PREFACE

With the increasing pressure on land due to urbanization,

rapid economic development, increasing infrastructure
requirements etc., especially in a fast growing economy like India,
the acquisition of land by the government has increased. Indian
Women’s Activism in
Government under doctrine of “eminent domain” acquired land
of individual persons for “greater good and “development
Gopalpur Protest Movement
purposes, as a result of which, millions of people become
displaced from their homes. Forcing the people out of their homes of Odisha
is violation of human right. The economic liberalization,
privatization and globalization (LPG) model of development in
India is virtually depriving the tribal people and other agriculture
dependent poor people of their traditional means of sustainable
livelihood by promoting the unregulated growth of mineral-based
industries in the tribal regions of India. In the name of
modernization and the country’s economic development, the elites
in India are taking over the life sustaining resources of the poor
and pushing them into a further marginalized state of living as a
result of displacing them from their land and homes. Such
development serves the interests of these elites while it Dr. Urmimala Das
impoverishes the tribal people and poor peasants in these regions Director,
who are dependent on the life sustaining resources of the WSRC, Berhampur University
ecosystems in which they live. The mining and other industries
that are taking over the resources of the ecosystems of these
&
tribal people and poor peasants fail to provide them with an Mrs. Ranjita Behera
improved and sustainable means of making a living. The very RGNF, WSRC
nature of the present development paradigm does not provide
for the absorption of these poor people into the organized non-
farm sector economy by either developing their skills or providing
them with technical education.
Women’s Activism in Gopalpur Protest
Movement of Odisha FOREWARD
Published in India by
Imperial Edusystems Pvt. Ltd
Plot No-10, Virat Nagar, ECIL P.O, The book on ‘Women’s Activism in Gopalpur Protest
Hyderabad-500062, Telengana Movement of Odisha is an outcome of our study of social
Sales Centre movements against various types of development induced
Exclusively online at IndiaBookBazar.Com
displacement in Odisha . Political economy, gender and state
Written and Copyright © is one of the specialization area of wsrc under which we
Dr. Urmimala Das, Director,
WSRC, BerhampurUniversity have studied displacement and protest movement in
& Odisha.Gopalpur protest movement and women’s massive
Mrs. Ranjita Behera
RGNF, WSRC participation in it is one of the path finder for women’s
Copyright for individual pieces vests with the respective authors. movement in Odisha . It is a successful story and progressive
ISBN : 978-81-934214-3-7 way out on the face of so called development issues.
The moral rights of the authors has been asserted. Aftermath of peoples movement became more
problematique who were forcefully displaced by the TATA
Printed at
Imperial Edusystems Pvt. Ltd, Hyderabad company and Govt. of Odisha,women and men had to leave
their original habitat and take shelter in the rehabilitation
Content, Page Design and Type Setting By
Imperial Edusystems Private Limited colony of Luhajhara. Present situation of women has been
e-mail- imperialedusystems@gmail.com studied by us, findings of which are reflected in two of the
Cover Design chapters in this book. Feminist perspective is the underlying
Akankshya weaving thread which is analysed and sustainable
Swosti Printers
development economy of Gopalpur is portrayed as the
Inside book formatting and typesetting by alternative to TATA Steel development project.
Anuradha Reddy & Bibhas Pattanaik
I wish this book will be helpful for all interdisciplinary
Due care and diligence have been taken while editing and printing the book,
neither the Author, Publisher nor the Printer of the book hold any responsibility scholars including feminist scholars and activists,policy
for any mistake that may have crept in inadvertently. Indiabookbazar.com and
Imperial Edusystems Pvt. Ltd, the publisher , the printer along with the writer
makers and activists.
shall be free from any liability for damages and losses of any nature arising Dr. Urmimala Das
from or related to the content. All disputes are subjected to the jurisdiction of
competent courts in Odisha.
 For the last few decades and more particularly since 1990’s
the issue of human rights-violation of rights to life and livelihood
of tribal peoples’ is a central concern. Therefore, the discourse
on tribal movements and issues of tribal livelihood revolved around
securing their well-defined rights on land and forest resources.
The experience in Odisha shows that dalit and tribal peoples’
protest movements, however well organised, have to take
cognizance of the powerful interests of economic elite and
industrial capital - both domestic and foreign - that wield
considerable political power. Protest movements by the tribal
people of Odisha in different pockets have attracted the attention
of policy makers, bureaucrats, academia and activists across the
world. These movements have contributed to strengthening the
sporadic articulations by the people to organise protests and have
led to the recognition that there is need to review the approaches
and strategies of development interventions of the state as well
as streamline the development programmes.
The study is focused on the displacement caused due to
mega projects in Odisha. Our study is centred on Women’s
Massaction in Gopalpur Protest Movement against TATA Steel
project of Gopalpur. This study emphasizes women’s
participation in the movement against against TATA Steel project
of Gopalpur . Women’s plight due to displacement and initiation
of R& R by TATA Steel project of Gopalpur are contextualized in
this study. Protest movement ragainst TATA Steel project of
Gopalpur reveals the vulnerability of women under displacement.
In this study we have discussed peoples condition in rehabilitation
colony of TATA at Luhajhara in Ganjam district.
Dr. Urmimala Das
Director, WSRC
Berhampur University

CONTENTS
Chapter - I
WORLD WOMEN’S MOVEMENT
 Cycles of Protest
 Feminism and Women’s Movement
 Women’s Rights and Women’s Liberation
 Social Reform Movements
 Women’s Liberation Movements
 Development Issues in Women’s Movement
 Indian Women’s Movement
 Displacement Issues and Women
 Retrospect & Prospect
Chapter - II
RISING VOICES OF WOMEN AGAINST DISPLACEMENT IN INDIA
 Introduction
 Chipko movement in garwal region
 Narmada bachao andolona
 Koel karo project, jharkhand
 National Mining Development Corporation (NMDC)
iron and steel plant, Nagarnar
 Achanakmar sanctuary Bilaspur
 Phalinda movement
 Singur movement,West Bengal
Chapter - III
PEOPLES PROTEST AGAINST DISPLACEMENT IN ODISHA
 Movement against rengali project
 Baliapal movement
 Balco movement
 Kashipur movement
 Gopalpur movement
 Chilika movement
Chapter - IV 90
GLOBALISATION AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
 Gopalpur Steel project: A profile
Page  A Global Corporate Partnership
 The Perennial Coconut Economy
9 Chapter - V 98
DISPLACEMENT IN TISSCO PROJECT AND VOICES OF WOMEN
 Displacement in Orissa: A statistical Picture
 Development Induced Displacement
 Displacement Scenario in Gopalpur
 Demographic Details
 Voices of Displaced Women of Gopalpur
 Loss of Livelihood
 Common Property Resources
 Unsafe R/R Colony
Chapter - VI 114
WOMEN’S MASS ACTION IN GOPALPUR MOVEMENT
AGAINST DISPLACEMENT
31
 Mass Action of Women
 Leadership and Women
 Organization ,Support Extended
 Political Affiliation, Role of Intellectual
 Present Situation: Resettlement and Rehabilitation
 Impact on Women
Chapter - VII 132
TATA STEEL PROJECT AND DISPLACED WOMEN OF LUHAJHAR
 Women’s activism in Gopalpur protest movement
 Reaction of women to Land acquisition
 Economic loss of women
 Findings
57  Compensation And Resettlement And Rehabilitation
Policy For Displaced Women
 Reaction of women respondents on Displacement
 CASE STUDIES
 Social security needs of displaced women of Luhajhar
Chapter - VII 157
END NOTES
 BIBLIOGRAPHY
given historical period, or of the ‘opportunity structure’ of society-
for instance, the extent to which political authorities are open to
reforms. The general amount of resources available for
mobilization is important too and so is the inspiration from one
country to another, particularly in these days of worldwide mass
communication. To this list of more fundamental common CHAPTER-I
incentives, J. Freeman (1975) adds the practical one that
resources mobilized by one movement may be used by new
movements. In this way the US new women’s liberation movement WORLD WOMEN’S MOVEMENT
made use of the resources of the New left, they created a women’s
network within the New Left.
Women’s movement as a collective activity by women to
New Left conferences made use of the many underground better women’s position and change the male dominance of
papers and simply used the duplicators of the New Left society started in USA in 1840s, in England in 1850s, in France
organizations. Throughout history, the emergence of new waves and Germany in 1860s and in the Scandinavian countries in the
of feminism in most countries has occurred in periods of general 1870s and 1880s, to mention just a few. Women’s Studies scholars
protest and mobilization or, instead of saying ‘general’ continuously dig out forgotten or even suppressed knowledge
(which often refers to men’s activities) perhaps we should about revolts by women in earlier times for instance during the
express it like this: new waves of feminism seem to occur side by French revolution or the Renaissance. We may eventually find
side with other social movements. These social movements are out that all male-dominated cultures have experienced some kind
often linked together through ideological and personal ties and of revolt by women .However, here we limit the discussion to the
may share a protest against the establishment and against women’s movement of the last 100 to 150 years .Alice Rossi, the
traditional values. US sociologist, states that the present wave of feminism is not
the second wave, but in fact the third wave of feminism. She
Women’s experiences in other movements have often given
identifies three peaks of feminist political activity and public visibility
an impetus to revolt on their own behalf; for example the
in US history. The first, from the I840 s to 1860s starting with
discrimination and degradation women felt from men when
Seneca Fall Convention ; the second from 1900 to the passage
working together for a common cause made women form their
of the Suffrage Amendment in the 1920s; and the third, from the
own autonomous organizations to fight for the equality of the
1960s onwards. Rossi suggests that there may be a generational
sexes. This happened when women in the US anti-slavery
dialectics involved in this historical ebb and flow, since these three
movement were denied the right to campaign side by side with
waves are separated by roughly fifty years or two generations
men. The same thing happened to the women who were deeply
(Rossi,1973,see also McGlen and O’Connor,1983).
12 9
 In Denmark, to mention another example, it is also possible
to identify three peaks of the feminist movement, but they do not
follow the same generational pattern: the first peak occurred in
the 1880s during a general rising against the ruling conservative
forces , the second one is the suffrage campaign which lasted
from 1905 to the first world war and the third started in the late
1960s. So the generational aspect, no doubt important for an
understanding of the ups and downs of the feminist move meant
must be complemented with other factors such as changes in the
general political climate. It is an interesting task to study the
historical periods of expansion activity and strength of the women’s
movement. It is however no less important to study the less
visible feminist movement to be found between the peaks. During
its long history the women’s movement has been declared dead
many times, for example during the interwar period. However, a
closer study reveals that in most countries men and women still
fought collectively for equality and justice for women although
now in a more dogged , less visible fight. Partly in the autonomous
women’s movement and partly in the political parties the trade
unions or the state bureaucracy. Recent research has provided
material for a revision of our image of the 1930s as a black period
in the history of feminism. One example is Susan Ware’s(1981)
book on women in Roosevelt’s New Deal, her study has shown
the existence of an influential network of women in the
administration of the New Deal , a network that was rooted in
that generation’s common experience in the suffrage campaign.
Such historical studies of the periods following the peaks of the
feminist movement may help us to understand what is happening
to the movement today. Equipped with this knowledge, we should
be able not just to understand and observe the changes, but also
to act in order to influence the course of history.
10
Cycles of Protest
The many new social movements that emerged in the
Western world in the 1960s,1970s and 1980s restored the
theoretical interest in the concept of cycles of protest. An individual
movement has its own life- cycle: growth , peak ,decline, may be
new growth. But movements do seem to emerge many at a time,
creating what Zald (1979) calls a whole ‘social movement sector’.
In certain historical periods social movements abound, while other
periods are more quite. In this way, every society experiences
cycles of social movements ( Tarrow ,1983).
Since Karl Marx , scholars have discussed whether cycles
of protest occur at regular intervals. Historical studies, however,
reveal no such regularity. Michael Harrington argues that at any
rate time has speeded up more in the Voltaire twentieth century (
Freeman: 1983). He also rightly states that in the late twentieth
century social movements have become more self-conscious and
self-analysing and this might be one of the reasons why we will
probably not have to wait fifty years or more for the next period of
general protest. Social movements emerge out of social conflicts.
But conflicts exist all the time. The resource mobilization approach
to the study of social movements has rightly added that the
possibility of mobilization of new resources is crucial to the
expansion of movements. Cycles of protest may be more frequent
because today more resources are available to challenging
groups, and also because self- conscious movements will learn
from other movements in a process of collective learning. On
the other hand, this may be true only for the more resourceful
middle- class-based- movements like the ones of the 1960s and
1970s. The fact that movements emerge in blocks indicates some
common causes. These may be fundamental social changes of a
11
people. The women’s liberation movement was rooted in the New
Left and seems to have flourished the most where the New Left
was the strongest.
Political reform, that is reform affected through the political
establishment has never been the main strategy of the women’s
liberation movement. Its main focus was on women, not the
state. The goal is to change people’s way of thinking and acting.
Revaluation of womanhood, not the adaptation of women to men’s
roles is the basis of the new ideology. It is considered essential
to make women work collectively for common goals, instead of
competing with each other to the benefit of patriarchal society
only, ‘sisterhood’ is powerful’. The movement’s flat, decentralized
organizational structure was from the start considered essential
to developing a new consciousness among women.
Consequently, no national organization of any duration has ever
been established by the women’s liberation movement in any
country.
While the main strategy of the women’s rights movement
has been to seek influence through integration, the women’s
liberation movement follows a different strategy. When engaged
in campaigns directed specifically at the political institutions for
example in the abortion campaign, this branch of the movement
prefered extra parliamentary tactics to traditional pressure group
tactics. But the main activities of the women’s liberation movement
consist of consciousness- raising groups, experiments in new ways
of living, creating a counter-culture, e.g., feminist literature,
feminist theatre, music bands, women’s festivals ,creating
alternative institutions, e.g., crisis centres , women’s centres and
self-help clinics.
