Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
Critical Studies
A CULTURAL HISTORY
OF THE AVANT-GARDE
in the Nordic Countries 1900-1925
Edited by HUBERT VAN DEN BERG, IRMELI HAUTAMÄKI,
BENEDIKT HJARTARSON, TORBEN JELSBAK, RIKARD SCHÖNSTRÖM,
PER STOUNBJERG, TANIA ØRUM, DORTHE AAGESEN
A CULTURAL HISTORY OF THE AVANT-GARDE
IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES
1900-1925
AVANT-GARDE
CRITICAL STUDIES
28
Editor
Klaus Beekman
Associate Editors
Sophie Berrebi, Ben Rebel,
Jan de Vries, Willem G. Weststeijn
Founding Editor
Fernand Drijkoningen†
Edited by
Hubert van den Berg
Irmeli Hautamäki
Benedikt Hjartarson
Torben Jelsbak
Rikard Schönström
Per Stounbjerg
Tania Ørum
Dorthe Aagesen
Editorial assistant:
Marianne Ølholm
Cover poem: Emil Bønnelycke, New York, Klingen Vol. 2 No. 9, 1918
All titles in the Avant-Garde Critical Studies series (from 1999 onwards)
are available to download from the Ingenta website http://www.ingenta.com
The paper on which this book is printed meets the requirements of “ISO
9706: 1994, Information and documentation - Paper for documents -
Requirements for permanence”.
ISBN: 978-90-420-3620-8
E-Book ISBN: 978-94-012-0891-8
Editions Rodopi B.V., Amsterdam - New York, NY 2012
Printed in The Netherlands
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface
Introduction
PER STOUNBJERG 71
Rebels and Renegades – Strindberg, Artaud and the Avant-Garde
ERIK MØRSTAD 81
Munch’s Impact on Europe
Epilogue
Abstracts 645
Index 661
PREFACE
A Cultural History
That is why this is not just another art history or literary history. As
a cultural history of the Nordic avant-garde the present work does
not concentrate exclusively on new aesthetic notions, styles and tech-
niques. It also examines the social and cultural contexts of the avant-
garde: its media, its locations, its reception and audiences, the
transmissions between Scandinavia and Europe, and its cultural con-
sequences. The first volume thus looks at the experimental activities
carried out by Nordic artists and writers as well as the connections
between the avant-garde and the cultural discourses of currents such
as revolutionary socialism, radical nationalism and occultism. Here,
the avant-gardes may be linked to discussions of gender, of ideology
and politics (war, violence, revolutionary and nationalist appropria-
tions of or reactions against the aesthetic movements), of places and
locations (urban centres, magazines, galleries), of technological in-
novations and media, of science (physics, mathematics, linguistics,
10
The volume 1950-1975 deals with the new post-war situation. The
sixties represented a major breakthrough for new avant-garde move-
ments, often referred to as the neo-avant-gardes. The term is quite
problematic, but it reflects radical shifts in cultural context: the dis-
semination of new media, the emergence of an affluent consumer
society in which the cultural industry became the new dominant cul-
ture, and the rise of new youth cultures. All of this challenged the
divisions between high and popular culture. The term also reflects a
dialogue with the early avant-garde, marked by continuation as well
as critical distance from its elitism and aesthetic totalitarianism. The
new avant-gardes were an important part of the process whereby
early post-modernist aesthetics challenged notions of, for example,
history. This was also a period of systematic attempts to re-introduce
and re-vitalise the early Nordic and European avant-gardes. In this
period, a massive institutionalisation of the avant-garde took place
through institutions such as Moderna Museet in Sweden.
The volume 1975-2000 carries the avant-garde discussion forward
to present-day avant-gardes, challenged by globalisation and new in-
teractive media such as the internet. This volume also includes re-
flections on the present boom in scholarly attention to the
avant-gardes.
Case Studies
An overall chronology lies behind the division of this history of the
Nordic avant-gardes into four volumes. The individual volumes and
sections, however, are not organised into a comprehensive linear nar-
rative. They consist of groups of essays, each studying a separate
case. We do not treat ‘the Nordic avant-garde’ as a totality; instead
we map it on the basis of its aspects. The history is constructed by
building a network of interrelated cases with several recurring nodal
points. The comparative, cross-aesthetic and inter-Nordic perspec-
tive is also achieved as an effect of this montage.
The editors are grateful for the support from NordForsk, Ny Carls-
bergfondet and Augustinus Fonden.
THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY AVANT-GARDE
AND THE NORDIC COUNTRIES.
AN INTRODUCTORY TOuR D’HORIzON
the era of the classical avant-garde, it was not a completely alien idea
to the avant-garde. Commenting on an international avant-garde
meeting and exhibition in Düsseldorf in 1922, the Polish construc-
tivist Henryk Berlewi referred to the avant-garde as a “world-wide
network of periodicals […] propagating and arguing for new ideas
and new forms” (cit. in Benson 2002: 64). Likewise, the Belgian
avant-garde review Het Overzicht presented a list of international
contacts as “het netwerk” – the network (Anon. 1924).
Both Stenberg and Strindberg had direct contact with the Peters-
burg art scene, a major centre of the Central and Eastern European
avant-garde, where works by French cubists with apparent similari-
ties to those of Ilmari Aalto and other representatives of the Novem-
ber Group could be found in local collections. Two major Russian
exhibitions took place in Salon Strindberg in 1916 (cf. Sarajas-Korte
1971, Sinisalo 1993, 1998): In spring, Salon Strindberg presented a
cross-section of Russian avant-garde art featuring work by Ksenija
Boguslavkaja, Marc Chagall, Aleksandra Ekster, Vasilij Kandinsky,
Ivan Puni, Olga Rozanova and Vladimir Tatlin, among others. The
exhibition was a result of Strindberg’s close collaboration with the
avant-garde Art Bureau of Petersburg art dealer Nadezhda Doby-
china. In September, a Kandinsky solo exhibition followed.
the ‘white’ civil war victory limited possibilities for Finnish avant-
garde initiatives considerably.
is) the language of the majority of the population, who also have
their own distinct cultural features, traditions and ethnic background
that partly differ from those of Scandinavia.
After becoming part of the Russian Empire, Finland endured
concerted attempts at Russification by the tsarist regime in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth century. Partly in reaction to this Rus-
sification policy, and partly as a local manifestation of the nationalist
sentiment spreading throughout Europe coupled with an emergent
self-understanding of being a nation in its own right, Finnish na-
tionalism rose to prominence with ancient Finno-Ugric oral poetry
and folklore as cultural capital of its own, epitomised by the ‘national
epos’ Kalevala, constructed by Elias Lönnrot in the early nineteenth
century in line with the Herderian approach to popular poetic tra-
ditions. The more radical, politically conservative manifestations of
Finnish nationalism were directed not only against the colonial poli-
cies of the Russian Tsar, but also against Swedish/Scandinavian cul-
tural hegemony. This unique set of circumstances is also reflected in
Finnish avant-garde history.
Whereas Swedish-speaking Finnish writers participated in
Swedish literary life, and even played a precursory role in the devel-
opment of an avant-garde poetics3, Finnish-speaking expressionist
artists had virtually no contact with their Scandinavian counterparts.
This is most dramatically visible in the case of the Finnish-Finnish
November Group members who stayed in Helsingør in the early 1910s
without participating in the Danish artistic field (see above). There
may well have been some interaction, but if there was it remains
undiscovered, and the general impression is that the Finnish painters
lived separate lives. When their work was shown following the war
and Finnish independence, as part of the Finnish contribution to an
exhibition of Nordic art in Copenhagen in 1919, the divide was fur-
ther reinforced by Scandinavian critics who – in line with Svecoman
racism – considered the work of the November Group as indicative
of a different, inferior race.
The considerable divide between Finland and the Scandinavian
countries was not only a result of a century under Russian rule, but
also of the experience of revolution and civil war, which tore the
country apart immediately after its independence in the first months
of 1918 (cf. Ylikangas 1993). Although the Finnish independence
proclaimed by the nationalist majority of the Finnish senate was ac-
42 Hubert van den Berg
mental rupture with existing art practices and the ambition to over-
come art as an autonomous institution, even though recent research
has pointed to the fact that even the most radical movements of the
avant-garde were characterised by far more conventialism and tra-
ditionalism than the avant-garde historiography of the past decades
suggests. The fact that the Finnish painter Akseli Gallén-Kallela was
invited to join the German Brücke might support Bürger’s suggestion
that Die Brücke was anything but avant-garde (cf. Bürger 2005).
Since Die Brücke was an integrated part of the historical network of
the classical avant-garde in the years before World War I, Gallén-
Kallela’s invitation indicates that the rupture with the art of previous
generations (to which Gallén-Kallela definitely belonged) was not as
radical as often assumed.
Here, another factor should be taken into account. Despite its
diminutive size, the Nordic cultural field had been enjoying a com-
paratively large international reputation since the late nineteenth cen-
tury, in literature, theatre, visual art, music and architecture. Henrik
Ibsen, Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson, Alexander Kielland, August Strind-
berg, Georg Brandes, Holger Drachmann, Gustav Vigeland, Edvard
Munch, J.P. Jacobsen, Herman Bang, Edvard Grieg and Jean
Sibelius were not only Nordic household names, but major figures
lending impetus to European letters, arts, theatre and music. For
many years, what Georg Brandes called the Nordic “modern break-
through” (cf. Brandes 1883, Ettrup 1993) remained at the forefront
of international literary, artistic and musical innovation.
Similarly, the architecture of Finnish National Romanticism –
combining modern building with (supposedly) traditional elements,
drawing on local material and stylistic features and integrating na-
tionalist imagery based on the Kalevala and Finnish-Karelian folk-
lore in its ornamentation – was generally recognised as an important
contribution to international art nouveau that paved the way to
avant-garde architecture in the following decades. Next to Victor
Horta, Henry Van de Velde and Mikhail Eisenstein, Finnish archi-
tects like Herman Gesellius, Armas Lindgren and Eliel Saarinen as
well as Lars Sonck enjoyed international reputation as innovative ar-
chitects and designers. Like Sonck, in his design of Sibelius’ house,
Gesellius, Lindgren and Saarinen were higly respected for their
home-studio Hvitträsk in Kirkkonummi/Kyrkslätt near Helsinki, the
Suur-Merijoki estate near Viipuri on the Karelian Isthmus and the
46 Hubert van den Berg
Marinetti, Der Sturm and the dadaists Philippe Soupault and Tristan
Tzara as representatives of an all-too-individualist direction without
any future.
If we understand the classical avant-garde as a network, it is un-
surprising to find that the beginnings of the avant-garde and the tail
end of the “modern breakthrough” overlap to some extent. Herman
Bang and Georg Brandes, for example, can be found in the early vol-
umes of Der Sturm, while Strindberg served as a major point of ref-
erence in German literary expressionism and beyond, much like
Munch, who was not just present in the Sturm gallery, but provided
direction for many early avant-garde painters in Germany and else-
where (cf. Głuchowska 2009). Ibsen’s En Folkefiende (An Enemy of
the People) was mentioned in the same breath as Nietzsche’s Also
sprach zarathustra; such works served as beacons for an avant-
gardism swimming against the tide or standing on some rocky out-
crop looking toward a distant future. Avant-garde or not (and in
terms of the classical avant-garde as a network, not), authors such
as Bang, Brandes, Ibsen and Strindberg, who clearly belonged to pre-
vious generations, overshadowed subsequent avant-garde activity in
the Nordic countries, not least because of its predominantly moder-
ate, derivative character. Thus, the Nordic avant-garde experienced
difficulties in escaping the shadows of its powerful predecessors. The
Paris-based Ballets Suédois (1920-25) and Association des Artistes
Scandinaves à Paris (responsible for exhibitions of little-known
Nordic artists in the Maison Watteau in the years 1923-1925) at-
tempted to turn this challenge to their advantage by drawing on the
heritage of the Nordic “modern breakthrough”.
Not only in the early twentieth century, but also in later historio-
graphy, the Nordic avant-garde artists were placed under the lee of
the “modern breakthrough”. With the emergence of the Anglophone
label “modernism” as an umbrella term capable of encompassing
avant-garde developments (cf. Bradbury/McFarlane 1978, Eysteins-
son 1990, 2008, Eysteinsson/Liska 2007), Nordic involvement in the
early avant-garde remained invisible for many decades, no longer
simply overshadowed by the “modern breakthrough”, but also by
more recent post-World War II avant-garde developments, in which
artists from the Nordic countries attained more important, even cen-
tral, roles in the international avant-garde as a whole. Starting with
the Danish share of CoBrA – understood by those involved as an
An Introductory tour d’horizon 49
The first major publication on this topic was a 2002 catalogue from
the same museum (Aagesen).
In Finland, the term avant-garde was first used in a book title in
1986 of a catalogue of Russian avant-garde art. Subsequently, the
term was used exclusively in connection with the Russian avant-garde
for a number of years (cf. Siivonen 1992). In 1996, two scholarly pub-
lications appeared that were devoted to the Finnish (neo-)avant-
garde in music and theatre, depicting these currents as such
(Rautiainen 1996; Nurminen 1996). Until today, there is no mono-
graph of the early Finnish avant-garde that uses avant-garde or the
Finnish equivalent, etujoukko, in the title.
In Norway the first book to use avant-garde with reference to the
aesthetic avant-garde dates from 1987 (Sandberg). The first study
devoted to the Norwegian avant-garde and written in Norwegian to
explicitly refer to the concept in its title was an MA thesis from Oslo
University (Mørch 1993). There exists no comprehensive general
monograph of the early Norwegian avant-garde with the word avant-
garde in its title.
The first Icelandic book to use framúrstefna, the Icelandic equi-
valent of avant-garde, was a collection of European avant-garde
manifestos published in 2001 (cf. Hjartarson/Eysteinsson/Árnason
2001), preceded by a 1997 MA thesis from Háskóli Íslands (Hjartar-
son 1997). There is no book covering the Icelandic avant-garde with
framúrstefna in its title.
As noted at the outset, scholarly books and articles on single
Nordic avant-garde currents and artists have been published in all
Nordic countries – often without avant-garde appearing in the title.
Thus, the preceding overview should not be taken as nominalistic
proof that the avant-garde has been almost completely ignored in
this part of the world. The purpose of this overview is to show how
the label, category and concept of avant-garde have been virtually
absent from most historiographies of the arts of the Nordic coun-
tries until quite recently. This fact self-evidently has some major con-
sequences for and coincides with an apparent absence of avant-garde
historiography in the Nordic countries. This is most obvious in Nor-
way, Finland and Iceland, where avant-garde has only become a re-
current term in twenty-first century cultural histories. Historio-
graphical emphasis on the wider category of modernism has meant
that organisational structures and aesthetic practices belonging to
52 Hubert van den Berg
NOTES
0
This introduction is based on research funded by the Groningen Institute for the
Study of Culture (ICOG) in the Faculty of Arts of the University of Groningen,
the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) and the Deutsches
Literaturarchiv, Marbach am Neckar, as well as on discussions within the frame-
work of the Danish interdisciplinary research network “The Return and actuality
of the avant-gardes” and the Nordic Network of Avant-Garde Studies in the past
decade. In particular, I would like to thank my fellow editors Dorthe Aagesen, Per
Stounbjerg, Rikard Schönström for their critical comments and advice and espe-
cially Benedikt Hjartarson for supplying me with many valuable new details. For
information on Niels Rydeng and his relation to various painters of the November
group, I would like to thank the town archive of Helsingør, the local historian Tor-
ben Bill-Jessen as well as Peter Sandholt, curator of the museum Hammermøllen
in Hellebæk.
1
Cf.: Lothar Schreyer: Spielgang Skirnismól (MS, 1920), in: Deutsches Literatur-
archiv, Marbach am Neckar, Handschriftenabteilung, NL Schreyer, Sturm-Archiv,
54 Hubert van den Berg
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Raimund (eds): Dada in zürich. Zürich 1985: 9-95.
Moberg, Ulf Thomas (ed.). 1995. Nordisk konst i 1920-talets avantgarde. uppbrott
och gränsöverskridande. Stockholm.
Mohler, Armin. 2005. Die konservative Revolution in Deutschland 1918-1932. Ein
Handbuch. Graz.
Møller Kristensen, Sven. 1988. Avantgarden og hæren. Literatursociologiske essays.
København.
Mørch, Hilde. 1993. Tre norske avantgardekunstnere i 1920-årene: Ragnhild Keyser (1889-
1943), Ragnhild Kaarbø (1888-1949), Charlotte Wankel (1888-1969). Oslo.
Nash, Steven A., and Merkert, Jörn (eds). 1985. Naum Gabo. Sixty years of Con-
structivism. München.
Negri, Antonio, and Hardt, Michael. 2000. Empire. Cambridge, Mass.
––. 2004. Multitude. War and democracy in the age of empire. New York.
Nerhus, Hans. 1982. John Andreas Savio. Same og kunstner. En monografi. Oslo.
Niehof, Reiner, and Bertoncini, Valeska (eds). 2005. Über Hans-Jürgen von der
Wense. Frankfurt/M.
Nurminen, Kirsi-Marja. 1996. Avant Garde-etujoukko Helsingin Ylioppilasteatterin
toiminta vuosina 1972-1981. Jyväskylä.
Ojanperä, Riitta (ed.). 2001. Surface and depth. Early Modernism in Finland 1890-
1920. Helsinki.
––. 2009. The Kalevala in Images. Helsinki.
O’Konor, Luise. 1971. Viking Eggeling 1880-1925. Artist and Film-maker. Life and
Work. Stockholm.
––. 2006. Viking Eggeling 1880-1925. Modernist och filmpionjär. Hans liv och verk.
Stockholm.
Ørum, Tania, and Ping Huang, Marianne, and Engberg, Charlotte (eds). 2005. En
tradition af opbrud. Avantgardernes tradition og politik. Hellerup.
Osorio T., Nelson (ed.). 1988. Manifiestos, proclamas y polémicas de la vanguardia
literaria hispanoamericana. Caracas.
Pallasmaa, Juhani. 2006. Hvitträsk. Koti taideteoksena. The Home as a Work of Art.
Helsinki.
Perry, Gill. 1994. Primitivism and the `Modern. In: Harrison, Charles, Frascina
Francis, Perry, Gill (eds): Primitivism, Cubism, Abstraction. The Early Twen-
tieth Century. New Haven/London 1994: 3-85.
Pevsner, Aleksei. 1964. A biographical sketch of my brothers Naum Gabo and Antoine
Pevsner. Amsterdam.
An Introductory tour d’horizon 61
was one of the first international film stars. At the time of her film
début in the age of the silent movies, the Danish film industry was
of international importance. Like Strindberg and Munch, however,
Nielsen spent several years outside Scandinavia. While German ex-
pressionist artists praised Strindberg as their predecessor, Asta
Nielsen was the best-paid star in German film. Due to mass distri-
bution, her face was already an international icon of popular culture
(like Marilyn Monroe when Warhol appropriated her face). This
made it possible for avant-garde writers from several countries to use
her as a projection screen for their own visions. At the same time it
is worth noting that Asta Nielsen was not only able to adapt to but
also to explore the challenges and possibilities of the new film
medium to a higher degree than most contemporary artists. She is
an obvious object for case studies condensing questions of avant-
garde and popular culture, new technology and gender.
REBELS AND RENEGADES
– STRINDBERG, ARTAUD AND THE AVANT-GARDE
Per Stounbjerg
Ecstatically. Out of clay the sculptor creates his more or less immor-
tal masterpieces, – Sceptically – which are usually only rubbish. […]
Ecstatically. This is clay. When clay is fluid, it is called mud. (Samlade
verk 46:58 f.)
The scepticism towards art was not only programmatic. In the 1880s,
literature was just one part of a broad field of textual strategies di-
rected against official Swedish culture: satire, polemical essays,
poems, short stories, essays on cultural history, literary criticism etc.
Art had no privileged status. Strindberg devoted years of his life to
non-literary, especially scholarly and scientific discourses (which to-
gether constitute more than 15 volumes of the collected works): his-
tory, ethnology, chemistry, optics, astronomy, linguistics.
An important point is that the genres and discourses did not re-
main pure and separate. In his own practice he transferred a poetic
logic from art to the sciences – and vice versa. He transcended the
boundary between art and other discourses, thus contradicting the
norms of pure and autonomous art. His writings did not maintain
an aesthetic distance to either private or political matters. They were
impure – too intimate, too raw, too subjective, too polemical – ma-
king Strindberg an anomaly hard to integrate in official culture.
Often they provoked radical controversies and scandals. As a result,
the Swedish left wing of the 1880s used Strindberg as a political sym-
bol. In the very last years of his life he inaugurated a bitter feud
(‘Strindbergsfejden’) over topics such as literature, monarchy and
military, placing the author once again in a position of radical op-
position to the Swedish authorities. Artaud’s picture of Strindberg
as an outsider and rebel was not his own invention. Quite the con-
trary, it was one of the reasons why he became a focal point for the
avant-gardes of the twentieth century.
the situation when Antonin Artaud directed A Dream Play at his ex-
perimental Le Théâtre Alfred Jarry.
From their central position in the house, the surrealist group soon
interrupted the performance. They made loud and derogatory com-
ments about the play, about Sweden and about Artaud being paid
by Swedish capital. Artaud made the scandal complete by entering
the stage to declare:
NOTES
0
For documentation see the many reprinted texts in Bayerdörfer et al. 1983.
1
See e.g. Kurt Heynicke’s “Strindberg”, printed in Der Sturm 1915: “Dein Kreuz
war aus Sternen./ Feuer Gottes/ deine Seele./ Ewigkeit/ gebar dein Schmerz/ Un-
endlichkeit/ deine Tiefe/ Du hast im Liebe empfangen/ Dich wissen/ die Wissenden”
(quoted from Volz 1979:305).
2
The controversies thus also included a generational clash within the avant-garde.
Grünewald here placed himself as the protector of established culture against avant-
gardist aggression. It is worth noting that Grünewald had himself been accused of
being un-Swedish due to his Jewish background.
3
Various theories and histories of the avant-garde maintain the dichotomy through
a one-sided focus on either art or social action. It is also evident in the ambivalence
towards the autonomy of art, which Murphy (1999) has highlighted in Bürger as
Rebels and Renegades – Strindberg, Artaud and the Avant-Garde 79
WORKS CITED
Artaud, Antonin. 1961. Œuvres complètes. Tome II. Paris: Gallimard.
Bayerdörfer, Hans-Peter/Horch, Hans Otto/Schulz, Georg-Michael. 1983. Strind-
berg auf der deutschen Bühne. Eine exemplarische Rezeptionsgeschichte der
Moderne in Dokumenten (1890 bis 1925). Neumünster: Karl Wachholtz
Verlag.
Breton, André. 1972. Manifestoes of Surrealism. Translated from the French by
Richard Seaver and Helen R. Lane. Ann Arbour. University of Michigan
Press.
––. 1988. Œuvres complètes I. Paris: Gallimard.
Crombez, Thomas. 2005. “Artaud, the Parodist? The Appropriations of the
Théâtre Alfred Jarry, 1927-1930”. In: Forum Modernes Theater, 20 (2005),
nr. 1, pp. 33-51. See: http://www.zombrec.be/appropriations.pdf
Foster, Hal. 1996. “Who’s Afraid of the Neo-Avant-Garde?”. In: The Return of
the Real. The Avant-Garde at the End of the Century, pp. 1-32. Cambridge
(Mass.).
Innes, Christopher. 1993. Avant Garde Theatre 1892-1992. London: Routledge.
Lukács, György. 1909. “August Strindberg. On his Sixtieth Birthday”. In: K.
Arpad (red.): The Lukács Reader, pp. 91-96. Oxford 1995: Blackwell.
Murphy, Richard. 1999. Theorizing the Avant-Garde. Modernism, Expressionism,
and the Problem of Postmodernity. Cambridge.
Stiernstedt, Marika. 1948. Mest sanning. Minnen. Stockholm: Albert Bonniers
Förlag.
Strindberg, August. 1981-?. Samlade verk 1-72. Stockholm: Almqvist &
Wiksell/Norstedts. Abbreviated: sv
Swerling, Anthony. 1971. Strindberg’s Impact in France 1920-1960. Cambridge:
Trinity Lane Press.
Virmaux, Alain et Odette. 1979. Artaud: un bilan critique. Paris: Pierre Belfond.
Volz, Ruprecht. 1979. “Strindbergbilder in der Zeit des deutschen Expressionis-
mus”. In: Wilhelm Friese (Hg.): Strindberg und die deutschsprachigen Län-
der. Internationale Beiträge zum Tübinger Strindberg-Symposion 1977, pp.
289-305. Basel und Stuttgart: Helbinb & Lichtenhahn Verlag.
MUNCH’S IMPACT ON EUROPE
Erik Mørstad
Succès de Scandale
On 14 September 1892, Munch opened a one-man show in Karl Jo-
hansgate, the fashionable main street of the Norwegian capital, Kris-
tiania (Oslo), in premises he had rented from the goldsmith Tostrup.
During the first week, fifty paintings, plus a number of drawings,
were seen by 900 visitors. Reviews in the press were, as usual, mixed
with regard to the form and content of the works. That, however,
mattered little given the decisive and positive role Eilert Adelsteen
Normann, one of the visitors to the exhibition, would play in
82 Erik Mørstad
His work found a degree of favour with some critics, but the unfin-
ished nature of the pictures, or their relative sketchiness, found little
sympathy. However, Munch was not without allies. On the same day
that the proposal to close the exhibition was adopted, he and the
dealer Eduard Schulte reached agreement on compiling travelling ex-
hibitions set for Düsseldorf and Cologne; and in December, Munch
organised another one-man show for Berlin. This time he rented
well-regarded premises in the so-called Equitable Palast, at Friedrich-
strasse 59-60. At this exhibition, which opened on 23 December, he
presented almost the same works that he had at the Architektenhaus.
Ironically enough, this show was a financial success, despite the fact
that Munch was now a notorious and somewhat scandalous avant-
gardist. Indeed, by the time the exhibition closed on 12 January, a
total of 1800 marks had been paid in entrance money – a consider-
able sum for a young artist.
Polarisation
On both social and cultural levels, the scandal triggered a crisis in
Berlin’s established art circles, revealing markedly divergent tastes
and preferences. The Verein Berliner Künstler, previously politically
sanctioned by the Kaiser and a hegemonic arbiter of absolute artistic
taste, was now split into rival factions. There was a distinct division
between majority, bourgeois art and minority, avant-garde art, and
a corresponding polarisation of the mainstream and the avant-garde
among artists, gallery-owners, critics and public alike. Munch ac-
quired an independent position in the new field for the production
and reception of pictorial art. An autonomous arena had come into
being, wherein rival trends competed; this was the case not only in
Germany, but in many European countries and capitals towards the
turn of the century.
With his exhibitions in Berlin, Munch challenged the city’s pre-
vailing aesthetic standards. What people objected to in his works was
not merely their peripheral details, but the very core of Munch’s
artistic project. A striking characteristic of his painterly methodol-
ogy – one attacked by many artists and critics – was his tendency to
stop working on a painting before it would be considered complete
according to the aesthetic criteria of the day. That Munch’s pictures
were “unfinished” in their sketchiness was, from the start of his ca-
84 Erik Mørstad
reer, a criticism voiced both in the press and by his friends. Undeni-
ably, Munch’s paintings bear obvious traces of haphazard and un-
predictable processes. Sometimes he does not cover the entire canvas
with paint; sometimes he lets the paint drip or trickle. He makes his
brushstrokes with varying degrees of pressure, and often they form
a loose network independent of their descriptive function. Such a
lack of congruence between painterly form and narrative content is
not unusual in Munch’s oeuvre. The paintings reflect the artist’s body
language and his movements at the easel. Analysis of the works
shows that Munch was already painting intuitively in the 1880s. His
objection to finishing a painting in the conventional sense can be in-
terpreted as a personality trait. Yet one should not ignore the possi-
bility that his play with fortuity and improvisation was premeditated
and deliberate (Mørstad 2007: 139): in other words, Munch’s extem-
poral artistic activity was the result of a strategy.
themes such as love, life, suffering and death. (The artist’s personal
life and well-documented mental problems have supported this in-
terpretation.) Clement Greenberg’s analysis of Munch’s pictures, for
instance, corroborates the view that formal considerations are less
important than the narrative element.
Some of the most authoritative Munch scholars do, however, sin-
gle out Munch as the founder of Expressionism in Scandinavia and
Germany. Gerd Woll, head of the project Catalogue raisonné. Edvard
Munch, states in her article that Munch’s international fame and re-
putation are linked with Germany, and have as their source the ex-
hibition at the Architektenhaus in the autumn of 1892 (Woll 2001:
104). There is no doubt that Munch led the revolt against the de-
scriptive and meticulous academic painting so dominant in some
areas of European art at the end of the nineteenth century. Simpli-
fication of form and increased emphasis on the expressive power of
colour were elements exploited and developed by later Expression-
istic artists such as those involved in Die Brücke and Der Blaue Rei-
ter, who saw Munch’s art as an essential point of departure for their
own efforts. The definitive confirmation of Munch’s status and re-
putation as paradigmatic avant-garde artist came in 1912. In that
year the Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler or-
ganised a comprehensive exhibition in Cologne, in which Munch was
presented alongside many other contemporaneous artists – and on
an equal footing with Cézanne, Gauguin and van Gogh. Several pub-
lications concerned with Munch’s art appeared at roughly the same
time, and there were numerous other exhibitions in addition to the
aforementioned. A climax was reached when a retrospective exhibi-
tion was held in Berlin in 1927. With this exhibition, writes Woll,
Munch was “inscribed into art history as one of the most important
forerunners of Modernism” (Woll 2001: 106). Consequently, during
the 1930s, the Nazi regime in Germany classified Munch’s pictures
as degenerate, and had them removed from museums.
After 1945, more and more artists found inspiration in Munch’s
visual world, with artists from other Scandinavian countries follow-
ing in his footsteps. The end of the war was celebrated in Oslo in the
summer of 1945 with a major Munch exhibition at the National
Gallery: among its visitors was Asger Jorn (Gauguin 1945).
WORKS CITED
Bourdieu, Pierre. 2004. The Field of Cultural Production. Oxford: Polity Press.
Eisenman, Stephen F. et al. 1994. Nineteenth Century Art: A Critical History. Lon-
don: Thames and Hudson.
Gauguin, Pola. 1945. “Norsk kunst sett med en abstrakt malers øyne” (interview
with Asger Jorn) in Dagbladet, Norway (29 August 1945).
Greenberg, Clement. 1993. Clement Greenberg. The Collected Essays and Criticism
(Modernism with a Vengeance, vol. 4, ed. O’Brian). Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Hamilton, George Heard. 1967. Painting and Sculpture in Europe 1880 to 1940. Har-
mondsworth: Penguin Books.
Kneher, Jan. 1994. Edvard Munch in seinen Ausstellungen zwischen 1892 und 1912.
Eine Dokumentation der Ausstellungen und Studie zur Rezeptionsgeschichte
von Munchs Kunst. Worms am Rhein: Werneresche Verlagsgesellschaft.
Krohg, Christian. 1920. Kampen for tilværelsen (vol. 1). Copenhagen: Nordisk For-
lag.
Meier-Graefe, Julius. 1904. Entwickelungsgeschichte der modernen Kunst. Verglei-
chende Betrachtung der bildenden Künste, als Beitrag zu einer neuen Aesthetik
(vol. 1). Stuttgart: Verlag Jul. Hoffmann.
Mørstad, Erik. 2007. “The Improvisations of Edvard Munch” in Kunst og Kultur
(3): 138-59.
Rosenblum, Robert. 1975. Modern Painting and the Northern Romantic Tradition.
Friedrich to Rothko. London: Thames and Hudson.
––. 1978. “Edvard Munch: Some Changing Contexts” in Edvard Munch. Symbols
& Images. Washington: National Gallery of Art: 1-9.
Woll, Gerd. 2001. “Edvard Munch. En evig aktuell samtidskunstner” in Christian
Gether and Holger Reenberg (ed.) Skrigets ekko. Copenhagen: Arken Mu-
seum for Moderne Kunst and Munch Museum, Oslo: 104-13.
Yarborough, Tina. 2006. “The strange case of postmodernism’s appropriation of
Edvard Munch” in Erik Mørstad (ed.) Edvard Munch. An Anthology, Oslo:
Unipub, Oslo Academic Press: 191-205.
Zibrandtsen, Jan. 1948. Moderne dansk maleri. Copenhagen: Hirschsprungs For-
lag.
DIE ASTA AND THE AVANT-GARDE
the female body and face as readable but as yet unstandardised filmic
signs. She herself was aware of this, in 1919 outlining her views on
the distinctions between Hollywood and North European cinema:
Our strength is in the acting because we have real actors and artists.
American films you see are not based on acting. The type is the won-
derful characteristic of American cinema. You will always find splen-
did types in those films but no accomplished acting performance
whose purpose and core is the spiritual life of a specific human being
(Quoted in Thomsen 1997).
Greta Garbo, who entered the film scene 14 years after Nielsen,
made the full transition and became a full-blown Hollywood star.
Throughout her whole career she fought in vain against being type-
cast as a cold beauty from the North. She and Nielsen both appeared
in G. W. Pabst’s The Joyless Street (1925) in Germany, before Garbo
left for Hollywood with Mauritz Stiller. The Weimar scene (with its
German- and Austrian-born directors, including Ernst Lubitsch,
Fritz Lang, G. W. Pabst, and Josef von Sternberg) was indeed an im-
portant source of inspiration for Hollywood’s representations of fe-
male beauty. Von Sternberg’s astute casting of Marlene Dietrich
opposite Emil Jannings in Der Blaue Engel (1930) is a remarkable
example of how German expressionism could be both transformed
into fetishism (viz. Dietrich’s famous legs), and commodified by the
star system through the use of an absorbing and reflective screen
icon. According to Patrice Petro, Marlene Dietrich and Louise
Brooks can be seen as “convenient figures upon which to project
male subjectivity in crisis” (Petro 1989: 159). In his comparison of
Louise Brooks and Asta Nielsen, Petro explains why Brooks’s clear-
cut avant-garde icon, as well as Dietrich’s more broadly accepted star
icon, had to surpass that of Nielsen (as well as Henny Porten):
People today cannot understand what that pale mask, with its im-
mense blazing eyes, meant for the nineteen-teens and twenties… It
was impossible to put a label on this great actress: she was neither
‘modernist’ nor ‘Expressionist’. Her warm humanity, full of breadth
of life and presence, refuted both abstraction and the abruptness of
Expressionist art […] Never did she stoop to mawkishness, never did
her travesty shock. For Asta Nielsen’s eroticism was without equi-
vocation, her passion always authentic. (Eisner 1952: 261)
In other words, Die Asta became one of the biggest stars of the silent
period and a major icon for the avant-garde in the 1910s and ’20s,
due mostly to her skilled interpretation of the new medium. But the
mechanical aspect was never predominant in her performance: her
artistic interpretations were too expressive on a human level to qualify
as expressionistic – a quality which becomes all the more apparent
on closer inspection.
The feeling of strangeness that overcomes the actor before the cam-
era, as Pirandello describes it, is basically of the same kind as the
estrangement felt before one’s own image in the mirror. But now the
reflected image has become separable, transportable. And where is
it transported? Before the public. Never for a moment does the
screen actor cease to be conscious of this fact. While facing the cam-
era he knows that ultimately he will face the public, the consumers
who constitute the market. This market, where he offers not only his
labour but also his whole self, his heart and soul, is beyond his reach.
During the shooting he has as little contact with it as any article
made in a factory. This may contribute to that oppression, that new
anxiety which, according to Pirandello, grips the actor before the
camera. The film responds to the shrivelling of the aura with an ar-
tificial build-up of the “personality” outside the studio. The cult of
the movie star, fostered by the money of the film industry, preserves
not the unique aura of the person but the “spell of the personality”,
the phoney spell of a commodity. (Benjamin 1936: 57)
Asta Nielsen was well aware of this – fragile as she was, with no stu-
dio-system or PR agency to create her cult personality for the masses
– and frequently described this vulnerability in her autobiography,
Den Tiende Muse (The Tenth Muse) (1945). In spite of this, she is
quite able to communicate with the mirror-like reflection of the ca-
mera-eye, as Béla Balázs so vividly describes it in his Theory of the
Film (1945). This description was inspirational to everybody, includ-
ing the European avant-garde, as her technical talent, combined with
her expertise in communicating with the camera, was surely unsur-
passed at the time:
Asta Nielsen once played a woman hired to seduce a rich young man.
The man who hired her is watching the results from behind a curtain.
Knowing that she is under observation, Asta Nielsen feigns love. She
does it convincingly: the whole gamut of appropriate emotion is dis-
played in her face. Nevertheless we are aware that it is only play-act-
ing, that it is a sham, a mask. But in the course of the scene, Asta
Nielsen really falls in love with the young man. Her facial expression
shows little change; she had been “registering” love all the time and
done it well. How else could she now show that this time she was
really in love? Her expression changes only but a scarcely perceptible
96 Bodil Marie Stavning Thomsen
and yet immediately obvious nuance – and what a few minutes before
was a sham, is now the sincere expression of a deep emotion. Then
Asta Nielsen suddenly remembers that she is under observation. The
man behind the curtain must not be allowed to read her face and
learn that she is now no longer feigning, but really feeling love. So
Asta now pretends to be pretending. Her face shows a new, by this
time threefold, change. First she feigns love, then she genuinely shows
love, and as she is not permitted to be in love in good earnest, her
face again registers a sham, a pretence of love. But now it is this pre-
tence that is a lie. Now she is lying that she is lying. And we can see
all this clearly in her face, over which she has drawn two different
masks. At such times an invisible face appears in front of the real
one, just as spoken words can by association of ideas conjure up
things unspoken and unseen, perceived only by those to whom they
are addressed. (Balázs 1992: 265)
movement out of the circle of light will leave decisive parts of her
face, and consequently her acting, in darkness.
At last, she is satisfied. Now she knows exactly how far she has
to turn her head, how slowly to open her eye. We have the slightly
shivering feeling of automatism.
Oh, we have no idea of a really great artist! Now Asta acts the
scene! No artificiality, no forcedness. Her face is suddenly transfig-
ured, and she turns as if by an inner necessity, her eye opens up – it
cannot be described. It is as if suddenly electric waves of light pene-
trate into permeable matter. Moments before, she looked friendly-
indifferent, now there is high voltage in her glance, the entire soul of
a human being is now speaking solely through her eye. (Diaz 1920:
28-29)
In film, life is lived the way we modern human beings perceive it: as
movement. If we are to describe its contrast with absolute certainty,
we say “stonedead”. The tearing speed: the express, the racing car,
the motor boat, the aeroplane let us feel life quite tangibly in and
around us. We cannot comprehend the meditation of the Orientals.
We work incessantly, stretch the net of the electric currents across
the globe, furrow the continents with canals, railways, roads, draw
the wash of the giant steamers across the oceans, go into the depth
of the pits, high up in the skyscrapers, dike in, dry out, water, forever:
activity, movement, dynamics! That’s why, in film, we have found the
art that touches our very core. Film, with the moving force of the
dynamo and the explosive force of dynamite, opposes the remains
of the living past. Its life nerve is ours: dynamics. (Quoted in Thom-
sen 1997)
film industry (even outside Russia) understood this call for a new
concept of time as indexicality as well as the artistic possibility for
creating the sense of time as durée or qualitative time. Asta Nielsen
and Charles Chaplin, who were trained respectively in pantomime
and theatre, both knew how to shape their talents to meet the de-
mands of the camera lens. Although they appeared in melodramas
and comedies, rather than experimental films, they nevertheless con-
sidered the human body and face to be more than merely literal signs
within a film text. With an extraordinary talent for timing, they
opened everyone’s eyes to the potentialities of film. The remarkable
“microphysiognomy” of Asta’s face created isolated spatial frag-
ments or “affection–images” (Deleuze) of iconic clarity, while the
mechanical movements of Chaplin’s body created a tactile and visual
sensation of indexicality within the kinetic time of film. Their bodies
and faces in other words connected the indexical continuity of space
and movement to cinematic time within montage – enabling the au-
dience to engage with the image stream.
That’s how it was with Asta Nielsen. Out of all the small and large
cinemas, her figure transposed itself into the life of this large city,
stamped itself on it, and you were not quite up to it if you revealed
the least bit of wonder about this.
Oh, the wonderful destiny of great art, to be able to captivate an
entire city, to give a new quality to the women and a new dream to
the men. And soon the press, big and small, spoke of Asta Nielsen.
And suddenly, you knew that a new power had entered your life:
film. And in front of it, like a pioneer, stood Asta Nielsen, dark, lis-
som, demonic! (Diaz 1920: 7f.)
Die Asta and the Avant-Garde 101
“Yes, now comes the time when we once again shall need the great
artists of film.”
“That can hardly concern me”, I answered. “I don’t belong to
any political party and would never engage in acting in political
films.”
“You don’t need to now. You see, it’s like this: I can utter two
thousand words without anyone understanding me whereas a single
movement from you is understood by the whole world.”
“Do you mean this movement?” I asked and raised my hand in
Nazi salute. He didn’t seem to have any sense of humour; my gesture
was answered by an intense frown (Bernth 1999: 113).
102 Bodil Marie Stavning Thomsen
She is everything! She is the drunkard’s vision and the lonely man’s
dream. She laughs like a happy, young girl, and her eyes know of
things so delicate and tender that the lips will never formulate them.
She has the élan of Yvette Guilbert and the precocity of a Japanese
woman in one of Utamaro’s famous woodcuts. When hatred glows
in Asta Nielsen’s eyes, we clench our fists, and when she opens her
eyes, they are like sparkling stars. (translated from Diaz 1920: 7)
WORKS CITED
Baláz, Béla. 1992 [1945. Theory of the Film: Character and Growth of a New Art.
Cited from Mast, Braudy, Leo and Cohen, Marshall (eds.). 2004. Film The-
ory and Criticism. Oxford University Press: New York and Oxford.
Benjamin, Walter. 2006 [1936]. “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Repro-
duction”. Media and Cultural Studies: Keyworks. Meenakshi Gigi Durham
and Douglas Kellner (eds). Blackwell Publishing.
Bernth, Susanne (ed.). 1999. Danskere i Berlin. Danmarks Nationalleksikon.
Gyldendal: Copenhagen.
Broby-Johansen, Rudolf. 1927. “Filmens Æstetik”. Biografejerbladet nr. 1 og 2, Vo-
lume 14., Copenhagen.
Deleuze, Gilles. 1986 [1983]. Cinema 1: The Movement-Image. University of Min-
nesota Press.
Diaz, Pablo. 1920. Asta Nielsen. Eine Biographie unserer populären Künstlerin. Verlag
der Lichtbild-Bühne: Berlin.
Eisner, Lotte. 1973 [1952]. The Haunted Screen. Expressionism in the German Cinema
and the Influence of Max Reinhardt. Berkeley and Los Angeles. University
of California Press.
Engberg, Marguerite. 1966. Asta Nielsen. Det Danske Filmmuseum: Copenhagen.
––. 1999. Filmstjernen Asta Nielsen. Forlaget Klim. Århus.
Langsted, Adolf. 1917. Asta Nielsen. Nyt Nordisk Forlag: Copenhagen.
Malmkjær, Poul. 2000. Asta. Mennesket, myten og filmstjernen. En biografi. Haase
og Søns Forlag: Holstebro.
Mungenast, E. M. 1928. Asta Nielsen. Walter Hädecke Verlag: Stuttgart.
Nielsen, Asta. 1945 and 1966. Den tiende Muse. Gyldendal: Copenhagen.
––. 1998. Breve 1911-71. Udvalgt af Ib Monty. Gyldendal: Copenhagen.
––. 1919. Interview in Kino-Revyen, no. 4, 1. Aarg. Copenhagen.
Petro, Patrice. 1989. Joyless Street: Women and Melodramatic Representation in
Weimar Germany. Princeton University Press: Princeton.
Rodowick, D. N. 2007. The Virtual Life of Film. Harvard University Press. Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts and London, England.
Thomsen, Bodil Marie. 1997. Filmdivaer. Stjernens figur i Hollywoods melodrama
1920-40. Museum Tusculanums Forlag: Copenhagen.
Weibel, Peter. 1992. “The Apparatus World – a World unto Itself ”; David Dunn
(ed.): Eigenwelt der Apparaten-Welt. Pioneers of Electronic Art. Catalog for
Ars Electronica June 22-July 5, 1992, The Vasulskas Inc.: Linz, Austria.
“THE MANIFOLD IN ONE / AND THE ONE MANIFOLD” –
ASTA NIELSEN AS AN ICON FOR
THE EUROPEAN AVANT-GARDE
Geert Buelens
In the first decades of the twentieth century the cinema was generally
considered a low art form. Yet, in keeping with Baudelaire’s pen-
chant for the ephemeral and the fugitive, many avant-garde artists
wholeheartedly embraced the new medium. Artists and writers like
Blaise Cendrars and Hart Crane hailed Charlie Chaplin as the
groundbreaking creative genius of the film industry. The quintessen-
tial incarnation of the transitory nature of the moving picture, how-
ever, was Danish actress Asta Nielsen (1881-1972). European
avant-garde writers such as the French Guillaume Apollinaire and
Philippe Soupault, the Flemish/Belgian Paul van Ostaijen and Paul
Joostens, the Hungarian Béla Balázs and the Dane Rud(olf) Broby
(Johansen) praised her kaleidoscopic multiplicity.
The first avant-garde artists to salute Nielsen were German Ex-
pressionist poets. Walter Rheiner included a three-part cycle called
‘Asta Nielsen’ in his volume Das schmerzliche Meer (1918, poems
from 1912-1915). Rheiner remarks, “In all dem Vielen, das du bist,
lebt Eines,” “In all the multitude that you are, lives one” (Rheiner
1985: 55), setting the tone for a series of later poetic tributes hailing
Nielsen as a phenomenon able to incarnate other people’s souls and
minds, seemingly at will. The third and final prose poem goes further,
attributing to the movie star spiritual, healing powers and equating
her to the four elements that make up the world: “Schenk auch uns
deine Gnade, Einmalige, Einfache! Du Wasser, du Feuer, du Luft, du
Erde!” “Bestow upon us, too, your mercy, unique, simple one! You
106 Geert Buelens
water, you fire, you air, you earth!” (58) Rheiner also dedicated poem
‘X’ of his ‘Berlin’ cycle (1916/1917) in his 1919 volume Das tönende
Herz to Asta Nielsen. In Rheiner’s cold, wet, apocalyptic war-time
Imperial capital, Nielsen’s film incarnations stand out as beacons of
strength and life, sensation and mystery:
Considering that Nielsen only started making films in 1910 and be-
came part of the Berlin scene a year later, the pre-war tributes are
testimony to her swift rise to fame. In 1914, Munich editor H.F.S.
Bachmaier dedicated Der Selige Kintopp, a collection of avant-garde
film poems, to Nielsen. The collection featured work by expressionist
poets such as Emmy Hennings, Johannes R. Becher and Karl Otten.
The latter’s contribution included a two-part poem called ‘Asta
Nielsen’ in which the poet mixed the almost religious fascination and
moral reservation he and many of his contemporaries felt when they
saw the new star:
sion of what the French poet supposedly said about the Danish film
star:
She is everything! She is the drunkard’s vision and the lonely man’s
dream. She laughs like a happy, young girl, and her eyes know of
“the manifold in one / and the one manifold” 109
things so delicate and tender that the lips will never formulate them.
She has the élan of Yvette Guilbert and the preciosity of a Japanese
woman in one of Utamaro’s famous woodcuts. When hatred glows
in Asta Nielsen’s eyes, we clench our fists, and when she opens her
eyes, they are like sparkling stars. (Engberg 1996:4)
110 Geert Buelens
dience that she can perform magic. The circumstances in which the
films are shown reinforce this idea.
pray for us
poor cinema visitors
pure fall from lax hands
pray for us weary people
Van Ostaijen both subscribes to and parodies this attitude. The in-
fatuation, too, is clearly of a sexual nature. Asta’s hips, lips, teeth,
hands and feet are the focal point of the special magic she conveys.
While members of the audience tend to falter, Asta Nielsen stands
firm, even as the projectionist does not, as Van Ostaijen jokingly sug-
gests. Whatever illness or inconvenience the members of the audience
might suffer, Asta will provide solace. This feeling of comfort causes
people to start addressing the actress as if she were Mary or some
other saint. The Nielsen roles Van Ostaijen mentions in this prayer
are, however, rather secular in nature:
The poet seems to be poking fun at the star cult, yet a seriousness
pervades his claim:
this is no fantasy
YOU are more nourishing for us
than Schopenhauer Bergson and the Farmers’ Union
At this point in the poem Van Ostaijen explicitly mentions his friend,
the artist Paul Joostens, to whom the poet had also dedicated this
sequence. Both shared a passion for Asta and the artist made several
paintings and drawings (many of them lost today) depicting their
“the manifold in one / and the one manifold” 113
favourite actress. When he first saw the printed text – Van Ostaijen
wrote it in Berlin and they had not seen one another for two and half
years – Joostens was furious. In a letter to another mutual friend Jos
Léonard, Joostens claimed that he invented this litany form to ad-
dress Asta Nielsen and he quotes a passage to prove his point:
Whether Béla Balász also went to the movies with Paul Joostens is
doubtful. Yet, the Hungarian avant-garde poet and film critic used
a secular litany form when he wrote about Asta Nielsen in a piece
for Der Tag in January 1923. “Senkt die Fahnen vor ihr, denn sie ist
unvergleichlich und unerreicht. Senkt die Fahnen vor ihr, denn durch
ihre Kunst wird selbst der Absturz des alternden Weibes zum steilen
Aufstieg des Schauspielerin.”5 (1982:159) In another article two
months later Balász made the case that Nielsen’s acting proves that
film can be a real art form and that the canonical nine muses from
antiquity can now be joined by a tenth muse (184) – hence the title
of Nielsen memoires Den tiende muse which means both the ‘tenth’
and the ‘silent’ muse.
In her native Denmark, a volume which opened with a poem de-
dicated to Asta Nielsen became central to a famous censorship case.
Rud(olf) Broby (Johansen’s) Blod (1922) was banned because it was
deemed too obscene. Maybe the darkness and often fatal eroticism
which was central to so many of Nielsen’s film personae had inspired
Broby-Johansen to write scenes full of graphic violence, abuse, sui-
cide and rape. Only in 1968 was the ban on Blod lifted. In the mean-
114 Geert Buelens
time the use of words had apparently become freer for Nielsen as
well, because in that same year she interviewed herself for her final
film Asta Nielsen. The actress who, as Van Ostaijen put it, had been
‘so much so infinitely much / she is the multitude in one / and the
one multitude’ had finally become one.
Up until that moment Nielsen had indeed been a silent muse. Her
1932 sound film Unmögliche Liebe (Impossible Love) was no great
success – her acting being totally adapted to the silent cinema (Eng-
berg 1996:22). Although many poets hailed her in odes and litanies,
her contribution to European art consisted, as Balász suggested, in
her ability to suggest the deepest, most troubling and exciting emo-
tions without using a single word.
NOTES
0
The quotes are from an unpublished translation of Van Ostaijen’s poem “Asta
Nielsen” by the English poet, Andrew Duncan.
1
Both Seydel and Hagedorff (1981) and Engberg (1996:26-30) contain an Asta
Nielsen Filmography providing the length of the films, in metres. Her films range
from 750 metres (her debut Afgrunden (The Abyss)) to 3738 metres (Pabst’s 1925
Die freudlose Gasse (The Joyless Street)).
