yet.
The Nandapur Jaina temple was totally destroyed and in ruins, we don’t have its
history may be the Cholas have destroyed it after their occupation. In A.D. 1051-
52 Rajadhiraja, seized Kollapuram, burnt down many invasion Jain temples and
damaged the Jain sanctuaries.
Thus the idols were placed under earth and elsewhere, which subsequently
surfaced out in small temples like Subaie and Jamunda, and elsewhere. The ruin
mounds of the said temple in Nandapur and Jamunda need excavation and history
shall appear.
There is evidence to bring that in most Jaina temples the present ‘Siva’ temples
were erected. This can be evident from many places of Koraput district itself.
This is the case at Bhairaba Singapur as well as at Paknaguda also. The Chalukya,
Somesvara I was a Jaina. His general Chamundaraja, Governor of Banavsi, was
probably responsible to establish Jamunda Jaina temple near Jeypore of Koraput
district.
Rastrakutas and Western Gangas: Kalinga, Chitrakuta and Eastern

Chalukyas
During the middle of 10th century A.D. the Rastrakutas rose into power under
Krishna III. With great vigor and he reattached the territories of Kanchi and
Tondaimandalam in the Chola kingdom. After this, he turned towards Vengi and
Kalinga. In the Deccan he received full support from Viratunga, a powerful king
of the Western Ganga family. Viratunga married the sister of Krishna;
consequently, his alliance with the Rastrakuta king helped the latter to extend his
sway as far south as North Arcot. As a prince, Krisna’s activities in the north
confined in the Chedi kingdom in spite of that he had matrimonial relationship
with the rulers of that country. He occupied the fortress of Kalanjar and the forts
282
of Vindhya Mountain and Chitrakuta, which belonged to the Chandelas. We are

inclined to identify Chitrakuta in Bastar district of Chhattisgarh. In the later part
of his reign, he moved against the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi and the Eastern
Gangas of Kalinga. His conquest in a lighting speed caused great confusion
amongst all those principalities that faced his aggression. Although he died in
A.D. 968, the political repercussion due to his war activities did not desist from
Deccan. Recently, a set of copper plate inscription of Chamara Vigraha of the
Rastrakuta dynasty was discovered from Baragarh in Sambalpur (Orissa) (40)
edited by Dr.D.C.Sircar which support to this view.
Hostilities between the Rastrakutas and the kings of Kalinga seem to have
started long before Kamarnava Bhupendravarman came to the throne. The
Chicacole plates (41) of Anantavarman probably refer to these Rastrakutas as
quoted below:-
...Devendravarmma-sunuh Sri Anantavarmmadeva kusali. Kantaka-varttani-

visaye Rastrakutan raja-karanadikan esikan vastavyadin janapadan...dvisipadi
mahyarpana bhavata...
It is a grant made by Sri Anantavarman, the son of Devendravarman. A village

named (?) In Kantakavarttani-visays was granted on the occasion of a lunar
eclipse to some Brahmanas. The significance of the charter is that the granted
village was situated in border countries, which were some times under the
possession of the enemies of the donor and his family. So, it is called Dvisipadi
as mentioned in the record. While editing the copper plate inscription of the
Eastern Gangas, Rajaguru (42) discussed this question as follows:-
“The question is, why and under what circumstance the auspicious era of the
Gangas of Kalinga, which was in vogue for a long period covering 400 years, was
abruptly ended in the beginning of the 11th century A.D.? -----------It is not
improbable to say that the continuation of this ceremony became intermittent on
account of some foreign interference, which I suppose, must have taken place
during the reigning period of Kamarnava Bhupendravarman, whom we have
already identified with the Kamarnava (I), A.D.943-975. There is no wanting of
evidence to prove that he was involved in some political troubles relating to the
kingdoms of Vengi on one side and those of the Rastrakutas-cu-Somavamsi Kings
of Kosala on the other. Kalinga, being situated in a strategic position contiguous
to these kingdoms, could not escape any political struggle started in the
neighbouring countries.”
283
Trikalinga, Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi

Since their adversity started in the 10th century A.D. the Eastern Chalukyas of
Vengi seem to have used Kalinga as a place of shelter in times of danger. Their
alliance with the Gangas must have encouraged them to turn towards Kalinga
when foreign aggressions threatened their own security. But, the writers of the
Chalukyan Prasastin the later days depicted these unhappy events in such a
fantastic way for which reason scholars had to arrive at wrong conclusions
regarding the Eastern Chalukyas holding a portion of Kalinga under their own
sway. But, actually it was not so; because they (the Eastern Chalukyas) indulged
in the habit of using the dense forest tracts of Trikalinga as their hiding place, was
remarked by Rajaguru. From the Masulipatam plates (43) of Amma I of A.D.
918-925, we learn that he ruled over a portion of the forest of Trikalinga (44). In
the Kolavennu grant (45) of Chalukya Bhima II (A.D.925), it is stated that he
ruled over the country of Trikalinga.
Kamarnava I came to the throne of Kalinga in A.D. 943 and ruled for 25 years.
Then, his brother, Vinayaditya, held the throne for three years only. After him
came Vajrahasta, the son of Kamarnava alias Bhupendravarman. Now, serious
political confusion prevailed in the neighbouring tracts of Vengi owing to the
Rastrakuta interference. Amma II (A.D. 945-970) of the Eastern Chalukya family
fought with great vigour against the Rastrakuta king, Krisna III. In his inscription
it is stated that in the 12th regnal year, i.e., in A.D. 947, he proceeded to Kalinga
appointing his brother, Danarnava, as the regent of Vengi (46). It is further stated
that he waged war against Krisna III. Most probably, Kamaranava supported
Amma. Otherwise, why should he proceed towards Kalinga to check the
Rastrakuta inroad? Probably this time, Krisna III led a big invasion against
Kalinga and Vengi that caused some internal troubles in the Chalukyan territory.
In the Arumbaka plates of Badapa, it is mentioned that Amma II at first ruled
over Vengi with Trikalinga; but, later on, proceeded to Kalinga where he lived
as long as fourteen years, i.e., from A.D.956-970. But, in the Mangolu grant, it is
stated that Amma’s brother, Danarnava, actually ruled over Kalinga after A.D.
970 when he deprived from the throne of Vengi. Careful examination of these
events will show that both Amma and his brother, Danarnava, took shelter in
Kalinga from 952-973 A.D. under the protection of the Gangas. What induced
Kamarnava to take a risky course can be elucidated from the study of the foreign
policy, adopted by the Gangas of Kalinga.
In the year 970 A.D., Amma II died and Danarnava came to the throne of Vengi.
But, his rule did not exceed three years. One Badapa, a collateral aspirant of the
Chalukyan throne, revolved with the help of Jatachola Bhima of the south, who,
284
not only killed Danarvana but also boasted of having victories over Kamarnava
and his brother, Vinayaditya of Kalinga, as stated in his Kancipuram inscription.
The broken passage of that inscription runs thus:-
Citram suduram-api caruku - Umantam Kamarnnavandivam-ani U-U-U bhutam

vyaktam vyasisma pata-tsvati vaiparitya Kamarnnavam bhuvinayan UU-U- “
UU-UU— Vinayad-anya-bhupateh................sa Sriman-jatacolabhimanrpatih(47)
We have already stated that Kamarnava V ruled up to A.D. 968. So, there is
about 3 years’ difference between the dates of the death of Danarnava of Vengi
and Kamarnava of Kalinga. Probably, during this time, Jatachola Bhima made a
huge preparation to wage war against a powerful kingdom like Kalinga.
Pedda-dugam plates of Sri Sattrudamanadeva (48) remarks, ‘The donor of this

inscription seems to be a subordinate king, posted at Simhapura, most probably
under the Gangas of Kalinga who captured the country after the extinction of the
Matharas from that region. The term Giri-Kalinga might have been used for the
hill portion of Kalinga. I believe it to be the present day Koraput district.
A detail study of the Western Ganga inscriptions reveal many villages and places
of present day Koraput district .They are cited as following, however at this stage
not much opinion can be formed with the available evidences.
1. Bendiganahalli Plates of Vijaya-Krishnavarman (Mys.Arch.Rep. p.40) of the

5th century A.D. mention Madhavavarman I, of Western Ganga at his victorious
camp of Kavaipada, made a gift of the village Kuru-uru in Perati-bhoga, a sub-
division with in Paruvi-visaya, to Matri-sarman. The Perati-bhoga may be the
present day Perta village of Nandapur; and Paruvi-visaya may be the Paruvi-desha
ruled by Kullotunga I as a prince in Koraput-Bastar.
2. Mercara Plate of Aviinita, of 9th Century A.D (.B.R.Gopal et al.:E.C.Vol.I,

No.I.)
There was the Desiagana and Kondakund-anavya, (the preceptor) Ganacandra-

bhatra his disciple was Abhayanandi-bhatra; his disciple was Silabhdra-bhatara;
his disciple was Jayanandi-bhatara; his disciple was Gunanandi-bhatar; his
disciple was Candanandi-bhatara; ---------
This has relevance to present Koraput region;Bhattra is still used a suffix to

Bhattra tribe found in Nowrangpur and Bastar, there is the villages with suffix
nandi and Kornel and Gamang (2010) have shown the relevance of Desia culture
and Jaina monastery order of Desiagana in Koraput.There is the village
285
Chandahandi in Nowrangpur, Jainnagar near Jeypore,Bhadrasila padar in

Umerkote and the Kondakund may be the Kondakumbru in Malkangiri-Nandapur.
3. Mnanne Plates of Marasimha of 798 A.D.
It mentions Kondakonda lineage and his disciple, who was a scholar and the
foremost member of his gana was Puspandi; this Jaina temple was built for the
sake of his disciple Prabhacandra (Verse 19)
Puspandi is a Poraja village in Koraput block and the reference to Kacchva tank in
the inscription looks like the Kecchala Jain temple in Koraput.
4. Kottimba Grant of Yuvaraja Marasimha of 799 A.D.
It speaks of Kottimba village given as gift by the prince and mentions villages like
Kurulamgala, Komaramamgalakkere (may be Komarganjanna of Nandapur
)Pupadin-paduvay-olbe may be Paduva; Kodavappadi may be the Kotapadi;
Okkodala may be the Ankadali.
The Kuruvale-visaya in Paruvi-visaya may be Thiruvali in Rayagada of Koraput.
286
Reference
1. Burnell, A.C. (1878) ‘Elements of South Indian Paleography.’

2. Ibid.
3. Fleet, J.F. I.A. Vol. XIII, p.274.
4. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. II, pp.330-372ff
5. Ibid, p.352
6. Ibid, p.352
7. Ibid.
8. Rajaguru, S.N. (1960) Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol.II, p.108
9. Ibid
10. Ibid
11. Sewell, Robert, Archaeological Survey of South India, Vol.II, p.183.
12. Ep. Carnatika, Vol. IX, p.33
13. Rajaguru, S.N. (1960), Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. II. p. 113-117ff.
14. Rajaguru, S.N. (1968), History of the Gangas, Part-I pp.111-112ff.
15. Ibid.
16. Rajaguru, S.N.(1968) op.cit. pp. 19-23ff
17. Inscription Orissa; Vol. I, Part-II, pp. 18-45ff.
18. I.O., Vol.II, p.298ff
19. Mysore and Coorg from inscriptions, p.32. Imp. Gaz. Vol. XVIII, p.359
and History of the Gangas, Part I, p.9-10.
20. E.I.XXIII, pp.267-9, Badakhimedi plates of Jayavarmadeva.
21. Ibid.
22. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Part II. p.341.
23. Ep. Carn. Vol. IX. Introduction. pp. 9 ff
24. Rajaguru, S.N . (1968) History of Gangas, Part I. pp.111-112ff.
25. J.A.H.R.S. Vol. I, pp. 113; I.A. Vol. XVIII. pp. 165 ff
26. O.H.R.J Vol.V, No.I, pp. 7 ff
27. E.I. XXVIII, pp 175 and Ins. or. Vol I, Part II, pp.13ff.
28. Rajaguru, S.N. (1960) Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. II. pp.345.
29. J.A.H.R.S. Vol. IV, pp. 189-94ff.
30. Ibid
31. Rajaguru, S.N. (1960) Inscriptions of Orissa Vol. II, p.346-347ff.
32. Ibid.p.347 and E.I.IV, pp.183ff.
33 E.I. in pp.183ff.
34. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa.Vol.II.p.340
35. Narasimhachar, R. Mys.Arch. Rep., pp.21-24 and plates between pp.28
&29.
36. Gopal, B.R. et.al Vol., Ch354 and plates XIII-XVI.
37. Narasimhachar, R. Mys.Arch. Rep.,pp.8-16 and plates between pp.18 &19
287
38. A.R.I.S.E. No.23. G.S.Gai, E.I.XXXVI, pp.100-109

39. Narasimhachar, R. Mys.Arch. Rep., pp.21-24 and plates between pp.28
and 29.
40. E.I.XVIII,
41. J.B.O.R.S. Vol.XVIII, p.272-295
42. J.B.R.S., XXXV, parts 1&2 (1949)
43. Masulipatnam plates of Vijayaditya III, p.126.
44. E.I.Vol.V, p.133
45. S.I.I.I, No.37, p.46.
46. C.P.No.15 of Madras E.R.from 1916-17; A.R.M.E.., 1917-18Atp.A
No.I.G.O..,(Home)Dated 10-8-17.p.8
47. E.I.XXXI, pp.29-34; J.A.H.R.S., Vol.X, pp.17-60ff.
48 JAHRS, Vol.XXI, p.159 ff, Re-edited by D.C.Sircar in E .I. XXXI, pp.89-
93 ff
Mahavira, Konga Jaina temple, Tirthankara, Konga

Jeypore Block, Koraput
288
Ajitanatha and Yaksa Gomedha and Yaksini

Sreyamsa,Konga Ambica, Konga
Umbel Jaina temple, Nandapur
289
SOMAVAMSIS AND KORAPUT

The chiefs of the dynasty of Soma-kula in inscriptions ruled initially in the
Western Orissa, but extended gradually over large part of Orissa. There are
definite indications that they were closely connected and probably belonged to the
Pandu-vamsa, which had ruled Kosala country for nearly one and half centuries.
Both the Vamsa’s trace their ancestry to lunar line. The Somavamsins are also
referred as Kesari kings in the late medieval Orissa Chronicles, Madala-panji.
N.K.Sahu (1954) (1), K.C.Panigrahi (1961) (2), Bina Kum.Sarma (1983) (3) and
Ajaya Mitra Shastri (1990) (4) have delt the Somavamsis of Orissa at length.
A brief political history is given below. The Somavamsis portion, related to

Bastar-Koraput shall be dealt at length, possible.
Sivagupta
He is the first recorded member of Somavamsis. He was the only one without the
epithet of Trikalingadhipati.
Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya (880 to 920 A.D.)
His first and last records were from Suvarnapura (5), which has been identified
with modern Sonpur in the Bolangir district. His plates indicate that he was
ruling over Sambalpur-Bolangir region, which was the eastern part of the South
Kosala. He assumed for the first time the title of Trikalingadhipati.
Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya appears to have been involved in a series of

hostilities with the Kalachuris of Dhala (Baghelakhanda region of Madhya
Pradesh) whose capital was Tripuri (modern Tewar in Jabalpur district).
There is evidence from Brahmeswar temple (Bhuhaneswar) inscription that

Janamejaya had captured the glory of the Odra king, after spearheading him and
being thus killed. The Odra or Orissa was at that time under Bhauma Karas and
Tribhuvana Mahadevi was on throne.
He further conquered some adjoining territories to justify his assumption of the

title of Trikalinadhipati, and thereby placed the Somavamsis on a firm footing and
made them a power in the eastern Indian politics.
290
Mahasivagupta I Gayati: (920-955 A.D.)
His son Mahasivagupta I Yayati succeeded Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya. He

continued aggressive policy towards Kalachuri ruler called Durgaraja.
Mahasivagupta I Yayati’s success against the Bhanjas and the Bhauma-Karas
made him the undisputed lord of Orissa and Kosala as well. He is highly
eulogised in the local traditions embodied in the Madalapanji.
Mahabhavagupta II Bhimaratha (955-975 A.D.)
His son Mahabhavagupta II Bhimaratha succeeded Mahasivagupta I Yayati. He

maintained the territorial inheritance intact against the aggressions of Kalachuris
of Dhala. He had number of sons of whom at least three came to power one after
the other after him.
Mahasivigupta II Dharmaratha (975-995 A.D.)
His son, Mahasivagupta II Dharmaratha, succeeded Mahabhavagupta II

Bhimratha.
The Eastern Chalukya kingdom was torn by internal feuds on the issue of
inheritance of throne. The Telega-Choda chief of Jata Choda Bhima of Pedakallu
(Kurnool District) slew the E.Chalukya Chief Dharnava and occupied the lotus
kingdom from 973-1000 A.D., which later was occupied by Saktivarman I with
the help of Rajendra Chola I(6). It seems that Dharmaratha also fished in these
troubled water and carried out a raid.
The Banapur plates of Indraratha, a step brother of Dharmaratha, got the

viceroyalty of Kalinga. It is evident thus Dharmaratha thereof conquered that
coastal Kalinga or a substantial part. But how long it remained with them cannot
be assumed.
Mahabhavagupta III Naghusa (Nahusa) (995-1010 A.D.)
Mahabhavagupta IV Uddyotakesarin and Mahasivagupta Karna (7), Dharmartha

was succeeded by his step-brother Naghusa (Nahusa).
The Banpur plates record Indraratha had defeated the king of Udra in a battle and
captured his fortune (8). As already seen, Udra was within the dominion of
Somakula right from the time of Mahasivagupta I Yayati. Thus it is concluded
291
that Naghusa after the death of Dharmaratha succeeded to his throne, and soon he
was deprived of his possessions in Udra.
Indraratha rushed from his viceregal province of Kalinga and killed Abhimanyu
in the field. Thereafter with the approval of the Brahmanas he assumed kingship
and occupied firmly the ancestral capital Yayatinagara, from where he had issued
the Banpur plates. He controlled three kingdoms (9), which possibly includes
Kosala, Udra and Kalinga.
Indraratha achieved glory as a ruler; at least in 1022 A.D. when he was defeated
by Rajendra Chola I at Yayatinagara in course of his Gangetic expedition.
According to the Choda records, Rajendra I carried away ‘large heap of family
treasures together with many (other) treasures after having captured Indraratha of
the ancient race of the moon’ and seized Odda-visaya and Kosala-nadu (10).
This expedition seems to have taken place primarily to thwart the activities of
Indraratha who had aligned himself with later Chalukya king Jayasimha II
Jagadekamalla (1015-1042 A.D). The Chalukya king, Jayasimha had placed
Vijayaditya VII Vishnuvardhana on the throne of Vengi and set aside the claims
of Rajaraja, the nephew of Rajender I (11).
It is further mentioned that the ‘good Kosala-nadu Brahmin’ received him

(Rajendra I). It means that Bramhins of Kosala were displeased over the Bramhin
of Yayatinagara who had enthroned Indraprastha after he killed Abhimanyu, thus
they received Rajendra I after he came defeating and capturing Indraratha from
Yayatinagar. He was captured with all his family and later said to have been
killed.
Indraratha had to face invasions from Parmara king Bhoja (1000-1047 A.D.)(12),
Gangeyadeva (1015-1041 A.D), the Kalachuri king of Tripuri (13).
Mahasivagupta III Candihara Yayati alias Candihara Yayati

(1022-1040 A.D.)
According to Choda records, Rajendra Choda took Indraratha captive together

with his family, thus none of his family members were left to inherit his throne.
Now Abhimanyu’s son Yayati alias Candihara (14) claimed the throne of
Somakula, after reappearing from self-imposed exile (15). He freed Kosala and
Utkala from enemies. His records show Chola inclination as he described himself
the burning fever to Karnataka, Lata and Gujara kings.
292
Mahabhavagupta IV Uddyotakesarin (1040-1065 A.D)
Mahasivagupta III Yayati alias Candihara was succeeded by his son

Mahasivagupta IV Uddyotakesarin. He maintained his hold over Kosala, Udra or
Utkala (16)(17). Some records of his reign are available on the Khandagiri hill of
Bhuhaneswar (18).
Uddyotakesarin was credited with military success in the Bhubaneswar

inscriptions of his mother, Kolavati. It is stated that he vanquished all the hostile
forces of Dahala, Udra and Gauda (19).
Rajadhiraja I (1018-1052 A.D), Rajendra II (1052-1064 A.D) and Virarajendra

(1063-1070 A.D) were the Chola contemporaries of Uddyotakesarin. But his
claims of victory over Chodas don’t seem to be true (20).
The Kelga plates of Kumaradhiraja Somesvar that Uddyotakesarin appointed one

Abhimanyu as his sub-king in Kosala (21). Abhimanyu may be his brother. This
was to check the invasion of Kalachuris of Dahala and Chindika Nagas of
Chakrakuta to south Kosala, as Uddyotakesarin remained in Utkala to protect
the onslaught of Gangas. Kumaradhiraja-paramesvara Somesvara followed
Abhimanyu.
Udoyotkesarin observed religious catholicity and appears to have extended it.
Mahasivagupta IV Janamejaya: (1065-1080 A.D)
His son Mahasivagupta IV Janamejaya replaced Uddyotakesarin. Ratnagiri

plates by his nephew Karana, speak of his victory over a Naga chief (22), who
may be identified with Chindika-Naga chief Somesvara I (1069-1097 A.D) of
Chakrakuta (Bastar).
The Chindika Naga Somesvara I, also claimed to have own a victory over the
Udra king and captured six lakhs and ninety-six villages of Kosala (23). The
recently found Nuapatna plates of his reign state that a certain Yuvaraja
Dharmaratha, who enjoyed the titles of Paramabhattaraka and
Mahakumaradhiraja Paramesavara acted as his sub-king in Pascima-Kalinga
(24), which does not admit of a proper identification, but may have denoted some
area on the west of Kalinga (25). His exact relationship with Janamejaya cannot
be ascertained, though not improbably he may have been his son, remarked Ajaya
Mitra Shastri (26).
293
I am inclined to believe that Pascima-Kalinga here means the valley of Jeypore in

Koraput district. The postulation that the Kosala-portion of Somavamsin
Kingdom with Pascima-Kalinga is not tenable, as suggested by K.S.Behera in
‘Administrative system under the Somavamsis’ (ed.D.C.Sirkar) 89-90. This is
based on my finding that Bhumia tribe of Koraput-Bastar are subjects of
Somavamsin rulers and archaeological remains in this part of the Koraput
district, which is most remarkable and akin to Somavamsins of Bhubaneswar
group. The said tribe also claims their migration from Bhubaneswar, till date.
During the period the Gangas at the south end of Soma Kula kingdom threatened
them and Kalachuris of Kosala and Chindaka-Nagas on the west. The Ganga king
Rajaraja I Devendravarman (1070-1078 A.D), son and successor of Vajrahasta V
Anantavarman, claims that his general Vanapati defeated the kings of Utkala and
Kosala. The Kalachuris chief Prithvideva I (1065-1090 A.D) also probably
achieved successes against Somavamsis as he assumed the title Sakala-
Kosaladhipati in the Amoda plates 1069 A.D. (27).
Mahabhavagupta V Puranjaya (1080-1100 A.D)
Mahasivagupta IV Janamejaya’s son and successor was Mahabhavagupta V

Puranjaya. There is only one inscription of his brother and successor Karna,
which depicts of him (28). At this time Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-
1142 A.D) and Chindaka-Naga Somesvara I was supreme in Kalinga and Bastar,
respectively. They were constantly encroaching upon the Somavamsin dominion.
Mahasivagupta V Karna
His younger brother Mahasivagupta V Karna succeeded Mahasivagupta V

Puranjaya. He was the last king of the Somavamsins. He was first defeated by
Pala king Ramapala and finally lost his country to Anantavarman
Chodagangadeva, the Eastern Ganga king, thus he became the undisputed king of
Udra (lower-Orissa) sometime between 1108 and 1115 A.D. This is evident from
the Mukhalingam plates that first Anantavarmana after defeating the Utkala king,
reinstated him, but the second plates by his Lingaraja temple and Puri
(Markandesvara temple)(29) inscriptions which clearly indicate his final
occupation of the region. The Somavamsi rule in the eastern part of South Kosala
was wiped out in the early 12th century due to Kalachuri, Chindaka -Naga and
Telugu-Choda encroachments.
294
It is noted above; the victory of Kalachuri Jajalladeva I over Somesvara as well as

the Chindaka-Naga occupation of Kosala was carried out through their Telugu-
Choda feudatories. The Telugu Choda, Yasoraja, during middle of 11th century
is credited with the occupation of Kosala. His great-grandson Somesvara II was
described as the ‘lord of entire Kosala’, and issued his Patna Museum (30) and
Kumarsimha (31) plates from Suvarnapura (Sonepur in the Balangir district).
This was also the capital of Kosala for Somavasins.
Thus the Somavamsins were totally wiped out both from coastal Orissa and
eastern part of South Kosala in the first quarter of 12th century. The coastal
Orissa came under Ganga king Anantavarmana Chodagangadeva, the Kosala
portion to Kalachuris and the Chindaka-Nagas aided by their feudatories Telugu-
Choda (32).
Kathargada and Somavamsis

Kathargada is located on Muran near Kamata village in close proximity to
Bhairaba Singapur. The village has some valuable archaeological remains well
maintained by the villagers. There is no old temple structure that exists today in
the place. Most of the remains points out to Orissan sculpture like Papadahandi of
Nowrangpur.This was also one of the center for Sakti puja along with Deolguda
of Borigumma, Bhairaba Singapur, Jeypore etc.The mantras that are referred to
important Saktipithas of Castal Orissa, may have been the influence of the
Somavamsis.
References
1. Sahu, N.K. (1954) History of Kosala and the Somavamisis of Utkal
OHRJ Vol. III, No.3 pp127-136.
2. Panigrahi, Krishna Chandra (1961) Chronology of the Bhauma -Karas
and the Somavamsis of Orissa. Publisher not known
3. Sarma, Bina Kumari (1983) Somavamsi Rule in Orissa, Purthi Pustak,
Calcutta
4. Shastri Ajay Mitra (1990) Inscriptions of the Sarabhapuriyas, Panduvamsins
and Somavamsins (Part I & II) Indi.Council 1961 of Hist.Res. New Delhi &
M.Banarsidass, Delhi
5. No.IV: 1 and XI
6. Yazdani, G (Ed) Early History of the Deccan, 486-487. See also.Majumdar,
R.C (ed.) HCIP, IV: The Age of Imperial Kanauj, 139-140
7. No.IV: XXII, XXVII, Verse 6; IV; Suppl. Inscr.111, Verse 6
8. No.IV: App I, Verse 12
295
9. No.IV; App I, Verse 14

10. Sastri, K.A .N .The Colas, 207
11. Ibid
12. E.I, I, 235, Verse 19
13. C.1.1, IV, XC, CXX-CXXI
14. In IV; XXII, XXVII and Suppl.Insc.III, Verse 8
15. No.IV; XXVI, Verse 6
16. No.IV; XXIV
17. No.IV; XXII
18. No.IV; XXIII and XXV
19. J.R.A.S., Letters, NII, 1947, pp.63-74
20. EI; IV. 191, text line 41
21. No.IV; XXVIII, text line 4-5
22. No.IV; XXVII, Verses 12-13
23 No.IV Suppl.Inscr.IV. Text lines 9-10
24. J.O.R.S. (1981).pp.29-30 &No.IV, Suppl.Inscript.IV, text lines 9-10 cited by
Shastri, Ajaya Mitra, p-219.
25. Sircar, D.C. Edi.Behera, K.S Admi.Syst.Under the Somavansis. Early
Indi.Polit & Adm.Syst.89-90
26. Sastri, Ajaya Mitra, Inscriptions of the Sarabhapuriyas, Panduvamsins and
Somavamsins Part I
27. C.I.I., IV, 400 text line 5; 406, text line 24
28. No.IV, Suppl.Inscr.IV, text line 41
29. E.I.XXXIII, 184-85
30. Ibid, XIX, 97ff
31 Journal of the Kalinga Historical Res.Study by iii 29ff
32. E.I., XXVIII, 324 & E.I. XXVIII, 286-289
296
NAGA OR CHHINDAKA DYNASTY OF

CHAKRAKOTA
The learned authors D.C.Sircar (1957) (1), Rai Bahadur Hiralal (1907) (2),
Prof.V.V.Mirashi (1939) S.N.Rajaguru (1959 & 1980), (3) (4) K.C.Panigrahi
(1959) and Mrs.S. Tripathy (5) (1984) have given a good account of Naga or
Chhindaka Naga-vamsis of Chakrakota.
The Chakarakota has been known as Sakkara-Kottam Sacrakota,

Chakrakotta, Chakrakuta etc. in various literatures and from a number of
inscriptions discovered from former Bastar State of present Chhattisgarh since
late 9th Century and 10th Century Chalukyan records of this has been identified
with the valley of Indravati river, the present Bastar district and part of Koraput
district as well as part of Kalahandi district of Orissa. A number of inscriptions
(6) of rulers belonging to the Chhindaka family of the Naga race have been found
in Bastar State of Madhya Pradesh. They appear to have ruled from Barasur
(Modern Barasur about 140 kms from Jagdalpur). The following text of a stone
inscription of Someswara (A.D.1208) incised in A.D.1108 was found from the
Bastar State, gives a clear idea of Nagavamsi:
“Om Swasitha sahasrafana mani kirana birasura

Nagavansodhava Bhogabatipurabrasava sabatasya byaghra
lanchan Kasyapagotra prakotokrita ghosana bisba
biswambhars parameswara parama bhattarak maha
maheswara charan kabaja kijalak pujya pibjarita
bhramayamana manonata Srimanikyadevi padapadmardhkya
parabala sadhaka Sri Jagadeka maharaja Sri Someswaradeva
Further the name Chakrakota was found in the Chalukyan record of the 9th
Century A.D. In the Pithapur-inscription (7) of Mallapadeva it is mentioned that
the Eastern-Chalukya King Gunaga Vijayaditya (849-892 A.D) defeated the king
of Chakrakuta. Prof.Mirashi has also identified Chakrakotya with the Central part
of the Bastar-State (8). While editing the Rajapura-Copper Plate grant of
Madhurantakadeva (Saka 987) Rai Bahadur Hiralal writes “the name of
Chakrakota was probably an alternative name of Chakravotya, which seems to
survive in Ghumra, a name given to the fall of the Indravati at Chitrakuta.” (9).
K.Suryanarayana (1986) (10) wrote, “One inscription of Chalukyas of

Vemulavada of Vikramarjunavijayam captured a fort called ‘Chitrakuta’ which
was inaccessible. His son, Arikesari I, is said to have conquered the kingdom of
Vengi and Trikalinga during the period of Rastrakuta king Nirupama Dhruva,
297
780-793 A.D. (Kllipara plates). He further wrote, the inaccessible fort of