16
engaged in the national and liberal rising in Europe in the
nineteenth century. Women in the labour movement have told of
similar experiences that made them form women’s groups within
the labour movement or join the autonomous women’s
movement.As in the nineteenth century, the discrimination that
women felt within the New Left in the late 1960s and early
70s became one of the factors that triggered off the new
movement.
Feminism and Women’s Movement
Confusion persists as to the terms ‘women’s movement’,
‘feminism’, ‘women’s liberation movement’, Liberal feminism,
Marxist feminism‘Socialist feminism’, ‘radical feminism’ and so
on. During the first years of the new women’s movement one
could hear the term ‘feminism’ used very narrowly as an incentive
for those in the movement who - according to their opponents –
did not put enough emphasis on the class struggle in contrast to
the gender conflict. The older socialist women’s movement, which
remained a part of the labour movement, also tended to use the
term ‘feminism’ in a negative sense as a label the autonomous
women’s right movement, which they considered bourgeois. This
did not prevent many of these organizations from considering
themselves part of ‘the women’s movement’ at large
(Dahlerup,1973).
Richard Evans defines feminism as ‘the doctrine of equal
rights for women, based on the theory of the equality of the
sexes’(Evans, 1977:30). Gerda Lerner defines (US) feminism as
‘any struggle designed to elevate their [women’s status , socially
, politically, economically and in respect to their self-
concepts’(Lerner. 1971:236). David Bouchier states that ‘feminism
includes any form of opposition to any form of social, personal or
13
economic discrimination which women suffer because of their
sex’ (Bouchier, 1983:2) .Janet Radcliffe Richards supports a very
broad definition of feminism, not limited to the autonomous
women’s movement, as ‘ a very general belief that society is unjust
to women’ (Richards, 1982:15). In this discussion a further problem
is that many languages do not have a proper word for ‘feminism’.
We prefer a broad definition of ‘feminism’ as an ideology whose
basic goal is to remove the discrimination and degradation of
women and to break down the male dominance of society. It is in
fact easier to define what feminism is against than to describe
positively the common denominator for the visions of all factions
of the women’s movement, which state as their goal equality,
liberation, equal worth or something else.
Feminism is an ideology, a doctrine. The women’s
movement comprises the conscious, collective activities of women
fighting for feminist goals. Women’s movement is sometimes
identified with the autonomous movement and its followers. A
broader definition of the women’s movement includes feminist
activities by women in, say, women’s committees in the political
parties , trade union, public institution or other social movement.
Most chapters in this book, including this introduction, use the
more narrow definition of the women’s movement.
In empirical research , one should ask the following
interesting questions. First , who actually works for feminist goals
no matter in which context? The answer will vary from time to
time and from country to country. It is characteristic of any social
movement that the boundaries between the movement and its
surroundings are never clear and are constantly changing. Within
the women’s movement at large several branches have
developed, and new groupings are emerging all the time. The
14
two main branches of contemporary western feminism are the
women’s rights movement and the women’s liberation movement.
Women’s Rights and Women’s Liberation
The new women’s movement, which started in most western
countries in the late 1960s and early 1970s was a protest by a
new generation of women against male dominated or ‘patriarchal’
as it became common to call it. Ideological and strategically
differences divided the movement into two major branches. The
branch of the movement usually called the women’s rights
movement works predominantly for political reforms by means of
traditional pressure group tactics organization and with a certain
ideology. Consequently it becomes an aim by the political
establishment. Historical roots going back to challenge male-
dominated or ‘ patriarchal’ society .Ideologically and strategically
movements divided into two major branches. Usually called the
women’s rights for political reforms by means of these tactics
require a national degree of professionalization to be
acknowledged and respected this kind of feminism is known as
the suffrage movement and the successful campaigns for women’s
access to education, to qualified work and to legal majority.
The new wave of feminism in the 1960 – 1980s also created
new women’s rights organizations, notably in the USA but also
in France and Britain. In some countries, for example the five
Nordic countries, the old women’s rights organizations from the
nineteenth century are still at work,but they seldom expanded
during the 1960s – 1980s. The core of the new wave, however,
was a totally different kind of feminism, usually labelled as the
women’s liberation movement. This was a radical , left –wing often
socialist feminism which rejected the idea of equality with men.
Instead, the movement advocated the liberation of all oppressed
15
class group of women.During the middle and the late 1970, several
autonomous women’s organisations(that is, organisation not
affiliated to any political party) emerged which adopted issue-
based party politics for mobilising women and affecting change
(Patel 1986), the autonomous women’s movement is an integral
part of the broader non-party movement sector in India that
emerged in the early 1970s and blossomed in the wake of the
internal emergency of 1975.
The colonial period can be called as the ‘first stage’ of Indian
women’s movement. The liberal issues such as ‘sati’ ,widow
remarriage, against child marriage etc. were the talks of feminist
movement. Leaders of the movement were the men reformers
such as ;Raja Rama Mohan Ray , Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar,
Dayananda Swaraswati. Some other important issues cropped
up during this period where economic independence, right of
property ownership for widows, adoption rights for women,
prohibiting polygamy. While divorce setting ,the first age limit to
marriage at 14 years for girls was first stage task. In the second
stage anti caste movement was launched in various parts of India.
Leadership was taken by Jyotiba Phule, Pandita Ramabi were
some of the women leaders. They challenged Brahaman
orthodoxy and sought a feminist consciousness.
Non-Brahmin movement in Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and
Andhra Pradesh and dalit movement in many areas had a much
more radical ideology which challenged the whole structure of
caste system and brahaminism. With this they also challenged
patriarchy in the middle of the 19th century. Middle and lower caste
movement fought their right all over India, these movements
gained real force in1920(Gail Omvedt); Around 1987 women’s
movement in India started shaping with the establishment of
20
The ‘personal is political’, one of the slogans says; through
its activities, the women’s liberation movement has become one
of the best examples of the statement by Gerlach and Hine (1970
: xvi) that a successful movement is the point of intersection
between personal and social change. The two kinds of feminism,
women’s rights and women’s liberation, have come to exit side
by side in most countries, but the balance between them varies
from country to country and moreover has shifted during the last
fifteen years. Even the first feminist activities, although the reform
strategies were more dominant, except in the early socialist
women’s movement.
Although the new wave of feminism started in the USA.
Inspiring women all over Western Europe, the new US women’s
movement differs from the European pattern. In the USA both a
women’s rights kind of feminism and a women’s liberation kind of
feminism emerged and still flourishing . Jo Freeman(1975) has
labelled these two branches the ‘older or conservative’ branch,
including the National Organization of Women (NOW) founded
in 1966 and the younger or radical’ branch, the small-group-
based women’s liberation movement. Only in the USA did the
women’s rights movement expanded during this period. Virginia
Sapiro concludes that today there are not just two branches of
the US movement but many branches. Membership overlap has
become considerable and a division in goals anti strategies is
now found within the larger organizations. Also the European
new women’s movement has changed and consequently with the
growth of new women’s liberation movement , the traditional
women’s rights movement has diminished . New coalitions and
new splits have occurred. But tension remains between the
professional feminism focusing on the state level and grass-roots
feminism preferring activities in the local community.
17
Social Reform Movements
Social reform movements that were pervasive during the
pre-independence period in several parts of India ranged on
issues such as abolition of sati, widow remarriage, women’s
education, and so on. These issues were taken up not as part of
the women’s movement, but as reform issue designed to
‘modernise’ or upgrade the society. Individual women had risen
to visibility as models for rest of the women hood, but the
movement largely comprised male reformers and was directed
by their visions of the new women. However, the issues of reform–
age at marriage, widow remarriage – had taken a backstage when
it was contested by the Hindu nationalist leaders as linked to the
issues of cultural identity of India, fighting against colonial rulers
was seen as more impending.
Women’s Liberation Movements
Women’s liberation movement advocated the absolute
freedom for the women and seems as an expression of extreme
feminism, otherwise known as ‘radical feminism’ (Vicky Randall,
1987). Liberal feminism proclaims that the rights of men should
be extended to women on the ground that women are equal to
men and thus should have the same rights. Women’s movement
in India had adopted two types of ideologies or approaches so far
as improvement of the women’s plight was concerned, one was
‘women’s uplift in order to enable the women to play a more
constructive role in the society by reforming social practices and
the other was to provide equal rights for men and women, that is
the extension of civil rights enjoyed by men to women in the
political, economic and social spheres.
The debate on women’s role and participation in popular
movement has raised several questions regarding organisational
18
and leadership issues, nature of struggle, mobilising mechanisms
and strategies, perspectives on micro issues in relation to larger
political process and ideological dimensions.
In pre-independence period main issues of women
movement were to provide social equality to women by
emancipating them from evil social customs and traditions. But
after independence, the issues changed and all the women’s
movement spoke for the economic uplift of women through
eradication of poverty, education, creation of awareness, and
creating jobs for women. Thereafter the women issues took a
new turn by putting emphasis upon empowerment of women
through participation in decision making bodies.
Leela Kasturi, on her occasional paper No.25(1995)
explains the various aspects of women’s status in India and points
out the related gender issues. She has analysed three seminal
documents which span a period of fifty years(1940-92) and divides
the women’s movement in India into three phase namely,
movement of pre-independence period, of post-independence
period and the movement of partition 1975 period. The first is the
report of the sub-committee on ‘women’s role in planned
economy(1947) , the second is the report of the committee on
the status of women (1974) and the third is the national
perspective plan of women, 1988.
Women’s liberation movements on the other hand are
broadly guided by an ideology of fighting the different forms of
patriarchy existing in society with an aim to arrive at an egalitarian
society. The movement is guided by the conscience of taking up
the cause of women from the resource poor toiling classes of the
society. Though several issues pertaining to dowry, property rights,
issues of joint land pattas and so on, represent the issue of different
19
 Women’s movement has questioned the development
model itself. This model has resulted increasing improvement of
large section of working people and can be a severe ecological
(crisis).While serving the interests of “dominat class-caste groups”
the resolution recognized struggles like these the Narmada Dam
and mechanised aquaculture at the chilika lake, against nuclear
bases and promotion of tourism industries at the cost of the basic
needs of the local people and the ecological balance . Such
struggle was started presenting alternative modes of managing
natural resources which are more equitable as well as being
ecologically sustainable . The new economic policy is sharply
criticised by the resolution for its assumption that the path of
maximum profit for capital is the best course for economic
development . The restructuring of industries has led to women
losing their jobs and being forced into the “low paid” and insecure
informal sector. All marginalized sector are further been exploited
in the interest of capital. The resolution states that all policy
changes should be widely debated in public forum and peoples
responses considered in making policy.
Displacement Issues and Women
Development projects in India varying from multi-purpose
dams, reservoirs, power plants or any other industries have led
to large-scale displacement, destruction of livelihood, cultures and
also the physical environment. While local communities were
adversely affected, the issue of women in such situations has
never been considered. Women have become the worst victims
of displacement. They have no property rights on the land which
provides their livelihood and thus they are not entitled to
compensation when this land is no longer within their reach.
Although women have participated in large numbers in the protest
movements against the development projects induced
24
Research Centre for Women’s Studies in S.N.D.T ,Women’s
University, Bombay .
Development Issues in Women’s Movement
Every liberation movement involves the issue of women’s
liberation to some degree or another. The reason basically that in
order to give a real fight against the imperialist oppression, such
a movement has to mobilise a popular mass movement and to
do so, it cannot afford to neglect half the women population. Thus
all strong national movements also take off atleast partly various
social and ‘anti feudal’ issues and identify themselves with some
of the aspirations of women. Indian national movement was no
exception to it. The I.N.C supported voting rights for women and
mustered support for legal reform. Women education and on the
‘social reforms’ issues of 19th century in terms of feminist goals
this is not sufficient . It is quite natural that women should come
out of the home during the period of intense national struggle. It
is equally natural that, when the struggle is over they should be
sent back into the home, behind the veil or whatever. The reason
is not only the continuous male dominance of the movement’s
leadership, it is also that the spontaneous consciousness of even
women who militantly participated is not necessarily a feminist
one. Participation can be defined as being “unfeminine” but
accepted in extreme times can’t be converted by women into
participation as a normal right of institutional set up so it can
give them bases to go on to light the ongoing daily structure of
repression and exclusion - unless it is backed up by an ideology
and organisation, which are to some degree or another feminist.
Left led national liberation movement were generally based on a
radical egalitarian society and aimed at fundamental change in
all social structure including the family. They also encouraged
women of all classes to be organised into movement – linked
21
women association but no such ideology or organisation was
available to the majority of the Indian women who came out of
their homes for the national movement. A.I.W.C which embodied
a liberal feminism re-marched on organisation based on a small
upper class section and the Congress as such did not view helping
this organisation to grow as one of its basic. Non-brahmin social
feminism was practically absent from the movement due to the
alienation of the non-brahmins (Phule,Periyar and Ambedkar )
from high caste led nationalism.
Communist or socialist feminist potential was a very weak
force with some exception such as Nehru, the dominant ideology
in the Indian National movement was revivalist Hindusim . Gandhiji
did not visualise any fundamental change in the sexual division
of labour or any departure of women from their formal social goal
as wife and mother. His puritanical views on sexuality denied
women as sexual being.
Theorist on feminism classify women’s movement into two
types namely;women’s equality movement and women’s liberation
movement. Women’s equality movement aims at abolishing the
most exploitable characteristic of feudal patriarchy and to put an
end to the gender-based stratification system where women are
forced to remain at the lowest rung of the social ladder.
Indian Women’s Movement
The women’s movement in India is not a new thing. Although
new issues, new organizations, and a new surge of activism have
emerged since 1975 the roots of women’s movement for liberation
and of feminist thinking goes back to the nineteenth century. In
some ways they go back even before that for women’s
subordination has always been one of the major contradictions in
Indian society and was a focus for various struggles, movements,
ideologies and philosophies.
22
But when the ‘modern’ period began in India, inaugurated
through the traumatic processes of colonial role, it brought the
rise of industry, a new bourgeoisie, a new educated class, new
democratic openings in the caste-feudal society and new struggles
of exploited lower caste proletariats with this, a new women’s
movement also grew up. Women’s Movement in colonial period
can be called the ‘first stage’ of the Indian women’s movement, a
stage in which is movement took place under the hegemony of
bourgeoisie. Since 1975, this movement has entered a new stage
. It is facing new challenges and is also taking on new scope ,new
energy and new autonomy. But all of these build on the gains of
the past, and sometimes flounder on the failures of the past.