2
“Since the occupation began, (direct) import of films from France or Great Britain
and later from the USA had been forbidden. But in the first years of the war, pre-
war allied films submitted to the censor before the middle of May 1915 were still
shown.” (Convents 1995:173)
3
This might be a reference to Blaise Cendrar’s La fin du monde, subtitled “filmée
par l’Ange N.D.”
4
Unless otherwise specified translations are by the author of the article.
5
“Do homage to her, for she is inimitable and unrivalled. Do homage to her, for
through her art even the decline of the ageing woman turns into the rise of the ac-
tress.”
“the manifold in one / and the one manifold” 115
WORKS CITED
Allen, Robert C. 1973. “Asta Nielsen. The Silent Muse” in Sight and Sound. Inter-
national FilmQuarterly 42(4): 205-209.
Balázs, Béla. 1982. Schriften zum Film. 1. Der sichtbare Mensch. Kritiken und Auf-
sätze 1922-1926. Budapest: Akadémia Kiadó.
Bogman, Jef. 1995. “Poetry as a Filmic and Historical Document: Occupied City”
in Dibbets and Hogenkamp. Film and the First World War (Film Culture in
Transition (1995): 179-187.
Broby-Johansen, Rudolf. 1968 [1922]. Blod. Expressionære Digte. Copenhagen:
Gyldendal.
Convents, Guido. 1995. “Cinema and German Politics in Occupied Belgium” in
Dibbets and Hogenkamp. Film and the First World War (Film Culture in
Transition (1995): 171-178.
Buyck, Jean (ed.). 1995. Paul Joostens: de cruciale jaren: brieven aan Jos Leonard,
1919-1925. Antwerp, Pandora.
Dibbets, Karel, and Bert Hogenkamp. 1995. Film and the First World War. Amster-
dam: Amsterdam University Press, 1995.
Dictionary of Film and Filmmakers. 3. Actors and Actresses. Detroit: St. James Press:
891-893.
Engberg, Marguerite. 1993. “The erotic melodrama in Danish silent films 1910-
1918” in Film History, 5: 63-67.
––. 1996. Asta Nielsen, Europe’s First Film Star. Berkeley: University of Califor-
nia/University Art Museum and Pacific Film Archive.
Fonseca, M.S. 2000. “Nielsen, Asta” in Tom Pendergast and Sara Pendergast (eds).
International Dictionary of Films And Filmmakers: Actors and Actresses. Vol.
3. Detroit and London: St. James Press
Findeisen, Kurt Arnold. 1919. Aus der Armutei: soziale Gedichte. Chemnitz: E.
Focke.
Luft, Herbert G. 1956. “Asta Nielsen. The Once Celebrated “Duse of the Screen”
Is Living in Retirement in Copenhagen” in Films in Review 7(1): 19-26.
Mungenast, E.M. 1928. Asta Nielsen. Stuttgart: Walter Hädecke Verlag.
Nielsen, Asta. 1961. Die Schweigende Muse. S.l.: Hinstorff.
Ostaijen, Paul van. 1921. Bezette stad. Antwerp: Sienjaal.
––. “Asta Nielsen” (unpublished translation Andrew Duncan with small adaptations
by the author).
Rheiner, Walter. 1918. Das schmerzliche Meer – frühe und neue Gedichte, Dresden:
Verlag von 1917.
Rheiner, Walter. 1919. Das tönende Herz. Dichtung der Jüngsten 10/11, Dresden:
Verlag von 1917.
––. 1985. Kokain. Lyrik, Prosa, Briefe (ed. Thomas Rietzschel). Leipzig: Reclam.
Röhnert, Jan Volker. 2007. Springende Gedanken Und Flackernde Bilder: Lyrik Im
Zeitalter Der Kinematographie: Blaise Cendrars, John Ashbery, Rolf Dieter
Brinkmann. Göttingen: Wallstein.
Schiebelhuth, Hans. 1921. Wegstern. Weimar: s.n.
116 Geert Buelens
Schweinitz, Jörg. 1994. “Der Selige Kintopp (1913/1914). Eine Fundsache zum Ver-
hältnis von literarischen Expressionismus und Kino” in Paech, Joachim
(ed.), Film, Fernsehen, Video und die Künste. Strategien der Intermedialität.
Stuttgart/Weimer: J.B.Metzler: 72-88.
Seydel, Renate and Allan Hagedorff (eds). 1981. Asta Nielsen – Ihr Leben in Foto-
dokumenten, Selbstzeugnissen und zeitgenössischen Betrachtungen. Berlin:
Henschelverlag.
Vaessens, Thomas. 1998. Circus Dubio & Schroom. Met Martinus Nijhoff, Paul van
Ostaijen & de mentaliteit van het modernisme, Amsterdam/Antwerp: De Ar-
beiderspers. http://www.asta-nielsen.de/
Nordic Artists iN the europeAN Metropolises
Nordic Artists iN the europeAN Metropolises
ments. they will answer questions such as: Who were these artists?
With whom did they associate? What did they learn? how did they
themselves contribute to the avant-garde scene in terms of artistic out-
put and exchange? And what were the social, political, ideological con-
ditions at the time? implicit in these questions is the view that Nordic
artists travelled from the periphery to the centres not only in order to
passively receive inspiration from international peers closer to the
source than they were themselves, but that they actively contributed
to shaping the art of their time. this was clearly the case with August
strindberg and edvard Munch, who both played significant roles in
paris and Berlin in the late nineteenth century and came to serve as
inspirational predecessors and points of reference for twentieth cen-
tury avant-garde artists (cf. section i).
No matter how controversial they might have been in their home
countries, during the early twentieth century Nordic artists rarely
stood out as central figures in the cosmopolitan art environments of
european cities. the artistic production of the Nordic avant-garde is
often closely related to discursive and formal concerns in the centres
and may be regarded as having been interpretations or variations of
currents in the international environment, and as such they formed an
integral part of the complex transnational and multidimensional field
of european avant-garde art from the period. consequently, what may
have seemed eccentric and marginal from a national perspective makes
sense when analysed in relation to contemporary preoccupations in
the international avant-garde environment.
Around 1900 paris was the artistic and intellectual epicentre of the
world. the city was regarded as the prototype of the modern metrop-
olis. in the 1930s Walter Benjamin called it the “capital of the Nine-
teenth century” and pointed out its character as a “dream city” – a
city of myth and imagination. the vibrancy of parisian artistic life
and the legendary artistic quarters of the city contributed to nourish-
ing its mythological status helping to maintain its attraction, also be-
coming an important part of scandinavian artists’ ideas of the city.
in his first contribution to this section, “Nordic Writers and Artists
in paris”, Frank claustrat maps out the various sections and locations
of the Nordic avant-garde in paris. the Nordic artists’ colony estab-
lished itself primarily in Montparnasse, where it attained special sig-
nificance between the two world wars. the district of Montparnasse
had begun to assert itself as a new centre of modern art around 1908,
Nordic Artists in the European Metropolises 121
when Montmartre, which had previously held this status, became too
expensive and overrun by tourists. during the following decade Mont-
parnasse became the cultural hub of the city, crowded with artists
from all over the world.
upon his arrival, the danish painter Jais Nielsen, who travelled
to paris in 1911 and stayed until the outbreak of World War i in
1914, moved into the hôtel chasteté at the corner of Boulevard st.
Germain and rue de seine in Montparnasse. he later recalled: “in
this “hôtel Meublé” where everything was dirty and frowsy, scan-
dinavians were living from the ground floor to the attic. in spite of
the scruffiness it was a cosy box and all branches within the arts met
here in the mild summer evenings to talk about art: sculptors,
painters, journalists, musicians, writers. […] in exactly that year paris
was flooded by scandinavian artists (Nielsen 1947: 38-40).
Montparnasse was known for its popular cafes, dancehalls and
restaurants and for a greater tolerance of unconventional lifestyles
than in other parts of paris. the cafes provided a fertile environment
for the exchange of ideas and became important social meeting
places where Nordic artists would gather or have the opportunity to
establish connections to other members of the parisian art scene.
the artistic colony at Montparnasse was the first truly interna-
tional artistic environment in paris. Artists of all types and nation-
alities lived there, including Frenchmen, scandinavians, russians,
englishmen and Americans. the presence of artists of all national-
ities contributed significantly to the parisian avant-garde scene,
which was much less French than international. rolf de Maré’s
swedish ballet was the most significant Nordic contribution to this
internationalist avant-garde. during the five years of its existence,
from 1920-1925, the swedish ballet became a centre of artistic ex-
periment, crossing boundaries between the arts, as explained by
Frank claustrat in his second contribution to this section.
the reputation of paris in the early twentieth century incorpo-
rated notions of a good quality of life, a special observance of
human rights, and a particular freedom and tolerance which many
artists could not find in their home countries. A number of foreign-
ers came to paris to escape political or social exclusion, among them
many eastern european Jews who found refuge from pogroms in
their home countries. For women artists, another marginalised group
in european societies, paris also offered better opportunities for
122 Nordic Artists in the European Metropolises
training and the pursuit of a professional career than was the case
in most other european cities the parisian art scene was still domi-
nated by men, but female artists and dealers were part of the picture.
of special significance is the fact that women were granted access to
several of the numerous independent academies which were an im-
portant part of the attraction of the parisian art scene. As shulamith
Behr demonstrates in her contribution, the career of the swedish
painter sigrid hjertén is a telling example of how a female artist of
the Nordic avant-garde could benefit from the particularly
favourable conditions at one of the independent academies in paris
– that of henri Matisse. the Académie Matisse occupies a special
position in the story of Nordic artists in paris, attracting an extraor-
dinarily large number of students from the Nordic countries, espe-
cially Norwegians and swedes, but including also a few others such
as the icelandic painter Jón stefánsson.
paris was uncontested as the largest and most established of the
european art centres. however, for northern artists, Berlin soon be-
came a significant alternative. Berlin had been chosen as the capital
of Germany only in 1871 and was still in the process of establishing
its new role after the turn of the century. the desire to measure up
to the other european capitals and its increasing industrial strength
made Berlin one of europe’s most expansive modern metropolises,
attractive to both businessmen and artists determined to pursue a
career. in addition, Berlin was easy to reach from scandinavia, tak-
ing only ten hours by express train from copenhagen.
scandinavian artists made a their impact felt on the Berlin art
scene as early as the 1890s, when dramas by henrik ibsen and Au-
gust strindberg were staged at the so-called Freie Bühne (Free stage),
paving the way for literary modernism in Berlin. At the same time,
edvard Munch’s scandalous breakthrough exhibition at the Artist’s
Association of Berlin (Verein Berliner Künstler) in 1892 marked the
introduction of painterly avant-garde art. While in Berlin, strindberg
and Munch both joined a circle of artists and intellectuals based
around the tavern “Zum schwarzen Ferkel” (the Black piglet); this
group included the Norwegian sculptor Gustav Vigeland, the danish
writer holger drachmann, the polish poet stanislaw przybyszewski
and the German art historian Julius Meier-Graefe.
the city of Berlin, however, was not the only meeting place for
this group and their peers. strindberg had come to Berlin at the in-
Nordic Artists in the European Metropolises 123
vitation of the swedish writer ola hansson and his wife laura
Marholm, originally staying at their home in the village of
Friedrichshagen, south-east of the city. As Gertrud cepl-Kaufmann
and Anne M.N. sokoll show in their contribution, for a short period
in the early 1890s Friedrichshagen became a remarkably fertile refuge
for several members of the artistic avant-garde – many of them scan-
dinavians – providing an attractive alternative to the noise and stress
of the city, and yet conveniently connected to Berlin by railway.
strindberg, however, had soon had enough and moved into central
Berlin.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, an increasing number
of scandinavian visitors came to Berlin. “it is not Beauty that at-
tracts the many danish tourists to Berlin” a danish newspaper stated
in 1912. “it is the museums and the entertainment, it is the Metrop-
olis, the city of three million that beckons them” (tres: “Berlin”, poli-
tiken, 12.7.1912). the city did not possess the refinement so
characteristic of parisian culture; there was a “brutish quality to
Berlin entertainments”. But Berlin offered activity all around the
clock.
entertainment was to be found, in particular, around Friedrich-
strasse, or Kurfürstendamm, the latter increasingly taking the role
as the centre of fashionable cultural life. A peculiarity of the Berlin
entertainment was the role of cinema, for which Berlin became an
international centre in the early decades of the twentieth century.
1911 marked the beginning of German film industry, with the estab-
lishment of the Babelsberg Film studios – the first large-scale film
studio in the world – where Asta Nielsen would perform from the
very beginning, making her a major cultural celebrity of the day. the
special significance of film to the cultural life of Berlin may have
been the reason why the swedish artist Viking eggeling, in collabo-
ration with the German dada-artist hans richter, started experi-
menting with film in 1920, just as he was staying in the vicinity of
Berlin; this could also explain why, in the following years, he chose
to remain in Berlin after having led a life of vagabondage from the
age of 17, moving restlessly from place to place, among them Flens-
burg, Milan, paris, Ascona and Zurich.
Above all, the enterprise of der sturm, founded and run by her-
warth Walden, became of crucial importance to the avant-garde
scene in Berlin. during the decade 1910-1920, herwarth Walden was
124 Nordic Artists in the European Metropolises
WorKs cited
hultén, pontus, et.al. 1978. Paris-Berlin 1900-1933. Rapports et Contrastes France-
Allemagne. paris : centre National d’Art et de culture Georges pompidou.
––. Paris-Moscou 1900-1930. paris : centre National d’Art et de culture Georges
pompidou.
Nielsen, Jais. 1947. Perlevennen Gaston og andre sælsomme Historier fra Paris, co-
penhagen: rasmus Navers Forlag.
schulz, Bernhard. 2000. “Kunst und Zeitgeschicte Berlins zwischen 1910 und 1920”,
in: Schwedische Avantgarde und Der Sturm in Berlin. Verlag des Museums-
und Kunstvereins osnabrück and Kulturen, lund.
Wilson, sarah, et.al. 2000. Paris: Capital of the Arts 1900-1968. exhibition cata-
logue, royal Academy of Arts, london.
Nordic Writers ANd Artists iN pAris
BeFore, duriNG ANd AFter World WAr i
Frank claustrat
lony aimed to enter into contact with all areas of the avant-garde
and, boosted by influxes of around a hundred artists each year, drew
on the social possibilities offered by new meeting places. At the same
time the number of Nordic artists participating in the wide variety
of parisian salons was increasing by tens every year.9
public establishments gave rise to a collective experience charac-
terised by a previously unparalleled cultural diversity and fervour.
From 1921 the restaurant strix acted almost exclusively as a swedish
meeting-place. having opened the bar-club chez les Vikings, the
Norwegian businessman trygve Noër founded the artistic and lite-
rary competition the prix des Vikings in 1927 as a means of genera-
ting more publicity in the Montparnasse district. the most chic
cafés, such as le select (founded in 1925) and la coupole (founded
in 1927 and decorated by many artists, including the swedes isaac
Grünewald and otto carlsund), were to be found on the boulevard
du Montparnasse.
the astonishing variety of parisian exhibition venues (salons, mu-
seums, galleries) endured until the end of the 1930s. the ‘non-official’
salons10 extended the arena of avant-garde activity, while, to a certain
extent, art museums such as Jeu de paume took on the role of au-
thenticating it. drawing on the lively cultural policies of the period,
the numerous larger art institutions hosted spectacular artistic events
such as the 1925 Exposition internationale des Arts décoratifs et in-
dustriels modernes (international exhibition of Modern industrial
and decorative Arts), the 1931 L’Exposition coloniale (colonial ex-
hibition), and the 1937 Exposition internationale des arts et des tech-
niques dans la vie moderne (international exhibition of Arts and
techniques in Modern life). From within this effervescent context
emerged a new generation of art critics11 who, in avant-garde jour-
nals such as L’Esprit Nouveau, Cercle et Carré, Cahiers d’Art and
L’Effort moderne, joined the art dealers in defending the foreign ar-
tists.
the original aim of Maison Watteau was to exhibit and sell work by
Nordic artists living in France.12 lena Börjeson organised its first
exhibitions from autumn 1920 until autumn 1922. the first three
were exclusively Nordic and were each concluded by a costume ball.
the fourth, entitled “Maison Watteau. salon d’art moderne” (Mai-
son Watteau: salon of Modern Art), which opened in december
1920, was international, with works by derain, Matisse, Braque, de
chirico, lhote, picasso, rivera, léger, Archipenko, sculpted furni-
ture by Gauguin, “Negro” sculptures and more. From 1923 until de-
cember 1925, the exhibitions were organised (with vigour) by the
Association of scandinavian Artists.
the inaugural exhibition was a major one. opening on 17 No-
vember 1923, l’Exposition franco-scandinave (also known as Exposi-
tion des Franco-Scandinaves et ses invités (exhibition of Franco-
scandinavians and their Guests)), attracted widespread attention
from the press. held at a time when the parisian art world talked
only of the growing success of rolf de Maré’s Ballets suédois, this
exhibition is emblematic of the “ecole de paris”.13 one hundred and
thirteen artists participated in the Exposition franco-scandinave.14
A one-man show by the swedish artist isaac Grünewald opened
in March 1924. the private viewing was followed by Maison Wat-
teau’s “first artistic soirée”.15 the event was, without a doubt, initi-
ated by rolf de Maré, who, by organising such concerts, wanted to
direct public attention to the group that had formed around eric
satie (1866-1925). on the same evening, raynal gave a lecture en-
titled “l’art doit-il réjouir ou assommer?” (should Art Amuse or
Abuse?). A swedish buffet followed and the party went on until six
in the morning.
An exhibition entitled Oeuvres françaises appartenant à des Scan-
dinaves à Paris (French Works owned by scandinavians in paris)
opened in May 1924. on show were the masterpieces in rolf de
Maré’s collection, such as picasso’s Au Lapin Agile (1905). this was
followed in June by the so-called 1ère Exposition scandinave (First
scandinavian exhibition) – although it was not the first – and, from
Nordic Writers and Artists in Paris 133
Académie scandinave
over time, Maison Watteau and the Académie scandinave became
a meeting point for the international avant-garde. As mentioned
above, in 1924 rolf de Maré, director of the Ballets suédois, exhibi-
ted the masterpieces from his collection (picasso, Braque, derain)
(Asplund 1923). subsequently, the Maison Watteau expanded its
programme of activities, becoming a genuine ‘cultural centre’. No
longer content with staging exhibitions, talks, concerts, masked balls
and parties, its ambition became an altogether different one: to
establish itself as the most important school of painting and sculp-
ture in Montparnasse. After becoming responsible, in 1927, for the
prix des Vikings (a bursary of 10,000 francs awarded alternately to
a painter, a sculptor and a writer), it took on a philanthropic cha-
racter that became popular amongst the young artists (salmon 2003:
272).
the studios of the Académie scandinave were initially run by
Nordic artists,16 and, from 1927 to 1935, by French artists.17 tutors
were chosen by the academy’s director, lena Börjeson. teaching was
eclectic, undogmatic and as encouraging of sculpture as it was of
painting, although it was oriented more towards figurative than ab-
stract tendencies. people came from all over the world to learn how
to draw ‘modernised’ nudes, portraits, war scenes and landscapes
from internationally recognised artists.
the first ten years of the Académie scandinave were an enor-
mous success: more than 1000 students, the most talented of whom
remain famous to this day.18 humanist, democratic, international
and a remarkable laboratory of forms and ideas, Maison Watteau
played a major role in the ecole de paris. the impact of the 1929
economic crisis put an end to its development, as well as to that of
the Académie scandinave, which closed its doors in 1935.
cubism
the paths that led the Nordic artists in paris towards cubism were
equally diverse, their conceptions of it significantly more individua-
listic than dogmatic (neither analytic nor synthetic cubism). the
work of paul cézanne, extensively exhibited and analysed, was a
major point of departure.
From 1908, Académie russe, then Académie Vassilieff, both
under the direction of Marie Vassilieff, became a famous meeting-
place, visited by picasso, Braque, Gris, Modigliani, cendrars, sal-
mon, Max Jacob, and satie. Fernand léger gave some very popular
lectures there in 1913. Vassilieff initiated ten swedish pupils to cu-
bism, among them Karl isakson (1878-1922) in 1913-1914, Viking
eggeling in 1915, siri derkert (1888-1973) around 1913-1914 and
Arthur carlson percy in 1912.24
William scharff (1886-1959) and olaf rude (1886-1957) initiated
the parisian danes’ brief but intense period of association with cu-
bism (notably that of pablo picasso) in January 1911 (Aagesen 2002,
Frankrig Danmark 1996, schultz 1938). the teaching he received at
Académie humbert from 1912 was a turning point for the swede
ivan Aguéli (1869-1917), while Académie la palette attracted a num-
ber of Nordic students (such as the swede John sten in 1913) to the
studios of henri le Fauconnier, Jean Metzinger and eugène Zak
(1884-1926). André lhote took over in March 1917, creating the
Académie Montparnasse, which from 1925 bore his name. From
1917 lhote outlined his (idiosyncratic and heterogeneous) theory of
cubism in the swedish journal Flamman, run by Georg pauli (1855-
1935),,who had been in contact with lhote since 1912 (lärkner 1984,
lilja 1955).
Among the earliest cubist experimentations to be labelled scan-
dinavian, the work of the swede Nils von dardel carried out between
1911 and 1913 is noteworthy. dardel no doubt read the relevant ar-
ticles published in sweden, such as the one written by Volmar (pseu-
donym of erik rusén) that appeared in Svenska Dagbadet on 10
November 1911 (“Kubisterna”). As a French speaker, dardel may
also have consulted the articles written by ivan Aguéli, a swedish art
critic and personal friend of Guillaume Apollinaire, and published
in the parisian journals La Gnose and L’Encyclopédie contemporaine
illustrée, from 1911. in 1912, Aguéli discussed Futurism and, else-
where, the cubist work exhibited in “la section d’or”. Aguéli de-
138 Frank Claustrat
having discussed the term ‘cubism’ (…) i suggest that we extend the
meaning of the word “cube”, in order to give it a more general geo-
metric signification, regardless of the number or nature of its angles.
in accordance with this understanding of “cubism”, the reader will
not be surprised at our inclusion of Van dongen amongst the cu-
bists. to be a cubist therefore means: beginning with space itself, to
reduce natural phenomena, with all its accidental characteristics, to
rational, or euclidean, forms controlled by internal rhythms. (Aguéli
1912: 175)
art that escaped any material definition, the Ballets suédois increa-
singly came to represent the essence of the avant-garde.
From March 1920 Börlin pioneered a profoundly democratised
form of dance. he achieved this through his costumes, masks and,
above all, unrestrained body movements, all of which were in oppo-
sition to classical ballet. in each of his works29 – alternately expres-
sionist (El Greco, 1920), Naïvist (Nuit de Saint Jean, 1920), Vitalist
(Dansgille, 1921), abstract (L’Homme et son Désir, 1921), proto-sur-
realist (Les Mariés de la Tour Eiffel, 1921) Futurist (Skating-Rink,
1922), cubist and primitivist (La Création du Monde, 1923), dadaist
(Relâche, 1924), – Börlin engaged with a range of aesthetic modes
and existential questions.
the visionary ballet Maisons de Fous (1920) brought about a syn-
thesis of expressionism and proto-surrealism. 30 in Boîte à Joujoux
(1921), the humorist and illustrator André hellé (1871-1945) created
a childlike view of the world, expressing in an off-beat manner an
imaginary universe rarely explored until then.
For Le Tournoi Singulier (1924) the Japanese artist léonard Fou-
jita (1886-1968) presented a novel form of modernism founded on
ancient Japanese tradition. Foujita’s costume design and scenogra-
phy combined western and Far-eastern stylistic elements, again giv-
ing rise to a work with universal scope.
in 1924 Francis picabia (1879-1953) participated in the creation
of the ‘anti-ballet’ Relâche and its Entr’acte (a burlesque film about
the pursuit of a camel-drawn hearse), which correspond to the last
phase of his dadaist activities. picabia’s acceptance of the absurdity
of existence found a solution in his notion of “Instantaneism”, in-
vented for the occasion (“life as i love it; life without tomorrows,
life today, all for today, nothing for yesterday, nothing for tomor-
row”31).
Following the disbanding of the Ballets suédois, rolf de Maré’s
involvement in the performing arts continued in a manner that was
both creative and institutional. until 1927, he ran the théâtre des
champs-elysées, which he transformed into an ‘opéra Music-hall’.
he introduced, among others, the young Joséphine Baker (1906-
1975) to the public in the famous ‘revue Nègre’ (october 1925). in
1931 Maré founded les Archives internationales de la danse (A.i.d.)
in paris, the first museum-research institute of its kind in the world.
the following year, he began organising international dance compe-
140 Frank Claustrat
titions. during this time, rolf de Maré was at the peak of his career
in cultural event management.
conclusion
From fauvism to surrealism, the Nordic avant-garde adventure in
paris illustrates an exemplary dialectic of specificity and universality
in the arts. this adventure, taking place in a context of permanent
experimentation and inscribed at the heart of an exceptional cosmo-
politan milieu, reignited the original debates of the ecole de paris,
its players, its foundations, its development and its scope. the Nordic
artists in paris brought together numerous strategies: ethical, aesthe-
tic, theoretical, intellectual and economic. their aim was to affirm
both their Nordic identity and their willingness to join the multi-
media “ecole de paris”, obsessed with defining the modern world.
Figurative or abstract, material or ephemeral, the work of the Nordic
artists in paris testifies to their creative, anti-dogmatic and emanci-
patory impetus. this impetus gave rise to a radical societal project;
one that post-World War ii cultural history would embrace as the
‘scandinavian model’.
Nordic Writers and Artists in Paris 143
Notes
0
From 1900 to 1930, more than two thousand Nordic painters and sculptors ex-
hibited in one of the numerous parisian “salons”, as the catalogues’ indexes testify.
1
this applies to for example Albert edelfelt (1854-1905) and Ville Vallgren (1855-
1940) in Finland; Anders Zorn (1860-1920) and August strindberg (1849-1912) in
sweden; Frits thaulow (1847-1906), Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson (1832-1910) and henrik
ibsen (1828-1906) in Norway; peder severin Krøyer (1851-1909) and Georg Brandes
(1842-1927) in denmark (Bigeon 1894).
2
lumières du Nord, 1987 ; echappées nordiques, 2008-2009.
3
such as poets paul Fort (1872-1960), Guillaume Apollinaire (1880-1918), Max
Jacob (1876-1944), writers André salmon (1881-1969), lucien Maury (1872-1953),
musicians erik satie (1866-1925), Arthur honegger (1892-1955), darius Milhaud
(1892-1974), Francis poulenc (1899-1963), Georges Auric (1899-1983), and painters
henri Matisse (1869-1954), Jean Metzinger (1883-1956) and Kees van dongen
(1877-1968).
4
Among them swedes david edström (1873-1938), hans ekegårdh (1881-1962),
sigrid hjertén (1885-1948), carl palme (1879-1960) and John sten (1879-1922);
Norwegians ragnvald Blix (1882-1958), Karl edvard diriks (1855-1930), ludvig
peter Karsten (1876-1926), Arne texnes Kavli (1878-1970), per Krohg (1889-1965)
and edvard Munch (1863-1944); Finns uno Alanco (1878-1964), Axel haartman
(1877-1969), Karl emil Jankes (1884-1952), Bertel Nilsson (1887-1939), santeri
salokivi (1886-1940), ragnar ungern (1885-1955), Alarik (Ali) Munsterhjelm
(1873-1944), and carl henrik Wrede (1890-1924); danes Johannes Bjerg (1886-
1955), and Astrid holm (1876-1937) and danish/Norwegian pola Gauguin (1883-
1961).
5
swedes christian eriksson (1858-1935), carl Milles (1875-1955) and Anders Zorn;
Norwegians Borghild Arnesen (1872-1950), christian Krohg, Frits (1847-1906) and
Alexandra (1847-1906) thaulow; Finns sigrid af Forselles (1860-1935), Felix Ny-
lund (1878-1940) and Floria olivia (Viivi) paarmio-Vallgren (1867-1952); and
danes Mogens Ballin (1871-1914), henry Brokman (1868-1933) and J. F. Willumsen
(1863-1958).
6
swedes ivar Arosenius (1878-1909), einar Jolin (1890-1976) and Axel törneman
(1880-1925); Finns ellen thesleff (1869-1954), Verner thomé (1878-1953), Fahle
Basilier (1880-1936), Antti Favén (1882-1948), Vilho sjöström (1873-1944), eero
snellman (1890-1951), and eliel saarinen (1873-1950); and danes rudolph tegner
(1873-1950), Johannes hohlenberg (1881-1960) and Jais Nielsen (1885-1961).
7
including La Revue Blanche, La Plume, Le Mercure de France, L’Eclair, La Gnose,
and L’Encyclopédie contemporaine illustrée.
8
l’ecole de paris 1904-1929, la part de l’autre, 2000-2001.
9
At the salon des Artistes indépendants, the Nordic representation was dominated
by strong personalities such as the danes Franciska clausen (1899-1986), einar
(1882-1931) and Gerda (1889-1940) Wegener, the swedes Gösta Adrian-Nilsson
(GAN) (1884-1965), otto carlsund (1897-1948), Nils von dardel (1888-1943), eric
Grate (1896-1983), Bengt Österblom (1903-1976), sigrid hjertén, Knut lundström
144 Frank Claustrat
1985), the portuguese Vieira da silva (1908-1992), the dane Astrid Noack and the
swedes Gunnar Nilsson (1904-1995) and ove olson (1903-1975).
19
det søte liv. Kolorister i nord 1910-20, 1996 ; scandinavian Modernism, 1989-
1990.
20
Paris tur och retur, 2007.
21
possibly also carl Forup, although only for a short while during a visit to paris in
1910.
22
Knutson married the rumanian dadaist poet tristan tzara in 1925. her work
impressed otto carlsund so much that he invited her to take part in a collective ex-
hibition in stockholm in 1930 as a unique representative of “post-impressionist
style”. internationell utställning av post-kubistisk konst, 1930, p. 10, 23.
23
Alexandre, Arsène, 1909, p. 6.
24
the others were Ninnan santesson (1891-1969) in 1914, sven Kreuger (1891-
1967) in 1913, ragnar Gellerstedt (1887-1963) in 1913, Yngve Berg (1887-1963),
between 1909 and 1913, ulrika Gyllenhammar-Wallen (1878-?) probably between
1910 and 1914, Valdemar leeb-lundberg (1880-1927) probably between 1911 and
1913 and John sten in 1914. claes-Göran Forsberg, John Sten. hudiksvall: hälsin-
glands museum, 1990, p. 51.
25
the danes Jais Nielsen, Adam Fischer and Johannes Bjerg, the Norwegians per
Krohg and Axel revold, the Finns Alvar cawén (1886-1935) and Valle rosenberg
(1891-1919), and finally, the swedes Georg pauli and siri derkert.
26
svenska Baletten i paris 1920-1925. Ballets suédois, 1995. (claustrat 2009: 149-
173).
27
i.e. those founded by the count etienne de Beaumont (‘soirées de paris’, théâtre
de la cigale, May-June 1924) and by ida rubinstein (1928-1929, opéra de paris).
28
in the literary context, the following names can be noted among the contributors:
hans christian Andersen, Blaise cendrars, ricciotto canudo and three future
Nobel prize winners: paul claudel, luigi pirandello and pär lagerkvist. in music:
hugo Alfvén, Kurt Atterberg, Georges Auric, eugène Bigot, Viking dahl, Alexandre
Glazounov, Johan Algot Aquinius, Arthur honegger, désiré-Émile inghelbrecht,
daniel lazarus, darius Milhaud, cole porter, Francis poulenc, Maurice ravel, erik
satie, Germaine tailleferre. the visual arts: Alexandre Alexeieff, pierre Bonnard,
Giorgio de chirico, Nils von dardel, Gerald Murphy, einar Nerman, léonard
Foujita, Gunnar hallström, Valentine hugo, André hellé, irène lagut, pierre
laprade, Fernand léger, hélène perdriat, Francis picabia, Alexandre steinlen. in
terms of choreography, about forty scandinavian and Finnish dancers, including
carina Ari, edith von Bonsdorff, Kaarlo eronen, Jolanda Figoni, inger Friis, Jenny
hasselquist, toivo Niskanen, Kaj smith, ebon strandin. in cinema: rené clair.
29
Which inspired the sculptor Antoine Bourdelle to describe Börlin as a dancer who
‘paints and sculpts in space’ (Antoine Bourdelle in Paris-Journal, 25 May 1923).
30
the swedish artist Nils von dardel was responsible for the costumes and scenog-
raphy and drew directly on the writings of pär lagerkvist (particularly Le Secret
du Ciel, 1919) endorsing the plethora of poses suggesting the mysteries of human
behaviour. the context of a psychiatric hospital presents characters with extreme
mental conditions, offering an enormous challenge for a dancer.
146 Frank Claustrat
31
La Danse, November-december 1924, unpaginated.
32
i légers ateljé, 1994; léger och Norden, 1992-1993; léger et l’esprit Moderne,
1982.
33
cubism (thorvald hellesen), purism (otto carlsund, Bengt Österblom, Franciska
clausen), neo-plasticism (clausen), constructivism (clausen), Art concret (carl-
sund), cercle et carré (erik olson) and abstraction-creation, culminating in surre-
alism (erik olson).
34
in the main room, one section of an Art-deco-inspired panel depicts storks bring-
ing an African baby to a house in Alsace. in another section a hunter holds a wind-
mill with a nest of baby storks. the works are painted on plywood and constructed
from pieces of wood, shards of glass, plates of reflective crystal, carved stones, plates
of duralumin, matchboxes and galatithe in gold and silver. Vidal, h., “un bar à
Montparnasse: ‘la cigogne’, La Construction Moderne”, n°20, 15 February 1931,
p. 311-314.
35
Born in Germany to a German-swiss mother and an icelandic father.
36
Qu’est ce que le Musicalisme, 1990.
37
Anonymous, “sanatorium par Alvar Aalto”, L’Architecture vivante, Autumn-Win-
ter, p. 25-26, pl. 1-9.
38
Den förvandlade drömmen, 1997; Uroen og Begjæret. Surrealisme i Skandinavia
1930-1950, 2004.
39
Viveca Bosson, “halmstadgruppen odyssée genom 1900 talet”, Halmstadgruppen
60 år. Halmstad-Berlin-Paris-Halmstad. exhibition catalogue: stockholm: lilje-
valchs Konsthall 7 April-4 June 1989; Mjällby: Mjällby Konstgård 16 July-17 sep-
tember 1989; helsinki: Amos Andersons Konstmuseum 7 october-26 November
1989, pages 90 and 200. the publication of a collection of poetry (Fransk Surreal-
ism) by Gunnar ekelöf (1907-1968), in 1933, would probably have played an im-
portant role in that orientation.
Nordic Writers and Artists in Paris 147
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15 November.
Alexandre, Arsène. 1909. Edvard Diriks. Ile-de-France. Iles Lofoden (sic). Fjord de
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et création. 4 vols. phd thesis. université paris i panthéon-sorbonne.
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thias Auclair et pierre Vidal (eds.) Les Ballets Russes Mathias Auclair et
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AcAdémie mAtisse And its RelevAnce
in thelife And WoRk of sigRid hjeRtén
shulamith Behr
the work of art must carry within itself its complete significance
and impose that upon the beholder even before he recognizes the
Académie Matisse and its Relevance 153
sigrid hjertén,
Stående modell
(standing model),
charcoal, 1920s.
156 Shulamith Behr
(her mother having died when she was only two and a half). due to
her father’s legal background, hjertén grew up in prosperous cir-
cumstances. she studied to become an art teacher at the Advanced
school for Arts and crafts and, after graduating in 1908, began
working with textiles and drawing cartoons for woven tapestries for
the craft company giöbels. Apparently, it was as a result of meeting
her future husband, isaac grünewald, in 1909 that hjertén decided
to become a painter and forego her plans to travel to england to
study tapestry weaving (Borgh Bertorp 1999: 17-18).10 in Paris, hjer-
tén first attended Académie colarossi, accompanying her brother’s
fiancée, the illustrator sigrun steenhoff; hence, it is likely that she
gained some experience in the study of the female nude prior to her
time at Académie matisse (Wahlgren 2007: 38).11
it is interesting to consider hjertén’s approach to the objectifica-
tion of the female body which drew so much attention at Académie
matisse. in her 1910 painting Female Model, she portrays a figure
freed from the conventions of ‘ideal beauty’, proportion and smooth
facture. Paint is applied in a variegated, albeit tonal, manner; thin
washes sketchily establish the architectonic arrangement of the stu-
dio interior, while shorter brushstrokes and impasto are reserved for
the central area of the composition, which is illuminated by a light
source from the upper right. the model’s facial features are indivi-
dualised, but remain subservient to hjertén’s exploration of the sen-
sual curves of the body. in response to matisse’s teachings, she
quickly assimilated the language of modern painting. it would seem
that hjertén’s encounter with the female model in the semi-privacy
of Académie matisse did not engender any conflicts regarding hjer-
tén’s status as a woman painter deploying the sexualised female body
as a point of departure for modern picture-making.
indeed, returning to fougstedt’s drawing, we notice that the mo-
del is posed according to the traditional conventions of the Venus
Anadyomene (venus rising from the sea). in a controlling manner,
this conventional pose, which suggests availability to the male erotic
gaze, is common to both academic and avant-garde painting. hjertén
herself explored the implications of this pose in the ink sketch, Stan-
ding Model, dated to the 1910s, in which a primitivist distortion of
the buttocks is incorporated into the fluidity of the line. here we
may refer to the passage in matisse’s ‘notes of a Painter’, in which
he rehearses the argument that the autonomous work of art is in-
Académie Matisse and its Relevance 157
vested with its own ‘natural’ and essential laws, which he relates to
the female nude:
the play of lines in the arms of the figures, the inclination of the
body, the movement of the neck balance the proportions and surfa-
ces with the lines of the trees or geometrical shapes according to the
principles found also in a Persian hunting rug or miniature painting.
(hjertén 1911 (1))
evidently, her training in the applied arts prepared her for contem-
porary debates on the importance of ‘primitive’ and oriental orna-
mentation to modern painting.
Upon returning to stockholm, where she married grünewald and
gave birth to their son, iván, hjertén continued to demonstrate her
familiarity with major trends in early modernism by publishing the
first biography of cézanne to appear in the swedish press (hjertén
1911 (2)). having previously devoted her attention to the composi-
tional functions of curvilinear line and rhythmic shape, here, hjertén
158 Shulamith Behr
sigrid hjertén, Den röda rullgardinen (the Red Blind), 1916, oil on can-
vas, 116×89 cm. moderna museet, stockholm.
Académie Matisse and its Relevance 159
notes
0
for further commentary see Perry (1995): 19.
1
for a survey of modernism and swedish women artists see Behr (2000): 108-121
2
for a discussion of the genealogy of this concept see Battersby (1989).
3
see derrida (1972): 59-79.
4
the debate was initiated by feminist art historians, as conveyed in the pivotal essay
by carol duncan (1982): 293-313.
5
despite michel foucault’s own lack of interest in gender relations and issues of
sexual difference (see foucault (1977)), certain feminists have discussed the control
of women, especially in terms of sexuality and the body, in response to his provoca-
tive questioning of power relations. see Ramazanoglu (1993).
6
these associations are explored in jordanova (1989).
7
henri matisse, Blue Nude: Souvenir de Biskra, 1907, oil on canvas, 92 x 140 cm.
Baltimore museum of Art, cone collection.
8
matisse Portrait of Madame Matisse (The Green Line) 1905, oil on canvas, 40.50
x 32.5 cm, statens museum for kunst/national gallery of denmark, copenhagen;
Portrait of Greta Moll 1908, oil on canvas, 93 x 73.5 cm, on loan to tate modern,
london.
9
‘look instead at one of cézanne’s pictures [….] if there is order and clarity in the
picture, it means from the outset this same order and clarity existed in the mind of
the painter, or that the painter was conscious of their necessity.’ (matisse 1908: 40)
10
see Borgh Bertorp (1999): 17-18.
11
see Wahlgren (2007): 38.
12
matisse came from a family with a weaving background in Bohain, in north-
eastern france. for the impact of this on his works see dumas (2004): 75.
13
see for instance their works Still Life with Fruit and Figurines, 1912, oil on canvas,
46 x 38, Private collection, in 2002. Sigrid Hjertén and Isaac Grünewald: Modernis-
mens pionjärer. exh. cat. norrköping: norrköpings konstmuseum and elsewhere:
48-49: cat. nos: 3 and 33.
14
for a consideration of their artistic partnership see Behr (2002): 13-26.
15
Apart from hjertén and grünewald, the group De åtta included former matisse
Académie Matisse and its Relevance 161
students leander engström, einar jolin and nils von dardel. other members of
the group were tor Bjurström and gösta sandels. Albert hoffsten left the group
and was replaced by August lundberg, whose work was not included in the first
exhibition.
16
“What i am after, above all, is expression” (‘ce que je poursuis par-dessus tout,
c’est l‘expressionisme’) (matisse 1908: 37). on the adaptation of matisse’s term see
Werenskiold (1984): 101.
17
grünewald had one watercolour and at least seven drawings by ernst josephson
(1888-1906) in his collection and, in his manifesto, Den nya renässansen inom konsten
(1918): 31-43.
162 Shulamith Behr
WoRks cited
Aagesen, dorthe. 2008. “farvebrøl og sindssyge påfund: matisse-elever i køben-
havn 1910-1920” in Nordens Matisse-elever. exh. cat. copenhagen: gl
strand: 6-17.
Battersby, christine. 1989. Gender and Genius: Towards Feminist Aesthetics. london:
Women’s Press.
Behr, shulamith. 2000. “Att differentiera modernismen – svenska kvinnliga konst-
närer i det tidiga 1900-talets avantgarde-kultur” in Widenheim, cecilia (ed.)
Utopi och verklighet – svensk modernism 1900-1960: stockholm: norstedts
and moderna museet: 108-121.
––. 2002. “modernity, family and fashion: Performative strategies and the Artist
couple sigrid hjertén and isaac grünewald” in flensburg, Birgitta (ed.)
Sigrid Hjertén och Isaac Grünewald: Modernismens pionjärer. norrköpings
konstmuseum and Arken museum for moderne kunst: 13-26.
Bergson, henri.1907. “l’évolution créatrice”. Paris: Alcan: in mitchell, Arthur
(trans.). 1911. Creative Evolution. new York: henry holt.
Borgh Bertorp, katarina. 1999. “sigrid hjertén, erbin matisses aus dem hohen
norden/sigrid hjertén, heir of matisse from the far north” in Sigrid
Hjertén – Wegbereiterin des swedischen Expressionismus/Sigrid Hjertén – Pi-
oneer of Swedish Expressionism. exh. cat. munich: städtische galerie im
lenbachhaus and elsewhere: 17-18.
Bürger, Peter. 1984. Theory of the Avant-Garde. minneapolis: University of min-
nesota Press (german original 1974).
christensen, charlotte. “training and Professionalism: nordic countries”: 111-115
in gaze, delia (ed.) Dictionary of Women Artists. london: fitzroy dear-
born.
derrida, jacques. 1972. “la différance” in Marges de la philosophie. Paris: editions
de minuit.
dumas, Ann. 2004. “Beginnings in Bohain” in Matisse, his Art and his Textiles: The
Fabric of Dreams. exh. cat. london: Royal Academy of Arts: 75.
duncan, carol. 1982. “virility and domination in early twentieth-century vanguard
painting” in Broude, norma and garrard, mary (eds.) Feminism and Art
History: Questioning the Litany. Boulder co/oxford: Westview: 293-313.
foucault, michel. 1977. trans. sheridan, Alan. Discipline and Punish: the Birth of
the Prison. new York: Pantheon.
grünewald, isaac. 1918. Den nya renässansen inom konsten. stockholm: svan-
bäcks.
hjertén, sigrid. 1911. “modern och österländsk konst” in Svenska Dagbladet (24
february 1911).
hjertén, sigrid. 1911. “Paul cézanne. något om hans lif och verk” in Svenska Dag-
bladet (24 september 1911).
ingelman, ingrid. 1984. “Women Artists in sweden: A two-front struggle”, in
Woman’s Art Journal 5:1 (spring-summer): 1-7.
jordanova, ludmilla. 1989. Sexual Visions: Images of Gender in Science and Medi-
Académie Matisse and its Relevance 163
suleiman, susan. 1990. Subversive Intent: Gender, Politics and the Avant-Garde.
cambridge (mass.): harvard University Press.
swane, leo. 1950. Matisse. oslo: gyldendal: trans. stray, torild. on line at:
http://www.nyss.org/memoirsofacademymatisse.htm (consulted 30.07.08).
theuriet, A. (ed.).1887. Le Journal de Marie Bashkirtseff. 2 vols. Paris: g. charp-
entier.
Wahlgren, Anders. 2007. “konstnärsliv i Paris” in Paris tur och retur – svenska och
norska Matisseelever. exh. cat. kristinehamn: kristinehamns konstmuseum
and elsewhere: 38.
Weisberg, gabriel P. and Becker, jane (eds). 1999. Overcoming All Obstacles: The
Women of the Académie Julian. new York: dahesh museum of Art.
Werenskiold, marit. 1983. “sigrid hjertén som ekspresjonist: en analyse av “själv-
porträtt”” in Kunsthistorisk Tidskrift 52:1: 31-43.
––. 1984. The Concept of Expressionism: Origin and Metamorphoses: oslo: Univer-
sitetsforlaget: 101.
jeAn BöRlin And les BAllets sUédois
frank claustrat
who was anyone in the artistic and intellectual circles of Paris at the
time was there: in the front rows at the dress rehearsal were jean coc-
teau, Pablo Picasso, georges Braque and André derain. the genre
label chosen for the performance, which lasted a surprising two hours,
was ‘dance concert’, a performance including both music and dance.
Börlin’s seven solos were framed by a musical programme chosen
by the dancer himself and led by désiré-emile inghelbrecht, the con-
ductor of the ignace Pleyel concerts. At times melancholy, at others
fervent, the music prompted inspiration and enthusiasm.
the musical interludes were:
from the profane and whimsical register of the first solo to a sacred
one. in Danse céleste, from the opera Lakmé (1883) by léo delibes,
which Börlin had first danced in 1918 under the title of Danse
Siamoise (siamese dance), the dancer adopted a fixed stance of a
Buddhist god. in a gleaming gold costume, Börlin appeared as a
bronze statue, amber-coloured from head to toe, wearing a spiky
tiara on his head. According to the sculptor Antoine Bourdelle,
Börlin ‘sculpted’ space with his knees, his elbows, and his straight,
elegantly elongated fingers. With legs in demi plié, angular arms,
hands stretched and swaying, Börlin’s positions were supposed to
represent the nobility and elegance of Asian gesture and to capture
in its stillness a sense of spirituality and ecstasy.
African culture and its tribal dance in particular was the focus of
the third solo. Börlin, now portraying a fetish, explored the notion
of vital instinct linked to the contemporary primitivist trend. Sculp-
ture nègre, accompanied by Alexander scriabin’s 1911 Poème noc-
turne (Night Poem), was first performed at the ‘dance concert’.
According to the french press, Börlin referred to an ivory coast sta-
tue that the art critic and collector Paul guillaume had exhibited in
may 1919 at the devambez gallery and which had already appeared
in the catalogue of the first dAdA exhibition at the Zurich corray
gallery in january/february 1917. A german text specifies that carl
einstein – author of a work on African art in 1915 (Negerplastik) –
was the original source of this solo.0
thanks to Wilhelm Worringer’s 1906 study Abstraction and
Empathy (as well as einstein’s more recent work), the idea of an
affinity between modern societies and tribal cultures became
widespread in the Zurich dada scene from 1916 onwards. in this
work, Worringer argues that ancient cultures express a basic mental
attitude, a feeling of unrest that informs man’s relationship to the
outside world. in order to express this relationship, Börlin took on
the various guises of a witch-doctor. his costume transformed him
into a statuette that seemed to have been carved with an axe in hard,
polished wood. he wore a tormented mask. his neck and belt were
spiked with long whalebones serving as feathers. from initially
crouching in a fixed position, the idol attempted to rise slowly and
stiffly, as if under the weight of fate. the effect of his angular and
fierce movements was accentuated by the music, a combination of
savage sounds. in Sculpture nègre, Börlin demonstrated his ability to
170 Frank Claustrat
tality as separable from the body itself. drawing its visual inspiration
from paintings by el greco (for example, The Burial of Count
Orgaz), Devant la mort was an expressionist danced mime, devoted
to expressing the torments of physical and mental pain. for this
solo, Börlin was almost naked, but for a scarlet loincloth, his body
darkened to give the effect of a thinner figure, his emaciated-looking
face transformed by a wig and false beard. his gestures were tor-
tuous and angular, his poses shaped so as to give an image of twist-
ing, extreme in its rigidity, as if stigmatised. Devant la mort inspired
the Ballets suédois’ El Greco which premiered in november 1920.
the seventh and final solo of Börlin’s ‘dance concert’ dealt with
the theme of spiritual exaltation, exemplified by muslim mysticism
and sufism. for Derviche, created in 1918 and danced to Alexander
glazounov’s 1908 Danse de Salomé (salome’s dance), Börlin was
appropriately dressed as one such ecstatic dancer, wearing a very
long woollen dress, a short Persian jacket, and a red fez on his clean-
shaven head. At the beginning, the dancer, crouching, seemed to
be tied to the ground inside the immense circle of his white skirt.
he then rocked his chest and head from side to side. When Börlin
turned, the circle in which he was trapped gave him, in his frenetically
rotating movements, the lightness of a flower unfolding its petals.
According to laban, who discovered dervish dances in Bosnia in his
youth, the movements of this dance allow access to the infra-rational
layers of consciousness. in his opinion, dervishes “pray not with
words but with corporeal movements and, in particular, continuous
whirling … At first sight, this may seem incomprehensible, repulsive
even, particularly when the wild whirling is pursued until the dancers
foam at the mouth. it all seems completely mad to us, but meaning
is most likely to be found in madness.”1
this analysis of Börlin’s ‘dance concert’ of march 1920 confirms
the avant-garde solo as a key moment in dance history where aes-
thetic forms are radically transformed and the most daring technical
experimentation attempted. Börlin’s seven solos thus constitute an
avant-garde work of art which is in many respects a precursor of
postmodern dance, visual dance and non-dance. for, with Börlin, it
is not only the physical body which is at work, but also the body as
metaphor and in its relationships with others.
Between 1920 and 1925, Börlin’s visionary approach to choreo-
graphy was realised in the Ballets suédois’s twenty-four projects. for
Jean Börlin and Les Ballets Suédois 173
theatre with his own company of nine dancers. music was provided
by the straram orchestra, led by vladimir golschmann. in addition
to three new pieces – Cercle éternel (Eternal Circle), Sculpture nègre
and Le Roi galant (The Gentleman King) – the programme for this
one-off show combined work from the march 1920 repertoire – Der-
viches, Danses tziganes, Cake-Walk – with that of the Ballets suédois
– Skating-Rink, Dansgille, as well as the film Entr’acte (Interval) from
Relâche.