Chitrakuta, which Vinayaditya is said to have captured is not identified. As there
are a number of forts with that name in North and Central parts of India which
played a prominent role in contemporary history, its identification bristles with
difficulties”. Here one need to be careful about Chakrakote and Chitrakuta and
both denote different identies.
The Naga or Chhindaka had the family crust of tiger with cub and carved the
banner with emblem of a snake. They belong to the ‘Kasyapa-gotra’ and assumed
the title of Bhogavatipura Varesnara, the lord of ‘Bhogavatipura’. Their tutelary
goddess was Manikyadevi or Manikeswari. The daiety’Bhagavati’ of Jeypore was
shifted from Kotpad region to the present location. She may be the tutelary
goddess of Naga dynasty.
The name of Chhindaka and the story of their origin as recorded in their
epigraphies indicate the line of these rulers had close relationship with the Sindas
of Sindavadi in Kanada country of about 8th Century A.D. who also claimed
Naga lineage and the royal title of the ‘lord of Bhogavatipura, the best of cities’.
The land of the Sindas was called Sindavadi and comprised of northern parts of
Mysore, Bellary, Dharwar and is mentioned in a record of A.D.750. D.C.Sirkar
(11) has observed, ‘There is no doubt the family name of Chhindaka preferred by
Nagavansis of Bastar is the same as Sinda of Kannada country’. It is perhaps,
during the last part of 10th Century that the Chhindakas entered the Bastar region
in the train of the expeditions lead by the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani to the
Eastern Chalukyas Kingdom of Vengi. There was bitter struggle between the
Cholas and W.Chalukyas over the kingdom of Vengi that continued for a long
time. It seems that the Telugu Chodas of Bastar also migrated to Bastar in the
train of Western Chalukyas.
B.V.Rao (1973)(12) said, ‘The province of Chakrakuta appears to have formal

part of the country known as Tri-kalinga, and throughout the range of the ancient
history, remained the bones of contention between the Chalukyas of Vengi, the
Eastern Gangas of Kalinga, and lastly the Haihayas or the Kalachuris of Chedi.
Each dynasty successively and sometimes contemporaneously, from the days of
Rajaraja, claimed the ownership over this unfortunate province.” The City of
Bhogavatipura was the capital town of the Nagavamsi Kings of this area; and it
was located in Bastar State. So also the ancient name of Kalahandi was Karunda
or Karunda-Mandala as is seen from a copper plate inscription preserved in the
Madras Museum (13). In that inscription we find that the Nagavamsi Kings
migrated from a place Dharnimba, but we are not in a position to offer any
298
tangible suggestion. The Nagavamsi-family, history speaks of a place known as

‘Svatiamba’ as the first seat of the Naga kings was remarked by Rajaguru (14)
Map showing Charakot, Chindaraja villages, Chindirijori riverlute and

Narigachha and Barigachha villages along with Muran River in Koraput district
The Sanskrit Kavya ‘Navasahasanka-Charita’ of Padmagupta is a very important

literary work, which throws light on the history of the Naga Kings of the Bastar
Kalahandi region. Messrs. Zachrae rendered a descriptive account of this Kavya
and Buhler, an English translation that was published in the Indian Anti-quary,
Vol. XXXVI (1907).
299
Epigraphic records of Nagas or Chhindaka dynasty

The following list of epigraphic records relating to Nagavamsi Kings is helpful to
study their historical importance and their kingdom of Chakrakota,
1. A fragmentary record from Errakot, about 25 kms from Jagdalpur and the
name of the Chhindaka-Naga king mentioned which cannot be fully read,
but may be Nriptibhushana (or Kshitibhusana)(15) The inscription bears a
date in Saka 945 (=A.D.1023)
2. An inscription from Barsur, which bears a date in A.D.1060, refers to the

reign of a Chhindaka-Naga king named Maharaja Dharavasha alias
Jagadekabhushana (16).
3. Rajapura copper plate inscription of Madhurantaka, bearing the date

A.D.1065 records the grant of the village of Rajapura (find spots of the
record, 55 Kms north-west of Jagdalpur) in the Bhramanakotya
(Bhramanakotta)-mandala, probably as a compensation for supplying
victims for human sacrifices. The Bhramarakotta-mandala was either
identical with Chakrakotta or a part of the later (17).
4. The fragmentary Dantewara inscription of A.D.1061 belongs to

Dharavarsha or Madhurantaka. Dharavarsha’ son Somesvara I whose
earliest known date is A.D.1069 soon ousted King Madhurantaka from the
throne (18).
5. One of the two Kuruspal (55 Kms from Jagdalpur) inscriptions of

Dharanamahadevi, the second queen of the Chhindaka-Naga king
Somesvara I, bears a date in the Khara Samvatsra, which fell in A.D.1069.
The other inscriptions of the reign of the same king, one from the
Kuruspal and other from Gadia, are dated in A.D.1097.(19)
6. The fragmentary inscription from Kuruspal (20), the most important

record of the reign of Somesvara I. This epigraph mentions the king’s son
Kanhara and seems to have been engraved late in his reign.
Through the grace of the goddess Vindhyavasini, Somesvara is said to

have acquired the sovereignty of Chakrakuta (Chakrakotta). He is further
stated to have killed king Madhurantaka, the ruler of Chakrakote of which
Somesvara I claimed to have been the hereditary king.
300
The record also edits Somesvara with many other military activities such
as the burning of Vengi, the subjugation of Bhadrapattana and Vajra and
the seizure of the six lakhs and ninety-six villages of Kosala (south
Kosala).
7. The Narayanapal inscription (21) of A.D.1111 mentions Gunda-Mahadevi

who was the queen of Dharavarsha, mother of Somesvara I, and grand-
mother of Kanhara. It stated that Kanhara was ruling after the death of his
father. Thus Somesvara I had ended his reign some time before A.D.1111.
8. A Barsur inscription (22) dated Saka 1130 (A.D.1208), mentions Gang-

Mahadevi as the queen of the Chhindaka-Naga king Somesvara, who may
be identified with king Rajabhushana Somesvara II from his Gadia
inscription (23).
9. From Dantewara inscription, undated Rajabhushana-maharaja is known

(24).
10. The Jatanpal inscription of A.D. 1218 and Dantewara inscriptions of

A.D.1224 speak of a Chhindaka Naga king named Jagadekabhushana
Narasimha (25)
It is said by historians that Maharaja Jagadekabhushana mentioned as the

worshipper of goddess Manikyadevi (modern Danteswari of Dantewara temple)
as mentioned in inscription of Bhairamgarh (26) is same as Jagadekabhushashan
Narasimha.
11. The Barsur and Potinar inscriptions of A.D.1060 speak of
Mahamandaleswara Maharaja Chandraditya, ruler of Ammagrama, as the
feudatory of the Chhindaka-Naga king Dharavarsha Jagadekabhushana,
who had his headquarters at Barasur (27).
12. The undated Sunarpal inscriptions mention another king of Chhindaka-

Naga family, named Jayasimha, whose relationship with Jagadekabhushan
Narasimha is unknown.
13. The Tammara inscription of A.D.1324 mentions king Harischandra of

Chakrakota probably a later member of the Chhindaka-Naga family. (28)
Coins of Nagas
Further to this evidence of inscriptions, discovery of gold coins of Nagavamsi
dynasty have given new dimensions in this direction. Rajaguru (29) and Mrs.
301
Tripathy (1984) have studied and reported the Naga dynasty coins especially of
Orissa find (30). They are as following:
Seals
Kodinga hoard of 28 gold coins from Koraput district, Orissa

As per Rajaguru (1959)(31) during May 1957 Bipin Bihari Ratha, OAS,
Addl.D.M. Koraput informed Govt. that 28 thin disc like gold coins were
received.
It was 6" inside soil, inside an earthen pot, covered with stone over it.
Lolithabathi, D/o Debo Jani, Singiguda village, Dumadei Reserve Forest in
Kodinga P.S, found it.
The coins were almost equal in size. Old Telugu scripts over the coins. On
paleographical grounds assigned to 11th & 12th centuries A.D.
At 6 O’ clock, on every coin, there is an emblem bearing either the figure of a

sword or a Siva-lingam, flanked by a few dotted marks. Each coin ‘contains a
second emblem at its centre. It is in each case, the standing figure of a tiger
which is the royal insignia of the Nagavamsi kings of Chakrakota’
Out of the total number of 28 coins, 26 contain the name of Rajabhusana; one
contains Prapaganda-Bhairava and one Ranabhushana.
We meet with the names of Rajabhushana and Prapaganda-Bhairava among the

Nagavamsi kings of Chakrakota. The name Prapaganda-Bhairava, which is
mentioned in some of the stones of Nagavamsi kings. Pratiganda-Bhairva is the
cognomen of Somesvara Deva, who was a powerful ruler of the family. Similarly,
the second name of Ranabhushanana if known from any epigraphic record was
found in the Bastar area. Some think Ranabhushana is also a Nagavamsi king of
that locality, as the emblems, employed in his coin, are corresponding with those
of the other coins of the hoard. Anyway, the present hoard contributes this new
name (Ranabhushana) to the genealogy of the Nagavamsis.
302
Sonsari hoard of gold coins, Bilaspur district, Madhya Pradesh

The same coins of Kodinga along with the coins discovered from Sonsari hoard in
Bilaspur district of Madhya Pradesh were studied by Dr. (Smt) S.Tripathy (32)
and reported during 1984, she wrote:
“Four coins supposed to be the issue of the Naga kings of Chakrakotta were found
among the coins of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, in the big Sonsari (33) hoard
discovered in the Bilaspur district of Madhya Pradesh. L.P.Pandeya earlier
identified these coins as the coins of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur (34), but later on
they were attributed by B.C.Jain to be the Nagas of Chakrakotta (35). But it is
interesting to note that the coins of both the finds are totally different so far as
their typology is concerned, though it is now known that the same rulers issued
them the Naga family, as we shall see presently.
Description
The four coins of Sonsari are circular in shape, contain on their obverse, within
the dotted border, the figure of a tiger standing to right facing left, forepaw raised
from the ground and before it a dagger with its point resting on ground; above the
animal, Sun and Moon are represented on its right and left respectively.
The reverse contains within dotted circle, legend in three lines in Naari characters
reading:
1. Srimad - So -
2. me s’va ra-
3. deva sya
The weight of each coin, according to Jain is 59 grains and 7 cm in diameter. The general fabric of the coins closely
resembles those of the Kalachuri coins of Ratanpur.
The Kodinga hoard of 28 gold coins are thin, broad and circular in shape,
measuring 3.7 cms each, excepting one which is slightly bigger having the
diameter of 4.3 cms. Each coin weights 3.840 gms and the bigger one is 3.878
gms in weight. The devices and legend are punched separately on one side only,
having striking similarity with the Eastern Chalukyan and some of the Chola gold
coins. Due to the thickness and heavy punches on the coins, they have become
cup-shaped. As regards the device adopted, they may be described as follows:
In the centre, are punched a tiger facing right, surmounted by Sun and Moon
represented by dots. The legend in Telugu-Kanarese letters are shown around the
303
edge, each letter being punched separately beginning with the letter ‘Sri and
ending with the device of a dagger pointed to the ground, or it may be a symbol
for ‘Siva - Lingam’ as suggested by Rajaguru. Of the total 28 coins 27 pieces
have the legend in Telugu-Kanarese, reading the name ‘Rajabhushana’ and the
solitary bigger coin has the legend ‘Prapa (ti) ganda-bhairava’. (36)
Rajaguru has doubtfully read the legend in one of the coin from 27 pieces as
‘Ranabhushana. But the letter ‘na’ read by him after Ra (a), is infact, ‘Ja’, if it is
minutely examined. Thus this coin also belongs to Rajabhushana. In fact, as we
shall presently see, no king of this family with the epithet Ranabhushana is known
so far from any source.(37)
But again she (Mrs.Tripathy) said, ‘the attribution of the Kodinga hoard of
E.Chalukya type coins described above to Dharavarsha by Rajaguru, does not
seem to rest on convincing ground. The legends on these coins also do not
support this view. It is known from the epigraphic records that Dharavarsha had
the epithet of ‘Jagadekabhushana’. Moreover, it is known that Dharvarsha and his
predecessors were not as powerful as his successor Somesvara I and they were
busy in consolidating the Naga Kingdom in Bastar which was raised by Rajendra
Chola during his northern expeditions”. Further she was of the opinion that the
fabrics of the coins had some influence of Chola emblem of tiger on it, which may
be due to the political influence of Kulottunga I on both Cholas and Eastern
Chalukyas.(38)
There are both epigraphic and numismatic materials to suggest that the Chhindika
Naga occupation of the Bastar region during the last part of the 10th century or
early part of the 11th century they entered in the train of the expedition laid by the
Western Chalukyas of Kalian to the Eastern Chalukya kingdom of Vengi. Some
historians do claim that the Nagas came along with Rajendra Choda to Bastar.
Genealogy
It is apparent that Sindhuraja, father of Bhoja, had matrimonial alliance with the
Naga-Ruler of Bhogavatipura in Chakrakota. Prof.Mirashi admits, “The Princes
of Chakrakotya called themselves Nagavamsis and Lord of Bhogavati”. He also
says “this dynasty produced some powerful kings towards the end of the 11th and
the beginning of the 12th Century A.D. Their capital Chakrakota was a place of
strategic importance.” He then suggests “what was the object of Sindhuraja in
forming the matrimonial alliance recorded in the “Nabasahasanka Charita”? We
have seen that soon after his accession Sindhuraja found a favourable opportunity
to regain the lost territory from the contemporary Chalukya King. In 1008
A.D.Satyasraya died. His successor, Dasavarman V, Vikramaditya V and
304
Ayyana, who regained for a short period of seven years (from 1009 to 1015 A.D.)
do not seem to have been sufficiently powerful. There was thus no danger of the
Paramara Kingdom being invaded by the Chalukyas. But the weakness of the
Chalukya kings had added to the strength of Rajaraja the Great and his ambitious
successor, Rajendra Chola I. It was probably to check the onward march of the
Chola king that Sindhuraja entered into the matrimonial alliance with the King of
Chakrakotya”.(36) At about this time the Naga King of Chakrakota was called
‘Brupatibhushana’ (Ornament of the Kings) as mentioned in the Errakot
inscription of Jagdalpur of A.D. 1023.(39)
Political History
As mentioned above the Chakrakotte name was found in the Chalukyan records
of 9th century. In the Pithapur inscription of Mallapadeva it is mentioned that the
Eastern Chalukya Gunaga Vijayaditya (849-892 A.D.) defeated the King of
Chakrakotte.
The army of Rajendra Chola of the south invaded Chakrakota in the year 1022-23
A.D. and occupied it (40). Although the decisive outcome of the invasion is not
clearly known, but it is clear that Chakrakota came under the sphere of influence
of the Cholas. No other records of Chhindaka Nagas till 1060 A.D. have come to
light.
The next king to the dynasty Dharva alias Jagdekabhushan alias Dharvarsha, has
been referred to Barsur inscription of 1060 A.D. (41). The Barasur inscription was
laid by Telugu Chola feudatory chief Mahanadaleshwar Chandraditya Maharaja.
The Telugu Cholas who entered into Bastar-Koraput region during the military
campaign of their king Vikramaditya VI about the middle of the 11th century
A.D. settled in that region as the feudatories of the Chindaka Nagas. The Telugu
Choda chief Chandraditya Maharaja who was a Mahamondaleswara and the lord
of Ammagama was a feudatory of the Chindaka Naga king Jagadeka Bhushana.
The Chindaka Nagas of Chhakrakota were in conflict with the Bhanjas of Khinjali
comprising parts of modern Ganjam and Boudh Khondmal districts of Orissa.
The Bhanja king Yusobhanja defeated and very likely killed Jagadeka Bhushana
in 1060 A.D. In his Antarigama plates Yasobhanja assumes the proud title of
Jagadekamalla Vijayi. (42)
Another king of the dynasty named Madhurantaka is known from the Rajpur
inscriptions dated in Saka year 984 (AD 1065). Madhurantaka was related to
deceased king Jagadekamalla. Someswara, the son of Jagadeka Bhushana
claimed the throne and a civil war broke out in Chhakrakota, which lasted for
305
more than 5 years. Kulottunga Chola I, the ruler of Vengi, helped Madhurantaka
while Chalukyas of Kalyana supported the cause of Somesvara. Madhurataka
was subsequently defeated and killed in the battle sometime after 1056 A.D. and
Somesvara acquired suzerainty over Chakrakota mandala through the grace of
Vindyavasini (43) as per Kuruspal fragmentary inscriptions.
The new king Somesvara after his accession continued the fight against the Chola
king, Kulottunga I of Vengi. Both of them claimed victory over each other in
their respective records in the form of inscriptions. He also fought with
Somavamsis of Utkala and Kosala and attempted to occupy the Kosala portion of
the Somavamsi Kingdom. The Telugu Choda Chief Yasoraja, father of
Chandraditya (the lieutenant of Jagadeka Bhushana) was a great source of
strength for him and occupied Kosala about 1070AD where he ruled as a
Governor of his Chhindaka Naga overlord. (44)
According to the Kuruspal stone inscription of Gunda Mahadevi, the queen of

Dharavarsha, it is her son Somesvaradeva who possessed the titles of
Pratigandabhairava and Rayabhushana or Rajabhushana, as the case may be. He is
complimented with a glorious Prasasti having been described as the monarch who
killed the king of Odra, defeated Virachoda and the princes of Lanji and
Ratanpur, it is further stated in it that he killed one Madhurantaka and burnt the
country of Vengi, just like the great Kiriti (Arjuna of the Mahabharata war who
burnt Khandava, the celestial garden). He destroyed the city of Bhadrapattana
where he defeated a king called Vajra. He acquired the entire Kosala (apparently
Dakshina-Kosala) country, containing six lakhs and ninety-six villages.
Unfortunately, that inscription is damaged, otherwise, more achievements of him
would have known to us. (45)
During the period of ruling of Chhindaka Nagas over Chakrakota, which

comprised the southern part of Kalahandi in Indrabati valley, the northern part of
Kalahandi was under the control of the Somavamsis. This part of the modern
Kalahandi district together with a portion of Koraput was then known as
Trikalinga or Tirukalinga meaning Hilly Kalinga (or Giri Kalinga). The
Somavamsi monarchs from the time of Janamejaya I (850-885 AD) till the time of
Karnadeva the last ruler of the dynasty who was defeated by Chodaganga Deva in
1110 AD all claimed themselves as lords of Trikalinga country.
Chodaganga Deva conquered Utkala after defeating the last Somavamsi king
Karnadeva in 1110 AD. Somesvaradeva cultivated friendly relationship with the
Gangas led him to be an inveterate enemy of the Kalachuris of Ratnapur and
Dahala who were a rival power of the Gangas. In 1114 A.D. the Kalachuris King
306
Jajjalla Deva crushingly defeated Somesvara Deva the Chhindaka Naga king and
imprisoned Bhujavala of Suvarnapura who is identified with the Telugu Choda
Chief Somesvara Deva of Kosala. This resulted in the collapse of the Chindaka
Naga rule over Chakrakota and the Telugu Choda rule over South Kosala.( 46 )
Influence of Rastrakutas and Chalukya is evident from the fact that Naga king
personnel names having Dharavarsha and Kanhara would suggest its original
subservience to the imperial house of the Rashtrakutas, while the popularity of
name Somesvara in this dynasty and also among the Telugu-Choda feudatories
seems to indicate that both of these houses acknowledge the suzerainty to
Chalukya monarch Somesvara I Ahavamalla (A.D.1043-68) of Kalyana. This
could also be due to expedition led by Vikramaditya VI, son of Ahavamalla,
against countries of Eastern India during his father’s reign.(47)
About this kingdom we gather another important piece of evidence from the
Sanskrit Kavya - “Vikramankadeva Charita” - composed by the famous writer
Bilhana. In the 4th Chapter of that work it is recited that Vikramaditya VI, the
hero of that Kavya, went of Chakrakota and Kalinganagara in order to form a
triple alliance of the kings of those countries to check the progress of the Chola-
monarch, Virarajendra.(48)
Relation between Kalinga, Utkala, Dakshina Kosala, Dahala,

Chedi and Nagavamsi
Now let us examine the then existing diplomatic relationship between the
countries of Kalinga, Utkala, Dakshina Kosala, Dahala, and Chedi. In the Kharod
inscription of Ratnadeva (49) it has been mentioned that Kokalla’s son
Gangeyadeva (Vikramaditya) had defeated the Utkala King (50) who was
defeated by Kamalaraja, son of Kokalla II,(51) while editing the Rewa inscription,
of the time of Karna.
Prof.Mirashi suggests “in Gangeyadeva’s war against the King of Utkala he was
helped by the subordinate branch of the Kalachuri (52) family established at
Tummana. The Amoda plates of Prithivideva I state that Kamalaraja vanquished
the King of Utkala and gave his wealth to his lord, Gangeyadeva. The King of
Utkala was one of the Guptas of Dakshina Kosala, perhaps Mahasivagupta Yayati
who called himself Lord of Utkala and Trikalinga.(53) Rajaguru is said to have
obtained victory over the Chaidyas and devastated the Dahala region. The war
seems, therefore to have continued for sometime and victory sometime leaned to
one side and some times to the other. If Gangeyadeva was ultimately victorious,
he might have assumed the title of Trikalingadhipati after his success. We know
that his son Karna mentions the title in his first grant issued just a year after
307
Gangeya’s death. (54) This Gangeyadeva was ruling till A.D.1040". According to
the Goharwa plates Karnadeva used the title of ‘Trikalingadhipati” and claimed to
have defeated the Asvapatis, the Gajapatis and the Narapatis. (55)
It is not out of place to mention that according to the ancient topographical

nomenclature the portion of land that was ruled by the Nagavamsi kings was
known as Dahala or Mahakantara. The latter name is found in Allahabad
inscription of Maharaja Samudragupta.
Somesvara I and Janamejaya II of Kalachuri and Telugu Chodas

It appears from the Ratnagiri plates of Karnadeva that Janamejaya II came into
conflict with a Naga King.(56) The Naga King Somesvara I of Chakrakuta, who
ruled from 1069 to 1110 A.D., was also credited as above with having waged war
against Udra (Orissa).(57) Thus, as per K.C.Panigrahi there is therefore little
doubt that the Somavamsi Kingdom and the Naga kingdom were at war in the
reign of Janamejaya II, but the war ended in the victory of Naga king. A Telugu-
Chola family thus was holding a feudatory status of Chakrakuta, established itself
in the Sambalpur-Sonepur region as its capital.(58)
In the ‘Nabasahasanka Charita’ it is stated that there was a Asura King named
Vajrankusha whose capital was Ratnavati Prof.Mirashi suggests that Vajrankusha
may be identified with the King Vajjuka of Komma-Mandala, who gave his
daughter Nonalla in marriage to Ratnaraja, the Chedi Ruler. (59) This Ratnaraja
was the son of Komalaraja.
There was a conflict between Janamejaya II and the Naga King Somesvara of
Chakrakuta (Bastar). The Naga king Somesvara succeeded wrestling Kosala,
from the Somavamsi King. In occupying Kosala the Naga king was helped by a
Telugu-Choda family that ultimately ruled this newly acquired territory with their
capital at Sonepur. Before this happened there appears to have a short period
where one Kumar Somesvara, was allowed by the Naga king to rule the Kosala,
for his own political purpose to serve. Though the Naga king made Kumar
Somesvara the ruler of Kosala but still kept him under the control of his trusted
Telugu-Choda lieutenants. Ultimately, the Telugu-Choda family who also helped
the Naga King invasion of Kosala occupied the throne after ousting the ruler
Kumar Somesvara.(60)
The Telugu-Choda were a feudatory family ruling over a small principality with
their capital at Barsur of present Bastar and owing thus allegiance to the Naga
kings of that State (61) and continued up to (1069 to 1110 A.D).
308
D.C.Sircar has done valuable work by re-editing and elucidating the copper-plate
records of Kumara Somesvara (62) and of the Telugu Choda
Defeat of Naga kings in the hands of Jajalladeva I of Kalachuri

But in the later part of the reign of Somesvara III, the Telugu-Choda relationship
with Chakrakuta appears to have changed. It was after the death or defeat of
Somesvara I at the hands of Jajalladeva I, the Kalachuri King of Ratnapur; the
Somesvara III would have changed his relationship with his over lord family.
Prof.Mirashi has described the defeat and humiliation inflicted on the Naga king
by Jajalladeva in the following words:
“These conquests brought him into conflict with Somesvara, the Nagavamsi king
of Chakrakotya. The latter was a foe worthy of his steel. He (Somesvara) had
defeated the rulers of Udra (Orissa) and Vengi, and had carried fire and sword
into Lanji and Ratnapura. He is said to have captured six lakhs of villages
together with the tract called Shannavati (96 villages) of Kosala and assumed the
imperial titled Maharajadhiraja and Paramesvara. The Kuruspal inscription
described him as a huge elephant, which destroyed the lotuses, namely the towns,
Lanji and Ratnapura.
Jajalladeva was not slow to take revenge. He marched against the Naga king,
slew his immense army and took him captive together with his wives and
ministers. Ultimately, at the bidding of his mother, Jajjaladeva set them free. His
Ratnapura inscription proudly asks, “Have you seen or heard of such a prince in
this earth?” This event must have occurred sometime before 1110 A.D. which is
the approximate year of Somesvara’s death.”(63)
Thus it is after the defeat or death of the Naga king Somesvara that the Telugu-
Choda Somesvara III changed his feudatory titles and assumed the imperial title
Chakravartin. But his semi-independent status did not last for long and, as known
he was defeated and perhaps killed by the Kalachuri king Jajalla deva I in about
1119 A.D. This led to the extinction of the Telugu Choda rule in the Sonepur
region.
Rashtakuta Kings in Dahala and Chakrakotte

Rajaguru wrote, “As for the name Dahala we may cite the Sanjan plates of
Amoghavarsha, the Rashtrakuta King whose ancestor Govinda III captured many
kingdoms of Northern-India in the early parts of the 9th Century A.D. After
completing his conquest for the North India his army marched against Kalinga,
Vengi, Dahala, Odra and Malawa, beginning from the bank of the Narmada.
309
In the verse No.20 of that inscription it is described that Rashtrakuta king

possessed a second name-Tribhuvana Dhavala. In the Madras Museum plates of
the Nagavamsi kings of Karunda-Mandala (Kalahandi) we come across the
following passage:-
Om Kindara singhae I Sri Narendra dhavala rajae I Karunda mandalae I

Dharimba benisutra I Nagabamsa sambhad Sri Mudha suta Sri Bikarh--------etc.
The above text reveals the name of one Narendra Dhavala, who is described as
the over-lord of Karunda-Mandala. As there is coincidence in the names of
Tribhuvana Dhavala and Narendra Dhavala we suspect that the Rashtrakuta
supremacy extended over the Naga Kingdom. The corroborate this we (Rajaguru)
may cite here a newly discovered copper plate inscription of Bargarh (Sambalpur)
which mentions about a Ranaka belonged to the Rashtrakuta dynasty and claims
to be the ruler of Patakas (64) of Gondrama or of the aboriginal tribes. (65) Most
probably this part of Orissa was invaded by the great Rashtrakuta king Govinda
III during his expedition over the Northern India, and left here a branch of his
family to keep this tract under his subjugation. Now coming across the narration
made in the ‘Navasahasanka-Charita’ with regard to the Asura king, Vajankusa of
Ratnavati, who was a great rival of the Naga principality, S.N.Rajaguru said, we
are not able to share the suggestions put forth by Prof.Mirashi and continued. We
believe that Vajrankusa is an imaginary name used by the author Padmagupta.
But, the real enemy of the Nagas was the contemporary Rashtrakuta king who
belonged to an alien race, and therefore described as an Asura king. It needs to be
pointed out that the famous Rashtrakuta king Kristna III started trouble in the
central India. In the middle part of the 10th Century A.D., he processed to the
South India as far as Kanchi and Tondai-Mandalam of the Chola territory. Then
he turned his attention towards Vengi and Kalinga. His activities in the Central
India were centered in the Chedi kingdom inspite of the fact that he was entangled
with the Haihayas with matrimonial relationship. In the later part of his reign he
conquered the fortress of Kalanjar on the slopes of the Vindhyan Mountain. He
also subjugated Chitrakuta belonging t the Chandelas. Finally he attacked Vengi
and Kalinga.(66). Under such circumstances it can be well presumed that he
brought Dahala or Province of the Nagas under his control, which might have
lasted till the Paramara king Sindhuraja, came to help the Snake-king of
Bhogavatipura as, described by Padmagupta.
Some are of opinion that the Asura King Vajrankusa might be a Gond-king.
S.N.Rajaguru said, we couldn’t reject this opinion without giving any credence to
it. For, tradition goes that in some remote age this part of land belonged to one
310
Gosinga, who constructed some forts still called by the name of “Asura-Gada” or
the fort of the Asuras.”(67)
Reference
1. Sircar, D.C. (1957) The Nagas or Chhindakas. The struggle for Empire-
The History and Culture of Indian People; Bharatiya Vidya Bhaban,
Bombay. pp.214ff.
2. Hiralal Rai Bahadur. Inscriptions of C.P. and Berar; and E, I.IX.p.160,
174 and 311.
3. Rajaguru, S.N.(1959) A New Hoard of Gold Coins of the Nagavamsi
Kings of Chakrakota
4. Rajaguru, S.N.(1980) The Naga dynasty of Chakrakota,
OHRJ.Vol.XXIV, XXV & XXVI, p.25-24
5 . Tripathy, S.Mrs (1984) A Note on the coins of the Nagas of
Chakrakotta, OHRJ Vol.XXIX (4), p.49-56
6. Hiralal, Inscriptions of C.P. and Berar; E.I.IX, p.160, 174 and 311.
8. List of C.P. inscriptions, page 150
9. E.I.Vol.IX p. 179
7. E.I.Vol.IV, p.226 to 238
10. Suryanarayana, K (1986) History of the Minor Chalukya Families in
Medieval Andhradesa.p.19
11. Sircar, D.C.(1957) The Nagas or Chhindakas. The struggle for
Empire- The History and Culture of Indian People; Bharatiya Vidya
Bhaban,
Bombay p.215
12. Rao, B.V. (1973) History of the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi.p.344.
13. Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit.,p.40
14. Ibid.
15. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed.p.166 (No.285)
16. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd.ed.p.158-59
17. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed. p.163-64
18. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed. p.165
19. Inscriptions from Kuruspal and Gadia, A.D.1097
20. Inscription from Kuruspal (E.I.Vol.X, 24 ff)
21. Narayanapal inscription (E.I.Vol.IX.311 ff, 161-162)
22. Barsur inscription (E.I.IX.162)
23. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed.p.170
24. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed.p.166
311
25. Hiralal, 164p