Women’s reform movement issues such as voting rights,
education, abolition of ‘sati’ etc. may be taken not as part of
women’s movement, but as reform issues designed to modify
the social structure, with the aim not of giving more rights and
power but more of ‘moderating’ or upgrading the society in ways
seen as necessary to maintain traditional values. If these
movements do not challenge the fundamental structures of
oppression of patriarchy either in the family or the society, they
can not be termed as ‘ autonomous women’s movements’. In
these sense, women’s liberation, feminism and struggle against
patriarchy are important parts of the Indian tradition and not simply
co opted from the west.
The multiple forms of women’s participation and the
different approach adopted to understand or incorporate the
women question by struggle, movements makes the task of
discerning ‘what is the women’s movement’ rather complex.
However, the broad patterns that emerge on the basis of ideology,
forms of mobilisation and orientation can be classified as follows.
23
few and far between their action and declaration. The NGOs are
target oriented, the civil society is numb and fragile to take up
any serious women’s issues in Odisha . But we cant’s deny some
sporadiac upsurges of women’s issues centering around poverty
,livelihood issues,violence against women etc. After the initiation
of so-called development project in Odisha, vast scale
displacement has started;women and children have been
displaced from their birthplace along with the men. But
displacement affected differently men and women and more
severely affected women. In our study we have observed, women
suffered a lot, more than men.Women were deprived from their
source of livelihood, culture, community and common property
resources.
REFERENCES
Dahlerup, (22 March ,1973), “The article studies how enfranchised
women reacted to the established political system”,
David Bouchier, (1983), “The Feminist Challenge the Movement
for Women’s Liberation in Britain and the USA”, ISSBN-033327187,PP-
15-42.
Dr.(Mrs. Sharada Rath, Mrs.Jytrmayi Samantray,(1994), Anmol
Publications Pvt . Ltd.,New Delhi, Women’s Movement: A Crave for
Gender Equality’.
Evans,( August 1977)The plex data structure is proposed for use
in an advanced computing system to model chemical process”, Canadian
Journal of Philosophy,Volume -30 ,Issue-1,pp-178-191
Gail Omvedt, (1987) “Reinventing Revolution: New Social
Movements and the Socialist Tradition in India”, pub-M,E,Sharpe,Inc,
New work 10504, ISBN-0-87332-784-5, 87332-785-3, pp-339-340,
28
displacement, yet they have not been equal beneficiaries in the
rehabilitation packages. The visible effect of this has been
migration, violence and trafficking, disruption of cultural values
and social practices.In this context, it is very crucial to raise
questions of equity, fairness, justice and equality before the law
and in practice in the matter of distribution of benefits and burdens.
Some projects like the Narmada Valley Project have received
national and international attention due to sustained efforts of
dedicated women and men and organisations. However, there
are numerous Narmadas which need similar attention.
The heroic peasants and Advasis of India have refused to
be forcibly evicted by the Indian state who acts as a blood thirsty
agent for rapacious greed of the corporate sector. They have put
up brave resistance against forcible displacement across the
length and breadth of the country. Peasants and Adivasis have
valiantly fought the state terror and encroachment of their habitat
in Kalinganagar, Nandigram, Gopalpur, Koel Karo, Raigad,
Kathikund, POSCO, Niyamgiri, Aligarh and numerous places.
Odisha, Jharkhand and Chhatisgarh has become a theatre of
war between people and the state. Farmers and Adivasis have
put up a strong resistance against proposed nuclear power plants
at Jaitapur (Maharashtra), Haripur (West Bengal), Fatehabad
(Haryana), Mithivirdi (Gujarat) and Chutka (Madhya Pradesh).
Today the project affected people are no longer in a mood
to suffer displacement along with its concomitant attributes like
occupational degeneration, social disorientation, pauperisation,
loss in dignity and often getting cheated of the compensation
amount, which serve to make the experience a trauma. This has
given rise to protest movements, marked by growing militancy.
An interesting feature of the growing protest movement has been
25
the creation of a national awareness of the problem. Also protest
movements of the displaced have played a major role in
displacement becoming a key issue in the debate on development.
The press, the activist groups, the NGOs, the social workers and
the judiciary have combined together to not only educate masses
about the problem but also to build up a national consciousness.
Women have taken leading roles in the major struggles against
development projects like the struggle against Sardar Sarovar
project, the struggle against Maheshwar dam, in Tehri etc. Even
in major struggles against projects like Baliapal, Netarhat and
Enron thermal power projects, women took lead roles. Women
have a worldview quite different from men. Men are apt to be
attracted by short term benefits like getting cash for their land,
but women generally have a long-term perspective.Analysis of
women’s participation in various movement of India against
displacement is a clear gender Perspective under different
scenario.
Retrospect & Prospect
Women movement over the world has grown up on different
issues. In the canvas of women’s struggle against exploitation,
discrimination,and subjugation have emerged in different context
cross cutting the continents at different point of time. First wave
of women’s movement started in England under the umbrella of
‘suffragette’ movement. The declaration of freedom for women
was charted out in Greenwich city at Seneca Fall convention of
America. Following these footprints of feminist sisterhood ,women
fought in other countries in their own context.
The first wave of feminist struggle was confinded to liberal
issues such as right to vote, right to representation ,right to
education, right to employment and right to public participation .
26
In the same line women movement in India more or less revolved
around socio economic and liberal issues such as; against child
marriage and Sati and also equal wages for men and women.
Since 1975 women movement in India has taken a serious
stand on some radical issues such as; violence against women,
starting from female foeticides to dowry death and rape.But on
overall prespective for women among activist and academician
a socialist route has been initiated.Economic issues such as right
to work ,livelihood, poverty, displacement etc. are the major thrust
of women’s movement in last three decades. All types of violence
against women including dowry related violence,female
foeticides,domestic violence are the slogan and context of the
day. Politicians,NGOs,activists and academics have taken up
health rights issue of women which were centering around
reproductive and child health and family welfare measures. Now
a days HIV AIDs,right to abortion,trans sexual issues, such as
homosexuality, lesbians,sex workers rights have cropped-up.
Role of political parties, NGOs, Government, civil society,
academicians and activist are not uniform in raising the above
issues everywhere in India.The role of state and Government is
quite encouraging relating to 73rd constitutional amendment which
has enabled women to represent themselves as Panchayatraj
members with 33% reservation. Passing Domestic Violence Act
of 2005 is another major landmark, legal sanction that Indian
women have achieved as a result of lobby and advocacy for last
decades around these issues.
The real situation and condition of women in India gives a
reverse outlook. Around 46% of India women are illiterate only
8% women are representative in parliament.This shows an
adverse situation between theory and practice.Political will are
27
matter of distribution of benefits and burdens. Some projects like
the Narmada Valley Project have received national and
international attention due to sustained efforts of dedicated women
and men and organisations. However, there are in numerous
Narmadas which need similar attention.
The heroic peasants and Advises of India have refused to
be forcibly evicted by the Indian state who acts as a bloodthirsty
agent for rapacious greed of the corporate sector. They have put
up brave resistance against forcible displacement across the
length and breadth of the country. Peasants and Advises have
valiantly fought the state terror and encroachment of their habitat
in Kalinganagar, Nandigram, Gopalpur, Koel Karo, Raigad,
Kathikund, POSCO, Niyamgiri, Aligarh and numerous places.
Odisha, Jharkhand and Chhatisgarh has become a theatre of
war between people and the state. Farmers and Adivasis have
put up a strong resistance against proposed nuclear power plants
at Jaitapur (Maharashtra), Haripur (West Bengal), Fatehabad
(Haryana), Mithivirdi (Gujarat) and Chutka (Madhya Pradesh)
(Das.A: 2010).
Today the project affected people are no longer in a mood
to suffer displacement along with its concomitant attributes like
occupational degeneration, social disorientation, pauperisation,
loss in dignity and often getting cheated of the compensation
amount, which serve to make the experience a trauma. This has
given rise to protest movements, marked by growing militancy.
An interesting feature of the growing protest movement has been
the creation of a national awareness of the problem. Also protest
movements of the displaced have played a major role in
displacement becoming a key issue in the debate on development.
The press, the activist groups, the NGOs, the social workers and
32
I.G. Patel ,(1986), “Bergey’s Manual of Systematic Bacteriology”,
American Statistcian, ISBN-978-1-349-18360-9, 978-1-349-18358-6,vol-
1,pp-241
J0 Freeman, (1975), “The politics of Women’s liberation:a case
study of an emerging social movement and itsrelation to the policy
process”,ISBN 0-582-28091-5, American feminist, pp-1.
Jaime Lerner,( May,1971) , “ Lithim in psychiatric Therapy”, Jornal
of the American Geriatrics Society, Volume 19, Issue-5,pp-423-426.
JC Richards, (1982), “ Adaptations for acoustic communication in
birds: soundpropagation and signal detection”,AcousticCommunication
in Birds, Vol-1,Academic Press, New Work, pp-131-181.
Leela Kasturi, on her occasional paper No.25,(1995), “Re-
Presenting Feminist Methodologies: Interdisciplinaryy Exliorations”,
ISBN-978-138-63379-7, 978-1-315-20710-0,PP-346, VOL-1-3.
Luther Gerlach and Virginia H.Hine ,(1970 ), “People, Power,
change: movements of social transformation”, African American -1970-
257 pages,ISBN-0023416203,9780023416200
Mayer N. Zald & John D. mCarthy, (August,1979), “Competition
and Cooperation among Movement Organizations”, Social Force 44:327-
341.
Morgan Freeman, (January,1983), “Strategic Management: A
Stakeholder Approach”,Virginia ground VOL.25,Issue 3, p.89NO.1
Ota and R. N. Mohanty (Eds.) Development Induced Displacement
and Rehabilitation’, Pub-PrachiPrakashan, Bhubaneswar, P-28.
Pandey. B., 1998,‘Depriving the Underprivileged for Development’,
Pub-Institute for Socio-Economic Development, Bhubaneswar, P-30.
Rath.S, Samantray.J,(1994), Women’s Movement: A Crave for
Gender Equality’Anmol Publications Pvt . Ltd.,New Delhi,
29
 Ray.R, 1998,‘Gender Aspects on Relocation, in P. Mohapatra, A.
B.

Ray.R, 1998,‘Gender Aspects on Relocation, in P. Mohapatra, A.

B. Ota and R. N. Mohanty (Eds.) Development Induced Displacement
and Rehabilitation’, Pub-PrachiPrakashan, Bhubaneswar, P-28.

Ray.R, 1998,‘Gender Aspects on Relocation, in P. Mohapatra, A.

B. Ota and R. N. Mohanty (Eds.) Development Induced Displacement
and Rehabilitation’, Pub-PrachiPrakashan, Bhubaneswar, P-28.
Sidney George. Tarrow, (1983), “ The Polititics of Social protest
: Comparative perspectives on states and social movements” ,Center
for International Studies,Cornell University, Length,67 pages,
Vicky Randall, (1987), “ Women and Politics: An International
Perspective”, The University of Chicago Press, ISBN-0-226-70391-6,
0-226-70392-4, pp-122-43,
W om en’s Rights Mov ements.” Groli er Multimedia
Encyclopedia. Grolier Online, 2014. Web. 1 July 2014. (use  the date
you accessed the page)
W om en’s Rights Mov ements.” Groli er Multimedia
Encyclopedia. Grolier Online, 2014. Web. 1 July 2014. (use  the date
you accessed the page)
30
CHAPTER-II
RISING VOICES OF WOMEN AGAINST
DISPLACEMENT IN INDIA
Projects varying from multi-purpose dams, reservoirs, power
plants or any other industries have led to large-scale displacement,
destruction of livelihood, cultures and also the physical
environment. While local communities were adversely affected,
the issue of women in such situations has never been considered.
Women are the worst victims of displacement. They have no
property rights on the land which provides their livelihood and
thus they are not entitled to compensation when this land is no
longer within their reach. Although women have participated in
large numbers in the protest movements against the development
projects induced displacement, yet they have not been equal
beneficiaries in the rehabilitation packages. The visible effect of
this has been migration, violence and trafficking, disruption of
culture, values and social practices.
In this context, it is very crucial to raise questions of equity,
fairness, justice and equality before the law and in practice in the
31
confrontation of the movement. The contract was eventually
cancelled and awarded to the Sangh instead. By now, the issue
had grown beyond the mere procurement of an annual quota of
three ash trees, and encompassed a growing concern over
commercial logging and the government’s forest policy, which
the villagers saw as unfavourable towards them. The Sangh also
decided to resort to tree-hugging, or Chipko, as a means of non-
violent protest. But the struggle was far from over, as the same
company was awarded more ash trees, in the Phata forest, 80 km
away from Gopeshwar. Here again, due to local opposition,
starting on June 20, 1973, the contractors retreated after a stand-
off that lasted a few days. Thereafter, the villagers of Phata and
Tarsali formed a vigil group and watched over the trees till
December, when they had another successful stand-off, when
the activists reached the site in time. The lumbermen retreated
leaving behind the five ash trees felled.
The final flash point began a few months later, when the
government announced an auction scheduled in January, 1974,
for 2,500 trees near Reni village, overlooking the Alaknanda River.
Bhatt set out for the villages in the Reni area, and incited the
villagers, who decided to protest against the actions of the
government by hugging the trees. Over the next few weeks, rallies
and meetings continued in the Reni area.On March 25, 1974, the
day the lumbermen were to cut the trees, the men of the Reni
village and DGSS workers were in Chamoli, diverted by state
government and contractors to a fictional compensation payment
site, while back home labourers arrived by the truckload to start
logging operations. A local girl, on seeing them, rushed to inform
Gaura Devi, the head of the village Mahila Mangal Dal, at Reni
village (Laata was her ancestral home and Reni adopted home).