Le Roi galant, a mime led by three ghostly-looking characters,
was a modernist remake of a historical ballet in period costume.
music by the swedish composer carl michael Bellman, based on
swedish tunes from the 18th century, was adapted, harmonised and
orchestrated by eugène Bigot. A well-known swedish song entitled
Fjäriln vingad syns på Haga .: (Winged butterfly appears at haga), a
tribute to nature, was performed by Arvid hyden. the performance
was concerned less with nostalgia for a glorious past than with
dreams, a theme cherished by the surrealists. Although Börlin had
already underlined the importance of the imagination in some of his
earlier choreography, he seems to have taken it a step further in this
dance, exploring dreams as if they were a second life and attempting
to represent the reconstruction of the imagination.
thoughts which escape the constraints of reality were the subject
of Le Voyage Imaginaire (the imaginary journey), a film in which
Börlin took part. Written and directed by René clair,3 and initially
entitled Le songe d’un jour d’été (A midsummer’s day dream), the
film focussed on the character of jean (Börlin) in the intoxicated grip
of his dreams. it was screened at the champs-elysées theatre on 14
october 1925 in the context of the music-hall-opera organised by
Rolf de maré.
the following number, Cake-Walk, was a solo Börlin first danced
in 1925 to piano music by debussy (1908). Again, this dance is a free
interpretation inspired by Afro-American dances characterised by
parallel legs in plié almost touching the ground, the weight of the
body transferred from one foot to the other, glissé steps, loss of ba-
lance and, in terms of music, syncopation, indicating a gap between
sound and movement. Börlin appeared in dinner suit and opera hat,
battling with many streamers. following on from the drunkenness
of his dreams, Börlin explored the moods and behaviour of a drun-
ken reveller, the taboo subject of alcohol and the influence of drugs
Jean Börlin and Les Ballets Suédois 175
conclusion
Between 1920 and 1930 Börlin’s work contributed to the process of
questioning and innovation taking place within the avant-garde. in
terms of form, the exploration of stillness provided the basis of his
gestural material. his dances may be seen as sketchbooks of
movements and rhythms in dialogue with gravity, which ultimately
resulted in a new choreographic language. Börlin intuitively set space
Jean Börlin and Les Ballets Suédois 179
notes
0
see the art magazine Der Querschnitt, verlag der galerie flechtheim, düsseldorf, 1922,
p. 66, image titled: ‘Negerskulptur’, tanz von Jean Börlin nach einer idée von Karl Einstein.
1
laban, cited in dickermann (2005-2006): 1008-1009.
2
for example: on 25 october 1920, Pierre Bonnard and jeanne lanvin worked on Jeux
(games), steinlen on Iberia, hugo Alfvén and nils dardel on Nuit de Saint-Jean ‘mid-
summer’s night), Alexandre glazounoff and georges mouveau on Derviches; on 8 no-
vember 1920, maurice Ravel and Pierre laprade worked on Le Tombeau de Couperin
(couperin’s tomb), viking dahl and nils dardel on Maison des Fous (madhouse); on 18
november 1920, el greco and georges mouveau on El Greco, kurt Atterberg and einar
nerman on Les Vierges Folles (the mad virgins); on 15 february 1921, claude debussy
and André hellé worked on La Boîte à joujoux (the toybox); on 6 june 1921, Paul claudel
and darius milhaud worked on L’Homme et son désir (man and his desire); on 18 june
1921, jean cocteau and jean hugo worked on Les Mariés de la Tour Eiffel (the eiffel
tower Bride and groom); on 20 november 1921, eugène Bigot worked on Dansgille (Ball);
on 20 january 1922, canudo and fernand léger worked on Skating-Rink; on 25 may
1923, hélène Perdriat and germaine tailleferre worked on Marchand d’oiseaux (Birdsel-
ler), Algot haquinius and gunnar hallström on Offerlunden (the sacrificial Wood) ; on
25 october 1923, Blaise cendrars and fernand léger worked on La Création du Monde
(the creation of the World), gerald murphy and cole Porter on Within the Quota; on 19
november 1924, daniel lazarus and Alexandre Alexeïeff worked on Le Roseau (the
Reed), Andersen on Le Porcher (the swineherd), louise labé and foujita on Le Tournoi
singulier (The Odd Tournament), Pirandello and giorgio de chirico on La Jarre (the jar);
on 4 december 1924, Picabia, René clair and erik satie worked on Relâche (no Perfor-
mance).
3
Pseudonym for René chomette, 1898-1981.
4
see L’Ecole de Paris 1904-1929, la part de l’autre, musée d’Art moderne de la ville de
Paris, 30 novembre 2000-11 mars 2001, p. 373 (Ballets suédois), and collomb (1986): 29
(Börlin).
Jean Börlin and Les Ballets Suédois 181
WoRks cited
Anonymous. 1929. L’Echo de Paris, 19 december 1929, dansmuseet, stockholm.
––. 1929. Le Quotidien, 20 december 1929, dansmuseet, stockholm.
Brunel, Raoul. 1929. L’Oeuvre, 2 december 1929 (from a press clip, no page).
claustrat, frank. 1994. Les artistes suédois à Paris 1908-1935: tradition, modernité
et création, 4 vols, Phd thesis, University of Paris i Panthéon-sorbonne.
––. 2008. “jean Börlin hors limites : le temps des solos”, josiane mas (ed.), Arts en
mouvement. Les Ballets Suédois de Rolf de Maré. Paris 1920-1925, Presses
universitaires de la méditerranée, montpellier, p. 259-275.
––. 2009. “les arts plastiques dans les Ballets russes et dans les Ballets suédois”,
mathias Auclair and Pierre vidal, Les Ballets russes, editions gourcuff-
gradenico.
collomb, michel. 1986. Les années folles, Paris : Belfond.
dandelot, Arthur. 1929. Paris-Soir, 29 november 1929 (from a press clip, no page).
dickermann, leah. 2005-2006. in DADA, centre Pompidou, Paris.
gresse, André. 1929: Le Journal, 28 december 1929.
imbert, maurice. 1929. Journal des Débats, 31 december 1929.
janin, jacques. “la danse. m. jean Börlin”, in l’Ami du Peuple, Paris, 30.12.1929.
klüver, Billy and martin, julie. 1989. Kiki’s Paris. Artists and lovers 1900-1930, new York:
harry n. Abrams, inc., Publishers.
L’Ecole de Paris 1904-1929, la part de l’autre, musée d’Art moderne de la ville de
Paris, 30 novembre 2000-11 mars 2001
levinson, André. 1929. “la rentrée de Börlin”, Candide, 5 december 1929 (from a
press clip, no page).
näslund, erik. 2008. Rolf de Maré. Konstsamlare, balletledare, museiskapare, Bok-
förlaget langenskiöld.
“fRom the noRth comes the light to Us!” –
scAndinAviAn ARtists in fRiedRichshAgen
At the tURn of the centURY
it does seem that the scandinavians gave a new direction to the self-
understanding, work, thought and life of the community, contribut-
ing ideas which differed from both the socialist tendency typical of
the original friedrichshagen poets and from the ideas of the ger-
man-jewish anarchist gustav landauer, who settled in friedrichsha-
gen in 1892. that said, the original members continued by and large
to advocate naturalism – in contrast to the scandinavian poets and
the trends dominating the concerns of bohemian communities linked
to other european cultural centres. After the revocation of the Anti-
socialist laws of 1878, which had prohibited socialist political ac-
tivity in germany in the previous decade, the german friedrichs-
hagen poets positioned themselves in the 1890s as a politically en-
gaged literary avant-garde in pursuit of revolutionary change of a
social-democratic provenance. only after the statist turn of the so-
cial-democratic Party did the poets develop a course independent
from the mother party. initially regarded by friedrich engels from
his london exile as “the young” carrying out a “revolt of men of
letters and students” in 1890, they turned increasingly towards liber-
tarian socialism and anarchism. the arrival of the first scandinavian
intellectuals in friedrichshagen was more or less concurrent with
these events.
the attitudes of the nordic circle that took up residence on the
shore of the müggelsee differed profoundly from those of the origi-
nal friedrichshagen circle. instead of turning to nature and radical
politics, these nordic artists and intellectuals drew on the alienation
found in modern society – particularly in terms of gender and sexual
relations – to create a decadent, individualist culte du moi (cepl-
kaufmann / kauffeldt 1994: 276). despite these differences, the
scandinavians were welcomed wholeheartedly in friedrichshagen
and soon became part of the inner circle. Beyond the general popu-
larity of scandinavia among Berlin intellectuals in the 1890s, the
friedrichshagen poets considered the newcomers to be part of a
broad international vanguard of cultural outsiders who represented
a heterogeneous modern literature that addressed contemporary so-
cial problems, and thus as companions on the road to revolution de-
spite obvious divergences in background and thought (cepl-
kaufmann / kauffeldt 1998: 117 and 1994: 258). While a strong com-
munal spirit and feeling of solidarity appears to have existed
throughout the friedrichshagen bohemian community, the scandi-
186 Gertrude Cepl-Kaufmann and Anne M. N. Sokoll
Enemy of the People, dr. thomas stockmann, who stands out from
his community in his pursuit of a higher, better humanity – which he
tries to exemplify. Wille distinguished his and his associates’ project
from stockmann’s by underlining the importance of cooperating
with the working class in the attempt to improve humanity. the ori-
ginal friedrichshagen poets saw the role of the poet as prophet and
precursor of a new mankind legitimised through nietzsche’s writing.
hansson did the same, but developed a new and different notion of
the artist-subject. According to his interpretation of nietzsche, the
artist not only replaces the creative Übermensch, but also represents
a new, both different and higher stage of knowledge. in his Artisten-
metaphysik, (metaphysics of the artist), literature is science and sci-
ence is art. (cepl-kaufmann/kauffeldt 1994: 264). As Przybyszewski
(1965: 103) notes, hansson developed a creative-intuitive means to
pursue a combination of scientific and philosophical thought.
the numerous international visitors to the hansson home inten-
sified the intellectual exchange in the friedrichshagen artist colony.
hansson finally experienced a sense of recognition, not least because
of his ardent admirer Przybyszewski, whom he regarded as the
first man in germany who understood him “unconditionally”
(Przybyszewski 1965: 109).
the contact between the original friedrichshagen circle and the
nordic colony manifested itself through reciprocal visits, parties,
country outings and picnics in the surrounding juniper heathland
and helped affirm the idyllic profile of bohemian life in fried-
richshagen. ‘scandinavian milk’ (a toddy with a high percentage of
rum) also played a part in keeping spirits high. excessive alcohol
consumption gave the bohemians a local reputation as anti-bour-
geois outsiders. Provocation became part of their public personae.
When Wille refused to abstain from teaching the free-religious con-
gregation, he was locked up in the local Gefängnis zum preußischen
Adler (Prison of the Prussian eagle) (Wille 1914), but received psy-
chological support from the whole bohemian community of the so-
called Müggelseerepublik. the artistic apex of the collective activities
of the bohemian circles was their involvement in founding the festi-
vities for the Freie Volksbühne (independent People’s stage) in 1890,
attended by 20,000 visitors. on this occasion, the bohemians sailed
on the müggelsee in a ‘Barge of freedom’ wearing mythological out-
fits.
“From the North comes the light to us!” 189
and edgar Allan Poe) (hume 1979: 28). Prior to strindberg’s appeal
for help, hansson had offered to introduce him in germany. follow-
ing strindberg’s letter, hansson and Adolf Paul published an article
in the first issue of maximilian harden’s journal Die Zukunft (the
future) which drew attention to strindberg’s awkward situation and
asked that funds be raised for strindberg’s move to Berlin. in sep-
tember 1892, with enough donations collected, strindberg arrived in
friedrichshagen (gloßmann 2003: 30). hansson expected a great
deal from strindberg’s presence in Berlin, since, for him, strindberg
was the first representative of a new literature marked by a higher
degree of subjectivity and individuality and a more aristocratic and
international character (Baumgartner 1979: 219). his enthusiasm for
his fellow countryman is apparent in many publications. he wrote,
for example, “this poet is like an old nordic saga, something like a
magnificent fairytale. his outward appearance is already marked by
the stamp of the nobility of genius; there is not one fingertip of com-
monplaceness or ordinariness in him.” (cit. in cepl-kaufmann /
kauffeldt 1994: 290) the hanssons not only introduced strindberg
to the friedrichshagen bohemians, they supported him financially
and were, in many ways, responsible for his success in germany.
marholm, for example, provided the invaluable service of translating
his essays and dramas without payment (hume 1979: 42). they also
housed strindberg, giving him a freestanding section of their lin-
denallee home. strindberg seems to have been extremely happy in
friedrichshagen, even avoiding activities that could have led him
away from the müggelsee. A possible reason for this might have been
the commitment to literary naturalism which strindberg shared with
many of the german bohemians who held his work in high esteem.
initially, strindberg and the hansson couple were very close.
soon, however, strindberg distanced himself from the hanssons, fol-
lowing a heated debate over gender issues and fled friedrichshagen
to stay with Paul in Berlin. many of the lindenallee regulars fol-
lowed strindberg. As a consequence of this, the hansson’s house
ceased to function as a major meeting point for the nordic colony.
however, kinship and continuity remained. Although strindberg’s
stay in friedrichshagen was brief, he nevertheless became a central
figure in its bohemian scene. Where previously the identity of
“friedrichshagen” had centred on topos and topography, it now be-
came fixated on a strong personality – strindberg. his presence en-
“From the North comes the light to us!” 191
ness does not necessarily lead to tragic conclusions, but rather – and
far worse – to infinite perpetuation. the ‘resolution’ or ‘non-resolu-
tion’ typical of a strindberg play was intended to shock its audience
into developing a new sensibility. however, perceptions of staged
drama were slow to change, judging by the contemporary criticism
of dramas like Fröken Julie (miss julie, 1888), Brott och brott (Rus)
(crime and crime, 1899) and Dödsdansen (the dance of death,
1900) (Astroh 2003: 182). strindberg’s staging neglected the outer
appearance of the drama, but tried, instead, to focus attention on
“the conflicts in the soul and the analysis of the inner condition”
(strindberg 1966b: 162). After 1902 the “strindberg style” was
plainly used in max Reinhardt’s productions at the freie Bühne and
became increasingly accepted (Bayerdöfer/horch/schulz 1983: 40).
from 30 march to 10 April 1894, strindberg returned for a short
final visit to friedrichshagen. By this time he had become disap-
pointed by germany, since the overwhelming success he had hoped
for had failed to materialise. in 1894, he wrote to his third wife, frida
Uhl (whom he had met in Berlin and accompanied back to her native
Austria): “What happened in germany since it ended for me? Are
they grumbling or keeping silent about me?” (müssener 1979: 119)
strindberg then moved to france, staying in Paris for two years, be-
fore finally returning to sweden in 1896.
vious way, how extremes can attract and unite. Anyway, his girlish
appearance was complemented by [her] male solidity, his soft voice
and taciturnity by [her] forceful talkativeness” (Wille 1914: 186; com-
pare also Paul 1914: 21). According to Przybyszewski, marholm set
the tone of the relationship (1965: 112). Unlike the wives and part-
ners of the original friedrichshagen poets who did not participate
in the intellectual life of their husbands, marholm expressed her own
“intellectual capacities” freely, participating in discussions and de-
bates about female sexuality and psychology. Adolf Paul (1914: 21)
noted that marholm was held in high esteem in the bohemian circles
due to her intellectual involvement: “she was regarded as ugly, but
nobody could assert that with certainty, since her conversation was
always amusing and sparkled with intellect. so one forgot about such
superficialities in her appearance!” in her essay “die frauen in der
skandinavischen dichtung. strindbergs lauratypus” (Women in
scandinavian literature. strindberg’s laura type) (1890), she de-
scribes how scandinavian women – inspired by ibsen’s drama Nora
(1879) – “came to realize their importance” (marholm 1890: 364).
greater self-reflection, academic education, intellectual and physical
exercise, as well as liberation from sexual and marital conventions,
were regarded by marholm as essential elements of female emanci-
pation, but these had yet to reach the german “gretchen”. she also
suggested that claims made by members of the women’s movement
that women were better and nobler than men went too far. on the
basis of this observation, marholm tried to explain strindberg’s anti-
emancipatory stance: “the first thing that struck him was the new
ambition of women to be something by themselves, since women can
only be something through men according to their natural disposi-
tion.” (marholm 1890: 366) marholm did not object to strindberg’s
radical position. on the contrary, she also believed – despite her
emancipated perspective – that women could only form themselves
through men (marholm 1890: 368). nevertheless, as noted above, a
deep conflict emerged between strindberg, hansson and marholm
over sexuality and gender shortly after strindberg’s arrival in no-
vember 1892. At the centre of the conflict was strindberg’s complex
relationship to women – he could “neither live with or without
women”. After three marriages and several affairs, strindberg
adopted nietzsche’s critique of femininity and his assessment of the
relation between the sexes, according to which women were regarded
196 Gertrude Cepl-Kaufmann and Anne M. N. Sokoll
Scandinavia in Friedrichshagen.
A short, but epoch-making chapter in European cultural history
friedrichshagen played an important role in the prehistory of the
european avant-garde. the bohemian encounter between the Berlin
naturalists and the scandinavians who moved in constituted the basis
for a fundamental cultural change. drawing on nietzsche, hansson
initiated a shift towards a literature that reflected a new, modern
sense of alienation, rejecting old patterns of social and political en-
gagement common among the Berlin naturalists. this shift was in-
tensified by the arrival of munch and strindberg and was noticeable
in both the field of the visual arts and the theatre and paved the way
“From the North comes the light to us!” 197
WoRks cited
they wore no slouch hats or billowing coats and their mouths were
not constantly full of colour adjectives [...] this was the new type, a
product of the modern age with his heart rooted in it. for him the
beauty of decadence, the richness of sentiment, do not exist. he
loves power and light – the rapid motion of life around him. he
loves the flight of the aeroplane when it rises above the ground and
slices through the sunbeams – he loves the singing automobile that
flashes forth over the shiny asphalt, and the flying, invisible words
of the wireless telegraph pole. he loves the beauty of the mighty
bridges, bridges of steel and human genius, the threateningly
elevated giant cranes that bear loads heavy as mountains, the electric
floodlights that suddenly turn night into dazzling day (Adrian-
nielsson 1914).
it was to be 1922 before gAn saw Berlin again. in june 1920 he had
moved to Paris and got to know fernand léger, the french cubist
he most appreciated. But herwarth Walden had not forgotten his
friend from lund. gAn was invited to hold a solo exhibition at der
sturm in july-August 1922, and as a result he passed through Berlin
in june 1922 on his way from Paris to lund. in Berlin he stayed for
a few days to prepare his exhibition and attend a meeting at der
sturm, where he saw an exhibition of kurt schwitters’ collages that
210 Jan Torsten Ahlstrand
Berlin and the Swedish Avant-garde 211
filled him with enthusiasm (gAn had by then himself made a series
of dadaist collages in Paris, inspired by max ernst). during his
short stay in Berlin, gAn might have met viking eggeling, who was
also a native of lund. But gAn did not know his four-year-older
fellow countryman, who had already moved abroad in 1897, and
neither, at that time, did gAn know of eggeling’s sophisticated
visual experiments with scroll drawings and film. for his part,
eggeling does not seem to have had any close contacts with
herwarth Walden and der sturm, the circle in Berlin in which gAn
had moved, and it is uncertain whether he knew of gAn. When
gAn visited Berlin for the last time, in november 1930, eggeling
had been dead for more than five years, and the glory days of der
sturm had long since passed. herwarth Walden himself was in
moscow, to where he emigrated in 1932, the same year that der
sturm definitively ceased to exist.5
been said that both hilma af klint and nell Walden, separately and
with no knowledge of each other, made non-figurative paintings
before gAn, who was the first swedish artist to paint entirely
abstract pictures. (At the same time viking eggeling was making
entirely abstract drawings in Zürich and Berlin – see below). But both
hilma af klint’s and nell Walden’s non-figurative paintings were
unknown in sweden at this time, and played no role at all in swedish
modernism, while in 1919 gAn became the first swedish artist to
exhibit non-figurative paintings in sweden. nell Walden’s foremost
contribution to the history of art therefore lies in her activity as a
close collaborator with herwarth Walden in the years 1912-24 and
in the books she published after World War ii about Walden and
der sturm (Walden and schreyer 1954 and Walden 1963).
the same periodical showing that eggeling had by that time made
some progress with his first abstract film.
But the most important of these first articles on eggeling’s film
experiments was his own manifesto in the hungarian avant-garde
periodical MA (today) in August 1921, illustrated by four drawings
from eggeling’s first scroll drawing Horizontal-Vertical Orchestra I.
Around the same time an identical article was published in german
in De Stijl authored by hans Richter, but with a small historical
appendix. louise o’konor believes that eggeling was the author of
both the hungarian and the german version and that he had himself
written the article in german. According to o’konor, Richter’s
contribution was restricted to the supplement in the De Stijl article.
this has the heading “Prinzipielles zur Bewegungskunst” (Principles
of the art of motion). eggeling (Richter) writes:
the couple broke up. As was the case in the first film, the title
indicates that this was once more a film inspired by music. for
several years eggeling had undertaken parallel work on the
orchestration of the line and on counterpoint; the former was
focused on a structure of mainly horizontal and vertical elements,
the latter on diagonal forms. Before the collaboration with niemeyer
was broken off, he showed the new film twice, the first time on 4
november 1924 at verband deutscher ingenieuren on the Pariser
Platz, the second time the following day to an invited circle of friends
and colleagues including erich Buchholz, el lissitzky, lászló
moholy-nagy, Arthur segal and Adolf Behne, who commented on
eggeling’s new opus for the auditorium. the critic Paul f. schmidt
reviewed the film in Das Kunstblatt, and the critic B.g. kawan
included the following in an insightful review in Film-Kurier:
[...] the great merit of Viking Eggeling is the priority of literal motion
in the formation of kinetic artworks. in the first place, in the film he
achieves the dynamic as a real (not only illusionistic) element of
visual art. in film eggeling has discovered a new domain of visual
art [...] he explores such fundamental regularities as the basso
continuo of art, which are valid for all art forms, and as the absolutely
primary principle has also discovered the art of polarity. Polarity
unites in itself opposition and analogy.8
Axel olson met eggeling a few times during the seven months he
stayed in Berlin, and he drew a couple of small portraits of his
Berlin and the Swedish Avant-garde 223
i came to Paris (1925) from Berlin (1923), which in the first post-war
years with the revolutions in germany and Russia was a both
politically radical and aesthetically ultramodernist centre, more
seethingly active than the victorious city of Paris. in Berlin i had
experienced malevich’s suprematism and kandinsky, the November
Group and german constructivism, and i had become a convinced,
Berlin and the Swedish Avant-garde 225
notes
0
sturm Archive, staatsbibliothek, Berlin. (Ahlstrand 1985: 43 and 2000: 36).
1
gAn’s diary vol. i, gAn archive, lund University library, lund.
2
Expressionistutställning. Gösta Adrian-Nilsson och Einar Jolin, catalogue, lund
University museum of Art, lund 1915. the exhibition had its opening on the 16th
of october 1915.
3
Synthesis of a City was used as a symbol of lund in the poster for the city of
lund millennium celebrations in 1990 (property of lund city council, on
permanent loan to the museum of cultural history, lund).
4
Review in Berliner Börsen-Courier december 1917, gAn archive, lund University
library. Quoted in lindgren (1949: 63).
5
According to an interview in Sydsvenska Dagbladet of 2.11.1930 gAn had
planned to settle in Berlin again, but was disappointed and returned home after a
week. instead gAn moved in the beginning of 1931 to stockholm, where he lived
until his death in 1965. see also Ahlstrand 2000: 47-48.
6
o’konor, op. cit., p. 90. the article was published under Richter’s name in De Stijl,
(leyden 1921: 7 and 109-112).
7
o’konor 1971: 253, n. 49. Quote from article by Richter in G. Zeitschrift für ele-
mentare Gestaltung, Berlin 1924:3.
8
o’konor 1971: 52. Quote from Film-Kurier 22.11.1924.
9
According to gösta Werner’s information in gösta Werner and Bengt edlund:
Viking Eggeling Diagonalsymfonin: Spjutspets i återvändsgränd, lund 1997, p. 106.
Werner also writes: “Why eggeling’s film, produced in germany and first screened
for a german audience, had a french title, it has never been possible to explain.”
(p. 51). could the explanation be that Diagonal Symphony was part of the pro-
gramme for the premiere of Ballet mécanique in Paris, and was there given its french
title, which eggeling subsequently kept? According to louise o’konor eggeling
paid a brief visit to Paris at the end of 1924 to meet léger, and in a letter to tristan
tzara, dated Berlin 10th january 1925, eggeling wrote: “etiez-vous à la représen-
tation léger, eggeling? tout le monde s’est renseigné vivement à propos de vous”
(Were you at the léger-eggeling screening? everyone has been inquiring actively
about you”). the quote undeniably suggests that Diagonal Symphony/Symphonie
diagonale was part of the screening in question, with léger and eggeling present.
eggeling’s letter to tzara is both printed and reproduced in o’konor 1971: 53-55.
10
gösta Werner: “Restaureringen av diagonalsymfonin”, in Werner and edlund
1997, op. cit., p. 115.
11
Bosson 1984: 44. in the book eight letters from Axel olson to egon östlund from
the period november 1922 to june 1923 are quoted. olson’s portrait sketches of
viking eggeling are reproduced on pp. 45 and 59.
12
östlund (1947): 30. the letter is also quoted in Bosson, op. cit., p. 62.
13
Bosson 1984: 170. österblom’s letter is dated 5th october 1962. dokumenterings-
arkiv för modern konst, Arkivcentrum syd, lund.
Berlin and the Swedish Avant-garde 227
WoRks cited
Adrian-nilsson, gösta. 1914. “om ny konst”, Arbetet 27.9.1914.
––. 1916. “Abwehr”, Der Sturm 1916:4.
––. 1916. Kandinsky, gummesons konsthandel, stockholm: unpag.
Ahlstrand, jan torsten. 1985. GAN. Gösta Adrian-Nilsson. Modernistpionjären från
Lund. 1884-1920, lund.
––. 2000. “gAn, Berlin och der sturm/gAn, Berlin und der sturm”, Svenskt
avantgarde och Der Sturm i Berlin/Schwedische Avantgarde und Der Sturm in
Berlin, lund/osnabrück.
Bosson, viveca (ed.). 1984. Halmstad-Berlin-Paris. Målarresa genom 20-talet,
halmstad: p. 44. östlund, egon. 1947. “halmstadgruppen” in folke holmér,
erik lindegren and egon östlund: Halmstadgruppen, halmstad: p. 30.
Expressionistutställning. Gösta Adrian-Nilsson och Einar Jolin. 1915. catalogue,
lund University museum of Art, lund.
lindgren, nils. 1949: Gösta Adrian-Nilsson, stockholm 1949.
moholy-nagy, lászló. 1925. Malerei, Photographie, Film, munich.
o(sborn), m(ax). 1915. “schwedische expressionisten”, Vossische Zeitung may
1915, gAn archive, lund University library.
o’konor, louise. 1971. Viking Eggeling 1880-1925; artist and film-maker; life and
work. diss. stockholm studies in history of Art, stockholm.
––. 2006. Viking Eggeling 1880-1925. Modernist och filmpionjär. Hans liv och verk,
malmö.
östlund, egon. 1947. “halmstadgruppen” in folke holmér, erik lindegren and
egon östlund: Halmstadgruppen, halmstad.
Richter, hans. 1964. DaDa – Kunst und Antikunst, köln/cologne.
Walden, herwarth. 1913. “vorrede”, Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon, Berlin.
Walden, nell and schreyer, lothar. 1954. Der Sturm. Ein Erinnerungsbuch an
Herwarth Walden und die Künstler aus dem Sturm-Kreis, Baden-Baden.
Walden, nell. 1963. Herwarth Walden. Ein Lebensbild, mainz.
Werner, gösta and edlund, Bengt. 1997. Viking Eggeling Diagonalsymfonin:
Spjutspets i återvändsgränd, lund.
icelAndic ARtists in the netWoRk
of the eURoPeAn AvAnt-gARde –
the cAses of jón stefánsson And finnUR jónsson
“in its purest form was […] a kind of spiritus concentratus” which
could not be consumed “unmixed” but had become “such an impor-
tant element and vital condition of modern literature that those au-
thors and poets of our generation, who did not learn from everything
it offered as it appeared, could be declared dead” (1949: 142). this
view prevailed until at least the early 1950s, as can be seen from a
text by sigfús daðason from 1952. in “til varnar skáldskapnum”
(in defence of Poetry), one of the first icelandic attempts to elabo-
rate a new poetics based in part on the literary avant-garde (more
precisely, the surrealist poetry of Paul éluard), the poet declares:
“surrealism in the strongest sense is in fact dead [...] but in another
sense it continues to live, just like expressionism, naturalism, realism,
romanticism, which have all become an element in the literature and
culture of the world. Isms hardly seem to present a danger to ice-
landic culture and in fact i believe it is a great benefit that it has been
so reluctant to form schools” (daðason 1952: 288-9).
due to iceland’s small and (in comparison to many other euro-
pean countries) underdeveloped aesthetic field, as well as its prevail-
ing critical response to the isms, studying, dwelling and working
abroad gave icelandic artists otherwise unavailable opportunities to
gather knowledge of new aesthetic trends and to work in a more pro-
gressive cultural environment. this not only applies to visual artists,
who later became directly linked to avant-garde movements in den-
mark, germany and france, but also to icelandic authors who were
trying to establish themselves as professional authors. faced with the
limited possibilities in their home country, many authors who came
to play important roles in the emergence of modern icelandic litera-
ture in the first decades of the twentieth century chose to leave their
home country and embark upon professional careers in a foreign
language. the best known case is the group of icelandic authors in
denmark who chose to write their texts in danish, among them
jóhann sigurjónsson, gunnar gunnarsson, guðmundur kamban
and (for a short period) halldór laxness. the growth of danish na-
tionalism and an increasing interest in icelandic culture as the cradle
of all things nordic turned out to be beneficial for the reception of
their work and led to successful careers for a period of time (see
jóhannsson, 2001). other authors chose to write in norwegian or
even german, as in the case of kristmann guðmundsson and the
poet jóhann jónsson.0 the role of copenhagen as the cultural – and,
Icelandic Artists in the Network of the European Avant-Garde 231
taken place two years earlier. stefánsson’s work, however, was not
shown in the context of Klingen or Der Sturm, but as part of a col-
lective exhibition entitled “fem islandske malere” (five icelandic
Painters), which gave a general survey of contemporary icelandic art,
including works by ásgrímur jónsson, guðmundur thorsteinsson
(muggur), kristín jónsdóttir and Þórarinn B. Þorláksson. Although
stefánsson is described as the “only mature” icelandic painter in a
note on the exhibition published in Klingen (“islandske malerkunst”
(icelandic Painting), 1920), thus stressing the importance of the dan-
ish background of his work, Klingen also has a reproduction of a doll
made by thorsteinsson, which in itself is just handicraft, but in the
period a common artefact in a dadaist context.
stefánsson’s contributions to the Efteraarsudstilling, Klingen, and
the kleis gallery exhibition present the artist as an active participant
Icelandic Artists in the Network of the European Avant-Garde 235
in the copenhagen avant-garde. they also mark the end of his in-
volvement in the network of the avant-garde. Although stefánsson
lived in copenhagen until 1924, his association with the avant-garde
went into sharp decline following a return to iceland in the summer
of 1920, before the definitive break in 1924. Although his work was
shown in denmark on some later occasions, as well as at an exhibi-
tion of icelandic art by the german Nordische Gesellschaft (nordic
society) in 1928,1 stefánsson’s return to iceland created a consider-
able geographical and communicative distance. the return to a more
conservative artistic climate (in which ‘fauvism’, far from being re-
garded as not revolutionary enough, was in fact conceived as being
too revolutionary) paralleled stefánsson’s move away from the avant-
garde dimension of matisse and fauvism, which also had a more
moderate or ‘classical’ dimension. stefánsson’s work from the
copenhagen period bears unmistakable witness to the fact that he
was influenced or inspired by matisse and fauvism (as well as by its
forerunner cézanne). thus he may be labelled (in contemporary
terms) a fauvist – or, in german terms: an expressionist. stefánsson’s
works were also referred to in the pages of Klingen as a prime exam-
ple of ‘expressionism’ and its rupture with the painterly tradition of
impressionism, as a text by otto gelsted from 1918 demonstrates
(see also Uttenreitter, 1936). While stefánsson may have handled
colour and depicted people and objects in a fauvist manner, he did
so without any of the wildness promoted by the movement. As a par-
ticipant in the international avant-garde network, he remained rather
on the outside, at least as seen from a french and german perspec-
tive. in this respect, stefánsson’s approach differs markedly from that
of finnur jónsson. however, on closer inspection, parallels between
their careers become apparent.
Berlin was opened by the war. Whereas a journey to france had be-
come more complicated, the borders to germany had become easier
to cross after the outbreak of the war. more importantly, Berlin
(aside from its turbulent political and economic situation) offered
artists something different than Paris, which came under the grip of
dada in 1920-21. Berlin was dominated by ‘expressionism’ in the
widest sense, with der sturm providing the main point of orienta-
tion: the art scene in the city was thus far more international than
that of Paris. furthermore, as mentioned, special ties existed between
the copenhagen art scene and der sturm. during the war Walden
and his swedish wife nell Walden-Rosland were not only active in
the artistic field. Beside the art enterprise der sturm, there was also
the intelligence, news and propaganda agency der sturm, which op-
238 Hubert van den Berg and Benedikt Hjartarson
or schwitters’ first merz works (the latter were shown in the sturm
gallery), hofer’s work is highly conventional. judging by the subse-
quent work he undertook in Berlin, and later dresden, jónsson was
attracted to the work of schwitters and other artists from the sturm
stable who developed in abstract, constructivist directions in the
years following the first World War. these artists, now lesser-
known, included oskar fischer, johannes molzahn, thomas Ring,
fritz stuckenberg, eduard kesting, vordemberge-gildewart, lajos
kassák and lothar schreyer. the affinities between the works of
jónsson and these artists are obvious. Although a more precise as-
sessment of jónsson’s position in the sturm circle has still to be
made, it can be claimed with certainty that many elements in his
work appear as visual quotes from the work of these artists.
jónsson’s decision to turn to der sturm was quite typical for a
young, foreign avant-garde minded artist new to Berlin. Although
der sturm was rapidly losing (or had already lost) its pivotal role in
germany’s artistic field, its reputation abroad remained intact and
almost all foreign artists visiting Berlin (for example from the nether-
lands, Belgium, Bulgaria et cetera – i.e. from the european cultural
provinces – but also tristan tzara and the dadaists from Paris, for
example) went to der sturm. the reason was simple: in the previous
decade, der sturm had been very active not only in the german em-
pire, but also abroad. obviously attracted by the new developments
represented both in the Sturm-journal and gallery, jónsson remained
in its inner circle. jónsson did not stay in Berlin, but went to dresden,
where oskar kokoschka, a regular contributor and a close friend of
Walden since the inception of der sturm, taught at the art academy.
dresden was also the place where the expressionist/constructivist
painter and photographer edmund kesting led an art school named
“der Weg: schule für neue kunst” (the direction: school of new
Art). jónsson’s decision to go to der Weg may have been influenced
by his contact with the icelandic composer emil thoroddsen, who
was studying at the school at this time. der Weg was very close to
der sturm; indeed, it can be seen to belong to the avant-garde net-
work surrounding der sturm, given that kesting was one of
Walden’s close associates in the 1920s. interesting here is the similar-
ity between a portrait of Walden by kesting and a painting by jóns-
son, which also resonates with other works by stuckenberg and
schwitters. from his largely passive position on the fringe of the
240 Hubert van den Berg and Benedikt Hjartarson
had been involved in the avant-garde in the 1910s and early 1920s
ceased to be so and returned to more conventional forms, a process
that was aptly accompanied by a turn from the abstract to the figu-
rative. the same tendency can be observed in most other european
countries. it can thus be argued that jónsson’s departure from avant-
garde aesthetics was not entirely the result of his return to the iso-
lated icelandic ‘province’. on the contrary: jónsson’s break with
(constructivist) avant-gardism was no isolated case; rather, he was
only one of many artists and writers who made the same decision.
At the centre of the constructivist avant-garde around 1925, initially
on the peripheries and later in the inner circle of der sturm, jónsson
may well have been aware of the growing doubts, changes and shifts
that would lead to the demise of so many avant-garde initiatives dur-
ing this period. this atmosphere would certainly have suggested a
need for new directions, even if they resembled old ones.
point of view was not confined to the reviews published in the two
right-wing newspapers quoted above, but also appeared in left-wing
newspapers. the most curious example is emil thoroddsen’s review,
in which the notion of ‘imitation’ also played a central role. in a rhe-
toric characteristic of the german Jugendbewegung, which thorodd-
sen had probably become familiar with during his studies in dresden,
the author praised the youthful energy of jónsson’s art, describing
it as the manifestation of a genuine germanic character:
isn’t icelandic art for the most part a bad imitation of bad danish
painters who themselves are not very original and hasn’t art thus ar-
rived in iceland in outworn copies? i believe that those people who
have been sucking skimmed milk from the baby bottle of the artist-
clique in copenhagen, which is nurtured by an outmoded ‘formal-
ism’ and misunderstood french watchwords, don’t like the fact that
a germanic flavour appears in some of finnur jónsson’s paintings
(Blaðagreinar 1983: 50).
the path chosen by jónsson after the exhibition may reveal that he
was not as strongly drawn to the völkisch cult of the germanic as
thoroddsen, his former fellow student at der Weg. the increasingly
chauvinistic rhetoric radiating from all sides in the debate surround-
ing jónsson’s exhibition may shed additional light on the artist’s shift
in idiom. jónsson’s insistence on the international character of der
sturm and his unwillingness to follow thoroddsen’s line may indi-
cate that jónsson did not feel at ease in an increasingly hostile cul-
tural field pervaded by the idea of national identity and thus
consciously sought to position himself between emerging political
extremes. indeed, jónsson’s contributions to the debate represent the
only voice not driven by nationalist rhetoric. if the debate generated
by the Café Rosenberg exhibition was indeed instrumental in the shift
in jónsson’s career, his choice of a different path may not only be
seen as a reaction against his critics but also as a defence against his
devotees.
246 Hubert van den Berg and Benedikt Hjartarson
notes
0
jónsson was writing in icelandic and german in leipzig during the 1920s.
1
the Nordische Gesellschaft exhibition also featured work by finnur jónsson,
among others. the curatorial focus was not the avant-garde; rather it treated the
works as objects of a kind of contemporary ethnographic interest, related to the
predominant völkisch (folksy?) ideology of the period (see gretor, 1928).
2
jónsson trained under, among others, Baldvin Björnsson, who was the first ice-
landic artist to make attempts at abstract painting during his stay in Berlin in the
1910s.
Icelandic Artists in the Network of the European Avant-Garde 247
WoRks cited
Aagesen, dorthe. 2002. “the Avant-garde takes copenhagen”. The Avant-garde
in Danish and European Art 1909-1919. edited by d. Aagesen. copenhagen:
statens museum for kunst, 152-171.
Blaðagreinar 1921-1929. 1983. frank Ponzi (ed.). Finnur Jónsson. Íslenskur brau-
tryðjandi. Reykjavík: Almenna bókafélagið, 48-51.
daðason, sigfús. 1952. “til varnar skáldskapnum”. Tímarit Máls og menningar, 3:
266-290.
gelsted, otto. 1918. jon stefansson. Klingen, 6: [no page numbers]
gottskálksdóttir, júlíana. 1993. “tilraunin ótímabæra. Um abstraktmyndir finns
jónssonar og viðbrögð við þeim”. Árbók Listasafns Íslands 1990-1992.
Reykjavík: listasafn Íslands, 74-103.
gretor, georg. 1928. Islands Kultur und seine junge Malerei. jena: diederichs.
ingólfsson, Aðalsteinn. 1993. “jón stefánsson, grünewald, matisse og Picasso. hu-
gleiðingar um þrjár myndir”. Árbók Listasafns Íslands 1990-1992. Reykjavík:
listasafn Íslands: 12-29.
islandsk malerkunst. 1920. Klingen, 6-7: [no page numbers]
jelsbak, torben. 2005. Ekspressionisme. Modernismens formelle gennembrud i dansk
malerkunst og poesi. hellerup: forlaget spring.
jóhannsson, jón Yngvi. 2001. “jøklens storm svalede den kulturtrætte danmarks
Pande”. Um fyrstu viðtökur dansk-íslenskra bókmennta í danmörku.
Skírnir, 175 (vor): 33-66.
kvaran, ólafur. 1989. “jón stefánsson. sensations and classical harmony”. Jón
Stefánsson 1881-1962. edited by karla kristjánsdóttir. Reykjavík: listasafn
Íslands, 41-55.
––. 2006. jón stefánsson. “nemandi matisse og klassísk myndhefð”. Frelsun litarins
/ Regard Fauve. ed. by ó. kvaran. Reykjavík: listasafn Íslands: 41-42.
laxness, halldór. 1949. Kvæðakver. Reykjavík: vaka-helgafell.
Pálmadóttir, elín. 1992. “vor hinnar ungu listar. spjallað við finn jónsson um listir
í evrópu á öðrum og þriðja áratugnum”. Finnur Jónsson í Listasafni Íslands.
ed. by karla kristjánsdóttir. Reykjavík: listasafn Íslands, 49-53.
Ponzi, frank. 1983. “Artist Before his time”. Finnur Jónsson. Íslenskur brautryð-
jandi. edited by frank Ponzi. Reykjavík: Almenna bókafélagið, 53-60.
Runólfsson, halldór Björn. 1987. “concrete Art in iceland”. Konkret i Norden. Po-
hjoinen konkretismi. Norræn konkretlist. Nordic Concrete Art. 1907-1960.
helsinki: nordic Arts centre,160-163,
stefánsson, jón. 1989. “nokkur orð um myndlist”. Jón Stefánsson 1881-1962.
edited by karla kristjánsdóttir. Reykjavík: listasafn Íslands, 1989, 79-85.
Uttenreitter, Paul. 1936. Maleren Jón Stefánsson. copenhagen: Rasmus naver, 1936.
Locations of the nordic avant-Garde
Locations of the nordic avant-Garde
WorKs cited
Benjamin, Walter. 1991. “Über den Begriff der Geschichte”, in Gesammelte Schrif-
ten Bd. i:2, (eds.) rolf tiedemann, hermann schweppenhäuser, suhrkamp
verlag: frankfurt am Main: p. 697 f.
Berg, hubert van den. 2005. “Kortlægning af det nyes gamle spor. Bidrag til en hi-
storisk topografi over det 20. århundredes avantgarde(r) i europæisk kultur”,
in En tradition af opbrud: Avantgardernes tradition og politik. (eds.) tania
Ørum, Marianne Ping huang, charlotte engberg. forlaget spring: copen-
hagen: p. 31 ff.
also published in english: hubert van den Berg. 2006. “Mapping old traces
of the new. for a historical topography of 20th-century avant-garde(s) in
the european cultural field(s)”. in: Arcadia 41 (2) 2006: 331-351.
Bürger, Peter. 1974. Theorie der Avantgarde. frankfurt a.M.: suhrkamp.
the avant-Garde and the MarKet
sven-olov Wallenstein
tween the official salon and the Salon des refusés (founded in 1863),
above all since this bipartition was royally sanctioned. the split can
be understood as one of the foundations for the avant-garde and its
dialectical interaction with the public sphere: an interaction repre-
senting a desire to fuel revolt inside a system in order to change it
completely, engendering a vast array of “compromise-formations,”
to use an apt psychoanalytic term. Generations of artists were ex-
cluded from the salon, even as they craved its social graces and pub-
lic rewards. all these factors fed into a burgeoning system whereby
commercial galleries eventually came to replace the salon as spaces
embodying financial as well as symbolic success. the link between
aesthetic value and market value thus became closer as predeter-
mined relationships between artist and contractor were displaced by
a volatile mass market, wherein the economic potential of the work
was conjectural, and the demand for marketing and public recogni-
tion grew concomitantly.
courbet’s refusal to participate in the exposition Universelle in
1855, opting instead to open his own exhibition pavilion in the vicin-
ity (just opposite the official building), has been called “the first
avant-garde gesture,” (Bois: 1990) and it inaugurated a new phase:
the artist protesting against the vitiation of his work’s by various
commercial elements; which, in turn, became the precise expression
of a new marketing strategy. others were to follow in courbet’s foot-
steps, including Manet, who set up his own pavilion during the
World exhibition of 1867, and seurat and signac, who in 1884
founded their Sociéte des Artistes Indépendants with the main target
of establishing processes for institutional validation, and the official
motto of which was “neither award nor jury.” if one leaves theories
of Post-impressionist painting aside for the moment, one may sense
political connotations in this new approach: the artists’ independence
of established institutions corresponds to the idea of a newly attuned
general public whose tastes and opinions were no longer governed
by tradition. in this climate of revised intellectual propriety, perhaps
everybody could, in some sense, become a critic. “When the society
we dream of exists,” wrote signac, “when the workers, rid of the ex-
ploiters that drive them stupid with work, have the time to think and
to learn, they will appreciate the manifold qualities of works of art.”4
this new mass audience did not appear; but instead of seeing this
as a simple collision between wishful thinking and harsh reality, we
262 Sven-Olov Wallenstein
could adopt the retrospective view that it marked a new turn in the
logic of the commodity. the artwork had to break away from tradi-
tional norms in order to produce its own values, and in so doing it
also attempted to create a new audience. a painter like seurat went
as far as to suggest that this process should be integrated into the
practice of painting itself; for a while he toyed with the idea that
paintings were to be priced according to the amount of paint applied
and to the exact time it took to execute them, as if the issue were to
find a new form of financial evaluation that would guarantee the ob-
jective status of the work in an increasingly insecure marketplace.
the creation of new exhibition models is an inheritance from the
older idea of the avant-garde, which was first formulated as a pro-
gramme aimed at regenerating society, and at overcoming social and
aesthetic divisions. the application of the term avant-garde to art
derives from the group around henri de saint-simon. the first time
that it seems to have been used to explicitly refer to the role of art in
relation to politics, economy and science is in an essay entitled
“L’artiste, le savant et l’industriel” (1825), written by one of saint-
simon’s followers, the mathematician and banker olinde rodrigues.5
the promise signalled by this term in the middle of the nineteenth
century was a fusion of art, politics, and science, where art, at least
for a moment, seemed to be able to give plasticity to other social
forces. the ambivalence of the term, however, comes to the fore in
rodrigues’s initial formulations, which draw directly on the military
use of the term: on the one hand, the avant-garde is positioned on
the front line, whilst, on the other, it obeys orders issued by cultural
generals, who, in the case of art, were philosophers or politicians.
the key to its success is discipline and obedience, not personal free-
dom. in this sense it is no coincidence, as Jean-françois Lyotard has
pointed out, that the discipline demanded by an avant-garde mani-
festo far exceeds that of any artistic programme within classicism
and the academy (Lyotard 1988).
the promise of this progressive synthesis soon faded, however,
giving way to a long-standing disagreement between avant-gardists
and the “petty bourgeois” as portrayed by Marx, flaubert, and
countless other writers of the period. the historico-political vision
presented in courbet’s L’Atelier du peintre (the Painter’s studio)
(1855), where the intellectuals of the period could all come together
in one symbolic space, was already a dream by then, and the artist
The Avant-Garde and the Market 263
Money is concerned only with what is common to all: it asks for the
exchange value, it reduces all quality and individuality to the ques-
tion: how much? all intimate emotional relations between persons
are founded in their individuality, whereas in rational relations man
is reckoned with like a number, like an element which is in itself in-
different.”6
tic than a work of art that seems to display exchange value in its
purest form? and what could be more (at least symbolically) efficient
than to attack this aesthetic institution at its very foundation and re-
fuse the form of the object?
if conceptualism in the arts propagated a notion of a potential
break with the commodity- and/or object-form of art, it is possible
to see it continuing the movement initiated by the historical avant-
garde of the early twentieth century. this is a limitless expansion of
the logic of the commodity, in which everything can be art, and
seemingly “non-artistic” objects (an instruction, a description of a
process, an event) can be packaged and sold as items for aesthetic
enjoyment and consumption. in this way, conceptual art, through its
radical critique of commodity fetishism, prefigured the next twist in
the art-economy spiral, where the focus is no longer on objects and
things, but on social processes. We may find a precise analysis of this
transformed commodity logic in the work of Jean Baudrillard,
whose early writings are contemporaraneous with conceptual art
(even though his own examples are usually taken from pop art). We
are moving, he claims, from the political economy once outlined by
Marx, to a political economy of the sign, where exchange value has
finally absorbed use value, making it possible for use value to be
recreated as a myth: truth and falsity, nature and artificiality now
form oppositional pairs within an economy that is semiotic and psy-
chic rather than based on industrial production – it produces affects
and effects consumed by us so that we may reproduce ourselves as
the subjects of consumption. We live the “object system,” Bau-
drillard claims, simultaneously as “sense and counter-sense”: it con-
stitutes a point of intersection between two logics, a process of social
differentiation in which we consume things in order to set us apart
from our neighbours, and a “fantasmatic” order where things corre-
spond to our unconscious cathexes. Because of this, the system is al-
ways inherently unstable and consumption, as an active practice, is
required to keep it alive. ritual consumption and an equally ritual
critique of consumerism in the name of an alternative and more “au-
thentic” life are what provide the object system’s energy.
as our societies increasingly take their cues from the service in-
dustry, art itself often appears as a kind of “service”, as action un-
dertaken to produce a psychological state or influence a situation (or
a set of social relations) rather than to produce a material object.
270 Sven-Olov Wallenstein
notes
1
for discussions of the salon in its various phases and political vicissitudes see
thomas crow (1985), Mainardi (1993), Lemaire (2003) and roos (2000).
2
for discussions of the new role of the spectator see fried (1980) and ray (2004).
3
a literary version of this is given in Balzac’s The Unknown Masterpiece, where
Balzac draws together a series of traditional oppositions (colour-drawing, emotion-
ality-rationality, intuition-rules, etc.), and interprets them on the basis of the artistic
conflicts of his own time. Balzac’s story subsequently became a paradigm for the
self-image of many modern artists, from Zola to cézanne and rilke. for a discus-
sion of the reception see ashton (1980); for close readings of textual structure and
art-historical sources see damisch (1984) and didi-huberman (1985).
4
signac cited in de duve (1996: 192f).
5
for this history see calinescu (1987). on the connection between rodrigues’s
scientific and social ideals see altmann and eduardo (2005). as will become clear,
i do not subscribe to calinescu’s division between a constructive “modernism,” and
a destructive “avant-garde”; it is, in my opinion, a backward projection from late
modernist formalism which disregards the developments within visual arts and ar-
chitecture. My emphasis here on visual arts and architecture can be seen as an at-
tempt to correct the one-sidedness of calinescu’s history, which almost exclusively
draws its examples from literature.
6
Wolff (1950): 410. see also the more developed argument in simmel (1900).
7
My proposals here intersect with some of Bürger’s themes, although his division
between the “historical” and the “neo-” avant-garde seems far too sharp to be able
to grasp the process in question here. see Bürger (1984).
8
the historical connection between pure poetry and pure painting lies in the inven-
tion of an idea of a pure surface onto which signifiers of different orders can be in-
The Avant-Garde and the Market 271
scribed, but which itself is not yet differentiated. cf. de duve (1996): 251 and 264
ff and rancière (2003).
9
for corbusier’s use of advertising see colomina (1994).
10
for a discussion of the case of sweden see Mattsson and Wallenstein (2009). for
an attempt to connect the above examples with an analysis of the impact of tech-
nology see Wallenstein (2007), chap. 5.
11
see “avant-Garde and Kitsch” (1939) in Greenberg (1986).
272 Sven-Olov Wallenstein
WorKs cited
agamben, Giorgio. 1993. Stanzas: Word and Phantasm in Western Culture, trans.
ronald L. Martinez. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
altmann, simon and ortiz, eduardo L. (eds). 2005. Mathematics and Social Utopias
in France: Olinde Rodrigues and His Times, History of Mathematics, vol. 28.