26. Hiralal, E.I.Vol.X.40, p. 169
27. Ibid. p. 158-59
28. Ibid. p.165
29. Rajaguru, S.N.(1959) A new Hoard of Gold coins of the Nagavamsi
Kings of Chakrakota, OHRJ Vol.III, p.73-82
30. Tripathy, S (1984) A note on the coins of The Nagas of Chakraoktta,
OHRJ Vol.XXIX (4) p.49-56
31. Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit.p.73-82.
32. Tripathy, S.op.cit.p.50.
33. JNSI, Vol.XII, Part II, pp.117ff
34. Pandeya, L.P. Coins of the Kalachuris of Ratnapur, JNSI, Vol.VIII,
Part.II, pp.117 ff
35. Jain, B.C. JNSI, Vol.VII, Part II, pp.54 and plate, VII, Nos.12-15
36. Tripathy, S. op.cit.p.50
37. Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit.p.73-82
38. Tripathy, S. op.cit.p.50
39. Indian Antiquary, Vol.LXII, p.105
40. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed., p.166 (No.285)
41. Hiralal, op.cit. 163-64
43. Kuruspal fragmentary Inscription Epi.X, 25ff
44. Sircar, D.C.op.cit.p.217
45. E.I.Vol.XXVIII, p.285, pp, 321ff
46 Panigrahi, Krishna Chandra. Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and the
Somavamsis of Orissa. p.38-42
47. Sircar, D.C. op.cit.p.215
48. Krishna Kumari, M (1985) The Rulers of Chalukya-Cholas in
Andhradesa, p.15
49. Ibid.Vol.XXI, page 161
50. Ibid, Vol.XI.page 142
51. Inscription in C.P. and Berar, Page 122, No.203
52. E.I.Vol.XXIV, p.101
53. JASB; Vol.I, p. 4
54. E.I., Vol.II, p.309
55. E.I.Vol.II, p.309
56. E.I., Vol.XXXIII, P.266 fn.3
57. HCIP, Vol.V, pp.216-18
58. Panigrahi, K.C. Chronology of the Bhauma-Kara & the Somavamsis of
Orissa, pp.40.
59. Hiralal, R.B. List of C.P. Inscriptions, 2nd Edition.p.166
60. Panigrahi, K.C.op.cit.p.40
312
61. HCIP, Vol.V, P.219

62. Sircar, D.C.(Ep.Ind.Vol.XXVIII,P 321 ff) and Telugu Choda -
HCIP,Vol.V.P.219 ff
63. Mirashi, Corp.Ins.Ind, Vol.IV, Part I, pp CXXIII, CXXIV
64. The Cholas’ Vol.I, page 250(3) Ep.Indi.Vol.I page 32
65. CP inscription awaits publication (Rajaguru, 19)
66. The Karahad plates of Kristna III, Ep.2nd.Vol.IV, and p.278
67. Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit, p.41
313
NAGAVAMSI CHAKRAKOTE AND ITS LOCATON
About the beginning of the eleventh century, a family of kings of Nagavamsis

ruled over Chkrakuta mandala which was the ancient name for the modern Bastar
State. (1) The province of Chakrakuta appears to have formed part of the country
known as Trikalinga, and throughout the ancient history remained the bone of
contention between the Chalukyas of Vengi, the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga and
lastly the Haihayas or the Kalachuris of Chedi.(2). The Chodas of Tamilnadu
were also involved in the politics and occupation of Chakarakote.
Most authors in the past have pointed out Chakrakote to be some where in
Jeypore-Bastar, the former princely States. Hiralal was of the opinion that
Chakrakote is in Bastar, close to Jagdalpur. (3)
Many historians have opined that Chakrakote has been mentioned in various
literature and time, thus it is difficult to pin point which Chakrakote it refers to.
(4)
Chakrakote ruins Chakrakote ruins of the Fort
Nagavamsi ruled from Chakrakote and the place was under seize by Cholas and
Chalukyas and even several others, which has been detailed out in the book in
various relevant chapters.
I am of the opinion that Chakrakote that is referred with reference to Chhindika

Naga kings is located in hills, in the Dasmathpur area of Koraput subdivision,
Orissa. Chakrakote has been referred in many inscriptions of Cholas, Chalukyas
314
and many more. Chakrakote now stands totally demolished, only known to the
local people and except for its name in the Indian survey map. The place is
between Chhabili river and Muran river. An ancient pathway from Borigumma
plains to Chakrakote is still being used. The villages close to Chakrakote are
Arliput and Domjori. The fact that the present find place Chakrokote, is the
Nagavamsi Chakrakote is further strengthened by the fact that,
 About 2 Km. from Chakrakote, Chindirijori, a small revolute and village

of same name is known.
 Close to Chakrakote, Chindarja a village inhabited by Porajas in
Dindariji hills is located. Potasil is another village which is inhabited by
Sodia Poraja is closely located here.
Names like Chindirijori and Chindaraja around Chakrakote strengthens the

evidence that the find place is the Nagavamsi Chakrakote, because Nagas’ were
also well known as Chhindika Nagas from their inscriptions.
After centuries, Barigachha village on the bank of Aundari nadi (river) and
Narigachha on the bank of Muran close to Chakrakote are the only two remnant
of ‘gaccha’ of ancient Jain sect is surviving here in these remote hills. Chhindika
Nagas were Jainas. However, Bodo or Sodia Porajas, a dominant population in
and around the locality of Chakrakote signifies the past occupation of the place by
Chodas. Desia Kondhs are next to them followed by Magada goudo, Kausilia
Mali, Kamars and Paikas.
The entry path to Chakrakote is through village Admunda to Nandigaon, then to

Sugli and then to Sunajam Domjri and finally, Chakrakote. Very close to Sunajam
Domjori village on the bank of Bakda Nal, Chakrakote village remnants lie
dormant with its history. Still the place is called Chakrakote; the local claim there
was a village once upon a time. Now, only large number of stones of various sizes
are scattered around, possibly they were once in part of the walls of the houses
and fort. Chakrakote joins to a hill named ‘Podpuja’ to its northeast. On the east is
‘Mundlipable parbat’ stands. Western end has ‘Malguni parbat’ and has another
parbat called ‘Kotyal’. The word, Parbat means hills.
A small heap of stone in Chakrakote called ‘Nisanmundi’, still being worshipped

by local villagers.
315
The hill Podpuja that means Buffalo (male) worship is evident over the crown of
hill. It is steep train, stands high and there are few stones assembled, where local
villagers assemble once in three years to offer their worships.
The Pithapuram inscription of Mathapadva report that Gunaga Vijaditya III of

Eastern Chalukya, slew Mangiraja, burnt Chakrakuta, tesited Sankila, residing in
Kiranpura and joined by Kishna, restored his dignity to Vallabhendra, and
received elephants as tribute from the King of Kalinga.(3)
Somesvara I of Western Chalukya of Kalyani with his feudatory, the Kakatiya

Prola, raided Kosala and conquered Chakrakota in the Bastar State, after defeating
a King of the Naga Dynasty. It is not unlikely that he came into clash with
Virarajendra and Rajendra Chola II at Chakrakote.(4)
B.R. Gopal wrote, “As a prince Vikramaditya VI started on a digvijaya after

obtaining the permission of his father He finally conquered Gangakund, Vengi
and Chakrakuta” (5)
Nilakanta Sastri wrote, “At the time of his father’s death and the forcible seizure
of the Vengi throne by Vijaditya mentioned in the Ryali plates, Kulottunga, or
Rajendra, as he was then known, must have been a young man in his teens. For
considering he lived on to have a long rule of fifty years from A.D. 1070, it is
hardly likely that about A.D. 1062 he was more than twenty years of age. His
earliest Tamil inscriptions record certain facts that seem to indicate how Rajendra
engaged himself when he was thus kept out of his inheritance. This records of his
second year (6). state that, with the aid only of the strength of his arms and his
sword, he over came the treachery of his enemies, captured many herds of
elephants, levied tribute from the Nagavamsi King, Dharavarsa of Chakrakuta,
and gently raised the Earth resembling the lotus expecting to rise of the sun for
blooming, as Visnu raised the Earth from the ocean in his boar incarnation, and
seated her, to her great pleasure under the shade of his parasol (7). His records
soon came to describe these achievements as belonging to the period of his
ilangop-paruvam, when he was still heir-apparent (8). It this view is correct, we
must conclude that Rajendra spent the best part of the period A.D. 1063-70 in the
region of the modern Bastar state, and possibly even carved out for himself a
small dominion beyond it in the Purvadesa, even if he did not gain complete
control over the Chakrakuta state and annex parts of the Purvadesa to it, as his
inscriptions imply. Possibly this northern extension of the influence of Vengi, so
closely allied to the Colas, was the cause of Vikramaditya’s expedition against
Vengi and Chakrakuta, counteracted by the campaign of Virarajendra culminating
316
in the battle of Bezawada. It will be remembered that in the course of this

campaign, Virarajendra is said also to have marched up to Sakkarkkottam (9)”.
(10)
Triummukkudal inscription implies (11) an important fact that the Vengi region
was under the hold of the Chalukyas of Kalyani and the Vengi ruler Vijaditya VII
was under subordinate position to W. Chalukyas. Tirumukkudal record, Vira
Rajendra corresponding to 1069 A.D., further describes the advances of the Chola
army close to the city of Vijayawada, which caused the armies of the enemies to
drink the water of the Godavari. On the banks of Krishna, in a decisive battle Vira
Rajendra inflicted a crushing defeat on the Western Chalukyan. After this the
Chola army and Vir Rajendra marched across Kalinga upto Mahandragiri
mountain and then beyond to Chakrokottam (or Chakrakutan). Vir Rajendra then
bestowed free Vengi on Vijayditya. (12)
As stated, Vir Rajendra passed through Mahendragiri mount to Chakrakuttam

(13).This means Cholas passed through Gunupur and then Chakrakottam. This
can be through the present Rayagada area to Kalahandi or through the hill paths of
Kathargad to Nowarangpur area. The other alternate path was through the
Kakrigumma and thence to Katharagad or Bhairaba Singapur. But this is a hilly
walking path. As Vira Rajendra was moving with his army, cavalry and elephants
he may have taken the path from Koraput to B. Singpur through Borigumma.
Later a battle was fought at Kondai in Chakrakottam in the Bastar region. Chola
and then they owned this battle erected one victory pillar these. In there exploits
the Chola appears to have been assisted by his nephew Rajendra, the future
Kulottunga I(14). The battle was fought between Vikramaditya VI and
Virarajendra was assisted by Rajendra II.
As per literary work Vikramakadeva Charita of Bilahan; Vengi and Chakrakottam

were conquered by Vikramaditya VI, during the time his father Somesvara I was
ruling. The Chola Virarajendra and Kulottunga I marched into Chakrakutam
region and defeated Vikramditya VI (15). Records of Virarajaendra Chola (1086
and 1069 A.D.) refer to the Chola attack of Kalinga and Chakrakottakam region
(16).Hereafter Virarajendra gave his daughter to Vikramaditya VI.
Someswara I of the W. Chalukya of Kalyani with his feudatory, the Kakatiya

Prola, raided Kosala and conquered Chakrakota in the Bastar district, after
defeating a king of the Naga dynasty. It is not unlikely that he came into clash
317
with Virarajendra and Rajendra at Chakrakota.(16). A.C.P. grant from Rajapura in

Bastar State gives a list of achievements of Vikramaditya VI.(17)
References
1. Rao, B.V. History of the Eastern Chalukya of Vengi (610-1210 A.D).

p.344-45
2. Ibid
3. Hiralal Rai Bahadur. Inscriptions of C.P. and Berar; and E, I.IX.p.160,
174 and 311
4. Ganguly, D.C. Struggle for Empire. p.172; A.C.P. grant fro Rajapura in
Bastar State gives a list of achievements of Vikramaditya VI.; E.I.IX,
p.108.
5. E.I. IX.p.108
6. S.I.I.IIIp.64-7& E.I. IX., p.179n.1.22
7. Venkatarama Aiyar. (1943) Indian History Congress, Aligarh, .pp.161-2
8. S.I.I. III.p.68
9. A.R.E. 1914, II 10; S.I.I. III., p.128”
10. Sastri, K.A.N. The Colas.p.291-292.
11. E.I.XXI, No. 38.p.220
12. Ibid.p.243., S.I.I. Vol., No.30
13. Ibid.p.220; S.I.I.vol.III., No.30.
14. E.I.XXI, pp.232-33, E.I.IX.p.179 n.182& A.R.E.No.125 of 1900.
15. Krishana Kumari, M. The Rule of the Chalukya-Chola in
Andhradesa.p.15.
16. Ganguly, D.C. In Struggle for Empire.p.172
17. E.I. Vol. IX, 108
318
NARAYANA TEMPLE, JEYPORE
Bhagabati in Narayana temple complex., Jeypore Ganesha in Lokanatha Siva

Temple, Jeypore
Lokanatha Siva Temple and in front Khajuribandha, Jeypore Kartikeswara in

Lokanatha temple
319
Unidentified person with Siva Linga, Lokeswara temple. Images not

identified, Lokeswara temple
320
BARASUR IN BASTAR DISTRICT

Barsur in ruins was an important place in the history of Bastar. It is located to the
west of Jagdalpur town and is about 135 Kms. The most important ruins of Barsur
are the Siva temple along with others. The Siva temple had two sanctuaries
having a common mandapa and was supported on 32 pillars in four rows. In each
of the sanctuaries there is a linga and a Nandi.Another Siva temple has mandapa
with 12 pillars in three rows and the third is called Mama-Bhanja ka Mandir. It
is distinct by the carvings on the inside walls in the shape of bells suspended from
chains. Little away in the open is the idol of Ganesha and is about 7 to 8 feet high
and the circumference is about 17 feet. Similar size Ganesha idol is also seen in
the Nandapur, of Orissa. Both resemble to each other, however, the history behind
is not yet clear. There are also numerous small images collected and preserved in
a iron grill fenced place at the site. Hira Lal had reported a well carved Vishnu of
about 4 feet height. One image of Durga is inscribed. These temples are made up
of stones with out lime and have been classified as medieval Brahminic style
temples by Hira Lal. I am of the opinion that the Siva temple is of Southern
Indian style and the Mama Bhanja temple is in Orissan style.
Dantwada in Bastar district
Dantwada is about 50 Kms and south of Barsur. The village around have
sculptured stones lying about some of them are five hooded cobras and some are
intercoiled snakes. The intercoiled snake is very uncommon in the region except
for one that is located in Paikapada temple complex, in Koraput, Orissa. The
Dantwada has the shrine of Danteswari, well known as the tutelary goddess of the
former Bastar ruling family. The temple is built on the junction of two rivers,
Sankhini and Dankini. It was ill famous for its Human sacrifice activities in the
past. The victim used to be decapitated besides the goddesses
Mahishasuramardini with eight arms and in act of killing the demon and the
buffalo. She is known to be the Danteswari as said before. The temple houses
images of Visnu, Ganesha, Kartikaya and others. They seems to have been
collected from the ruins of Barsur.There are five inscriptions, of which three are
inside the temple, one is just out side the temple and the other is in the
Bhairamgudi.
There is very close relation to the Bansuli temple near Kotpad so also to the
Phampuni Mahishasuramardini that is now located in the forest of the village. It
may be that the deity was also worshipped in the past with Human sacrifice and in
321
later course when it was stopped the deity was placed in isolation with out any
worship. Similar is the Mahishasuramardini in Podagada ruins in the Umerkote
area. The Jeypore Kalika temple and the Kanaka Durga of the Jeypore Palace had
the very similar history. So at a point of time these temples of the Kings of Bastar
and Jeypore had the tradition of Human sacrifice in annual terms and it got spread
all through the muthas except for the Sabara tribe who did not believe in the
concept.
Hira Lal wrote, “For the support of the e, an estate consisting of several villages is
attached--. Danteswari temple
Bhairamgarh is about 70 miles west of Jagdalpur and has three or four temples,
together with the remains of a fort and a ditch and several tanks. There is an
inscription on a pillar, and at Potinar, a village near Bhairmgarh, there is a slab
inscribed on four sides (This has been now removed to a roadside place called
Jangla, six miles north of Potinar, for easy access.).
Gadia is 20 miles west of Jagadalpur and has a stone temple with no idols, but
built in the same style as those of Barsur. About 400 yards away there is a big
inscription and a linga was found buried in a brick mound.
Narayanpal and Kuruspal are quite close to each other, the former being
situated on the river Indravati. Near these villages are the forts of Rajapur and
Bodra, and not far away the beautiful falls of the Indravati at Chitrakut, present a
magnificent appearance.
Narayanpal is only 6miles from the Gadia and has an old temple, an image of
Vishnu, and an inscription.
Sunarpal and Chapka are with in 12 miles from Narayanpal.Chapka has number
of Sati pillars, several of which are inscribed.
Tirathgarh also contains some temples and relics.
Dongar is a place where according to custom the present Rajas go to be crowned.

Here on of the queens, whose fingers were chopped off by royal orders and who
ventured to inform her father, writing the letter with the blood so wantonly split,
was buried alive. The pit which is still pointed out was once disturbed by a greedy
Raja of the same family, who also brought down the temple of Narayanpal and
some others in search of supposed buried treasure.”
Reference
1. Hira Lal. E.I. Vol. IX. p. 161.
322
KALACHURIS OF TRIPURI
The Kalachuris of Tripuri are also known as the Kalachuris of Dahala. They
came from country around Jabalpur of Madhya Pradesh that became very
powerful and famous during Gangeyadeva, who assumed the title of
Vikramaditya. Mirashi, however believed that these two dynasties are related (2)
Kalachuris came to be known as the chaidyes or the lord of the Chedi country (3).
He made a confederacy with Paramar Bhoja and Rajendra Chola and invaded
Deccan who was ruled by Chalukya Jayasimha II, but the later succeeded in
dispensing Gangeyadeva (4). Gangeyadeva came to the throne before A.D. 1019.
He then invaded Kosala and defeated King Somavansi Mahasivagupta Yayati.
After victory over the Somavansis Gangeyadeve he reached seashore over
running the Utkala (5). He was assisted in that expedition by Kamalaraja of the
Kalachuri family of Tummana (6).
Kalachuris of Ratnapur (7) and invasion of Chakrakota and

South Kosala
Kalingaraja, a remote lineage to Kokalla I, founder of Kalachuri of Tripuri,
conquered South Kosala and established his capital at Tummana, modern Tuman
of Bilaspur district in Madhya Pradesh during early 11th century (8). His son
Kamalaraja helped his overlord Gangeyadeva in conquering Utkala (9) He was
succeeded by grandson Ratnaraja, then grandson Prithivideva and the great
grandson Jajalladeva I succeeded him in A.D. 1114 who became independent
from Kalachuris of Tripuri when they began to decline. He took Somesvara I, the
Naga king of Chakrakota (Bastar), who had occupied a part of Dakshina-Kosala
(10). He invaded Orissa and defeated Bhujavala, the Chief of Suvarnapura now
Sonepur. He claims have received tributes (11) from the chiefs of the ‘mandalas’
of Dakshina-Kosala, Dandakapura, Nadavali and Kukkuta , Khimidi of present
Ganjam district, Orissa.
Jajalladeva was succeeded by his son Ratnadeva II before A.D. 1126. He had
repulsed an attack of Anantavarman Chodaganga (12) and Ratnadeva II before
A.D. 1128 and 1141. His minister, Jagapala conquered the forts of Saraharadh,
Mavakasiha (va) and Bhramaravdra-desa, and took Kantara, Kusuma-bhoga,
Kandase (hav) ra, and Kakayara-desa. His younger son Jajalla II succeeded him
after A.D. 1158 (13).
The Kalachuri presence in Bastar - Koraput region is known from two villages
that still bear their name. A Kalachuri village is on way to Jagdalpur from Bastar
323
village; another Kalachuri village name is found near Kolab village in Koraput
block of Koraput district.
Recent Kalachuri coins finds in Koraput district and Bastar district attach more
significance. However, the Koraput Kalachuri coins await study and report.
The Telugu Choda family that helped the Naga king of Bastar in conquering
Sonepur region, at the end ousted the Somavamsi prince Somesvara from the
region and made themselves the master of it. They were feudatory family ruling
over a small principality with the capital at Barasur, modern Barsur in Bastar and
owing their allegiance to the Naga kings of that State.
In the later period of region of Somesvara III their relationship with Bastar
appeared to have changed. It was noticed that Somesvara III changed his
feudatory titles and even assumed the imperial title of Chakravartin.
The Telugu Choda chiefs were under the Naga king Somesvara I who was a very
powerful monarch and had a long reign from 1069 to 1110 A.D. It is after his
death or defeat at the hands of Jajalladeva I, the Kalachuri king of Ratnapur, that
Somesvara III would have changed his relationship with his overlord family.
Thus at the defeat and death of the Naga king Somesvara that the Telugu Choda
Somesvara III in his semi-independent status did not last long and he was
defeated and probably killed by the Kalachuri king Jajalladeva I in about 1119
A.D., which led to the extinction of the Telugu Choda rule in the Sonepur reign.
There was a long battle between the rulers of Ratnapur and the Ganga kings of
Orissa for the possession of the Sonepur region, which Gangas claimed as the
successor of Somavansis of Orissa.
324
References
1. Ray. H.C., Dynastic History of North India, pt. 11, p.75

2. C.I.I, IV, pt. Ip.IXVIII.
3. Sharma, R.K. The Kalachuris and Their Times pp. 9ft.
4. Kulenur Inscription; E.I. XV.p. 330, Also IA, V.p.17.
5. C.I.I, IV. Ins. No. 50, V, 17 and 51, v.18.
6. Ins. No. 76, I.B
7. C.I.I, CIF, Iv ins. No.76,
8. Ibid. Ins. No. 77.V.7.
9. Ibid. IV. Ins. No. 76, V.9
10. Ibid IV, Ins. No. 77.
11. Ibid IV. Ins. No. 93 V.5.
12. E.I. XIII, Ins. No. 88 v. 15-17.
13. C.I.I. IV. Inse Nos. 107 and 108
325
TELUGU CHODA IN CHAKRAKOTA AND SOUTH

KOSALA
The Cholas in the Telugu country are heard of from early times. A branch of
Telugu Cholas of Konidena A.D. 1050 to 1300 ruled in Kammanadu with its
capital at Konidena, now modern Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh. The
Konidena record says that Karikala was the greatest of his line. They were from
solar race and Kasyapagotra.
Rai Bahadur Hiralal, V.V.Mirashi, D.C. Sircar, R.D. Banerji K.C. Panigrahi and
P.K. Nayak have given detail account of Telugu Chodas history in their respective
works.
A Telugu Choda line ruled in Chakrakota (Bastar) and later South Kosala. The
following inscriptions are relevant to them:
The Kumarisimha, (1) Patna Museum plates (2) issued from Suvarnapura that had
been previously the capital of Kosala Somavansi describe that Somesvara II, a
king of Telugu Choda who belonged to Kasyapa gotra and the Chola or Choda
family, which is described as the race of sun. He was a devotee of Siva as well as
Vishnu and is described as the worshipper of the god Vaidayanath whose temple
is situated on the river Tel, about 30 km from Sonepur. The Somesvara II appears
have flourished about the first quarter of the 12th century and have been
responsible for the final expulsion of the Somavansi Kumara Somesvara from
Suvarnapura (1059 A.D.).
The Barsur and Potinar inscriptions (3) of A.D. 1060 showed Mahamandalesvara
Maharaja Chandraditya was the ruler of Ammagrama, as the feudatory of the
Chhindaka Naga King Dharavarsha Jagadekabhushana whose capital was Barasur
of present Bastar. The present Dasmantpur on the eastern side of Bhairaba
Singapur of Koraput district was the placed named after him as Yasmantpur that
became Dasmantpur or Dhasmantpur in due course of time is postulated. The
stone inscription of Dantewara cited by Bell (4) indicates that a Nagavamsi king
of Bastar had purchased a site at Borigumma from its owner to donate to a temple.
It is possible that the feudatory king of Telugu Choda were the one to do so
because their overlord was a worshipper of Vishnu thus being Saivas they had to
purchase; and do it at personal level. Moreover, the large Ganesh of Barsur and
one at Nandapur of Koraput also suggest it that the former was under the rules of
Telugu Chodas for some time. .
326
The last ruler Somavsavara III, known as Bhujavala in the Kalachuri records, was
driven out from Sonepur by Jajalladeva (1090-1120 A.D.) , the Kalachuri king of
Ratnapur (5).
Chandraditya, at Barsur (present Barasur of Bastar district), the capital of his over
lord Chhindika Nagas, had built a temple of the god Chandradityesvara and
excavated at tank called Chandradita- samudra and planted a garden in his name
as Nandanavana (6).
The Telugu Chodas of Bastar and South Kosala had the same gotra and clan of
origin from solar race, like that of Telugu Chodas flourishing in different parts of
Andhra during the period. Thus it can safely be concluded that the Telugu Chodas
came to Bastar from south. They owned allegiance to the Chalukya emperors of
Kalyana; it is not unlikely that Challam or his son entered Bastar country in the
train of Vikramaditya VI who is known to have led an expedition against the
eastern countries some time during the resign of his father Somesvara I
Ahavamalla (A.D.. 1043-68)(7).
Another Mahada plate (8) according to D.C. Sircar reads

Somesavara
Dharalladeva-Varman
Somesvaradeva-Verman (Somesvara III)
The Telugu Choda rule in Sonepur began with the conquest of the tract by Naga
king Somesvara I of Bastar and continued to exist for a period of about 10 years
after his death (9). The occupation of Sonepur by Kalachuris of Ratnapura is
indicated by occurrence of their gold coins in that region (10).
An interesting episode about the defeat of Somesvara, the Nagavansi ruler of

Chakrakotya (Bastar-Koraput), in the hands of Jajalladev I, have been described
in verse 22 of his Ratnapur stone inscription. Welcoming to it, “the (Jajalladeva
I) who is possessed of all the sever kinds of fortune; (by whom) was seized in
battle Somesvara —- was burnt by him after slaying (his) immense army; and by
whom was capture and then released at his mother’s words, the group of (his)
ministers and wives; - say have you seen or heard of such prince on earth.”
Jajalladeva attack on the Chhindka Naga feudatory of Chakrakotya (Bastar-
Koraput) and defeat of its ruler, Somesra followed in retaliation of the later’s
conquest of a part of the territory of Dakshina Kosala, the claim about which has
been made in the Kuruspal stone inscription (11)
His son Ratnadeva II succeeded Jajalladeva before A.D. 1126. He had repulsed an
attack of Anantavarman Chodaganga and his feudatories Ratnadeva II succeeded
327
by his son Prithvideva II between A.D. 1128 and 1141 (12). His minister,
Jagapala conquered the tracts of Saraharagadh, Mavakasiha (va) and
Bhramaravdradesa, and took Kantara (may be north Koraput part), Kusuma-
bhoga (may be Kusumi), Kandase (hav) ra, (some with as Konda dongra) and
Kakayara-desa (may be Kakrigumma). He was succeeded by his younger son
Jajalla II after A.D. 1158. (13)
The Telugu Choda family, which helped the Naga king of Bastar, in conquering
the Sonepur region, at the end outsted the Somavamsi prince Somesvara from that
reign and made themselves the master of it (14). They were feudatory family
ruling over a small principality with the capital at Barasuru, modern Barsur in
Bastar and owing their allegiance to the Naga kings of that State.
In the later period of reign of Somesvara III their relationship with Bastar
appeared to have changed. Dr. D.C. Sircar has noticed that Somesvara III changed
his feudatory titles and even assumed the imperial title of Chakravartin (15).
The Telugu Choda chiefs were under the Naga king Somesvara I who was a very
powerful monarch and had a long reign from 1069 to 1110 A.D. It is after his
death or defeat at the hands of Jayalladeva I, the Kalachuri king of Ratnapur, that
Somesvara III would have changed his relationship with his over lord family (16).
Thus at the defeat and death of the Naga king Somesvara that the Telugu Choda
Somesvara III, in his semi-independent status did not last long and he was
defeated and probably killed by the Kalachuri king Jajalladeva I in about 1119
A.D., which led to the extinction of the Telugu Choda rule in the Sonepur region
(17).
There was a long battle between the rulers of Ratnapur and the Ganga kings of
Orissa for the possession of the Sonepur region that Gangas claimed as the
successor of Somavansis of Orissa (18).
Genealogy of Telugu Chodas of Bastar and South Kosala

While Patna Museum plates indicate,
Challama
Yasoraja I
Somesvara I-b Chadraditya
328
Chandraditya
Yasoraja II
Somesvara II (1069-1088 A.D.)

Dharalladeva (1088-1095 A.D.)
Somesvara III (1095-1119 A.D.)
ARCHAEOLOGY REMAINS OF BASTAR
Barasur Mama Bhanja Siva temple Barasur Siva temple- Siva linga
329
Barasur ruins Barasur Siva temple
Ganesha, Barasur Archaeological Remains, Barasur
Barasur twin Siva Temple
330
References
1. I.K.H.R.S.I, pp. 229 ff.