Gaura Devi led 27 of the village women to the site and confronted
36
the judiciary have combined together to not only educate masses
about the problem but also to build up a national consciousness.
Women have taken lead roles in the major struggles against
development projects like the struggle against Sardar Sarovar
project, the struggle against Maheshwar dam, in Tehri etc. Even
in major struggles against projects like Baliapal, Netarhat and
Enron thermal power projects, women took lead roles. Women
have a worldview quite different from men. Men are apt to be
attracted by short term benefits like getting cash for their land,
but women generally have a long-term perspective
(Bharadwaj.S:2010).
Analysis of women’s participation in various movement of
India against displacement is a clear gender Perspective under
different scenario.
Chipko Movement
The Chipko movement or Chipko Andolan is a movement
that practiced the Gandhi an methods of satyagraha and non-
violent resistance, through the act of hugging trees to protect them
from being felled. In legend, this practice began with Amrita Devi
while protesting against a King’s man who wanted to cut a tree.
In khejarli village 363 Bishnois sacrificed their lives in 1730 AD
while protecting green Khejri that are considered sacred by the
community. The modern Chipko movement started in the early
1970s in the Garhwal Himalayas of Uttarakhand, then in Uttar
Pradesh with  growing  awareness  of  rapid  deforestation.  The
landmark event in this struggle took place on March 26, 1974,
when a group of peasant women in Reni village, Hemwalghati,
in Chamoli district, Uttarakhand, India, acted to prevent the cutting
of trees and reclaim their traditional forest rights, which were
threatened by the contractors assigned by the state Forest
33
Department. Their actions inspired hundreds of such actions at
the grassroots level throughout the region. By the 1980s the
movement had spread throughout India and led to the formulation
of people-sensitive forest policies, which put a stop to the open
felling of trees in regions as far as the Vindhyas and the Western
Ghats. Today,  it  is  seen  as  an  inspiration  and  a  precursor  for
Chipko movement of Garhwal. Its leader is Sunderlal Bahuguna.
The Chipko movement, though primarily a livelihood
protection movement rather than a forest conservation movement,
went on to become a rallying point for many future
environmentalists, environmental protests and movements all over
the world and created a precedent for non-violent protest. It
occurred at a time when there was hardly any environmental
movement in the developing world, and its success meant that
the world immediately took notice of this non-violent movement,
which was to inspire in time many such eco-groups by helping to
slow down the rapid deforestation, expose vested interests,
increase ecological awareness, and demonstrate the viability of
people power. Above all, it stirred up the existing civil society in
India, which began to address the issues of tribal and marginalized
people
In khejarli village 363 Bishnois sacrificed their lives in 1730
AD while protecting green Khejri that are considered sacred by
the community this was the starting. Gradually a rising awareness
of the ecological crisis, which came from an immediate loss of
livelihood caused by it, resulted in the growth of political activism
in the region. The year 1964 saw the establishment of Dasholi
Gram Swarajya Sangh (DGSS) (“Dasholi Society for Village Self-
Rule”), set up by Gandhian social worker, Chandi Prasad
Bhatt in Gopeshwar, and inspired by Jayaprakash Narayan and
34
the Sarvodaya movement, with an aim to set up small industries
using the resources of the forest. Their first project was a small
workshop making farm tools for local use. Its name was later
changed to Dasholi Gram SwarajyaSangh (DGSS)  from  the
original Dasholi Gram Swarajya Mandal (DGSM) in the 1980s.
Here they had to face restrictive forest policies, a hangover
of colonial era still prevalent, as well as the “contractor system”,
in which these pieces of forest land were commode fied and
auctioned to big contractors, usually from the plains, who brought
along their own skilled and semi-skilled labourers, leaving only
the menial jobs like hauling rocks for the hill people, and paying
them next to nothing. On the other hand, the hill regions saw an
influx of more people from the outside, which only added to the
already strained ecological balance.
Soon villagers, especially women, started organizing
themselves under several smaller groups, taking up local causes
with the authorities, and standing up against commercial logging
operations that threatened their livelihoods. In October 1971, the
Sangh workers held a demonstration in Gopeshwar to protest
against the policies of the Forest Department. More rallies and
marches were held in late 1972, but to little effect, until a decision
to take direct action was taken. The first such occasion occurred
when the Forest Department turned down the Sangh’s annual
request for ten ash trees for its farm tools workshop, and instead
awarded a contract for 300 trees to Simon Company, a sporting
goods manufacturer in distant Allahabad, to make tennis rackets.
In March, 1973, the lumbermen arrived at Gopeshwar, and after
a couple of weeks, they were confronted at village Mandal on
April 24, 1973, where about hundred villagers and DGSS workers
were beating drums and shouting slogans, thus forcing the
contractors and their lumbermen to retreat. This was the first
35
 Protest groups formed in all three affected states and
included or were supported by individuals facing displacement,
students, social activists, Indian environmental NGOs,
international NGOs, and transnational networks (http://
www.sandelman.ottawa.on.ca 2000).In Gujarat, nineteen villages,
whose submersion the Sardar Sarovar dam ensured, formed the
Chhatra Yuva Sangharsh Vahini, a youth protest group.The group
engaged in protests and initiated court actions, ultimately forcing
the government of Gujarat to offer a more generous resettlement
package.
As such, the campaign’s significance asa social movement
extends far beyond India’s national borders. Balakrishnan
Rajagopal—a leading scholar on development and social
movements and a long-time observer and researcher of the
Narmada struggle—notes that globally, the NBA is ‘‘regarded as
one of the signature public contestations of the twentieth century
that redefined the terms of development, democracy and
accountability (Narmada Bachao /http://mss.niya.org).
While the NBA originally employed ‘‘Gandhian methods’’
such as peaceful marches and protests, after a high-profile hunger
fast in 1991 failed, the NBA announced a ‘‘non-cooperation
movement’’ in the Narmada valley. This movement campaigned
against the payment of taxes and sought to deny entry to the
villages to all government officials, except teachers and doctors.
The NBA subsequently began to consider litigation as an additional
option for a variety of reasons. Their tactics up to this point had
frequently drawn violent reactions from the government.
The NBA, a broad-based participatory movement, flourished
under the leadership of visionary environmental champions. One
of India’s most vibrant and best known living activists, Medha
40
the loggers. When all talking failed, and instead the loggers started
to shout and abuse the women, threatening them with guns, the
women resorted to hugging the trees to stop them from being
felled. This went on into late hours. The women kept an all-night
vigil guarding their trees from the cutters till a few of them relented
and left the village. The next day, when the men and leaders
returned, the news of the movement spread to the neighbouring
Laata and others villages including Henwalghati, and more people
joined in. Eventually only after a four-day stand-off, the contractors
left. The news soon reached the state capital, where then state
Chief Minister, Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna, set up a committee
to look into the matter, which eventually ruled in favour of the
villagers. This became a turning point in the history of eco-
development struggles in the region and around the world.
The struggle soon spread across many parts of the region,
and such spontaneous stand-offs between the local community
and timber merchants occurred at several locations, with hill
women demonstrating their new-found power as non-violent
activists. As the movement gathered shape under its leaders, the
name Chipko Movement was attached to their activities. According
to Chipko historians, the term originally used by Bhatt was the
word “angalwaltha” in the Garhwali language for “embrace”, which
later was adapted to the Hindi word, Chipko, which means to stick.
Subsequently, over the next five years the movement spread
too many districts in the region, and within a decade throughout
the Uttarakhand Himalayas.  Larger  issues  of  ecological  and
economic exploitation of the region were raised. The villagers
demanded that no forest-exploiting contracts should be given to
outsiders and local communities should have effective control over
natural resources like land, water, and forests. They wanted the
37
government to provide low-cost materials to small industries and
ensure development of the region without disturbing the ecological
balance. The movement took up economic issues of landless
forest workers and asked for guarantees of minimum wage.
Globally Chipko demonstrated how environment causes, up until
then considered an activity of the rich, were a matter of life and
death for the poor, who were all too often the first ones to be
devastated by an environmental tragedy. Several scholarly studies
were made in the aftermath of the movement. In 1977, in another
area, women tied sacred threads, Raksha Bandhan, around trees
earmarked for felling in a Hindu tradition which signifies a bond
between brother and sisters.
Women’s participation in the Chipko agitation was a very
novel aspect of the movement. The forest contractors of the region
usually doubled up as suppliers of alcohol to men. Women held
sustained agitations against the habit of alcoholism and broadened
the agenda of the movement to cover other social issues. The
movement achieved a victory when the government issued a ban
on felling of trees in the Himalayan regions for fifteen years in
1980 by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, until the green cover
was fully restored. One of the prominent Chipko leaders,
Gandhian Sunderlal  Bahuguna,  took  a  5,000-kilometre  trans-
Himalaya foot march in 1981–83, spreading the Chipko message
to a far greater area. Gradually, women set up cooperatives to
guard local forests, and also organized fodder production at rates
conducive to local environment. Next, they joined in land rotation
schemes for fodder collection, helped replant degraded land, and
established and ran nurseries stocked with species they selected.
One of Chipko’s most salient features was the mass participation
of female villagers. As the backbone of Uttarakhand’s Agrarian
economy, women were most directly affected by environmental
38
degradation and deforestation, and thus related to the issues most
easily. How much this participation impacted or derived from the
ideology of Chipko has been fiercely debated in academic circles
(Chipko Movement Wikipedia:2014).
Narmada Bachao Movement
The Narmada River traverses three of India’s north western
states: Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, and Maharashtra. In 1978, the
Indian government sought the World Bank’s assistance to build a
complex of dams along the river as part of the Narmada Valley
Development Project (‘‘Narmada Project’’). The Narmada Project
envisioned the creation of thirty large dams, 135 medium dams,
and 3,000 small dams (Garikipati.S: 2005).The Indian government
promised that the dams would help provide potable water for
almost forty million people, irrigation for over six million hectares
of land, and hydroelectric power for the entire region. The narrative
of the ‘‘common good’’ has been emblematic of the government’s
stance throughout the man controversies generated by the project
and reflects the dominance of a ‘‘balancing’’ or ‘‘cost-benefit’’
approach to development over an approach that puts human rights
at the centre of the debate (Kingsbury.B & Lustig.D, 2006 ).
In response, local opponents, environmental activists, and
professionals from the academic, scientific, and cultural worlds
founded a cluster of non-governmental organizations (‘‘NGOs’’).
These NGOs gained strength in the late 1980s when they allied
to form the Narmada Bachao Andolan (‘‘NBA’’), or the Save
Narmada Movement. Led by the legendary activist Medha Patkar,
the NBA employed creative means of resistance to mobilize
opposition to the Sardar Sarovar Project. On the national front,
the NBA opposed the dam and proposed various development
alternatives, including decentralized methods of water harvesting
(Narula.S: 2008).
39
Protest Movement against Koel Karo Project, Jharkhand
At the Koel Karo project in the name of ‘development’ the
government is desperately trying to grab land, displace people,
to erect the monuments of development. The Bihar Government
raised the idea of construction of the Koel Karo hydel power project
in the Jharkhand region in the early 1950s, and baseline surveys
started in 1955. However, the report on the survey appeared
almost 20 years later, in 1973. The intention had been to generate
710 MW of power from two dams constructed on the Koel and
Karo rivers. Later, due to paucity of funds, the Bihar State Electricity
Board transferred ownership of the project to the National Hydel
Power Corporation (NHPC) in 1980. The NHPC planned to
complete it by 1987. However, sustained people’s resistance has
ensured that work on several project components is yet to start.
To protest the proposal of Koel Karo Project the local people
formed a Kendriya Jan Sangathan Samity, to strengthen the
struggle. Half the members were women and in all the public
meetings, women’s participation was much more than men. A
public meeting of the Kendriya Jan Sangathan Samity was called
on 27 December, 1977 at Konabir. Women came walking from all
the remote villages like Tena, Lookera, Kumbhari, Narekela, Tirri
and Tengeria. Their active participation helped to strengthen the
movement. A Swiss technical team reached Lohajimi to conduct
a survey for the making of an underground tunnel. The villagers
stopped the team at the outskirt of Lohajimi village for as long as
eight hours. Women outnumbered men. In a tribal setting women
and men are at par and, therefore, any issue sees equal
participation. During the movement the women actively
participated in the process, taking a lead role in organising
meetings, rallies etc.. It is the effect of this successful movement
44
Patkar (or Medha didi(big sister) as she is called) has led the
Narmada movement for over two decades.
Alongside Medha Patkar, social activist Baba Amte provided
moral leadership to the cause to preserve the Narmada River.
Though renowned for his work against leprosy, beginning in the
early 1980s he involved himself in the struggle against mega
dams. Amte first achieved national prominence for his work on
dams with the publication of Cry OBeloved Narmadain 1989, an
elegiac booklet that made the case for a dam-free Narmada
(http://www.zmag.org/zmag). At the end of 1989, Baba Amte
moved to the banks of the Narmada, stating that ‘‘ The struggle
for a New India is taking place in the Narmada valley. Today the
Narmada valley has become the arena for a new imagination
and creativity, for a society in which there must be sufficiency for
all before there is superfluity for some.’’ The NBA has continually
sought to encourage people-centered and environmentally sound
alternatives to mega dams (http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com),
even as critics target opponents of the dams as ‘‘eco romantic
activists.’ The NBA has, for instance, identified decentralized
methods of water harvesting as a viable alternative in Gujarat
that could be achieved for a fraction of the over $4 billion price
tag attached to the Sardar Sarovar dam alone.According to Indian
environmental historian Mahesh Rangarajan, Gujarat’s political
clout and the framing of the issue as one of ‘‘water versus
displacement’’ made it difficult for the NBA to make much headway
on the issue. Still, the NBA attempted to expose contradictions
and fallacies in governmental claims about the benefits of dam
construction. For instance, contrary to the Gujarat government’s
assertion that the Sardar Sarovar dam would satisfy the water
needs of the arid regions of Kutch and Saurashtra in northern
Gujarat, the NBA found that water would reach only 1.5% of
41
Kutch’s total cultivable area, and only 7% of that of Saurashtra
(http://www.narmada.org/sardarsarovar.html).