London: american Mathematical society and London Mathematical society.
ashton, dore. 1980. A Fable of Modern Art. London: thames and hudson
Bois, Yves-alain, 1990. “Painting – the task of Mourning,” in Bois, Painting as
Model. cambridge, Mass.: Mit.
Bürger, Peter. 1984. Theory of the Avant-Garde, trans. Michael shaw. Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press.
calinescu, Matei. 1987. Five Faces of Modernity: Modernism, Avant-Garde, Deca-
dence, Kitsch, Postmodernism. durham: duke University Press.
colomina, Beatriz. 1994. Privacy and Publicity: Modern Architecture as Mass
Media. cambridge, Mass.: Mit.
crow, thomas. 1993. Painters and Public Life in Eighteenth-Century Paris (new
haven: Yale University Press, 1985);
dal co, francesco and tafuri, Manfredo. 1986. Modern Architecture, trans. robert
erich Wolff. new York: rizzoli.
damisch, hubert. 1984. Fenêtre jaune cadmium ou Les dessous de la peinture. Paris:
seuil
de duve, thierry. 1996. Kant After Duchamp. cambridge, Mass.: Mit: 192f.
didi-huberman, Georges. 1985. La peinture incarnée. Paris: Minuit.
fried, Michael. 2004. Absorption and Theatricality: Painting and Beholder in the Age
of Diderot (Berkeley: University of california Press, 1980), and William ray,
“talking about art: the french royal academy and the formation of the
discursive citizen,” Eighteenth-Century Studies, vol. 37.
Greenberg, clement. 1986. “avant-Garde and Kitsch” (1939), in Greenberg, The
Collected Essays and Criticism. Volume I, ed. John o’Brian. chicago: Uni-
versity of chicago Press.
Kiaer, christina. 2005. Imagine No Possessions: The Socialist Objects of Russian
Constructivism. cambridge, Mass.: Mit.
Lemaire, Gérard-Georges. 2000. Histoire du Salon de peinture (Paris: Klincksieck,
2003); Jan Mayo roos, Early Impressionism and the French State: cam-
bridge: cambridge University Press.
Lyotard, Jean-francois. 1988. “Le sublime et l’avantgarde,” in L’inhumain. Causeries
sur le temps. Paris: Galilée.
Mainardi, Patricia, 1985. The End of the Salon: Art and the State in the Early Third
Republic: cambridge: cambridge Univ. Press.
Marx, Karl. 1990. Capital Volume I, trans. Ben fowkes. London: Penguin: 163-4.
Mattsson, helena and Wallenstein, sven-olov. 2007. 1930/1931: Swedish Modernism
at the Crossroads. stockholm: axl Books.
o’Brian, John (ed.). 1986. Perceptions and Judgements, 1939-1944. chicago: Uni-
versity of chicago Press,
The Avant-Garde and the Market 273
rancière, Jacques. 2003. “La surface du design,” in Le destin des images. Paris: La
fabrique.
ray, William, 2004. “talking about art: the french royal academy and the for-
mation of the discursive citizen,” Eighteenth-Century Studies, vol. 37, 2004.
roos, Jan Mayo, 2000. Early Impressionism and the French State, cambridge: cam-
bridge University Press.
simmel, Georg. 1900. Philosophie des Geldes. Leipzig: duncker & humblot.
tafuri, Manfredo. 1976. Architecture and Utopia, trans. Barbata Luigi La Penta.
cambridge, Mass.: Mit: 84.
Wallenstein, sven-olov, 2007. Essays, Lectures, stockholm: axl Books.
Wolff, Kurt (ed.). 1950. “Metropolis and Mental Life,” in The Sociology of Georg
Simmel. new York: free Press: 410.
ProMotinG the YoUnG
– interactions BetWeen the avant-Garde and
the sWedish art MarKet 1910-1925
andrea Kollnitz
ance of purchase advice from artists was stressed in the art dealer
Gösta olson’s biography.12 the wealthy, liberal-minded postal official
hjalmar Gabrielson has been credited with acquiring perhaps the
most important private collection of swedish and international
modernist works.13 he was praised as an ‘individualist’ with an
‘unerring instinct’, ‘fearlessly’ buying art by as yet unknown artists
so that his collections were seen as ‘still current today and a beautiful
emblem of “young art” that is nowadays accepted.’14 in the heroic
descriptions of Gabrielson’s achievements the courageous and gene-
rous art collector is given the role of saviour of the young avant-
garde artists. By his own account, Gabrielson’s financial support of
poor Berlin artists was the start of his international avant-garde col-
lection.15 Gabrielson’s acquisition of his German and russian ex-
pressionist and constructivist collection has been called one of the
most extraordinary european art affairs of the time. in 1923
Gabrielson enlisted the help of artur segal, the rumanian artist and
member of the Novembergruppe, and gave him a budget of 5,000
swedish crowns to spend according to his own judgement on high–
quality art by avant-garde artists. in 1923 Gabrielson’s purchase of
works by chagall, Moholy-nagy, Marc, schwitters, Klee, Kandin-
sky, Kokoschka etc. was documented in an illustrated catalogue by
the famous and widely appreciated German art critic adolf Behne,
which was intended to contribute to the promotion of Gabrielson’s
collection and his campaign for radical modernism in the swedish
art world, which remained, for the most part, sceptical.
according to olson, the founder of the svensk-franska Konst-
galleriet, no major private art galleries were established on swedish
ground during the 1910s. this comment should be interpreted in the
light of olson’s claim to have been the first substantial gallery owner
in sweden (olson 1965: 54). While olson might be correct in terms
of scale, small art dealers’ shops such as hallins and salong Joël in
stockholm and olséns in Gothenburg had prepared the ground, pro-
viding important exhibition locations for both the young swedish
avant-garde and the first imports of international modernism.
nevertheless, the responsibility for promoting national and interna-
tional modernism between c.1915 and 1925 mainly belonged to three
stockholm galleries, nya Konstgalleriet, Gummesons Konsthandel
and the svensk-franska Konstgalleriet. these galleries positioned
themselves as the modernist counterparts of Bukowskis and fritzes,
282 Andrea Kollnitz
more undisturbed and powerful his force can grow inside”.22 how-
ever, revolutionary persona and economic success could be com-
bined by established and powerful modernist artists. this is
evidenced not only by Kandinsky’s long career, but also by
Grünewald, who, while being initially considered an enfant terrible,
became widely recognised as the figurehead of “swedish expression-
ism” and later gained a position as an academy professor.
Grünewald was a self-proclaimed “avant-garde leader” and key
figure of early swedish modernism, whose dealings with the national
and international art world exemplify the conditions of the swedish
avant-garde and its market at that time. as Lars a. anderssson has
noted, Grünewald also became the scapegoat of swedish anti-
modernist criticism, not least because he was Jewish (andersson
2000: 371). Grünewald’s fusion of the roles of the bohemian outsider
and the strategic businessman made him suspect in the eyes of both
the bourgeois public and his artist colleagues. early in his career
Grünewald was a leading figure among the young swedish artists
educated in france and an important member of De unga (the
Young) whose eagerly debated exhibitions in 1909, 1910 and 1911
have been seen as the breakthrough of modern painting in sweden.
Grünewald, at this time, also established himself as a topical writer
in his polemic newspaper articles directed against such issues as the
purchase politics of the national Museum. his first solo exhibition,
in 1911, was a great public success (1200 visitors in 14 days). follow-
ing the break-up of De unga in 1911, another group, De åtta (The
Eight), emerged with Grünewald in a central position.23 in 1912 the
press began persecuting Grünewald. although the press campaign
was defamatory and often anti-semitic in its caricatures and accu-
sations, it nevertheless contributed to Grünewald’s fame and ad-
vanced his artistic breakthrough. this breakthrough was closely
connected to a public debate named the “vigselrumstriden” (the
wedding room controversy), which ran from 1912-1914, over
whether Grünewald or Pauli had won the commission to decorate
the wedding room in stockholm’s town hall.
reports of Grünewald’s apparently egocentric and ruthless tactics
are frequent. in 1916 the other participants in an exhibition at Lilje-
valch’s accused him and engström of taking the “best walls” for
themselves and objected to being called “Grünewaldare”
(“Grünewaldians”) by critics. this title is a revealing consequence of
Promoting the Young 285
notes
1
for a thorough investigation of De unga’s reception by the swedish art world see
Lilja (1955: 99-153).
2
according to raymonde Moulin, the aims of the modern art market may be dis-
tinguished from earlier practices on the grounds of its commitment to progression
through the deliberate creation of avant-garde programs, as opposed to the conser-
vation of established traditions (Moulin 1987: 15).
3
the economic historian Martin Gustavsson discusses the national and political
functions of the swedish art council Statens konstråd established in 1937 as an edu-
cator of swedish “taste” in Gustavsson (2002). all translations from swedish into
english are my own.
4
the rise of the modern art market as a “distribution network” and its connection
to the rise of art criticism as an “information network” in nineteenth century france
is emphasised in Moulin (1987: 12).
5
i have analysed the rhetoric of swedish modernist art criticism and its significance
for swedish nationalism and art politics in Kollnitz (2003).
6
carl G. Laurin’s hegemonic position in the swedish art field and his impact on
the art market is emphasised and analysed in Gustavsson (2002). for example, Lau-
rin prevented the national Museum from purchasing modernist artworks on several
occasions. Gösta olson discusses this in his biography (olson 1965: 56. as Gus-
tavsson notes, Laurin “won” the battle of swedish art taste – the art of the Konst-
288 Andrea Kollnitz
närsförbundet (the artists’ association) is still considered the best and most genuine
in swedish art history (Gustavsson 2002: 19).
7
Moulin (1987: 13f). the importance of propaganda in connection with the rise of
the avant-garde is stressed throughout Bengt Lärkner’s dissertation (Lärkner 1984).
the art historian camilla hjelm indicates journalistic experience as an important
background for an art dealer’s strategies and network in her dissertation on the
finnish art dealer Gösta stenman (hjelm 2009: 37). see hjelm’s chapter on publi-
cations p. 190ff.
8
on Kandinsky’s years and contacts in sweden see Barnett (1989).
9
this sketch is mainly based on the thorough investigations of Bengt Lärkner who
has mapped the swedish art field of the 1910 and 1920s in his above mentioned dis-
sertation (Lärkner 1984). the only existing explicit analysis of the swedish mod-
ernist art market is Martin Gustavsson’s economic historical dissertation which,
based on Bourdieu’s field-theory, scrutinises the social, symbolical and economic
positioning of two dominant stockholm art galleries from 1920-60 (Gustavsson
2002).
10
Lärkner (1984: 159). on the art-political significance of the German and austrian
exhibitions shown at Liljevalch’s in 1917, 1922 and 1930 see Kollnitz (2008).
11
the dichotomy of symbolic versus economic capital is derived from Pierre Bour-
dieu’s “the forms of capital” in richardson (1986: 241-256, 241-258 and 241–258)
and will reappear throughout my discussions.
12
as the american art dealer Peter Watson writes regarding ambroise vollard’s
“discovery” of cézanne (according to legend the art dealer felt as though he had
been “hit in the stomach” when he looked at his first cézanne), vollard’s apprecia-
tion of cézanne’s qualities was actually a consequence of comments by other im-
pressionists who pointed cézanne out as the most talented amongst them (Watson
1992: 153).
13
the role of Gabrielson in the swedish art world is analysed in Lärkner (1984: 70-
76).
14
this characterisation comes from an article on Gabrielson’s collections: Birger
Lindberg, “hjalmar Gabrielsons samlingar”, Svenska hem i ord och bilder 12 (1926).
Quoted in Lärkner (1984: 70). see also Moulin (1987: 15) who notes: “at very little
expense they [the art dealers] amassed valuable collections and were looked on after
the fact as heroic pioneers, shrewd amateurs and fortunate speculators.”
15
Gabrielson’s account of his encounter with the economically depressed Berlin art
world is quoted in adamson (1936: 62).
16
Gothenburg was the only city in which the main modernist art dealer was a
woman: charlotte Mannheimer, who ran the gallery Ny konst (New Art).
17
on ground-breaking exhibitions of German expressionism and Kandinsky at
Gummeson’s and its reception by the swedish art world, see Kollnitz (2008).
18
e.g. olson (1965: 60ff).
19
see note 2.
20
the model of these new arenas in scandinavia as well as in Germany was the Paris
art market. see hjelm (2009: 43). on separate exhibitions in early 20th century Paris
see e.g. Jensen (1996: 108f).
Promoting the Young 289
21
for a discussion of the modernist artist’s role in sweden see cornell (2000).
22
Quoted in Kleine (1990: 259). My translation.
23
De åtta made its debut in 1912.
24
for an analysis of the nationalist rhetoric in swedish art criticism and its image
of the avant-garde artist (e.g. Kandinsky) see even Kollnitz (2008) chapter 4 and 5.
25
on swedish contacts with Der Sturm see ahlstrand (2000).
290 Andrea Kollnitz
WorKs cited
adamson, einar (ed.). 1936. Hjalmar Gabrielson, en hyllningsbok på 60-års dagen,
Göteborg.
ahlstrand, Jan torsten (ed.). 2000. Svenskt avant-garde och Der Sturm i Berlin, os-
nabrück.
andersson, Lars M. 2000. En jude är en jude är en jude… : representationer av
“juden” i svensk skämtpress omkring 1900-1930, Lund: p.371.
Barnett, vivian endicott. 1989. Kandinsky och Sverige, Malmö.
Behr, shulamith. 2002. “Modernity, family and fashion” in: Sigrid Hjertén and
Isaac Grünewald: modernismens pionjärer (ed). Birgitta flensburg, norrkö-
pings konstmuseum 2002, p. 19f.
Bourdieu, Pierre. 1986. “the forms of capital” in J.G. richardson. Handbook for
Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. Westport, conn.
cornell, Peter. 2000. “rollhäfte”,p. 26-41, in: Utopi & verklighet. Svensk modernism
1900-1960. ed. cecilia Widenheim, stockholm.
Gustavsson, Martin. 2002. Makt och konstmak: Sociala och politiska motsättningar
på den svenska konstmarknaden 1920-1960, stockholm.
hjelm, camilla. 2009. Modernismens förespråkare. Gösta Stenman och hans konst-
salong, Statens konstmuseum (the spokesman of Modernism. G.s. and his
art salon, the national Museum of art) helsingfors.
Jensen, robert. 1996 [1994). Marketing Modernism in Fin-de-Siècle Europe, Prince-
ton University Press, Princeton 1996.
Kleine, Gisela. 1990. Gabriele Münter und Wassily Kandinsky. Biographie eines Paa-
res, insel verlag: frankfurt am Main.
Kollnitz, andrea. 2003. Konstens nationella identitet. Om tysk och österrikisk mo-
dernism i svensk konstkritik 1908-193. värnamo.
Lärkner, Bengt. 1984. Det internationella avantgardet och Sverige 1914 – 1925,
Malmö 1984.
Lilja, Gösta. 1955. Det moderna måleriet i svensk kritik 1905-1914, Lund.
Moulin, raymonde. 1987. The French Art Market. A Sociological View, rutgers
University Press, new Brunswick and London.
olson, Gösta. 1965. From Ling to Picasso: En konsthandlares minnen (from Ling
to Picasso: Memoirs of an art dealer), stockholm.
richardson, J.G. 1986. Handbook for Theory and Research for the Sociology of Ed-
ucation Westport, conn.
Watson, Peter. 1992. From Manet to Manhattan: the Rise of the Modern Art Market,
new York.
the avant-Garde and the danish art MarKet
vibeke Petersen
views differed within the academy concerning the nature of the re-
lationship between free art and rule-bound art and between art and
craft. the best ways to create a broad financial foundation for the
students was a subject of debate. the idea was to further the indu-
strial proficiency of young artists by not only appealing to their am-
bition to become great artists, but also giving them hope that their
skills could be useful to the craft industry (salling 2004: 30-31). in
other words, the academy adopted a practical view of how artists
could make a decent living. the responsibility of the academy was
to train artists to become respectable citizens.
if i can afford it, i shall probably return this summer. […] however,
giving up Paris is a mistake. here, after all, one is like the spider in
the middle of the world’s web. Perhaps i haven’t actually caught any
flies yet, but i often receive enquiries etc. Yesterday, for instance, i
wrote a long memorandum to stuttgart about my intentions with
porcelain. here, i also come into contact with many foreigners whom
i would never meet in denmark. (Krogh (ed.): 1987: 48)
WorKs cited
Barbusse, Marianne et al. 1996. Danske Kunstnersammenslutninger (Danish artists’
associations), Gyldendal, copenhagen.
Bukdahl, else Marie et al. 1997. Denis Diderot. Salonerne 1759-1781. Den moderne
kunstkritiks fødsel (D.D. The salons … The Birth of modern art criticism)
edition Bløndal, copenhagen.
friborg, flemming. 2000. Det gode selskab. Kunstforeningens historie 1825 – 2000.
(the good society - the history of the art association 1825-2000) Gyldendal,
copenhagen.
Gether, christian. 1979. “Kunstakademiet og de frie billedkunstskoler” (the aca-
demy and the autonomous artschools) in Brøgger, stig (ed.) Akademiet og
de skønne kunster. sophienholm, copenhagen: 46-64.
Jensen, Knud v. 1996. De glade givere (the cheerful Givers). Gyldendal, copenha-
gen.
Krogh, Leila (ed.). 1987. Løvens Breve – J.F. Willumsens breve til Alice Bloch 1899-
1923 (J.f. Willumsen’s letters to alice Bloch). J.f. Willumsens Museum, fre-
derikssund: 48).
“Marketing Modern art in america: from the armory show to the department
store” on line at: http://xroads.virginia.edu/~museum/armory/marketing.html
(consulted 22.03.2008).
nørregård-nielsen, hans edvard. 2002. Ny Carlsbergfondet 1902-2002. Bind i.
Gyldendal, copenhagen.
Petersen, vibeke. 1994. “J.f. Willumsen og tyskland omkring århundredskiftet.
den tyske kunstkritiker og forfatter Julius Meier-Graefes kontakt med den
danske kunstner J.f. Willumsen” ( J.f. W. and Germany around the turn of
the century. the contacts of the German art critic and writer J. M.-G. to the
danish artist J.f.W) in Konsthistorisk tidsskrift LXiii (8-4): 212-220.
Plattner, stuart. 1996. High Art Down Home – An Economic Ethnography of a Local
Art Market, the University of chicago Press, chicago and London.
salling, emma and anneli fuchs (eds). 2004. Kunstakademiet 1754 – 2004. vol. i.
arkitektens forlag, copenhagen.
art MetroPoLis for a daY
– coPenhaGen dUrinG WorLd War i
dorthe aagesen
Between 1914 and 1918 cultural life in the danish capital went
through a short-lived, but intense ‘boom’, while war raged in other
parts of europe. “the standing of artistic culture in denmark is now
extraordinarily high, it is swarming with painters, every day has its
own art auction and exhibitions are held in all available spaces”,1
declared one copenhagen artist in a report printed in the newspaper
Politiken in october 1916. the city became a meeting place for artists
from all of the nordic countries. they came to exhibit and to take
advantage of the possibilities of selling their art at exceptionally high
prices; they also came to meet each other, to take part in a
stimulating cultural scene, and see recent international art – the war
rendered such work less accessible. for a moment, copenhagen held
the status of a “Paris of the north”, that is as an attractive stand-in
for other european centres, until travel again became possible.
the story of copenhagen during Wold War i is a remarkable ex-
ample of how political and economic conditions could turn a par-
ticular geographical locality into a vital cultural centre attracting
avant-garde artists from across the nordic region. these artists
gathered in groups that were often competitive and sometimes
antagonistic toward one another. oppositions aside, these groups
nevertheless felt united by a sense of generational solidarity, their
common goal being to distance themselves from the values of previ-
ous generations and develop modern artistic idioms. they saw them-
selves as pioneers in pursuit of an artistic approach that differed
from the “mechanical (academic) transposition of reality to the pic-
300 Dorthe Aagesen
Prehistory
copenhagen’s brief cultural boom, however, was not only the result
of the particular political-economic situation that flourished during
the war. several preconditions existed which facilitated this
development. the danish capital was already a major city in the
nordic region and an important cultural centre that had been
attracting young artists from the other nordic countries for quite
some time. copenhagen was considered a station on the route to
Germany, france and italy and several artists made stops of varying
lengths in order to visit exhibitions and museums. some were
attracted by educational facilities and commercial opportunities.
indeed, the city had already proved its potential as an avant-garde
metropolis boasting established exhibition spaces willing to promote
such work.
thus, in the early 1890s – a period also marked by strong
economic growth – the cultural life of the city reached similar
heights. Between 1891 and 1894 the most radical french art of the
time was shown in copenhagen at a number of sensational
exhibitions organised by danish artists with close connections to
Paris (cf. Larsen 2004: 77). den frie Udstilling (the independent
exhibition), which was established in 1891 as an alternative to the
official exhibitions, presented works by Paul Gauguin and vincent
van Gogh in the spring of 1893. at approximately the same time
“Works by the french symbolist school”, including paintings by
Pierre Bonnard, Paul sérusier, Édouard vuillard, Émile Bernard and
others were displayed at vesterbrogade in the gallery of the art dealer
Georg Kleis. Both den frie and Kleis continued to play an
important role in supporting young art in the early years of the
twentieth century.
the presence of appropriate exhibition opportunities in
copenhagen was probably part of the reason why edvard Munch
chose to exhibit there, rather than simply passing through on his way
to Paris and Berlin, where he lived and worked from 1889. Kleis
hosted Munch’s first solo exhibition in copenhagen in 1893 – the
same exhibition that had become a veritable succès de scandale in
Berlin the previous autumn. Munch continued to return to
copenhagen, participating in exhibitions there every year between
1904 and 1909 (with the exception of 1907) as well as in 1915 and
1917. four of these were solo exhibitions.
302 Dorthe Aagesen
company’s aim was precisely to exhibit and trade work by the most
radical figures within the contemporary danish art scene. Modelled
on modern french examples (Warming 2007), the gallery entered
contracts with a number of young artists that specified, in return for
fixed salaries, the delivery of a specific minimum of works, in specific
formats, at specified times. the company, which worked out of
specially designed business premises in central copenhagen, also set
up a bronze foundry, a stonemason’s yard and a ceramics factory,
the gallery’s intention being to take care of all aspects of production,
promotion and sale of its artists’ work.
opening in september 1917, the dansk Kunsthandel ran for two
years and in that time organised around 40 exhibitions. each
exhibition was accompanied by a catalogue and promoted via
modern marketing methods such as advertisements in daily
newspapers and on the city’s trams. Many of the exhibitions were
dedicated to the members of Grønningen, although a notable
amount of attention was also given to significant scandinavian
artists with copenhagen connections, such as the norwegian Krohg,
and the swedes engström, ejnar Jolin, and Grünewald.
(taking its name from the location of its first exhibition venue). as
noted, den frie Udstilling was originally formed in opposition to
the official exhibitions at the academy (charlottenborg) but had
developed into an institution as powerful and oppressive as the
academy itself. emphasising the difference of their position, the
members of Grønningen now defined themselves as “the most
independent of all”.
during its first years, Grønningen presented rather moderate
works of art. But as time passed, its founder members pursued more
experimental avenues, while the arrival of new members also
contributed to radicalising the image of the association. Grønningen
soon became known as the most significant circle of young danish
artists. at first all members were danish (apart from the norwegian
arne Lofthus), although other scandinavian artists frequently
appeared as guests at the annual exhibitions. one such guest was the
swedish painter Karl isakson (in 1915 and 1919), a former fellow
student at Zahrtmann’s school of art and a close friend of several
members of Grønningen’s inner circle. other examples include the
norwegian Matisse students revold (in 1916) and Karsten (in 1916
and 1917).
to further consolidate its image and direction, Grønningen’s 1917
exhibition included a selection of recent french art from the tetzen-
Lund collection, specifically works by Matisse, Georges Braque and
roger de la fresnaye.
nordic characters
the presence of nordic artists in copenhagen’s art scene during the
war years did not diminish but, in fact, increased. two large, official
exhibitions of norwegian and swedish art held at charlottenborg
in 1915 and 1916, respectively, indicated denmark’s favourable
attitude toward the culture of its sister countries. While the war was
tearing the rest of europe apart, a feeling of interconnectedness was
bringing the nordic countries closer together. the belief in a
Art Metropolis for a Day 313
Giersing had clearly read the Blaue Reiter Almanac,16 and during the
years that followed he became an eager advocate of expressionist
ideas. his piece on the sturm exhibition was printed in the recently-
founded journal Klingen, which became, over the next three years,
an important polemical vehicle and mouthpiece for young
scandinavian artists in copenhagen.
Walden’s last exhibition during the war carried the title
“international kunst. ekspressionister og Kubister” (international
art. expressionists and cubists) and was shown in Kleis’s gallery.
this, Walden’s largest and most ambitious exhibition in scandinavia
during the period, comprised of 133 works by 24 artists from 8
different countries. insofar as it has been possible to identify the
exhibits, all were created before the outbreak of the war. German art
was the most represented numerically, with a total of 63 works.
Walden also included a large number of works by the most
significant artists from his sturm Gallery in Berlin – Marc chagall
in particular, but also Kandinsky, Picasso and the french artists
albert Gleizes and Jean Metzinger. scandinavian art was represented
by the swedish painters hjertén, Gösta adrian-nilsson and
Walden’s wife, nell Walden.
it transpires that this exhibition was the result of an agreement
between Walden and the German authorities to subtly promote
German interests.17 from the outset of the war, Walden was in
clandestine contact with the so-called Zentralstelle für auslands-
dienst (central office for foreign services), a department under the
German Ministry of foreign affairs responsible for distributing pro-
German material in neutral countries and monitoring their political
discussions. in agreement with the central office, Walden acted as
the leader of a news agency supplying the scandinavian and dutch
media with translated German articles and vice versa.18 Walden’s
activities in copenhagen during the war would probably not have
Art Metropolis for a Day 319
cultural deroute
the end of the war in november 1918 promptly threw the danish
economy into crisis. the art market suffered badly. in september
1919, the dansk Kunsthandel began to cancel contracts with artists,
sell off its production facilities, and, at very low prices, the art works
held in-store. a few years later, in 1924-25, tetzen-Lund chose to
dissolve his collection. Most artists from the other nordic countries
disappeared from the danish art scene, returning either to their
Art Metropolis for a Day 321
notes
1
ernst Goldschmidt (under the pseudonym Jacques coignard), Politiken, october 1916.
2
this applies to arvid nilsson, Birger simonson and tor Bjurström among others.
other central members of the group isaac Grünewald, Leander engström and arthur
Percy had been studying at Konstnärsförbundets skola in stockholm, which might be
considered a swedish equivalent to Zahrtmann’s school of art, as it also offered an al-
ternative to traditional academic training.
3
other Parisian art schools also played a role in the development of the nordic network.
this applies to i.e. henri Le fauconniers school of art, académie de la Palette, which
attracted several nordic artists in the years following the closure of académie Matisse.
among others, danish albert naur and swedish vera nilsson became acquainted here.
4
‘U.c.’: “Ung norsk Kunst”, in: Illustreret Tidende, 12.11. 1911, p. 83.
5
the exhibition came to Berlin following negotiations with the group’s leader, filippo
tommaso Marinetti. Walden succeeded in selling 24 of the exhibition works to the Berlin
banker dr. Borchardt with the rider that Walden would be allowed to include them in a
travelling exhibition. this facilitated its visit to copenhagen and elsewhere.
6
“futurister. de fires udstilling”, Socialdemokraten, 12.7. 1912.
7
the Berlin artist arthur segal was also included in the exhibition; see Werenskiold
(1984: 144-145) and raaschou-nilsen (1992: 99-100).
8
anker [Kirkeby]: ”en fornem vernissage i dag”, Politiken, 1.5.1913.
9
n.L. [nicolaus Lützhøft]: ”Moderne Kunstudstilling”, Politiken, 3.5.1913.
10
the seminal text on tetzen-Lund’s collection remains Lennart Gottlieb’s article from
1984, which i have used in the following. see also: Kasper Monrad: “christian tetzen-
Lund. the Merchant with the sharp eye and Unlimited ambition”, in Henri Matisse.
Four Great Collectors. ed. Kasper Monrad. statens Museum for Kunst, copenhagen
1999, pp. 137-155.
11
While living in copenhagen, Gabriele Münter also displayed her art at two compre-
hensive exhibitions of which the first comprising 100 works took place in the free in-
dependent? exhibition building in 1918. the second one was shown the following year
in Københavns ny Kunstsal (copenhagen new art hall) comprising no fewer than 111
paintings.
12
With his french fiancée Lucy vidil (who had previously worked as a model at the
académie Matisse), Krohg presented a repertoire of modern dances such as the apache
322 Dorthe Aagesen
dance and the argentinean tango. Press reviews of his dance performances mentioned
that Krohg was also a painter, even of the most daring kind – more radical than his
fellow Matisse students, since he had already long ago “abandoned Matisse’s school of
art which he considered obsolete and old-fashioned” (’anker’: ”Maleren”, in: Politiken,
29.10 1913).
13
‘helge’: ”hvad folk skal sé”, in: Politiken, 25.2. 1915.
14
“de svenske sensationer”, in: B.t., 5.12. 1916.
15
anker [Kirkeby]: ”Æselhalen”, Politiken, 14.10.1917.
16
as noted by Gottlieb (1995: 192).
17
on this and the following see Winskell (1995).
18
for further information on Walden’s secret news agency and his activities in the nether-
lands see van den Berg (2005b).
19
a.W. (andreas vinding): ”den frie Udstilling og det syvende Bud”, Politiken,
3.11.1918.
20
s [axel salto]: ”Kunstnernes efteraarsudstilling facilitated its visit to copenhagen and
elsewhere.
Art Metropolis for a Day 323
WorKs cited
aagesen, dorthe. 2002. Avant-Garde in Danish and European Art 1909-1919, statens
Museum for Kunst, copenhagen.
––. 2008. “farvebrøl og sindssyge påfund. Matisse-elever i København 1910-1920”,
in: Nordens Matisse-elever. cat. i. Gl strand: copenhagen: pp. 8-17.
abildgaard, hanne. 1990. “den modernistiske gennembrud i dansk malerkunst om-
kring den første verdenskrig”, in: Argos. Tidsskrift for kunstvidenskab, visuel
kommunikation, Kunstpædagogik. no. 7-8. odense Universitetsforlag: pp.
69-91.
––. 1994. Tidlig modernisme, in: ny dansk kunsthistorie, bd. 6. copenhagen.
––. 2001. “William scharff og den tidlige danske modernisme”, in: William Scharff.
Mellem myte og modernisme. nivaagaards Malerisamling and others, 2001.
––. 2002. “the nordic Paris”, in: The Avant-Garde in European Art 1909-1919. sta-
tens Museum for Kunst, copenhagen: pp. 172-187.
van den Berg. hubert. 2005. “Kortlægning af gamle spor af det nye. Bidrag til en
historisk topografi over det 20. århundredes europæiske avantgarde(r)”, in:
tania Ørum et al. (eds.): En tradition af opbrud. Avantgardernes tradition og
politik, spring: copenhagen: pp. 19-43.
also published in english: hubert van den Berg. 2006. “Mapping old traces of the
new. for a historical topography of 20th-century avant-garde(s) in the eu-
ropean cultural field(s)” in: Arcadia 41 (2) 2006: 331-351.
––. 2005 (2). “…wir müssen mit und durch deutschland in unserer Kunst weiter-
kommen“. Jacoba van heemskerck und das geheimdienstliche „nachtrich-
tenbüro ‚der sturm’“, in: Petra Josting and Walter fähnders (hgg.):
„Laboratorium Vielseitigkeit“. Zur Literatur der Weimarer Rupublik, ais-
thesis, Bielefeld, copenhagen, pp. 67-87.
Bing, Jens. 1985. Maleren Storm P, copenhagen: storm P.-Museet.
Brunius, teddy. 1986. “svenska Konstnärer i danmark”, in: Svenske kunstnere i
Danmark. Fra 1880’erne til 1930’erne, Kunstforeningen, copenhagen: pp.
7-42.
Giersing, harald. 1917. “der sturm”, in: Klingen, vol. 1, no. 2 (november 1917).
––. . 1909. “Kunstnernes efteraarsudstilling ii”, in: Kunstbladet, 1909.
Gottlieb, Lennart. 1984. “tetzen-Lunds samling – om dens historie, indhold og be-
tydning”, in: Kunst og Museum, vol. 19: pp. 18-49.
––. 1990. “intrige-bacillen – om den glemte sammenslutning ‘Ung dansk Kunst’ og
dannelsen af Grønningen”, in: Grønningen. De tidlige år. ny carlsberg Glyp-
totek: copenhagen: pp. 7-29.
––. 1995. Giersing. Maler, kritiker, menneske. copenhagen, 1995.
henningsen, Poul. 1918. “der sturm”, Klingen, vol. 2, no. 3 (december 1918).
hohlenberg, J.e. 1913. “Udstillinger. Københavns Kunstsalon: expressionister og
Kubister”, Illustreret Tidende, vol. 54, no. 32, 1913, pp. 400-401.
holbraad, carsten. 1991. Danish Neutrality. A Study in the Foreign Policy of a Small
State. clarendon Press: oxford.
Larsen, Peter nørgaard. 2004. “rabulist-reden”, in: henrik Wivel (red.): Drøm-
324 Dorthe Aagesen
Margareta tillberg
notes
1
the first World fair type of exhibition dedicated to art was the venice Biennial,
held for the first time in 1895, with national pavilions of the biggest colonial powers.
realising the international impact of the exhibition, other countries soon followed
suit.
2
on the art section of the Baltic exhibition, see christenson (1989: 92-138). “Kon-
stutställningen”, in Baltiska utställningen 1914. Malmö: Bokförlaget signum, 1989,
pp. 92-138.
3
the 1897 exhibition was important because it was instrumental in leaving a nordic
mark on russian art on the eve of the twentieth century.
4
einar rosenborg, Dagens Nyheter 15 May 1914, quoted from christenson (1989:
93). all translations are made by the author (M.t.), unless otherwise stated.
5
on the art section of the Baltic exhibition, see christenson (1989: 92-138). Quote
from p. 93.
6
august Brunius, Svenska Dagbladet, May 23. a few days earlier, the rubric in the
same newspaper was “art worth 6 million at the Baltic exhibition”, christenson
(1989: 94).
7
Göteborgsposten, 16 May 1914, from christenson (1989: 104 and 108).
8
i thank Göran christenson, director of the Malmö art Museum who was very
helpful in giving me this information on the policy of the local authorities.
9
for the Münter-Kandinsky stay in stockholm, see vivian endicott Barnett,
Kandinsky and Sweden: Malmö: Malmö konsthall, 1989; Johannes eichner, Kandin-
sky und Gabriele Münter. Von Ursprüngen moderner Kunst, Munich: f. Bruckmann,
1957; Gisela Kleine, Gabriele Münter und Wassily Kandinsky. Biographie eines
Paares. Munich:, insel verlag (third.ed.) 1991: 453-503. Kleine’s book is a sensitive
description of a woman artist in the shadow of a self-centered man. for further in-
Kandinsky in Sweden 335
WorKs cited
adrian-nilsson, Gösta. 1916. Kandinsky, stockholm: elis österbergs tryckeri, 1916.
Barnett, vivian endicott. 1989. Kandinsky and Sweden: Malmö: Malmö konsthall.
christenson, Göran. 1989. “Konstutställningen”, in Baltiska utställningen 1914.
Malmö: Bokförlaget signum: pp. 92-138.
eichner, Johannes. 1957. Kandinsky und Gabriele Münter. Von Ursprüngen moderner
Kunst, Munich: f. Bruckmann.
Grohmann, Will. 1958. Wassily Kandinsky. Leben und Werk, cologne: duMont
schauberg.
Kleine, Gisela. 1991. Gabriele Münter und Wassily Kandinsky. Biographie eines Paa-
res. Munich:, insel verlag (third.ed.).
Lindsay, Kenneth c. and vergo, Peter (eds.). Kandinsky: Complete Writings on Art,
Vol. 1 (1901-1921), London: faber and faber, 1982.
öhrner, annika. 2001. Gabriele Münter i Sverige: en liten presentation, stockholm:
Millesgarden.
Pehrsson, Per-Jan. 1989. “den vita sommarstaden”, in Baltiska utställningen 1914.
Malmö: Bokförlaget signum: p. 16.
the nationaL and the internationaL
in ULTRA (1922) and QUOSEGO (1928)
stefan nygård
conclusion
in the small countries on the peripheries of the european intellectual
space the autonomy of the cultural field is never really beyond ques-
tion. here the “autonomous intellectual”, as Kjetil Jacobsen notes
from a norwegian perspective, finds himself in a hopeless situation:
transnationally he is inhibited by the limited cultural capital of his
native cultural field, at home because he is not national enough
(Jakobsen 2004: 277). the tension between transnational and local
influences is always present when discussing the figures of the modern
intellectual or the avant-garde artist who, despite the transnational
nature of their fields of expertise, often addressed national audiences
and functioned in national environments. the instrumental aspects
of cosmopolitanism exemplified by the international strategies of
hagar olsson, elmer diktonius and ernest Pingoud naturally only
constitute one dimension of a larger picture. While there are also
more reciprocal and less locally anchored forms of international col-
laboration, the aim of this article has been to draw attention to in-
ternationalisation in the cultural field as a positioning strategy among
small country avant-gardes, as well as to some of the asymmetries in-
volved when peripheral actors approach the “cultural centres”.
the dichotomy of national heteronomy and international free-
dom played a part in the defence of artistic autonomy among the
small country avant-gardes, not least as an argument in a national
debate. emphasising their contacts with the literary opposition all
over europe was imperative also for artists and intellectuals who ad-
dressed themselves exclusively to national audiences. such a strategy
is made possible by the double references of intellectual and artistic
348 Stefan Nygård
life, being part of both a universal community and the cultural life
of a specific nation. the cosmopolitan and mainly finland-swedish
intellectuals, writers and artists brought together in journals such as
Euterpe, Ultra and Quosego struggled for a place in the cultural field
in finland, where the finland-swedes were becoming increasingly
marginalised under the pressure of the fennoman movement, which
had led to the gradual separation of the cultural field into two rival
factions around the language question. With their limited economic
resources, apolitical attitude, ambivalent reputation outside the lite-
rary field and high status among peers, contempt for the bourgeois
public and market-oriented journalism, these journals represented
typical avant-garde little magazines. cultural mediation, transna-
tional alliances and the use of international symbolic capital were
key ingredients in their parallel struggles against the national, ro-
mantic position of the previous generation, for the individual against
the collective, and for art and intellectual life against national politics
and the market.
notes
1
as Bourdieu argues in his model for the autonomisation of the french intellectual
field during the 19th century (Bourdieu 1992), aesthetic revolutions were carried out
in exactly the kind of social milieus that the Euterpe group represented; not by the
decidedly dominating or dominated, but by the kind of “unclassifiable bastards”
that were losing ground but were still sufficiently socially privileged, endowed with
significant symbolic capital and characterised by aristocratic dispositions which
were translated into aesthetic audacity (nygård 2010).
2
Within the group the label was interpreted as an honorary title given to anyone
who came up with something new (af nyborg 1906: 129).
3
hagar olsson’s review of a novel by Jarl hemmer (cited in holmström 1993: 90).
4
for a discussion on the stereotypical reception of immigrant writers in the cultural
centres, even among those actors in the core with an encouraging attitude towards
foreign influence, see Giladi 2010.
5
Pingoud responded to his critics by stating that: “if i ever, after some time, decide
to perform here in helsinki again, i only ask for open souls, complete naivety and
most of all that my compositions should not be compared to beautiful, harmonious,
good and well sounding music”. Svenska Tidningen 26.11.1918.
6
(olsson 1922). the work on this article has been conducted with funding from the
academy of finland.
The National and the International 349
WorKs cited
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för Finland 72(3).
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Paris: seuil.
casanova, Pascale. 2008 [1999]. La république mondiale des lettres. Paris: seuil.
charle, christophe. 1990. Naissance des “intellectuels” 1880–1900. Paris: Minuit.
diktonius, elmer. 1922. “Muualla ja meillä” in Ultra 1922: 24–25.
––. 1957. “Paris – helsingfors” in Meningar. helsingfors: schildt.
––. 1995. Brev. donner, Jörn and Lindqvist, Marit. (skrifter utgivna av svenska
litteratursällskapet i finland 595). helsingfors.
donner, Jörn. 2007. Diktonius. Ett liv. helsingfors: schildt.
enckell, olof. 1946. Den unge Diktonius. helsingfors: schildt.
forser, tomas. 1993. “oavhängiga kulturradikaler och reformradikala socialdemo-
krater. Utopi och besinning i folkhemmet” in Kulturradikalismen. Det mo-
derna genombrottets andra fas. nolin, Bertil (ed.) stockholm: symposion.
Giladi, amotz. 2010. “Marginalisation de l’avant-garde littéraire italienne en
france, 1900–1920” in Transeo (1) www.transeo-review.eu.
Goll, ivan. 1922. Les cinq continents. Anthologie mondiale de poésie contemporaine.
Paris: La renaissance du livre.
hannerz, Ulf. 1990. “cosmopolitans and Locals in World culture” in Theory, Cul-
ture & Society 7.
henrikson, thomas. 1971. Romantik och marxism. Estetik och politik hos Otto Ville
Kuusinen och Diktonius till och med 1921. stockholm: cavefors.
holmström, roger. 1993. Hagar Olsson och den öppna horisonten. Liv och diktning
1920-1945. esbo: schildt.
Jakobsen, Kjetil. 2004. Kritikk av den reine autonomi. Ibsen, verden og de norske in-
tellektuelle. oslo: Unipub.
Jalava, Marja. 2005. Minä ja maailmanhenki. Moderni subjekti kristillis-idealistisessa
kansallisajattelussa ja Rolf Lagerborgin kulttuuriradikalismissa n. 1880-1914.
(Bibliotheca historica 98). helsinki: suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura.
Joyeux-Prunel, Béatrice. 2009. Nul n’est prophète en son pays? L’internationalisation
de la peinture des avant-gardes parisiennes, 1855–1914, Paris: Musée d’or-
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Kofman, eleonore. 2007. “figures of the cosmopolitan: privileged nationals and
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Kramer, andreas. 2009. “europa minor. Yvan and claire Goll’s europe” in Bru,
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350 Stefan Nygård
natalia Baschmakoff
vammelsuu, with their long sandy beaches and healthy pine forests
of the “northern riviera”. in the early 1900s some 5000 dachas on
the isthmus were already owned by foreigners, mainly russian citi-
zens (hämäläinen 1974: 97). the number of summer dwellers
reached a peak in 1914, with 75,000 people in the district of terijoki
alone (hämäläinen 1974: 205). although the dacha industry gave a
welcome impetus to the finnish economy, it did not bring the local
Avant-Garde Encounters on Karelian Bedrock (1890s-1930s) 353
inhabitants closer to the holidayers; there was too great a social gap
between the summer guests and the finnish peasants, who usually
worked as deliverymen or servants for the dacha owners. indeed,
though the isthmus was a natural meeting place for russian and
northern cultures, cultural contacts remained limited (Bodin 1989:
27). But the rugged and severe northern landscape pointed to a geog-
raphy, climate, history and mythology shared by not only the nordic
countries, but also russia (nilsson 1987b: 126-127; 1989a: 25-31).
the bourgeois city-dwellers yearned for fresh air, high-quality
services and unspoiled nature (isachenko 2003: 114). artists desired
intellectual company and to find their own primeval ego among
brooding lakes and granite rocks. some, like the painter isaac Levi-
tan, found the “threatening eternity” of the rocks moulded by the
glaciers and the “grayness” of the finnish landscape depressing
(soini 2005: 13-14), whereas others, such as the poet osip Mandel-
stam, felt a specific liberating mood in finland: “people drove there
in order to think to the end what could not be thought to the end in
Petersburg” (Mandelstam 1965: 86). the symbolist writer Leonid
andreyev decided to settle in vammelsuu for good and had eliel
saarinen’s architectural bureau in helsinki design a modern log villa
for him. When the house was ready in 1908, andreyev wrote to
Maxim Gorkii that he expected “once and for all to come face to
face with nature, with the sea, the sky, the snow, face to face with
pure human thought” (andreyev carlisle 1989: 7).1
indeed, the dachas on the isthmus created an inspiring transi-
tional space between urban and rural, work and leisure, russian and
non-russian. the cultural life of the isthmus offered a variety of
theatrical or musical performances, lectures, and poetry readings.2
dacha-life within easy reach was like being in a cultural playground
in a foreign land, and moving to the dacha became the equivalent of
travelling abroad. By the turn of the century well-known russian
artists and intellectuals spent their summer vacations on the shores
of the Gulf of finland, among them the writers aleksandr Blok,
osip Mandelstam, Maxim Gorkii, aleksandr Kuprin, Boris Zaitsev,
vladimir P’ast, vladimir Mayakovsky, sergei Yesenin, vasilii Ka-
menskii, velimir Khlebnikov, vladimir Korolenko, aleksei
Kruchenykh; the painters ilya repin, isaac Levitan, valentin serov,
nikolai roerikh, ivan Puni (Jean Pougny), nikolai Kul’bin, elena
Guro, Mikhail Matiushin, Kazimir Malevich, iurii annenkov, anna
354 Natalia Baschmakoff
[…] genuine creation takes place at a far deeper level than writers
and artists in their everyday practice generally believe. it does not
occur during the moment of doing, but at moments of contempla-
tion when nothing is being done, and the doing is merely the embo-
diment of something already completed in the soul […]
(Guro cited in Ljunggren 1995: 12).
356 Natalia Baschmakoff
elena Guro, Self Portrait, mid 1900s, pencil on paper, 20.3×16.7 cm.
Manuscript department of the institute of russian Literature (Pushkin-
skii dom), st. Petersburg.
the branches of trees are like bronchial tubes – the basic element of
respiration… the sacred earth breathes through them, the earth
breathes through the sky. the result is a complete circle of earthly
and celestial metabolism. they are signs of ulterior life (Matiushin
cited in howard 1992: 27-28).
everything is very convenient: she is not young, will not run about
at night. and she’s tidy: a finn! a healthy air of lakes and pinewoods
will come from her. the kitchen will be bright: the sun and yellow
straw chairs. (rGaLi, fond 134, 13: 20ob.)
the outbreak of World War i had already disrupted the lively isth-
mus summer seasons. Between 1917-1920, a flood of refugees,
mainly from st. Petersburg, many of them former villa owners,
crossed the border and settled in abandoned villas or continued on
their way to the european émigré centres – Berlin, Paris, Prague. de-
molished villas, internment camps, starvation and poverty became
an everyday reality for many refugee families. eventually, however,
summer seasons on the finland-ruled isthmus became lively again,
362 Natalia Baschmakoff
the close contact with nature and the informal ambiance which
reigned at the international artist gatherings on the Karelian isthmus
not only during imperial rule, but also during the first years of
finnish independence, seem to fully justify the use of the term genius
loci, reflecting the special spirit of a place. spatial history tells us as
much about the visible and tangible world as it tells about abstract
understanding of relations that construct our social and material re-
ality. environments matter not only because they make us experience
a certain landscape or humanscape, but also because they form our
364 Natalia Baschmakoff
notes
1
andreyev’s artistic autochrome photos from the early 1900s reflect the dacha idyll
in the Karelian setting as a total harmony between man, nature and culture, which
the writer was pursuing (see more in davies 1989).
2
e.g. improvised modernist theatrical performances were staged at the casino in ter-
ijoki during summer 1913 by Boris Pronin and vsevolod Meyerkhold. (P’ast 1997:
158-163).
3
the activity of the “World of art” impresario sergei diaghilev (1872-1929) is espe-
cially important. in the first issue of the magazine he introduced finnish painters, in-
cluding Gallen-Kallela (1865-1931), to russian readers. he also organised joint
exhibitions of russian and scandinavian art. one of the results of diaghilev’s work
was a life-long creative friendship between nikolai roerich (1874-1947) and Gallen-
Kallela. ilya repin’s many international connections with artists are also well docu-
mented (see more in Kirillina 1977; reitala 1987; chukokkala 1999).
4
Zhupel, like most of the satirical magazines of the time, was short-lived (1905-1906),
running for only three issues. among its cartoon designers were great modernist artists
such as Mstislav dobuzhinskii, ivan Bilibin, Boris Kustodiev and others
(dobuzhinzkii 1987: 299-300; Karasik 1957: 357-363).
5
in april 1917, an exhibition of modern finnish art was organised at nadeshda
dobychina’s art gallery in Petrograd. it revealed the russian’s keen interest in modern
nordic art. Many of the acquaintances between finnish and russian artists may be
traced back to summer seasons on the isthmus (hellman 2002, 27-40).
6
in this respect, she was not the only modernist artist to be attracted to the fenno-
scandian landscape. others included the painters Matiushin, roerikh, Larionov, and
Goncharova, and the poets Briusov, Blok, Khlebnikov and Kruchenykh. Birnbaum
considers that the Karelian isthmus became Guro’s “literary home ground, where she
wrote her best works” (Birnbaum 1996: 270).
7
other of her texts, notably “Podrazhaniie finljandskomu” (imitating finnish), “fin-
skaia melodiia” (a finnish tune) and the unpublished draft “Korova” (the cow),
reveal Guro’s knowledge of other finnish literary motifs (see more in nilsson 1987b:
130-132; Baschmakoff 1990: 157-170).
8
Guro seemed to have a special interest for Louhi, the hostess of the mythic Pohjola
(Land of the far north) that Guro called “the Gloomy north” (see more in
Baschmakoff 1990: 165).
Avant-Garde Encounters on Karelian Bedrock (1890s-1930s) 365
9
for more about the place of the Karelian isthmus in Guro’s oeuvre and her poetic
kinship with the finnish-swedish modernist edith södergran, see nilsson 1986,
1987a, 1987b, 1989b; Birnbaum 1996; Baschmakoff 2003.
10
in one of her prose fragments, Guro even argues with the eminent danish writer
herman Bang (Baschmakoff 2004: 41).
11
Guro called her modernist attitude ‘boldness’ – derzost’.
12
also the painter Pavel filonov (1883-1941), close to the Guro-Matiushin couple,
stressed the dynamics of the creative process. his idea of persistent work (sdelannost)
meant a record of various processes that take place while the work of art comes into
existence. superimposing on the same canvas, one upon another, several paintings of
the same object – in Bergson’s words producing “an aggregate” of images (Bergson
1988: 9) – filonov emphasised both the duration of the creative process and the visual
dimension of the work (see more in cloutier 2009).
13
for more information about the precarious situation on the borderland territory
1917-1920, see engman 2008.
14
Besides repin’s son iurii, a painter, and his daughter vera, an actress, among the
russian émigré artists – many of them modernists – were: the writers vera Bulich,
vadim Gardner, ivan savin; the painters nikolai Blinov, arkadii Presas, Georges von
swetlick; the composers ernest Pingoud, aleksei Krasnostovskii, Petr akimov, sergei
Lappo-danilevskii and Petr Mirolybov (for more information see Baschmakoff and
Leinonen 2001).
15
among “torchbearers” members and sympathisers were the writers olavi Paavo-
lainen, helvi hämäläinen, toivo Pekkanen, Mika Waltari, Unto seppänen, ilmari
Pimiä, arvi Kivimaa, elina vaara, Uuno Kailas, Katri vala, P. Mustapää (Martti
haavio), Lauri viljanen, Yrjö Jylhä, viljo Kojo, Lempi Jääskeläinen and the painters
sylvi and väinö Kunnas.