2. E.I. XIX, pp. 97ff.
3. Rai Bahadur Hiralal, Inscriptions of Central Provinces and Berar. pp. 158
ff.
4. Bell, R.C. (1943) Gazetteer, Koraput.
5. Panigrahi; K.C. Chronology of the Bhauma. Kara and the Somavamsis of
Orissa.
6. E. I. XIX, pp. 97 ff.
7. Sircar, D.C. Some Southern Dynasties in Madhya Pradesh and Orissa, pp.
7-11.
8. E.I.XX VIII, pp. 283 ff.
9. Ibid. and E.I. XXVIII, pp. 283 ff
10. C.I.I. IV, Pt. 11, pp. 404-416 and Orissa Hist. R.J.; Vol. I. pp. 36 ff and the
plate.
11 E.I.X, p. 25 and IX P 28, Hiralal, ICPB, No: 273.
12. Panigrahi; K.C. op.cit. pp. 43 ff.
13. E. I. VoI. XX VIII. pp. 288-289.
14. E. I. Vol. XXVIII, p. 286.
15. N.A.H.O., 1, p.21 and N.K. Sahu (History of Orissa, pp 198-203.
16. Mirashi, Corp. Ins. Ind. Vol. IV, Part 1, pp. CXXIII-CXXII.
17. I.A.S.B. Vol. 1, 1905, pp. 19ff and Banergi, R.D. History of Orissa,
Vol.1, p. 261 ff. E.I. Vol. XXIX, p.125.
331
TELUGU IN DANDAKARANYA
More reasonable is the view that the Andhras lived in Eastern Dekkan between
the rivers Godavari and Krsna. A critical evaluation of the information supplied
by the Asokan Edicts leads us to locate the Andhras only in the above region was
the opinion of B.S.L. Hanumantha Rao (1). Satavahans had founded their empire
in West Maharashtra who were of Andhra or Telugu stock, thus identified. (2)
P.T. Srinivasa Ayyangar thinks that the Andhras were a Vindhyan tribe and that
they extended from the west to the east down the Godvari and the Krishna valleys
(3).I shall limit my discussion to the theory forwarded by D.R. Bhandarkar, who
observed: ‘The Telugu country lying between the rivers Krishna and Godavari is
called Andhra-desa at present. But whether or not it was the original home of the
Andhras, has been called in question. One Buddhist (Serivanija) Jataka, however,
speaks of two traders going form the Seriva kingdom to a town called Andhrapura
situated on the Telavaha river. Andhaura certainly corresponds to the Sanskrit
Andhrapura, and as pura is invariably used in early Pali literature to signify ‘a
capital town’, Andhrapura must mean the capital town of the Andhra kingdom.
The river Telavaha is either the modern Tel or Telingiri both not far distant from
each other and flowing near the confines of the Madras Presidency and the
Central Provinces. This, indeed, locates the original Andhra country which must,
therefore, have comprised parts of both these provinces. (4)’
Map showing origin of Telnadi from Koraput district

332
River Telingiri is flowing in Bhairaba Singapur area of Borigumma and joining

the river Indravati in the Koraput district of Orissa that joins river Godavari
flowing down south.
Andhri
Bastar-Koraput-Kalahandi region with the capital, at Podagada in its centre was
the cradle of culture and early home land of Nalas (5). The village Keselaka of the
Kesaribeda grant of Nalas has been identified with the present village Kesaribeda,
the find spot of the grant, in the Umerkot taluka of Koraput district and is located
at a distance of 25 kms to the nort-west of Puskari near the source of the river Tel.
(6) The find spot of Kesaribeda charter and its vicinity is full of ruins. G. Ramdas
(7) who visited the site in 1944 repots the existence of 5 mounds of rubble and
pieces of bricks and a tank of 100 yards. ------- There is a village named
‘Andhri’, one mile away from Kesaribeda and at the source of the
river’Tel’.(8)This river Tel, a tributary of Mahanadi, is originating from
Umerkote area of Koraput district which is flowing at present near the borders of
present Chhattisgarh and Orissa, but not very far from Andhra Pradesh.
Basing on the geographical presentation of the river Telivaha with reference to

the Serivanija Jataka (9) I am of the opinion that the Andhri village with its rich
archaeological finds may be the Andhranagari of the past. However,
Raychaudhuri is inclined to identify the Telivaha with river Krsna (10).
References
1. Hanumantha Rao, B, S.L Archaeological Series No. 69. Religion in
Andhra. p.13
2. Chattopadhyaya, S. Some Early Dynasties of South India.p.2.
3. I.A. 1913, 276-78
4. I.A. 1918, 71
5. Patel, C.B. Dynastic History of Nalas.1990. p. 45.
6. Ibid. p.74-75
7. E.I.XIX, pp.100-104, Lines13 and 14.
8. Ibid. P.168
9. Cowell, C.B. Jataka Book, I, No.3.
10. Smith, V.Early History of Deccan.p.27
333
TRILINGA AND TELINGA IN KORAPUT CONTEXT

Trilinga, Telinga as a geographical term have been of interest to the historians
since long. The Trilinga, Telinga review and sequences basing on epigraphic
sources and others have been detailed by and Acharya (1952) (1).
I have reviewed extensively the literature and available reviews on Telingi and
Trilingi in the Chapter, “Trilinga, Telinga and Trikalinga in Bastar-Koraput
Context”. However I am giving the glimpses of it once again for the reference of
the reader.
The assumptions of earlier scholars that the territory of Trilinga comprises three
parts, viz, Northern, Central and Southern parts of Orissa and also by others that it
meant three contiguous regions, such as Kalinga, Utkala and Kangoda have now
proved to be wrong, as said by Tripathi, 1985. (2). On the other hand, scholars
have taken it to mean a separate region suited to the western part of Kalinga. The
inscriptions of Amma I clearly indicates that it was a forest country. So it can
definitely be said that this region forms southern border of the South Kosala
kingdom of the Somavamsis, the South-eastern border of Tripuri kingdom of the
Kalachuris, the northern border of the Vengi kingdom and western side of the
Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara. This hilly and forest regions of Koraput and
Bastar which are even in the present day covered with dense forest, some of its
areas are still inaccessible were considered to be one of the most important
strategically important units. This was also one of the reasons given by the
historians that the enmity between the Kalachuris of Tripuri and the Somavamsis
was possibly their respective claim over the possession of the Trilinga and
Trikalinga region.
In verse 2 of the Bahmesvara inscription Janamejaya has been described as lord of

Trilinga (Trilingadhipati) and the conqueror of Odradesa. But Janamejaya’s
copper plate grants mention that he had the title of Trikalindhipati and not
Trilingadhipati. (3). He was ruling between 880 to 920 A.D.
The Trilinga has been identified and cited from the following epigraphic sources.
 Akkalapundi grant of Singaya-Nayaka (4) of the year 1368 AD

mentions Desastrilinganama and Trilingadesadhipat.
 Srirangam plates of Mummandi-nayaka (5) of the year 1358 AD gives

the boundary of Tilinga, which is “to the West and the East, two
famous countries Maharastra and Kalinga; to the south and the north
334
Pandya and Kanyakuvja, it is that country which is called Trilinga”.

The above two inscriptions belong to the same family.
 Purle plates (6) of Indravarman the lord of whole Kalinga (Sakala

Kalinga) mentions that the donee came from Tilinga and got land in
Kalinga. The date of this plate was assigned to 631 AD (7). These
inscriptions give a history of Trilinga from the 7th Century onwards
upto 14th century AD. The Trilinga has been mentioned in Puranas
and in Sankrit literature in Markandey Purano, Vayu Purano.
According to Acharya, the Trilinga cannot be taken as a mistake for
Trikalinga (8). G.Ramdas has quoted a verse from a work called
Trilinga Gramma belonging to the 12th Century AD (9).
 The Thana plate (10) of Ram Chandra of the year 1272 mentions the
defeat of Tilingas (Tlingatunga-tarunmulana-damatavala).
Trilinga from foreign sources:
 ‘Taranatha’ wrote Caldwell ‘repeatedly designates the Telugu country

Trilinga’ and describes Kalinga as a portion of Trilinga and Kalingapura
as its capital (14). Taranatha’s Tibetan History of the propagation of
Buddhism in India’ was written in 1573 AD (11).
 The Arab and Persian authors write Tilong and Tilingana (12).
 Ptolemy’s (c.150 AD) writing has been translated as Triglypton or

Trilingon. But it is bit surprising that only after the year 1000 AD the
name of the country was met after Ptolemy. The above reference clearly
shows that the antiquity of Trilinga is well established for a period of 1500
years from 15 AD from the time of Ptolemy to Taranatha.
 Cunningham suggested that the Sankrit equivalent of the Greek Trilingon

is Trikalinga and Trilinga (13). But Caldwell very rightly doubted this
identification and wrote “General Cunningham thinks Telinga derived, not
from Trilinga, but from Trikalinga, but this derivation of the word needs to
be historically confirmed Kalinga and linga may probably in some way be
connected, but the nature and history of connection have not as yet been
made out”(14). Again elsewhere he writes “the foreign name Trilinga
must have been the name by which the place was called by the natives of
the place, whilst Triglypton or Trigly-phon must have been a translation of
the name which had come into use amongst the Greeks. Hence the
335
antiquity of Trilinga, as the name of the State, or of the capital city of a

State, situated somewhere in India in Ptolemy’s time must be admitted to
be established” (15).
 McCrindle fully agrees with Caldwell and writes “The Andhras and
Kalinga, the two ancient divisions of the Telugu people are represented by
Greeks and Gangetic nations. It may be taken as certain that Triglyphon,
Trilinga or Modolinga was identical with Telingana or Trilingam, which
signifies the country of the three lingas. Pliny and Ptolemy fix the Telugu
name and language as near the mouths of the Ganga or between the
Gangas and the Godavari. Modo or Modogas equivalent to mudu of
modern Telugu means three (16). McCrindle’s Ptolemy was published in
1885 and Yule and Burnell’s Hobson Jobson was first published in 1886
and from the following note on Telenga, it appears that the authors had not
the occasion to take advantage of McCrindle’s views because this note
seems to support the views expressed by Cunningham in his Ancient
Geography of India which was published in 1871 was remarked by
Acharya, P. (17).
 The McCrindle’s researches on Ptolemy’s Geography were confined to the

study and identification of places in India alone, but Girini’s researches on
Ptolemy’s Geography were extended to further India and Indo-Malayan
Peninsula. Girini writes that “the Andhras of Orissa and Telengana in
conjunction with their near relatives, the Kalingas, founded, it appears, in
that region, kingdom consisting of three districts or separate communities
called Tri-Kalinga or Trilinga, a name from which the town Telengana
was derived and employed to designate the country of Kalinga proper, on
the western side of the Gulf of Bengal, as well as the country of Mons or
Telenga (Talaings) on the opposite shore, which had been colonized by
them”(18). The identity of Trilinga with Trikalinga as said in the extract
is attributed to the influence of Cunningham on Girini. There is no direct
reference to or even tradition of Trikalinga, has been recovered in any of
the works on this subject of the further India up till now.
 The Burma colonisation by the people of Kalinga or Trilinga of India

proper is forgotten to the extent that in Eastern India the traditions are
even silent. The study of history in Burma, Siam, Cambodia, Java etc. has
dispelled the obscurity of the then history of Eastern India has become
brighter now. Kalinga is mentioned as a civilised country in the Dhauli
edict of Ashoka and the title of Kalingadhipati of Kharavela is found from
Hatigumpha inscription (19).
336
 “The coast of Kalinga appears to be that of the continent which

commences with the Archipelago at an early date and emigration thither
was most ripe; and the name appears to have been in great measure
adopted in the Archipelago as the designation of India in general or of the
whole of the peninsular part of it. Throughout the book of Malay
historical legend called Sijara Malaya the word Kalinga or king is used for
India in general but more particularly for the southern parts”(20).
 Acharya wrote, “The geographical and ethnical names such as Sriksetra

(21) Utkala (22) Kalingarattah (23) and Tilanga (24) in Burma shows the
influence of the people of eastern India on the western side of the Bay of
Bengal who established their colony there before the Asokan period. But
we have not yet got any reference from Indian sources to Trikalinga in that
period. The remark of the reviewer of the Gazetteer of the Pegu district is
worthwhile quoting here in this connection.
“The only city of Pegu is referred to in inscriptions of the eleventh and twelfth
centuries as Ussa Pegu and the identification of Ussa with Orissa have been
placed beyond doubt in Mr. Duroiselle, the Government Epigraphist. The long
debated question of the origin of the name Talaing may also be looked upon as
settled. According to Mr. Stewart the non-inhabitants of the country were
confounded by the Burmese with Indians from Kalinga (Taleing) and Orissa
(Ussa)” (25).
The assumption of the title Tri-Kalingadhipati by the Somavamsins, who also

called themselves Kosal-endra or ‘Lord of Kosala’, would show that Tri-Kalinga.
It must be remembered in this connection that the Panduvamsins, who were lineal
ancestors of the Somavamsins, also ruled over South Kosala and when under
pressure from other powers they were forced to shift eastward and southward,
they naturally moved towards the Kalahandi-Koraput-Bastar region. For some
time they could have continued to hold a part of Kosala together with the
adjoining area. And lastly, the assumption of this title by some later members of
the Kalachuri dynasty as well as the continuation of its use by the later Eastern
Gangas would show that it was a bone of contention among them as well as the
Somavamsins and the Eastern Calukyas. ” (26)
He further continued; “The above is only a very rough indication of the areas
comprised in the three Kalingas, and it is impossible in the present state of
disinformation to be more precise. Perhaps, none of the kings who assumed the
title Tri-Kaling-adhipati controlled at any time of their rule the whole of Tri-
Kalinga; but even capture of a part of it, temporary or permanent, was thought
337
enough to justify the assumption of this title. This was true of the Somavamsins
also as they could control only a part of Orissan region of Tri-Kalinga adjacent to
South Kosala, viz., Koraput-Kalahandi-Bastar” (27).
R.Subba Rao writes that ‘Trikalingas’ are Utkala or north Kalinga, Kalinga proper
and Tel Kalinga or South Kalinga” and Trikalinga country “extended from the
river Ganges in the north to the river Godavari in the South” (28).
Garh Dhanora and Telingi
The Garh Dhanora is located 8 kms from Keskal; one has to take left turn after
traveling 3 kms from Keskal, towards Jagdalpur (Chhattisgarh State) in NH 43
road and after 5 kms comes the Garh Dhanora village. The ruins of temples in
terms of mounds are located about 1.5 kms from the said village. More precisely,
its location is on the banks of Lingdarha Nadi or river flowing from Telin Ghatt
of Keskal. The river derives its name Lingdarha from the Sivalingas of Garh
Dhanora.Inbetween Garh Dhanora and Upar Murwend is the Semla located
amidst the dense forest.
Map showing Garh Dhanora, Telin Ghat, Lingdara Nadi and Semla
338
There are three Siva Lingas.Larger one still in place over the mound. It is made
up of finely polished granite stone and it is about six feet in length and equal in
girth. The other two smaller Lingas are called Bamhanin Devi.
I wish to impress upon the fact that the words with post fix’linga’ always
indicative of a name related to ‘Siva linga”, thus the name of the temple and
thence the name of the site has been derived. There are specific examples as
Kimling, Khaling, Kotilingi, Tsrling, Dhobalinga, Odilinga etc. So Telingi is no
exception to it.
Acharya said,’ regarding the location of Trilinga or Trikalinga, it is difficult to say

anything definite on the point. From the epigraphic references it appears that it
extended from Godavari in the south to river Tel on the north along the western
border of Kalinga and Tosala, and the south borders of Dahala and south Kosala.
It roughly included the ex-States of Kanker; Bastar, Kalahandi, the hilly portions
of Ganjam and Koraput and some portions of the M.P. roughly comprising
Jhadakhand or Gondwana of the Mughal period (29).’ However, as of now, the
boundary of Trikalinga has been well defined by historians.
On the above light, I am of the opinion that the Trilinga region refers to
Bhongapal Buddhist Chaitya and neighbouring Telin ghatt of Keskal in Bastar
and extending upto Telingiri river of Borigumma in Jeypore plains of Koraput
district in Orissa. .
This has Saiva, Vaisnava and Buddhist relevance and has been discussed in detail.
Reference
1. Acharya, P (1952) Trilinga, Trikalinga, Kalinga, Odra and Utkala, OHRJ

Vol.I (1) 93ff.
2. Tripathy, S. OHRJ, XXXI, Nos. 2, 3 and 4, p. 143 ff.
3. OHRJ, Vol. XXXI, No. 2, 324 pp 143 ff
4. E.I. Vol. XIII, p.362
5. E.I. Vol. XIV, p.90
6. Ibid, Vol. XIII, p. 199 & 202.
7. Ibid, Vol. XIV, p.362
8. JAHRS Vol. VI, p.79.
9. OHRJ. Vol. I, No. 1 p.93 ff.
339
10 I.A. Vol. XLII, 1925, pp 35-37.

11. Ibid. p.9
12. Pre. Arya and Pre-Dravidian. p.76.
13. Ancient Geography of India, 1924, p.524.
14. Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Language 1913, p. 29.
15. Ibid. p.77
16. Ptolemy’s Ancient India by Mr. Crindle, 1927, p. 234
18. Gerini’s Research on Ptolemy's Geography of Eastern Asia, p.139
19. Hobson Jobson, kling, p.488
20. Goromo p.66
21. Ibid.p.73
22. Ibid. 32
23. Ibid.p.30
24. JRAS, 1918, p.150.
25. The Ancient Geography of India, 1924, p. 594.
26. Ibid. p. 184.
27. E.I. V, 133, text-line 17.
28. I.H.Q Vol. VIII p.29.
340
DYNASTIES IN SOUTH KALINGA

There were several small kingdoms in South Kalinga after 12th Century. Yashoda
Devi wrote, “Southern Kalinga in the medieval period consisted of many a small
kingdom ruled over by many a local dynasty. Such were the Matsyas of Oddadi,
the Gangas of Jantarnadu, the Pallavas of Virakuta, the Silas of Nandapura etc
besides the Chalukyas and the Haihayas. All these dynasties had allegiance to the
Eastern Ganga emperors whose control over Trikalinga or the Kalingan empire
was never effective in this period and was definitely on the downward move in
the latter part the local dynasties grew stronger as the central power grew weaker.
Kalinga especially South Kalinga – was the invading ground for the conquerors
from the south, west and north – the Cholas, the Chalukyas and the Muslims
respectively.”(1)
This sounds natural for the names of some of the dynasties – for instance the
Gangas, the Matsyas, the Chalukas, the Konas and the Pallavas are exactly same
as those some of the major dynasties and subsidiary powers in South-India-
suggesting, obviously their southern origin, though it is not possible to see when
and how they separated from the major dynasties migrated (2) and settled down in
South Kalinga.
Present works on the subjects of dynasties in South Kalinga after 12 th century
has given the glimpses of it but more work on the aspect is required in future.
Political condition in South Kalinga at the end of the 12th Century
The Ganga emperors in this period were---- Anantavarman Chodaganga till

A.D.1148, his son Kamarnava (A.D. 1148-1158), his brother Raghava (A.D.
1156-1170) and Rajaraja II, the third son of Anantavarman (A.D. 1170-1190) his
younger brother Anangabhima II or Aniyankabhima (A.D. 1190-1198) and
Rajaraja III (A.D. 1198-1212). “With the accession of Rajaraja III a new era
begins in Orissan history (3).” The rulers between Anantavarman and Rajaraja III
were not powerful. Consequently the political atmosphere was conducive for the
rise of new dynasties. And one such was the Matsya dynasty of Oddadi.
The Matsys of Oddadi A.D. 1200-1470
An important dynasty in South Kalinga, the Matsyas ruled over the Matsyadesa
i.e. Oddadivishaya (A.D.1200-1470) with capital at Oddadi, 16 miles from
Anakapalle in Vizagapatam district for a period of two and half centuries from
341
about A.D. 1200 to 1470. Their ancestry goes back to the 5th century A.D. The
Matsyas had their own crest seal and coinage and two Matsyas i.e. double fish
was their emblem. They may have had some connection with the Pandyas whose
emblem was also fish. (4). The Matsya kings were great warriors and had
important military successes to their credit. They contracted alliance of marriage
with the Pallavas of Virakuta, the Gangas of Jantarnadu etc. Occasionally, the
Matsya expeditions reached Draksharama.
Sources and origin

Inscriptions – all stone records except the Dibbida copper plate grant in the
Madras Museum (5) form the main sources for the history of the Matsyas.
References in the records of the Pallavas of Virakuta, Gangas of Janturnadu and
the Reddis give some additional but important details.
The Mythical ancestry of the Matsyas is as follows

It is opined that the first rule of Matsya line ruled at the place Matsyakhuna in the
vicinity of modern Kompagude (Kuphgudu) in Jeypore estate (present day
Koraput district). (6)
After Satya martanda, a long line of Matsya rulers ruled over Oddadi. A Matsya
family is mentioned in the Chipurupalle plates (7) of Vishnuvardhana ( (A.D.632)
of the Eastern Chalukyas. Atavi durjaya of this family was the executor of the
grant of Kalvaganda in Dimilishaya in Sarvasiddhi Taluq to two Brahmans.
Chipurupalle is in Vizagapatnam district. Probably Atavi durjaya was one of the
successors of Satyamartanda, and served Vishnuvardhana or else he belonged to a
collateral line of the Matsya.
The names Matsya kings Bhima, Vallabha, Yuddhamalla, Ganga, and Kokkila of
kings seem to suggest their allegiance to the Eastern Chalukyas, but the name of
other kings – Gang etc. and the location of the kingdom perhaps show that the
Matsyas must have ruled Oddadi as feudatories of the Gangas of Kalinga. It may
noted here, that the Kadambas in Kalinga (8) landlords of Panchavishaya alias
Panchapatravishaya had also Matsya lanchana. Whether the Matsyas are related to
them is not known. The Matsyas of Oddadi ere subordinate to Eastern Gangas
mentions the name of Rajadhiraja (9)
Other and Later Matsyas

A record of Chodavaram(10) A.S.1391 speaks of Viratapasingaraju, son of
Oddadi Prastapasingaraju. Pratpavallabha, a mahamandaleswara made grants for
342
the increase of his sovereignty and the Matsyas chief in A.D1392 at

Zuttada(11).In the third year of the Bhimraja of Matsyavamsa, some Settis made
grants at Zuttada(12). The relation of Bhima to main branch Matsya is not known.
Matsya kingdom ended with Sinraju in A.D.1471 and was replaced by Puspati of
Viziangram and Madgole Zamindars owing allegiance to the Gajapatis. The
Madgole Zamindars claim decent from the Matsyas of Oddadi and bear the title
Bhupatis of Oddadi. The Zamindars of Gudda call themselves lords of Oddadi.
The Bhupatis of modern Madgole became extinct in the present family of Jeypore
owing to the failure of the male line in their family. The family lived in Bhupati
street of Jeypore till date.
The above chapter is heavily taken from Yashoda Devi’s work.
References
1. Devi, Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country: The Dynasties in South
Kalinga.p.306-07. 2. Ibid.
4. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta. The Pandyan Kingdom. Pp.11,15.
3. Banerji, R.D. History of Orissa pp. 11-15.
5. EI. V. No: 14 Kielhorn: Hist. of Inscriptions p. 104 No. 600 Ins. Mad.
Pres. III VG 51.
6. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p.308
7. K.I. V. p.108 fn 3.
8. Bharati V-I pp. 321 – 374
9. Singh Deo, K.B. cited J.O.A.Vol.I, pp26-30, Capt. Owen’s Diary of
Expedition to Jeypore’ in 1855.
10. Sewell, Robert. Antiquities I p. 17
11. Mack, Ms. 15-6-26. Elliot’sInscriptions No. 58.
12. 6 of 1929-30.
Yashda devi has given full account of Matsyas of Oddadi from 1200-1470A.D. in
her work.’The History of Andhra Country-1000A.D.-1500A.D..
She was of the opinion that as per the names of the Kings of Matsyas of Oddadi it
suggests of their alleigiance to Eastern Chalukyas; and the names of subsequent
kings points to Matsyas of Oddadi as feudatories of the Gangas of Kalinga. The
relations of Matsyas of Oddadi to Kadambas of Kalinga is also postulated but not
clear as the later had also Matsya lanchana.
343
PALLAVAS OF VIRAKUTA
A dynasty of the Pallavas ruled in South Kalinga with capital at Virakuta or
Viragottam for four centuries from the 11th to 14th. They owed their allegiance to
the Cholas and the Eastern Gangas, except when they had to acknowledge the
supremacy of the Chalukyas of Kalyani. The kings were independent, had their
own coinage and Khatvanaga on their banner and were well known warriors and
led expeditions of conquest. The Pallavas contracted alliances of marriage with
the Silas, the Gangas of Jantaranadu etc. (1).
Sources and Origin
The inscriptions of the dynasty found in the temples at Drakshrama,

Simhachalama. Mukhalingam and Srikurman formed the chief source. The record
of the Gangas of Jantarnadu was another source that gave some references to the
Pallavas of Virakuta.
The Prasasti of the kings shows that the Pallava claimed their descents from
Trinetra Pallava and the moon. However, the relationship of these Pallavas to the
Pallavas of the south, and the time when they separated and settled in Kalinga is
not apparent.Yashoda Devi wrote, “It may be surmised that when the Pallavas in
the south were at the zenith of their power, a collateral branch migrated to the
southern Kalinga, established a Kingdom and lived for centuries together of the
Pallavas in the south ceased to exist. Unlike the records of the Matsyas of Oddadi,
the records of these Pallavas do not give a mythological origin of the dynasty.
Neither the relationship of these Pallavas to the Telugu Pallavas in Vengi is
known from record.”(2).
Suraparaju A.D 1112-1132

The King Surya or Suraparaju was an earliest member of the family as is known
from records His only record is from Draksharma dated A.D 1112 and the 43rd
year of Tribhuvana Chakravarti Kulottunga Chodadeva bearing the Chalukya
prasasti Sarvalo-kasraya etc.(3)
Surapas reign may have lasted till AD. 1132 the earliest date for his successor
Bayyaraju.
His Political Relations
344
It is likely that Suraparaju was subdued by the Cholas during the first or second
Kalinga wars. Consequently he acknowledged Chola suzerainty in his
Draksharama inscription was the opinion of Yashoda Devi (4). It was
Ananatavarman Choda Ganga of Eastern Ganga was the contemporary of
Suraparaju. It is also postulated that Suraparaju maintained friendly relations with
the petty kingdoms in south Kalinga e.g. The Matsyas, the Silas, the Gangas, the
Chalukyas etc.
Bayyaraju A.D 1132-1157

Bayyaraju’s relationship to his predecessor Suryaraja is not known. His earliest
inscription (5) is from Draksharama dated A.D 1132 and C.V 57 registering gifts
by his queen Kommidevi. His next inscription (6) is from Draksharama dated A.D
1157 mentioning gifts by his queen Lakshmi.
Bayyaraju and the Chalukyas of Kalyani

Bayya’s first record of A.D 1132 is dated C.V 57 (7). After that date there appear
no signs of Pallava loyalty to the Chalukyas which is in keeping with the fact that
the Chola suzerainty was restored in Vengi soon after by A.D 1139(8).
Bayya and the Cholas

None of Bayya’s records are dated in the regnal years of the Chola emperors –
Kulottunga II and Rajaraja II. Bayya’s titles show that he must have fought some
battles. This must have been on behalf of the Cholas against the Chalukyas. (9)
Purushottama A.D 1187-1226

Mandalika Purushottama made gifts at Mukhalingam in A.D 1157 and the 22nd
year of Anantavarmodeva (10) of the Gangas. It is assumed that he was a Pallava
but his relationship to Bayyaraja is not known. Through none of Purushottamas
later records are available; his reign may have lasted till A.D 1226- the earliest
date for Bayyaraju, his successor.
Purushottama A.D 1308 – 1348

Purushottama was the son of a valiant King whose name is lost in the record and
Sriyadevi alias Sriangalakshmi. His earliest inscription (11) is at Simhachalam
dated A.D 1308, registering gifts by the queen mother.
345
Viragottam was invaded about A.D. 1346 by Chalukya Lakumaraja and his
success was short lives as seen from later inscriptions of Pallava Narasimha are
available from A.D 1348. Simhachalam record of A.D 1346 mentions
Sarvalakasraya Vishnuvardhana maharaja alias Lakumaraja of Viragotta, son of
Vinjamadeva and his queen Sriadevi (12). So Purushottama no doubt opposed the
Chalukya armies and suffered reverse. Purushottama would have maintained
friendly relations with the local powers in Kalinga except the Chalukyas.
Again, Purushottama suffered a reverse in the hands of the Reddis of Kondavidu,

before A.D. 1335. The date of Chimakurti c.p charter 91 of Prolaya Vama Reddi,
speaking about his successes in Kalinga is indicative. The Ganga contemporaries
of Purushottama were Bhanudeva II and Narasimha III, to whom his loyalty is not
seen from records (13)
Narasimha A.D 1348 – 1400

On his accession to the throne in A.D 1348, Narasimha made grants at
Simhachalam for the increase of his country, kingdom, fame and prosperity etc.
The similar records and purpose was noted by the king in A.D 1352. In a
Simhachalam record (14) of A.D 1356, Purushottama of Virakuta, a moon to the
ocean i.e. Pallava Kula and a destroyer of his enemies and his priya
Mandanarekha, figure, Narasimha, Purushottama and Lakumadevi, the queen of
Narsimha are mentioned in an inscription at Srikurman (15) dated A.D 1357.
As it is Narasimha did not lead any expeditions of conquest; but had to face the
Reddi armies under Katayavema, general of King Kumaragiri by A.D 1390, for
Katyavema claims to have conquered Viraghotta in his Kumaragirirajiya (16)
which, is attested by records (17) of the Reddis.
Saubhagyadeva A.D 1400-1420

Saubhagyadeva was the son of Purushottama and a brother of Narasimha. His
succession presupposes the death of Purushottama. (18)
No sons and successors of Saubhagyadeva are heard of; and the Pallava territories
must have come under Kapilesvara Gajapati, soon after the fall of the Ganga
empire after Bhanudeva IV. It may he noted here that Sirigottam mentioned by
Sewell is a mistake for Viragottam which becomes clear form a study of the
Pallava records and Sewells’ notice of them in his Antiquities was remarked by
Yashoda Devi The History of Andhra Country.(19).
346
The above chapter is the extracts taken from the work of Yashoda Devi’ The
History of Andhra Country’ and the interested workers can refer to her original
work in detail from her book.
References
1. Devi, Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country: The Dynasties in South
Kalinga.p.321
2. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p321-322
3. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p322
4. Ibid.
5. 338 of 1893; S.I.I. IV 1220.
6. 328 Ibid. 1209
7. 338 of 1893; S.I.I. IV 1220 the Colas II, p.58
8. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p322-323
9. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p323
10. 180 of 1896; S.I.I. V1005.
11. 322 of 1899; S.I.I.VI 991.
12. 321 Ibid. 989
14. 280 of 1899; S.I.I. VI 795
15. 275 and 276 of 1896; S.I.I. V 1154, 1155
16. Introduction to Sakuntalavyakha cited by Devi, Yashoda, p.349
17. J.A.H.R.S. XI Anaparti C.P. grant of Kamaragiri Text p.204 & 27-38
18 Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p327
19. Ibid.
347
GANGAS OF JANTARNADU
A Ganga dynasty ruled over Jantarnadu (1) for about two centuries from A.D
1270 to 1461. it has been suggested that ‘Jantranadu’ is perhaps the modern name
of Dantapuranadu. The Dantapura was the early capital of Gangas. (2) These
Gangas were one amongst the important dynasties in South Kalinga. Their
Kingdom Jantarnadu was seldom the largest of may an invader-the Reddis, the
Matsyas and so forth.(3) The Gangas owed allegiance formally to the Imperial
Gangas and contracted alliances of marriage with the Matsyas and the Silas.(4)
Sources and Origin

All the records of the Gangas of Jantarnadu dynasty except for one inscription at
Boni are in Simhachalam. The records of the Gangas of Kalinga and the Matsyas
give some reference to the Gangas of Jantarnadu besides the literature and
inscriptions of the Reddis. (5).
The Gangas prasastis were not elaborate like the Matsyas and the Pallavas. The
records did not furnish details regarding their ancestry and early history. The
Gangas were of Surabhikula, Gatsama dagotra and Gamgavamsa is known. The
term Jantarnadu indicating the country of their rule is prefixed to the names of the
kings of the dynasty. (6)
No mythical ancestors of the Gangas are known. The early members of the
dynasty are referred to in a general fashion in a single record which says that in
Gangavamsa were born several kings (7). No details about them available.
Narasimha A.D 1272 – 1285

Narasimha the earliest known ruler of the dynasty is known from his
Simhachalam records dated A.D 1272. In same year, his minister Sachiva
Ganesvara Chamunatha, son of Somisvaranayaka, made grants for the increase of
wealth, health, valour, fame etc of the king (8). Probably Narasimha’s reign
lasted upto A.D 1285, the earliest known date for his successor Ganguraju was
opined.(9)

Some of the rules contemporary with Narasimha were Narasimha I, Bhanudeva I
and Narassimha II of the Gangas, Choda I of the Panchadhara, Haihayas, and
Mallapa II of Elamandchili Chalukyas, Arjuna I of the Matsyas, Bayyaraju of the
Pallavas of Virakuta, and Rajaraja I and Vijayadiya II of the Chalukyas of
Srikurmam. (10). There no signs of allegiance of Narasimha to the Gangas.
348
Gangraju A.D 1285-1319.