The NBA pushed the government to admit, for example,
that the Sardar Sarovar Project would displace over 100,000
people and affect over 900,000 more, contrary to its initial estimate
that only 7,000 families would be affected. The NBA’s slogans—
such as Vikas Chahiye, vinash nahin! (‘‘We want development,
not destruction’’)and Koi nahi hatega, bandh nahi banega!(‘‘No
one will move, the dam will not be built’’)—directly challenged the
project’s purported benefits and defied the conventional wisdom
that the tribal community members would simply cede to
government plans. Staying true to their words, during numerous
monsoon satyagrahas (acts of civil disobedience) hundreds of
individuals refused to budge as rising water entered their fields
and their homes.
A less common and much criticized practice—including from
within the NBA—is the practice of jal samarpan (sacrifice by
drowning), wherein protestors prepare to give their lives to the
cause. Manibeli, a village in Maharashtra near the Gujarat border,
was among the first to be flooded and was therefore the site of
numerous demonstrations and concomitant police abuse. During
a satyagraha launched at Manibeli in 1992, the inhabitants of the
valley declared their readiness for jalsamarpan. As waters rose,
the affected people of the lower hamlets stood knee-deep, refusing
to move. The state reacted with force, undertaking a number of
arrests, beatings and detentions in Maharashtra and Madhya
Pradesh between 1992 and 1993.The image of Valley inhabitants,
standing motionless and defiant in the face of rising waters ready
to sacrifice their lives, is perhaps the most haunting of the
movement. On occasion, direct action proved effective, as when
42
the NBA’s new satyagrahaat Manibeli in 1993 forced a federal
government review of the project. It was, however, unable to bring
about any meaningful change—the panel appointed by the
government to review the project had no power to revisit the
project’s viability and state police forces continued their repression
of the villages in Maharashtra and Gujarat.
Construction of the Sardar Sarovar dam proceeded
uninterrupted after the suspension on construction was lifted in
1999.On December 31, 2006 Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra
Modi announced the completion of the Sardar Sarovar dam and
symbolically poured the last bucket of concrete. Construction was
halted at 121.92 meters and experts associated with the project
announced they would install only thirty gates of fifty feet each
within three years. As noted above, according to unofficial
estimates, approximately 320,000 people have been displaced
by the Sardar Sarovar dam and as many as one million may be
affected due to related displacements by the canal system and
other allied projects. The NBA has continued to engage in various
forms of direct action even as it pursued its legal remedies. While
the case stagnated in the Court system, NBA activists organized
and participated in public meetings, rallies, marches,
demonstrations, fasts, dharnas, and satyagrahas. These activities
have had three overlapping aims: first, to call for rehabilitation
work to take place at the same time as the raising of the dam as
ordered by the Supreme Court; second, to demand the termination
of the project altogether; and third, to protest the series of Supreme
Court orders declining to suspend construction. The struggle of
the NBA has also fired the imagination of some of India’s most
prominent citizens who have, along the way, acted as interlocutors
for the movement.
43
Dantewada district. In 2000 again the project was dropped due to that the government has decided to give up the hydropower project
high productivity costs. The land was not level and the levelling at Koel Karo, though a gazette notification with regard to this is
cost was estimated to be very high.Finally in May 2001 NMDC yet to be published( Pandey.B: 2009) .
decided to establish the plant at Nagarnar acquiring land from
Netrahat Field Firing Range
five villages. The area of Nagarnar fulfils all the basic requirements
to set up a steel plant i.e. mixed population, urbanisation, nearer Building of the Netrahat field firing range for use by the
to two state borders (Odisha and Andhra Pradesh), availability of 23rd Artillery Brigade of the Indian Army is expected to remove
raw material in Bailadila (which is around 150 kms from Nagarnar), 245 villages at a time from the tribal map of the country, leaving
connected with NH and railways, water facility from Indravati river, approximately 2, 24,940 people landless and homeless. The
flat land. government’s slogan (that this is for the ‘national interest’) will
actually translate into the biggest displacement of adivasis and
The conflict between the government and villagers started
the largest land losses for them. The government’s stand is that
with a chain of events. The first event was, though the tribals did
as patriots the adivasis of the area should gladly accept
not approve the proposal of land acquisition in the gram sabha
homelessness, landlessness and the gift of multigenerational
for the steel plant, it was alleged that the Collector issued a press
poverty. For field firing and artillery practices of the 23rd Artillery
statement on High Way Channel (a local newspaper) stating that
Brigade, the Indian Army is going to occupy the ancestral land of
the villagers were in favour of the plant. On June 16, 2001 it was
the indigenous people were not a soul without uniform would be
also alleged by the affected villages that subsequently the district
allowed to move. The area – in which lie the districts of Palamau
administration manipulated the records of the meeting of the gram
and Gumla (which are to be brought under army occupation) –
sabha. The villagers claimed that the minute’s book of the gram
was the first entry point of the early Kerowas. Most of the
sabha, which is normally kept in the panchayat office, was taken
population belongs to tribal communities such as Aurs Birhors,
away by the nodal officer and then replaced some days later with
Korwas, Birjias and Asur. All of them speak the Munda and Santhali
some of the pages missing and a new set of minutes written. The
language. All of them are hunter-gatherers who largely depend
people approached the National Commission for Scheduled
on forest for their livelihood. If the project is implemented, they
Castes and Scheduled Tribes (NCSS) asking it to inquire into the
would disappear from the tribal map of India forever. When the
matter, and the local administration responded to the
local people came to know about the Government’s intention about
Commission’s queries by levelling serious allegations against the
establishing the project, without losing time, local leaders sounded
people. In spite of protests, complaints and subsequent
the alarm in the area and began to search for capable leaders
investigations by the NCSS, NMDC in collusion with the state
from among themselves to mobilise people against the impending
officials contrived acquisition of land in violation of the
displacement. They held a meeting on 25 September 1993 and
constitutional mandates and the provisions of the Land Acquisition
decided to oppose the displacement by forming Jan Sangharsh
Act itself. As the local administration was disturbed by the
48 45
Samiti comprising people from the affected areas of Palamu and
Gumla districts.
The Netrahat Field Firing Range anti-displacement
movement is still on. The organisational and leadership role played
by women such as Tarshila Xalxo, Ignatia Xalxo, Magdali Kujur,
all in their fifties, in Netrahat is worth mentioning. They are
educated housewives who had to plunge themselves into the anti-
displacement movement as they realised that the role of women
in the movement is as much important as that of men. “I have
seen that women are the worst affected group in any displacement.
It is this fear that pushed me and always led me to unite the
women to fight against displacement,” says Tarshila Xalxo. Initially,
their main task was to spread awareness among women against
the hazards of displacement. It took them several years to sensitise
the women. They then had to form women’s groups in each village
of Netrahat region, which they did after burning much midnight
oil. The women of the Netrahat villages are now so aware that
they come out of their houses in large numbers whenever a
demonstration is required (Pandey.B:2009).
National Mining Development Corporation (NMDC) Iron and
Steel Plant, Nagarnar
The proposed National Mining Development Corporation
(NMDC) Iron and Steel Plant at Nagarnar village is 16 kms away
from Jagdalpur town towards the east. NMDC is a premier
Government of India enterprise established in the year 1958 with
a mission to explore and develop all mineral resources other than
those of fuel, oil and atomic minerals. NMDC is now operating
two iron ore mines in Bailadila (Chhattishgarh), two in the Bellary-
Hospet range (Karnataka), a diamond mine in Panna (MP), a
limestone mine in Chawandia, Jodhpur (Rajasthan), a magnetite
46
mine in Udhampur (J&K) and a silica sand mine at Lalapur,
Allahabad. With the intensive research and development work
on effective utilisation of waste materials coming out of mining
and production of iron ore, NMDC has been able to move into hi-
tech products. It has set up an ultra-pure ferric oxide plant at
Visakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh. The other connected products
are pigment grade ferric oxide, ferric oxide and ferrite powder.
The total land required for establishing the steel plant at Nagarnar
is 416.96 ha. From five villages of which 292.89 ha. belongs to
private land and the remaining 123.97 ha. to government revenue
land. The land is mostly open scrub type. It is prudent to mention
that identified land is sufficient up to final stage. No additional
land will be required for the plant in future except for a railway
siding from Amaguda railway station to plant site (approx. 2 km.).
With the present patch of land identified, the township will be
located on eastern side of the existing village road leading to
Nagarnar from NH 43 and steel plant will be located on the western
side of the village road.
The genesis of the ongoing conflict between the local
administration and the local people, majority belonging to tribal,
is due to acquisition of land from the villages of Nagarnar,
Amaguda, Kasturi, Chokawada and Maganpura for plant at
Nagarnar. The initial plan was to establish the plant at Hiranar (in
Pantewar district) in 1996. The area of Hiranar was predominantly
inhabited by the Madia tribals Primitive Tribal Group (PTG). The
government of Madhya Pradesh gave a lease of 300 acres of
government land and 700 acres of private land for the plant. Since
the estimation for levelling cost was very high, and expecting
strong resistance from the tribal, the idea of establishing a plant
there was given up. Again, in 1996, the Congress Government
headed by Digvijaya Singh tried to set up the plant at Gurram in
47
 The message was very clear. A conscienceless state
government was so keen to invite foreign capital that it not only
suppressed peoples’ right over livelihood resources, but ignored
constitutional provisions, overlooked the legality of its actions and
even the criminal nature of its offences. This government was
seen to go to any extent to suppress resistance and butcher
dissidents. Any voice of dissent was silenced with the most brutal
police force, and people subjugated to comply with the dictates
of the state. Eventually most of the affected villagers accepted
the cheques under threat. They were clearly told that if they did
not accept the cheques, they would be beaten up and sent to jail
like their fellow villagers. The land acquisition process had been
pursued with force and terror, village people had been sent to
prison indiscriminately, and compensation cheques in many cases
were handed over by force. The due process of law was violated;
democratic process centred on the gram sabha had been ignored
in a Scheduled V area. The future of democratic institutions in
Chhattisgarh seems under great threat.14
ACHANAKMAR SANCTUARY, BILASPUR
Achanakmar Sanctuary falls in Bilaspur district and is around
100 km from Bilaspur city. The total area of the sanctuary is 551.5
sq. km. in which 42 villages have been established. It is the only
sanctuary where a primitive tribe, the Baigas, are settled. In
addition, the Gond and Oraon tribes also inhabit the sanctuary.
The government has undertaken a number of schemes to
preserve the Baiga community which solely depend on forest
resources to meet their daily requirement. They rely on herbal
medicine and their primitive agriculture system is based on
something they call bewar kheti. Forty Baiga families, whose
primary source of livelihood stems from minor forest produce,
52
exposures a pre-emptive attempt was made to terrorise the people
when activists were apprehended. As people resisted the move,
there was a brutal lathi charge and even police firing, injuring 45
people mostly women. The administration was bold enough to
deny the entire incident even though scores of people were
admitted to hospital. The district administration along with the
police had lathi charged and fired upon the people in order to
make them abide the unlawful intention of the state. The NCSS
on the basis of an inquiry conducted under Article 338(5) of the
Constitution came to the conclusion that the acquisition process
was in violation of the constitutional mandate for scheduled areas.
They further stated that senior officials, including the Collector
and the Chief Executive of NMDC were involved in a conspiracy
and indulged in certain criminal offences such as destruction of
public records and fabrication of false records. Further, national
guidelines for establishment of industries in scheduled areas
(1974) had not been followed. The National Commission advised
the state government and NMDC to restart the process honouring
the spirit of the Constitution and legal provision as who to take
action against the concerned officials. The advice of the National
Commission was totally ignored and pressure was mounted to
take over the land illegally. The people insisted on a dialogue
only after NMDC and the state government restarted the process
on the basis of the recommendations of the National Commission,
and the four concerned gram sabhas decided to hold a joint
assembly on March 2-3, 2002 to which the concerned officials of
the state and NMDC were invited. The invitation was also extended
to a number of national dignitaries to come and proffer advice on
the issue since it concerned democratic governance at the village
level in scheduled areas. The concerned officials did not respond,
neither did the police allow high dignitaries such as Siddhraj
49
Dhadda, Vandana Shiva, Dada Geetacharya and senior journalist
Manimala to attend. Nevertheless the joint assembly was held on
March 2 but was adjourned on March 3 because of unseemly
incidents. The leader of the joint assembly of the gram sabha
called a meeting and a resolution was adopted consenting to the
establishment of the steel plant. However, the assembly resolved
that the guidelines of NCSS must be followed and a complete
rehabilitation package, including land for land should be prepared
for all those directly and indirectly affected in the likely zone of
influence of the plant. It was also resolved that the agreements
must provide safeguards against privatisation, as was done by
Bharat Aluminium Company (BALCO) which offered shares to
the community.
The local officers conveyed to the people that all but two of
their demands were acceptable. The people asked for a formal
response, which could be placed before the joint assembly of
gram sabha for their consideration. Even as the people were
hoping for a peaceful democratic resolution, the administration
without any notice announced that those who had not accepted
compensation cheques should do so immediately. Simultaneously,
the police started using coercion and resorted to physical assault
but did not succeed in breaking the mindset of the people. On
March 10, hundreds of policemen descended on Nagarnar while
the senior officials lodged themselves at the police station. The
police resorted to indiscriminate violence in a bid to scatter the
people who were sitting in a maidan at Nagarnar. As the news
spread, the women folk started gathering. They had taken the
lead right from the start. This was a natural response, since women
are on par with men in the tribal setting. A cane charge followed
and women were rounded up, pushed into a truck and dispatched
to Jagdalpur police station. On the way, near Amaguda village on
50
National Highway 43, people had already gathered and they
stopped the vehicle and hijacked it. The police in the meantime
had spread out to arrest dissidents from their homes. Doors were
broken open, women and children beaten up and a large number
of people arrested. At about 9 pm more police reached Amaguda,
again breaking open doors, ransacking homes and arresting
people. This ruthless action continued in Kusturi village and also
in Nagarnar past midnight. Frightened people fled their villages
taking shelter in the forest and fields; some 169 were arrested
and taken to jail. About 300 villagers, mostly women, were put in
Jagadalpur jail. Some of them were in a late stage of pregnancy
and three women were reported to have left their new born babies
lying outside, being taken away after arrest. These people were
arrested under preventive detention. Those who could not be
arrested fled their homes leaving behind their children and animals.