16
villa Golicke was owned by the cousins ina colliander and sven Grönvall. among
the guests were olof, rabbe and heidi enckell, Gunnar Björling, helen af enehjelm,
Lorenz von numers, eva Wichman, ralf Parland, hagar olsson, elmer diktonius,
ragna Ljungdell and atos Wirtanen. the swedes Gunnar ekelöf, Johannes edfelt,
erik Lindegren, hjalmar Gullberg and ebbe Linde also made trips to Kuokkala (for
more information see hirn 2003: 16-24).
17
södergran’s literary production, like Guro’s, is meagre. the first collection Dikter
(Poems) was published in 1916. the second collection Septemberlyran (september
Lyre) came out in 1918. Rosenaltaret (the rose altar) followed in 1919, Framtidens
skugga (shadow of the future) in 1920 and the posthumous Landet som icke är (the
Land that is not) in 1925.
18
Both died of tuberculosis – Guro in Uusikirkko, södergran in raivola (Birnbaum
1996: 37).
19
in designing mindscapes and “cultural islands” around st. Petersburg where “nature
and culture meet each other”, vladimir toporov applies the term locus poesiae to de-
scribe natural spaces that have been “theatricalised” and thus “culturalised”; as a par-
allel term, toporov uses the almost untranslatable russian word ‘urochishche’ (see
more in toporov 2009: 501-643). thus, in toporov’s schema, the artist’s role is to reveal
the theatrical potential of a natural space. toporov links poetic agency to Bakhtin’s
366 Natalia Baschmakoff
and vernadsky’s respective notions of chronotope and noosphere, which both adopt
the symbolist idea of art as creation of life (toporov 1988: 61; 1991: 200-217). More-
over, by theatricalising natural space and “playing culture”, modernists were subli-
mating the fear they felt for the great crises to come. reflecting over his famous
dacha-guestbook “chukokkala”, full of parody, witty jokes, puns, occasional poems,
sketches and caricatures by and/or of summer guests and famous personalities, which
became a mirror of the epoch, critic and writer Kornei chukovskii reminisced about
the fin-de-siècle atmosphere on the isthmus: “it was like a feast during the plague”
(hellberg-hirn 2009: 127).
Avant-Garde Encounters on Karelian Bedrock (1890s-1930s) 367
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Avant-Garde Encounters on Karelian Bedrock (1890s-1930s) 369
archivaL MateriaLs
rGaLi, fond 134, elena Guro.
the PaviLion of DE 14
rudolph thyge-
sen Fargesymfoni
nr. III (colour
symphony no.
iii), 1914,
177×232 cm, oil
on canvas. Lille-
hammer art
Museum.
Jean heiberg
Skadet mann
(injured Man),
1914, 65×54 cm,
oil on canvas.
Lillehammer art
Museum.
374 Øivind Storm Bjerke
place between the “new impressionists” and the artists who had stu-
died at academie Matisse, whom he refers to as “the radicals”.
halvorsen’s essay reads like an unashamed promotion of his artist
friends. he drew specific attention to sandberg, Grande, deberitz,
heiberg, thygesen, Per Krohg and, in pride of place, sørensen,
whose work, in halvorsen’s opinion, offered the best exemplification
of expressionism. furthermore, halvorsen claimed that, together
with Krohg, Werenskiold and Munch, the young artists demon-
strated that, outside of france, “painting is nowhere as good as in
norway at the moment” (halvorsen 1911: 265). halvorsen’s essay
provoked a response from the swedish art historian august Brunius.
for Brunius, expressionism was nothing new, but had actually been
the dominant trend of the previous forty years, with a lineage run-
ning from cézanne to van Gogh and Gauguin and their wish to cre-
ate a “personal treatment of colour and [attain] emancipation from
all traditional restraints” (Brunius 1912: 224). Brunius, like Krohg,
singled out Karsten, but described him as the most interesting expo-
nent of norwegian expressionism, which, in his opinion, derived its
distinctive character from Munch. for Brunius, sørensen, torstein
torsteinsson and onsager belonged to a minority strongly influenced
by french art, while Lund, erichsen and svarstad were marked by
national idiosyncrasies which placed them outside any definition of
“expressionism”. Brunius’ opinion had no impact on the artists
halvorsen considered “radical” and “expressionistic”; nor has it
made much impact on subsequent generations of writers and art his-
torians, who have predominately accepted and maintained the cate-
gories and groupings outlined by Krohg, halvorsen and sørensen.
in Kunst og Kultur 1911 (sørensen 1911: 242-251), sørensen
established a genealogy in which he saw himself, erichsen, and Wold-
torne at the spearhead of a development combining impulses from
classical and contemporary international art with traditional nor-
wegian painting. sørensen wanted to establish a ‘family’ of artists,
united in building upon the “general results” 1 of the previous gene-
ration, which, for sørensen, included cézanne, van Gogh, Munch
and Werenskiold. he considered the work of these artists to be im-
bued with a manly vitality, with the exception of Munch whose work
he regarded as elegiac and romantic. this manly vitality linked them
with northern european culture. through the fusion of these two
tendencies, sørensen envisaged norwegian art of the near future as
The Pavilion of de 14 375
compared with what was on display in the official pavilion, the work
exhibited by De 14 seems to confirm Brunius’ classification and eva-
luation of the artistic situation at that time. the work by Per Krohg
– and even Karsten – included in the official exhibition was far more
radical than anything in the pavilion of De 14. two years earlier, Jens
thiis had visited the international sonderbund exhibition in
cologne and had described the paintings of Werenskiold, torne,
erichsen, sørensen, torsteinsson, Karsten, heiberg, thygesen and
Lund as, “solid, tranquil, steady art, far from all sensation and ex-
travagance. i believe my German colleagues were rather astonished
by how reactionary revolutionary art is in norway” (thiis 1912:
237). When the art historian einar Lexow reviewed the De 14 show
at the 1914 exhibition (Lexow 1914: 54), he confirmed what thiis
had seized upon two years earlier, praising the conservatism of the
norwegian painters as a firm reaction to the excesses taking place
outside of norway.
the exhibition of De 14 did, however, include a number of works
which can be described as “radical” or “avant-garde.” in addition to
two 1914 paintings by thygesen and two recent polychrome wooden
reliefs by dagfin Werenskiold, there were “radical” paintings by
sørensen, heiberg and revold, but these dated from the period 1908-
1910. sørensen, revold and heiberg’s new work was characterised
by strict compositional control, with pencil marks laying out deco-
rative patterns. strong colours, energetic brushwork and striking de-
formations were features of the past.
the attempts of De 14 to construct a clear norwegian ethnic
identity based on traditional genres and landscape motifs were evi-
dent in the work of sørensen, Wold-tone and holbø, whilst deco-
rative work by dagfin Werenskiold and Wold-torne directly
promoted the decorative art popular amongst peasants resident in
remote districts, such as Gudbrandsdalen and telemark, who had
not been exposed to contemporary urban culture. in addition to this,
the pavilion was provided with chairs, made by the company th.
Lunde of Lillehammer, whose design was inspired by the rich tradi-
tion of woodwork in Gudbrandsdalen.
376 Øivind Storm Bjerke
notes
1
By “general results”, sørensen seems to be referring to underlying timeless rules
governing all great painting.
2
two by thygesen (one of which was presented to the gallery as a gift by the
painter). Both dating from 1907, neither painting represents the expressionism of
his work of 1914; a landscape by sandberg dating from 1910; sørensen’s 1914 “Man
and wife”; and a painting by Wold-torne from the previous year.
378 Øivind Storm Bjerke
WorKs cited
Brunius, august. 1912. “svensk och norsk expressionism”, i Kunst og Kultur, oslo:
p. 224.
edam, c.t., hökby, M.G. and scheibler, B. (eds.). 1989. Modernismens gennombrott,
utstillingskatalog, Uddevalla.
halvorsen, Walther. 1911. “Kunst og unge kunstnere”, i Kunst og kultur, oslo: p.
252 - 265
hoff, svein olav. 1922. Henrik Sørensen, Gyldendal norsk forlag, oslo.
Krohg, christian. 1911. “de seks”, Kunst og Kultur, p. 219 – 232.
––. 1914. 1814 – 1914 Norges Kunst: Jubileumsutstilling, Utstillingsforlaget, oslo.
Lange, M. and skedsmo, t. 1992. Katalog Norske Malere i Nasjonalgalleriet, na-
sjonalgalleriet, oslo.
Lexow, einar. 1914. “De 14”, Kunst og Kultur nr. 1, 1914, John Griegs forlag:
Bergen: p. 51 – 61.
Lone, erling. 1925. Harriet Backer, aschehoug & co, oslo.
Messel, nils. 1989. “fra Munchs have til Matisse atelier”, Kunst og Kultur, nr. 3:
Universitetsforlaget oslo: p. 122 – 136.
sørensen, henrik. 1911. “thorvald erichsen og oluf Wold torne” in Kunst og
Kultur, oslo: p. 242 – 251.
stenstadvold, håkon. 1946. Idekamp og stilskifte i norsk malerkunst 1900 - 1919, f.
Bruns Bokhandels forlag: oslo.
thiis, Jens. 1912. Kunst og Kultur.: oslo. p. 237.
––. 1923. Nordisk kunst idag. oslo.
Werenskiold, Marit. 1972. De norske Matisse - elevene, Gyldendal norsk forlag,
oslo.
––. 1984. The Concept of Expressionism, Universitetsforlaget, oslo.
fLaMMan
claes-Göran holmberg
Precursors
swedish avant-garde groups were very late in founding their own
magazines. in france and Germany, little magazines had been pub-
lished continuously from the romantic era onwards. a magazine was
an ideal platform for the consolidation of a new movement in its
formative phase. it was a collective thrust at the heart of the enemy:
the older generation, the academies, the traditionalists. By showing
a united front (through programmatic declarations, manifestos, es-
says etc.) you assured the public that you were to be reckoned with.
almost every new artist group or current has tried to create a mag-
azine to define and promote itself.
the first swedish little magazine to embrace the symbolist and
decadent movements of fin-de-siècle europe was Med pensel och
penna (With paintbrush and pen, 1904-1905), published in Uppsala
by the society of “Les quatres diables”, a group of young poets and
students engaged in aestheticism and Baudelaire adulation. Mem-
bers were the poet and student in slavic languages sigurd agrell
(1881-1937), the student and later professor of art history harald
Brising (1881-1918), the student of philosophy and later professor
of psychology John Landquist (1881-1974), and the author sven
Lidman (1882-1960); the poet sigfrid siwertz (1882-1970) also joined
the group later. the magazine did not leave any great impact on
swedish literature but it helped to spread the Jugend style of illu-
stration, the contemporary love-hate relationship with the city
and the celebration of the intoxicating powers of beauty and deca-
dence.
in 1915 the stockholm-based italian painter arturo ciacelli
380 Claes-Göran Holmberg
flamman
flamman, published between 1917-1921, was the most prominent
swedish avant-garde magazine. it was founded by the swedish
painter Georg Pauli (1855-1935), who had shocked his native audi-
ence with his cubist mural paintings in a provincial Jönköping high
school (1912). Pauli had studied in Paris and had met avant-garde
painters and writers there. on his return to sweden, he decided to
found a swedish magazine that would introduce the new movements.
Pauli was allowed to extract and publish texts and pictures from his
two primary influences: herwarth Walden’s Der Sturm (1910-1932)
and amedée ozenfant’s l’Élan (1915-1916). Pauli and ozenfant also
placed advertisements in each other’s magazines.
flamman was published by the “Bröderna Lagerström” publishing
house in stockholm. it is doubtful whether its leader hugo Lager-
ström appreciated the magazine’s typographical playfulness (Gram
2006: 52). inspired by ozenfant’s “typométrie” and “psychoty-
piques”, Pauli used all kinds of pseudo-historical and Jugend fonts.
in a poem inspired by the neo-classical architect carl august
flamman 381
dom! – its core is obvious, but the contours are playing! [...] the
modernisms will be attended to: expressionism, cubism, futurism,
simultaneism et al. and totalism!
artist is nature’s master, not its slave”, before pointing to Per Krohg’s
picture poem in Ny konst as a good example of the suggestive po-
tential of typography.
Pauli promoted the new in several different ways, one of which
was to publish reproductions of work by the best international avant-
garde painters and sculptors, some of them in colour. in total, the
works featured in flamman constitute a comprehensive map of con-
temporary avant-garde art: Picasso, chagall, arp, archipenko, Met-
zinger, Lhote and so on. nell Walden (1887-1973), herwarth
Walden’s swedish wife, wrote essays about chagall and archipenko,
while arturo ciacelli contributed with a powerful visual homage to
the italian futurist painter Umberto Boccioni (Pauli 1917: 4).
another important mission for flamman was to showcase swedish
modernist and avant-garde painters, including isaac Grünewald and
sigrid hjertén, Leander engström, einar Jolin. Gan sent pictures
of some of his paintings and also contributed with aphorisms on
formal aspects of art, addressing such questions as how best to
achieve beauty in a drawing and how to use colouring and technique
to create artistic effect. he also emphasised the importance of util-
ising aspects of the modern world: mechanics, steam, electricity. in
a dialogue between the erudite, impotent critic and the seeking, po-
tent artist, Gan presents the latter as the representative of the new,
the good, and the manly. electricity, energy and Power are his guid-
ing words. the most powerful of Gan’s polemics appear in flam-
man’s so-called “extra issue” from 1919. his anonymous enemies –
perhaps the bourgeoisie or the establishment or simply those who
do not understand the power and truth of modern art – are brutally
mangled for their soullessness, their weakness and their ignorance.
they do not feel the purifying energy that emanates from the new
art forms.
a third task of flamman was to publish important essays and pro-
grammatic declarations by international and swedish artists. andré
Lhote seems to have been one of Pauli’s closest associates, given the
number of essays he published in flamman. Lhote’s contributions in-
cluded both a series of “artistic hypotheses” (Pauli 1917: 1), which
constituted his inauguration speech as a professor at atelier Libre
(Pauli 1917: 3), and a lecture on cubism (Pauli 1917: 6).
the norwegian modernist alfred hagn gave an introduction to
“the futurism of London” (Pauli 1917: 4), discussing how the eng-
flamman 385
lish painter christopher r.W. nevinson had returned from the war
and painted pictures of its cruelties. england, he concluded, with its
stone grey realism, was not the right country for futurism.
isaac Grünewald contributed a polemic attack on swedish archi-
tects (Pauli 1917: 4), in which he encouraged young painters and
sculptors to demand that their works be used in any new buildings.
Using revolutionary language, Grünewald more or less commanded
his supporters to tear down archaic tapestries and other such adorn-
ments from swedish walls.
the fourth and final major aim of flamman was to fight against
the art academies, art museums and hostile art critics. Pauli had al-
ready sketched out his ideas in a pamphlet entitled “the socializa-
tion of art”. these ideas were recapitulated and elaborated on in
flamman, as Pauli and his associates made their line of thinking clear
to readers through repeated use of such terms as “democratic politics
of the arts” and “aesthetic economy”. the swedish government’s
policy towards its art museums came under heavy fire. the state,
Pauli suggested, should establish art schools all over the country and
concentrate on funding monumental rural paintings and decorative
arts. these art schools would teach students architecture combined
with painting and sculpture. the teaching of individual arts – easel
painting, nature morte, landscape painting, and so on – ought to be
a private enterprise, reasoned Pauli, one immediate advantage being
that “the entire teaching staff of the academy of art could be fired”
(Pauli 1917: 2).
flamman had very little to say regarding the literary avant-garde.
apollinaire was praised a couple of times and a selection of his “idéo-
grammes” from the Soirées de Paris was reproduced (Pauli 1917: 5).
the norwegian poet-painter Per Krohg also contributed a visual
poem inserted into a colouristic red frame (Pauli 1917: 6). apart from
this, there is little more in the literary vein. Pauli and his collaborators
were not that interested in the new literary forms and nothing was
being produced along these lines in sweden. in the third issue, it was
announced that Jean cocteau had promised to send a couple of
poems. none of his work, however, ever appeared in flamman.
the double issue concluding the first year (Pauli 1917: 8-9) con-
tained an extract from “flamman’s journal” which described how the
editor and his collaborators had gathered at djurgården in central
stockholm for a discussion about the development of their maga-
386 Claes-Göran Holmberg
cessful in bringing the swedish avant-garde into focus. due to its ed-
itor’s rather eclectic approach, the magazine did not become a forum
for a particular movement. the polemical side of flamman was di-
rected towards the established art institutions and art critics. its con-
structive side aimed at a reformation of art education directed
towards “socialised art”, mural paintings and the decorative arts.
one obvious problem for flamman was that it was written in
swedish. another problem concerned finances. after finishing the
first volume of flamman Pauli invited the editors of Klingen to join
forces and produce an international magazine, but nothing came of
this proposal. it seems that Pauli fell out with the editors of the
copenhagen sister magazine, since the two magazines accused each
other of having lost their edge after a good first volume.
as is the case with the majority of little avant-garde magazines,
flamman’s small circulation and short lifespan should not be con-
fused with its importance. the magazine’s influence on swedish art
was considerable and it contributed actively to the international
avant-garde movement. after the demise of flamman, no swedish
avant-garde magazine appeared until the 1930s.
flamman 389
WorKs cited
Berg, Yngve. 1917. “Kolonner vad gör ni?”, flamman 1. vol. issue 4, stockholm
1917.
cederschiöld, Gunnar. interview with Pablo Picasso, flamman 1. vol. issue 1, stock-
holm 1917.
flamman, 1. vol., issues 1-9, stockholm 1917.
flamman. Kalender för modern Konst 1918. stockholm.
flamman. Kalender för modern Konst 1919. stockholm.
flamman. Kalender för modern Konst 1920-21. stockholm.
Gram, Magdalena. 2006. “när typografin blev ‘modern’. om modernismens ge-
nombrott i svensk typografi”, in Biblis 34, pp. 51-63.
––. 1993. “the art Journal as an artistic Gesture: an experiment named flam-
man”, in Scandinavian Journal of Design History 3, 1993, pp. 85-108.
Pauli, Georg. 1917. “Ur flammans Journal”, in flamman 8-9.
Uttenreitter, Poul. 1919. signed “U-r”: “flamman, Kalender för modern Konst,
1918”, in Klingen, 2. vol., no. 6 1919.
coPenhaGen sWordPLaY –
avant-Garde ManoeUvres and the aesthetics of War
in the art MaGaZine KLINGEN (1917-1920)
Bjarne s. Bendtsen
torpedo – God, however, was just a painted plaster figure. this, along
with the stage direction, “[p]erformed on the theatre of war in the
vosges, 1916” (Krohg 1918), seems to point towards a critical view
of the war. the term theatre of war is – and was – highly unusual in
both norwegian and danish, so Krohg probably intended the term
ironically. thus, depersonalised mechanical war and God’s downfall,
two of the defining topics of modern art and war art, were present
in Klingen’s war issue, albeit in a marginal and ambiguous capacity
– Krohg’s use of these topics can be interpreted as yet another play-
ful expression of war imagery.
Generally, Klingen’s war issue and the artists’ approach to the
topic provide evidence of their distance from the actual frontlines of
the war, as was the case for most of the contemporary artistic avant-
gardes in europe. the martial rhetoric and aesthetic patriotism re-
mained an important part of salto’s strategy for propagating modern
art in the nordic countries after the war. in a collective statement by
the artists of the Klingen-group from december 1919 criticising the
contemporary stockholm exhibition of nordic art for its lack of
aesthetic radicalism, salto reinforced his argument for modern art by
invoking the danes’ violent past: “We are of viking stock! our flag
is fiery and our songs are strong. our forefathers subdued northern
europe, we are of the hard substance of the conquerors” (iii: 2; 447).
Klingen was an important showcase for the opinions of the
nordic war-time avant-garde. it was also the central conduit through
which international avant-garde art and aesthetics (especially cubism
and fauvism) entered the nordic art scene. finally, from a local dan-
ish perspective, the magazine played a crucial social role as a meeting
point and the formative ground for The Four (salto, Lundstrøm, Jo-
hansen, and Larsen) which was to become the dominant modernist
artist group in denmark throughout the following decade.
notes
1
Klingen is available in an online digital facsimile edition published by the royal
Library in copenhagen. Quotations indicate number of volume and issue in the
original edition and, after semicolon, page number of the digitalised version avail-
able at http://www2.kb.dk/ktss/.
400 Bjarne S. Bendtsen
WorKs cited
abildgaard, hanne. 1994. “tidlig modernisme” in hornung, Peter Michael (ed.)
Ny dansk kunsthistorie, vol. 6. copenhagen: fogtdal.
Bürger, Peter. 1974. Theorie der Avantgarde. frankfurt a.M.: suhrkamp.
cork, richard. 1994. A Bitter Truth. Avant-Garde Art and the Great War. new
haven and London: Yale University Press.
Jelsbak, torben. 2006. “det levende kunstblad. tidsskriftet Klingen (1917-1920)
mellem modernisme og avantgarde” in Danske studier, vol. 101: 128-160.
––. 2008. Avantgardefilologi og teksttransmission. Phd-thesis. University of copen-
hagen.
––. 2012. ““order and regularity and solidarity in all things”. internationalist
aesthetics and Politics of the danish avant-Garde(s) around 1920” in van
den Berg, hubert, and Głuchowska, Lidia (eds). The Internationality of the
Avant-garde. Leuven: Peters, in press.
Krohg, Per. 1918. “nervøsitet eller en stille nat ved fronten” Klingen 1918, vol. 8.
––. 1966. Memoarer – Minner og meninger. oslo: Gyldendal norsk forlag.
Marinetti, filippo tommaso. 1914. Zang tumb tuuum. Adrianopoli ottobre 1912:
parole in libertà. Milan: edizioni futuriste di Poesia.
Mortensen, finn hauberg. 1980 (ed.). Klingen. En antologi. copenhagen: samleren.
salto, axel. 1952. Ting ikke Ord. copenhagen: fischer.
nergaard, trygve. 2000. Billeder av Per Krohg. oslo: aschehoug.
stegane, idar. 2008. “København og tjøme. alf Larsen sine poetiske stader” in
hadle oftedal andersen, Peter stein Larsen and Louise Mønster (eds) Ste-
det. Modernisme i nordisk lyrikk 2. helsingfors: institutionen för nordiska
språk och nordisk litteratur, helsingfors Universitet.
dada coPenhaGen
torben Jelsbak
Bønnelycke had hardly fired his two gun shots during his recitation
before a series of shots blazed away down among the audience,
mixed with attempts at whistling. Bolschevik scared ladies jumped
up in terror, but, as the gunpowder smoke drifted under the ceiling,
the expressionists gathered in a “Long Live Bønnelycke” which
drowned the sounds of the opponents. (Politiken, 13 february 1919)
don’t laugh,
Because i’m green
i’m the envious one
(music)
(…)
i’m expelled,
an idiot.
a hippopotamus
a bumbler.
a dry stick
a unique specimen.
i will let myself fall down and break my neck!
standing outside vor frue Kirke [the churh of our Lady, the cathe-
dral of copenhagen] was a group of very peculiar young people. one
had green hair – that was the painter eugène de sala – who stood
there among various other oddities. But in front of them all, a dark,
long haired student appeared with a gloomy look in his eyes. he car-
ried a poster […] bearing the sentence:
“the revolution is the engine of world history” […]
When leaving the university building, i discovered a poster ad-
vertising the new student society announcing that the author
Dada Copenhagen 409
tween the group’s political agenda and its artistic strategies of com-
munication and provocation. Madsen was expecting to hear “a-na-
tional” poems in the language of Esperanto, the constructed
international auxiliary language of young revolutionary europe, but
was instead confronted with abstract dadaist sound poetry; his re-
action reflects something of the widespread scepticism and dislike
in communist circles for the aesthetic experiments of avant-garde
art. as for the liqueur “symphony” in question, it is impossible to
identify with absolute certainty. abstract sound poetry was far from
being a common practice of Broby’s, but it was a speciality of his
poet colleague Momberg, whose work from the period contains sev-
eral abstract sound poems in the manner of Der Sturm. the danish
editor of Broby’s writings has made the plausible suggestion that the
poem performed at the dnss soirée was Momberg’s, and, more
specifically, the poem “Bitter” (Liqueur). this poem features in a
manuscript which bears the title Katakomb (catacomb), one of the
author’s many unrealised publication projects dating from the period
(Momberg 1969: 59):
cado
li
dom
cacado
o
bols
oboli
do
docado
bo
abodom
domcada
o
li
o
coco
Bourgeois society has broken down. Bourgeois art has destroyed it-
self until it produced dada. dada marks the point of putrefaction
in art. the art of centuries now babble like a child […]
the new artists play with building blocks. the new art is still a
little clumsy, but elementary. it constructs according to simple laws.
it is constructivist, as is communist society. (Broby 1923; repr.
harsløf 2000, p. 138).
notes
1
Postcard from herwarth Walden to carl Julius salomonsen, dated 5 June 1919, in
the collections of the royal Library in copenhagen, nKs 5203 40.
2
cf. Dadaistisches Manifest, recited at the first dada-soirée in Berlin, 12 april
1918, and later published as a pamphlet signed by tristan tzara, franz Jung, Georg
Grosz, Marcel Janco, richard hulsenbeck, Gerhard Preß, raoul hausmann, o.
Lüthy, fréderic Glauser, hugo Ball, Pierre albert Birot, Maria d’arezzo, Gino
cantarelli, Prampolini, r van rees, Madame von rees, hans arp, G. thäuber, an-
drée Morosini, françois Mombello-Pasquati.
3
h.-M. Barzun originally launched his proposal for a new, post-symbolist poetry
in the article, “après le symbolisme. L’art poétique d’un idéal nouveau : voix,
rythmes et chants simultanés expriment l’ère du drame”, published in: Poème et
Drame, vol. 4 (Paris, april 1913), p. 6-15.
Dada Copenhagen 413
WorKs cited
Bürger, Peter. 1974. Theorie der Avantgarde. frankfurt a.M.: suhrkamp.
Bønnelycke, emil. 1919. Rosa Luxemburg. Symphoni Pathétique in Memoriam.
copenhagen.
forster, stephen c. 1996-2002 (General editor). The History of Dada. vols. 1-8,
new York: hall.
Gelsted, otto. 1977. Tilbage til fremtiden i-ii, copenhagen: sirius.
harsløf, olav 2000 (ed.). Broby – en central outsider. copenhagen: Museum tuscu-
lanum.
Momberg, harald Landt. 1969. Rose, tid og evighed. Poesi og prosa 1919-1969.
copenhagen: rhodos.
nygaard, frederik. 1919. Opbrud, copenhagen: v. Pios Boghandel.
Palm, anders. 1985. ”Modernism eller dysmorfism?”, in: Palm: ”Möten mellan kon-
starter. Studier av dikt, dansk, musik, bild, drama och film. stockholm: P.a.
nordstedt & söners förlag, pp. 107-141.
salomonsen, carl Julius. 1919. Smitsomme Sindslidelser før og nu med særligt henblik
paa de nyeste Kunstretninger, copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaards forlag.
salomonsen, carl Julius. 1920. Tillægsbemærkninger om Dysmorphismens sygelige
nature – Bolschevikkunst – Dadaistisk Poesi – Tungetale, copenhagen: Levin
& Munksgaards forlag.
stounbjerg, Per. 2002. “emil Bønnelycke”, in: anne Marie Mai (ed.): Danske digtere
i det 20. århundrede. vol. 1, copenhagen: Gads forlag, pp. 199-205.
Transmission, appropriaTions and responses
Transmission, appropriaTions and responses
as was also the case in the european centres, the launching of avant-
garde aesthetics in the nordic countries often took the form of mar-
keting slogans and catchwords of new artistic groups wishing to
enter the artistic scene. Key concepts of the international avant-garde
(including the names of movements such as ‘futurism’, ‘cubism and
‘expressionism’) were negotiated and often used interchangeably as
catchwords for the “new”. They were never adopted in a pure and
undiluted form, and the adaption and appropriation of the new tech-
niques, styles and artistic devices from international avant-garde art
often seemed highly eclectic or ‘moderate’ when compared to its for-
eign sources.
it is customary to regard the nordic countries as peripheral com-
pared to the european centres of the avant-garde. a key metaphor
in most nordic avant-garde historiographies has been that of the
wave: of currents running from the european centres, where they
were supposed to be strong, pure and radical, to the periphery, where
they were allegedly weakened, mixed up with local currents and only
kept alive by a few isolated, marginal and misunderstood artists such
as the lonely swedish futurist Gösta adrian-nilsson (Gan) or the
young poetes maudits of danish expressionism rud(olf) Broby (Jo-
hansen) and Harald Landt momberg. This picture, represented here
by for example Lennart Gottlieb’s case study of the danish painter
Jais nielsen, is certainly an important aspect of the transmission of
the avant-garde into the nordic countries. But it is not the whole
truth. Here it must be remembered that the avant-garde movements
emerging in the european centres were themselves fundamentally
heterogeneous and compound phenomena, and so were the nordic
avant-gardes. in some instances the periphery could even be a green-
house for processes of radicalisation. everywhere, in Berlin and paris
Transmission, Appropriations and Responses 419
inter-artistic exchanges
as the title of Lagerkvist’s manifesto suggests, transmissions did not
only consist in movements between geographic locations, centres and
peripheries, but also in exchanges and cooperation between the arts.
Thus the visual arts to a large degree served as models and vehicles
for experiments within for example literature. Quite a few experi-
ments must be seen in an interart context. The metaphorical lan-
guage of danish literary expressionism was developed as an
aspiration to adopt the aesthetic integrity and pictorial perception
of fauvist and cubist painting. similarly, Viking eggeling used
metaphors derived from music to describe the attempts in his silent
movies to set abstract drawings in cinematographic motion. Within
the field of the performative arts, a new variety of cross-aesthetic
collaboration also emerged with the guest performances by the rus-
sian Ballet artists Vera Fokina and mikhail Fokine in Copenhagen
1918-1919. as Karen Vedel maps out in her paper on dancing, the
russian Ballet artists represented a thoroughly new approach to
dance and theatre, combining choreography, subject matter, music,
and stage design in a new striking totality. in the local context, The
Fokines’ performances represented a controversial break from the
classicist traditions prevailing in danish Ballet, but in the following
years such collaborative artistic effects were also to be adopted
within established theatre, for instance in Johannes poulsen’s and
emilie Walbom’s 1922 production Scaramouche, which has been
recognised as having introduced the concept of the Gesamtkunstwerk
at The danish royal Theatre. in other cases, a critical focus on the
individual arts and their specific developments and histories may
prove necessary in order to clarify the quite divergent conditions for
avant-garde endeavours within the often asynchronous sectors of the
aesthetic field. as it is shown in andreas engström’s contribution
on music, the introduction of avant-garde aesthetics in the nordic
countries coincided with a modern (rather than avant-garde) break-
through in the institutions of compositional music.
422 Transmission, Appropriations and Responses
Claes-Göran Holmberg
verage of italian futurism not only supplied the public with relatively
good information – from a nordic perspective – about marinetti’s
literary experiments but also anticipated the later response to and
rejection of avant-garde poetics in swedish literature.
swedish Cubism
Through an act of transformation, the aesthetics of cubism was in-
corporated in this ‘decorative’ paradigm of modern art. The painter
and critic Georg pauli (1855-1935) was the most outspoken swedish
advocate of cubism at this time. pauli was 60 years old and a well-
established painter as well as a distinguished figure of the swedish
parnassus when he travelled to paris in 1911 in search of new inspi-
ration for his work as a decorative mural painter. in paris he visited
the salon of Gertrude and Leo stein and became acquainted with
the work of pablo picasso. The kind of cubism he was to adopt,
however, was not that of its founding fathers, picasso and Georges
Braque. instead he became strongly associated with the second wave
of cubist painters of the Section d’Or group, most notably andré
Lhôte, whose classicist take on figurative cubism left a considerable
mark on pauli. pauli’s 1912 mural paintings for Jönköping High
school are widely recognised as the first example of cubism in
swedish art. However, pauli’s importance in the early reception and
appropriation of cubism in sweden was due less to his own work as
a painter and more to his role as a public advocate of vanguard aes-
thetics and as editor and publisher of the avant-garde magazine
flamman, which ran from 1916 to 1921. Throughout the 1910s pauli
was considered the swedish authority on cubism and he often ap-
peared in the press defending the new art against its critics. in 1917
he was invited by estetiska Föreningen (The society of aesthetics)
in uppsala to give a lecture on cubism, and in 1920 he was invited
by the young socialists to participate in a debate on modern art. at
this event, where the conservative politician sven Hedin and the so-
426 Claes-Göran Holmberg
Futurism in sweden
as noted, the formalist aesthetics of fauvism and cubism were not
the only variants of avant-garde art and aesthetics introduced to the
swedish public in 1909. Svenska Dagbladet’s publication of a trans-
lation of F.T. marinetti’s “manifesto of Futurism” (1909) on 24 Feb-
ruary 1909, a mere four days after the manifesto had originally
appeared in the parisian Le Figaro, provided its bourgeois readers
with an opportunity to become acquainted with the audacious pro-
gramme of italian futurism through marinetti’s call for a new liter-
ature that could match the speed, technical innovations and social
changes of modern society, and his now-notorious intentions to
“glorify war – the world’s only hygiene – militarism, patriotism, the
destructive gesture of freedom-bringers […] and the scorn for
women” (marinetti 1909). although marinetti’s “peculiar ideas and
exaggerated views” were presented with the utmost reservation and
ironic distance by the newspaper, the prompt publication of the ma-
nifesto in sweden contributed to marinetti’s aim of turning futurism
into a media event. as a result of this early exposure, italian futurism
received comprehensive coverage in the swedish press in the follow-
ing years. The leading authors and critics in swedish literature, how-
The Reception of the Early European Avant-Gardes in Sweden 427
electricity-!
energy-!
Glorious, strong, hard times!
power and the victory of the male will.
The engine of an aeroplane thunders through the air.
The artist follows its flight with his eyes.
His gaze is radiant, fixed and free.
during the 1910s Gan’s work was exhibited in both Germany and
sweden. in april and may 1915 he was included in der sturm’s
“schwedische expressionisten” exhibition alongside Grünewald and
the stockholm matisse pupils. His work appeared in Walden’s
Gallery again, in 1917, in an exhibition he shared with paul Klee and
Gabriele münter. in 1916, he held his first solo exhibition at the
Gummeson Gallery in stockholm, returning there again in 1918 for
another solo show featuring his “sailor compositions” (cf. ahlstrand
2000). despite his standing in the avant-garde community, Gan’s
eclectic fusion of cubism and futurism was eclipsed by the
Grünewald circle and its leading critics in the stockholm modernist
milieu (cf. Luthersson 2002).
that a donkey had painted one of the pictures in the exhibition – but
as to which one, it was impossible to say.
Futurist aesthetics also met with parody and persiflage in the
swedish press, not least in the form of satirical cartoons lifted from
foreign newspapers. For example, the Svenska Dagbladet of 18 april
1912 carried a cartoon of the French dancer polaire “in a futurist
style”, the original of which came from the French newspaper Ex-
celsior. on the 8 may, the stockholm paper included a drawing made
by Th. Th. Heine under the title “a futurist exhibition”. parallel to
this journalistic persiflage of futurist aesthetics, the swedish comic
magazine Söndags-Nisse (sunday Gnome) (1914) featured a so called
“Futurist poem” by the swedish writer martin Koch in which pho-
netic exclamations, incomplete sentences and typographic variations
were used to parody the style of futurist literature.
it was not only the columnists who turned against the new art:
older, well-established artists such as Carl Larsson and albert eng-
ström questioned the artistic integrity of the young painters and at-
tacked the work they produced. in a review of an exhibition in
stockholm in 1918, engström wrote (about the Grünewald couple):
“By God, there is no art in her idiotic crow language. Let me confirm
that her attempts are humbug. Her colour is ugly and thin and stu-
pidly coquettish. Her husband’s colour is also thin but intelligently
coquettish” (Lilja 1986: 115).
The antagonistic attitude of the columnists and art critics was
not, however, entirely disadvantageous for the young artists, as it pro-
vided them with enormous publicity. Gan and Grünewald became
the most common targets of criticism. To the hostile responses to
Gan’s second solo exhibition in stockholm in January 1918 were
added mocking claims that here Grünewald had finally met his
match in producing madness in art. When, in 1919, he was invited
to participate in an exhibition at Liljevalch’s art Gallery by Febru-
arigruppen (The February Group), a loose collection of younger
artists, he encountered all manner of responses. The art critic of the
daily Ny Dagligt Allehanda accused him of sensationalism and lack
of a personal style, the magazine Saisonen spoke of “slavery to
form”, while the critic of Stockholms Dagblad felt that Gan’s work
represented an “honest” kind of art based on “real” ideas (Lärkner
1984: 140).
as the leading exponent of avant-garde art in sweden,
The Reception of the Early European Avant-Gardes in Sweden 431
Grünewald soon became not only the most talked about, but also
the most attacked of the young painters. The attacks on him are typ-
ical of the arguments mounted by hostile critics against modern art
in general: the technical skills of the artists were questioned, as were
their moral values and commercial intentions. Grünewald was ac-
cused of being decadent and of producing mass art of inferior qual-
ity for which he asked high prices. in Nya Dagligt Allehanda in 1918
the conservative officer Thor Törnblad even attacked Grünewald for
his non-swedish (i.e. Jewish) ancestry, while simultaneously subscrib-
ing to Gadelius’ thesis regarding the pathological or schizophrenic
nature of avant-garde art (cf. Gadelius 1915; Lärkner 1984: 133).
once again, however, such accusations and debates contributed to
the consolidation of Grünewald’s public reputation and increased
both his popularity and the sales of his paintings.
supported by innovative art dealers and galleries such as Ciacelli’s
nya Konstgalleriet and The Gummeson Gallery as well as a new
generation of art critics and art historians, most notably Brunius,
Grünewald and the “men of 1909” gradually came to represent early
modernism in the canon of swedish art (cf. Lilja 1986).
WorKs CiTed
adrian-nilsson, Gösta. 1916. Kandinsky, stockholm: Gummesons Kunsthandel.
––. 1917. “dialog”, in: flamman 4.
ahlstrand, Torsten et al. 2000 (eds.). Svensk Avantgarde och Der Sturm i Berlin,
Lund/osnabrück.
Bergman, pär. 1962. “Modernolatria” et “Simultaneità”. Recherches sur deux ten-
dances dans l’avant-garde littéraire en Italie et en France à la veille de la pre-
mière guerre mondiale, uppsala: svenska Bokförlaget/Bonniers.
Böök, Frederik. 1909. “nya diktarskolor. akademos. il Futurismo”, in: Svenska
Dagbladet, 13 september 1909, reprinted in marinetti 1909/2008.
dardel, Thora. 1941. Jag for till Paris, stockholm.
Gadelius, Bror. 1915. “om sinnesjukdom, diktning och skapande konst”, in: Ord
och Bild 7.
Goll, ivan. 1922 (ed.). Les cinq continents. Anthologie mondiale de poésie contempo-
raine. paris: La renaissance du livre.
Julén, Björn. 1983. “storkonungens lejonjakt”, in: tfl, 1983, no. 4.
Lilja, Gösta. 1955. Det moderna måleriet i svensk kritik 1905-1914. malmö: all-
hems.
––. 1968. svenskt måleri under 1900-tallet. stockholm: Wahlström & Widstrand.
––. 1986. Den första svenska modernismen. stockholm: signum.
Luthersson, peter. 2002. svensk litterär modernism. en stridsstudie. stockholm:
atlantis.
Lärkner, Bengt. 1984. Det internationella avantgardet och Sverige 1914-1925.
malmö: infotryck.
marinetti, Filippo Tommaso. 1909. “det futuristiska manifestet”, in: Svenska Dag-
bladet, 24 september 1909, reprinted in: F.T. marinetti: Det futuristiska ma-
nifestet eller “Futurismen”. Den nyaste litterärä skolan. stockholm: Bokbål
förlag 2008.
pauli, Georg. 1917. “demokratisk konstpolitik – konstakademiers död”, in: flam-
man 2.
pär LaGerKVisT’s LITERARY ART AND PICTORIAL ART
rikard schönström
a close friend of the painter John sten and through him became fa-
miliar with cubism, the style that had, a couple of years earlier, re-
placed fauvism as the major artistic trend among “les peintres
modernes”. as one might expect, Lagerkvist was thrilled by the
treasures of the Louvre, the Luxembourg and the Trocadéro muse-
ums, but thanks to sten and the influential art critic august Brunius,
who visited the scandinavian colony at the same time, Lagerkvist
was also introduced to some of the leading artistic circles in paris
and given the opportunity to see two of the most famous private col-
lections of modern art, those of auguste pellerin and Gertrude
stein. He also read apollinaire’s essay Les Peintres cubistes immedi-
ately after its publication that spring, and wrote a long review of the
book for Svenska Dagbladet after his return to sweden in June.
The main outcome of the trip, however, was Ordkonst och bild-
konst. Lagerkvist had started writing his pamphlet a year before,
when he had seen some exhibitions of expressionist art in stockholm
and begun a correspondence with Grünewald. now he took up his
work again, persuaded Brunius to write a preface and turned to
Grünewald for illustrations. Following Brunius’ advice he tried to
strengthen his arguments with more facts and with references to the
poetic theory and practice of Baudelaire, Flaubert, edgar allan poe
and robert Louis stevenson. He also learned more about primitive
art and oriental literature by reading nathan söderblom’s anthology
Främmande religionsurkunder i urval och översättning (Foreign reli-
gious scriptures selected and Translated, 1908). The final result,
published in november, differed considerably from the draft he had
shown Grünewald in the summer of 1912. in paris his interest had
shifted from expressionism to cubism, and the influence of apolli-
naire’s account of cubism is clearly visible in the final draft of Ord-
konst och bildkonst. But the overall aim was the same: to vitalise and
rejuvenate swedish literature by holding up modern pictorial art as
an instructive example. Contributing to the avant-garde appearance
of the book were Lagerkvist’s peculiar phonetic spellings (a juvenile
imitation of everyday speech) and Grünewald’s primitivist drawing
on the cover.
Lagerkvist opens the treatise by lamenting the “decadence” of
contemporary swedish literature. The modern writers, he says, are
strictly professional artists whose most important concern is com-
mercial success. Their chief preoccupation has therefore been to en-
Pär Lagerkvist’s Literary art and pictorial art 437
Cover of pär Lagerkvist’s Ordkonst och bildkonst (Literary art and pic-
toral art) by isaac Grünewald, 1913.
Pär Lagerkvist’s Literary art and pictorial art 439
how can such a claim be reconciled with his equally emphatic de-
mand that modern art express its age? The apparent contradiction
has led some scholars to disregard Lagerkvist’s rather obscure
thoughts about the “manfully sound time” and conclude that he ad-
vocates, if not l’art pour l’art, then at least some sort of literary for-
malism. according to peter Luthersson it is no coincidence that
Lagerkvist excludes futurism from the main currents in modern
painting (Luthersson 2002: 73-74). marinetti and his disciples no
doubt wanted something more than to create works of art with sig-
nificant architectonic effects. They hoped to change life itself by
means of their wild artistic gestures.
To accuse Lagerkvist of formalism is clearly wrong. His contra-
dictory reasoning can be reconciled if one assumes that he implicitly
makes a distinction between two aspects of reality. realism or natu-
ralism is an illusion because it only pays attention to the empirical
surface of modern life and uses old-fashioned narratives in order to
make sense of our fragmented perception. in modern art, on the
other hand, “everything bookish is outlawed”, as Lagerkvist puts it
(Lagerkvist 1991: 24). The cubist is not satisfied with reality as it
presents itself to our immediate and often unreliable perception; he
“wants to plunge deeper / […] / into the innermost nature of the
thing itself ” (Lagerkvist 1991: 26). What modern writers can learn
from cubism is therefore not art for art’s sake but on the contrary
how to investigate the world they live in more thoroughly:
way back. as paul de man has pointed out, this paradoxical move
seems to be a general strategy in literary modernism (de man 1983:
161). The artist’s revolt against tradition can win legitimacy only by
reference to some kind of lost origin, and the more radically he tries
to break away from his immediate predecessors, the greater will his
dependence on more distant precursors become. antonin artaud,
one of de man’s examples, rejected all genres of traditional Western
theatre, and indeed proclaimed the destruction of the written word,
only to found his own dramatic art on a primitive and strictly ritu-
alised theatre like that of the Balinese. The brand new turned out to
be very old.
There is, however, another reason why Lagerkvist recommends
that young writers should learn from their ancient forefathers. The
primitive artist stood in close relation to nature, and since he often
believed in the existence of a spiritual dimension of nature, he did
not concern himself so much with mimetic representation. it is no
coincidence, notes Lagerkvist, that primitive art almost always has a
religious content. The primitive artist seeks to transgress everyday
reality as well as his own individuality in an ambition to reach uni-
versal and absolute truths. according to Lagerkvist, much the same
could be said about the cubist. in fact, apollinaire himself had
pointed out that cubist painting had abandoned optical illusion in
favour of la grandeur des formes métaphysique. To what extent
Lagerkvist, or for that matter apollinaire, gives an accurate descrip-
tion of cubism in this regard is open to debate, but there is no doubt
that Lagerkvist imagines the cubist to be perfectly at home both in
our own, “brutal” age and in a primitive world. For Lagerkvist, cu-
bism is above all an attempt to bring modernity and eternity together
in a monumental synthesis.
There are many ways to characterise modernity. With marx (and
marshall Berman) one could muse about everything “solid that melts
into air”. With Baudelaire one could think of “le transitoire, le fugi-
tive, le contingent” (Baudelaire 1976: 695).With nietzsche one could
speak of the death of God and “die umwertung aller Werte”. With
max Weber one could refer to “die entzauberung der Welt” and with
Walter Benjamin to “der Verfall der aura”. Whichever definition one
prefers, however, it will seem wholly incompatible with the view of
life put forward in Ordkonst och bildkonst. Lagerkvist’s notion of an
innermost essence of life, of an absolute reality behind the unstable
442 Rikard Schönström
WorKs CiTed
Baudelaire, Charles [1863] 1976. ”Le peintre de la vie moderne”. in Oeuvres com-
plètes, ii. paris: Gallimard.
Berman, marshall. 1982. All That Is Solid Melts Into Air: The Experience of Moder-
nity. new york: simon and schuster.
eliot, Thomas stearns. 1923. “ulysses, order, and myth”, review of Ulysses by
James Joyce, The Dial, november 1923, pp. 480-83.
de man, paul. 1983. “Literary History and Literary modernity”. in Blindness and
Insight: Essays in the Rhetoric of Contemporary Criticism, second edition.
London: routledge.
Karahka, urpu-Liisa. 1978. Jaget och ismerna. Studier i Pär Lagerkvists estetiska
teori och lyriska praktik tom. 1916. Lund: Cavefors.
Lagerkvist, pär. 1991. Literary Art and Pictorial Art – On the Decadence of Modern
Literature – On the Vitality of Modern Art, with a preface by august
Brunius, trans. roy arthur swanson and everett m. ellestad. rainbow
press.
Larsson, Bengt. 1965. “pär Lagerkvists litterära kubism”. Samlaren, pp. 66-95.
Luthersson, peter. 2002. Svensk litterär modernism. En stridsstudie. stockholm: at-
lantis.
schöier, ingrid. 1987. Pär Lagerkvist. En biografi. stockholm: Bonniers.
THe FinLand-sWedisH aVanT-Garde momenTs
edith södergran
edith södergran is the best-known and most canonized poet of the
Finland-swedish modernists. Between 1916 and 1920, she published
four collections of poetry and one collection of aphorisms, Brokiga
iakttagelser (motley observations) in 1919. Her last work Landet
som icke är (The Land That is not), compiled by Hagar olsson, was
published posthumously in 1924.
södergran got her first poem published in 1909, the same year as
marinetti’s “manifesto of Futurism” (1909). södergran’s early
poems, written in German and under the influence of Heinrich
Heine, by no means qualify as avant-garde poetry, but they prepared
the way for the themes of her mature poems: the idea of a strong,
new woman and an ecstatic exaltation of life that was soon to acquire
nietzschean overtones. during her school years in a German school
in st. petersburg (1902-1909), södergran had already become famil-
iar with the modernist movements in european literature, and her
international orientation was further developed during several stays
at european tuberculosis sanatoriums between 1911 and 1914.
södergran’s early poetry reflects influences from Walt Whitman’s
anaphoric free verse style as well and the suggestive imagery of the
French symbolists arthur rimbaud and paul Verlaine. Furthermore,
her feverish poetic landscapes reflecting female passions and visions
of the emancipation of modern women came close to those of the
German expressionists, especially else Lasker-schüler (Brunner
1985). in the same period she also became acquainted with the rus-
sian ego-Futurist poet igor severjanin.
When she entered the literary scene, with the publication of her
debut collection of poetry, Dikter (poems), in 1916, södergran had
450 Fredrik Hertzberg, Vesa Haapala and Janna Kantola
and critics. and when her politically bold individualist points of view
were added to this stylistic innovation, it caused considerable irrita-
tion. Just before her second volume, Septemberlyran, came out at the
end of 1918, södergran wrote to Dagens Press, a Finland-swedish
newspaper, to introduce her new collection. The opening paragraph
of her “individuell konst” (individual art) defined the exclusive au-
dience of her writing:
at the end of her letter she went on to reflect on the relation between
society and creative individuals and concluded: “Jag betraktar det
gamla samhället som modercell, som bör stödjas till dess individerna
resa den nya världen”. (i regard the old society as a mother cell,
which should be sustained until its individuals raise the new world.)
as if this were not enough, södergran wrote to Dagens Press again
on 29 January 1919. in her “Öppet brev till resencenter och riddare”
(an open Letter to reviewers and Knights) she claimed:
poetry magazine Tuli & Savu (Fire & smoke), which focuses on mod-
ernist and experimental poetry, published a special issue in which
they invited contemporary poets to rewrite some of the most famous
texts by Finnish modernists. södergran was one of the modernists
to be rewritten. Contemporary poets like Cia rinne and dan Waber,
both known for their conceptual language poems, wrote interesting
versions of “dagen svalnar …” (The day cools ...) and “Jag” (i) using
both english and swedish. The idea of rewriting the modernist leg-
end has been adopted in larger scale by the Finland-swedish poet
Catharine Gripenberg (1977-) whose recent collection of poems, Ta
min hand, det vore underligt (Take my hand, it would be strange)
(2007) is a playful collage of textual fragments from Virginia Woolf
and södergran.
This approach offers a fruitful direction that might provide inspi-
ration for scholars and literary historians. instead of focusing on the
paradigm of modernist verse in södergran’s poems we might look
for the moments of avant-garde which still resonate today, the
strange, odd, ridiculous, even deranged aspects of her writing, the
ideological instances that disturb conventional ways of seeing her
only as a great figure bringing modernism to scandinavia.
The words of Filippo Tommaso marinetti in his first “manifesto
of Futurism” (1909) could offer the basis for a re-evaluation of
södergran’s poetry from an avant-garde perspective: “There is no
more beauty except in struggle. no masterpiece without the stamp
of aggressiveness. poetry should be a violent assault against un-
known forces to summon them to lie down at the feet of man.”