The relationship of Gangaraja to Narashimha is not known, probably he was the
son. (11.In A.D 1285 Janatranta Gangaraju made gifts at Simhachalam for the
increase of this kingdom, wealth and health (12)
Pratapa Gangaraju A.D 1319 – 1368

Pratapagangaraju became ruler in A.D 1319 but his relationship to Gangaraja is
not known. His earliest inscription is from Simhachalam dated A.D 1319 and the
13th year of Devadideva Srijagamnatha deva (13).So Gangarajula reign lasted
upto A.D 1368.

Pratapa Ganga had a reign of fifty year. The Eastern Ganga emperor Bhanudeva II
i.e. Jaganatha reigned from A.D 1307 to 1328. (14) Gangaraju’s record dated in
Jaganatha’s regnal years shows his allegiance to the Ganga throne. The statement
in the record that the queen of Gangaraju made the gift in charge (authority) of
Sankaradesa mahasenapati (15) shows that the part of Ganga Empire in which
Jantarnadu was included was in the charge of Viceroy Sankaradasa,
Pratapaganga’s loyalty to the Ganga throne must have continued in the reigns of
Narasimha II (1328-1353 A.D) and Bhanudeva III (1352 – 1378) (16).
Gangaraja must have come into conflict with the Reddis of Kondavidu in
defensive warfare. For Prolaya Vema Reddi claims to have disturbed Jantarnadu
by A.D 1335 as the title Jantarnatarayahallakallola (17) indicates. Gangaraja
suffered a reverse in the Reddi hands during the later’s campaign in Southern
Kalinga about A.D 1334.
A King A.D 1368 -1398

The name of the successor of Pratapa Gangaraja is not known. His rule must have
lasted till A.D 1398- the earliest date for his successor, Sangamaraja. A record of
A.D 1387 mentions Jantarnati Satyamuhadevi making gifts for the satisfaction of
her desires (18). She was evidently the queen of Prataparajuna of the Matsyas of
Oddadi.
The later kings of the dynasty were Sangamaraju A.D. 1398-1420, Gangaraja,
A.D. 1420-1440 and Singaraja and Pratapa Kumaraja, A.D. 1440-1461 ruled. It is
evident from inscriptions found from Simhachalam. (19).
349
The above chapter is the extracts taken from the work of Yashoda Devi’ The
History of Andhra Country’
References
1. E.I. XXIp.268
2. Ibid.
3. Devi, Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country. The Dynasties in South
Kalinga. p.328
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. 242 of 1899; S.I.I.VI 693
8. 242 of 1899; S.I.I.VI 693
10. Ibid. op.cit. p.328-329
11. Ibid. op.cit. p.329.
12. 251 Ibid.713.
13. 252 Ibid.714.
14. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p. 330
15. 252 of 1899: VI 714.
17. The Chimakuati e.p. Chapter E.I. XXI, No. 41 A Text p. 272 17.
18. 283 Ibid. 820.
350
NANDAPUR
Nandapur is located on the banks of the river Isani Ganga or Gangeshani. This
river has been regarded as sacred and compared to Kasi of north and has been
called as Dakshina Kasi locally. There are numerous archeological remains left in
the place, notably the Batrisha singhasana, innumerous Jain vestiges in and
around the place. There are no direct evidences so far from inscriptions, what ever
is known has come from other sources and places. People are of the opinion that
much of the present idols and deities reported from Jeypore was due to Nandapur
and were transferred during shift of capital. There is evidence that at least twice
the Nandapur was capital of Suryavamsis and was shifted once to Narayanapatna
and the last to Jeypore.
K.B.Singh Deo (1938) had given a detail account of Nadapur Kings, later known
as Jeypore Zamindars in his book entitled, ‘Nandapur- A Forsaken Kingdom’ (1).
He has given a detail account of the archaeological remains, history related to the
Sankara Dynasty and their relation to Silavamsi Kings and the Bhupatis of
Madgole of Oddadi. He has given a detail account of the Sankara Dynasty of
Nandapur from Vinyako Deo who succeeded by marriage to the only daughter of
last Silavamsi King of Nandapur in 1443 and assumed the title of Nandapur
Bhupati; ruled upto 1476 (2).
Uma-Parbati in Nilakantheswara Temple, Sarveswara Siva temple, Nandapur

Jeypore (believed to be of Sankara Dynasty)
351
There are several views on the relationship and origin of Sankara Dynasty; Mr.
Oram speaks.’ Ramamachandra Deo, Raja of Nandapuram, is descendent of a
Rajah, formerly a servant and favourite to an ancient king of Jagannatha and
sovereign of these northern circars, who gave him a daughter in marriage and
bestowed this tributary principality upon him‘(3).
It was early in the 15th century that the plain lands of Orissa and the northern
circars passed from the sway of the Ganga dynasty to that of the Gajapati kings of
Cuttack, belonging to Solar race. As the change of dynasty occurred
simultaneously in Nandapur and as the new line of kings obviously to have been
Oriya descent, it is extremely likely that the kingdom was concurred by
Kapileswara Deva, the first of the Gajapatis as a mark of favour on one of his
following--- (4)Oram’s theory is thus probably correct.
A third theory is advanced by the author of a Sanskrit work called the

Gangavamsa Charitra, which seems to have been written about the middle of the
18th century. This states that the eldest son of the Bhanudeva IV, the last ruler of
the Ganga kings of the Kalinga, after the usurpation of his kingdom by
Kapileswara Deva, went southwards and founded a kingdom at Gudari (near
Gunupur) and that subsequently the Gudari Kings became masters of Nandapur.
The story lacks confirmatory evidence, and is in any case suspect as the aim of the
historian was confessedly the glorification of the Ganga line of Kings. This is all
as per the statement given in Koraput District Gazetteer by R.C.S. Bell (1941) (5).
Brusha in Sarveswara Temple, Nandapur Brusha in Nilakantheswara Temple,

Jeypore
The other version is due to Vadivelu’s Ruling Chiefs, Nobles and Zamindars of
India that traces the descendent to ancient Kings of Kashmir and Jamu.Vinayaka
Deo second son of Kambiraja Deo, the Jammu King and a descendant of
352
Kankasena of the Solar race, was on pilgrimage to Benares and God Visweswar
directed him to proceed to Nadapur to take up the kingdom’ (6).
Vinayaka Deo’s family, the Sankara Dynasty of Jeypore/Nandapur ruled from

1443 A.D. to Indian Independence from British during 1947.
Silavamsi Kings of Nandapur as per Inscriptions

Vinayaka Deo married the only daughter, Lilavati of the last Silavamsi king of
Nandapur and occupied the throne of Nandapur in 1443 as said above. K.B.S.Deo
(1938) (7) informed that there is meager account of the Silavamsis of Nandapur;
but in recent days there has been significant progress in the direction by
historians; and good account can be read from the work of Yashoda Devi’s ’The
History of Andhra Country-1000 A.D. to 1500 A.D.’ (8)
The Silavamsa may have got their identity from the Sila river that flows close to
the old fort of Nandapur.The same river then flows through Madgole, the land of
the Matsya kingdom is called as Matsya or Macheru river. The Macheru or
Machkund rises in the Madgole hills at about 3000 feet and then through the
Padwa valley it flows down. The Paderu village is located by the side of the upper
portion of Matsya or Maccha river was once the seat of the old Matsya Kings of
the Oddadi country. There is a stone in the shape of Fish that was the seat where
the Matsya kings were installed over as kings (9).
The Madgole kings were known as Bhupatis and the Madgole family became
extinct due to lack of male line (10).
Paderu is now a large settlement was formerly the seat of the Old Matsya kings of
Oddadi. The word Oddavadi means ’the beginning of the Oriya (11).
Map showing Nandapur, Narayanapatna and Jeypore
353
Silavamsi or Silas as they were known ruled from middle of the 14th century to
middle of the 15th century only. Their capital was at Nandapur and Bobli (12).
They had acknowledged the suzerainty of Gangas of Kalinga (13). They had
continued marriage alliances with Matsyas and the Pallvas (14). The Sila were the
originators of the Jeypore Estate. There is no record as to the origin of the Silas
except that they were Silavamsa and Silavemsa gotra of Nandapur.
Ganga ruled1300-1353 A.D. and as per inscription of Simhachalam dated 1353

A.D. (15) Visvanatha succeeded Ganga. His rule lasted till A.D. 1370 and
Bhairvaraju his successor ruled from A.D.1370-1427. He is known from
Simhachalam inscription dated A.D.1396. He was also known as Bayyaraju. He
was then succeeded by his son, Gangaraju A.D.1427-1435 also as per
Simhachalam inscription. He was also known by name Pratap Gangarajugaru.His
earliest record was from Simhachalam followed by next record from Srikurmam
dated 1435. He was a feudatory of Kapilesvar, thus Ganga with Gajapati support
must have succeeded his enemies.
Matsya contemporary of Gangaraju was Pratapavallabha the successor of Arjuna

III. The Silas and the Matsyas were connected by alliance of marriages. For king
Ganga’s mother, and queen of Bhairava was the daughter of Jayanta of the
Matsyas and sister of Singaraju (16). Possibly the Silas were helped by the
Matsyas in extending their country.
A king Visveswara raju of Silavamsa A.D. 1427 is known from the Srikurmam
inscription (17). He was the son-in-law of Jayanta of the Matsyas; so the Silas and
Matsyas were in terms of alliance in this period.
Pratapa Gangaraju of the Sila had a daughter Singama. She was married to
Khajjalabhanu alias VinayakaDeva, the founder of the kingdom of Gudari. On the
death of Pratapa Gangaraju in A.D.1443, the two kingdoms of Nandapur and
Gudari were reunited under Vinayaka Deva. (18) Vinayaka Deva is said to have
been of the Ganga family of Cuttack. According to the Jeypore Chronicle (19),
Vinayaka Deva was the 33rd descendant of Kanakasena of the Solar race. He was
a general and feudatory of the king of Kashmir. Left for Benares, pleased
Visveswara by his penance and was directed by the God in a dream to go to the
kingdom of Silas of which he would become the king. This was the findings from
Yashoda Devi (20). The daughter of Pratap Gangaraju has been mentioned as
Lilavati and Singama, respectively in two above reports. Nandapur Suryavamsi
dynasty was born from mid fifteenth century. As I am dealing this work from BC
to 1250 A.D is not with in the scope of the book to continue information on
Nandapur Suryvamsis.
354
The history of Nandapur has remained obscure before Silavamsa and Matsya of
Oddai, because of lack of proper inscriptions and records. It is well documented
fact that Koraput-Bastar remained part of the Trikalinga and the subject has been
detailed out in one of the chapters. Again the history reveals the ploy of
Chakrakote which comes under the geographical location of Trikalinga had
remained the bone of contention for many of the Dynasties especially in the 9th
and 10th century. These events are well documented in the book. The Trikalinga
historical events do not specifically refer Nandapur but the Chakrakote is referred
in all events. The archaeological evidence, especially the Jaina monuments do
give a historical prospect to the Nandapur and is definitely earlier days to 9th
century. The Eastern Ganga had played major role in Trikalinga and I have
postulated the role of Western Ganga in this region and have been detailed out in
one of the chapters. But though the region came under the sway of Eastern
Chalukyas and the Chodas had occupied Koraput-Bastar so also the Western
Chalukyas they did not leave any significant event in Nandapur and seems to have
remained in the Nowrangpur and Kakrigumma tract extending into Kalinga.
There can be three dimensions to investigate the history of Nandapur before 14th
Century.
 One can be from the records and inscriptions base
 The second can be reconstruction of the history based on archaeological
find in and around Nandapur
 Third can be the people, the castes and Tribes in Nandapur region and
their affiliation to the history if any and finally reconstruction of history
based on all these lines and corroborating with the history of neighbours
along with linking of routes.
They are given as following,
Hathigumpha Record and King Nanda
Hathigumpha record in l. 6 lines states , “And, in the fifth year ( His Majesty)
caused the aqueduct that had been excavated by King Nanda three hundred years
before, to flow into (Kalinga) nagari through Tanasuli (very likely Tosali)”. (21)
King Nanda is identified with Nandivardhana (22)
Jayswal and Banerji (1929-30) wrote, “Again, we have the definite datum that
Alberuni found in use in his time an era with the initial year 458 B.C., which goes
355
back to the time of the first Nanda King (Nanda Vardhana) (23). The year 103
of the Nanda era would correspond to 335 B.C. when the Tansulia canal, which
Kharavela extended to the capital in the fifth year of his reign, was originally
excavated. If we take this Nanda to be the last Nanda, Kharavela would be
referring to (325 B.C.-103=) c.222 B.C. and not to any later year. (24)
There is standing controversy on Nandavardhana. It is not Nandavardhana but

Mahapadma Nanda who is said to have brought ‘all under his sole sway’ and
‘uprooted all Ksatriyas’or the old ruling families. So we should identify
‘Nandaraja’ of the Hathigumpha inscription, who held possession of Kalinga
either with the all-conquering Mahapadma Nanda or one of his local king of
Kalinga, but the view goes against the internal evidence of the Hatigumpha
inscription. As Nandaraja is said to have ruled some 300 years before Kharavela,
the latter evidently flourished at the second half of the first century B.C., or
somewhat later (25)
The Nanda age confirms the fact that the Nandas extended their empire beyond
Magadha. Unfortunately, the boundary of the Nanda empire cannot be precisely
determined. H.C. Raychaudhury mentions that from the sources assignable to the
commencement of Gupta Age, we may tentatively fix the southern boundary of
the Nanda empire, or at least the arena of its political and military activities, at the
river Godavari (26).
The presence of Magadhia Gaudo in Koraput, especially around river Muran and
Nandapur as well as the Nanda Gaudo in Kalhandi-Koraput region strengthens the
above theory.
Pravhavati Gupta and Nandapur-Nandvardana
The Pravhavati Gupta, the daughter of Chandragupta Vikramaditya II had

married to Rudrasena II of Vakataka dynasty (c.375-414) (27) and their country
was extended up to Krishna; and their capital was Nandapur-Nandivardana. It
is established her kingdom’s capital at Nandapur which is probably the same as
Nandapur township in Koraput district (28).
Rudrasena II passed away leaving two young sons, the eldest being 5 years of
age. So his wife and queen Prabhavati-gupta ruled the kingdom until her second
son took the regin.Ramagiri-svami was highly revered by the Vakatakas and
Prabhavati-gupta made her last grant in his presence. It is not likely that
Kalidasa too may have visited Ramagiri (Ramtek) several times in the company
356
of his wards and their mother, and that it may have been during one of these visits
that the idea occurred to him make this hill the place of the exile of his Yaksha in
the Meghaduta? (29) There is a literary tradition that the poem Setubandha was
composed by king Prvara-sena II of Kuntala soon after his accession and was later
revised by Kalidasa (30). This has been well discussed in ‘Ramagiri’ chapter in
this book.
Nanda or Nandodbhava family Ruling Jeypore-Nandapur
Majumdar and Altekar wrote, “One many point out in this connection that a king
of the Nanda dynasty of Pataliputra is associated with Kalinga in the
Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela and that a Nanda or Nandodbhava family
is known to have ruled in the Jeypore – Nandapur region of Orissa, at least from
the ninth century A.D. (31)”
Jadumani Mohapatra in his ‘The Mandala Kingdom’ cites Gayada Tunga; his
Talcher Grant No.1 (32) was issued from a place called Jayapura Kotta which
has been identified by some scholars with the political headquarters of the
Nandodbhavas of Airavatta Mandala (33). Gayada Tunga was from Tunga
dynasty was ruling Yamagaratta Mandala. It is said that in the process of
amalgamation of Utkala with Kalinga, Chodoganga possibly destroyed the power
of the Mathra rulers of Yamagartta Mandala (34)
He further mentions, ‘Jayapura was the royal metropolis of Airavatta Mandala. It

seems that the capital city was named after the founder of the Nadodbhav ruler.
Jayanda, and can be identified with a village of the same name in the southern
part of Dhenkanal district (35). Further he says, ‘It is the epigraphic records the
rulers of Airavatta have claimed themselves as Nandodbhavas’ or as belonging to
Nanda kula. N.Tripathi and D.C. Sircar subscribing his view hold that the family
of Jayananda was an offshoot of the imperial Nanda family of Maghada’ (36).
There is another ruler family, Varahas also known as Mauryas because of their
peacock emblem claim that Uditavaraha, the first rulers of Bonai, the family had
hailed from Chitrakuta. This Chitrakuta has been interpreted to Rajasthan and
Uttar Pradesh etc.
J.K.Sahu concluded that they have origined from aboriginal tribal stock (37).
357
D. C. Sirkar wrote, “Another king of the same family (Pitibhakatas) seems to have
been Maharaja Nanda- Prabhanjana-varman whose Chicacole Grant bears the
word Pitibhakta on its seal. The king is described as ‘the lord of the entire Kalinga
Country’. His charter was issued from his vasaka at the victorious Sarapallika.
Although Nanda- Prabhanjana-varman is associated with the Pitibhakta of
Simhapura, it is tempting to suggest that his name indicates Prabhanjana-varman
of the Nanda family to which he may have been related on the mother’s side. We
know that a ruler of the Nanda dynasty of Pataliputra is associated with Kalinga in
the Hathgumpha inscription of Kharavela. A Nanda or Nandodbhava family
ruled the Angul-Dhenkanal region of Orissa from the ninth century, and another
branch of the family flourished probably in the Jeypore- Nandapur area of the
Koraput District at a later date.”(38)
The remarks of Bell are, “The Savara language is said to be very similar to that of
the Juangs, a primitive tribe inhabiting Keonjhar, Pal -Lahara and Dhenkanal
States as also to that of the Pareng Porajas of Pottangi Taluk (Koraput District).
(39)”. This has relevance, because in most of the literature the Easter Chalukyas
have referred the Eastern Gangas as Savara Chiefs. We have proposed in this
book that the Western Gangas are the lords of the Parenga tribe of the Koraput
and one special chapter has been devoted to this effect. Historically, Western
Ganga were related through marriage alliance to the rulers of Dhenkanal (Bhauma
Karas of Tosali) is well established. Thus the linguistic relation with Savara and
Parenga sheds the light that the Savaras as Eastern Ganga and the Parenga the
Western Gangas are closely related even though they now live in distant places
and have no relation what so ever. This confirms the historical hypothesis that
exits till date. On the other hand the sharing of linguistic closeness between
Juang, Savara and Parenga tribe; means they may have common inheritance and
in past and relationship between Pal-Lahara and Dhenkanal, Anugul and the
Nandapur region cannot be ruled out. This confirms the theory proposed by Sircar
as indicated above.
Nandivarman Pallavamalla and Nanndigrama
Early in his reign Rajasimha formed an alliance with Chalukya a Vikramaditya

II, espoused the cause of Chitramaya, and after inflicting a number of defeats on
Nandivarman Pallavamalla besieged him in a place called Nandigrama i.e.
Nandipuram, near Kumbakontam. The able Pallava general Zidayacondra, who
encountered the Pandya forces in many battles, raised the siege of Nadigrama,
beheaded Chitramaya, and thus made the Pallava throne secure for his monarch.
358
He also delt with other enemies of Pallavamallha like the Sabara King Udayana
and the Nisdha chieftain Prithivivygara who were probably acting in collision
with Chalukya Vikramaditya II.(40). The Nisadha and Sabara king point out to
Koraput-Kalahandi region, so Nandigrama here can mean the Nandapura of
Koraput.
Paliva in Nandapur is a well known Jaina monastery as evident by ruins of Jaina

temple (41). The name Paliva is also indicative of the Pallava presence in the
region. This requires further study.
Bhatiporlu inscription and Nandapuram
Bhatiporlu inscription of 2nd A.D. (from Krishna District of Andhra Pradesh) in its
3rd Stanza Manjusa denotes the name’Nandapuram’ (42)
Vyghraraja in Jeypore forest tract
Majumdar and Altekar are of the opinion that Vyghraraja ruled in Jeypore forest
(in orissa) which is referred as Maha-Vana, a synonym of Mahakantara, in and
old inscription. (43)
Some Jaina Inscriptions and Trikalinga

The Peddaperappadu plates of Vishamasiddhi (East Godavari dist) (44) was
issued by Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi is of interest to Koraput district, Orissa.
King Vishmasidhi (i.e. Vishnuvardhana II) had issued the copper plates during
7th Century A.D. It is in Sanskrit and Telugu scripts. J. Durgaprasad in Bharati
published the inscription during October 1983, February 1985 and October 1984.
All three sets of copper plates refer to Chalukya king Vishnuvardhan II (i.e.
Vishamasiddhi) who resigned from AD 673 to 683. These plates only indicated
the Vengi king’s leaning towards Jainism.
Jawaharlal wrote “The register a gift of land to Jain temples given to Sri
Kanakanandi acharya who belonged to yapaniya sangha by Sri Vishamasidhi (i.e.
Vishnu-Vardhana-II). Further the gift of land is stated to have been given to Jain
temples, situated at Kakandiparru (modern Kakinada, East Godavari District)
359
Turangu (i.e. area around Turangesvara temple near Kakinada) Koyyuru (modern
Kovuru, near Kakinada, East Godavari district.) Pottapi Vishaya may be
identical with Pottapinadu or Virachoda inscription found at Pithapuram, East
Godavari district. The other villages like Nadipur, Induru, and Partipaka of the
plates are not identifiable at present. These plates throw a flood of light on the
existence of Yapaniya-sangha in East Godavari district during the 7th century
A.D. itself” (45). I am of the opinion that the Pottapi refers to Pottangi of Koraput
that is in close boarder to Eastern Ganga. N. Venkataramanaya was of the opinion
that the Pottapi-nandu and Nadupuru are located in Southern Kalinga; a detail
account of is given in the following chapter.
Second plate Second Face.
15. Masiddhi-maharajah-vriksha-mula (i) Yapaniyagana-tilaka.
16. Sya- Bhagavatah Kanakanandyacharyashya- Dharmopadesa-naka

17. sumishtitaya- senalayasya Bhagavata- mahatma-ba
18. li-vaisyadeva-navakaramma-saranardham-svadharmabhividdha-
19. potupa-vishaye yelinadya rrpurvata- Jamannurevu- grama-
20. ddakshine- Nadupura-gramat pacchame- isturu gramat
21. uttare-chapan madhye partipaka gramat- data
I am inclined to give identification of the places as following:

i. Here Potupa-vishaye yelinadya means Putura river and village
ii. Jamannurevu grama is Jamunda village, which is located on the
bank of Putura River in Jeypore block.
iii. Dakshine Nadupura gramat is south located Nandapur
iv. Paschima Isturu gramat not yet identified but it may be Ispur
village on bank of Indrabati
v. Uttare Chapan means Champa village of Koraput block.?????
vi. Madhye Partipaka grame means Partigumpha and Puki village
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vii. Moreover, these villages incidentally still continue to be important

places of Jaina deities.
Chalukyas of Vemulavada and Subaie (Nandapur)

It is equally interesting to learn from an inscription engraved on the wall of the
Durgapancha cave that Vimaladitya’s (AD 1011-22) religious guru Trikalayogi
Siddhantadeva of the Desiagana paid homage to Ramakonda with great devotion.
No doubt, at first Ramatirthan was a strong hold of Buddhism during the early
centuries of Christian era, for numerous Buddhist remains have been unearthed
here (46).
The inscription support to Jainas in Trikalinga is one yet to be established from
the available findings (47). The last member of the Chalukya of Vemulavada
royal family, Baddega had very strong leaning towards Jainism. Arikesarin III,
son of Baddega II was also a Jaina. In his Parbhani plate Arikesarin III (A.D. 930-
955) had given a gift of village Kuttamvritti-Vaanikatupulu in the midst of
Repaka-12 in the Sabbi –thousand to Somadevasuri who was the sthalapati of
Subhadhama –jinalaya. (48)
Present Subaie (Sabbi) Jaina temple close to Nandapur has references from
Arikesarin II and III, who were the Chalukyas of Vemulavada.The following are
some of the inscriptions referring to Kalinga and Vengi as well as Sabbi desa in
Rupaka.
TEXT
3. Arikesarin III and Parbhani plates of 966 A.D is in Sanskrit. He was from
Chalukyas of Vemulavada. The inscription states that the gift given by father
Arikesarin consisted of Repaka-12 in the Sabbi-Thousand, was given to Jaina
divine Somadevasuri, Sthanapati of the said Jinalaya.It is also said that in the
Gauda-sangha there arose a great sage called Yasodeva, his pupil was Nemideva,
who had several disciples of whom Somadevasuri was the most important.
So far from our studies we have come across only the above inscription which is
referring to Sabbi desa (Kornel and Gamang, 2010) (49). The present Subai Jaina
temple has been identified to Sabbi desa of the past. It has one Chakresvari asta
bhuja to which there is reference in Arikeasarins inscription as mentioned above.
At Kachela Jaina temple ruins a stone slab called ‘dhangdi pakna’ is there which
may be ‘sidhasila’ because barren women come and dance on annual puja to be
blessed .Again the reference to Kalinga and Vengi in the same inscription
strengthens the view. Surprisingly, a Gouda family still worships the Jaina deities
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of Subai and claims it to hereditary succession. The same has relevance to

Somsekharasurideva who belonged to Gaudosangha of Jainism.
Patasivaram inscription of the Chalukya king Tribhuvnamalla Vira
Patasivaram inscription refers the reign of the Chalukya king Tribhuvnamalla

Vira Somesvara IV and mentions his feudatory Bhogadeva Cholakmaharaja as
ruling from Henjery. This inscription is dated 1185 A.D (50). Further, it refers to
Padmaprabha – Maladhari, disciple of Viranandi- Sidhanta – Chalkravartideva
belong to Desi gana, Pustaka gacchha and Mula – Sangha. There is a village
called Maldha near Honjore of Nandapur, similarly Virahandi is a village amidst
Jaina Temples in Kotpad region and is famous for its Siva temple. Kornel and
Gamang loc.cit. have identified the same Henjery to Devta Honjore of
Nandapur.
Kalachuris of Tripuri as Trkalingadhipati

The Kalachuris of Dahal, the country around Jabalpur was ruled by Kalachuris of
Tripuri.Karna ascended to throne between A.D.1034 and 1042. He was one of the
greatest generals of his time. He assumed the title of Trikalingadhipati (51).
Kalachuris of Ratnapur and Nandavalli

Kalingraja, a remote descendant of one of the sons of Kokalla I (52), the
founder of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri, conquered South Kosala and
established his capital in Tummana in Bilaspur of Chhattiasgarh. He was a
feudatory to Kalachuris of Tripuri. His son and successor Kamalaraja helped his
overlord Kalachuri Gangeyadeva in conquering Utkala.The tribals in Jeypore
refer the Mathili region as ‘Kamalraji’; this may have been derived due to
Kalachuri of Ratanpur.
One of the successive kings, Jajalldeva I took the Naga King of Chakrakote
(Bastar) Somesvara prisoner and released him on request of Someswar’s mother.
He invaded Orissa and defeated Bhujavala, the chief of Suvarnapur the modern
day Sonpur.He claims to have received tributes from the chiefs of the Mandalas of
Andhra, South Kosala, Khimidi, Vairagara, Lanjika, Bhanara, Talahari,
Dandakapura, Nandavalli and Kukkuta. (53)
The Nandavalli may be the Nandapur and Valli may be the Bali Mutha or
Mandala.
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Ratnadeva II successed Jajalladeva I before A.D.1126. He repulsed an attack of

Anantavarman Chodaganga at Talahar-bhumi, not far from Sheorinarayan.He
was successor by his son Prithvideva II and his minister conquered several forts
including Machka-Shiva and took Bhramavadra, Kantara, Kusuma-bhoga,
Kandas(hva)ra and Kakayara–desa(54).He established a new city named
Jagapalapura. The Machka-Shiva may be the Machkund, Kantara is Kalahandi-
north Koraput, and Kusuma-bhoga may be the Kusumi close to Kotpad,
Bhramavadra, is identical with Bhramarakotya mandala in the Bastar district. The
Kakayara is the Kanker of Bastar district. Jagapalapura may be the present district
head quarters of Bastar district in Chhattisgarh.
Prthvideva II defeated the mighty Chodagangadeva and his feudatory Gokarna.