The villagers confirmed reports that the police severely beat up
everyone including women, minors and in one case even a blind
man Neelaram, since birth, was beaten up by the police till he
fainted.He still bears the injury marks on his body. In another
incident 81-year old Bhagwan Din was severely beaten up by the
police. The inhuman operation continued till March 11 with much
larger contingents of police. As a large number of people had
deserted the village the police picked the remaining dissidents
one by one. The police terrorised the villagers, taking the help of
goons to identify the dissidents and bringing them to Nagarnar
than a where they were beaten up brutally and then handed over
the cheques. In sum, it was a total reign of terror by the police
and the district officials with the deployment of about 500 civil
and armed police. The whole operation war personally managed
and co-ordinated by the Inspector General (IG) police, Bastar
under the strict instructions given by the chief minister,
Chhattishgarh to show the tribals their real position in their land.
51
4. Garikipati.S, 2005, ‘Consulting the Development–Displaced
Regarding Their Settlement:Is There a Way?’, Pub-J. REFUGEE
STUD.
5. Kingsbury.B & Lustig.D, 2006, “Displacement and Relocation from
Protected Areas: International Law Perspectives on RightsRisks
and Resistance”, Pub-CONSERVATIONAND SOC’Y.
6. Narula.S, 2008, “The story of Narmada Bachao Andolan: Human
rights in the global economy and the struggle against World Bank”,
Pub-New York University School of Law, P-2.
7. http://www.sandelman.ottawa.on.ca/lists/html/daml/2000/
msg01517.htm
Public Hearing by National Commission of Women Regarding
Ongoing Struggle against the Maheshwar Project.
8. Narmada Bachao!, available at http://mss.niya.org/people/baba8
amte.php.
9. http://www.zmag.org/zmag/viewArticle/13856, Z Magazine Online,
01.04.2004, Interview by Robert Jensen with Medha Patkar.
10. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1002183.cms.
Work on Narmada Dam Complete, THE TIMES OF INDIA (Jan.
1, 2007).
11. http://www.narmada.org/sardarsarovar.html, The Sardar Sarovar
Dam: A Brief Introduction.
12. Pandey.B, 2009, “Women’s Alienation – Land Less Development”,
Pub-Friendrich Ebert Stiftung, PP: 35-39.
13. Pandey.B, 2009, “Women’s Alienation – Land Less Development”,
Pub-Friendrich Ebert Stiftung, PP-35-39, Ibid.
14. Pandey.B, 2009, “Women’s Alienation – Land Less Development”,
Pub-Friendrich Ebert Stiftung, P-46.
15. Manchanda.R, 20.03.2014, “Uniqual Cititzens: W omen’s
Narratives of Resistance, Militarisation, Corruption and Security”,
PP: 13-18.
16. Halim.U, July 2013, “From Singur to Sompeta: People’s resistance
against land grabbing gaining power in India”, Pub-Speak Out,
PP: 1-22.
56
are inhabitants of Boiraha village. Most of them are landless and
lead a very miserable life. Since the village is situated in the middle
of the sanctuary the government is neglecting their basic demands
for a patta for about 50 acres of land, which they have encroached
upon in a place called Kuselwar. Since this land too falls within
the Sanctuary’s boundary, forest officials have not permitted them
to cultivate the land and have tried to drive them forcefully out of
their huts. Forest officials have also taken steps from time to time
to evict the Baigas from the forest land.
Initially the Baigas were hesitant to oppose the brutality of
forest officials, local politicians and Kuchaia (middleman) as they
rely on them. But after the intervention of Ekta Parishad under
Rashmi’s leadership, they joined the movement. Generally the
Baigas do not accept the outsiders so it was very difficult to
convene them in the initial phase. Baiga men usually drink and
forget about homes and families, leaving the onus on the women
and so the women launched the entire struggle for livelihood. On
December 10, 2000, a dharna was called at Lormi bus stand and
approximately 2,500 men and women took part. Significantly, all
the women leaders spoke but not a single male voice was raised.
The next dharna was organised at Kotu railway station, which is
40 km away from Lormi block. The leaders of Ekta Parishad
planned the whole dharna which finally ended up in Raipur in
front of Chief Minister’s office, where women forced the officials
into a meeting. According to Rashmi many women from Baiga
community took leadership and came forward to explain their
sorrows in front of the officials.
PHALINDA MOVEMENT
Phalinda is a village situated at the bank of Bhilangana River,
three kilometres from block headquarters at Ghansali in Tehri
53
district. When Uttaranchal was part of Uttar Pradesh (UP), 75
hydroelectric projects for this region were given to companies
from other states and some foreign companies, and the UP state
had taken the revenue as lease amount. The 11 MW Phalinda
dam was leased, in December 1994, to Chandra Babu Naidu’s
brother’s company ‘Swastik Constructions’ for a period of 40 years.
Later when separate state was created, Swastik was asked to
pay a fee of two crore. Swastik said that since they had already
paid that amount to UP government, they don’t have to pay once
again. So the Uttaranchal government demanded that they
increase the capacity of the project to 22 MW and pay the
government two crore rupees as part of our share of the fees.
The government increased the capacity to 22.6 MW and
transferred 4.929 ha. forest land and the company occupied the
banal and arid land.
In August 2004 Chetna Andolan created an organisation
named Bhilangana Ghati Bandh Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti along
with the locals. Vikrma Devi and MayadeviSemwal were part of
this committee and took active role. Saudadevi Negi and Shubh
Dhyani Devi were the other two women who took up the leadership
role.On March 10, 2005 a total of 120 protesters were arrested,
62 were women. Vikramadevi along with her husband, three-year-
old daughter and one-year-old son was put in Tehri prison. An 85-
year-old woman was also among the activists. Due to public
pressure, the government was forced to release all of them
without any conditions on 13th February. The story of protest by
women is not confined to Phalinda only; local women are leading
struggles with the same spirit and vigour against Chani Dam
being constructed on Banganga and the Beena Project on
Bhilangana.15
54
Singur Movement
The Singur movement, led by Ms. Mamata Banerjee was
an epic and exemplary struggle against State-sponsored tyranny
and atrocities. The farmers, having their lands taken away forcibly
by the then state government, found confidence in Mamata
Banerjee, her will and her tenacity. Singur is in Hooghly district,
around 45 kilometers from Kolkata. In May 2006, the West Bengal
Government decided to acquire 997 acres (initially 1013 acres
were asked for) for the Tata Motors small car factory in Singur of
Hooghly district. Almost 6,000 families, including many agricultural
workers and marginal peasants were to lose their land and
livelihoods. There was no compensation taken for the landless
agricultural workers, unrecorded abraders and other rural
households who were indirectly dependent for their livelihood on
land and agricultural activities. Almost all the land owners had
also expressed their unwillingness to give their land from the
inception of the project, but these appeals have fallen on deaf
ears. The struggle of a substantial number of the people of Singur
against the land acquisition began from day one when the Tata
company representatives and the officials went to see the land.
The people refuse to let them reach their fields and blocks their
way and the Tata team had to be rescued by the police.
REFERENCES
1. Das.A, 2010, “Displacement: The Indian State’s war on its own
people”, Pub-Sanhati, PP: 1-20.
2. Bharadwaj.S, 08.08.2010,‘The struggle of Adivasi of Bastar,
Chhattisgarh against imperialist corporate landgrab’, Pub-Gravest
Displacement Bravest Resistance.
3. 12.02.2014, Time-8:30 AM, ‘Chipko Movement, Pub-Wikipedia,
PP: 1-15.
55
it. So the leaders sought advice and help from outside leaders.
P.K. Deo, Ex-King of Kalahandi and the then President of
Swatantra Party, Orissa Unit, Pabitra Mohan Pradhan, a veteran
leader from Utkal Congress from Talcher were the main leaders
who came in support of the anti-Rengali dam movement. These
leaders addressed many public meetings and they motivated and
encouraged people to wait and fight against construction of the
Rengali Dam. P K. Deo had played an important role to shelve
CHAPTER-III
the proposed Tikarpara dam on the Mahanadi. Thus, people had
lots of hope on him to shelve the Rengali dam project too. He
raised the issue in the Parliament and positioned the then Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi to look into other alternatives and save PEOPLES PROTEST AGAINST
large area from submergence. The BPS wrote letters to the DISPLACEMENT IN ODISHA
Governor, Chief Minister, and Chairman of the Planning Board to
clarify issues around the dam proposal and reconsider the project.
In Orissa, participation of women in resistance movements
In the second phase, on the eve of the foundation laying
against development-induced displacement is remarkable in case
ceremony, the people and their leaders came to know that the
then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, was coming. The rumor started of the Ib Valley Coal Mining Project. The women of Kadali munda
village being displaced by the project took a leading role in a non-
spreading over that it was going to be a large project because the
violent struggle against the authority, the Mahanadi Coalfields
Prime Minister herself was corning to lay the foundation stone.
Limited (MCL), a subsidiary of Coal India Limited and succeeded
The leaders decided to plan out the course of action on the day
in winning better rehabilitation benefits. The women with the
of the foundation laying ceremony. A few among to BPS leaders
support of the men stopped mining operations for three to four
proposed to display black flags and sit on a mass dharna at the
programme site. At this stage, the difference of opinions cropped days. Documenting the women’s participation in the protest
movements against the projects like Utkal Alumina International
up among the leaders resulting in two groups. One group
Limited, BALCO in Gandhamardan, National Missiles Test Range
consisting of landlords and rich peasants belonging to the
at Baliapal, Chilika Aquatic Farm Limited at Chilika, TISCO Plant
Swatantra Party strongly opposed construction of the dam.
at Gopalpuretc in Orissa; Institute for Socio-Economic
Another group belonging to the Congress party felt that there
was no point of opposing the project once the government decided Development (ISED) found that women participated in great
it. It was rather important to fight for better resettlement and numbers in such protest movements. Women invariably played
into the hands of the leadership who, in almost all cases, were
rehabilitation of the affected people. The BPS split along party
60 57
women. Almost all the movements had some kind of political
affiliation and generally women were hardly given opportunity to
react to change of stand by political parties. The upper caste
people did not want their women to join the movement
apprehending loss of prestige in the society. Although women
participated in large numbers in the protest movements yet they
were hardly given due recognition. The women protesters are
put up in the front to protect the men from police atrocities. They
were rarely considered to participate in the decision-making. The
movements are generally male dominated (Pandey.B and
.
Rout.B:2004)
Movement against Rengali Dam
The Central Government had given assurance to give
central assistance for the Rengali project. After receiving this news,
there was unity among the local political forces (irrespective of
their inclination to different political parties), and other non-political
leaders who were members of Ex-princely families, landlords and
rich peasants. A group of leaders like B.C. Deb, M.L.A., Deogarh
and Ex-King ofBamra, Tanu Chandra Pradhan, a landlord and
Secretary of Deogarh unit of Swatantra Party, Shl\)Charan
Pradhan, a landlord and a Congress volunteer, Lalit Mohan
Pradhan, a landlord, and others and some of the ministers of
state government were prominent among them. The ministers
were presented with memorandum opposing the construction of
the Rengali dam and explained about the miseries of the people
of the submergible areas that would take place due to the dam.
The ministers assured them that they would look into the matter.
In June 1971, an organisation, called Bandha Pratikriya Samiti
was formed. The leaders and members from Congress Party,
Swatantra Party, rich peasants and other local leaders became
58
members of this organisation. They did not have any plan of action
or strategy for the organisation. But the sole objective of this
organisation was to protest against the construction of the Rengali
dam. This was the first organised step in response to the
government’s plan of the project. The movement against the
construction of the Rengali project could be marked with different
phases. The first phase of the movement marked the lack of proper
knowledge about the government’s plan regarding the project,
size of the dam, extent of submergence etc. There were many
rumors regarding the possibility and difficulties with regard to the
construction of the dam. The Bandha Pratikriya Samiti also could
plan out the programme for its course of action.
On 30th August 1971, a public meeting was held at Gogua
which was the biggest and socio-politically it was significant as it
was an important submergible village. The leaders of the entire
submergence area attended this meeting. It was followed by
another meeting in September 1971 at Bahadaposhi. The
objective of these meetings were to mobilise people to oppose
the project. After meetings, the Bandha Pratikriya Samiti passed
resolutions that the government should think of other alternatives
suggested by past committees instead of constructing a dam at
Rengali which would result in the displacement of thousands of
families and partially submerge many other villages. Secondly,
resolutions suggested that the government should make the
proposals clear and let the people know more about it since the
rumors and newspapers were making the situation more and more
confused. With these resolutions, leaders of the Samiti met the
Irrigation Minister again in January 1972.
The Bandha Pratikriya Samiti (BPS) realised that the
government was steady in in its plan and it was not easy to change
59
them but it did not happen. The leaders did not want to go to
ministers and talk to them on their demands. Pabitra Mohan
Pradhan MLA (Janata Party) came and suggested to break the
dharna and to appeal for better R & R provisions. The dharana
continued for 45 days. Since the BNC leaders remained adamant,
the authority decided to call police force. Seeing the police force,
the news was sent to bring more and more people to strengthen
the moral of the people at dharana. On the morning of 12th June,
1975 police cordoned the area so that new groups of people could
not enter into the site. The people in big groups tried to break the
police cordon. To disperse the crowd, the police started lathi charge
and fired teargas shell. The people mistook it as bomb and fled
away to save their lives. Many people still remember the incident.
There were some casualty while running way to save life, the
police did patrolling in the villages to frighten people and not to
allow reorganisation of the agitation.This incident put an end to
the agitation of the BNC.