(Chipp 1968: 286). Leaving aside the populist patriotism and anti-
feminism in marinetti’s manifesto, there are striking similarities be-
tween to the two poets’ visionary rhetoric of rupture. The concluding
lines of södergran’s poem “skönhet” (Beauty) from Dikter come
very close to the tone of marinetti’s manifesto: “skönhet är icke den
tunna såsen i vilken diktare servera sig själva, / skönhet är att föra
krig och söka lycka / skönhet är att tjäna högre makter.” (beauty is
not the thin sauce in which poets serve themselves, / beauty is to wage
war and seek happiness, / beauty is to serve higher powers). Likewise,
in the poem “materialism” from Framtidens skugga (1920), söder-
gran writes one of her most aggressive poetic manifestoes:
The Finland-Swedish Avant-Garde Moments 455
södergran’s verses are at the same time dialectical and playful, sub-
lime and grotesque. Her poetry is self-reflective even to the point of
deconstructing itself, and still the assertive voice emerges in every in-
vocation and image. From an avant-garde perspective, it is tempting
to consider södergran a female futurist, whose radical individualism
and imagery of holy violence and madness might be compared to
marinetti’s utopian visions of a new man liberated from the burdens
of history and tradition. signs of such a re-evaluation are already
visible. since the 1980s, södergran’s poetry has fuelled several femi-
nist interpretations (evers 1985; Holm 1993; Witt-Brattström 1997;
Hackman 2000) which present her as an early feminist writer decon-
structing patriarchal structures of gender and power. such reading
strategies could be elaborated and expanded to re-address söder-
gran’s status as an avant-garde poet. To consider the avant-garde po-
tential in södergran is also to acknowledge the contradictory and
disturbing elements dominating her work and to explore the vision-
ary force in her poetic imagery that exceeds established concepts of
literary schools and styles, or even those of sex, gender and power
during the early modernist period.
456 Fredrik Hertzberg, Vesa Haapala and Janna Kantola
Life is sacred. We love life. art is sacred. We will serve it. no program
will last beyond one generation and no truth will last forever. The
purpose of life is the continuation of life. Therefore our only goal is:
spiritual freedom, the freedom to criticize, to discuss everything. We
acknowledge no authorities, for authorities are, because of their sta-
tus, cowards in front of life. Look: how wonderfully young our coun-
try is, how full of power! Come, and be not afraid: you have been
assigned to create something new and great. Break the chain that
crushes your hearts: be yourselves, accept life!
(translated by Kirsti simonsuuri, simonsuuri 1985: 194)
even though the group was very visible in its time – and even though
it channeled new european artistic currents, such as expressionism
and futurism, into Finland – they lacked any literary achievements
(envall 1998: 157). as markku envall points out, the literature cre-
ated by writers external to the Tulenkantajat movement proved ar-
The Finland-Swedish Avant-Garde Moments 457
tistically superior (envall 1998). For example the poet aaro Hel-
laakoski (1893-1952) was a forerunner in many respects, mainly in
poetry and science, but he never participated in the Tulenkantajat
movement. in the field of science – he was a geologist by education
– he was one of the first to pose ecological questions, but also within
the field of literature and the arts he introduced some new ideas in
Finland which were to remain “new” for several decades. Hellaakoski
was also an amateur painter. His interest in the visual arts led him
to expressionism, futurism, cubism and other european artistic
movements of the early twentieth century. He was not well ac-
quainted with the writings of the equally peripheral Finland-swedish
colleagues nor was he influenced by them (or by the Tulenkantajat
generation). it should be noted here that edith södergran was the
only Finland-swedish poet that Finnish poets read and valued at the
time; Tulenkantajat even translated a collection of her poems into
Finnish that was published in 1929.
Hellaakoski’s poetic work may be divided into two periods. The
first period, 1916-1928, includes six volumes of poetry and culmi-
nates in the publication of Jääpeili. The second period began after a
long silence following World War ii. during the years of silence Hel-
laakoski dedicated himself to science and teaching. He defended his
dissertation in the same year as his most widely acclaimed volume
of poetry, Jääpeili, was published.
in the volumes preceding Jääpeili, Hellaakoski had rebelled
against the values of bourgeois society (which he himself neverthe-
less belonged to, as a teacher at a college in Helsinki, and later as a
lecturer at the university of Helsinki). in his debut volume from
1916, titled simply Runoja (poems), Hellaakoski applauds the bo-
hemian lifestyle in poems such as “Tuhlaajapoika” (The prodigal
son) and “poroporvarien laulu” (The song of the philistines). How-
ever, he uses a rather conventional poetic form to do so. in the poem
“Conceptio artis”, Hellaakoski outlines, as the title suggests, his aes-
thetic approach to life. For Hellaakoski, this approach was deter-
mined by his individual experience and by a certain eroticism. This
was something new in Finnish poetry, as were Hellaakoski’s rhythmic
playfulness and sense of humor. These themes and the subjective ex-
perience of nature are present and well-developed in all his volumes
from the first period. in these early poems, Hellaakoski was already
attempting to attain a speech-like form even – and especially – when
458 Fredrik Hertzberg, Vesa Haapala and Janna Kantola
using rhyme and meter. according to the literary critic pertti Lassila,
Hellaakoski’s poetic and often narrative voice has affinities with that
of the Finland-swedish poet elmer diktonius (Lassila 1997: iX). it
is worth noting, nevertheless, that Hellaakoski used free verse only
occasionally during his prolific period from 1916 to 1928.
ice mirror
Jääpeili summarises and develops the poet’s achievements in his pre-
vious volumes of poetry. due to Hellaakoski’s experiments in visual
poetry and in metrics, the collection still stands the test of time. Hel-
laakoski’s personal favourite was, however, the concluding, surreal-
istic poem ”Hauen laulu” (The song of pike) in which the poet
continues to examine the question of individuality and the idea of
an ‘exceptional person’, as the pike in the poem climbs a tree and
starts to sing.
noTes
0
such as petra Broomans’s, adriaan van der Hoeven’s, and Jytte Kronig’s (1993)
A Changing Image. Looking for a new perspective on the work of a Finnish avant-
garde poet.
460 Fredrik Hertzberg, Vesa Haapala and Janna Kantola
WorKs CiTed
Brunner, ernst. 1985. Till fots genom solsystemen. En studie i Edith Södergrans ex-
pressionism. stockholm: Bonniers.
Chipp, Herschel B. (ed.). Theories of Modern Art. A Source Book by Artists and Cri-
tics, Berkeley: university of California press, 1968.
ekelund, Louise. 1974. Rabbe Enckell. Modernism och klassicism under tjugotal och
trettital. Helsingfors: svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland.
enckell, olof. 1949. Esteticism och nietzscheanism i Edith Södergrans lyrik. Studier
i finlandssvensk modernism (I). Helsingfors: Finska litteratursällskapet.
––. 1971. “inledning”. in: Quosego. Tidskrift för ny generation. Facsimile edition.
Helsingfors: söderström.
envall, markku 1998: “The period of independence i, 1917–1960.” in A Histrory
of Finland’s Literature. edited by G. schoolfield. Vol. 4 of Histories of scan-
dinavian Literature. university of nebraska press, London and Lincoln,
pp.145–207.
evers, ulla. 1985. ”dagen svalnar. slavinneattityd eller kvinnomedvetenhet?”. in:
Horisont 2/1985.
Haapala, Vesa. 2005. Kaipaus ja kielto. Edith Södergranin dikter-kokoelman poeti-
ikkaa. Helsinki: suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden seura.
Hackman, Boel. 2000. Jag kan sjunga hur jag vill. Tankevärld och konstsyn i Edith
Södergran’s diktning. Helsingfors: söderströms.
Hertzberg, Fredrik. 2007. introduction to transl. of Gunnar Björling, You Go the
Words. notre dame (indiana): action Books.
Holm, Birgitta. 1993. ”Vierge moderne: the new woman in Karelia”. in: Broomans,
petra, van der Hoeven, adriaan and Kronig, Jytte (eds). A Changing Image.
Looking for a New Perspective on the Work of a Finnish Avant-garde Poet.
Groningen: ruG, Werkg roep Vrouwenstudies Letteren.
Jänicke, Gisbert. 1992. “The bilingual identity of edith södergran”. in: Glyn Jones,
W. and Branch, m. a. (eds). Edith Södergran. Nine Essays on Her Life and
Work. London and Helsinki: school of slavonic and east european studies,
university of London and Finnish Literature society.
Kleberg, Lars. 2003. ”The advantage of the margin. The avant-Garde role of Fin-
land-swedish modernism”. in: packalen, anna malgorzata and Gustavs-
son, sven (eds.). Swedish-Polish Modernism. Literature – Language – Culture.
Conference held in Krakow, Poland, April 20–21 2001. stockholm: Kungl.
Vitterhets Historie och antikvitets akademien.
Laitinen, Kai. 1980: Suomen kirjallisuuden historia. Helsinki: sKs.
Lassila, pertti. 1997: ”aaro Hellaakosken alkukauden runot.” in: Hellaakoski,
aaro: Runot 1916–1928. Helsinki: sKs, Vi–XVi.
––. 2007: ”The heart of reality”. in: Books from Finland 2/2007, 109–110.
Lilja norrlind, eva. 1981. Studier i svensk fri vers. Den fria versen hos Vilhelm Eke-
lund och Edith Södergran. Göteborg: skrifterna utgivna av litteraturveten-
skapliga institutionen vid Göteborgs universitetet.
Lillqvist, Holger. 2000. ”södergranreceptionen”: Zilliacus, Claes (ed.). Finlands
The Finland-Swedish Avant-Garde Moments 461
everything sounds [klinger]. The green and the blue. The effect is
fiery when all lines react towards and against each other, the flats of
the fields, the triangles and rectangles of the houses. The domes and
cubes of the clouds, the trees and the forests, rhythmically overarch-
ing each other in a divine balance. o, what a pictorial effect. (Bøn-
nelycke 1919: 159)
The use of pictorial perception as a literary device was not the only
attempt to transpose the aesthetics of international expressionist
painting to danish literature. poets like Tom Kristensen and Harald
Landt momberg tried to find lyrical counterparts to the formal pro-
cedures of visual art. “abstract Composition” and “Form motive”
are the telling titles of some of momberg’s poems from his debut
collection, Parole. in a programmatic essay “on understanding art”
in the little magazine Baalet (The Fire), momberg was quite explicit
on this point:
[superb like a war-shattered station are / our youth and our strength
and our wild ideas, / bright like a pistol’s ice-green star / born in an
instant with splitting pang / on the panes of the revolution’s / strident
glass-chinking cafés] (Kristensen 1993)
festo. danish neutrality and relative affluence during the war was
one of the preconditions for his aestheticisation of war. although
effectively superficial, it is still worth noting the presence of contem-
porary political topics such as class struggles and revolution in his
work. With his rosa Luxemburg performance of February 1919,
Bønnelycke imported the gunpowder of the German spartacist up-
rising to Copenhagen, and in his experimental war novel Spartanerne
(The spartans), he brought denmark into the Great War. Corre-
spondingly, in his 1921 novel Livets Arabesk (The arabesque of
Life), Tom Kristensen presented a communist revolution in a mod-
ern danish metropolis peopled by grotesque characters: sectarians,
decadents, violent proletarians and “dysmorphist” artists.
in contrast to contemporaneous German expressionism, these
motifs were not integrated into a mystical or political worldview.
Bønnelycke, nygaard and Kristensen took no part in any avant-
garde aesthetico-political project. Their controversial subjects were
essentially employed to elicit shock and sensation as part of the suc-
cessful “branding” of a new literary generation. most of all, they
were aesthetic devices. in Kristensen’s atlantis poem, revolution is
a metaphor for a new art, and not a new life:
noTes
0
salomonsen’s lecture was first held in the danish society for medical History on
15 January 1919 and shortly afterwards published as a pamphlet with the title Smit-
somme Sindslidelser før og nu med særligt henblik paa de nyeste Kunstretninger (‘in-
fectious mental disorders before and now, with particular regard to recent art
currents’). in 1920, this pamphlet was followed by a series of Tillægsbemærkninger
om Dysmorphismens sygelige nature – Bolschevikkunst – Dadaistisk Poesi – Tungetale
(‘additional remarks on the sickly nature of dysmorphism – Bolshevik art –
dadaist poetry – Gift of Tongues’).
1
Cf. Wassily Kandinsky, Über das Geistige in der Kunst (münchen, 1912); Wilhelm
Worringer, Abstraktion und Einfühlung. Ein Beitrag zur Stilpsychologie (münchen,
1908).
2
Cf. the most exemplary exhibitions from the last 30 years: Expressionism: A Ger-
man Intuition, 1905-1920 (new york and san Francisco 1980); Expressionisten. Die
Avantgarde in Deutschland 1905-20 (Berlin 1986); L‘expressionnisme en Allemagne
(paris 1993), or recent monographies such as richard murphy: Theorizing the
Avant-garde. Modernism, Expressionism, and the Problem of Postmodernity (Cam-
bridge 1999), maurice Godé: L’expressionisme (paris, 1999), and Thomas anz: Lite-
ratur des Expressionismus (stuttgart, 2002).
3
Cf. el Lissitzky’s and Hans arp’s concise definition of expressionism in Kunstismen
(Berlin, 1925), p. viiii.
4
matisse’s concept of expressionism found in his ”notes” was first introduced to
the danish public in 1912 by the art historian Carl V. petersen in a review article,
“moderne malerkunst hjemme og ude” (modern painting at home and abroad),
published in: Tilskueren , 1912, vol. 2 (september, november), pp. 247-52, 452-63.
in 1919, a complete danish translation of matisse’s “notes” was published in Klin-
gen, cf. “en malers optegnelser”, Klingen, vol. 3, no. 8.
5
Cf. Ekspressionisme, op.cit. pp. 69-70. see also the chief editor of Klingen, axel
478 Per Stounbjerg and Torben Jelsbak
WorKs CiTed
Broby, rud. 1922. BLOD. Expressionære Digte. Copenhagen: d.n.s.s., 1922;
reprint: Copenhagen: politisk revy, 1988.
––. 1923. Forsvarstale for BLOD holdt i Københavns Byret 22.1.1923. Copenhagen:
d. n.s.s., 1923: reprinted in: BLOD. Copenhagen: politisk revy 1988.
Bürger, peter. 1974. Theorie der Avantgarde. Frankfurt a.m.: suhrkamp.
Bønnelycke, emil. 1918. Asfaltens Sange: Prosafragmenter. Copenhagen: nordiske
Forfatteres Forlag.
––. 1918b. “Berlin”. in: Klingen i: 9-10, June-July 1918.
––. 1919. Spartanerne. København: Lybecker.
Gelsted, otto. 1919: Ekspressionisme (Copenhagen, 1919), reprinted in: Tilbageblik
på fremtiden, vol. ii (Copenhagen, 1977), p. 62.
––. 1977. Tilbage til fremtiden i-ii, Copenhagen: sirius.
Giersing, Harald. 1917. “Til Klingen”. in: Klingen i: 3, december 1917.
Jakobson, roman. 1960 er “Closing statement. Linguistics and poetics”. sebeok, Tho-
mas a. (ed.): style in Language, Cambridge, mass: miT press, pp. 350-377.
Jelsbak, Torben. 2005. Ekspressionisme. Modernismens formelle gennembrud i dansk
malerkunst og poesi. Hellerup: spring.
Kristensen, Tom. 1920. Fribytterdrømme. Copenhagen: H. Hagerups Forlag.
––. 1921. Livets Arabesk. Copenhagen: H. Hagerups Forlag.
––. 1925. “den unge Lyrik og dens Krise”. in: Mellem Krigene. Copenhagen: Gyl-
dendal, 1946.
––. 1953. “To-mands-løbet”. in: Oplevelser med Lyrik. Copenhagen: Gyldendal,
1947.
––. 1957. “To-mands-løbet”, “emil Bønnelycke død”, in Oplevelser med lyrik, Co-
penhagen, p. 131-147.
––. 1993. “The Land called atlantis. a symbol.” Transl. by W. Glyn Jones in: da-
nish literary magazine. Vol. 5 (1993).
nygaard, Frederik. 1919. Opbrud, Copenhagen: V. pios Boghandel.
matisse, Henri. [1908] 1971. “notes d’un peintre”, originally published in La Grande
Revue, no. 52, 25, december 1908, pp. 731-745, reprinted in: Henri matisse:
Écrits et propos sur l’art (paris, 1972).
momberg, Harald Landt. 1922. Parole. 33 expressionistiske digte. Copenhagen:
d.n.s.s., 1922.
––. 1922b. “at forstå kunst”. in: Baalet 2:1, 15.1.1922.
murphy, richard. 1999. Theorizing the Avant-Garde. Modernism, Expressionism,
and the Problem of Postmodernity. Cambridge: Cambridge university press.
salomonsen, Carl Julius. 1919. Smitsomme Sindslidelser før og nu med særligt henblik
paa de nyeste Kunstretninger, Copenhagen: Levin & munksgaards Forlag.
––. 1920. Tillægsbemærkninger om Dysmorphismens sygelige nature – Bolschevikkunst
– Dadaistisk Poesi – Tungetale, Copenhagen: Levin & munksgaards Forlag.
Walden, Herwarth. 1917. Einblick in Kunst. Berlin: der sturm.
Werenskiold, marit. 1984. The Concept of Expressionism, oslo: universitetsfor-
laget.
aVanT-Gardism danisH sTyLe –
Jais nieLsen as a modern Genre painTer 1916-18
Lennart Gottlieb
The subject
The term “danish avant-garde” is an oxymoron, and progressiveness
in art is achieved only in measured doses. Jais nielsen’s short career
as a progressive artist is part of the story of danish cultural disci-
plining of the supposedly progressive. That is not the theme here,
but the disciplining and the art historical afterlife of the works, which
document precisely the relation of the domesticated progressive to
posterity is, however, the framework of this story about Jais nielsen
as an ambivalent modernist, around 1916-1918.
Facts
even though a great deal has been written since the middle of the
1980s concerning Jais nielsen’s painting, there is still very little we
know with certainty about his activities. He participated in the semi-
progressive exhibitions of De 13 (The 13), in 1909 and 1910, and
from 1911 until the outbreak of World War i he resided in paris.
That much we know. as far as i have been able to establish, he only
had the opportunity to exhibit a single work during his stay in paris,
the impressionistic Pont de la Tournelle, which was shown at the 1912
salon d’automne (cat. no. 1271). another painting, dated 1911, and
depicting two dancing black women, is (if correctly dated by the
artist) probably the earliest picture painted by a dane which is di-
rectly inspired by cubism. He must have seen a multitude of impor-
tant exhibitions while in paris, but that he should have known or
482 Lennart Gottlieb
associated with the important French artists of the day, such as the
members of the Puteaux Group has never been documented. on the
contrary, like most danish artists of the time, he established no im-
portant and lasting contacts with colleagues or art dealers abroad.
after his return from paris in 1914, his paintings were fauvist-
inspired, and subsequently they became more Cézanne-esque, as did
the work of so many danish painters around 1915; then, in 1917-
18, he produced pictures inspired by the trendy version of cubism in
a geometricised, more or less caricatural style. From 1915 he worked
continuously on ceramics, primarily featuring biblical motifs, which
he also employed in his paintings and exhibited parallel to his secular
motifs. From 1920 onward he focused increasingly on his ceramic
work, and in his paintings on traditionalist, decorative biblical illus-
trations and other religious motifs in large formats. Jais nielsen par-
ticipated in the exhibition Die jungen Dänen (The young danes) at
der sturm gallery in Berlin, in august 1923, where he exhibited
works dating from 1918-19. Like the other older participating artists,
he apparently did not care to travel to Berlin to see the exhibition.
pictures of Women
if one wants to understand Jais nielsen’s pictures of people and the
city, from 1916-18, one has to accept his predominantly traditional
notion of the picture; otherwise his intentions will be misunderstood
and his modernity misinterpreted. His approach to painting around
1916-18 is incoherent if one considers it modernist; it is both remi-
niscent of cubism and modern collage in its plastic expression, and
narratively and descriptively old-fashioned in its pictorial content.
it is characteristic of the relation between expression and content in
these pictures that the arbitrary divisions of figures and things
achieved by using vertical bands and clearly demarcated planes do
not have any importance with regard to the clarity of the iconic com-
munication. The plastic interventions do not dissolve the depicted
objects to such a degree that they lose their integrity as iconic signs,
and neither do they dissolve the picture space, which is not one-point
perspectival but nevertheless so continuous and logically constructed
that it functions traditionally as space and background for the figu-
rative scenes.
This formal contrast or ambivalence between modernity and tra-
Avant-Gardism Danish Style 483
Circus pictures
a couple of years after his stay in paris from 1911 to 1914, Jais
nielsen painted a number of pictures with circus motifs and refer-
ences to the parisian indoor circuses: Cirque d’hiver, Cirque
medrano, Cirque Fernando etc. These circus pictures have been in-
terpreted in the light of the parisian circus having a reputation for
prostitution (aagesen 2000). But the circus paintings are not about
prostitution in a concrete sense; rather, they deal with desire and the
relations between people in the circus of love, and with a more gen-
eralised prostitution, which also seems to have occupied Jais nielsen
around 1916-18 in paintings such as Boulevardpigen (The Boulevard
Girl), which presents an unapproachable lady who is not just any
girl, but who is exceptionally cool, self-confident, made-up, and for
sale; and Varietéstjerne (Variety star) from 1917, showing a stark
naked woman in the spotlight on a stage, with hands that are not so
much covering as pawing her attributes, surrounded by male per-
formers dressed in dinner jackets.
in the depictions of these women, as well as the dressed up
Countess danner and the preposterous King Frederik Vii in the
deed picture, there seems to be a misanthropic moral doubt or
downright rejection of this superficiality, as is reflected in Jais
nielsen’s later negative attitude to this part of his production, which
he found no reason to continue after the war. These pictures deal
with gendered play, roles and masks, where the ambivalence and am-
biguity are not linked to the genre-like picture narrative nor to the
reading of the picture space, but, rather, to their relation to desire
and lust. The tightrope walker in Linedanserinde (Tightrope Walker)
Avant-Gardism Danish Style 485
Jais nielsen,
Fr. VII overdrager
Grevinde Danner
gavebrevet på
Jægerspris slot (Fr.
Vii gives Countess
danner the deed
of Gift to Jægers-
pris Castle), 1918,
oil on canvas,
148×134 cm.
private Collection.
photograph ole
Hein pedersen.
Jais nielsen,
Cirkusforestilling.
Luftgymnaster
(Cirkus perform-
ance. acrobats),
1916, oil on can-
vas, 118.5×110.5
cm. national
Gallery of den-
mark.
486 Lennart Gottlieb
departure!
ever since Afgang! (departure!) from 1918 was shown as part of
pontus Hultén’s exhibition Futurismo & Futurismi in 1986, the Futu-
rist label has been unavoidable, and it seems as though danish com-
mentators now believe Hultén’s claim that “For a certain period
nielsen took an interest in Futurist theories, although sometimes in
a rather superficial way” (Hultén 1986: 530). The previous year,
Claus Hagedorn-olsen had stated that Departure! was Jais nielsen’s
“version of a ‘Futurist’ railway station picture”, and that it was “[t]he
enthusiasm for the modern city” that surfaced in it (Hagedorn-olsen
1985: 45).
Jais nielsen’s 1916-18 pictures with modern motifs are interpreted
today as more or less euphoric and glorifying, and more or less naïve.
on closer examination however, this is an obvious misinterpretation.
Jais nielsen was not happy, nor was he naïve. This can be seen clearly
in a painting like the nightmarish Drømmen (The dream) from 1917,
in which a tiger jumps out of a high window in a city house. What
we see there, without thinking metaphorically or allegorically, is the
bestial jumping out of the homely, and that is a leap out into an ice
cold, uninhabited world, where the lights are turned off and only the
frosty moon is shining. Just like The Dream, Departure! is not con-
cerned with the creative dynamic of modern society or with time in
a futurist or Bergsonian sense. What it deals with, as suggested by
the omnipresent clocks, is the pressure of time everywhere. The
clocks in the picture are not necessarily the triplicated railway station
clock in three simultaneous appearances, but rather three concrete
and symbolic clocks, just like the central figure’s watch. Departure!
deals with “modern dynamic reality” and more precisely with busy-
ness. The theme is the pressure of time, which is evoked by the de-
parture.
Departure! is a dynamic composition, but as with so many of Jais
nielsen’s pictures of the period it is still calm and symmetrically com-
posed, with the central element of the picture narrative – the clock
488 Lennart Gottlieb
Jais nielsen, Afgang! (departure!), 1918, oil on canvas, 120×101 cm. pho-
tograph by ole akhøj. Fuglsang Kunstmuseum.
toned-down earth colours. not too much and not too little. it does
not depict the masses in movement as in Boccioni’s riot in milan’s
Galleria2 (1910) or russolo’s Revolution3 (1911); rather, it is a picture
of danish busyness, where one can sometimes go quite red in the
face hurrying to catch a train on time. But that in itself was bad
enough, as is shown by the central male figure who only sees time,
the woman on the left who has one eye closed, and the man on the
right who clearly does not see anything. The interesting conclusion
then, from a futurist perspective, is that the people in Departure! are
not overwhelmed by impressions; instead they are so overwhelmed
by busyness that they do not experience anything but their own busy-
ness as slaves of Time, which is neither relatively nor intuitively pro-
longed, or stretched, but simply too short when one is too busy.
Considered as representations and interpretations of modernity,
a large proportion of Jais nielsen’s paintings from around 1916-18
must be understood as dysphoric, negative interpretations of the
modern condition, interpretations that run parallel to his interest in
biblical narratives in the search for a more stable, spiritual, and ethi-
cally founded understanding and realisation of human relations. This
does not really sound avant-garde, but it is nonetheless a kind of
danish avant-garde: inconsistent and artistically hopeless, with a
spiritual safety net as its only network.
noTes
0
see illustrations in abildgaard 1990.
1
see illustration in aagesen 2000: 135, there called Circus. Paris.
2
pinacoteca di Brera, milan.
3
Haags Gemeentemuseum.
490 Lennart Gottlieb
WorKs CiTed
abildgaard, Hanne. 1990. “Kubisten leger med billedmediet. Jais nielsen: ‘silhou-
etklipperen,’ 1918,” in e. J. Bencard et al [eds], Kunstværkets krav. 27 fortolk-
ninger af danske kunstværker. Copenhagen: palle Fogtdal 1990: 198-209.
Faucherau, serge. 1986. “Jais nielsen. un cubiste? un futuriste?,” in s. Faucherau
[ed.] Jais Nielsen. paris: Galerie 1900-2000: 2-23.
Hagedorn-olsen, Claus. 1985. “Jais nielsen – en introduktion til ungdomstidens
maleri,” in s. Brøgger [ed.], Jais Nielsen. Lyngby and Horsens: sophienholm
and Horsens Kunstmuseum Lunden: 7-48.
Hultén, pontus. 1986. Futurism & Futurisms. London: Thames and Hudson.
aagesen, dorthe. 2000. “Circus images. on the Content of a modernist motif,” in
the Statens Museum for Kunst Journal 4: 122-153.
JóHannes KJarVaL’s appropriaTion oF proGressiVe
aTTiTudes in painTinG BeTWeen 1917 and 1920
Kristín G. Guðnadóttir
These people thought in colours, lines, and tones, strong and rich in
accordance with each person’s talents and originality. The currents
came up from the south and were instantly on the tip of every
tongue. The leaders were unafraid of criticism because they knew
the highest judgment is the last one, the one a human being has no
say in. They used death as a backdrop, but looked into the light,
which was full of wondrous forms and disparate colours. and they
fashioned pictures and objects that ‘they considered to belong to the
future.” (Kjarval 1922) Following this poetic allusion to the futurists,
Kjarval adds, “one of those men was me” (Kjarval 1922) thereby
declaring himself a follower of futurism, a seeker of new directions
in the visual arts through originality, line, colour and wondrous form.
Kjarval’s – unorthodox – understanding of futurism, as a move-
ment and a style, also emerges in his 1931 review of the folk artist
Gísli Jónsson from Búrfellskot (1878-1944), whom he had met in
1904. Here Kjarval notes that Jónsson has painted everything between
heaven and earth in his leisure time. “He may be the first futurist that
i saw – later, abroad, i met many others, of a different sort. Back then,
Gísli painted some of his pictures in bright colours and in a peculiar
style, pictures somewhat along the lines of sölvi Helgason’s, but sim-
pler and on a larger scale – the style all spirals and swoops and squig-
gles – but presented according to fashion – in rectangularity. Gísli
Jónsson was on the scene pretty much as early as the earliest futur-
ists.”0 Jónsson would doubtless fall into Kjarval’s category of ‘instinc-
tive futurists or futurists by God’s grace,’ in contrast to ready-made
futurists, or men who strove to be different from other people.1 We
may conclude from this text that Kjarval understood futurism in a
free-wheeling way and used the term almost as a synonym for avant-
garde art in general, a style, which, in Jónsson’s case, combined ex-
pressionist swirls and squiggles with cubist pictorial structure.
Kjarval’s loose conception of futurism is quite understandable,
given how early in the futurists’ career he became acquainted with
their work and how greatly those works differed internally. Kjarval
became familiar with futurism as early as 1912; only a few months
after his arrival in europe and before his acquaintance with cubism
had properly begun. He details his first encounters with futurism in
an undated manuscript under the heading, “Futurism.” This manu-
script is the draft of an essay Kjarval wrote in response to an article
by ‘J.B.’ (Jón Björnsson) published in the newspaper Morgunblaðið
Jóhannes Kjarval’s Appropriation of Progressive Attitudes 493
noTes
0
J.s.K. (Jóhannes Kjarval), “málverkasýning Gísla Jónssonar” in Vísir, 13 decem-
ber 1931.
1
Þórbergur Þórðarson attributes these words to Kjarval in a 1923 letter which de-
scribes a conversation between the two, Þórbergur Þórðarson, Mitt rómantíska æði,
reykjavík (mál og menning), 1987, p. 116.
2
J.s. Kjarval, personal papers, Box iX, reykjavik art museum (Kjarvalsstaðir).
3
The image of the golden gate has parallels in icelandic folk tales and folklore, as
is clearly illustrated by davið stefánsson’s 1941 work The Golden Gate.
4
Letter to Guðbrandur magnússon (undated, thought to be from 1920), national
archive of iceland, e-52.
498 Kristín G. Guðnadóttir
WorKs CiTed
abildgaard, Hanne. 2002. “nordens paris” in: dorthe aagesen (ed.). Avantgarde i
dansk og europæisk kunst. Statens Museum for Kunst: pp. 172-187.
Kjarval, J. s.. 1922. interview in Morgunblaðið, 23 april.
Kjarval, Jóhannes (J.s.K). 1931. “málverkasýning Gísla Jónssonar” in Vísir, 13 de-
cember.
THe modern BreaKTHrouGH in sWedisH and
sCandinaVian arT musiC
andreas engström
The 1920s are often considered the decade of the modern break-
through in music. This is an era in which artists in search of the ‘new’
turned away, somewhat sceptically, from the stylistic expressions and
aesthetics of the earlier decade. Hermann danuser sees a connection
between the disasters of the previous decade and the emerging mod-
ern sound. “after the catastrophe of the first world war, the need for
a fundamental dissociation from the aesthetic premises of romantic
music was widely felt.” (danuser 1984: 152). robert p. morgan em-
phasises the need felt to “reject the past in favour of everything new
and up-to-date”. (morgan 1991: 220).
in continental europe the new age was marked by the rise of
atonality and expressionism developed by arnold schönberg and his
students anton Webern and alban Berg, who together constituted
the second Vienna school. Together with the “primitivism” of igor
stravinsky and Béla Bartók, their work is generally considered the
earliest incarnation of modernist music. The search for new sound,
however, is also evident in the popular music and jazz of the time. a
new generation of composers, the foremost being the so-called Les
Six in France (arthur Honegger, darius milhaud, Francis poulenc,
etc) and paul Hindemith in Germany, regardless of differences in
aesthetics, compositional style and output, shared a certain interest
in popular music and the different functions that art music could
have, thereby dismissing the romantic view of music and the idea of
l’art pour l’art.
in the history of the avant-garde, the 1910s and 1920s are gener-
500 Andreas Engström
their texts are generally analytical and directly address musical and
formal matters, such as the “handling of the material”. This is im-
portant to keep in mind when one considers the reception of the
young modernists’ music in the swedish press, because when one
hears the music one can hardly imagine that this is the same music
responsible for the anguished outbursts of several critics. To get some
perspective on the way reviews were written at the time, one may
quote another passage by peterson-Berger which refers to a perform-
ance of sibelius’ fourth symphony: “one thinks of a calm lunatic
who sits and talks and laughs to himself, unarticulated and incoher-
ent” (cited in Wallner 1971/72: 17). This gives a good indication that
modernist music, and its precursors, had difficulties being accepted
by the swedish musical establishment, which preferred, if not na-
tional romanticism, at least a well known musical syntax.
in his 1923 application article for the position of music critic at the
swedish morning paper Svenska dagbladet entitled “Framtidsmusik”
(“Future music”), moses pergament opposed the aesthetics of the
older critics. The article is no one-sided endorsement of the new, the
modern or the avant-garde, but is instead characterised by a striking
curiosity about the new music. according to Henrik rosengren
(2007), the article can be interpreted as a pacifist and anti-nationalist
discourse, coloured by pergament’s Jewish background. These values
permeate his understanding of modernism in general and expres-
sionism in particular (rosengren 2007: 169). pergament was born
into a Jewish family in st. petersburg, grew up in a swedish environ-
ment in Helsinki, Finland, and received his swedish citizenship in
1919. it is no surprise that his citizenship or nationality was ques-
tioned during these years. in sweden, as elsewhere, in some circles,
modernism was considered a symptom of Jewish culture and affili-
ated with communism. “For [figures such as] peterson-Berger, mod-
ernism, atonality and jewishness were intimately connected, almost
synonymous.” (rosengren 2007: 164). pergament’s modernism was
a revolt against national ideals that nevertheless expressed doubts
about schönberg’s atonality (rosengren 2007: 171). pergament’s sub-
jective aesthetics, which emanated from his own vulnerable position
within european culture, nevertheless reflected the general opinion
among the young, radical swedish composers who, while champi-
oning “the new”, still held on to traditional values.
The Modern Breakthrough 507
WorKs CiTed
Broman, per olov. 2000. Kakofont storhetsvansinne eller uttryck för det djupaste liv?
Om ny musik och musikåskådning I svenskt 1920-tal, med särskild tonvikt på
Hilding Rosenberg, uppsala universitet, studia musicologica upsaliensia,
nova series 8.
danuser, Hermann. 1984. Die Musik des 20. Jahrhunderts, neues Handbuch der
musikwissenschaft. Bd 7, Laaber: Laaber.
edling, anders. 1982. Franskt i svensk musik 1880-1920. Stilpåverkan hos Parisstu-
derande tonsättare och särskilt hos Emil Sjögren (studia musicologica upsa-
liensia, nova series 8, uppsala universitet.
Fjeldsøe, michael. 1996. “Carl nielsens 5. symfoni. dens tillblivelse og reception i
1920rne”, in Dansk årbog for musikforskning, 1996:24.
Jonson, Leif and martin Tegen. 1994. “den romantiska epilogen”, in Musiken i
Sverige III: Den nationella identiteten 1810-1920, (red Leif Jonson and mar-
tin Tegen), Fischer & Co, 1992.
Kahn, douglas. 1999. Noise Water Meat: A History of Sound in the Arts, Cam-
bridge, ma: miT press.
morgan, robert p.. 1991. Twentieth-century music: a history of musical style in
modern Europe and America, new york: norton.
de la motte-Haber, Helga (hrsg). 1999. Klangkunst – Tönende Objekte, Klingende
Räume, Handbuch der Musik im 20. Jahrhundert, Bd 12, Laaber-Verlag.
rosengren, Henrik. 2007.“Judarnas Wagner”. Moses Pergament och den kulturella
identifikationens dilemma omkring 1920-1950, Lund: sekel bokförlag.
Wallner, Bo. 1968. Vår tids musik i Norden: från 20-tal till 60-tal, nordiska musik-
förlaget
––. 1972. “rosenberg och 20-talet. ett avsnitt ur en bok och ett kapitel på väg, in
Nutida Musik 1971/72:4.
Åstrand, Hans. 1998. “modernismens inträde” in Musiken i Sverige IV: Konstmusik,
folkmusik, populärmusik 1920-1990, (ed. Leif Jonson and Hans Åstrand),
Fischer & Co.
Åstrand, Hans. 1971. “sveriges stämma i isCm – detta musikens Fn” in Svenska
musikperspektiv. minnesskrift vid Kungl musikaliska akademiens 200-års-
jubieum 1971: Kungl musikaliska akademiens skriftserie 9, (ed.) Gustaf
Hilleström.
danCinG aCross CopenHaGen
Karen Vedel
The russian dancers michail Fokine and Vera Fokina with elna Larsen
on arrival at Copenhagen Central station 24 may 1925. photographer
unknown. polfoto.
ances at Folies Bergères in the 1890s had made her an iconic figure
among parisian artists such as the sculptor auguste rodin. For the
paris World exhibition in 1900, an art nouveau building, palais de
danse, was even designed in Fuller’s honour by the French architect
Henri sauvage.
Cirkus Varieté, the venue in which Fuller premiered in Copen-
hagen, was, both geographically and in terms of audience profile,
closer to the popular entertainments of Tivoli and the working-class
neighbourhoods surrounding the Carlsberg brewery and the slaugh-
terhouses of Vesterbro than to Kongens nytorv, the heart of the
bourgeois cultural district.
The premiere of Fuller’s show in december 1905 was postponed
for several days due to the technically demanding preparations.
When it finally opened, the Copenhagen audiences marvelled no less
than the audiences in Folies Bergères and palais de danse at the
dance artist’s ability to submerge her personality and human gestalt
in the movements of the fabrics, which she skilfully manoeuvred in
the intricately designed lights. standing out among the many ‘veil’
or ‘serpentine dancers’, who plagiarised her acts, Loïe Fuller was ac-
knowledged as ‘the real thing’.2 The main attraction among 14 “first
class acts”, she remained on the bill in Cirkus Varieté until the end
of the year.
in the eyes of the connoisseurs of danish ballet, however, Fuller’s
dance did not pass as art. The memoirs of Charlotte Wiehe-Bérèny,
former royal danish Ballet dancer, who had left the company for a
successful international career as an actress/singer, contain a re-
served, yet vivid, description of Fuller’s stage performance3:
she was no dancer in any ordinary sense of the word … for she did
not work with her feet at all, but so much more with her arms. she
raised two immensely long sticks, which, through intricate arm
swings, set numerous meters of airy, light, mono-coloured silk cloth
into waving motion, while she moved back and forth. The secret be-
hind it was the use of the wonderful effects of light. The hatches in
the stage floor were replaced with thick glass plates through which
immense streams of light were sent towards her. suddenly a glittering
butterfly would fly through the dark space, or metre-high flames
would lick up her body, and at the end seem to devour her. (Wiehe-
Bérèny 1929: 255.) 4
Dancing across Copenhagen 515
you are not to talk about my naked feet! i will not have people look
at them. i have re-created the classical dance. i want to grant dance
a re-naissance. The beautiful play of lines, the air of light, spiritual-
ity, and grace that characterized Hellenic women’s dance. The classic
rhythm – there you are! But people do not understand me; they sit
with their binoculars and look at my feet. promise me that tomorrow
you will not look at my feet! (Politiken 23.04.1906)
prices were more than doubled (Vedel 2005: 315). in spite of this, the
house sold out, and when the curtain came down after the premiere,
the crowd applauded the russian dancers. Politiken’s Helge
Wamberg captured the excitement of the event in a somewhat sar-
castic tone:
This is how Kerenskiij must have felt when he brought down the
Tsar. We were facing the revolution. everyone could feel it. it was
unavoidable. in the royal box there was composed nervousness. The
King and Queen and the entire royal family, although not the Queen
dowager, with a huge entourage filled the royal boxes. one has to
bow to the resolution displayed by the royal family, which has for
generations been an ardent supporter of Bournonville’s pirouettes
and entrechats, in bravely attending an out-and-out revolution. and
the people were gratified! as the masses in their grand divine naïvety
always cheer the victor, so the assembled danish nation cheered the
fact that Bournonville was dead. Let us make it quite clear at once,
for the sake of denmark’s future: dead and done with!” (Helge
Wamberg, Politiken 13.05.1918. Translated by Gaye Kynoch)
daily and weekly newspapers, which kept the press rolling over the
summer. in stockholm, Fokine’s artistic demands and innovative ap-
proach had rejuvenated the dancers, adding new blood to the reper-
toire of The swedish royal Ballet. Fokine’s presence bore the
promise of a similar revitalisation in Copenhagen – longed for by
some and feared by others.
Fokine’s vision for new ballet had been published as a letter in
The Times, on 6 July 1914. it stressed a dramatic unity of style across
choreography, subject matter, music and design; the dancing should
serve as an expression of the dramatic action; and mime should in-
corporate the whole body rather than just the hands. dance, in this
sense, served as a basis for a fusion of the arts, not unlike richard
Wagner’s Gesamtkunstwerk.
in relation to the danish ballet, Fokine was cast in the conflicting
roles of enemy and saviour and alternately portrayed as a protagonist
in the overthrow of the imperial Ballet, which had been launched by
diaghilev and the Ballets russes, and as the victim of a sinking em-
pire, who had been washed up on the shores of denmark. When
voices of authority, such as Jørgensen (and Fokine himself) pointed
out that the artistic principles of the reformed ballet could hardly be
called revolutionary, they were quickly silenced by a dominant rhet-
oric connecting Fokine with Bolshevism, the overthrow of russia’s
imperial system and the barbaric actions against its authorities.
The Fokine family remained in the spotlight as they took up resi-
dency in denmark for a stretch of about 18 months between 1918
and 1919 (Vedel 2005: 312-315). during this time, Fokine earned a
living through private tuition and occasional jobs in sweden, repeat-
edly underlining that he was available, should the royal danish Bal-
let wish to hire him as ballet master. as he was never offered this
prestigious position, Fokine left Copenhagen with his family in early
1920 in order to continue his career in the us.
52. The young women in the chorus lines, many of who came from
working class backgrounds, wore uniform costumes and make-up
for the shows. in the printed programmes they were listed as danse-
mus (dancing mice) and dansepiger (dancing girls), or given the name
of either the establishment, e.g. scala Girls, apollo Girls, or their
ballet master, e.g. The Bjerre Girls.
The scala’s dancing girls have traditionally been discussed only
as background decoration for the popular soloists, a part of the lav-
ish sets of the revues. But closer inspection of the manner in which
the chorus was staged reveals that it often functioned as a comment
on the state of the nation in modernity. The endlessly varied themes
which framed their appearances featured scenes from modern urban
life, such as traffic, travel and the changing representations of gender.
in a notable example from 1915, the dancing girls performed as sol-
diers in service; whilst in 1918, they appeared as Syndicalists, thereby
embodying a direct comment on current political issues (Vedel 2008:
57-60).
The public debate surrounding dancing girls around 1920 marked
a new turn in the struggle over cultural values that had raged since
the late 1800s. attacked by a public association named Vigilia, a bas-
tion of moral indignation, the revue’s chorus lines were seen as em-
blematic of the decay of the nation. support for the dancing girls
came from cultural radicalists and vitalists, who viewed the revue’s
entertainment as healthy activities comparable to nudism and sun-
bathing and as a reaction to the impoverished life offered by modern
civilisation.9 a prominent voice in the debate was that of Valdemar
Vedel, professor of literature, who wrote in reference to the critique
of modern life: “(T)hat is why the life instincts call out louder and
louder from the jazz orchestras and the cinemas as well as from
ladies’ fashions and the painters’ canvasses” (Nationaltidende 1924).
siding with Vigilia, the danish author emil Bønnelycke wrote a
novel that contained a scathing critique of the revues and took issue
with the anonymity of the young women and their costumes, as well
as the “soulless” manner of their movements (Bønnelycke 1925: 64-
65). His observations are interesting when viewed alongside the cri-
tique of German cultural critic siegfried Kracauer, who also
discussed the phenomenon of dancing girls in his seminal article Das
Ornament der Masse, published in the Frankfurter Zeitung in 1927.
Both focus on the manner in which the individual ‘girl’ or woman is
522 Karen Vedel
The young Finn miss sarah (sari) Jankelow will demonstrate that
dance need not be entrechats in a Columbine costume, (that) dance
as art is not performed on counts, but follows its own unwritten laws
in soft rhythms and plastic lines”. (Viggo Cavling, Politiken
30.01.1919)
noTes
0
my approach in this chapter follows Hubert van den Berg’s suggestion (in Ørum,
ping Huang and engberg, 2005: 31-37) that we think about the early avant-gardes
as a network, and one of its central projects as network-building.
1
The notion of alien bodies was introduced by ramsay Burt in a discussion of the
multiple ways in which bodies in modern dance were perceived as disturbing. (Burt
1998: 17)
2
among Loïe Fuller’s plagiarisers was a Leonore Foy, who performed in Tivoli in
1898.
526 Karen Vedel
3
Wiehe-Bérèny was familiar with Fuller’s paris shows, having performed on the
same street as the latter’s palais de danse during the World exhibition, and having
shared the same bill at Terry’s Theatre in London later that year (Brandstetter and
ochaim 1989: 48).
4
unless otherwise noted, all quotations have been translated from the danish by
Karen Vedel.
5
For an illuminating discussion on the modelling of early modern dance on images
of Greek antiquity see Gabriele Brandstetter. 1995. Tanz-Lektüren. Körperbilder
und Raumfiguren der Avantgarde.
6
in diaghilev’s Ballets russes, Fokine was granted the space to realise his ideas in
works such as Les Sylphides (1909), Carnaval (1910), Schéhérazade (1910) and Le
Spectre de la Rose (1911).
7
Telegram from Gothenburg Theatre addressed to the royal Theatre, the danish
national archives incoming letters, no. 55, 1918.
8
according to the programme: “Balletten fra den Kongelige opera i stockholm på
Tivoli sommerteater”, 1918.
9
For a discussion of vitalism in the visual arts in denmark see ole nørlyng 2008;
Hanne abildgaar 2002; and dorte aagesen, 2002.
10
For a more detailed discussion of mary Wigman’s dancing, see for example susan
a. manning, 1993.
11
shortly before the dada soirées in Copenhagen, Gerda Gulda returned from new
york, where she had performed a successful season before a corps de ballet of 200
dancers at the Hippodrome.
12
For a more detailed discussion of Johannes poulsen as stage director, see Jacobsen
1990. For more information on emilie Walbom, see Vedel 1994.
Dancing across Copenhagen 527
WorKs CiTed
aagesen, dorthe (ed.). 2002. Avantgarde i dansk og europæisk kunst 1909 – 19. Co-
penhagen: statens museum for Kunst.
abildgaard, Hanne. 2002. “nordens paris” in aagesen, dorthe (ed.). 2002. Avant-
garde i dansk og europæisk kunst 1909 – 19. Copenhagen: statens museum
for Kunst.
“Balletten fra den Kongelige opera i stockholm på Tivoli sommerteater”. program.
1918.
Beck, Hans. 1915. “minder fra min Ballettid” in Brandes, edvard. 1915. Den danske
Ballet 1870 – 1915 Copenhagen: erslev og Hasselbalch.
van den Berg, Hubert. “Kortlægning af det nyes gamle spor. Bidrag til en topografi
over det 20. Århundredes avangarde(r) i europæisk kultur” in Ørum, Tania,
marianne ping Huang and Charlotte engberg (eds). 2005. En tradition af
opbrud. Avantgardernes tradition og politik Gylling: Forlaget spring.
Brandstetter, Gabriele and maria Brygida ochaim. 1989. Loïe Fuller: Tanz. Licht-
Spiel. Art Nouveau Freiburg im Breisgau: Verlag rombach.
Brandstetter, Gabriele. 1995. Tanz-Lektüren. Körperbilder und Raumfiguren der
Avantgarde Frankfurt am main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag.
Burt, ramsay. 1998. Alien Bodies: Representations of Modernity, ‘Race’ and ‘Nation
in Early Modern Dance London and new york: routledge.
Bønnelycke, emil. 1925. Ny Ungdom Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel.
daly, ann. 1995. Done into Dance: Isadora Duncan in America middletown, Con-
necticul: Wesleyan university press.
duncan, isadora. 1903. Der Tanz der Zukunft. Eine Vorlesung. Leipzig: e. diede-
richs.
Fokine, michael. 1914. “Letter to The Times July 6th, 1914” in Copeland, roger and
marshall Cohen (eds). 1983. What is Dance? oxford, new york, Toronto,
melbourne: oxford university press.
Jacobsen, Kirsten. 1990. Johannes Poulsen som iscenesætter. En europæer i tidlig
dansk 1900-tals teater Copenhagen: rhodos.
Jaques-dalcroze, Émile. (1912) 1997. “Hur återuppliva dansen?” in Jaques-dalcroze,
Émile translated by italo Bertolotto, malou Höjer och martin Tegen. 1997.
Rytm, musik och utbildning stockholm. KmH Förlaget Jaques-dalcroze.
Jørgensen, ove. 1905. “Ballettens Kunst” in Tilskueren 1905.
––. 1906. “duncan contra Bournonville” in Tilskueren 1906.
Kermode, Frank. (1958-61) 1983. “poet and dancer before diaghilev” in Copeland,
roger and marshall Cohen (eds). 1983. What is Dance? oxford, new york,
Toronto, melbourne: oxford university press.
Knudsen, poul. 1912. Scaramouche (libretto).
Koritz, amy. 1995. Gendering Bodies / Performing Art: Dance and Literature in Early
Twentieth-Century British Culture ann arbor: university of michigan press.
Kracauer, siegfried. 1977 [1927]. Das Ornament der Masse. Essays Frankfurt am
main: suhrkamp.
manning, susan a. 1993. Ecstasy and the Demon: Feminism and Nationalism in the
528 Karen Vedel
ever since the first attempts were made to draw up a history of the
european avant-garde in the early twentieth century, politics has
played a prominent role in avant-garde studies. considering the fact
that the beginning of the historical studies of the early avant-garde
belongs to the political debates following the end of World War ii,
this is hardly surprising. scholars and intellectuals were settling
scores with totalitarian regimes in europe and took a different stance
vis-à-vis the historical avant-garde, often by either relating it to the
advent of political totalitarianism or engaging in an attempt to de-
fend it against such charges. such ideological critiques still continue
to shape the theoretical discussion, as can be seen from recent pub-
lications, which see this link either as characteristic of the avant-garde
in general or as symptomatic of certain currents within its project.
common to most studies on the link between the avant-garde and
politics is an emphasis on “politics” in the narrow sense, which en-
tails a focus on the participation of artists or movements in political
activities, their political opinions and/or works with an overtly po-
litical content. the discussion of “politics” in this narrow sense only
covers a limited field of interest, since the politics of the avant-garde
is often related rather to its semantic and aesthetic practices, includ-
ing its “politics of form”, in terms of language, identity, gender, race
etc. the revolt of the avant-garde against social and cultural institu-
tions and traditions can be claimed to be of a genuinely political
character that pervades all its social as well as semantic activities. As
sascha Bru has pointed out, a useful way to distinguish between the
politics of the avant-garde in its narrow and broader senses can be
found in claude lefort’s distinction between “politics” (la politique),
covering political institutions, parties and groups, and “the political”
(le politique), referring to different ways and strategies in defining
and rethinking social space (Bru 2006: 132-3).
532 Politics, Ideology, Discourse
WorKs cited
Breton, André. 1992. “légitime défense” Œuvres complètes II. ed. by Marguerite
Bonnet. Paris: gallimard, 282-296.
Bru, sascha. 2006. “Ólesnar bækur. Aldarlöng umræða um framúrstefnu og póli-
tík”. transl. by steinunn Haraldsdóttir. Ritið 1, 121-140.