(55)
The Bilaigarh plate of Prthvideva’s reign in E. 896 indicates that’ by devastating

Chakrakotea, he overwhelmed the illustrious Ganga king with anxiety-------‘(56)
Krishana Deva Raya of Vijayanagar Empire in Nandapur

I had come across Bisna Sisa family in Nandapur. As for the Bisna Poraja who
play vital role in performing the age old Holpoda celebration of the Nandapur past
dynasty is well documented. (Kornel, 1999) (57). There is mention of Bisnaga
King and Bisnaga city in chronicle of Fernao Nuniz, 1535-37, that is cited by
Robert Sewell (1900). The Bisnaga is referred to Narsymga i.e. Narasingha Raya
of Vijayanagar (58). Nandapur had fallen in the hands of Vijayanagar Kings in
the past. According to Robert Sewell, Krishana Deva Raya (Bisnag king) of
Vijayanagar was present in Symamdry, the present day Simhanchalam and
halted for six months. (59).He mentions the city of Modogal in the context (60)
but is not clear whether it is the same Modogal of Visakhapatnam. However
Singh Deo (61) has wrote,’---------- and marched to Simhadri, and after erecting a
pillar of victory at Pottunur in the very heart of Kalinga country, he performed
Mahadanas------ and thence returned to Vijayanagar (via) Rajahmundry. (62) The
said hill route is located in Konam in Motto Pradesh. Mottu is known as Kamba-
Mottu in Malkangiri of Jeypore Zamindary. After conquering the hill forts in
Nandapur or Jeypore, Krishna Deva Raya occupied Madgol. Oddadi and
neighbouring forts and posted a stone –slab with an inscription (Now illegible) in
Rayavaram in Sarvasidhi Taluk (Visakhapatnam), in commemoration of his
victory of the Jeypore country (63). (Vide Sewell’s Antiquities. Vol.I in
Rayavaram in Sarvasidhi Taluk (Visakhapatnam)”
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Nandapur from People’s Account

Bell wrote, ‘Oriya castes such as Gaudos, Ronas and Paikoas, who are now settled
as cultivators in considerable numbers, still enjoy a prescriptive right to certain
services under the Rajas of Jeypore and no doubt they originally entered the
district as soldiers and servants of the earliest Rajas.’(64)
The Malis in Nandapur came from Allahabad and the Magadhia Gaudos are
certainly from Magadha.This is also indicative that there was influence of Guptas
in this part of the country, though hard evidence is lacking.
Pandya Dynasty and Chellia Poraja or Konda Poraja in Koraput

District
The Chellia Porajas or Konda Poraja are prominent community of Eastern –Ghat
and Nandapur region. The history is silent with reference to them. But from my
studies I believe that the Chellia Poraja are extension of the Porajas living around
Sileru river of Malkangiri. During the construction of Balimella Dam over the
River Sileru, few idols of Hindu deities were unearthed and they are still
conserved in the find village. It gives the impression of Southern dynasty. As the
Western Chalukya camped in Koraput-Bastar region followed by immediate
incursion of Chodas to the said region “Chakrakote war”; it can well be postulated
that the Pandyas also had occupied some land around the Sileru River extending
into the Nandapur and Salur ghats. There in no hard historical evidence to this
effect as of now. The Pandya soldiers and Generals were engaged in Kalinga war
by Kulottunga I as is evident from records.Nilakanta Sastri wrote, “A vassal of
the Cola Emperor from the distant south, the Pandya King Parantaka, took part in
the war( refers to Kalinga war) and assisted Vikramacola. The inscription of
Parantaka Pandya (65) like those of the Vikramacola, state that Kulam of the
Telunga Bhima was captured and that South Kalinga was subdued”(66) He again
continued,” The valiant Pallva Chieftain, Karunakara Tondaiman, lord of the
Vandai, offered to carry out the emperor’s order and was accepted.” (67). This
Kalinga war was against Ananta Chodaganga.So it can well be concluded that
there was presence of Pandya King himself and Pallava Chieftains of Tamilnadu
in the context of Kaling wars and there is strong possibility that they have
rehabilitated their population after loss to Cholas in hills of Trikalinga..
The earlier Pandyas were Jainas and Kun Pandya converted to Saiva by Saint
Sambandar (68). The Chellia Poraja had a strong pointer being Jainas of the past
as seen from their present rituals and ceremonies (Kornel and Gamang, 2010) (69)
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The Pandya King Maravarman Rajasimha I had conflict with Pallava King
Nandi-varman Pallavamalla. . Pandyas conquered the Kaveri region and lay siege
Nandipura and the Pallavas were rescued by their great general Udyachandra.
(70). In future the historians need to see the relevance of Nandapur in Trikalinga
to Nandipura siege by Pandyas.The fact is becoming still stronger due to the
presence of Paliva Jaina temple in Nandapur close to Koraput town.
It can be seen from the Tirumalai Inscriptions that was translated by Prof.
Hltzsch (71) as pointed out in earlier chapters, remarked that the
Maduraimandalam to be different than the capital of Pandya kings, Madura.I am
of the opinion that the Maduraimandalam in the context of Rajendra Chola I is the
Pandya king ruled mandala in Koraput- Bastar; that implies the reasonable
connection to Chellia Poraja and Pandy dynasty.Nilakanta
As per Yashoda Devi ,’An important dynasty in South Kalinga, the Matsyas ruled
over the Matyadesa i.e. Oddadivishaya (A.D.1200-1470) with capital at
Oddadi, 16 miles from Anakapalle in Vizagapatnam district for a period of two
and half centuries from about A.D. 1200 to 1470. Their ancestry goes back to the
5th century A.D. The Matsyas had their own crest seal and coinage and two
Matsyas i.e. double fish was their emblem.(72) .They may have had some
connection with the Pandyas is postulated by Yashoda Devi; whose emblem was
also fish. (73).
There is another aspect Sircar mentions that there was rivalry between the Pandya
and Kalinga factions in the Ceylonese court. (74).
Eastern Gangas in Trikalinga

The Eastern Gangas were ruling Trikalinga and then started ruling the Kalinga.
The Trikalinga remained as an integral part of Kalinga till the Eastern Chalukya
king Gunga Vijaydity III occupied the region and thence it was changing hands
and many dynasties invaded and ruled the region.
Eastern Chalukya in Trikalinga

We have dealt here some important events that took place in Trikalinga by some
Vengi rulers, the Eastern Chalukyas.
Gunaga Vijayaditya III (844-888A.D.)
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B. Venkatakrishna Rao wrote, “Gunaga Vijayaditya III seems to have marched

against the king of Dahala and defeated him (75.) Dahala was another name for
the kingdom of Chedi which lay in the Central Provinces. The king of Dahala at
this time was Kokalladeva I, father-in –law of the Rastrakuta king Krishna II (76).
Having defeated him Vijayaditya III burnt his city Achalapura and captured his
herds of elephants and levied tribute (77) the lord of the Trikalinga, who was
tributary to the King of Chedi. His capital Chitrakuta, which corresponds to
Chakrakuta, in the Bastar State (78), was the reduced and the whole country was
subdued and annexed to the kingdom of Vengi.” Thus he was the first Eastern
Chalukya king to hold the title of Trikalingadhipati and the family continued the
title till close of 10th Century A.D. (79)
Vijayaditya IV Kollabhaganda (922A.D.)

Vijayaditya IV is said to have ruled only over the Trikalinga-atavi or the forest
tracts belonging to Trikalinga in addition to his ancestral kingdom of Vengi (80).
This indicates clearly the Vijayaditya IV was ejected from the whole of Kalinga
with the exception of the forest tracts attached to it. It was probably to re-establish
his supremacy over that country that he led an expedition to Kalinga. Vijayaditya
is generally credited to have won victory at Viraja, but the Inangaru Grant of
Rajaraja II, no doubt, a late document of the Chola-Chalukya period, states that
Vijayaditya captured the city named Viraja and departed to the world of the Gods
(81). The Trikalinga-atavi country was probably lost and gained by Kalingas, as a
consequence of their defeat and the death of their leader in the battle at Viraja;
and Vajrahasta II made himself the master of the entire Trikalinga country
without much trouble.
Amma I, Vikramaditya II and Yuddamalla II (922-935)

After a rule of seven years Amma I died. Vikramaditya II appears to have been an
energetic ruler. During the short period of his rule, he brought under his control
not only his ancestral kingdom, Vengi, but also Trikalinga, which was lost after
the death of Chalukya Bhima I. Though a doughty warrior, and the hero of a
hundred battles, he was notable to keep himself in power for more than eleven
months (82). According to the Digubarru Grant of Chalukya Bhima II, the only
record that refers to the event, Vikramaditya II was attacked by Bhima, the son of
Amma I, who killed him in battle, and occupied the throne for a period of eight
months (83). And Yuddamalla II, the eldest son of Tala I, overthrew him in his
turn.
Danarnava (A.D. 970-71 to 972-3)

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Danarnava celebrated his coronation in 892 Saka corresponding to A.D. 970-971.

Nilakanta Sastri wrote, “ The Canjeevaram inscription of Jatacoda Bhima states
that he slained Danarnava and his allies and took procession of the Chalukya
dominion until 1002(84) till thrown out by Saktivarman I, with the help of
Rajaraja (85). N. Venkataramanaya wrote, “The death of Danarnava did not result
in the submission of Vengi. The Samntas and other adherents of the dead monarch
still held out. They fall into three groups. First, there was the Vaidumba king.
Ganda Trinetra whom Danarnava had recently reduced to subjection. He was the
hereditary enemy of the Telugu Cholas, and he was not disposed to accept Bhima,
whom he must have regarded as an equal, as his overlord and sovereign. The
clash between the two became inevitable. The Vaidumba was presumably worsted
in the contest and had to acquiesce in the supremacy of the Telugu Chola. Next
come the Samntas, Manyas, and the wild tribes dwelling in the jungles in the east.
The hilly regions situated in the Madhya or Central Kalinga corresponding to the
present Agency tracts had already been the home of warlike savage tribes who
showed no inclination to submit to authority. It was not an easy task to keep them
under control, and the Chalukya rulers of Vengi had to adopt special measures to
enforce their authority. They assigned estates to their nobles in this region; and
one of the branches of the royal family migrated early to this district and settled
down there permanently. No wonder that the Samntas and Manyas at the head of
the jungle tribes, confident of the natural strength of their mountain strongholds,
held out against Bhima and defied his authority. Bhima was a brave warrior and
capable leader. Undaunted by the numerous difficulties that beset his path, he led
an expedition against them and put them down with a stern hand (86).” He further
said, ‘The war with the eastern Samntas and Manyas involved Bhima in a war
with Kamarnava, the Eastern Ganga king of Kalinga. The causes of this war are
not difficult to surmise. Danarnava was related, through his mother, to the
Kalinga royal family and Kamarnava might have been naturally desirous of
avenging the death of his cousin, and restoring to his children their patrimony.
More important than this was, perhaps, his ambition to re-establish the
sovereignty of his family over the Central and the Southern Kalinga, this had
remained in the possession of the Chalukyas since the time of Kubja-
Vishnuvardhana. Kamarnava was not, however, destined to achieve his ambition.
Though he held out for a while against the Telugu Chola, he had to succumb
ultimately. Notwithstanding the great distance which he had to traverse, Bhima, it
is said, marched at the head of an army to Kalinga and after some hard fighting
put to death not only Kamarnava but also his younger brother, Vinayadiya who,
on his death, succeeded him on the throne of Kalinga.(87)”.
He further said, “The Kalinga war was not an easy walk over to Bhima, as the
language of the Kailasanatha temple inscription seems to suggest. He had to
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spend several years fighting with the Eastern Ganga princes in the hilly tracts of
Kalinga. Though he slew Danarnava and took possession of his kingdom as early
as A.D. 972-3, it was not until A.D. 981, some eight years later, that he was able
to overcome the opposition of the Kalingas. Kamarnava seems to have offered
stubborn resistance until he fell heroically fighting against the enemy in A.D. 978.
The task of defending the realm seems to have then devolved upon his younger
brother. Vinayaditya, who carried on the fight for three years longer, until he too
laid down his life on the battlefield. With the death of Vinayaditya in A.D. 981,
the backbone of the opposition was finally broken, and Kalinga submitted. Bhima
having thus successfully destroyed all his enemies became the undisputed master
of the kingdoms of Vengi and Kalinga and his authority was not seriously
questioned until the end of the century.”(88).
Nadupuru in Pottapi-nadu
During Ganga Vijayaditya III, a Eastern Chalukya king‘s period; the Eastern
Ganga, the Vaidumba, the Nolamba and the Telugu Cola Chief were all involved
in internecine warfare. (89)
The Vaidumbas ruled Pottapi-nadu that extended across the Eastern Ghats
from Rajampeta in the Cuddapah district to Kalahasti in Chittore district.
Bhubana Trinetra Vaidumba Maharaja ruled Kadapa -twelve and neigbhouring
country ‘from his capital (Vidu) at Pottapi in Paka-nadu’ in AD 972 (90) is
known for his Madras Museum Copper-plate Grant. His authority extended over
Western Cuddapah district is known from Upparpalle on Cuddapah-Pusphagiri
Road, dated 972-3A.D (91)
N. Venkataramanaya said,” An element of doubt, however, creeps in, on account

of the existence of another tract of territory known also as Pattapi-Nadu in a
different part of the Telugu country. An epigraph at Calukya-Bhimavaram in the
Cocanada taluk of the East Godavari district dated A.D.1027 registers the gift by
a certain Sankyaraja, an illegitimate son of Nungananti Semmarangirija of
Nagavamsa, of the village of Nadupuru in Pottapi-nandu. It is obvious that the
village of Nadupuru and Pottapi-nandu in which it was included must have been
situated some where in the neighbourhood of Calukya-Bhimavaram.” (92). He
further continued, “Though these inscriptions (An epigraph at Calukya-
Bhimavaram and Akkaliapundi Grant dated A.D. 1368) are late in date, it is not
unreasonable to belie on the strength of their evidence that there was in South
Kalinga a district called Pottapi nandu corresponding to apart of the East
Godavari district. This might very well have been the district of Pottapi-nandu
which Danarnava granted as an appanage to the Mudugonda Calukya chiefs,
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Malliyaraja and Gondyaraja.If this definition of Pottapi-nandu and the Pampa

river as correct, there are no grounds for supposing that Danarnava ever
subjugated the Pottapi- nadu in Southern Telugu country, and came, as a
consequence, into conflict with Colas of Tanjore.”(93)
I am of the opinion that the Pottapi-nandu is the present day Pottangi area of
Koraput district and the Nadupuru is the Nandapur located in Pottangi area and
are well with in the South Kalinga region as pointed out by Venkataramanaya.
Western Gangas in Kalinga (Nandapur) and Konga

Western Ganga kingdom as whole is mentioned in Epigraphic as Ganga- rajya,
Gangeya-rajya, Gangapati and Gangavadi, but from 8th Century onwards they
were referred with suffix 96,000, Gangavadi-96, 000, Ganga- 6000 and
Gangapadi- 32000.
The Madviala inscription of Nitimarga-Permanadi shows that ,” when illustrious

Kongonivarman-Dharmma maharajadhiraja, Paameswara, the master of
Nandagiri, the chosen lord of the city Kovalal, Nitimarga-Permanadi was ruling
over the earth (by) governing Gangavadi-96,000
When the illustrious hero of the Pallava family, the lord of the goddess wealth and
the goddess earth, Nolambadhiraja, who was entitled to the band of the five great
instruments was ruling Ganga-6000.”(94)
This indicates clearly that the Gangavadi-96000 and Ganga-6000 are two different
countries or two different administrative-geographical locations. The Pallava were
friendly subordinate rulers to the Western Gangas.
The Husukuru inscription of Rajamalla-Permandi (870-71 A.D.) indicates that

Satyavakya- Konganivarma Rajamall-Permandi, the lord of Kovalapura and
master of Nandagiri was ruling over the earth, and when Butarasa, anointed as the
Crown-prince, was governing Kongal –nadu and Pu-nadu on the boarder of
Permadi ( i.e. the ruling king).(95)
As mentioned in early chapter, Kuknur plates on Marasimha II, A.D. 968-69,

states that he was ruling Dhavala-visaya and Gangapati-96000.We are of the
opinion that the Gangapati was contagious to Dhavala-visaya in South Kosala. So
Gangapati is a part of the Gangavadi-9600. (96)
Marasimha, having conquered all the feudatory kings; was ruling the entire
Ganga-mandala. (97)
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In some inscriptions there is mention of Gangakuta. B.V. Rao (1973) writes,” He

also stated to have cut off the head of Mangi, drove the Gangas of the south i.e.
the Western Gangas to flee before his armies and take refuge on the top of the hill
Gangakuta, which apparently a fugitive expression meaning the capital of the
Gangas, humbled Baddega and defeated the Rashtrakuta Krishna on the battle
field. (98)”
Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalukya prince conquered Gangakunda? Vengi and

Chakrakuta. (99)
The southwest of Vengi-mandala was invaded by Western Gangas is a valuable

indication. During the period of Vijayaditya III, the Trikalinga was occupied by
the Vengi rulers. So, the South-west of the Vengi can be the Trikalinga portion
also. However it is not very clear.
The Kudlur plates of Marasimha, the Western Ganga king (962-63 A. D.) speaks
of his victory over Kerala, Pandya, Konga, Kalinga, Kosala and other countries.
(100)
Kadalur Grant (101) of Marasimha, 962 A.D. says, ‘of the king Jayaduttaraya (i.e.
Butuga II), the queen was Kallabba, daughter of Simhavarman of the Calukya
family, to them was born the king Satyavakya Marasimha, the brother of the
king Marula (Verse, 34).(102).
The summary note indicates clearly the patronising Jainism by queen Kallabba
(103).
We are inclined to think that the following names in the Western Ganga
inscription have much to do in relation to Koraput-Bastar Jainism. They are
Nandagiri, Kongunivarman, Konga country and queen Kallabba of the king
Jayaduttraya with the existing name of the places and rivers of Koraput.
The findings clearly indicate that Jainism persisted in between the Kolab river and
Indravati river doab and both join at different points in Bastar district of
Chhattisgarh to form the Godavari river that flows down in Andhra Pradesh.,
The Nandapur was one of main pithas of Jainism in Koraput, and was the ancient
capital of the Jeypore state. There is one large single granite stone Elephant,
beautifully carved on the banks of Isani Ganga at Nandapur. This was probably
the first capital of Western Gangas where Jaina temples were prevalent. It is
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agreed by all that the existing all Jaina idols of Kalika temple of Jeypore was all
from Nandapur which were transferred after the shift of capital to Jeypore.
There is no written inscription on Western Gangas; discovered from Koraput as it

is. This may be due to the fact that the land being under occupation of ruling or
allied Dynasties may be Chalukyas and Rastrakutas; and Western Gangas were
only interested in making Jainism influence. The other aspects also that
subsequent king erased out all evidences to this effect. We believe that it was the
queen Kallabha, wife of king Jayaduttranga (Batuga II) and mother of Satyavkya
Marasimha of Western Ganga dynasty who had established the Jainism through
teachers and mulasanghas all over Nandapur, Jeypore sub-division and the great
river flowing from Nandapur down to Bastar is named after her and since known
as Kolab river.
The Nandapur as it may run for various historical findings, it looks to be

Western Ganga capital in this part and ruled by one branch and is described out
of Nandagiri title, which Western Gangas used to bear. There is no concrete
evidence yet.
The Nandapur Jaina temple was totally destroyed and in ruins, we don’t have its
history may be the Bhairaba cult and Virasaivites entry through the advent of
Jangamas and Omanatyas may have attributed to it. (104).
Thus the idols were placed under earth and elsewhere, which subsequently
surfaced out in small temples like Subaie and Jamunda, and elsewhere. The ruin
mounds of the said temple in Nandapur need excavation and history shall appear.
More ever, there are several place names that are common to Koraput district,
especially the Nandapur region with that of the Western Ganga Inscriptions and
have been enumerated for future scholars to look into it. They are as following.
The Hosakote Plates of Konganyadhiraja (5th Century) mentions,’ under the great
tank in the village of Pulli-uru in division (bhoga) called Korikunda. (105)
The Pulli-uru is the Bhagra; Pulli means tiger in both Telugu and Kanada. The
Korikunda may be the modern Korkunda of Koraput.
The Mercara Plates of Avinita (9th A.D.) speaks of places like Badanaguppe,
Dasnur and Polma also Kottgara. (106)
In Koraput, near Semiliguda a Poroja village called, Polma does exist. The
Dasnur may be Daspur, and Kattgara may be the Kottragdha.
371
The Manne plates of Marasimha (798 A.D.) says of places like Puli-tank,
Kacchava tank, Kondakonda lineage, Salmali village, Jaina Gana: Puspandi etc.It
is all in Ganga-mandala.(107)
The Kacchava may be Kacchala, Salmali may be the Salmi village in Koraput,
and the Jaina Gana Puspandi may be the Putpandi Koraput block village.
The Kudulur Plates of Marasimha King Raja mall----“such was the Dharma-
maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Nitimarga-Konguni varma who had the first name
of Rajamalla [ he was also known as ] Kacceyaganga(.108)
The village Kecchala in Nandapur rejoin, close to Koraput town is one of the
magnificent Jaina monuments of Koraput district. This may have relevance to
Kacceyaganga?
Foot Note: Verse II of the Kerehalli Plates, describing Satyavakya Rajamalla, son
of Nitimarga Ereganga does find a place in this charter, So also, the epithet
Komaravedenga ( the prince charming) attributed to Nitimarga Ereganga in line
72 of the text of the present charter, is found omitted in the Kerehalli plates.(109)
Further, it is mentioned, ‘Nitimarga -Kongunivarma alias Eregangadeva who

ever meditating at the feet of the god Arahat.’ (110).
There is one Jaina temple in Kumaradevaganjana in Nandapur and another at

Erenga village in Jolaput area of Koraput. The first may be the Komaravedenga
and the second may be due to Eregangadeva who as ardent believer of Jaina Arhat
may have constructed the temple or named after them.
Vinayacandra’s Kavyasiksa, e.g. mentions Parta70, 000 villages along with

Surastra, Lata-desa, Gujara-desa, Dahal etc. (111).
In Bendiganahalli Plates of Vijaya- Krishanavarmaman (5th A.D.) is stated,’’ He ,

on the 13th day of Asvayuja in the first year of his prosperous reign, when he was
at the victorious camp of Kavipada, made a gift of the villages Kuru-ura in
Perati-bhoga, a sub-division within Paruvi-visaya to Matrri-sarma.”(112) With
reference to the above, the village Parata in Nandapur seems to have some
historical connection and has been described in Western Ganga chapter.
It is the opinion of the author that an attempt has been made here to narrate the
literature that speak of Nandapur and has nearly close proximity to Nandapur of
present Koraput. The interaction of major dynasties like Eastern Ganga, Eastern
Chalukya, Choda, Western Chalukya and Chindaka Nagas even the minor
372
dynasties of South Kalinga needs attention with relation to Nandapur history. The
future research in the topic will be useful.
References
1. Singh Deo, K.B. (1938) Nandapur (A Forsaken Kingdom), Vol.I.p.1-11.
2. Ibid.
3. Singh Deo, K.B. (1938) op.cit. p.10. & vide Oram’s Report on
Nandapuram or Jeypore A.D. 1784 cited by Singh Deo, K.B.
4. Bell, R.C.S. (1945) Orissa District Gazetteer, Koraput.p.22.
5. Ibid.p.25
6. Singh Deo, K.B. (1938) op.cit. p.9.
7. Ibid.p.22-25.
8. Devi Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country 1000A.D.-1500 A.D.
9. Singh Deo, K.B.op.cit, p.1-3
10. Ibid.p.7
11. Ibid.p.1.
12. Devi Yashoda.op.cit.p.332
13. Ibid
14. Ibid.
15. 289 of 1899; S.I.I.VI 891.
16. 309 of 1899; S.I.I. VI 950
17. 281 of 1896; S.I.I. V.1162
18. JAHRS, VI.p.13
19. Vizagapatam Gazetteer.p.26; Vizag District Manual.p.284.
19. Devi Yashoda. Op.cit.p.336-337
20. Ibid.
21. E.I. XX.p.
22. JBORS.IV.p.91ff
23. JBORS, Vol.XIII.pp.237, 241; Sachau, Vol.II.pp5-7
24. E.I. XX.p75
25. Sahu, N.K. Kharavela. P.35-41
26. H.C. Raychaudhury India in the Age of Nandas: in K.A.N.Sastri Edi. Age
of the Nandas & Mauryas.p.26-27.
27. Majumdar, R.C and Altekar. The Vakataka –Gupta Age. p.110-111
28. Singh, R. L. India- a regional Geography. p.776
373
29. Majumdar, R.C and Altekar, A.S. op.cit p.112

30. Ibid.
31. Ibid. op.cit
32. E.I.XXXIV, p91ff.
33. Roy, R.K. Feudatory States of Medieval Orissa, Sambalpur University
Thesis, PhD.Thesis.Un-published. p.103.
34. Mohapatra, Jadumani. Mandala Kingdoms. Comprehensive History and
Culture of Orissa.Vol.I.p.276
35. Senapati, N.et.al (Edi) Gazetteer of India: Orissa, Dhenkanal i/c 1972,
p.52.
36. JBORS, XVI.p.459ff; E.I.XXVII, p.325-30
37. Sahu, J.K. et al. History of Orissa, Cuttack, p.139
38. Sircar, D.C. The Classical Age: Bharatya Vidya Bhavan,p.212.
39. Bell, R.C.S.op.cit.p.58
40. Sastri, K.A.N. A History of South India. P.155..
41. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar (2010) Lost Jaina Tribes in Trikalinga.
42. Tripathy, Sunderlal. Meghaduta burnit Ramagiri ki Bhogalika Punarbichar
(in Hindi). (1974) ANC IND.History and Archaeology, Sagar University,
Madhya Pradesh. p.29
43. Majumdar, R.C. and Altekar, A.S. op.cit.p.146 and JAHRS.I, p228.
44. Pedda purappadu Plates of Vismagiddhi, Bharti, Oct. 1983, 1984 and May
1985.
45. Jawaharlal, G. Jainism in Andhra – As depicted in inscriptions. 29B.
Peddapurappadu Plates of Vismasiddhi. p. 225-230
46. A.S.I, AR, 1910-II, pp.78-87
47. SII, IX, Pt. I, No.278
48. Kurkyala Inscription of King Arikesarin II was found in Karimnagar taluk
in Karimnagar district. The King was from Chalukyas of Vemulavada. It
also records the installation of the images of this family deities, the
Adyanta (the first and the last) Jinas and Chakresvari on the Siddha-sila
(the rock of the Siddhas) and the construction of a basadi called
Tribhuvanatilaka, a tank Kavitagunarnava by Jinavallabha, son of
Bhimapayya and Abbanabbe who are said to have belonged to Kamme –
Brahma caste and hailed from Vamgiparra village in Venginadu. Cited by
Jawaharlal, G. Jainism in Andhra – As depicted in Inscriptions. 37.
Parbhani Plates of king Arikesarin III. p.253-257.
49. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar (2010) op.cit.
50. N. Venkataramanayya, Chalukyas of Vemulavada, pp.92-98
51. Ray, H.C. DHNI, Pt.II, p.751; C.I.I. Vol IV.Insc. No. 51.
52. Sharma, R.K. The Kalachuris & Their Times: The Kalachuri Imperialism
at Its Zenith. Chapter III, p.21-29.
374
53. C.I.I.IV.,Ins.No.77
54. E.I.XIII., Ins.No.85
55. E.I.XIII, Ins.No. 100, V.8
56. E.I.XIII., Ins. No.89, V.11.
57. Kornel Das (1999) Tribal Cultural Heritage and Cult. The Gutob Gadaba
Tribe of Orissa. p.5.
58. Sewell, Robert. (1900) A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar) London. p.291
59. Ibid.p.319
60. Ibid.p.354 and 355
61. Singh Deo, K.B.op.cit.p.6-7
62. 474 of 1919 Madras Epigraphy Report.
63. Sewell, Robert. Antiquities. Vol.I
64. Bell.R.C.S.op.cit.p.25.
65. K.A. Nilakanta, Sastri. The Colas. p.338
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid. p.322
68. Sathianathaier, R. The Classical Age: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan: The
Pandyas, p.268.
69. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar op.cit. p.237.
70. Santhianathaier, R., Dynasties of South India: The Pallavas. In The
Classical Age. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.p.267-268.
71. E.I.IX, p.232
72. Sastri, K.A, Nilakanta. The Pandyan Kingdom. pp.11, 15.
73. Yashoda Devi. The History of Andhra Country: The Dynasties in South
Kalinga. p.307
74. Sircar, D.C. Ceylon. In The Struggle for Empire. Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan.p.261..
75. E.I. Vol.IX, p.45.
76. I.A.Vol. XII, p.263
77. JAHRS.Vol.V, p.101&E.I. Vol. V, p.305
78. E.I. Vol.X, p.27
79. Rao, B.V. History of the Eastern Chalukya of Vengi (610-1210
A.D). p.196.
80. E.I. Vol. V.p.133
81. Cp.23 of 1916-17 & N.V.p.154
82. S.I.I. No. 37,p.45
83. I.A. XIII,p.214
84. E.I. vol.XXI,p.29
85. K.A.N.Sastri, The Colas.pp.218-19
375
86. Venkataramanaya, N. The Eastern Calukyas of Vengi.p.203-05

87. Ibid
88. Ibid
89. E.I. XXIV, No 26, p.183f; JOR, XII, pp.196 f
90. Cp .7 of 1935-36
91. 325 of 1905, A.R.E. 1935-36, Part II, p.58.
92. S.I.I. V.55.
93. Venkataramanaya.N. op.cit. p.305-06
94. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) Inscriptions of Western Ganga. Madviala inscription
of Nitimarga-Permanadi No. I. p.316-17.
95. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) Inscriptions of Western Ganga. Husukuru
inscription of Rajamalla-Permandi.No. 102. p.318-319
96. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. Kukkanur Inscriptions of Marasimha
II.p.490-513
97. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) Ibid.
98. Rao, B.V. op.cit. p.185
99. E.I. Vol. V, p.122.
100. Buhler (Ed.) Vikramankadevacharitam (1875). Introduction p.31.
101. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit Kudlur plates of Marasimha.No.138. p.411
102. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. Kadalur Grant of Marasimha.p.430
103. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) Ibid.p.447
104. Rao Hanumantha, B.S.L.Religion In Andhra.p.197-202
105. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit Hosakote Plates of Konganyadhiraja.p.15
106. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. Mercara Plates of Avinita.p.65
107. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. Manne plates of Marasimha.p.204
108. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. . Kudulur Plates of Marasimha.p.427
109. Ibid.p.427
110. Ibid.p.377
111. Rajsekhara’s Kavyamimamsa G.O.S. ed. Pp.284-49 of. Nos.6,
10,25,29,37 and 38 of the Skanda Purana list quoted
112. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit Bendiganahalli Plates of Vijaya-
Krishanavarmaman p.17.
376
NANDAPUR ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS
Remains of Sati Stones and others Elephant half above ground, Jaina?
Lateral view of the elephant

Sati Stone, Nandapur
377
Sati stone, Nandapur Bhairaba, Nandapur
Subaie old Jaina temple

Laxami, Nandapur
door, Nandapur
378
Batrisha singhasana,
Ganesha idols, Nandapur reconstructed
Chakreswari, Subaie-
Sati Stone or Hata pakana originally from Umbel
379
Fore view from

Paliba Jaina temple remains Pitaiegumpa of Mahavira
Front view from Pitaiegumpa of Umbel Jaina temple,

Mahavira Nandapur
380
Ardha-Siva, Banamaliput, Honjore, Jaina temple remains

Nandapur
Siva Linga, Banamaliput, Tirthankara Subaie Jaina

Nandapur temple
381
Visnu, Banamaliput,
Amba, Jaina temple, Umbel Nandapur
Visnu, Banamaliput, Nandapur Jaina Temple Remains in Umbel
382
BHAIRABA SINGAPUR
There are two Singapurs in Koraput district and both are having archaeological
importance remains; one is Kalyana Singapur and the other is Bhairaba Singapur.
These Singapur as spelled in present days is actually Simhapur of the past.
It is with reference to the context of the above Simhapur the possible linkage and
reference can be drawn with ample evidence as following.
The Bhairaba Simhapur got the prefix title of Bhairaba, mostly after the Bhairaba
sect who attained superiority in the region. Jogi and Omanatya are the two sects
who came possibly from the Karnataka in the remote past with the urge Bhairab
cult of Saivities and further propagated. These communities are still to be seen in
the region and the former Jogis are still in-charge of the important Siva temples in
the district.
The present day Bhairaba Singapur is located east to Borigumma under the west
foot hills of eastern ghat. The Bhairaba Singapur was the gateway ancient city to
Kalinga and Vengi that is to the coastal region of eastern India; thus probably the
name has been derived.
The other version is also there that the famous Jain teacher Simhandadini
preached and passed to south from this place. This is also a great seat of Jainas
(Digambars) from ancient period, which is a well documented fact (1).
There is very scanty information except few Sanskrit inscriptions about this place
of interest. The details of the archeological finds have been dealt by several
authors.
The other pathway is ‘Kathargad’ which is located close to the river Indravati and
Murian configure which is another gateway to the Eastern ghat hills and both the
walking paths i.e. B.Singapur also lead to Dasmanthpur and thence to
Kakrigumma and is about in 3 hours of walk to plains of Narayanpatna which
leads to Babli and thence to coastal belt.
This Bhairaba Singapur is the second capital of Kalinga, is postulated by the
present author.
 The Pedda-dugam plates of Sri Sattrudamanadeva (2)