Many people felt that excessive police repression was due
to internal differences among the leaders involved in the attention
process. The leaders were offered a variety of incentives to divert
their attention and stop agitation. At the same time the construction
and the water level started rising. Thus, people were forced to
think about their resettlement and rehabilitation. In such an
emerging condition, people were sent to see different
demarcated resettlement areas to make their choice and
construct houses. The shifting of people happened even while
water level in the reservoir continued to rise. The people’s
movement against the Rengali dam could not influence the
government to reconsider its decision on building the dam. It
affected the construction work for 45 days at the time of dharana
at Dam site (Ganga.S:201).
64
lines. The leaders belonging to the Swatantra Party decided to
form another organisation called Bandha Nirodha Committee
(BNC) with the sole objective of opposing construction of Rengali
Dam. The office bearers of BNC were - P.K. Deo, M.P. as President
Saubhagya Charan Dwibedgy (Landlord, Ex-Chairman of Naikul
Panchayat Samiti), as Vice President, Balaram Sahoo
(Gandhian, School teacher) as Secretary and other landlords
as members. On the other hand, the Congress leaders formed
the organisation called Punarbasti Thoithan Samiti (Resettlement
and Rehabilitation Samiti). DibakarPatnaik (originally from the
Coastal Orissa employed in Ex-Barnra state) was the Secretary
and Bairagi Dwivedi (landlord) was the Convenor of the R & R
Samiti.
The BNC decided to set up local/village committees in each
affected village to consolidate opposition to the dam. Having P.K.
Deo with BNC, activists were mobilised at two levels. P.K. Deo
being an M.P., was to mobilise political support against the project.
He gave a written appeal to the Prime Minister with the details of
the proposed project. The local leaders tried to influence state
government through their letters and meetings. Simultaneously,
they had to mobilise the people at the violate Level and organise
meetings. The movement against the dam became more forceful.
The leaders gave call for a non-violent movement. The issue of
regionalism became instrumental to touch the sentiments of the
people. The government’s proposal to submerge and displace
people in Garjat area (hilly area) and to protect the coastal people
broadened the regional feeling among the people. Because of
this attitude of the government, the demand for a separate state
consisting of all the Ex-Garjat states was expressed vehemently
and frequently, at the public meetings. The people from all the
submergible villages were mobilised to join the public meetings
61
against the project. Despite strong opposition by powerful
individuals, foundation for the dam was laid by the Prime Minister.
The BNC planned to go back to its original plan of protesting on
the day of laying foundation stone by displaying black flag and
wearing black ribbons. But all the important leaders were arrested
on their way to Rengali that day.
In the third phase, the foundation laying ceremony
demoralised the BNe. They decided to revise their decision to
oppose the dam. They were confirmed that the ruling government
would not change its decision. The ultimate course of action for
them was to go to Court. In 1975, the BNe appealed to political
and non-political forums in the region to support their struggle.
Pubitra Mohan Pradhan from Talcher, revitalised the movement
by his fierce public speeches. Once again the public meetings
and mochas started in the villages. Around this point in time, the
Emergency was promulgated by Mrs. Indira Gandhi and the
movement came to a halt. Since most of the leaders’ belonged to
political parties, they did not come forward to organise people
keeping future election in mind. In the 1977 General election,
leaders from Janata Party assured people that they would fight to
shelve the project which was initiated by the Congress
government. With the hope, the people voted for the Janata Party
Candidates for legislature and parliament constituencies. The
Janata government came to power in the state as well as at the
Centre. The BNC leaders tried to negotiate with the government
whom they had supported in the election. However, the new
government also turned down their request. The construction and
other project work continued. When the household survey and
assessment of houses were done by the officials, instances of
non -cooperation by the villagers was reported. For some time,
they did not allow the officials to enter into the villages. The BNC
62
leaders found disappointment from all sides. In March 197&,
Balaram Sahoo and Prasana Acharya of BNC met the Prime
Minister MoraIji Desai and the President N.S. Reddy as a last
resort to convey the grievances of the people of the submergible
area. The Prime Minister and President requested the leaders
not to fight against the development project, rather they were
advised to work for demanding better resettlement and
rehabilitation provisions. On 7th May, 1978, a huge public meeting
was held at Rengali. Biju Patnaik, the then Union Minister of Steel
and Mines, and N.M. Routray Chief Minister of Orissa addressed
the meeting. The gathering did not allow Biju Patnaik to address
the meeting. Some women even went up to the stage and tried to
bring him down. It became an uncontrollable situation. The Chief
Minister requested Balaram Sahoo BNC leader to pacify the
crowd. Seeing the embarrassing situation, he requested the
women to calm down and they listened to him. Biju Patnaik
assured the irritant crowd that an alluring rehabilitation and good
amount of compensation would be provided.
After few days, the people around the darn site found that
construction work was progressing fast. They got panicky as they
would face submergence once the water level increased. They
decided to stop the construction work. All the Engineers and other
workers were not allowed to go to the workplace. The news was
passed to different villages and the leaders. More and more people
gathered at the dam site. The people decided to start a mass
Dharna at the darn site without the decision of the leaders and
disrupt the construction work. People were mobilised and forced
to join the dharna. Village committees were formed to send people
for the dharna in groups. The government tried to persuade the
leaders to break the dharna. One of the BNC leaders said that
they thought that the government would come down to talk with
63
threatens to create a theatre of displacement in Baliapal - through
coercion and seduction the state is attempting to remove the
villagers from their homes and land .The resistance movement,
however, was well organized, has the experience of three years’
struggle against the state and is in no mood to capitulate
(Routledge and Paul, 1988).
BALCO MOVEMENTIN SAMBALPUR
The Bharat Aluminium Company (BALCO) is a
Government of India undertaking. It entered the Gandamardan
hills (see Box 5) in the district of Sambalpur and Balangir (both
undivided) on the basis of a lease of 9.6 square km of the hill
range, which carries 213 million tonnes of bauxite on 2 May1983.
A delay in the completion of the project increased its cost from Rs
320 million to Rs 560 million. The three-year agitation by the
peasants and tribals of Paikmal region almost froze all progress.
The Paikmal region comprises tribal peasants and scheduled
castes, who together constitute 55 percent of the population. The
major tribal communities of the area are Gonds, Binijhals, Kondh
and Kultas (chasa), who are the dominant landed gentry of the
area, followed by Gandas, Teli and Sahara. The Marwaris and
Gujratis, though numerically fewer, control trade and commerce
in the region and have often entered the agrarian economy,
occupying a sizeable land holding in the region. The landed gentry
is popularly known as Gauntias. The average number of landless
households ranges from 30 to 50 percent in each village. They
largely depend on forestry and wage labour (Rao et al., 1987).
Paddy production ranges from 18 to 22 bags per acre (best land),
with 8 to 10 bags on inferior land. Other crops include cereals
and oil seeds. The labour exploitation practices in the region mainly
follow halia (Bonded labour) depending on the nature of
68
Baliapala Movement against National Missiles Test Range
In 1985 the Congress(I) government announced that the
range would be located in the Baliapal area, costing Rs 3,000
crores (US$2,310 million), covering 160km² and necessitating the
evacuation of 70-100,000 people from approximately 130 villages.
This project would cost Rs 1,100 crores (US$840 million) and
affect 45,000 people in 54 villages (41 in Baliapal, 13 in Bhograi).
According to the government, the people in the 13 villages that
comprise the safety zone would be allowed to continue cultivating
the land, although all the villages must be evacuated. The official
figures, however, do not take into account those people who
receive seasonal and indirect employment from the area, nor the
fishermen displaced by the range, which, according to B.P. Sahu,
the Assistant Director of Fisheries for the area, will include 1,500
families living in 27 fishing villages.
The resistance to the NTR can be dated back to the 1985
government announcement, whereupon the Uttar Balasore
Khepasastra Ghatti Pratiroda Committee (North Balasore Testing
Range Resistance Committee) was formed. The committee was
comprised of local political party representatives from the Baliapal-
Bhograi villages and cut across political and ideological lines. An
“outside front” made up of communist and socialist political parties,
trade unions, student groups and writers’ forums was also formed
to lend support to the resistance movement. Because the
resistance committee only consisted of political party
representatives, the various “landless” groups (agricultural
laborers, sharecroppers, tribals) along with the fisher folk and
some of the middle peasants formed their own resistance
movement, aided by activists from the United Committee of
Communist Revolutionaries of India (Marxist-Leninist) in Baliapal
65
block, and activists from the Institute for the Motivation of Self
Employment in Bhograi block.The villagers have adopted a non-
violent, non-cooperation approach to their protest, drawing
inspiration from the area’s historical involvement in the
noncooperation, civil disobedience and Quit India movements.
A “Janata Curfew” (people’s curfew) has been set up
whereby government officials and representatives are prevented
from entering the area. To enforce this, four check posts have
been set up barricading the approach roads to the Baliapal-Bhograi
area with bamboo and trenches in order to stop government
vehicles. At the Kaliapadra Naighati check post , for example,
500 villagers constantly form the barricade. Above the barricades
a sign clearly states in Oriya, “Land is Ours, Sea is ours.
Government Officials Go Back.” In order to warn the villages of
approaching vehicles the people staffing the barricades blow
conch shells and beat Thalis (metal plates), thereby quickly
drawing thousands of villagers to the barricade to form human
roadblocks. Indeed, a Maran Sena (Death or Suicide Squad) of
5,000 people comprised of women, children and men has been
created to form these roadblocks in the case of emergencies;
their slogan is, “After killing me the range will be established on
my corpse.”
The area has been effectively sealed off for 30 months.
The villagers also refuse to pay taxes-according to revenue
officers, only 2-3 percent of the government dues were collected
from Baliapal in 1986-1987 - and hold people’s courts to settle
area disputes, thus keeping any cases out of the regular revenue,
civil or criminal courts. In concert with these forms of resistance,
the movement has also held bandhs (strikes), printed posters,
held mass public meetings, conducted demonstrations and
66
painted wall slogans. In June 1986, for example, 10,000 people
demonstrated at the Balasore Collector demanding the relocation
of the base.
The government’s response to this resistance has taken
several forms. First, it set up an unofficial economic blockade of
the area, preventing essential commodities such as kerosene and
sugar to be sold to the villages. The commodities were available,
however, at a distance of 10 km away, allowing people to obtain
necessities. The government also imposed deterrent fines on
bullock carts and vehicles leaving the area with coconuts, betel
leaves and cashews bound for market. The area has also been
deprived of any help from developmental, anti-poverty or 20-point
programs for more than three years on the plea that personnel
are not allowed in the area. In a threatening posture, personnel
of the Orissa State Armed Police have been deployed in the area,
which follows the state’s air-dropping of notices onto the villages
around Amchua Hat (market) on 1 December 1986. Warning the
people against resisting the range, the notice stated, “Halt these
activities at once. If they [resisters] continue such illegal activities,
then the Government will be forced to take punitive measures
against them.” It also informed the villagers that the District
Collector would be available in the Baliapal block office to inform
residents about eviction and rehabilitation plans. By 7 January
1987 the District Collector was forced to leave because of
resistance by the villagers; from April 1987 on, he stopped visiting
the area altogether.In February 1988, 24 magistrates
accompanied by 3,000 armed police attempted to enter the area
to “explain” to residents the reason for the choice of site for the
missile range and the nature of the rehabilitation scheme they
were met by 20,000 villagers and prevented from entering the
area. The inexorable logic of India’s National Security interests
67
regarded as sacred by the tribal people, where an estimated 200
million tonnes of bauxite is located. Due to huge protests and stiff
resistance by the local people, the project though began in 1993
became functional only towards the end of 2004. Largely the tribal
people and to a lesser extent dalits inhabit in the proposed mining
area.
The UAIL project has acquired 2,800 acres of land in
Kashipur block in 1995 with 2,153 acres of privately owned land
and 712 acres of government owned land. Of the 712 acres of
government land, 92 acres is non-forest community land and 206
acres is village forestland. According to the UAIL 147 families will
be affected, whereas different survey reports on the Project
Affected People (PAP) have their own numbers, ranging from
10,000 to 60,000. On the whole the project includes a rehabilitation
and resettlement programme only for 147 families. By any
conservative estimates or by personal visits one can easily find
out that nearly 24 villages will be affected due to the UAIL project.In
1992, the Odisha Mining Corporation (OMC) was granted license
for subsequent lease of mining in this region to other corporate
entities. Accordingly, UAIL was established through a joint venture
in 1993. Simultaneously, the Ministry of Environment and Forests,
Government of India and the Odisha State Pollution Control Board
(OSPCB) gave clearance to the project and issued a ‘no objection
certificate’. On January 21st 1996 UAIL organised an informal
meeting near Kucheipadar in which 6000 villagers from three
panchayats attended and presented a memorandum to the
Collector, MLA of the constituency and to the management of
UAIL. When there was no response either from the government
or from the company, the local tribal people organised themselves
and formed an umbrella organisation named Prakutika Sampada
Surkshya Parishadvi(PSSP) or Council for Protection of Natural
72
agreement. Gandhamardam hill is considered the mother of all
the local people in terms of providing food, firewood, fodder, water
(22 streams and 150 perennial springs) and medicines, both for
home consumption and sale (Panigrahi, 1986). The major NTFPs
collected by the people are mahua flowers, sal seed, bamboo
shoots, charseed, kendu leaf, mango, harida.
Bamboo cutting for Orient Paper on Gandhamardhan hill
continues for five months per annum, which provides wage
employment to the local population. The festivals and religious
practices of the local people centeron the Gandhamardan hill,
which acts as their ‘cultural terrain’. The state’s modernisation
process showed a lack of belief in the people and their socio-
cultural resources linked with the larger ecology of the region. It
ignored the people’s strength and cultural wealth. But in so doing,
it established the fact of people’s capacity, including the hidden
strength of youth, women and children. The processes of people’s
organisation helped them to access information on their right to
life and livelihood. The people’s movement also established the
fact that the state’s interests, which normally represent the fewer
well-to-do sections of society, are not above the interest of the
common people, who need sustainable development as their
natural right.