Brummer, Hans-erik (ed.). 2006. Ivan Aguéli. stockholm: Atlantis.
Jelsbak, torben. 2005. Ekspressionisme. Modernismens formelle gennembrud i dansk
malerkunst og poesi. copenhagen: spring.
Marinetti, Filippo tommaso. 1968. “i diritti artistici propugnati dai futuristi italiani.
Manifesto al governo fascista”. Teoria e invenzione futurista. ed. by luciano
de Maria. Milano: Arnoldo Mondadori editore, 489-495.
Widenheim, cecilia. 2002. “utopia and reality. Aspects of Modernism in swedish
Visual Art during the First Half of the twentieth century”. Utopia and Re-
ality – Modernity in Sweden 1900-1960. ed. by c. Widenheim. New Haven,
london: yale university Press, 42-85.
AVANt-gArde ActiVisM
– tHe cAse oF tHe NeW studeNt society
iN coPeNHAgeN (1922-24)
torben Jelsbak
casm, as “too light”. the case was then brought to appeal in the High
court, whose officers suspended the sentence, based on a number of
statements from literary authorities. the confiscation and public ban
on Broby’s book, however, were maintained.
the entire process, of course, only encouraged the oppositional
spirit of the young revolutionaries. recognising that Broby was a
victim of censorship, Herwarth Walden, as a gesture of moral sup-
port, published two of the condemned poems – in danish – in the
February issue of Der Sturm (Vol. 14, no. 1: 14). later the same year
a number of newly-written poems by Momberg appeared in the
pages of the international magazine, pointing to an important
change in the literary poetics of dNss. unlike the abstract sound
poems of his debut volume, he was now writing explicitly political
texts in a “factual,” constructivist style using montage devices and
“ready-made” fragments of everyday language. one of these poems,
“la Victoire,” which appeared in the october issue of Der Sturm
(Vol. 14, no. 10: 154), can be seen as an attempt to integrate the aes-
thetic innovations of the international avant-garde into dNss’s po-
litical agenda. it is a multilingual montage text combining fragments
in danish and French (in the translation below the danish segments
have been translated into english):
10%
halvt uskyldige
se side 2
syphilis serieux
pharmacie den røde måne
auto auto
traitement discret
Børsen stiger
vareprisen stiger
vareåger
åget synker
7 og 1
resten tusind
10½
the human anatomy to open / up and clap / ouvre ta vulve / 125 rue
de la roquette / methode francais / my heart is a graveyard
What should one tell the ladies? / l’inimitable lit national / resultat
des courses / thea-tres-concerts-cinemas / noctambules / the best cure
against impotence
much more than a design manual for activist agitation and publish-
ing; the typographical revolution of Pressen was part of a much
more comprehensive political program:
the emerging generation, ready to shape and bring forward the next
period, gathers around tHe NeW studeNt society.
these young people are versed in the work of the international
youth. they have pursued new ways for spiritual life, economy, art,
agitation, and practice, based on international research within these
areas […]
our age is characterized by disorder in all areas. the authentic
youth of our time fights for order and regularity and solidarity in
all things. Artistically and economically they are c o n s t r u c t i v i s t.
they do not lose themselves in literary fantasies, but get down to the
urgent tasks. (Momberg 1924: 6-7)
Notes
0
cf. Per stounbjerg’s and torben Jelsbak’s contribution “danish expressionism,”
in this volume p. 441.
1
cf. the essay “dada copenhagen,” elsewhere in this volume p. 379.
2
cf. Per stounbjerg’s and torben Jelsbak’s contribution “danish expressionism.”
For an example of Momberg’s abstract sound poetry see Jelsbak’s chapter on “dada
copenhagen.” p. 441.
3
For a further discussion of Broby’s speech for the defence of Blod, see stoun-
bjerg and Jelsbak’s contribution in this volume.
4
All translations in the essay are by torben Jelsbak.
Avant-Garde Activism 555
WorKs cited
Berg, Hubert van den. 2000. “‘Übernationalität’ der Avantgarde – (inter-)Nationa-
lität der Forschung. Hinweis auf den internationalen Konstruktivismus in
der europäischen literatur und de Problematik ihrer literaturwissenschaft-
lichen erfassung,” in: AGCS 14 (2000), pp. 255-90.
Broby, rud. 1922. BLOD. Expressionære Digte. copenhagen: d.N.s.s.; reprint: co-
penhagen: Politisk revy, 1988.
––. 1923. Forsvarstale for BLOD holdt i Københavns Byret 22.1.1923. copenhagen:
d. N.s.s.; reprinted in: BLOD. copenhagen: Politisk revy 1988.
––. 1923b. Kunst. En introduktion. copenhagen: dNss, reprinted in Harsløf (ed.)
2000, pp. 136-168.
Brøcker, H.r. 1922. Penge, Politik og Presse. copenhagen: dNss.
Bürger, Peter. 1974. Theorie der Avantgarde. Frankfurt a.M.: suhrkamp.
grosz, georg. 1924. george grosz: Prostitutionens profeter. copenhagen: dNss.
Harsløf, olav 2000 (ed.). Broby – en central outsider. copenhagen: Museum tuscu-
lanum.
––. “Pressen. Periodisk Flyveskrift,” at: www.leksikon.org.
Hjartarson, Benedikt 2005. “At historisere den historiske avantgarde,” in: tania
Ørum et al. (ed.). En tradition af opbrud. Avantgardernes tradition og politik,
Hellerup: spring, pp. 44-60.
Jelsbak, torben. 2006. “Punkt og linie på flade. typografiske punktvirkninger og grafisk
totaldesign i dansk ekspressionisme,” in: Bogvennen 2002-2003, pp. 109-129.
Jensen, Aage M. i. c. 1923 (ed.). Bankkommissionens hemmelige Beretninger utar-
bejdet af Professor Birck, Kristiania: dNss.
Kaarsted, tage. 1981. “At sælge – eller ikke sælge. da Politiken i 1920 nær var blevet
organ for de højeste agrarinteresser,” in: Helge larsen and roar skovmand (eds.).
Festskrift til Troels Fink. odense: odense universitetsforlag 1981, pp. 143-60.
Momberg, Harald landt. 1920. “revolutionen og Kunstnerne,” in: Arbejdet, co-
penhagen, 31. october 1920.
––. 1922. Parole. 33 expressionistiske digte. copenhagen: d.N.s.s., 1922.
––. 1922b. “At forstå kunst,” in: Baalet 2:1, 15.1.1922.
––. 1923. “der sturm. Ny kunst i udvikling,” in: Pressen, no. 3.
––. 1924. Aktiv Reklame. Nye Principer i Annonceringens Kunst. copenhagen:
dNss.
Pressen. Periodisk Flyveskrift. copenhagen: dNss, 1923-1924, eds. torben Hansen
(no. 1-26), Anton Hemmingsen (27-42), rakel Hansen (31-32), Harald
landt Momberg (33), and ove Johannsen (43-66).
scheunemann, dietrich. 2000: “on Photography and Painting. Prolegomena to a
New theory of the Avant-garde,” AGCS 15 (2000), pp. 15-48.
thing, Morten. 1993. Kommunismens kultur. DKP og de intellektuelle 1918-1960,
vol. 1, copenhagen: tiderne skifter.
Walden, Herwarth. 1921. “ Kritik der vorexpressionistischen dichtung,” in: Der
Sturm, vol. 11, no. 7-8, pp. 98-99, no. 9-10, pp. 122-25; vol. 12, no. 1, pp. 3-
9, no. 2, pp. 29-31, no. 3, pp. 45-48.
FiNNisH NAtioNAlisM ANd tHe AVANt-gArde
timo Huusko
Finnish nature and identity, which they saw as the essential mission
of Finnish painting. the leading nationalist critic ludwig Wen-
nervirta provided one such oppositional voice. He developed a con-
cept of Finnish painting based on Hippolyte taine’s theories in
which art was called upon to reflect a correlation of race, time and
milieu (Huusko 2007:59). Wennervirta postulated that edelfelt and
gallén-Kallela had laid the foundation of a national tradition of
Finnish art in which “the heartbeat of an entire nation” could be felt,
applying the contemporary german theory of Einfühlung (empathy),
which stressed the importance of emotional identification with art
and its subject. According to this theory, art should enable the public
to experience the artist’s feelings at the moment of creation. in light
of his nationalist views, Wennervirta demanded that a nationalist art
should fuse emotional empathy with national values. Moreover, he
posited an inseparable relation between nation and landscape. thus,
only Finns were seen as capable of experiencing true empathy with
their native landscape, and, likewise, could never genuinely identify
with a foreign landscape. From Wennervirta’s perspective, the new
art of the Septem Group, with its blatant French influence, neither
allowed nor enhanced the Finnish emotional experience of Finnish-
ness, and he rejected it.
When german expressionist art theory took root in Finland from
1915 onwards, the stress on empathy and emotion in Wennervirta’s
thought grew even stronger. in a series of articles on contemporary
expressionist painting, published in the radical nationalist newspaper
Uusi Suometar, he underlined the importance of instinct and emo-
tion in art. Wennervirta’s primary points of reference were Paul
Fechter’s Der Expressionismus (1914) and Wilhelm Worringer’s Ab-
straktion und Einfühlung (1908), and, to a lesser extent, lev tolstoi’s
views on art (Huusko 2007: 85-86).
Among the younger artists that fulfilled his nationalist criteria, Wen-
nervirta singled out the expressionist tyko sallinen. the thematic
emphasis on the Finnish landscape and the portrayal of ordinary
Finnish peasantry, which Wennervirta preferred, could not only be
found in the work of grand old men of Finnish painting like edelfelt
and gallén-Kallela, but – according to Wennervirta – also in the
painting of some younger artists, who made their individual appear-
ances more or less simultaneously with the Septem Group. in 1916,
Finnish Nationalism and the Avant-Garde 561
Finnish art (sinisalo 1973: 12). As soli sinisalo (2005: 26) observed, “the
modest greyish and brownish colour scale had already found a place in
Finnish painting by the mid-1910s and would soon be accepted as a sign
of ‘national’ art. After the independence, the appeals to national art be-
came even stronger. Against this dull background, sulho’s and greta’s
paintings appeared like bright decorative exclamation marks. Further-
more, one finds in greta’s artistic work a joy of freedom that was rare
and spirited” (sinisalo 2005: 26). Hällfors and sipilä graduated from the
art school in 1917, on the eve of the russian revolution, Finnish inde-
pendence and the civil War. While previously the Finnish nationalist cul-
tural elite had tended to avoid all things russian, it now became openly
hostile towards them. sipilä and Hällfors had been warned about their
avant-garde experiments at the art academy. Frosterus, the inspector of
the drawing school of the Finnish Art society, warned sipilä about “all
sorts of experiments with cubism” (sinisalo 2005: 25). this example un-
derlines the shift that took place in Finland at the time, since Frosterus
had previously supported artistic innovation, especially when it came
from France. other teachers at the art school, such as Hugo simberg and
eero Jänefelt, had an equally dismissive attitude towards the young
couple’s avant-garde influences, which were too russian in their eyes. de-
spite their firm allegiance to the nationalist side in the civil War, sipilä
and Hällfors fell victim to the anti-russian stance and the rejection of
avant-garde art as cultural bolshevism after 1918. After attending the
Vöyri military school, sipilä served in the german fleet on a military ves-
sel (sinisalo 2005: 44). Hällfors, meanwhile, was an outspoken supporter
of the Finnish royalist party (sinisalo 2005: 48) and its campaign to elect
Friedrich-Karl, Prince of Hessen, as King of Finland. Although he ac-
cepted the official invitation and title in october 1918, he withdrew in
december 1918 after the fall of the german emperor Wilhelm ii.
despite their political commitment to the nationalist cause, the
early art of sipilä and Hällfors was regarded as unacceptable and
soon forgotten. Hällfors retreated from public life and was later com-
mitted to a mental hospital. sipilä pursued a career in the navy, but
returned to painting a decade later to become the main representa-
tive of the Neue Sachlichkeit in Finland, and to occupy a series of
prominent positions in several Finnish art institutions (sinisalo 2005:
105). their avant-garde work was only rediscovered by accident in
1973 in the archives of the Finnish Art society.
the November Group enjoyed a better fate. despite meeting with
Finnish Nationalism and the Avant-Garde 571
WorKs cited
Applegren-Kivalo, Hjalmar. “Avoin kirje eräille taidemaalaajille ja taidearvosteli-
joille”, in Uusi Suomi 27.11.1921 Bäcksbacka, leonard. 1960. T.K. Sallinen.
Helsingfors 1960.
Frosterus, sigurd. 2000. Väri ja valo: kirjoituksia kuvataiteesta 1903-1950.transl.
rauno ekholm. Helsinki. taide.
gray, camilla. 1986/1962. The Russian Experiment in Art 1863-1922. revised and
enlarged edition. london: thames and Hudson.
gösta enckell. 1919. “Köpenhamutsällningen”, in Hufvudstadsbladet 23.12.1919.
Huusko, timo. 1999. “im spannungsfeld von Kunst und trieb. edvard Munch, Ba-
dende Männer und Finnland”. Munch und Warnemünde. oslo. labyrinth
Press.
––. 2007. Maalauksellisuus ja tunne. Modernistiset tulkinnat kuvataidekritiikissä
1908-24. Kirjoituksia taiteesta 4. Kuvataiteen keskusarkisto. Helsinki.
Kallio, rakel. 2006. ”onni okkonen”, Suomen Kansallisbiografia 7. Päätoimittaja
Matti Klinge. suomen Kirjallisuuden seura. Helsinki.
linder, Marja-liisa. 2004. Ihmisen kuva Tyko Sallisen muotokuvissa 1905-1919.
tampereen taidemuseon julkaisuja 120.
okkonen, onni. 1916. Taiteen alku: tutkimus taiteen synnystä, esteettisestä ja tai-
teellisesta muodostumisesta sekä tyylillisestä kehittymisestä / onni okkonen.
Helsinki: otava.
reitala, Aimo. 1979. ”ystävyyttä politiikan varjossa”, in Taide 6/1979.
sarje, Kimmo. 2000. Sigurd Frosteruksen modernin käsite. Maailmankatsomus ja
arkkitehtuuri. Helsinki.
sinisalo, soili. 1973. ”Nuori sulho sipilä”, in Taide 4/1973:12.
––. 2001a. “Nostalgia for the Primordial: Primitiveness”, Surface and Depth. Early
Modernism in Finland 1890-1920. Ateneum Publication No 24 (ed. riitta
ojanperä). Helsinki. Ateneum Art Museum.
––. 2001b. ”Form”. Surface and Depth. Early Modernism in Finland 1890-1920.
Ateneum Publication No 24 (ed. riitta ojanperä). Helsinki. Ateneum Art
Museum.
––. 2005. Hallen ja Tivan tarina. Modernistit Sulho Sipilä ja Greta Hällfors-Sipilä.
Ateneum Art Museum. Wsoy Helsinki.
Valkonen, olli. 1973. Maalaustaiteen murros Suomessa 1908-1914. Jyväskylä studies
in the Arts 6. Jyväskylä. university of Jyväskylä.
Vassily Kandinsky’s letter from Moscow to salon strindberg 23.9.1916. central Art
Archives, Helsinki (microfilm copy).
Wennervirta, ludvig. 1920. “Magnus enckellin yksityisnäyttely”, in Uusi Suomi.
4.11.
MultiliNguAlisM ANd (de)territoriAlisAtioN
iN tHe WorKs oF elMer diKtoNius
Julia tidigs
Avant-garde Multilingualism
in diktonius’s poetry, written or based on his experiences abroad in
1920–1921 and later, in 1925–1926, when he spent one of the most
miserable parts of his life starving in Paris, occasional english words
are sometimes used to highlight cosmopolitan or foreign surround-
ings, for example in the poem “london”, where the market women
576 Julia Tidigs
yell out “strawberrys [sic]” and the lyrical self informs the reader
that “china” means “opium” (diktonius 1924). london place names
also add to the hectic, urban tone of the poem.
in some cases the foreign words express the sense of “inner exile”
or Verfremdung of the lyrical self. in the last poem of the suite “Kär-
leksfantasi till havet” (love Fantasy to the sea), the foreign name of
a bird functions as a link between a literal exile in cornwall and a
(partial) exile from the mother tongue that in turn is made visible in
the foreign environment (diktonius 1924: 91; cf. tidigs 2009).
What is striking is that multilingualism is much more common in
diktonius’s prose, in which he most often deals with life in Finland,
and life in Finnish. Here, and often simultaneously, multilingualism
has stylistic, narrative, thematic and political effects.
diktonius was a swedish-Finnish bilingual. He wrote his first
poems in Finnish, and he spent a great deal of his career as a trans-
lator, literary critic and writer moving between the Finnish and the
swedish language and thinking about the relationship between these
languages. upon his return to Finland in 1922, he and his fellow
modernist Hagar olsson founded the bilingual journal Ultra. in Ultra
diktonius urged his Finnish colleagues to write Finnish-language
modernist poetry, but at the same time pointed out what he saw as
the difficulties which the Finnish language posed for modernists.
several scholars have remarked on the Finnishness of diktonius’s
swedish, especially in diktonius’s first book of prose, the “idyll” On-
nela (1925) and in his only novel Janne Kubik (1932). While some
have argued that the innovative style of the novel is a result of its
being “thought out in Finnish” (Warburton 1951: 237f), others have
countered that what is written in swedish must have been conceived
in swedish (ritamäki 2000: 130). diktonius’s novel has been con-
sidered “untranslatable” due to the ‘Finnishness’ of both its language
and theme (schoolfield 1985: 141), while one biographer asks
whether diktonius’s “linguistic equilibrism” could be regarded as a
consequence of linguistic insecurity, which in turn would be a result
of his bilingualism (donner 2007: 255). in my opinion, the traces of
Finnish and other languages in diktonius’s texts are more fruitfully
explored as integral aesthetic and political components. Further-
more, the effects of literary multilingualism are not dependent upon
the intent of the author, even though the rebellious diktonius pro-
bably hoped to shock his readers on several levels.
Multilingualism and (De)territorialization 577
the central theme of the novel Janne Kubik is Finland before and
after the country gained its independence in 1917, as experienced by
the good-for-nothing Janne. Briefly: he fights on the side of the
workers during the civil war of 1918, ends up in a prison camp,
works at the docks, smuggles alcohol, stabs a rival and takes part in
the political kidnappings of supporters of the Finnish right-wing.
the novel’s lyrical, musical, consonant-flooded prose is crammed
with dialect, everyday speech, profanities and slang as well as frag-
ments of english, russian, and Finnish. Actual Finnish words are
used quite sparingly; Finnish is most prominent syntactically, in un-
idiomatic expressions, and the strange use of prepositions.
Janne Kubik is a novel about a nation – a nation, it seems, com-
posed of men. in creating an image of the Finnish man as hard-
working, hard-drinking and violent, diktonius joins a literary
tradition reaching back to the early nineteenth century. Puukko, a
type of knife, is the most commonly used Finnish word in the novel;
words related to perkele, a strong Finnish swearword etymologically
linked with the devil, is the second most frequent. these words dis-
rupt the surface of the swedish, functioning as markers of Finnish
life in both Janne Kubik and the idyll Onnela.
diktonius switches to english to underline the central theme of
the novel. in the final chapter the english helmsman of the ship on
which strike-breaker Janne dies cries out, “this damned country” –
not once, but twice (1932: 151, 155). elsewhere he shouts “damned
fool”, and “to hell” with the Finnish workers (1932: 154f). His dis-
tinctive voice is unusual in the novel. the theme of nationality is
being foregrounded by the presence of the voice of a foreigner,
damning Finland. But the words are also a reminder that the country
is damned by its foul-mouthed inhabitants.
(de)territorialisation
the multilingualism of diktonius’s texts can also be viewed in terms
of minor literature and territoriality, concepts developed by gilles
deleuze and Félix guattari. For these writers, minor has a multipli-
city of meanings. it describes the literature of a minority writing in
a major language, such as german-speaking Jews in Prague or
swedish speakers in Finland. in addition to meaning ‘small’ in terms
of numbers or range of territory, it also means ‘under-aged’, in the
sense of not being the one who sets the (language) rules. According
to deleuze and guattari, minor literature is characterised by a coef-
ficient of deterritorialisation in addition to its collective and political
nature.
A literature or language cannot be minor in itself; it may only
come to be defined as such in relation to specific socio-linguistic con-
texts. swedish in Finland may be considered minor when compared
to swedish in sweden. At the same time, Finland-swedish can func-
tion as a major language locally, that is, in relation to Finland-
swedish dialects or sociolects. While purists promote centripetal
tendencies, the intense collective and political value assigned to Fin-
land-swedish literature is a sign of its potential to be(come) minor.
i speak of potential, since ‘becoming-minor’ is only one of several
scenarios. regarding Finland-swedish literature, clas Zilliacus
(2000a: 16) has suggested that there are three ways in which the
writer can respond to the deterritorialisation of Finland-swedish.
Firstly, he can choose to conceal the so-called poverty of Finland-
swedish through a selection of modes, genres etc. secondly, he can
582 Julia Tidigs
Notes
0
translated by Julia tidigs.
Multilingualism and (De)territorialization 585
WorKs cited
Bogue, ronald. 2003. Deleuze on Literature. london and New york: routledge.
Bru, sascha et. al.(eds.) 2009. Europa! Europa? The Avant-Garde, Modernism and
the Fate of a Continent, Berlin and New york: Walter de gruyter.
deleuze, gilles and Félix guattari. 1987. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and
Schizophrenia (tr. Brian Massumi). london: the Athlone Press.
deleuze, gilles and Félix guattari. 1986. Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature (tr.
dana Polan) (theory and History of literature 30). Minneapolis and lon-
don: university of Minnesota Press.
diktonius, elmer [edis.] 1921. “Konstnärsbrev till Stormklockan av edis. i. om
storstaden london just nu” in: Stormklockan 22 January 1921.
diktonius, elmer. 1924. Taggiga lågor. Helsinki: Holger schildts förlag.
––. 1925. Onnela. Finsk idyll. Helsingfors: Holger schildts förlag.
––. 1932. Janne Kubik. Ett träsnitt i ord. Helsingfors: Holger schildts förlag.
donner, Jörn. 2007. Diktonius – ett liv. stockholm: Alfabeta.
Malmio, Kristina. 2010. ‘”Fork-tongued like the Best young snake”. elmer dikto-
nius and Finno-swedish Bilingualism’ in Scandinavian Studies spring 2010
Volume 82 Number 1: 37–52.
olsson, Hagar [Hgr. o.]. 1925. “diktonius paradis” in: Svenska Pressen 28 Novem-
ber 1925.
ritamäki, tapani. 2000. “trettiotalets misärskildringar” in Zilliacus (2000): 123–
130.
schoolfield, george c. 1985. Elmer Diktonius (contributions to the study of World
literature 10). Westport and london: greenwood Press.
tidigs, Julia. 2009. “Here i am at home – here i am in a foreign land. Multilingual-
ism, Modernism and (de)territorialization in the works of the Finland-
swedish writer elmer diktonius” in Bru et al. (2009): 359–372.
Warburton, thomas. 1951. 50 år finlandssvensk litteratur. Helsingfors: schildts för-
lag.
Zilliacus, clas (ed.). 2000a. Finlands svenska litteraturhistoria 2. Helsingfors and
stockholm: svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland and Atlantis.
Zilliacus, clas. 2000b. “the roaring twenties of elmer diktonius. A centenarian
as Wonder Boy” in: rahikainen, lindqvist and Antas (2000): 9–27.
HilMA AF KliNt ANd tHe NeW Art oF seeiNg
end of the 1880s until 1908 she maintained a studio in the busy
centre of stockholm. in the same building was Blanches Konstsa-
longer, a focus point of modern art in stockholm. Around the turn
of the century af Klint painted mainly landscapes and realistic por-
traits, like many other women painters, and added to her income by
making numerous illustrations. But life was not easy for the young
women graduates of the academy. At the turn of the century, about
20 percent of the artists exhibited in stockholm were women, but
their painting was considered inferior to the art of their male col-
leagues. in an attempt to create a united front, female artists in swe-
den founded Föreningen svenska Konstnärinnor (society for
swedish Women Artists) in 1910 (ingelman 1982: 77). For a period
in 1912, af Klint acted as the society’s secretary. the artist’s close in-
volvement in Föreningen svenska Konstnärinnor reveals her tra-
ditional characterisation as a totally unworldly artist to be a miscon-
ception. one of the last traces of her academic painting was shown
at the Baltic exhibition held in Malmö in 1914, where paintings by
Kandinsky were also on view. the conflict between her two artistic
lives – the public one as an academic painter and the secret, occult
one – had become too demanding. shortly thereafter she turned her
back on the world of art and devoted herself wholeheartedly to her
esoteric painting.
since her early interest during her student years, Hilma af Klint
had become increasingly involved in spiritualist activities. in 1896
she founded a group known as De Fem (the Five) with Anna cassel,
a fellow student from the Academy, and three other women. the
paintings of Anna cassel have not survived, and there is no infor-
mation to be found about the other three women. only the art and
writings of af Klint have endured, thanks to her perseverance and
her judicious donation to her nephew erik af Klint. the five women
met regularly and kept careful notes of the instructions that they re-
ceived on these occasions from the supernatural beings that they
called De Höga (the High Masters). the messages were documented
in writing and, in due course, in drawings. the women became in-
creasingly proficient at writing and drawing in the role of medium
and, as they expressed it, in letting themselves become tools of higher
powers. the danger of getting stuck in the physical forms was often
emphasised. A large number of mediumistic or spirit drawings have
been preserved, both abstract and figurative. initially af Klint’s role
Hilma af Klint and the New Art of Seeing 591
in the group was limited, but as time passed she became its leading
member. in 1903 af Klint produced one of her first entirely medium-
directed drawings and, in 1905, she received a promise from the in-
visible masters that she would work in the service of the mysteries.
A year later she started work on her emblematic series Målningarna
till templet (Paintings for the temple). Although Hilma af Klint left
thousands of handwritten pages to posterity, she generally referred
to her art simply as the “great task” or as the “Paintings for the
temple”.
Målningarna till templet consist of 193 paintings and drawings
divided into several distinct series and groups. there are 12 principal
groups and 4 preparatory groups in total. All are carefully numbered
and dated. None of the paintings are signed. some of the groups are
wholly abstract while others are figurative. sometimes only the three
primary colours of red, yellow and blue are used while at other times
the palette is dominated by bright pastel colours. When af Klint had
developed a specific style and tested its innate possibilities, she left
it behind her. But the subject matter of the paintings did not change.
the first group, Urkaos (ur-chaos), was begun in November 1906.
the taxonomy found in these works did not arise spontaneously, but
was developed over a long period. the snail, with its spiral-shaped
shell, stands for evolution. Hilma af Klint dreamed of building a
spiral-shaped temple for the paintings, in which the viewer would en-
counter the groups of paintings in room after room in ever-narrower
circles. the purpose of the letters that appear is to “prepare the way
for a symbolic language that has existed through all the ages” (Fant
1989: 38). AO, for example, could signify spiritual evolution, while
the signifier of the first series, WU, stands for the dual relationship
that exists between matter and spirit. Another duality that recurs in
group after group is the relationship between male and female. the
female is almost always depicted by the colour blue and the male by
yellow. the goal is the union of opposites, a total dissolution of mat-
ter and spirituality – that is, of the male and the female.
the supernatural beings that constantly guided Hilma af Klint
in her endeavours warned her that the “laboriously discovered signs
and symbols” could not be understood by her contemporaries, but
that she should continue with the task because it was the future she
was working for. they also conveyed to her that the pictures had to
be hidden from public view. When rudolf steiner, secretary general
592 Anna Maria Bernitz
Hilma af Klint,
Urkaos Nr. 4
(Primeval chaos
No. 4), 1916/1917,
No. 17, group i,
series Wu (rosen),
50×38 cm, oil on
canvas. Hilma af
Klint Foundation,
stockholm.
Hilma af Klint,
Svanen Nr. 9
(the swan No. 9),
1914/1915, No. 23,
group iX, series
suW, 155×152 cm,
oil on canvas. Hilma
af Klint Founda-
tion, stockholm.
Hilma af Klint and the New Art of Seeing 593
art in the 1910s may have encouraged her to feel that the time was
ripe for her to show her new art, even though she seems never to have
compared herself with the other pioneering abstract artists. the
same sense of doubt that caused Mondrian to ask “Are we mistaken
or not?” at the beginning of the 1910s seems also to have taken hold
of af Klint. in 1920, in dornach – the headquarters of anthroposo-
phy – Hilma af Klint met rudolf steiner for a second time. she had
prepared the following questions: “Firstly i should like to ask you:
What am i to do with all my large paintings in sweden? Are they of
any use to the anthroposophical society? […] you saw the first two
parts ages ago. you also have photographs of them. But since then i
have added a further two parts that are a continuation of the first
works…”. (Fant 1989: 28) she also wanted to know whether it would
be possible to exhibit her work in dornach. At the same time Mon-
drian also tried to get in into touch with rudolf steiner. the tone
of the letter he wrote in 1921 is no longer hesitant, but unconstrained
and confident. He enclosed a brochure describing his new direction
in art, neo-plasticism, which he was sure would become the art of
all true theosophists and anthroposophists in the near future: “Art
expresses life’s development with plasticity; the evolution of the soul
and (though in the opposite direction) the evolution of matter. it
could only achieve perfect equilibrium by destroying the form and
replacing it with a new, plastic, universal medium of expression”
(Blotkamp 1994: 182). steiner, who was busily engaged in building
the second goetheanum in dornach, the first having burnt down in
1922, did not comment on either af Klint’s or Mondrian’s art. in a
letter written to theo van doesburg, Mondrian very forcibly ex-
pressed his disappointment at not receiving an answer from rudolf
steiner. it is not known whether Hilma af Klint was upset by
steiner’s silence, for she gave no indication of disappointment. But
the meeting with steiner again led to her not painting for a period –
in this case for two years – after which she painted in the approved
anthroposophical manner, using watercolours applied wet on wet.
When Hilma af Klint died in 1944, her esoteric paintings had
never left her studio outside stockholm, where few people outside
the inner circle had seen them. the only relatives who had been per-
mitted to see them were her nephew erik af Klint and his family.
When Vice-Admiral erik af Klint read his aunt’s will shortly after
her death in 1944 he had something of a shock. Very much against
596 Anna Maria Bernitz
his will, she had bequeathed all her paintings and writings to him:
more than one thousand paintings and 124 notebooks, with the pro-
viso that they should not be shown in public until she had been dead
for 20 years. Hilma af Klint’s friend olof sundström, a librarian,
then started to catalogue all the paintings and the notebooks and
saw to it that storage cases were made for them. When, in the 1960s,
the time came to show the paintings in accordance with af Klint’s
wishes, few people paid much attention to them. gradually, however,
people in the art world began to talk about some remarkable paint-
ings that few people had seen. olof sundström had moved to turku
in Finland where he made contact with sixten ringbom, a professor
at the university (Åbo Akademi). shortly thereafter, Åke Fant at the
university of stockholm became interested in af Klint’s oeuvre. Pro-
fessor ringbom informed the art historian Konrad oberhuber, who
in turn informed Maurice tuchman, another distinguished art his-
torian based in the usA. this led to works by af Klint being in-
cluded in the pioneering exhibition The Spiritual in Art: Abstract
Painting 1890 – 1985 held in los Angeles in 1986. thus af Klint’s
début took place 42 years after her death.
since then her work has been shown at a succession of interna-
tional exhibitions. af Klint’s unconventional attitude to the concept
of art and the fact that her recognition was posthumous have led to
difficulties in her being accepted by swedish institutions. indeed, the
discovery of an abstract pioneer whose work brings forward the ori-
gins of Western abstract art by several years and places it in sweden,
prompts such questions as: How do artworks that were invisible to
one generation become relevant to ours? can she even be called a
pioneer, since she had no followers in her lifetime? And how will the
history of art be transformed following the recognition of af Klint
in relation to the artists of her generation?
WorKs cited
Arlebrand, Håkan. 1995. Det okända, om occultism och andlighet I en ny tidsålder.
Örebro: libris.
Blotkamp, carel. 1994. Mondrian, the Art of Destruction. chicago: the university
of chicago Press.
Faivre, Antoine. 1995. Esoterismen. transl. by cecilia Franklin. Furulund: Alham-
bras förlag.
Fant, Åke. 1989. Hilma af Klint – ockult målarinna och abstrakt pionjär. stockholm:
raster förlag.
ingelman, ingrid. 1982. Kvinnliga konstnärer i Sverige – En undersökning av elever
vid konstakademin, inskrivna 1864-1924, deras rekrytering, utbildning och
verksamhet. uppsala: Acta universitet ups.
lindén, gurli. 1996. Vägen till templet, Hilma af klint – Förberedelsetiden 1886 –
1906. stockholm: rosengårdens Förlag.
lindén, gurli and Anna Maria svensson. 1999. Enheten bortom mångfalden, Två
perspektiv på Hilma af Klints verk. stockholm: rosengårdens Förlag.
ringbom, sixten. 1970. The Sounding Cosmos – A Study in the Spiritualism of Kan-
dinsky and the Genesis of Abstract Painting. Åbo: Åbo Akademi.
svensson, Anna Maria. 2005. Hilma af Klint: the Greatness of Things dublin: dou-
glas Hyde gallery.
Art As A reVolutioNAry dioNysiAN JAguAr –
otto Ville KuusiNeN, elMer diKtoNius
ANd tHe eMergeNce oF AVANt-gArde Poetry iN FiNlANd
thomas Henrikson
national poets, such as the Hungarian sándor Petöfi and Pole Adam
Mickiewicz, who were regarded as personifications of their nations’
spirit (in a Hegelian sense). Kuusinen’s initial snellmanian reading
of Hegel was later ‘converted’ by his studies of Marx and engels.
Based on these studies, Kuusinen soon came to regard class strug-
gle as the ultimate manifestation of Hegelian dialectics in the mate-
rial world. the issue of class struggle also became a major concern
for the early socialist movement in Finland, to a far greater extent
than it was for swedish socialism. this was due to the influence of
Karl Kautsky as well as snellman, who was both the figurehead of
conservative Finnish National romanticism and a major inspiration
for Finland’s radical socialist intelligentsia. thus, what might be seen
as the decisive and radical shift in Kuusinen’s political stance from
being a conservative nationalist and member of the so-called old-
Finnish student association suomalainen Nuija (the Finnish club)
to becoming a socialist in 1905 was actually just a swing from one
interpretation of Hegel’s philosophy to another.
As a consequence of Kuusinen’s adoption of the conception of
class struggle, Hegelian thought determined his attitude to poetry.
Kuusinen’s approach to art was marxist, yet differed profoundly
from Marxist aesthetic theories which privileged realist mimesis, as
in györgy lukács or so-called socialist realism. For Kuusinen, art
did not mirror life; it was part of it. Here he followed the French phi-
losopher Jean-Marie guyau, who stated: “la principe de l’art est
dans la vie même” (Henrikson 1971: 134-142; guyau 1895: vii.). His
views were also influenced by his Finnish teacher, yrjö Hirn, profes-
sor at the university of Helsinki and author of the internationally
respected study Det estetiska lifvet (1913).5 to this, Kuusinen added
his Hegelian-Marxist concept of society and art. “Art is life”,
claimed Kuusinen (Henrikson 1971; 131-142), and, as such, it obeys
the laws of life. Moreover, art presents a “reconciliatory harmony of
opposites” – a recurring premise in Kuusinen’s literary criticism
(Henrikson 1971: 143-145). Kuusinen’s unification of art and life
also suggests knowledge of futurism, which he might have studied
during a journey to Moscow in 1914. important as such influences
may have been, Kuusinen developed his avant-garde aesthetic theory
by and large on the basis of his political philosophy and practice, in
combination with the ideas he became acquainted with as a student
of aesthetics at the university of Helsinki.
Art as a Revolutionary Dionysian Jaguar 603
Kuusinen’s criticism
Kuusinen’s criticism of diktonius’s poetry reveals an obvious
hegelian stance. unlike the fragmentary aphorism, which he saw as
a single shot, addressing only one subject, a poem, full and organic,
had to encompass two themes, a thesis and an antithesis, which to-
gether developed a tension within the work that could reconcile art
and life. to do so, the tension had to result in a synthetic resolution
that resolved the opposites. As Kuusinen wrote, “this dialectical de-
velopment is no artificial formula by Hegel. it exists in both life and
art. other forms in art – some of the most advanced – are only vari-
ations of it” (Henrikson 1971: 224). the organic dimension of
hegelian dialectics is most evident in his insistence that thesis and
antithesis should relate organically in a poem and depend upon each
other, united in a synthetic way. if this organic cohesion is absent,
states Kuusinen, a poem is like “three men lying side by side in a
606 Thomas Henrikson
bed”. Nothing is born out of it. (Henrikson 1971: 223) the single
subjects of aphorisms and the dual subjects in poetry should be like
“boys and girls” or “wild devils” (Henrikson 1971). only then some-
thing new is born – a work of art.
diktonius followed Kuusinen’s hegelian poetics, conceiving his
poems as verbal representations of the triadic dialectical process
which should not be interrupted by “mood painting” or “illustra-
tion”.14 Poetry’s materials were the word, the sentence, and the
phrase. in a successful poem, “form” and “content” always consti-
tuted a whole. As Kuusinen put it, “word intonation,” rather than
pre-existent formal rules, should determine the form (Henrikson:
1971: 259f). For Kuusinen, classical, formalised poetry (like the son-
net) represented a story without inner life. He argued that the poet
should not restrict his artistic liberty by rigidly obeying formal rules.
By doing so, the poet could create only illustrations, only “pictures”
of life, not life itself (Henrikson 1971).
Kuusinen divided the poetry of diktonius into three groups that
accorded with the principles of revolutionary dialectics. one group
he called “futurist”. He criticised these poems for their nihilism and
self-indulgence. Here, his poetical judgment corresponded with his
social-political views, labelling this type of poetry an expression of
“anarchy” (Henrikson 1971). According to the marxist Kuusinen,
anarchism was the most extreme and simultaneously most consistent
creed of the bourgeoisie, while from his dialectical perspective, fu-
turist poetry, like political anarchism, lacked “direction”.15
Kuusinen labelled a second group of poems “chinese”, referring
to east-Asian art or, more precisely, to the ornamental or pictorial
scroll of the Japanese makimono. For Kuusinen, these poems were
marked by a sophisticated refinement, but indulged in “mood paint-
ing”, lacked inner life and presented no progressive dialectical move-
ment. A third set of poems, which Kuusinen preferred, are labelled
“hard songs” or “Jaguars” – after the introductory poem of Min dikt
– and utilise true word intonation. these poems are expressions of
profound and progressive “revolutionism”. After the defeat of the
reds in the Finnish civil War, Kuusinen wrote a self-critique in
which he identifies “poetical revolutionism” as one of the forms of
political activism that concern him.16 there is, he suggests, a direct
and organic connection between poetic style and political-ideological
change.
Art as a Revolutionary Dionysian Jaguar 607
From green leaves peaks out / red nose / eyes with / three-edged
glances / speckled; / hair / wave movement / clawpaw - you’re flying!
my heart’s jaguar – / fly then and bite and / demolish and tear apart!
/ your - my moral: to beat. / […]23
Kuusinen’s Poetry
Kuusinen himself wrote two poems. they articulate his marxist com-
munism in a straightforward political way, although they break with
traditional form. in these poems, Kuusinen stands out as the first
Finnish-speaking avant-garde poet. one of them, “torpeedo”, pre-
dates diktonius’s first modernist poems and is likely to have influ-
enced them; Kuusinen’s militant metaphors recur in his letters to
Art as a Revolutionary Dionysian Jaguar 609
luonnon sokean
näkeväks
luo,
uudestisynnyttää
elävää
elämää
the holy fire – it’s the eternal sun / burns the murk / frets the dirt /
changes with the power of light’s heat / into strong soil / makes /
blind nature / seeing / recreates / living / life.
the holy hatred – it’s the holy love / burns the evil / frets the sin /
changes with the power of light’s heat / into strong labour / makes /
blind love / seeing, / creates joyfully / a superior / life.
Notes
0
Khrushchev’s NBc interview was aired on swedish television on 19 July 1967.
1
the proclamation of the social democrats came as a response to the conserva-
tive-led Finnish senate’s 9 december 1917 proclamation of the independence of
Finland.
2
Henrikson 1971: 13-14. see Avoin kirje toveri Leninille. Suomalaisen kommunistisen
puolueen perustavan kokouksen tervehdys Petersburg, 1918. suomalaisen kommunis-
tisen puolueen keskuskomitea (central committee of the Finnish communist party).
see also Communist International No.18 15/10 1931, with a short biographical text
on Kuusinen. in Stormklockan 8/10 1921 (“en slaktarstat”), Kuusinen analyses the
differences between the ii. and the iii. international (trotsky vs comintern). see
also Kuusinen’s report from the comintern Xii. Plenum “Prepare for power” 1932
in The Communist International 1919-1943. Documents Vol.1. ed. Jane degras 1956.
3
Kuusinens compatriot Arvo “Poika” tuominen was the first “President” of the
so-called terijoki government. However, he quit and left. tuominen’s memoirs are
an interesting and well-written, but rather unreliable, source for the whole period
and developments during it.
4
compare, among other sources, Hodgson, Communism in Finland. A History and
Interpretation. Princeton 1967 and Hodgson, Escape to Russia 1974 [den röde em-
inensen 1974].
5
Hirn det estetiska lifvet 1913, esteettinen elämä 1914. see also Hirn Konstens ur-
sprung. en studie öfver den estetiska värksamhetens psykologiska och sociologiska
orsaker 1902.
6
on the relation between Kuusinen and diktonius see also enckell Den unge Dik-
tonius Helsinki 1946
7
Nya Dagligt Allehanda 19/10 1930. Henrikson ÅrstAl?: 170.
8
Kuusinen’s adventures in Finland around 1920 are full of dramatic incidents and
the political tensions clearly inspired the aggressive and militant metaphors of his
language and poetic idiom. see Henrikson 1971: 163-165; 169-275.
9
the letters are preserved in the archive of svenska litteratursällskapet in Finland
(the society for swedish literature in Finland). the letters are published in extenso
612 Thomas Henrikson
and annotated in Henrikson 1971. the letters are mostly written in Finnish, but at
times Kuusinen switches to swedish or even german. His swedish was almost per-
fect; diktonius was completely bi-lingual.
10
Henrikson 1971: 177-178. the source here is the first letter from diktonius to
Axel Åhlström, which Åhlström recieved 24/11 1921. this date marks a turning
point in the mentor-relationships of diktonius and thus a shift in political focus.
11
Henrikson 1971: 185-190.
12
Henrikson 1971: 242.
13
Henrikson 1971: 263. it should be noted that Jean sibelius was one of diktonius’
favourite composers and that Kuusinen’s favourite symphony was sibelius ii.
14
Kuusinen refers here to their common interest in east-Asian poetry and paint-
ing.
15
Henrikson 1971. see above all the chapter 3 part ii ”o mänska: intet mål, men
en riktning” (o man: no goal! But a direction) p. 208-218. this sentence is also an
aphorism by diktonius, printed in Min dikt p. 89.
16
suomen vallankumouksesta. itsekritiikkiä. Petrograd 1918 – den finska revolu-
tionen. självkritik. stockholm 1918
17
Henrikson 1971: 255. in a comparison with diktonius, Kuusinen refers to shaw
as a bourgeois anarchist “hooligan”.
18
Henrikson 1971: 179-185. one of diktonius’s communist contacts in england
was Mary Moorehouse, who later wrote a poem, “the Fallen star”, about the “trea-
son” of diktonius’ turn from communism to social democracy: “Where is ‘the poet
of the millions’ now?/Alas, your own fleet-footed Jaguar/has left you far behind –
as we also,/ who, marching onward, now and then look back/for sign of you upon
the dusty way, [...]” Mary Moorehouse was diktonius’s hostess in cornwall in 1921,
where he wrote a number of significant poems and aphorisms.
19
Henrikson 1971: 227.
20
Henrikson 1971: 227; 320. Min dikt p. 13. this distinction is similar to ezra
Pound’s views on science and poetry.
21
Henrikson 1971: 240.
22
Henrikson discusses the Nietzsche’s influence on diktonius in chapter 7 ”den
revolutionära jaguaren” 1971: 240-252.
23
All transtations are by thomas Herikson.
24
it is noteworthy that Kuusinen does not mention Nietzsche directly in his critique
of diktonius’s poem.
25
torpeedo is a very long poem and was originally created during the intervention
at Kronstadt 1919 and printed 1928 in Vallankumousrunoja, reprinted in Käy
eespäin 1957. torpeedo was a popular poem among the communists in the early
1920s and was recited at the 1921 Finnish commmunist Party congress as a finale,
following Kullervo Manner’s closing speech.
26
“Punikin pääsiäinen 1921”, reprinted in Suomen Työväen Tulikoe 1923. Henrikson
1971: 200-207.
Art as a Revolutionary Dionysian Jaguar 613
WorKs cited
For unprinted material and printed material in the form of journals, periodicals,
pamphlets see Henrikson 1971.
coates, W.P. and Z.K. 1935. Armed Intervention in Russia 1918-1922. london.
degras, J. (ed.). 1956. The Communist International 1919-1943. documents, vol. i.
london.
diktonius, e. 1916. “Brahms, tschaikovskij, sibelius”, in Työväen joulualpumi 1916.
––. 1921. “Konstnärsbrev till stormklockan i. om storstaden london just nu”, in
Stormklockan No. 4 1921.
––. 1921. “Konstnärsbrev ii Paris”, in Stormklockan No. 7 1921.
––. 1921. “Konstnärsbrev iii Höstsalongen”, in Stormklockan No. 12 1921.
––. 1921. “Hugg”, in Stormklockan No.21 1921.
––. 1921. Min dikt. stockholm 1921.
enckell, o. 1946. Den unge Diktonius. Helsinki.
goll, i. 1922. Les cinq continents. Antologie mondiale de poésie contemporaine. Paris.
gray, c. 1962. The Great Experiment: Russian Art 1863-1922. Norwich.
guyau, J-M. 1895. Les problèmes de l’esthétique contemporaine. (3:ième ed.). Paris.
Henrikson, t. 1968. “revolution och estetik. otto Ville Kuusinen och diktonius”,
in Ord & Bild No. 3 1968.
––. 1969. “Nationalromantikern o.W. Kuusinen”, in Horisont No. 4 1969.
––. 1970a. “Kring radikalismens rötter”, in Nya Argus No. 16 1970.
––. 1970b. “Kuusinen, materialismen och det högre psykofysiska livet”, in Nya
Argus No. 16 1970.
––. 1970c. “Konst och moral vid sekelskiftet”, in Nya Argus No. 17 1970.
––. 1970d. Toinen Kuusinen – kansallisromantikko ja vallankumousrunoilija in Nuori
Otto Ville Kuusinen 1881-1920. toim.Vesa salminen. Jyväskylä.
––. 1971. Romantik och Marxism. Estetik och politik hos Otto Ville Kuusinen och
Diktonius [diss. university of stockholm]. Helsinki.
Hirn, y. 1913. Det estetiska lifvet. stockholm [esteettinen elämä 1914].
Hodgson, J.H. 1957: Communism in Finland. A History and Interpretation. Prince-
ton. New Jersey.
––. 1960. “Finland’s Position in the russian empire 1905-1910”, in Journal of Cen-
tral European Affairs, Vol XX No. 11 1960.
––. 1974:. Escape to Russia.
––. 1974. Den röde eminensen.
Poggioli, r. 1968. The Theory of the Avant-Garde. transl. from the italian by gerald
Fitzgerald. cambridge Mass.
rein, t. 1895-99. Johan Vilhelm Snellman I.II. Helsingfors 1895-1899.
Suomen sosialidemokraatinen puolueen [—-] edustajakokouksen pöytäkirjat [pro-
tokoll från de socialdemokratiska partikongresserna 1906, 1909, 1911, 1914,
1918].
Suomen vallankumouksesta. Itsekritiikkiä. Petrograd 1918 – Den finska revolutionen.
Självkritik. stockholm 1918.
614 Thomas Henrikson
‘
tHe eArly AVANt-gArde iN icelANd
Benedikt Hjartarson
if the second half of the twentieth century saw a relatively high num-
ber of icelandic artists participating in avant-garde developments in
european and international art, their forebears’ involvement in the
early avant-garde was marginal. in the first half of the twentieth cen-
tury no avant-garde journals or magazines were published in iceland,
no organised groups or movements of radical artists were formed,
and no collective manifestos or declarations concerning the charac-
teristics and aims of the “new art” appeared. in other words, there
was an absence of the radical cultural and aesthetic practices usually
referred to as the historical avant-garde. only a few artists and poets
used terms such as “futurism” and “expressionism” to describe their
works – and when they did, these words were nearly always employed
in a vague and ambiguous manner lacking in programmatic coher-
ence. All the more astonishing therefore is the appearance of a poem
under the title “Ameríkanskur hráki” (American saliva), in the jour-
nal Óðinn (odin) in 1920:
the great artist reaches further than those around him. He sees more
and further, new sentiments arise in him. What he sees often appears
incomprehensible at first glance, not even beautiful. [...] But as soon
as one learns to understand, it creates a great spiritual joy, because
it opens up new paths in the brain, new sentiments and a new per-
spective awaken – a wider world rises out of the fog. (1989: 84)
this description not only seems to confirm the link between stefáns-
son’s works and the cult of mysticism referred to by Jóhannesson
thirteen years earlier; the text also shows that Jóhannesson’s critique
was not forgotten. in a belated response, stefánsson refers explicitly
to the theories of men who “find these new movements incompre-
hensible and make fun of them, regarding the men who engage in
them as half-insane” (1989: 84). Finally, the text reveals a case of
temporal displacement, which has often been seen as a general cha-
racteristic of icelandic cultural history. the growing awareness of
the necessity of supporting and vindicating new aesthetic practices
by the publication of programmatic statements came too late. ste-
The Early Avant-Garde in Iceland 625
WorKs cited
Aagesen, dorthe. 2002. “the Avant-garde takes copenhagen.” The Avant-garde
in Danish and European Art 1909-1919. edited by d. Aagesen. copenhagen:
statens Museum for Kunst, 152-171.
Abildgaard, Hanne. 1984-1985. “dysmorfismedebatten. en diskussion om sundhed
og sygdom i den modernistiske bevægelse omkring den første verdenskrig.”
Fund og Forskning, 27: 131-158.
Abildgaard, Hanne. 2002. “the Nordic Paris,” The Avant-garde in Danish and Eu-
ropean Art 1909-1919. edited by dorthe Aagesen. copenhagen: statens Mu-
seum for Kunst, 172-187.
Anonymous. 1926. “Halldór Kiljan laxness.” Morgunblaðið, April 29th: 3.
Árnason, Magnús Á.. 1921. “um listir alment.” Eimreiðin, 27: 67-78.
Björnsson, Jón. 1919. “Futurismi. (yngsta listastefnan).” Morgunblaðið, August
5th.
“Blaðagreinar 1921-1929”, 1983. Finnur Jónsson. Íslenskur brautryðjandi. edited by
Frank Ponzi. reykjavík: Almenna bókafélagið, 48-51.
Blöndal, sigfús. 1921: “Ferðabrjef frá Ítalíu.” Lögrjetta, 25: 2.
catalogue, 1930. “catalogue de l’exposition organisée par le groupe “cercle et
carré” à Paris (galerie 23) du 18. avril au 1er mai 1930.” Cercle et Carré, 2
(April 15th): [no page numbers].
einarsson frá Miðdal, guðmundur. 1928. “listir og þjóðir.” Iðunn, 12: 267-276
einarsson frá Miðdal, guðmundur. 1933. “list, iðja, listiðnaður.” Skírnir, 107: 89-
96.