Place of issue: Simhapura and Topography Giri-Kalinga.
The donor of this inscription seems to be a subordinate king, posted at
Simhapura, most probably under the Gangas of Kalinga who captured the
383
country after the extinction of the Mathras from that region. The term
Giri-Kalinga might have been under the hill portion of the Kalinga.
 Dantavaktra near Chicacole in the same district at Kalinga-nagara, modern
Mukhalingam in Srikakulam district; and the second capital at the old city
of Dantapura, identified the Easter Ganga capital. (3)
The Kalinga kings about 5th-6th century are known for their charters. A
royal city named Simhapuram, modern Singupuram near Chicacole is
mentioned in some of these records, but finds no mention in the Allahabad
inscription and thus may have flourished after the middle of the 4th
century.
Pitribhktas of Kalinga also issued grants from Simhapura. (4)
Some Mathra kings of Kalinga also issued grants for Simhapura, but they
were ruling simultaneously with Pitrabhaktas from their capital at
Pishtapura. (5)
D.C. Sirkar (1988) wrote, “When the Pitribhaktas were ruling from Simhapura in
Central Kalinga, the royal family of the Matharas had their capital at Pishtapura in
the south. The Ragolu Grant of the Mathara Maharaja Sakti-varman, which
records a gift of land near Chicacole, was issued in the king’s 13th regnal year
from the city Pishtapura. The king bears the title “lord of Kalinga”. This shows
that the Matharas of Pishtapura conquered the heart of the Pitribhakta kingdom in
Central Kalinga. This is also supported by the fact that the Sakunaka Grant issued
in the 28th regnal year of another Mathara king named Ananta-Sakti-varman, who
enjoyed former capital of the Pitribhaktas. Maharaja Ananta-Sakti-varman was
one of the immediate successors of Sakti-varman of the Ragolu grant. This is
suggested by the fact that an official mentioned as Amatya Arjunadatta in the
Ragolu grant of Sakti-varman, has been credited with a higher official designation
and called Desakshapataladhikrita-Talavara Arjunadatta in Ananta-Sakti-
varman’s record. The Amatya was probably raised to higher offices during the
latter part of his life. According to some writers, the name Ananta-Sakti-varman
actually indicates ‘Ananta-varman’s son Sakti-varman.” It has also been
suggested that Ananta-Sakti-varman was a successor of Sakti-varman, a third king
named Ananta-varman probably intervening between the reigns of the two. (6)
At present, there is a good population of ‘Omanatya’ at B.Singapur of Koraput
district. These Omanatya as they call themselves are also found in Ganja district
of Orissa. It thus gives evidence that B.Singapur and Kalinga region had some
kind of linkage from the past
This locality has much more historical evidence above and under the earth. The
ancient Jain images scattered around Kumuli, Pakanaguda, Narigaon, Borigumma
384
and Khebdi depict of a rich history of the region which Kulottunga I ’s inscription
described it to be the ‘Jain hills’.. (7)
The capital of Kalinga before Gangas was at Simhapura. (The Gangas did not
prefer to have their headquarters there. So, for the purpose of administration they
kept out-post at Simhapura by appointing a member of the royal family as their
sub-ordinate (vide Pedd-duggam plate). The Gangas had their capital at
Dantapura at the beginning of the rule. Maharaja Indravarman issued his grant in
G.E.39 from Dantapura. But in Samanta-varman’s grant the royal seat is called
Srinivasa. We cannot say it refer to Dantapura of Kalinganagar. (8)
It is known form classical Greek writers like Diodorus, Curtius and Plutarch that
the last Nanda King Agrammes or Xandrammes (Augrasaniya) who was ruling at
the time of Alexander’s invasion, had suzerainty over Phasii (Magadha) and
Gangaridae. (9)
Only the Gangaridae portion described by Megasthenes as ‘Gangaridae
Calingarum Regia’ continued under the last Nanda ruler. (10)
References
1. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar (2010) Lost Jaina Tribes of Tri-
kalinga (Under publication)
2. JAHRS Vol XXI, p.159 ff., E.I.XXXI pp.89-93 ff.
3. Pedd-Dugam Plates.No.52: Inscription Orissa, VilIi,p-237.
4 Sircar, D.C. (1988) The Pitribhaktas, II Kalinga. The Classical Age, Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan, Bombay. P-212
5. Ibid.
6. The Matharas. HAIP- The Classical Age, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
Bombay. p213
7. Inscription of Orissa Vol.I. pt. II, pp.59.62
8. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol II. P-338
9 Mc Crindle, Invasion of India by Alexander, pp.221 and 228
10. Mc Crindle, Ancient India. P.137
385
ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS IN BHAIRABA

SINGAPUR
Pair of Feet in Bhairaba Singapur

Siva Temple
Rsabhanatha
Bhairaba in Bhairaba Singapur Parsvnatha in Bhairaba Singapur

unearthed from Siva temple
386
Visnu in Bhairaba Singapur
Virasaivite holding his head Bhairaba Singapur Hill needs

(The head was reconstructed recently) exploration and opening of the cave
387
Bhairaba from Bhairaba Singapur
388
INDEX
Asoka, 7, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 60, 61, 63, 82, 83,
84, 88, 89
A Atavi, 2, 11, 19, 45, 46, 48, 49, 83, 133, 134, 179
Acharya, P, 33, 43, 44, 336, 339, 340
Adhirajendra, 211 B
Aihole Inscription, 115
Aila, 76, 80 Badami, 8, 11, 12, 115, 180, 182, 197
Aira, 76, 85, 87 Bagata, 3
Aiyar Natesa, 176 Bagdari, 187
Aiyar, K.V.Subrahmanya, 236 Baipariguda, 101
Akkalapundi grant, 334 Bajpai, K.D, 114
Allahabad, 6, 27, 29, 46, 49, 53, 63, 66, 80, 86, bali, 69
87, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 98, 100, 138, 146, Balimella, 256, 257, 364
147, 308, 364, 384 Banerji, R.D, 44, 89, 343
Allahabad Pillar inscription, 6, 46, 49, 87 Bangalore copperplates, 273
Ambabhalli river, 258 Banpur plates, 291, 292
Ambavadi Mandala, 257, 258 Bansuli, 321
Amma I, 31, 36, 102, 178, 190 Barasur, 16, 297, 301, 305, 324, 326, 327, 329,
Amma II, 69, 70, 178, 184, 185, 191, 192 330
Amurkottam, 230 Barigaccha, 133
Amvavadi-Visaya, 277 Barigachha, 69, 299, 315
Anangabhima II, 341 Barsur, 300, 301, 305, 308, 311, 321, 322, 324,
Ananta Chodaganga, 364 326, 327, 328
Anantavarma Chodaganga, 223, 224, 225 Barsur inscription, 301, 305, 311
Anantavarman Choda Ganga, 17, 222 Bastar, 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19,
Anantavarman Choda Gangadeva, 207 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 31, 35, 37, 38, 40, 46,
Anantavarman Chodaganga, 207, 208, 221, 229, 48, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 66, 67, 69,
233, 294, 323, 327, 341, 363 82, 83, 88, 96, 98, 101, 103, 104, 106, 111,
Anantavarman I, 252, 253, 254 112, 113, 114, 115, 118, 120, 122, 137, 138,
Anantaverman IV alias Vajrahasta, 254 140, 143, 145, 146, 147, 149, 157, 158, 169,
Anantaverman Vajrahastadeva V, 254 187, 189, 197, 199, 201, 203, 206, 207, 211,
Anchala, 244, 245, 246, 247 212, 214, 222, 229, 231, 232, 233, 239, 241,
An-Chola, 231, 244 247, 248, 249, 250, 255, 256, 257, 258, 260,
Ancholagumma, 233, 242, 243, 244 261, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 285, 290, 293,
Andhra, 1, 8, 9, 11, 20, 24, 25, 28, 36, 37, 42, 61, 294, 297, 298, 299, 302, 304, 305, 308, 314,
62, 65, 71, 73, 83, 85, 87, 97, 99, 100, 102, 316, 317, 318, 321, 322, 323, 324, 326, 327,
103, 112, 121, 123, 135, 136, 149, 169, 178, 328, 333, 334, 337, 338, 339, 355, 362, 363,
195 364, 365, 366, 370, 371
Andhri, 333 Bastar district, 7, 101
Aparajita, 12 Batrisha singhasana, 351
Arikesari I, 297 Bayyaraju, 344, 345, 348, 354
Arikesari II, 189, 191 Bell, R.C, 331, 373, 374
Arikesarin III, 71, 361, 374 Bell, R.C.S, 373, 374
Arthapati, 8, 50, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, Benares, 35
144, 145, 147, 148, 154, 155, 169 Bendiganahalli Plates, 285, 372, 376
Ashoka, 6, 34, 61 Berger, Peter, 73
Bhagavati, 201, 298
389
Bhagvati temple of Jeypore, 71 C

Bhairab Singhpur, 245
Bhairaba, 81, 82, 83 Caldwell, 32, 33, 43, 62
Bhairaba Singapur, 199, 257, 295, 317, 326, 333, Calingae, 34, 60, 61
383, 386, 387, 388 Candragupta, 174
Bhandarkar, G. R, 49 Chakkarakottam, 204, 206
Bhandarkar, G.R, 52 Chakora, 7
Bhandarkar, R.G, 29 Chakrakota, 200, 202, 297, 300, 301, 302, 304,
Bhanjas, 291, 305 305, 306, 307, 311, 312, 316, 317, 323, 326
Bhanumurti, V, 57 Chakrakote, 2, 15, 16, 19, 55, 58, 71, 114, 179,
Bhatiporlu inscription, 359 197, 204, 209, 215, 229, 239, 240, 242, 247,
Bhattra, 3, 167 298, 300, 314, 315, 316, 355, 362, 364
Bhauma king, 9 Chakrakuta, 7, 14, 15, 55, 56, 112, 118, 119, 120,
Bhauma Kings, 9, 248, 262 187, 188, 203, 209, 211, 213, 214, 215, 239,
Bhauma-Kara, 312 240, 293, 297, 298, 300, 308, 309, 314, 316,
Bhaumakaras, 36 366, 370
Bhavadatta, 8, 137, 139, 141, 142, 145, 146, 147, Chalukya Bhima, 38, 70, 178, 184, 185, 186, 189,
154, 155, 169 190, 191, 284, 366
Bhavadatta varman, 8 Chalukya Bhima I, 178, 184, 185, 186, 189, 190
Bhavadattaraja, 141, 147 Chalukya Bhima II, 70, 178, 190, 191, 284, 366
Bhavadattavarman, 137, 138, 139, 140, 143, Chalukya of Badami., 12
146, 147, 148, 154 Chalukya of Kalyani, 317
Bhavadatta-varman, 8 Chalukyas of Badami, 8, 79, 182, 197
Bhavadatta-varman, 169 Chalukyas of Kalyani, 16, 117, 123
Bhavadatta-varman, 169 Chalukyas of Lata, 197
Bheraghat, 110 Chandra Gupta, 3, 92
Bhimesvara temple at Draksharama, 216 Chandragupta II, 4, 107
Bhogavatipura, 298, 304, 310 Chattopadhyaya, S, 333
Bhramanakotya, 215, 300 Chedi, 44, 48, 63, 76, 79, 80, 86, 282, 298, 307,
Bhramarakotta-mandala, 300 308, 310, 314, 323, 366
Bhramaravdra-desa, 323 Chedi King, 48
Bhumia, 3, 72, 101, 294 Chellia Porajas, 72, 364
Bhupendraverman, 254 Chelluru plates, 223
Bhvadatta verman, 143 Chera, 198, 217, 219
Bindusara, 6 Cheras, 8, 13
Bisna Sisa, 363 Cheti, 76, 79, 80
Bisnaga King, 363 Chhattisgarh, 2, 19, 24, 53, 111, 145, 170, 171,
Bodo Poraja, 135 173, 175, 176, 197, 257, 281, 283, 297, 333,
Bondo, 3, 202 363, 370
Bondos, 202 Chhindaka Naga, 297, 301, 306, 307, 326
Borigumma, 7, 70, 77, 81, 83, 188, 231, 244, Chhindaka Nagas, 16, 71
247, 295, 315, 317, 326, 333, 339, 383, 384 Chhindika Nagas, 315, 327
Buddhism, 3, 7, 20, 32, 102, 133, 173 Chicacole plates, 254, 255, 283
Buddhist, 5, 7, 79, 99, 102, 135, 151, 170, 171, Chikma hill, 7
175, 176, 203, 332, 339, 361 Chindarja, 315
Buhler, 45, 47, 75, 121 Chindika, 293
Buihler, George, 89 Chitrakut, 322
Burnell, 252, 271, 272, 273, 287, 336 Chitrakuta, 16, 25, 26, 55, 107, 108, 109, 110,
Butuga II, 281, 370 114, 243, 257, 282, 283, 297, 310, 357, 366
Chitramaya, 358
Choda Ganga, 17
390
Chodaganga, 17, 36, 42 Devi, Yashoda, 343, 347, 350

Chodas, 207, 224, 227, 229, 232, 241, 246, 247, Dey, N.L, 52
293, 298, 308, 314, 315, 326, 327, 328, 355, Dhara, 14, 55, 209, 235, 240
364 Dhara at Chakrakota, 55
Chola, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 42, 55, 56, 58, 116, Dharalladeva, 327, 329
117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 186, 190, 192, Dharalladeva-Varman, 327
193 Dharavarsha, 208, 210, 215, 222, 300, 301, 304,
Cholas, 3, 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 42, 116, 306, 307, 326
117, 119, 192, 197, 198, 200, 203, 204, 207, Dharmakirti, 5
208, 219, 220, 223, 224, 225, 226, 233, 234, Dharmalingeswar plates, 255
235, 237, 240, 242, 244, 246, 247, 282, 298, Dharmapala, 58, 201
304, 305, 312, 313, 314, 317, 326, 341, 344, Dharmkirit, 5
345, 364, 367 Dharua, 3
Conjeeveram, 216, 218 Dharvarsa, 15
Cowell, C.B, 333 Dhavala, 248, 261, 310, 369
Cunningham, 32, 33, 34, 67, 75, 89, 145, 171, Dhavala visaya, 9, 248
176, 200, 238, 335, 336 Dhobalinga, 339
Dhruva Nirupama, 183
Dhuruva, 101
D Didayi, 3
Dahala, 38, 79, 186, 188, 189, 191, 278, 280, Doms, 280
293, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 323, 339, 366 Dongria, 59
Dakshina Kosala, 3, 10, 19, 249, 307, 327 Draksharama, 218, 219, 220, 221, 342, 345
Danarnava, 70, 178, 186, 191, 192, 193, 255, Dravidian, 43, 170
257, 277, 284, 285, 366, 367, 368 Durga, 89
Dandaka forest, 27 Durvinita, 9, 115
Dandakapura, 323, 362 Dvendravarma, 250
Dandakaranya, 4, 5, 6, 7, 1, 2, 4, 5, 19, 20, 21, 22,
23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 105, 106, 107, 108, E
109, 111, 112
Dandekar, R.N, 99 East Godavari district., 360, 368
Dankini, 321 Eastern Chalukya, 3, 9, 16, 17, 20, 38, 41, 51, 55,
Danteswari, 301, 321, 322 69, 70, 98, 101, 116, 134, 178, 181, 182, 183,
Dantewada, 35 184, 185, 186, 187, 191
Dantewara, 24, 300, 301, 326 Eastern Chalukyas, 4, 8, 11, 14, 18, 42, 70, 72,
Dasmanthpur, 12, 135, 180 102, 103, 116, 121, 134, 136, 178, 181, 185,
Deisya, 69 187, 189, 193, 197, 198, 204, 226, 232, 282,
Deshpande, C.D, 29 283, 284, 298, 304, 311, 342, 343, 355, 359,
Desia, 3, 19, 68, 69, 72, 73 365
Desia-Kondhs, 247 Eastern Ganga, 250, 273, 345, 349, 358, 368
Desiga, 69 Eastern Gangas, 3, 8, 9, 10, 31, 36, 37, 38, 39, 62,
Desigana, 68, 69, 101 94, 103, 119, 150, 168, 178, 182, 189, 206,
Desika, 69 208, 225, 227, 233, 248, 251, 254, 258, 271,
Desiya gana, 69 273, 274, 277, 283, 298, 314, 334, 337, 342,
Devagiri, 122, 124, 125, 127, 131 344, 358, 365
Deva-sena, 8 Eastern Ghats, 21, 22, 23, 24, 37, 40, 84, 103,
Devendravarman, 207, 208, 209, 217, 218, 219, 137, 184, 186, 187
220, 221, 253, 254, 255, 258, 271, 272, 273, Edenga hoard, 138, 140, 142
275, 277, 283, 294 Erandapalli, 95, 97, 99
Devenravarman II, 254 Ereganga, 278, 279, 372
Devi Yashoda, 373
391
F 207, 217, 221, 222, 224, 225, 227, 228, 247,

250, 262, 281, 317, 332, 333, 336, 338, 339,
Fleet, 46, 47, 49, 91, 99, 234, 241, 253, 263, 271, 356, 359, 368, 370
287 Gokarnasvamin, 275
Gond, 3
Gonds, 244
G Gondwana, 339
G.Ramdas, 10, 31, 32, 40, 41, 50, 53, 137, 144 Gonka II, 225
Gadaba, 3, 73, 280, 375 Gopal, B.R, 121, 123, 235, 287
Gadia, 300, 301, 311, 322 Goriahandi, 71
Gajapatis, 308, 343, 352 Govinda III, 309, 310
Gamang Giridhar, 73 Greeks, 335, 336
Gamang, Giridhar, 374, 375, 385 Gumma’, 247
Gang, 248, 275, 301, 342 Gunaga Vijayaditya, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188,
Ganga, 199, 200, 201, 205, 206, 207, 208, 210, 189, 190
215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, Gunaga Vijayaditya III, 365, 366
224, 225, 230, 240, 244, 248, 249, 250, 251, Gunarnava, 277
252, 255, 256, 257, 258, 260, 261, 262, 263, Gunda- mahadevi, 17
268, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, Gunda Mahadevi, 71, 306
280, 281, 282, 285, 294, 295, 324,髈328, 336, Gunupur, 5
341, 342, 345, 346, 348, 349, 351, 352, 354, Gupta, 6, 63, 64, 66, 67, 93, 94, 96, 97, 99, 111,
355, 358, 360, 363, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 136, 137, 169, 196
372, 376, 384 Guptas, 7, 86, 99, 278, 307, 364
Gangaikondachola, 200 Gutob, 375
Gangamandalam, 213
Gangapati, 9, 248, 261, 369 H
Gangarides, 34, 60
Gangaridum Calingarum Regia, 60 Haihaya, 3, 20, 186
Gangas, 3, 8, 9, 10, 17, 33, 35, 36, 38, 42, 62, 63, Halva, 3
72, 94, 115, 123, 133, 178, 181, 184, 185, 186 Harisena, 9, 96, 115, 149, 248
Gangas of Jantarnadu, 341, 342, 344, 348 Hari-sena, 8
Gangas of Kalinga, 227, 246, 254, 283, 284 Hari-sena, 169
Gangas of Mysore, 197, 258, 274, 275, 277 Harsagupta, 175
Gangavadi, 274, 275, 276, 277, 369 Hastivarman, 251, 256
Gangeshani, 351 Hathigumpha, 7, 48, 49, 60, 75, 76, 81, 82, 83,
Gangeyadeva, 203, 292, 307, 323, 362 84, 85, 86, 87, 168, 197, 355, 356, 357
Gangraju, 349 Henjery, 362
Ganguly, D.C, 123, 235, 318 Hieun-Tsiang, 200
Ganjam, 7, 25, 26, 28, 36, 38, 40, 41, 62, 63, 64, Hira Lal, 171, 177, 321, 322
91, 92, 94, 96, 97, 104, 150, 195 Hiralal, 25, 26, 29, 30, 56, 113, 137, 138, 145,
Garh Dhanora, 338 157, 234, 236, 241, 297, 311, 312, 314, 318,
Gauda-sangha, 361 326, 331
Gautamiputra Satakarni, 7, 85, 92 Hiralal, Sukla, 29, 30
Gidrisinghi, 215 Hiuen Tsang, 66
Giri pascima, 134 Hiuen-Tsang, 64, 253
Girikalinga, 2, 19, 57, 95, 188, 196 Honjeru, 69
Girini, 33 Honjore, 362
Godavari, 1, 7, 8, 13, 16, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, Hoysalas, 3, 14, 20
26, 33, 36, 37, 39, 41, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, Hultzsch, 11, 12, 45, 47, 59, 119, 180, 200, 201,
63, 68, 85, 87, 88, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 101, 202, 234, 235
103, 105, 109, 110, 180, 187, 188, 195, 199, Human sacrifice, 321
392
I 314, 319, 322, 339, 342, 343, 351, 352, 353,

354, 357, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363, 364, 370,
Ikshavaku, 8, 134 371, 373
Ikshvaku, 9, 133, 134, 135, 248 Jeypore Agency, 9, 115
Indravarman, 9, 10, 11, 32, 35, 46, 159, 179, Jharakhanda, 2, 19
248, 249, 250, 251, 253, 255, 262, 271, 272, Jhodia Poraja, 71, 135
335, 385 Jijingi, 10
Indravati, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 38, 55, 59, 68, 98, Jijingi village, 10, 250
101, 103, 109, 110, 111, 137, 176, 201, 243, Jirjingi copper plate, 248
261, 281, 297, 322, 333, 370, 383 Jirjingi plate, 10, 249, 250
Indravati., 322 Jirjingi plate of Indravarman I, 249
Iyer, Gopala, A., 236 John, Wyld, 29
J K
J.K.Sahu, 9, 10, 97, 168, 248, 249, 251, 252, 254, Kadalur Grant, 279, 281, 370, 376
357 Kadamba, 8, 10, 115, 249
J.P. Jain, 102, 112 Kadambas, 8, 9, 10, 92, 115, 133, 134, 178, 249,
Jabalpur, 290, 323, 362 342, 343
Jagadalpur, 55, 58 Kakayara-desa, 323, 328
Jagdalpur, 215, 229, 297, 300, 305, 314, 321, Kalachuri, 17, 37, 38, 39, 42, 44, 103, 203, 291,
322, 323, 338 292, 294, 295, 303, 307, 308, 309, 323, 324,
Jain, B.C, 312 327, 328, 337, 362, 374
Jain, J.P, 136 Kalachuris, 16, 31, 38, 39, 42, 79, 121, 123, 176,
Jaina, 4, 6, 7, 8, 12, 44, 48, 60, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 203, 235, 290, 291, 293, 294, 295, 298, 303,
73, 80, 81, 101, 102, 111, 112, 113, 120, 133, 306, 312, 314, 323, 325, 327, 334, 362, 374
135, 181 Kalahandi, 1, 2, 4, 7, 16, 19, 20, 23, 24, 31, 37,
Jainism, 3, 7, 20, 70, 71, 73, 102, 112, 133, 136 38, 40, 41, 48, 50, 53, 54, 66, 67, 83, 88, 91,
Jajalla I, 17 92, 94, 96, 98, 103, 104, 137, 175, 204, 215,
Jamunda,, 282, 371 231, 297, 298, 299, 306, 310, 317, 333, 337,
Janamejaya, 31, 39, 42, 290, 293, 306, 308, 334 338, 339, 359, 363
Janamejaya I, 306 Kalidasa, 4, 25, 37, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109,
Janamejaya II, 308 110, 111, 113, 114, 261, 356
Jani, 72, 244, 302 Kalinga, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17,
Jantarnadu, 17, 348, 349 18, 19, 20, 26, 27, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37,
Jatapu, 3 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 53, 54, 55,
Jawaharlal, G, 374 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 69, 70,
Jawaharlal, G., 73, 113 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88,
Jayangondachola-mandalam, 207 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 102, 103, 104, 113,
Jayangondar, 213, 222, 227 115, 116, 117, 119, 123, 135, 149, 167, 178,
Jayankondacholamandalam, 230, 231 179, 180, 182, 183, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189,
Jayapura Kotta, 357 191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 204,
Jayapura plate, 252 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 215, 217, 218, 219,
Jayasimha I, 11, 180 220, 221, 222, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229,
Jayasimha II, 116, 123, 202, 210, 292, 323 230, 232, 233, 246, 247, 249, 250, 251, 253,
Jayavarman,, 250, 271 254, 255, 256, 257, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275,
Jaypur inscription, 271 276, 277, 278, 280, 282, 283, 284, 285, 291,
Jaypura plates, 255 292, 293, 294, 296, 298, 306, 307, 309, 310,
Jeypore, 9, 10, 17, 22, 40, 59, 81, 93, 107, 115, 314, 316, 317, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339,
156, 168, 231, 243, 249, 250, 255, 256, 257, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349,
271, 272, 280, 281, 282, 286, 294, 295, 298, 350, 352, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 360, 361,
393
363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 373, Khaling, 339
375, 383, 384, 385 Kharavela, 3, 7, 34, 48, 49, 60, 63, 75, 76, 79, 80,
Kalinga., 11, 14, 31, 32, 40, 41, 45, 46, 60, 62, 63, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 168
80, 81, 82, 83, 86, 99, 179, 185, 193, 195, Kharavella, 197
197, 209, 223, 226, 227, 228, 251, 253, 254, Khibira Rishi, 77
255, 256, 257, 273, 274, 276, 277, 282, 284, Khillingar plates, 255, 257
285, 291, 292, 310, 316, 334, 335, 337, 341, Khond, 3
342, 343, 348, 350, 355, 365, 366, 367, 368, Kielhorn, 56, 171, 177
375, 383, 384, 385 Kimidi, 215
Kalingam, 198, 206, 207, 217, 219, 228 Kimling, 339
Kalinganagara, 9, 11, 31, 35, 38, 62, 82, 178, Kirtivarman, 9, 10, 11, 12, 115, 116, 149, 180,
179, 219, 248, 251, 256, 258, 271, 272, 274, 182, 249
277, 278, 307, 334 Kirtivarman I, 9, 10, 11, 115, 116, 249
Kalingattupparani, 17, 213, 217, 218, 219, 220, Kirtivarman II, 12, 180, 182
222, 223, 227, 228, 236 Kirtivarmana I, 10, 115, 116, 249
Kalingraja, 362 Ko-Chola-gumma, 242
Kalingttu Parani, 56 Kodinga hoard, 302, 303, 304
Kalyan, 4, 120, 122, 123, 124, 130, 256 Kokalla I, 323, 362
Kalyan Singpur, 122, 123, 124, 130 Kokalla II, 307
Kalyana Singapur, 243, 257, 270, 383 Kolab, 24, 59, 68, 101, 106, 135, 187
Kalyana Singapur., 243, 257 Kolaru Surayanarayana, 16, 55, 56
Kalyanakaraka, 101, 102, 111, 112 Komalaraja, 308
Kalyana-Karaka, 4, 37 Konamandala, 224
Kamalraji, 362 Kond, 3
Kamarnava, 225, 277, 283, 284, 285, 341, 367, Konda Porajas, 72
368 Kondagaon, 140, 143
Kanaka Durga, 322 Kondai, 117, 118, 205, 229, 317
Kandha, 3 Kondala, 212, 216, 229
Kanker, 22, 23, 41 Kondh, 3, 59
Kantaka-Varttini, 277 Kondhs, 247, 315
Kantara, 2, 19, 53, 137, 146, 148, 150 Konga, 2, 19, 207, 260, 278, 279, 280, 281, 369,
Kanthikavandhurakantha, 277 370
Karandai, 205, 206 Kongunivarman, 248, 280, 281, 370
Karnataka, 7, 6, 8, 9, 13, 68, 73, 115, 131, 182, Koraput, 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,
248, 281, 292, 383 11, 12, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24, 25, 26,
Karunda-Mandala, 215, 298, 310 28, 31, 37, 38, 40, 46, 48, 50, 53, 54, 56, 57,
Kathargad, 176, 256, 317, 383 59, 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 77, 81,
Kathargada, 245, 295 82, 83, 88, 94, 96, 97, 98, 101, 103, 104, 105,
Kavi, 204, 206, 207 106, 107, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 120, 122,
Kavi-Konga, 204 123, 133, 134, 135, 137, 140, 144, 145, 147,
Kelga plates, 293 148, 149, 151, 155, 156, 168, 169, 175, 176,
Kerala, 200, 280, 370 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 187, 189, 191, 196,
Keregodi - Rangapur Plates, 278 197, 202, 204, 207, 211, 229, 231, 233, 239,
Kerhalli Plates, 278 240, 241, 242, 243, 247, 248, 249, 250, 252,
Kesaribeda, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 148, 253, 255, 256, 257, 260, 261, 271, 278, 279,
154, 155, 156 280, 281, 282, 285, 286, 290, 294, 297, 299,
Kesaribeda grant, 333 302, 305, 306, 314, 317, 321, 323, 324, 326,
Keselaka, 333 327, 328, 331, 333, 334, 337, 338, 339, 342,
Keskal, 338, 339 352, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 363, 364, 365,
Khagapati Pradhani, 233 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 383, 384
Khajuribandha, 243, 319
394
Koraput district, 197, 202, 207, 229, 231, 241, Law, Bimala Churn, 47, 52
243, 249, 250, 256, 261, 271, 278, 282, 285, Leiden plates, 212, 236
294, 297, 299, 302, 324, 326, 333, 339, 342, Lingdarha Nadi, 338
356, 359, 369, 371, 372, 383, 384 Lord Rama’s Feet, 5, 105
Kornel Das, 73, 374, 375, 385
Korni plates, 207, 219
Kosala,, 8, 12, 17, 38, 50, 53, 54, 56, 67, 91, 92,
M
93, 98, 99, 104, 109, 122, 149, 169, 170, 172, Macco-Calingae, 34
175, 182, 188, 200, 232, 276, 278, 292, 293, Madgole Zamindars, 343
307, 308, 323, 327, 338, 362 Madhukamarnava, 13
Kosalai, 200, 201, 202, 203, 205, 206 Madhurakantaka, 16
Kosalai-nadu, 58, 200, 201, 202 Madhurantaka, 202, 215, 300, 305, 306
Kotia, 3 Madhurantakadeva, 297
Kotilingi, 339 Madhya Pradesh, 1, 2, 10, 19, 20, 31, 53, 66, 93,
Kotpad, 257, 258, 269, 298, 321, 362, 363 94, 96, 98, 107, 110, 114, 137, 141, 143, 170,
Kottimba grant, 259 171, 210, 249, 290, 297, 303, 323, 331, 374
Koya, 3 Madhyadesa, 51, 60
Koyas, 247 Madia, 3
Krishana Deva Raya, 363 Madras Museum Copper-plate Grant, 368
Krishana Kumari, M, 318 Madras museum plates, 215
Krishna Kumari, M, 235, 312 Madras Presidency, 332
Krishnamacharlu, C.R, 158 Madurai, 7, 8, 13, 14, 58
Krishnarao, M.V., 136 Maduraimandalam,, 58, 202
Kubja Vishnuvardhan, 115 Madura-mandala, 200, 202
Kudal – Sangama, 14 Maduramandalam, 58
Kudal Sangama, 206 Madura-mandalam, 200
Kudal-Sangama, 204, 205, 206 Madura-mandalam, 201
Kudhur Plates, 260 Madura-mandalam, 202
Kudlur Plates, 279 Magadhas, 279
Kukkanur Plates, 260, 262 Magasthenes, 34
Kulenur Inscription, 325 Magodhia Goudos, 7
Kulia Hoard of Gold Coins, 141 Mahabharata, 25, 26, 29, 34, 39, 50, 52, 53, 82,
Kulottunga I, 14, 15, 16, 17, 56, 72, 89, 117, 118, 94, 146, 151
119, 200, 204, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 216, Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya, 290, 291
217, 218, 219, 220, 222, 223, 227, 229, 231, Mahabhavagupta II Bhimaratha, 291
232, 235, 236, 239, 240, 241, 242, 246, 247, Mahabhavagupta IV Uddyotakesarin, 291, 293
260, 304, 306, 317, 364, 385 Mahakantara, 2, 10, 19, 53, 54, 91, 92, 93, 94,
Kumari Krishna, M, 236, 237 95, 96, 97, 98, 146, 249, 276, 308, 359
Kumari, Krishna, 123 Mahanadi, 23, 27, 28, 37, 40, 62, 63, 92, 97, 103,
Kumilinadu, 230, 231 196, 200, 333
Kumuli, 231, 245, 384 Mahasiva Tivara, 170, 174
Kumulura, 12, 134, 179, 180, 181 Mahasivagupta I Yayati, 291
Kundkundanvaya, 68 Mahasivagupta II Dharmaratha, 291
Kuntala, 206, 212, 214, 216, 219, 224, 357 Mahasivagupta III, 292, 293
Kuruspal, 215, 300, 306, 309, 311, 312, 322, 327 Mahasivagupta IV Janamejaya, 293, 294
Kusuma-bhoga, 323, 328, 363 Mahasivagupta Karna, 291
Kuttia, 59 Mahasivagupta V Karna, 294
Mahasivagupta Yayati, 307, 323
L Mahavira, 49, 69
Mahendra mountain, 207, 227
Langulini, 25, 28, 29
395
Mahendragiri, 7, 14, 15, 21, 25, 93, 95, 97, 98, Mookerji Radhakumud, 47
99 Mudirabada, 202
Mahendragiri,, 220, 247 Mudira-bada, 201
Mahendravarman I, 8 Mudli, 244
Mahipal I, 203 Mudlipada, 202
Mahishasuramardini, 321 Mukhalingam, 251, 294, 344, 345, 384
Mahtab, H. K, 44 Mula Sangha, 68, 69
Majjhima gauri, 69 Munda, 3
Majjhima Prava, 69 Muran, 257, 295, 299, 315, 356
Majumdar, R.C, 65, 67, 99, 136, 176, 295, 373, Muran river, 26, 98, 315
374
Maladhari, 362
Malis, 6
N
Malkangiri, 22, 23, 26, 28, 57, 196, 286, 363, 364 N.K.Sahu, 4, 46, 48, 50, 53, 65, 66, 75, 83, 86, 88,
Mama-Bhanja ka Mandir., 321 93, 137, 138, 195, 248, 290
Mamata Choudhury, 51, 52 Nadavali, 323
Manda I, 246 Naga, 201, 215, 293, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299,
Mandakini, 26, 27, 109, 110, 111, 260, 261 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 307, 308, 309,
Mandakini river, 27 310, 311, 314, 316, 317, 323, 324, 327, 328,
Mandala Kingdom, 357 362
Mangalam, S.J, 100 Naga dynasty, 122, 298, 302, 311, 317
Marasimha, 248, 254, 260, 261, 262, 277, 279, Nagavali, 11, 25, 29, 180
280, 281, 282, 286, 369, 370, 371, 372, 376 Nagavamsi, 14, 15, 55, 56, 58, 59, 71, 201, 208,
Marasimha I, 248 210, 211, 215, 231, 239, 297, 298, 300, 301,
Masunidesa, 58, 59, 69, 200, 234 302, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 314, 315,
Masuni-desam, 201 316, 326
Masunidesha, 2, 19 Nagli, 119
Mathara, 54, 85, 98, 147, 167, 168, 195, 196 Nala, 4, 8, 10, 50, 52, 54, 66, 67, 115, 137, 138,
Matia, 196 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 146, 147, 148, 149,
Matias, 101 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 160, 169, 175
Matsya dynasty, 341 Nalas, 9, 10, 18, 46, 50, 54, 67, 115, 137, 138,
Matsya family, 11, 134, 179, 342 140, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 156, 157,
Matsyas, 17, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 348, 349, 159, 168, 169, 175, 248, 249, 262, 333
354, 365 Namanaikkonam, 200
Matsys of Oddadi, 341 Namanaik-konam, 201
Matya,, 3 Nanda, 6, 60, 78, 81, 88, 142, 167, 355, 356, 357,
Matyadesa, 365 358, 385
Mauryas, 6, 10, 98, 115, 249, 357, 373 Nandanaraja, 142
Mc Crindle, 385 Nandapur, 6, 17, 59, 69, 71, 72, 101, 135, 137,
McCrindle, 33, 65, 336 156, 168, 188, 231, 250, 255, 257, 260, 270,
Megasthenes, 60, 385 281, 282, 285, 286, 321, 326, 351, 352, 353,
Meghaduta, 4, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362,
112, 113, 114, 357, 374 363, 364, 365, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 382
Megha-duta, 37 Nandapur Suryavamsi dynasty, 354
Megha-duta, 103 Nandavalli, 362
Mirashi, 297, 304, 307, 308, 309, 310, 313, 323, Nandavarman, 254, 277
326, 331 Nandi Puja, 71
Mirashi, V.V, 158, 176, 177 Nandipuram, 358
Misra, P.L, 157 Nandi-Sangha, 68
Mitra, R.L, 89 Nandivardana, 356
Mittal, J.P, 29 Nandivardhana, 355
396
Nandivarman Pallavamalla, 358 P