Finsen, Vilhjálmur. 1953. Alltaf á heimleið. reykjavík: Bókaverzlun sigfúsar ey-
mundssonar.
Friðriksson, Friðrik A. 1928. “dintlist og frömuðir hennar. Andsvar til Halldórs
Kiljans laxness.” Heimskringla, March 21st: 4-5.
Hjartarson, Benedikt. 2006. “dragging Nordic Horses past the sludge of extremes.
the Beginnings of the icelandic Avant-garde.” The Invention of Politics in
the European Avant-Garde (1906-1940). edited by sascha Bru and gunther
Martens. Amsterdam, New york: rodopi, 235-263.
Jóhannesson, Alexander. 1919. “erindi um fegurð. (Alþýðufræðsla stúdentafélag-
sins, 2. mars 1919).” Andvaka, 2: 135-143.
Jóhannesson, Alexander. 1920. “Nýjar listastefnur (Alþýðufræðsla stúdentfjelagsins
9. maí 1920). Óðinn: 41-46.
Jóhannesson, Alexander. 1922. “um málaralist nútímans.” Eimreiðin, 28: 14-24.
Jóhannesson, Alexander. 1923. “um samúð og andúð.” Andvaka, 4: 274-281.
Nordau, Max. 1893. Entartung, i-ii. Berlin (2. Auflage)
Nordau, Max. 1998. “From Degeneration.” Art in Theory 1815-1900. An Anthology
of Changing Ideas. edited by charles Harrison, Paul Wood, Jason geiger.
oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 798-806.
olgeirsson, einar. 1926. “erlendir menningarstraumar og Íslendingar.” Réttur, 1:
9-24.
Picabia, Francis. 1918. “salive américaine.” Dada, 3: [no page numbers].
The Early Avant-Garde in Iceland 627
tory was frequently associated with vitalist and even occultist ideas.
The stream of ‘Life’ – the keyword of famous dada manifestos – was
evoked in Bønnelycke’s praise of youth and Broby’s critical idea of
‘blood’. Vitalism lived on in, for instance, surrealism. In the 1960s,
however, antihuman and antiorganicist structural paradigms took
the place of vitalism which was now seen as an anthropomorphisa-
tion of the world. The dominant culture to be opposed (and re-
flected) by the avant-gardes was gradually displaced from a notion
of bourgeois culture (with general ideas of taste, Bildung etc., which
gave the arts and literature a prominent status) to the new media,
the market and the culture industry. If the avant-garde was marginal,
it was marginal in relation to a new centre. The Danish avant-gardes
engaged in formal experiments thus included cartoons, advertising
and popular culture as materials to be manipulated, while the avant-
gardes focusing on radical cultural interventions dreamt of semiotic
guerrilla warfare against and within the mass media. Television
rather than the book or the newspaper made the avant-garde experi-
ments publicly known.
primitive but functional art forms of the old popular culture in Swe-
den. We recognise this argument from Pär Lagerkvist’s Ordkonst och
bildkonst.
What the authors of acceptera wished to create was not only a
new society but also a new man or a new human consciousness. The
individualism of the old bourgeois society was to be replaced by
equality, solidarity and a sort of collective subjectivity. As a conse-
quence the authors of acceptera were inclined to favour construc-
tivism, functionalism and Neue Sachlichkeit rather than the more
subjective or anarchistic tendencies of the European avant-garde.
This rationalistic element in Swedish modernism was enforced in the
1960s, when the belief in scientific and technical progress often went
hand-in-hand with strong political engagement.
In Sweden, modernity and avant-garde were not the demonised
other, but a mainstay of the new democratic culture. It was – at least
in a tamed and domesticated version – a foundation of the state
rather than a subversive counterculture.
WORKS CITED
Bäckström, Per and Børset, Bodil (eds.). 2011. Norsk avantgarde. Oslo: Novus 2011.
Broby, Rud. 2000 [1924]. Kunst. En introduktion, 1924 in O. Harsløf (ed.): Rudolf
Broby-Johansen – en central outsider i det 20. århundrede. Copenhagen: Mu-
seum Tsculanum, p. 138
ABSTRACTS
ABSTRACTS
Edvard Munch’s position in the field of art, and his aesthetic choices,
locate him within an avant-garde tradition opposed to mainstream
art around 1890. An event in the autumn of 1892 projected Munch
into the unexpected role of Germany’s pioneer of modern painting.
Munch aroused a latent crisis in Berlin’s art establishment. His status
in the history of the Scandinavian and European avant-garde can
also be traced back to this year.
646 Abstracts
The Danish actress Asta Nielsen (1881-1972) became the first diva
of the new film medium in Europe. Her first film success, Afgrunden
(The Abyss), produced in Denmark in 1910, paved the way for a ca-
reer with a studio of her own in Berlin. Before and after World War
I her remarkable ability to interpret the new medium in the ‘micro-
physiognomy’ (Balázs) of facial close-ups, along with her slender and
somewhat ‘demonic’ figure, gained her the nickname ‘Die Asta’. As
one of the first actors able to interpret the moving durée of filmic
indexicality, she became an icon of modern beauty inspiring avant-
garde artists.
Maybe even more than Charlie Chaplin, the Danish film actress Asta
Nielsen was the avant-garde’s favorite cult star. All over Europe she
was hailed by expressionists, dadaists and surrealists alike as she
seemed able to incarnate every fantasy these avant-garde men had
of girls or women. The many poems written about her both invoke
and mock the audience’s and the poets’ tendency to worship her
eroticism and versatility.
Although it lasted only three years – from 1908 until 1911 – the
Académie Matisse in Paris attracted over 120 male and female pupils,
many of whom went on to become important artists in their own
right. During the period 1909-10, around half of the pupils (some
40 in total) were of Scandinavian origin. Women artists were a sig-
nificant presence in the mixed classes and this essay explores their
social and professional status in relation to Matisse’s writings, prac-
tice and pedagogy. The case study focuses on the position of the fe-
male Swedish artist Sigrid Hjertén, whose work was commended by
Matisse. Deploying feminist art historical methodologies, Hjertén’s
negotiation of the female nude is examined against a backdrop of
male avant-garde studio practice.
Between 1920 and 1930, Jean Börlin’s work as dancer and choreo-
grapher contributed to the avant-garde’s process of questioning and
innovation. His dances may be seen as sketchbooks of movements
and rhythms in dialogue with gravity, which ultimately resulted in a
new choreographic language opposed to ballet – in short, anti-ballet
or multi-media performances in which the dance experience is trans-
formed into an aleatory ritualised act in line with contemporary
music, poetry, fine arts, experimental cinema or music-hall. Before
(from March 1920), during (October 1920 to March 1925) and after
the Ballets Suédois’s activities, Jean Börlin distils the essence of the
1920s, a decade of freedom and utopian revenge, in collaboration
with great artists like Jean Cocteau, Fernand Léger, René Clair,
Francis Picabia Serge Gladky, Henri Chomette and Paul Colin.
648 Abstracts
With the paradigm shift in Europe in the transition from the nine-
teenth to the twentieth century covering society, art and the view of
the world, the intellectual bohemia and avant-garde searched for new
inspirations and consolidated their protest against the status quo in
communities situated mainly on the fringes of European metropo-
lises. In Germany bohemians found room to establish and express
their politically and culturally “heterogeneous alliance” in
Friedrichshagen, close to Berlin. In the early 1890s Scandinavian
artists like Ola Hansson and his wife Laura Marholm as well as Au-
gust Strindberg joined this colony and influenced the community
deeply. Their attitude towards sexuality, gender, the psychic dimen-
sions and the mysteries of nature broadened the existing traditions
of naturalism and the socialist revolutionary activities of the
Friedrichshagen poets.
Gösta Adrian-Nilsson (GAN) from Lund was the only young artist
in the Swedish avant-garde who went to Berlin before World War I,
where in 1913-14 he encountered the new art movements at Der Sturm
gallery and made friends with its owners, Herwarth Walden and his
Swedish-born wife Nell (Roslund) Walden, who later produced
Kandinsky-inspired abstract paintings. After his return home GAN
became the foremost pioneer of futurism and cubism in Sweden.
Viking Eggeling (in collaboration with Hans Richter) pioneered
abstract film. He created his only preserved film Diagonal Symphony
during his stay in Berlin 1921-25. Young Axel Olson from Halmstad
met Eggeling on various occasions during his studies in Berlin 1922-
23 with the Russian cubist Archipenko. During his stay in Berlin,
also in 1922-23, Bengt O. Österblom was very much inspired by
Malevich and Russian suprematism.
Abstracts 649
Mapping the complex and versatile art world of early twentieth cen-
tury Sweden, this essay discusses the strategic interactions between
Swedish art dealers, museums and the young modernist Swedish
artist groups. Furthermore, it presents two small case studies on the
650 Abstracts
role of the art dealer (through the example of the internationally ex-
perienced Gösta Olson) and on the artist’s role, focusing on the pro-
motional strategies of Isaac Grünewald, who is considered to be a
leading figure in the Swedish modernist avant-garde.
Margareta Tillberg
(School of Economics and Design at Linnaeus University)
Kandinsky in Sweden – Malmö 1914 and Stockholm 1916
Wassily Kandinsky’s work was shown in Sweden in 1914 for the first
time, and in 1916 for the second time. A pioneer of abstract art, the
reception of Kandinsky’s paintings ranged from “sensational” to “not
considered to be art” (the reason why the city of Malmö decided not
to buy the paintings even for a bargain price). In 1916 Kandinsky’s
partner Gabriele Münter arranged a sales show for him in Stockholm,
where they spent three month together in 1915-16. The show received
reviews in all important newspapers, and Kandinsky became person-
ally acquainted with Stockholm’s major artists, critics and art histori-
ans.
Pär Lagerkvist’s pamphlet Literary Art and Pictorial Art was one of
the very few avant-garde manifestos in Nordic art and literature be-
fore 1925, and it played a considerable role in the development of
modernism in Sweden. By stressing the functionalist character of cu-
bism, in particular, Lagerkvist demonstrated that avant-garde art
need not be nihilist or decadent, but, on the contrary, could con-
tribute to the rational planning of a future society.
The rapid rise and fall of Danish expressionism exemplifies the pe-
culiar and highly ambivalent adoption and reception of the historical
avant-garde in Danish art and culture. For a short period around the
end of World War I, Copenhagen, the capital of neutral Denmark,
suddenly became the epicentre of a vivid modernist breakthrough in
the arts. Inspired by Danish and international painting, a group of
experimental poets (Emil Bønnelycke, Fredrik Nygaard, Tom Kris-
tensen) launched themselves as ‘expressionists’ around 1917. The
label was in itself a battlefield – which became evident a few years
later when poets around the New Student Society in Copenhagen
(with Rud(olf) Broby (Johansen) and Harald Landt Momberg as the
most important) appropriated the term for their own combination
of radical political and aesthetic practices. Their adoption of the
term included a shift of international reference: from the formalism
of French fauvism and cubism to the political and metaphysical as-
pirations of German expressionism represented by Der Sturm.
Abstracts 657
Jais Nielsen’s paintings of people and city, from 1916-18, are mod-
ernist in a typically ambivalent Danish way: A painterly plastic ex-
pression, both reminiscent of cubism and modern collage combined
with more traditional pictorial description and narration. His nega-
tive depictions of modern women and different kinds of prostitution
offer a frame for a general interpretation of his so-called avant-garde
paintings as dysphoric, negative representations of the modern con-
dition and an explanation as to why, after 1919, he turned away from
modernism to concentrate on his ceramic work and biblical narra-
tives.
development in art and literature and much less obvious when one
considers the music scene. In Scandinavia, neither expressionism and
atonality nor the appropriation of popular culture hit the Nordic
countries with equal strength, and the conditions of general musical
aesthetics and infrastructure differed widely from one country to an-
other.
The links between the works of the writer, politician and Marxist
theoretician Otto Ville Kuusinen and the poet Elmer Diktonius are
a curious case of the interrelation of the political and the aesthetic
vanguard in Finland in the early twentieth century. Kuusinen’s crit-
icism of Diktionius’ poetry for its lack of a clear political tendency
is symptomatic of an ideological conflict that emerged in revolution-
ary circles in this period, as the relation between aesthetic experi-
mentalism and revolutionary politics was the subject of debate.
Asplund, Karl, 134, 147, 331, 333, 335 Becker, Jane, 150, 164
Astroh, Michael, 193, 198 Beeren, Wim, 28, 55
Atterberg, Kurt, 145, 180 Behne, Adolf, 215, 219, 281
Aukrust, Olav, 393 Behr, Shulamith, 5, 122, 149-164, 285,
Auric, Georges, 143, 145 290, 647
Bendtsen, Bjarne S., 7, 254, 391-400,
B 478, 654
Benjamin, Walter, 68, 93, 95, 97, 98,
Bab, Julius, 192, 198 104, 120, 252, 256, 257, 263, 264,
Bach, Johann Sebastian, 504 266, 441
Bachmaier, H.F.S., 106 Benninghoff, Ludwig, 25, 55
Bak, Aase, 22, 55 Benson, Timothy, 28, 33, 55
Baker, Joséphine, 139, 176 Berg, Alban, 499
Bakst, Léon, 175 Berg, Christian, 141, 144, 147
Balázs, Béla, 95, 96, 105, 115, 646 Berg, Hubert van den, 3, 5, 6, 19-63,
Ball, Hugo, 22, 54, 55, 58, 142 68, 124, 229-247, 255, 257, 300, 322,
Balla, Giacomo, 203, 494 323, 400 525, 527, 555, 635, 637, 649
Ballin, Mogens, 143, 296 Berg, Yngve, 145, 382, 389
Bang, Herman, 45, 48, 62, 67, 68, 102, Bergh, Richard, 279
177, 359 Bergman, Ingmar, 97
Banjanin, Milica, 360, 367 Bergson, Henri, 112, 153, 162, 220,
Bara, Theda, 11 222, 365, 367, 442, 487, 532, 533
Baranov-Rossiné, Vladimir, 36, 59 Berlewi, Henryk, 33
Baratynskii, Evgenii, 358 Berman, Marshall, 441, 444
Barbusse, Henri, 298, 343, 344, 345, Bernard, Émile, 301
575 Berninger, Herman, 21, 56
Barnett, Vivian Endicott, 288, 290 331, Bernitz, Anna Maria, 8, 536, 537, 587-
332, 334, 335, 336 597, 659
Barthe, Signe, 144 Bernth, Susanne, 101, 104
Bartók, Béla, 403, 499, 501, 657 Bertoncini, Valeska, 24, 60
Barzun, Henri-Martin, 406, 412 Besant, Annie, 537, 589
Baschmakoff, Natalia, 6, 255, 351-370, Bigeon, Maurice, 143, 147
652 Bigot, Eugène, 145, 174, 177, 180
Bashkirtseff, Marie, 150, 164 Bill-Jessen, Torben, 53
Basilier, Fahle, 143 Birnbaum, Henrik, 363, 364, 365, 367
Battersby, Christine, 160, 162 Bissière, Roger, 133
Baudelaire, Charles, 105, 252, 263, 264, Bjarnason, Ingebjörg H., 141, 144, 623
266, 380, 436, 441, 444 Bjerg, Johannes, 143, 145, 627
Baudrillard, Jean, 269 Bjerke, Øivind Storm, 7, 371-378, 653
Baumgartner, Walter, 190, 198 Bjerke-Petersen, Vilhelm, 142
Bauschinger, Sigrid, 25, 55 Bjerre, Poul, 331, 332
Bayerdörfer, Hans-Peter, 78, 80 193, Bjurljuk, David, 568
198 Bjurljuk, Vladimir. 568
Beaumont, Étienne de, 145 Bjurström, Tor, 135, 152, 161, 321, 424
Becher, Johannes R., 106 Björck, Oscar, 327
Beck, Hans, 513, 527 Björck, Sigge, 428
Index 663
Björling, Gunnar, 365, 446, 447, 448, Braque, Georges, 132, 134, 137, 144,
460, 633, 635 166, 310, 394, 425, 467
Bjørnson, Bjørnstjerne, 45, 102, 143 Brecht, Bertolt, 256
Björnsson, Baldvin, 246, 623 Breton, André, 23, 72, 76, 77, 79, 80,
Björnsson, Björn, 224, 244 142, 242, 532, 539, 619, 645
Björnsson, Jón, 492, 494, 619, 620, 626 Briens, Sylvain, 26, 56, 57, 58
Blavatsky, Helena Petrovna (Mme.), Brising, Harald, 376
533, 588, 589 Broby (Johansen), Rud(olf), 33, 37, 54,
Blix, Ragnvald, 143 98, 104, 106, 113, 115, 408, 409, 410,
Bloch, Ernst, 50, 318 411, 412, 413, 418, 420, 464, 475,
Blok, Aleksandr, 353, 364, 652 476, 479, 535, 536, 541-555, 634,
Blomberg, Erik, 431, 635, 636, 639, 641, 656
Blomstedt, Väinö, 358 Brokman, Henry, 143
Blümner, Rudolf, 475, 550 Broman, Per Olov, 500, 503, 504, 505,
Blöndal, Gunnlaugur, 144 507, 508, 509
Blöndal, Sigfús, 618, 626 Broman, Sten, 503, 507
Boberg, Ferdinand, 326 Bonsdorff, Edith von, 145
Boccioni, Umberto, 384, 489, 494 Brooks, Louise, 12
Bodin, Per-Arne, 353, 363, 367 Bru, Sascha, 61, 349, 531, 539, 585, 626
Bogman, Jef, 110, 115 Bruce, Henri Patrick, 150
Bogue, Ronald, 582, 583, 585 Brummer, Hans-Erik, 536, 539
Boguslavkaja, Ksenija, 35 Brunel, Raoul, 176, 181
Bois, Yves-Alain, 261, 272 Brunius, August, 227, 328, 331, 332,
Bolm, Adolph, 517 334, 335, 374, 378, 425, 431, 436,
Bonnard, Pierre, 145, 180, 301 444
Bonnat, Léon, 85 Brunner, Ernst, 449, 460
Bonset, I.K., 20 Bruns, Karin, 198
Borch, O.V., 396 Brusberg, Dieter, 36, 57
Borgh Bertorp, Katarina, 156, 160, 162 Brühl, Georg, 31, 57
Borland, Harold, 189, 191, 198 Brøcker, H.R., 542, 544, 552, 553, 555
Borodine, Alexandre, 166, 168 Buchholz, Erich, 219
Bosson, Viveca, 146, 226, 227 Buelens, Geert, 5, 105-116, 646
Botticelli, Sandro, 515 Bukdahl, Else Marie, 292, 298
Bourdelle, Antoine, 130, 145, 166, 169, Bull, Olaf, 431
130 Busoni, Ferrucio, 214, 500
Bourdieu, Pierre, 12, 56, 86, 90, 288, Buyck, Jean, 113, 115
290, 348, 349 Bužinska, Irēna, 24, 57
Bournonville, August, 513, 515, 518, Bürger, Peter, 12, 31, 38, 44, 45, 50, 57,
527, 528 78, 150, 162, 231, 255, 257, 266, 270,
Bradbury, Malcolm, 19, 48, 56 272, 394, 400, 403, 413, 468, 479,
Brahms, Johannes, 603, 613 507, 508, 536, 541, 553, 555, 658
Brancusi, Constantin, 144 Bäckström, Per, 633, 641
Brandes, Georg, 16, 26, 45, 46, 47, 48, Böhme, Frank, 24, 56,
56, 62, 67, 102, 143, 187, 191, 194, Bölsche, Wilhelm, 184, 406
527, 636 Bønnelycke, Emil, 33, 37, 38, 57, 233,
Brandt, Viggo, 235, 236 254, 392, 396, 401-413, 419, 463-
664 Index
479, 521, 522, 523, 527, 616, 619, Chukovskii, Kornei, 354, 355, 357, 366
634, 635, 636, 637, 638, 656 Ciacelli, Arturo, 254, 276, 278, 282,
Börjeson, Lena, 1132, 134 379, 384, 387, 428, 431
Börlin, Jean, 21, 138, 139, 145, 165- Clair, René, 21, 145, 174, 175, 177, 180,
181, 520, 647 647
Børset, Bodil, 633, 641 Claudel, Paul, 13, 145, 180
Böök, Fredrik, 427, 433 Clausen, Franciska, 20, 23, 62, 133,
140, 142, 143, 146, 147, 223, 224
C Claussen, Sophus, 102
Claustrat, Frank, 5, 6, 27, 57, 120, 121,
Canudo, Ricciotto, 145, 180 129-148, 165-181, 646
Carleson, C.N., Cliquet-Pleyel, Henri, 144
Carlsund, Otto G., 131, 133, 140, 141, Cocteau, Jean, 166, 180, 385, 504, 647
143, 145, 146, 147, 224, 276 Cohen, David, 20, 28, 57
Carpelan, Bo, 453 Colin, Paul, 176, 178, 647
Carrá, Carlo, 203, 494 Colliander, Ina, 362, 365
Carstensen, Ebba, 312 Collin, Marcus, 561, 568
Cartier, Jean-Albert, 21, 56 Collomb, Michel, 180, 181
Casanova, Pascale, 19, 57, 338, 342, Constable, John, 304
344, 349 Convents, Guido, 114, 115
Cassel, Anna, 590 Cork, Richard, 398, 400
Cassou, Jean, 130 Cornet, Paul, 144
Castrén, Gunnar, 339 Countess Danner (Grevinde Danner),
Cattiaux, Louis, 142, 147 484, 484, 485
Cawén, Alvar, 145, 561, 568 Courbet, Gustave, 261, 262
Cavling, Viggo, 522 Craig, Edward Gordon, 524
Cederschiöld, Gunnar, 382, 389 Crane, Hart, 104, 204
Cendrars, Blaise, 105, 115, 137, 145,
180, 398, 424 D
Cepl-Kaufmann, Gertrude, 6, 26, 57,
123, 183-199, 648 Daðason, Sigfús, 230, 247
Céria, Edmond, 144 Dadie-Roberg, Dagmar, 144
Cézanne, Paul, 89, 137, 152, 157, 159, Dahl, Viking, 141, 145, 180, 504
160, 162, 235, 270, 279, 288, 308, 312, Dal Co, Francesco, 266, 267, 272
374, 376, 394, 466, 467, 468, 482, 571 Dalcroze, Emil Jacques, 266, 267, 272,
Chagall, Marc, 35, 202, 203, 240, 244, 404, 522, 523, 525
281, 318, 384, 394, 568, 569 Dandelot, Arthur, 176, 181
Chaplin, Charles, 13, 100, 106, 646 Danneskjold-Samsøe, Sophus, 392, 627
Charcot, Jean Martin, 618 Danuser, Hermann, 499, 509
Charle, Christophe, 340, 349 Dardel, Nils von, 137, 143, 144, 161,
Chipp, Herschel B., 454, 460, 461 180, 316,
Chirico, Girogio de, 132, 145, 180 Dardel, Thora, 424, 433
Chomette, Henri, 177, 180, 647 Darwin, Charles Robert, 433, 586
Choudens, Jacques de, 397 Datta, Venita, 46, 57
Christensen, Charlotte, 149, 162 Dauthendey, Max, 186, 194, 198
Christenson, Göran, 329, 334, 336 Deberitz, Per, 62, 303, 372, 374
Index 665
Debussy, Claude, 166, 174, 180, 504 Duchamp, Marcel, 255, 259, 268, 272
Degas, Edgar, 87 Dufresne, Charles, 144
Dehmel, Richard & Paula, 186, 192 Dufy, Raoul, 130, 144, 306
Dejean, Louis, 144 Dumas, Ann, 160, 162
Delacroix, Eugène, 260 Duncan, Andrew, 114, 115
Delaunay, Robert, 279, 428, 550 Duncan, Carol, 160, 162
Delaunay, Sonia, 203, 428 Duncan, Isadora, 424, 515, 516, 525,
Deleuze, Gilles, 31, 57, 97, 98, 100, 103, 527
255, 534, 573, 581, 583, 584, 585 Durand-Ruel, Paul, 278
Denis, Maurice, 130, 165 Durkheim, Émile, 339
Derain, André, 132, 134, 144, 166, 222, Dutt, Palm, 604
308, 324, 376, 395
Dérain, Robert, 34, 231 E
Derkert, Siri, 137, 145
Derouet, Christian, 20, 57 Echte, Bernhard, 22, 57
Derrida, Jacques, 151, 160, 162, 163 Edelfelt, Albert, 143, 557, 560, 568
Derry, T.K., 39, 57 Edling, Anders, 504, 509
Désormière, Roger, 144 Edlund, Bengt, 221, 222, 226, 227
Despiau, Charles, 144 Edschmid, Kasimir, 20
Detthow, Eric, 144 Edström, David, 143
Diaghilev, Sergei, 138, 175, 327, 354, Eggeling, Helmuth Viking, 21, 22, 23,
511, 517, 519, 526, 527 43, 60, 123, 125, 130, 137, 201-228,
Diaz, Pablo, 96, 97, 100, 103, 104, 107 420, 536, 633, 634, 638, 648
Dickerman, Leah, 180, 181 Ehrenburg, Ilya, 218
Diehl, Gösta, 144 Ehrensvärd, Carl August, 382
Dietrich, Marlene, 92 Eichner, Johannes, 332, 334, 336
Diktonius, Elmer, 43, 58, 337-350, 365, Einarsson, Guðmundur, 619, 620, 626
431, 446, 447, 448, 453, 458, 501, Einstein, Albert, 215
533, 534, 573, 574, 575, 576, 578, Einstein, Carl, 169, 180
579, 580, 581, 582, 583, 584, 585, Eisenman, Stephen F., 88, 90
599-614, 651, 659, 660 Eisenstein, Mikhail, 30, 45
Diriks, Dyre, 136, 143, 147 Eisenstein, Sergei, 97
Diriks, Karl Edvard, 144 Eisner, Lotte H., 13, 93, 104
Dobuzhinsky, Mstistlav, 329, 355, 364, Ekegårdh, Hans, 143
367 Ekelöf, Gunnar, 146, 365, 453, 633, 635
Dobychina, Nadezhda, 35, 364 Ekster, Aleksandra, 35
Doesburg, Theo van /Bonset, I.K., 20, Eliot, T.S., 256, 443, 444, 453
31, 43, 57, 215, 222, 242, 551, 595 Éluard, Paul, 230
Donas, Marthe (Tour), 34 Enckell, Gösta, 565, 572
Dongen, Kees van, 130, 135, 138, 143, Enckell, Magnus, 559, 561
144, 312 Enckell, Olof, 343, 349, 350, 354, 460,
Donner, Jörn, 343, 349, 576 461, 613
Douglas, Charlotte, 357, 360, 367 Engberg, Charlotte, 52, 53, 60, 257,
Drachmann, Holger, 45, 122 525, 527
Dreyer, Carl Th., 97 Engberg, Marguerite, 96, 102, 104, 109,
Dreyfus, Alfred, 340 114
666 Index
Engels, Friedrich, 185, 264, 602, 610 Flaubert, Gustave, 262, 436
Engert, Ernst Moritz, 107 Fokina, Vera, 421, 511, 512, 517
Engström, Albert, 430 Fokine, Mikhail, 421, 511, 512, 517,
Engström, Andreas, 7, 421, 499-509, 518, 519, 520, 524, 525, 526, 527
657 Folkestad, Bernhard, 372
Engström, Leander, 135, 154, 161, 279, Forsberg, Claes-Göran, 145
284, 316, 321, 384 Forselles, Sigrid af, 143
Envall, Markku, 456, 458, 460 Forser, Tomas, 343, 349
Evreinov, Nikolai, 354 Forsström, Tua, 453
Erichsen, Thorvald, 372, 374,375, 378 Forster, Stephen C., 401, 413
Eriksson, Christian, 143 Forup, Carl, 145
Ericson-Molard, Ida & William, 129 Fosli, Halvor, 26, 58
Erikson, Åke, 449 Foucault, Michel, 160, 162, 163
Ernst, Max, 63, 142, 203, 211 Fougstedt, Arvid, 130, 152, 154, 156
Eronen, Kaarlo, 145 Foujita, Léonard Tsuguharu, 139, 145,
Essen, Siri von, 189 180
Essig, Hermann, 25, 57 Frascina, Francis, 46, 58, 60, 163
Ettrup, Lise, 45, 57 Freddie, Wilhelm, 634
Eugène, Prince of Sweden, 133, 327, Frederik VII, 483, 484, 485
331, 426 Fredriksen, 133
Evers, Ulla, 455, 460 Fresnaye, Roger de la, 310
Eysteinsson, Astradur, 48, 51, 57, 58 Fribert, Christen, 397, 398
Friborg, Flemming, 292, 298
F Friesz, Othon, 20, 133, 144, 312
Friis, Inger, 145
Fant, Åke, 591, 595, 596, 597 Frosterus, Sigurd, 558, 559, 563, 570,
Fauconnier, Henri Le, 130, 137, 305, 577
321, 424 Fröding, Gustav, 431
Faustman, Mollie, 314 Fuller, Loïe, 513, 514, 515, 525, 526,
Favén, Antti, 135, 143 527
Fechter, Paul, 560 Fähnders, Walter, 19, 31, 43, 55, 56, 58,
Feininger, Lyonel, 203, 317 323
Féneon, Félix, 282
Ferrier, Gabriel, 153 G
Fersen, Jacques d’Adelswärd, 427
Feuchtwanger, Leon, 380 Gabrielson, Hjalmar, 253, 280, 281,
Fierens, Paul, 133, 144, 147 288, 290
Figoni, Jolanda, 145 Gadelius, Bror, 380, 422, 427, 431, 439
Filonov, Pavel, 365, 367, 568 Gainsborough, Thomas, 304
Finch, Alfred William, 559 Gallén-Kallela, Akseli, 27, 45, 58, 135,
Findeisen, Kurt Arnold, 107, 115 354, 364, 557, 560, 560, 652
Finsen, Vilhjálmur, 619, 620, 626 GAN (see Adrian-Nilsson, Gösta)
Fischer, Adam, 133, 144, 145 Garbo, Greta, 12, 92
Fischer, Oskar, 239 Gate, Simon, 144
Fjeldsøe, Michael, 502, 509 Gauguin, Paul, 10, 89, 132, 279, 301,
Fjerdingstad, Carl Christian, 144 374, 442, 467
Index 667
Ibsen, Henrik, 16, 26, 45, 48, 67, 91, Jóhannsson, Jón Yngvi, 247
102, 122, 136, 145, 187, 194, 195, Johansen, Svend, 29, 310, 393, 399,
349, 359 Johansson, Leonard (Axel Åhlstrom),
Ibsen, Lillebil, 524 605
Ilmonen, Anneli, 20, 58 Johnson, Eyvind, 505, 635
Ilvas, Juha, 27, 58 Jolin, Ejnar, 143, 144, 152, 154, 161,
Imbert, Maurice, 178, 181 208, 556, 227, 309, 316, 384, 424
Ingelman, Ingrid, 149, 162, 590, 597 Jónsdottir, Kristin, 234
Inghelbrecht, Désiré-Émile, 145, 166, Jónsson, Ásgrímur, 234
170 Jónsson, Finnur, 20, 33, 56, 124, 125,
Ingólfsson, Aðalsteinn, 232, 247 229-247, 420, 619, 623, 624, 626,
Ingres, Jean Auguste Dominique, 133, 634, 649
260 Jónsson, Gísli, 492, 497, 498
Isachenko, Grigori, 351, 353, 368 Jónsson, Jóhann, 229
Isakson, Karl, 137, 310 Jonson, Leif, 509
Isto, Edvard, 558 Joostens, Paul, 105, 112, 113, 115
Jordanova, Ludmilla, 160, 161
J Jorde, Lars, 372
Jorn, Asger, 27, 55, 89, 90
Jacob, Max, 137, 143 Josephson, Ernst, 159, 161, 537
Jacob, Maxime, 144 Jovanov, Jasna, 33, 59
Jacobsen, Carl, 295 Joyce, James, 443, 444, 621
Jacobsen, Georg, 133, 143, 144 Joyeux-Prunel, Béatrice, 342, 349
Jacobsen, J.P., 45, 60, 102 Juel, Dagny, 192, 194
Jacobsen, Kjetil, 347 Julén, Björn, 432, 433
Jæger, Hans, 26, 59 Jung, Franz, 35, 55, 412
Jakobson, Roman, 360, 471, 479 Jungstedt, Kurt, 393
Jalava, Marja, 340, 349 Jänefelt, Eero, 570
Janaček, Gerald, 59 Jänicke, Gisbert, 450, 460
Janin, Jacques, 175, 181, 360, 367 Järnefelt, Eero, 354, 358
Jankelow, Sarah (Sari), 404, 522, 523 Jørgensen, Aksel, 308, 316
Jankes, Karl Emil, 143 Jørgensen, Ove, 515, 517, 519, 527
Janco, Marcel, 43, 62, 214, 412
Jannings, Emil, 92 K
Jaques-Dalcroze, Émile, 404, 522, 523,
525, 527 Kaarbø, Ragnhild, 20, 29, 60, 135
Jawlensky, Alexei von, 203, 328 Kaarsted, Tage, 544, 555
Jeanson, Gunnar, 503, 505 Kahn, Douglas, 500, 509
Jelsbak, Torben, 3, 7, 8, 19, 33, 58, 224, Kahnweiler, Daniel-Henry, 32, 282
47, 254, 392, 394, 400, 401-413, 419, Kailas, Uuno, 365, 456
463-479, 541-555, 654, 656, 658 Kaiser Wilhelm II, 82
Jensen, Georg, 144, 296 Kallio, Rakel, 566, 572
Jensen, Johannes V., 68, 101 Kamban, Guðmundur, 230
Jerichau, Jens Adolf, 308 Kamenskii, Vasilii, 353
Jóhannesson, Alexander, 620, 623, 624, Kandinsky, Wassily, 22, 35, 59, 61, 203,
626 204, 205, 207, 211, 220, 224, 227,
670 Index
240, 244, 255, 278, 280, 281, 283, Klimt, Gustav, 280
284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 317, 318, Klinge, Matti, 39, 59, 572
325-336, 394, 428, 433, 466, 476, Klint, Erik af. 588, 590, 595
477, 535, 536, 545, 568, 569, 572, Klint, Hilma af, 8, 17, 212, 536, 537,
588, 589, 590, 597, 648, 651, 659 587-597, 659
Kangek, Aron fra, 25 Klüver, Billy, 175, 181
Kant, Immanuel, 260, 272 Kneher, Jan, 82, 90
Kantola, Janna, 7, 445-461, 655 Knudsen, Poul, 524, 527
Karahka, Urpu-Liisa, 442, 444 Knutson, Greta, 136, 145
Karasik, Z.M., 355, 364, 368, 369 Koch, Martin, 430
Karlsson, Gunnar, 40, 59 Koch, Robert, 617
Karsten, Ludvig Peter, 62, 147, 308, Kofman, Eleonore, 342, 349
310, 372, 374, 375, 376 Koja, Stephan, 29, 34, 36, 59
Kassák, Lajos, 31, 59, 239, 551 Kokoschka, Oskar, 244, 279, 280, 317,
Kauffeldt, Rolf, 26, 57, 185, 186, 188, 357
189, 190, 194, 196, 198 Kollnitz, Andrea, 6, 252, 276-289, 649
Kautsky, Karl, 602 Kollwitz, Käthe, 280
Kawan, B.G., 219 Komonen, Markku, 46, 59
Kavli, Arne Texnes, 143 Koritz, Amy, 516, 527
Kayser, Edmond Charles, 144 Korolenko, Vladimir, 353
Kent, Neil, 29, 39, 59 Korvenmaa, Pekka, 26, 59
Kernn-Larsen, Rita, 142 Kovtun, Evgenii, 361, 369
Kesting, Edmund, 20, 59, 239, 240, 623 Kracauer, Siegfried, 521, 522, 527
Kesting, Eduard, 239 Krag, Sigri Welhaven, 144
Keyser, Ragnhild, 20, 29, 60, 140 Krag, Thomas P., 102
Khardzhiev, N., 361, 368 Kramer, Andreas, 344, 349
Khlebnikov, Velimir, 353, 357, 360, Kreuger, Sven, 145
364, 367, 456 Kristensen, Tom, 393, 431, 464, 469,
Kiaer, Christina, 268, 272 470, 471, 472, 473, 476, 477, 479,
Kiblickij, Iozef, 36, 59 656
Kielgast, Anne, 20, 59 Krohg, Christian, 84, 85, 90, 130, 134,
Kielland, Alexander, 45, 102 143, 371, 372, 378, 653
Kirchner, Ernst Ludwig, 304 Krohg, Per, 144, 145, 154, 308, 309,
Kisling, Moïse 144 312, 313, 314, 316, 322, 374, 375,
Kjarval, Jóhannes Sveinsson, 7, 312, 376, 380, 384, 385, 387, 393, 398,
419, 491-498, 619, 620, 657 399, 400, 632
Kjellgren, Josef, 635 Kropmanns, Peter, 149, 163
Kjerström, Sjölin, 19, 55 Kruchenykh, Aleksei, 352, 353, 357,
Kleberg, Lars, 446, 460 360, 364
Klee, Paul, 203, 209, 256, 281, 317, Krøyer, Peder Severin, 143, 293
429, 550 Kujundžić, Dragan, 33, 59
Kleine, Gisela, 35, 59, 289, 290, 334, Kul’bin, Nikolai, 353
336 Kupka, František, 536, 587
Kleis, Georg, 34, 233, 234, 294, 295, Kuprin, Aleksandr, 353
301, 304, 318 Kurbanovskii, Aleksei, 360, 369
Klenau, Paul von, 502, 523 Kuusi, Matti, 27, 59
Index 671
Kuusinen, Otto Ville, 8, 43, 58, 343, Leadbeater, Charles, 537, 589
349, 533, 599-614, 660 Leeb-Lundberg, Valdemar, 145
Kuznetsov, Pavel, 328 Lefort, Claude, 532
Kvam, Kela, 50, 59 Léger, Fernand, 20, 34, 44, 57, 132,
Kvaran, Ólafur, 247 133, 137, 140, 141, 142, 144, 145,
Källström, Staffan, 30, 59 146, 147, 148, 180, 203, 209, 219,
223, 224, 226, 279, 280, 428, 490,
L 647
Leino, Eino, 361, 365, 367
L’isle-Adam, Villiers de, 339 Leistikow, Walter, 186
Labé, Louise, 180 Lengefeld, Cecilia, 26, 59
Lagerborg, Rolf, 340, 349 Lenin, Vladimir Iljitj, 35, 329, 600
Lagerkvist, Pär, 7, 28, 54, 138, 145, Léonard, Jos, 113, 115
387, 420, 421, 423, 424, 431, 432, Léopold-Lévy, 144
435-444, 536, 640, 655 Levanto, Marjatta, 20, 59
Lagerström, Hugo, 380 Lévi, Eliphas, 588
Lagut, Irène, 145 Levinson, André, 175, 176, 181
Lahoda, Vŏjtech, 28, 59 Levitan, Isaac, 353
Laitinen, Kai, 458, 460 Levy, Rodolph, 154
Lalander, Folke, 50, 59, 150, 163 Lexow, Einar, 375, 378
Landauer, Gustav, 185 Lhote, André, 20, 130, 132, 133, 136,
Landquist, John, 380 137, 144, 279, 383, 384, 412, 426
Lang, Fritz, 12 Lidforss, Bengt, 197
Lange, Sven, 380 Lidman, Sven, 380
Langsted, Adolf, 104 Lie, Emil, 144
Laprade, Pierre, 145, 180 Lie, Jonas, 102
Larionov, Mikhail, 357, 364 Liebermann, Max, 186
Larsen, Alf, 393, 400 Liebknecht, Karl, 405
Larsen, Elna, 512 Liehu, Rakel, 453
Larsen, Karl, 308, 310, 393, 399, 465, Liliencron, Detlev von, 186
466 Lilja, Gösta, 137, 148, 160, 166, 287,
Larsen, Peter Nørgaard, 301, 313 290, 424, 425, 426, 429, 430, 431,
Larsson, Bengt, 442, 444 433,, 460
Larsson, Carl, 430 Liljefors, Bruno, 283
Lasker-Schüler, Else, 25, 55, 59, 449 Lillqvist, Holger, 450, 460
Lassila, Pertti, 458, 460 Lindberg, Anne Lena, 150, 163, 288
Laurencin, Marie, 133, 144 Linde, Ebbe, 365, 432
Laureng, Theodor, 372 Linder, Marja-Liisa, 563, 572
Laurin, Carl G., 26, 287 Lindforss, Bengt, 194
Lawrence, D.H., 345, 442 Lindgren, Armas, 45, 55, 59, 387, 558
Laxness, Halldór, 230, 247, 619, 620, Lipchitz, Jacques 144
621, 626 Lippard, Lucy, 23, 59
Lazarus, Daniel, 145, 180 Liska, Vivian, 48, 58
Le Corbusier, 268, 271 Lissitzky, El, 31, 55, 218, 219, 477, 550
Le Fauconnier, Henri, 130, 137, 305, Ljunggren, Anna, 354, 355, 368, 369
321, 424 Lodder, Christina, 36, 58
672 Index
Loeb, Pierre, 136 165, 170, 173, 174, 176, 181, 424,
Loesch, Lise, 50, 60 520
Lofthus, Arne, 310 Marholm, Laura, 123, 184, 186, 190,
Lorentzen, Mogens, 395, 397 194, 195, 196, 197, 648
Lorentzon, Waldemar, 133 Marinetti, Filippo Tommaso, 20, 44,
Lotiron, Robert, 133 48, 321, 380, 396, 398, 400, 418, 423,
Lubitsch, Ernst, 92 424, 426, 427, 433, 439, 449, 454,
Lukács, György, 47, 74, 80, 264, 602, 455, 459, 461, 469, 471, 532, 539,
610 619, 620, 655
Lund, Henrik, 372, 374, 375 Mark, Jan, 21, 60
Lundberg, August, 161 Markov, Vladimir (see Matvejs,
Lundkvist, Artur, 635 Voldemars)
Lundström, Knut, 141, 143 Martin, Julie, 175, 181
Lundstrøm, Vilhelm, 310, 311, 312, Martinson, Harry, 442, 453, 635
393, 399, 632, 633, 634 Marx, Karl, 262, 264, 265, 268, 269,
Luthersson, Peter, 427, 428, 429, 433, 272, 339, 441, 533, 602, 610
434, 439, 444 Mas, Josiane, 21, 60, 138, 148, 181
Luxemburg, Rosa, 405, 413, 472, 475, Matisse, Henri, 27, 34, 57, 62, 69, 122,
638 130, 132, 135, 136, 143, 144, 148,
Lyotard, Jean-François, 262, 272 149-164, 208, 232, 233, 235, 238,
Lärkner, Bengt, 137, 148, 278, 279, 247, 279, 280, 285, 286, 302, 303,
280, 282, 288, 290, 335, 426, 430, 304, 308, 310, 312, 316, 321, 322,
431, 433 323, 374, 376, 378, 394, 419, 423,
Lönnberg, Otto William, 36, 563 424, 429, 467, 468, 477, 479, 623,
Lönnrot, Elias, 41, 557 647, 653, 654, 655
Matiushin, Mikhail, 352, 353, 355, 357,
M 358, 360, 361, 369, 365, 368
Matvejs, Voldemars (Vladimir
Madsen, Carl, 408, 409, 410 Markov), 23, 57
Madsen, Viggo, 308 Maury, Lucien, 143
Mahler, Gustav, 403, 501 Mayakovsky, Vladimir, 353, 456, 619,
Malevich, Kazimir, 224, 235, 238, 352, 652
353, 357, 360, 361, 363, 367, 368, McFarlane, James, 19, 48, 56
369, 536, 587, 594, 648, 652 Mehring, Franz, 184
Malinowski, Rodion Yakovlevich, 601 Meier-Graefe, Julius, 88, 90, 122, 298
Mallarmé, Stéphane, 387 Melzer, Nils, 224
Malmio, Kristina, 575, 585 Mendelssohn, Henriette, 149, 165
Malmkjær, Poul, 104 Mense, Carl, 616
Man, Paul de, 441, 444 Merkert, Jörn, 36, 60
Mandelstam, Osip, 353, 369 Metzinger, Jean, 28, 58, 130, 137, 143,
Manet, Édouard, 87, 261, 290 144, 203, 280, 318, 384, 387
Marc, Franz, 203, 205, 281, 317, 318, Meyerkhold, Vsevolod, 354, 364
550 Meyerson, Vera, 140
Marcks, Gerhard, 24, 60 Micić, Ljubomir, 542, 553, 575
Maré, Rolf de, 21, 60, 121, 129, 132, Mickiewicz, Pole Adam, 602
134, 138, 139, 140, 141, 147, 148, Milhaud, Darius, 143, 145, 180, 500
Index 673
Swane, Leo, 153, 164, 617, 627 Tillberg, Margareta, 6, 247, 325-336,
Swane, Sigurd, 302, 393 651
Swanson, Gloria, 91 Tolstoi, Lev, 560
Svarstad, Anders Castus, 372, 374 Torsteinsson, Torstein, 374, 375
Sveinsdóttir, Júlíana, 312 Toulouse-Lautrec, Henri de, 87
Sveinsson, Ásmundur, 144, 620 Trier, Lars von, 97
Syberg, Besse, 312 Tropp, Oscar, 520
Syberg, Fritz, 396 Tropp, Sven, 520
Szymanowski, Karol Tuchman, Maurice, 596
Söderberg, Hjalmar, 437 Tuominen, Mirjam, 453
Söderblom, Nathan, 436 Turner, J.W.M., 304
Södergran, Edith, 362, 363, 365, 367, Tuusvuori, Jarkko, 347, 350
369, 445-461, 655, 656 Tuxen, Lauritz, 293
Sørensen, Henrik, 20, 28, 62, 99, 133, Tzanck, Daniel, 268
136, 144, 147, 153, 232, 303, 304, Tzara, Tristan, 20, 33, 48, 55, 145, 212,
372, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 653 226, 239, 412, 432
Sørensen, Peer E., 47, 67 Törnblad, Thor, 285, 431
Törneman, Axel, 143
T
Þ
Tafuri, Manfredo, 266, 267, 272, 273
Taillefer, Germaine, 145, 180 Þórðarson, Þórbergur, 497, 620, 621,
Tailleferre, Germaine, 145, 180 Þorláksson, Þorarinn B., 234
Taine, Hippolyte, 560 Þorleifsson, Jón, 241
Tal-Coat, Pierre, 144
Tansman, Alexandre, 175 U
Tatlin, Vladimir, 35, 224
Tegen, Martin, 509, 527 Uhl, Frida, 193
Tegner, Rudolph, 143 Ullman, Sigfrid, 424
Tereschenko, Mikhail, 328 Ungern, Ragnar, 143
Terman Frederiksen, Finn, 23, 62 Uppdal, Kristofer, 393
Tetzen-Lund, Christian, 317, 320, 321, Uspenskij, Pëtr, 533
323 Utamaro, Kitagawa, 103, 109
Thaulow, Frits & Alexandra, 143 Uttenreitter, Poul, 235, 247, 382, 389,
Thesleff, Ellen, 143 392, 393
Theuriet, A., 149, 164
Thiis, Jens, 375, 376, 378 V
Thing, Morten, 549, 555
Thomé, Verner, 143 Vala, Katri, 365, 456, 458
Thomsen, Bodil Marie Stavning, 5, 9, Vallgren, Ville, 143
91-104, 646 Van Dongen, Kees, 130, 135, 138, 143,
Thorn, Kamma, 312 144, 312
Thoroddsen, Emil, 239, 245 Vartiainen, Helmi, 563
Thorsteinsson, Guðmundur, 234, 393 Vassilief, Marie, 130, 137
Thygesen, Rudolph, 234, 393 Vedel, Karen, 8, 421, 511-528, 658
Tidigs, Julia, 573- 585, 659 Vedel, Valdemar, 521
Index 679
Velde, Henri van de, 30, 45 Wennervirta, Ludwig, 560, 561, 565,
Verlaine, Paul, 449 571, 572
Vertov, Dziga, 97, 99 Wense, Hans Jürgen von der, 24, 60, 62
Vigeland, Gustav, 45, 58, 122 Werefkin, Marianne von, 203, 305, 328
Vinding, Andreas, 244, 322 Werenskiold, Dagfin, 372, 375
Vlaminck, Maurice de, 133, 144, 280 Werenskiold, Erik, 354, 372, 374, 375,
Vollard, Ambroise, 282, 288 376, 652, 653
Vordemberge-Gildewart, Friedrich, 239 Werenskiold, Marit, 20, 25, 30, 34, 38,
Vries, Jan de, 32, 62 62, 148, 161, 164, 304, 321, 324, 378,
Vuillard, Édouard, 301 466, 467, 479
Werner, Gösta, 2221, 226, 227
W Westheider, Ortrud, 34, 62
Wetlesen, Wilhelm, 372
Waber, Dan, 454 Whitman, Walt, 448, 449
Wagner, Richard, 519, 603 Widenheim, Cecilia, 162, 290, 537, 539
Wahlgren, Anders, 156, 160, 164 Wiehe-Bérèny, Charlotte, 514, 515,
Walbom, Emilie, 421, 523, 524, 526, 526, 528
528 Wietek, Gerhard, 27, 63
Walden, Herwarth, 21, 25, 26, 28, 31, Wigman, Mary, 522, 525, 526, 528
32, 34, 54, 57, 61, 62, 62, 63, 123, Wildenwey, Herman, 431
124, 125, 159, 202, 203, 204, 208, Wille, Bruno, 184, 187, 188, 194, 195,
209, 211, 212, 223, 225, 227, 236, 199
237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 244, 253, Willumsen, Jens Ferdinand, 143, 295,
255, 295, 304, 305, 306, 307, 312, 296, 298
317, 318, 319, 321, 322, 324, 331, Wilson, Sarah, 127
380, 384, 545, 546, 550, 555, 648 Winckelmann, J.J., 566
Walden, Nell (Roslund), 21, 25, 202, Winskell, Kate, 25, 63, 319, 322, 324
211, 212, 225, 237, 238, 240, 318, Witt-Brattström, Ebba, 450, 455, 461
331, 384, 648 Witte, Sergei, 328
Wallenstein, Sven-Olov, 6, 243, 259- Wold-Torne, Oluf, 372, 375, 377
273, 649 Woll, Gerd, 85, 90
Wallner, Bo, 501, 502, 505, 506, 509 Wood, Paul, 49, 63, 626
Waltari, Mika, 365, 456, 458 Woolf, Virginia, 454
Wamberg, Helge, 518 Worringer, Wilhelm, 169, 220, 466,
Wankel, Charlotte, 20, 59, 60, 140 477, 560
Warburton, Thomas, 576, 585 Wrede, Carl Henrik, 143
Warming, Rikke, 309, 324 Wrede, Johan, 343, 350, 448, 461
Warnod, André, 136, 144, 148 Wundt, Wilhelm, 339
Waroquier, Henri de, 144 Würtz Frandsen, Jan, 50, 63
Watson, Peter, 276, 288, 298
Weber, Max, 150, 441
Webern, Anton, 499 Y
Wegener, Einar & Gerda, 143
Weibel, Peter, 98, 99, 104 Yesenin, Sergei, 353
Weill, Berthe, 136 Ylikangas, Heikki, 41, 63
Weisberg, Gabriel P., 149, 164
680 Index
Z Ö/Ø