Nandodbhava family, 168, 357, 358
Nandodbhavas, 357 Pachipetta, 59
Nangili, 213, 216 Padamula, 151, 153, 154
Nanndigrama, 358 Padmaprabha Maladhari, 69
Narasimha, 259, 301, 346, 348, 349 Padmapur, 5
Narayan, Sankar. S, 262 Paika -Puki, 12, 181
Narayanapal inscription, 301, 311 Pakanaguda, 176, 384
Narayanapatna, 351 Pakkanaguda, 135
Narayanpal, 322 Paliva, 359, 365
Narendra Sena, 169 Pallava king, 11, 93, 95, 180, 181
Narigaccha, 133 Pallavaraja, 218, 219, 221, 223
Narigachha, 69, 299, 315 Pallavas, 3, 8, 12, 17, 20, 133, 135, 181, 186, 197,
Nayak, 326 341, 342, 344, 348, 365, 375
Nisadha, 2, 19, 50, 51, 181, 359 Pallavas of Virakuta, 341, 342, 344, 348
Nishada, 8 Pancap-palli, 58
Nishidhi memorials, 72 Panchappalli, 200, 201
Nitimarga Kongunivarma, 279 Panda L.K, 159
Nolambas, 8 Pandava-Perumal temple, 216
Nowrangpur, 9, 12, 71, 96, 98, 199, 207, 231, Pandavas, 39, 50, 172
233, 242, 244, 249, 257, 261, 285, 295, 355 Pandeya, L.P, 312
Panduvamsi, 10, 137, 150, 170, 175, 249
Panduvamsis, 8, 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 176
O Pandya, 7, 14, 15, 17, 32, 51, 72, 79, 84, 186,
Oddadi, 17, 134 197, 200, 202, 204, 213, 216, 219, 222, 227,
Oddadi,, 341, 344, 365 280, 335, 358, 364, 365, 370
Oddadivishaya, 341, 365 Pandyas, 8, 12, 13, 72, 186
Oddas, 116, 200 Panigrahi, K.C., 234, 262, 312
Odda-visaya, 58, 292 Panigrahi, Krishna Chandra, 295, 312
Odda-vishaya, 200, 201 Papdahandi, 247, 266
Odilinga, 339 Parabrahma Sastry, 121
Odra, 43, 60, 61, 217, 218, 221, 223, 234, 290, Paralakhemundi, 260
306, 309, 339 Parata village, 260
Odradesa, 31 Parbhani plates, 361
Odras, 64, 200, 234 Parenga, 3, 72, 358
Omanatya, 3 Pargiter, D.K, 90, 157
Orissa, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 13, 19, Paroja, 3
20, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, Paruvi-vishya, 240
40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, Paschimakalinga, 2, 19
57, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 72, 73, 76, Patasivaram inscription, 362
81, 86, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, Patel, C.B, 67, 159, 262
101, 103, 105, 110, 111, 113, 120, 134, 137, Pedda-dugam plates, 257, 263, 285, 383
145, 151, 157, 158, 159, 168, 174, 175, 176, Peddaperappadu plates, 359
195, 196, 197, 199, 200, 202, 203, 206, 207, Pengo, 72, 241, 244, 247
215, 231, 234, 241, 247, 248, 250, 258, 260, Pengo Porajas, 72, 247
261, 262, 263, 271, 276, 283, 287, 290, 291, Peninsula, 6, 33
294, 295, 297, 302, 305, 308, 309, 310, 312, Pentia, 3
314, 321, 323, 324, 328, 331, 333, 334, 336, Penukonda Plates, 240, 259
337, 339, 343, 352, 357, 358, 359, 362, 373, Perati-bhoga, 260, 285, 372
374, 375, 384, 385 Pfeffer, 68, 73
Oriya Paikos, 12, 181 Phampuni, 257, 321
397
Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V, 237, 238 R

Pillai, V.K, 236, 237, 238
Pithicampa,, 69 Raipur, 41, 53, 66, 92, 93, 96, 97, 141, 145, 170,
Pitrabhakta, 167 171, 175, 176
Pitribhaktas, 167, 195 Rajabhushana-maharaja, 301
Pitribhktas, 384 Rajadhiraja, 14, 117, 199, 203, 204, 210, 282,
Plaki-vishaye, 12, 180 293, 342
Pliny, 33, 34, 41, 60, 65, 336 Rajadhiraja I, 199, 203, 204, 293
Podagada, 4, 8, 9, 10, 137, 138, 143, 144, 145, Rajaguru, S.N, 57, 65, 99, 100, 157, 158, 159,
146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 262, 263, 287, 311, 312, 313, 385
156, 157, 229, 231, 243, 244, 245, 249, 250, Rajaguru,S.N, 311, 312
258, 322, 333 Rajamalla I, 9, 248
Podagadha, 115 Rajaraja, 13, 14, 15, 17, 36, 59, 116, 117, 119,
Potinar inscriptions, 301, 326 190
Pottapi Vishaya, 360 Rajaraja I, 198, 200, 204, 207, 211, 219, 220, 294,
Pottapinadu, 360 348
Pottapi-nadu, 368 Rajaraja II, 225, 341, 345, 366
Pottapi-nadu, 368 Rajaraja III, 341
Pradhani Family, 233 Rajasundri, 119
Pratapa Gangaraju, 349, 354 Rajendra, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 42, 55, 56, 58, 59,
Pravhavati Gupta, 356 62, 116, 117, 118, 122
Prithivivygara, 359 Rajendra Chola, 200, 203, 208, 225, 239, 242,
Prithvi-Vyagrah, 8 291, 292, 304, 305, 316, 323, 365
Prthivivyaghra, 51, 181 Rajendra I, 199, 202, 203, 210, 211, 231, 242,
Ptolemy’s, 335, 336, 340 292
Pujariguda, 5, 105, 107, 111 Rajendra II, 199, 204, 211, 241, 254, 293, 317
Puki, 12, 134, 135, 179, 180 Rajendravarman, 252, 254, 258, 271, 272, 273
Puki-Vishaya’, 12, 180 Rajendravarman I, 182, 254
Pukiya family. The King's daughter Atavi-Santisri Rajendraverman II, 254, 255
was married to an, 133 Rajenra I, 242
Pulakesh II, 115 Rajim stone inscription, 139, 145
Pulakeshin II, 8, 178 Rama Rao, M, 136
Pulakesin I, 9, 115 Ramachandra Rao, C.V., 65
Pulakesin II, 9, 11, 92, 115, 116, 178, 180, 182, Ramachandran, T.N, 89
249 Ramagiri, 4, 5, 26, 30, 37, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104,
Purle plates, 335 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114
Purushottama, 345, 346 Ramagiri., 4, 102, 105, 107, 108
Purva desam, 199 Ramagiri-svami, 356
Purvadesa, 2, 15, 19, 118, 199, 209, 212, 215, Ramatirthan, 361
239, 240, 241, 316 Ramayana, 4, 1, 2, 20, 25, 26, 29, 49, 50
Purvadesha, 199, 231, 232, 241, 242, 247 Ramdas, G, 43, 52, 54, 157, 158, 159, 262
Pushapagiri,, 115 Ramesh, K.V, 262, 263, 376
Pushkari, 137, 140, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 151, Ranka Jayavarman, 251
152, 153, 154, 155 Rao Krishna, B.V, 157
Pushkarni Vishaya, 258 Rao, B.V, 311, 318, 375
Puskari,, 249 Rashtrakuta, 309, 310, 370
Pustaka gaccha, 68, 69 Rashtrakutas, 197, 307
Rastrakutas, 12, 13, 14, 122, 181, 182, 191
Rastrakutas., 13
Q Rastrakuttas, 3, 20
queen Kallabha, 282, 371 Rath, B.K, 44
398
Ratnadeva II, 323, 327, 363 Sastri, K.A.N, 65, 90, 121, 241, 318, 374
Ratnagiri plates, 293, 308 Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta, 234, 235, 238
Ratnapur, 306, 309, 312, 323, 324, 327, 328, 362 Satavahana, 48, 49, 63, 66, 85, 88
Ray Choudhuri, H.C, 54, 67 Satavahans, 332
Ray Choudhury, H.C, 52 Sathianathaier, R, 234, 375
Ray, H.C, 44 Satipillars, 156
Ray, H.C., 374 Satyavarman, 253, 272
Ray. H.C, 325 Saubhagyadeva, 346
Rayagada, 59, 68, 69, 97, 120, 122, 124, 181 Saumya vatika, 255
Risi Khibidi, 70, 81 Senapati, 374
Ronas, 364 Seven Kalinga, 228
Sewell, R, 237
Sewell, Robert, 287, 343, 375
S Shangam corpse, 7
S.N. Rajaguru, 236, 258 Sharabharpuriyas, 8
Sabara, 3, 8, 51, 170, 176, 190 Sharma, R.K, 325, 374
Sabbi country, 71 Shastri Ajay Mitra, 295
Sabbi –thousand, 361 Shastri, Ajay Mitra, 43, 44
Sahu J.K, 262 Silaharas, 14
Sahu, J.K, 65, 100, 168 Silas of Nandapura, 341
Sahu, N.K, 47, 49, 52, 54, 65, 67, 89, 90, 99, 100, Silavamsa, 353, 354, 355
157, 158, 159, 196, 295, 373 Sileru, 247, 364
Sailodbhava, 254 Simhachalam, 223, 226, 345, 346, 348, 349, 354
Saivism, 3, 8, 20, 173, 175 Simhanandi, 133, 276
Sakala-Kalingadhipati’, 36 Simhapatha Queen, 79
Sakkarakottam, 55, 58, 59, 210, 212, 214, 216, Simhapura, 257, 285, 358, 383, 384, 385
229 Simhapura., 167, 195, 196, 257, 384, 385
Sakkara-kottam, 200 Sindas, 298
Sakkara-kottam, 201 Singama, 354
Sakkara-Kottam, 16, 55, 297 Singh Deo, J.P, 54
Saktipitha, 156 Singh Deo, K.B, 343, 373, 375
Saletore, B.V., 136 Singh, R.B.P, 73
Salthianathaiyer, 136 Singh, R.L, 29
Samantavarman, 250, 251, 255, 256, 262, 263 Sircar, 8, 26, 27, 29, 30, 45, 47, 57, 62, 65, 85, 91,
Sambalpur, 40, 41, 66, 93, 97, 175 93, 99, 107, 114, 138, 144, 157, 159, 168,
Samudra Gupta, 3, 6, 7, 96 171, 174, 176, 178, 193, 195, 196, 283, 288,
Samudragupta, 10, 46, 49, 53, 63, 66, 86, 87, 88, 296, 297, 309, 311, 312, 313, 326, 327, 328,
91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 144, 146, 249, 331, 357, 358, 365, 374, 375, 385
276, 308 Sircar, D.C, 29, 30, 57, 65, 99, 114, 157, 159, 168,
Samudragupta Maurya, 249 193, 196, 296, 311, 312, 331, 374, 375, 385
Sangam, 197 Siva Parvati, 156
Sankara Dynasty of Nandapur, 351 Sivagupta, 290
Sankhini, 321 Sivagupta Balarjuna, 172, 173, 174, 175
Santhianathaier, R, 375 Sivalinga, 111, 132, 156, 157
Saora, 3 Skanda varman, 8
Saravasiddhi taluka, 11, 180 Skanda Varman, 143
Sarma, Bina Kumari, 295 Skandavanman, 149
Sarma, M.S, 121 Skandavarman, 249
Sarvati in Nandapur, 69 Smaller Lieden Plate, 235
Sastri, K.A, Nilakanta, 375 Smith, V, 89, 333
Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta, 121 Soda Mandala, 277
399
Sodia Poraja, 315 Tel, 23, 41, 91, 154, 204, 326, 332, 333, 338, 339
Somavamsi, 42, 65, 203, 276, 283, 294, 295, 306, Tel river, 204
308, 324, 328 Telavaha river, 332
Somavamsis, 16, 31, 39, 42, 72, 234, 290, 294, Telin Ghatt, 338
295, 306, 312, 331, 334 Telinga, 2, 19, 31, 32, 334, 335
Sombartuta, 250, 256 Telingiri, 332, 333, 339
Somesvara, 14, 15, 16, 17, 56, 117, 118, 119, Telivaha, 333
120, 122, 123, 199, 203, 204, 208, 210, 214, Telugu, 3, 9, 11, 12, 16, 32, 33, 62, 64, 116, 121,
215, 224, 239, 282, 293, 294, 295, 300, 301, 134, 135, 144, 178, 186, 192, 193
302, 304, 306, 307, 308, 309, 316, 317, 323, Telugu Choda, 116, 295, 305, 306, 307, 309, 313,
324, 326, 327, 328, 329, 362 324, 326, 327, 328
Somesvara I, 300, 301, 307, 309 Telugu Chodas, 3, 12
Sondi Khibidi, 70, 81 Telugu-Choda, 294, 295, 307, 308, 309
Sonepur, 295, 308, 309, 323, 324, 326, 327, 328 Tentulikhunti, 231, 242, 247
South Kalinga, 17, 38, 41, 104, 338, 341, 364 Thana plate, 335
South Kosala, 3, 8, 9, 10, 16, 20, 31, 37, 38, 54, Timmapuram, 11, 178, 179, 180, 193
66, 67, 71, 86, 91, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 103, 104, Tirathgarh, 322
149, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175, 197, 215, Tirumalai Inscriptions, 201, 244, 365
249, 290, 294, 295, 307, 323, 326, 327, 328, Tirumalai rock, 199, 202
334, 337, 338, 362, 369 Tirumukkudal inscription, 204
Southern Kosala, 199, 200 Tiruvalangadu grant, 199
Srikakulam, 1, 20, 25, 28, 37, 38, 62, 83, 85, 95, Tramiradesaanghatam., 197
97, 98, 103, 104, 168, 188, 195 Tribhuvana Mahadevi, 248, 277, 290
Srirangam plates, 334 Tribhuvnamalla Vira, 362
Srisaila,, 273, 275 Trikalayogi Siddhantadeva, 361
Srivaraha, 141 Trikalinga, 2, 9, 10, 16, 17, 19, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35,
Stambha, 138, 142 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 46, 54, 55, 60,
Stirling, A, 89 62, 69, 70, 71, 73, 95, 101, 102, 149, 150,
Strumpell, Christian, 73 183, 185, 190, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 255,
Subaie, 71, 282, 361, 371 256, 257, 258, 276, 284, 297, 306, 307, 314,
Subaie in Nandapur, 71 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 341, 355, 359,
Subramanian K.R, 99 361, 364, 365, 366, 370, 374
Subramanian, K.R, 65, 136 Tri-kalinga, 298
Sukhla, H.N, 158 Trikalinga-atavi, 190, 366
Sukla, H.L, 29 Trikalingadhipati, 10, 31, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 42,
Sukla,H.L, 52 43, 62, 113, 224, 249, 250, 251, 256, 276,
Sunarpal inscriptions, 301 290, 307, 362, 366
Sundara, 198 Trilinga, 31, 32, 33, 43, 60, 62, 253, 334, 335,
Suraparaju, 344, 345 336, 339
Suryanarayana, K, 311 Trilinga,, 334, 335, 336, 339
Suvarnapura, 276, 290, 295, 307, 323, 326 Tripathi, Sunderlal, 29
Svetaka Gangas, 251, 252 Tripathy, S, 43, 157, 196, 312, 339
Tripathy, Sunderlal., 374
Tripuri, 203, 278, 280, 290, 292, 323, 334, 362
T Tsrling, 339
Tamil, 7, 12, 16, 55, 56, 58, 84, 87, 88, 117, 186,
197, 198, 200, 207, 211, 217, 220, 223, 227, U
230, 235, 238, 239, 240, 316
Tammara inscription, 301 Udayana, 8, 51, 170, 172, 173, 359
Tamsa, 27 Uddiyana, 170
Tanjore inscription, 198 Ugraditya, 101, 102, 104, 111, 112
400
Ugradityacarya, 4, 37, 103 209, 210, 211, 213, 214, 219, 220, 222, 226,
Umbel, 72 239, 288, 292, 297, 305, 365, 366, 368, 370
Umerkote, 4, 8, 9, 10, 50, 137, 140, 145, 150, Vijayaditya I, 182, 183
175 Vijayaditya III, 16, 55, 56, 184, 185
Un-Chola-gumma, 242 Vijayaditya IV, 366
Utkala, 31, 34, 36, 39, 40, 41, 43, 47, 52, 54, 60, Vijayaditya IV Kollabhaganda, 366
61, 62, 65, 170, 174, 203, 292, 293, 294, 306, Vijayaditya IV Kollabhiganda, 189
307, 323, 334, 337, 338, 339, 357, 362 Vijayaditya VI, 70, 191
Uttama Chola, 198 Vijayaditya VII, 116, 202, 208, 209, 210, 214, 219,
222, 292
Vijayanagar Empire, 363
V Vijrahasta, 277
V.Kanakasabhai Pillai, 230, 232 Vikrama Chola, 17, 222, 223, 224, 225
Vaidumbas, 368 Vikramaditya, 200, 203, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214,
Vaishnavism, 3, 20, 114 216, 224, 239, 240, 304, 305, 307, 316, 317,
Vajrahasta II, 366 318, 323, 327, 356, 358, 366, 370
Vajrahasta V, 35, 294 Vikramaditya I, 9, 115, 137, 149
Vajrahastadeva, 254, 277 Vikramaditya II, 36, 102, 190
Vakataka, 4, 8, 9, 10, 67, 107, 111, 115, 136, 137, Vikramaditya VI, 117, 118, 119, 120, 200, 208,
143, 147, 148, 149, 169, 178, 196, 241, 248, 209, 211, 216, 224, 239, 305, 307, 316, 317,
249, 356, 373, 374 318, 327, 370
Vakatakas, 4, 3, 8, 54, 66, 92, 94, 114, 137, 147, Vilasatunga, 139, 143, 145, 175
148, 149, 156, 169, 356 Vimaladitya, 198, 211, 361
Vamsadhara, 25, 28 Vinayaka Deo’s, 353
Vamsdhara rivers, 23, 24 Vinayaka Deva, 354
Varaharaja, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 147 Vindyavedhana, 146, 147
Vayiragaram, 212, 216, 222 Vira Choda, 119, 120, 178, 222
Velanti Rajendra Choda, 246 Virachoda, 17, 247, 306, 360
Veng, 37, 284 ViraChola, 17
Vengi, 3, 7, 8, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 31, Viranandi- Sidhanta, 362
36, 37, 38, 42, 55, 58, 59, 62, 63, 70, 72, 92, Virarajendra, 14, 15, 117, 118, 119, 122, 199,
93, 94, 95, 98, 101, 102, 113, 116, 117, 118, 204, 207, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 220, 229,
119, 120, 121, 123, 136, 178, 179, 180, 181, 232, 233, 236, 239, 293, 307, 316, 317, 318
182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 190, 191, 192, 193, Visakhapatanam, 11, 180
197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 206, 207, Visakhapatnam, 1, 11, 20, 26, 38, 95, 134, 179
208, 209, 210, 211, 213, 214, 215, 218, 219, Vishamasiddhi, 359
220, 222, 224, 227, 228, 229, 232, 239, 240, Vishnu, 4, 107, 114, 122, 146, 151, 153, 154,
241, 246, 247, 271, 282, 283, 284, 285, 292, 156, 157, 171, 174, 175, 180
297, 298, 301, 304, 306, 309, 310, 311, 314, Vishnuvardhana, 9, 10, 11, 12, 16, 51, 55, 101,
316, 317, 318, 334, 344, 345, 359, 361, 365, 102, 116, 135, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183,
366, 367, 368, 370, 375, 376, 383 184, 192, 193, 200, 249, 292, 342, 346, 359,
Venkatakrishna, B., Rao, 193 367
Venkataramanaya, N, 136 Vishnuvardhana I., 11, 179, 180
Venkataramanayya, N, 193
Vidyadhara, 2, 19, 48, 49, 83, 84, 86, 88 '
Vidyadhara territory, 2, 19, 48, 49, 83
Vijayadittya II, 184 'Visnuvardhana I, 134
Vijayaditya, 13, 14, 15, 16, 36, 38, 55, 56, 70,
102, 116, 117, 178, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186,
187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 202, 203, 207, 208,
V
Vizagapatam, 207, 225, 275, 277, 341, 373
401
Vrihatkodila grant, 219 Western Gangas, 4, 9, 94, 248, 258, 260, 262,
Vyaghraraja, 91, 93, 94 273, 274, 275, 276, 278, 281, 282, 358, 369,
Vyghraraja, 92, 146, 359 370, 371
Wilson, H.H, 52, 113, 114
W
Y
Watters, 67
Western Chalukya, 9, 11, 15, 115, 116, 117, 119, Y.K. Deshpande, 171, 177
120, 122, 123, 137, 149, 178, 180, 181, 187, Yadavas of Devagiri, 12, 122, 123
199, 200, 204, 206, 210, 211, 216, 249, 316, Yasoraja, 328, 329
364, 372 Yayatinagar, 203, 292
Western Chalukyas., 119, 298 Yayatinagara, 202, 203, 292
Western Ganga, 9, 13, 69, 133, 191, 248, 258, Yazdani, G, 295
279, 355 Yuddamalla II, 190
402

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DYNASTY HISTORY OF

Published by Das Kornel, 2017

Coverpage by Arjun Ojha

Prof.N.K.Sahu, the eminent Historian of Odisha who contributed immensely

There is another separate chapted named,’Ancient and Changing Geography:

Archaeological evidence has underlined the geographical significance to history,

I am thankful to many friends in academics, tribal friends who willingly

INTRODUCTION OF HISTORY IN KORAPUT

Geographical location of Dandakaranya

Geographical Changes in Dandakaranya

 Desia Desha or Country

Creative literature and knowledge in United Koraput

Lord Rama’s Feet in Pujariguda, Ramagiri, Koraput District, Orissa.

EMERGING STRUGGLE FOR EMPIRE AND

The Magodhia Goudos of Kalahandi – Koraput may have come after

Vakataka prince Narendra-sena succeeded his father, Parvara-sena in c.440

Western Chalukya Pulakesin I’s son Kirtivarman I (566-7) expanded the

In the Aihole inscription of Kirtivarman’s son, who can hardly be expected to

Eastern Gangas in Trikalinga

Kubja Vishnuvardhana I: (Saka 526- C. 544-45) founder of Eastern

Kubja Vishnuvardhana I rewarded 3 of his military officers, of which one Atavi

Throughout the reign of Jayasimha I of Western Chalukya, the Eastern Ganga

The inscription records a grant by Vishnuvardhana- Maharya Surnamed

However, I believe from my study that it is ‘Puki-Vishaya’ as has been rightly

further south there was competitions with Western Ganga, Hoyasalas of

Rajadhiraja assessed by his younger brother and yuvaraja Rajendra II lead an

Kulottunga I as Prince in Koraput –Bastar

1.Culture Heritage History and Historiography In Dandakaranya Vol I—Das

Ancient Dandakaranya and Changing Geography:

There appeared small or larege principality curved in the main land of

DANDAKARANYA AND KORAPUT-BASTAR

Geographical location of Dandakaranya

Dandakaranya region between 17.50’-20.30’N and 80.15’-84.0’ E occupy about

Map of the Dandakaranya Region

Epigraphic notes on Dandakaranya

According to Kalidas’s Raghuvamsa 12.9 and 12.25 versus, Dandakaranya’s

Mahendragiri or parbata: Ramayana (6.26.80) (9), Bhagabata purano

Chitrakutagiri: In the early banabasa, SriRam first came to Chitrakuta.

There are different views on the location of Chitrakuta of Mahabharata; some

According to Sivapurano (Astama Khanda, daitia adhya) to the south west of

As per Ramayana (Ayodhyakanda, 56. 1-18) (22) Chitrakuta is the place

The description of Sivapurana, Chitrakuta may be present Chitrakonda located

Maharastra mahiskaha kalingaeshaba Sarbasha .||

Sircar cited, “Act I of Uttaramacarita by Bhavabhuti, who flourished in the 8th

Another picture of the nature of a map in the same context is introduced by

Singhdhasyamha kabichidparto bhisanobhogorukhya ||

Sangdrusne parichita bhuva dandakaranya bhagaha (29)

The Kalinga forest is described in the following verse, Vindhyadri-

Puranic List of Rivers and Dandakaranya

However, I belive that Citrakuta is the village close to Anchalagumma of

(a) Trisama rishikuliya scha

(i) Rusikulejya kumari scha

1. Singh, R.L. (1995) Ed. India- A regional Geography, National Geography of

23. Mahabhata (85.58-9) Sircar, D.C. op.cit

TRILINGA, TELINGA AND TRIKALINGA -KORAPUT

In verse 2 of the Bahmesvara inscription Janamejaya has been described as lord of

 Akkalapundi grant of Singaya-Nayaka (7) of the year 1368 AD

 Srirangam plates of Mummandi-nayaka (8) of the year 1358 AD gives

 Purle plates (9) of Indravarman the lord of whole Kalinga (Sakala

Trilinga from foreign sources

 ‘Taranatha’ wrote Caldwell ‘repeatedly designates the Telugu country

 Ptolemy’s (c.150 AD) writing has been translated as Triglypton or

 Cunningham suggested that the Sankrit equivalent of the Greek Trilingon

 The McCrindle’s researches on Ptolemy’s Geography were confined to the