BALCO movement in Sambalpur (Undivided) paved the
secular processes of resistance by the Forest Dwellers to protect
Forest Resources. The mining of bauxite in Odisha has given
rise to frequent mass movements in the recent past. In the eighties
of the past century, a strong movement of the local people
completely halted the mining activities of the Bharat Aluminum
Company (BALCO), a Government of India undertaking. The
BALCO initiated officially its mining work onMay2, 1983 that was
69
scheduled to be completed by April, 1985.The project came to a
grinding halt due to mass based agitations of the local people,
mostly tribals despite the fact that the BALCO claimed to have
invested 30 crores rupees on the project. The tribal people raised
a number of significant questions relating to their development.
Starting with purely religious demands, their movement came to
include secular matters such as environmental protection,
ecological balance and eradication of poverty in a perpetually
drought-prone area. In fact, the BALCO has been sold out to the
Vedanta
BALCO came to explore bauxite in Gandhamardan hill
and guaranteed to provide support to 500 people on a permanent
basis and 3000 people on a daily wage basis, a guarantee which
seems very low due to the highly mechanical nature of ore
exploration. The project authorities also presented a rosy picture
to local people, making the hill out to be a modern temple. Since
the project’s inception there has been fighting between local
people on one side and local political representatives on the other,
the latter considered supporters of BALCO. The processes of
organising and reorganizing people took two years and continued
up to the first blasting operation in July 1985, which caused the
collapse of part of the 800-year-old Nrusinghnath Temple - the
cultural symbol of the region. This was a direct attack on the
religious sentiment of the local people. The situation was rightly
exposed by the Viswa Hindu Parishad, which initially took the
lead and channeled people’s religious sentiments under the
banner of Harishankar-Nrusinghnath Surakhya Samiti (HNSS).
This frontal organisation made use of different mythological stories
from the Puranas, linking the hill system and the people around
it. The construction of roads polluted stream water, and the polluted
water was symbolically misinterpreted as the anger of the local
70
god. During his visit to Paikmal, Late Sundarlal Bahuguna was
given a bottle of muddy water to present to the Prime Minister as
a symbol of the impact of the modern temple built by BALCO in
the tribal people’s abode. Deforestation carried out by BALCO to
make conveyer belts and roads was considered by the tribals to
constitute the loss of their divine symbols, home of the totem of
their clans. Since the project’s inception BALCO attacked at the
roots of culture and society of the local people and their sentiment.
The second phase of the movement was led by the
Gandhamardan Yuba SurakhyaParishad (GSYP), which was
formed in 1985 and led by local youths, representing almost all
the local villages. The GSYP mobilised women, who participated
in all the dharana, picketing, processions and public meetings,
because women are the chief users of forest resources for
domestic use (Panigrahi, ibid). Children were also involved in
different picketing and blockades. Thus, the emergence of an
indigenous leadership and the marginalization of outside leaders
helped the secularization processes of the movement. Not only
did BALCO betray the local people, local political representatives
also gave false promises to the villagers. This gave them the
mental strength to fight to the last (Sen.T: 2001).
KASHIPUR MOVEMENT AGAINST UTKAL ALUMINA
INTERNATIONAL LIMITED (UAIL)
The Government of Odisha has signed a Memorandum of
Understanding (MoUs) for in the 1990s for bauxite mining with
Utkal Alumina International Limited (UAIL) Company. UAIL
project’s cost was initially estimated to be around Rs. 4,500 crores,
while the revised estimates put this amount at Rs. 10,000 crore.
The project aims to mine 198.4 million tonnes of bauxite through
open-cast mining from Baplimali (in Maikanch panchayat), a hill
71
 As part of the land acquisition process, in order to implement
the notices under Section 4(1) of the Land Acquisition Act official
teams were formed to survey the villages to determine the nature
and extent of immovable property for compensation purposes.
The villagers decided to disallow and actively oppose this survey
operation, Wooden barricades were erected on the few entry
points leading to the 11 plant site villages and a drum-based
communication system was developed, such that, on the arrival
of a survey team all of the community could be informed. Most of
the ensuing struggle and repression was lived out by the villagers
on these barricades throughout 1996.From January to June no
survey team could enter the area. On 3rd July the Special Land
Acquisition Officer tried to enter Basanaputti with a heavy police
force and a confrontation ensued. Criminal cases were registered
against 40 activists. In July GSS planned to demonstrate outside
the secretariat in Bhubaneshwar. On 21 st July, two days before
the appointed date, Narayan Reddy— one of the leaders of GSS—
was arrested from his village at midnight. This was followed by
protest demonstrations of 2000 people at Chhatrapur police
station, 2000 people blocking the National Highway, a gherao of
the District Collector’s residence and on the 23rd, 5000 people at
the Bhubaneshwar secretariat. Since attempts to keep Narayan
Reddy behind bars without any actual criminal evidence failed, a
high level decision to book him under the National Security Act
was made. The NSA, for long criticised as a draconian anti-
democratic Act, was invoked on 23rd July. By the end of July a
police chowki came up in front of the GSS office on the national
highway.
In August the government decided to begin the survey work.
On 16th August an attempt was made to enter the hamlets
Kuanpalli and Narayanpur (village Sriramchandrapur) with a heavy
76
Resources. In February 1996, a huge rally was organised at
Kucheipadar and a struggle against the UAIL project came into
being. In June, the same year UAIL initiated land acquisition, as
a result PSSP organised a protest in the month of September in
front of the UAIL’s Tikri office with around 10,000 tribal people.
UAIL did not respond to any of these protests. As a result,
whenever the company representatives visited the project site
the protestors obstructed them. In July 1997, UAIL started the
construction of a resettlement colony near Dama Karola village.
In August the tribal people demonstrated against the construction
of the resettlement colony and, as a result, part of the colony was
torn down. In November, the people of Kashipur submitted a
memorandum to the Chief Minister through the Rayagada District
Collector. The day after submitting the memorandum, PSSP led
a protest march with 5,000 people in Tikri demanding the
withdrawal of UAIL. The major event happened when PSSP
conducted a referendum over UAIL in October and November
1998 across 40 villages. A significant majority (96 per cent)
rejected the UAIL mining project. Around same time in November,
the tribal people armed with clubs, bows and arrows abducted
three of Norsk Hydro’s employees and one Indian official to
Kucheipadar village. Subsequently, a public hearing was held in
the village and the local people complained about the project,
after which the Norsk Hydro’s employees were forced to sign a
protest letter against their own company stating that Norsk Hydro
would withdraw from UAIL. This resulted in UAIL postponing the
project-related work till 2000. In 2000, a mass rally from
Kucheipadar to Tikri was organised against UAIL by locals carrying
traditional bows and arrows. In March the same year another rally
was organised against UAIL, Utkal Rural Development Society
(URDS), Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Bharatiya Janata Da
73
(BJD) from ToloDhaska to Gorakpur. On 15 December 2000,
around 4,000 tribal activists blocked the All-Party Committee
meeting and the BJD district president Bhaskar Rao from entering
Maikanch village. Next day, three platoons of police entered the
village and started harassing women and children to disclose the
whereabouts of their men folk. Upon seeing their women being
harassed, the men in hiding ran to the village. At this juncture the
police shot 19 rounds killing three people. Abilhas Jhoda (25),
Raghu Jhoda (18), and Damodar Jhoda (43) were killed in the
said police firing. On 20 December 2000, around 20,000 tribal
people held a peaceful march in Rupkana junction in Kashipur
against the police firing. As a result, the UAIL board meeting
decided to reduce the activities related to the project work.
Meanwhile, UAIL started its work on rehabilitation and resettlement
(R&R) but the people came to know about R&R only through
newspapers. In 2004, a huge demonstration was held at Dama
Karol village against UAIL. On 16 December 2006 Martyr’s Day
was observed near Kucheipadar village and a huge rally was
organised in which National Alliance for People’s Movement
(NAPM) convenor, Medha Patker participated. In February 2007
more than 1000 people hoisted a black flag against the
Government of Odisha for not heeding to their demands
(Srikant.P:2009).
Gopalapur Movement
In August 1995, a Memorandum of Understanding was
signed between Tata Iron and Steel Company (TISCO) and the
Government of Orissa for the setting up of a steel plant and
township, near the well known Gopalpur beach and port, in
Chhatarpur and Berhampur blocks of Ganjam district in Orissa.
The plant is being projected by the government as well as by
74
TISCO as a model solution needed to address the lack of
development in the state. The project, popularly referred to as
the Gopalpur Project, involves the acquisition of over 7,000 acres
of land covering 16 revenue villages. Around 11 villages which
were selected to be displaced for the construction of the steel
plant. Adjacent to this town are situated another 3 villages on
whose lands TISCO wishes to develop the township to house its
management and staff. Some distance north of the National
Highway are situated 2 more-villages which are to be acquired
for resettling the people displaced from the initial 11 villages.
Proximity to the National Highway, the rail line and the port became
the reason for this site being preferred over 18 other sites that
were considered by TISCO for the setting up of their new steel
plant.
The residents of these villages started protesting against
the acquisition of their lands soon after the Memorandum of
Understanding was signed. The Gana Sangram Samiti was
formed in August 1995 itself. While the leading role in the Samiti
has been played by the local unit of the Communist Party of India
(CPI), the Samiti comprises across the spectrum of political
representation and non-affiliated activists. Village sarpanches are
playing an important role in mobilisation. All the members of GSS
including the leaders reside in these villages and are cultivators.
By 25th December 1995, preventive detention warrants were
issued against all the main leaders of the GSS in order to foil
protest attempts on the prime minister’s arrival for the foundation
stone ceremony, on 30th December. Heavy lathicharge was
deployed against villagers who nevertheless managed a
demonstration numbering thousands, with black flags, on that
day. Women describe how they carried the black flags hidden in
their sarees. The next day the foundation stone was demolished.
75
to the Tata project were aware about the project but there was
little awareness about the threats it would pose to their livelihood.
In fact, the people anticipated a good bargain for their fish catch
and employment in the project.
Initially a few educated people in these villages became
skeptical about the project. Later Meet the Students (MTS) group,
an informal group of students who took active interest in social
change, from Utkal University, Bhubaneswar (the capital city of
Orissa) took initiative to visit the villages and discussed the issues
with the villagers. Chitta Ranjan Sarangi, though not a student
from the university, worked closely with the MTS group and played
an important role in awareness raising and organising the people
against the Tata project during the initial stage. The students from
the University with the local students began visiting the villages
regularly. The MTS group was a group of young people pursuing
radical ideas of social change and their aim was to make people
conscious of the injustices perpetrated both by the society and
the state. Later a provincial level student’s forum Krantadarshi
Yuva Sangam (KYS) was formed to mobilise the youths against
the Tata project. Its core group was formed by the students who
were earlier members of MTS and as they passed out of the
university they joined the KYS. Thereafter it was decided that
MTS would function at the university level and KYS would function
as a forum to mobilise the youths against the project.
In August 1991,with the initiatives of the students a meeting
of the intellectuals was convened at Bhubaneswar. Out of this
meeting grew Chilika Suraksha Parishad, which was assigned
the task of creating public opinion regarding the issues in the
cities of Orissa, mainly in Bhubaneswar, Puri and Cuttack It was
a forum, which invited the think tanks of oriya society to deabte
80
police force. Facing resistance from the villagers the police
resorted to lathi charge. It resulted into injury of 14 women. On
the 17th, about 500 policemen came with a survey team to
Hariapalli and were faced with a large number of village women
and children lying on the ground, blocking the way with their
bodies. The police lathi charge that followed grieviously injured
many. The injuries visible were swollen eyes, swollen arms and
shoulders, and torn toe nails. On the 19th the targets were
Badaputti and Chamakhandi where the pattern was repeated.
Resisting women - many holding small children -were tear gas,
beaten up, and some thrown into nearby ponds. The women here
described the presence of the police force “in about twenty vans”.
The lathicharge and teargas started at 3.30 p.m. and went on for
an hour. Lakshmi Amma of Badaputti, aged 55, was injured and
died two days later. On the 21st the site of confrontation was
Basanaputti. S.Yerramma, aged about 60, from village P. Laxmipur
was injured and died on the 29th.The police refuses to accept
responsibility for the above deaths since they did not occur on
the spot. Most of the people injured in these incidents did not go
to the Civil Hospital at Chhatrapur fearing that they would be
arrested. The few who did go cannot establish the fact of police
excesses since no medico-legal cases were registered in the
hospital records. On the other hand 60 policemen have been
shown to be injured in four FIRs registered against the protesters
at Chhatrapur police station. Yet the DIG (Southern Range)
himself, in an interview with the team, never described the people
as being armed even with sticks. In describing what the police
had to face he said, “Women lie on the ground”, “they throw chilli
powder at us”, “they even take off their clothes”. This, in opposition
to a police force drawn from Central Reserve Police Force, Rapid
Action Force and Home Guards, armed with tear gas, lathis and
77
rifles. By September most of these moves came to naught as the
state retreated in face of militant resistance, stopped further survey
attempts and contented itself with the myth that survey work had
progressed satisfactorily. (Within a span of two days, in two
separate interviews, the DIG claimed that all the survey work was
complete whereas the TISCO representative admitted that the
survey could not be carried out). Narayan Reddy’s detention
gained national coverage. A broad spectrum of people in Orissa
protested against it, including various political parties and non-
party groups and the matter caught the attention of democratic
opinion outside Orissa as well. Narayan Reddy had to be released
on 11 September(PUDR1997).
The Chilika (Bachao) Movement
Chilika Bachao Andolan is  popularly  knownas  Save  the
Chilika Movement was a movement by the people, mostly
fishermen, who posed a successful resistance in the early 90’s to
the Integrated Shrimp Farm Project (ISFP) - a joint venture agreed
upon by the Tata Iron and Steel Company and Government of
Orissa for intensive prawn cultivation and export. The project was
a direct threat to the livelihood of fishing communities living around
the lake. The fishermen were supported in their struggle by the
non-fishermen (mostly farmers but some of them also engaged
in fishing), students, intellectuals, and human rights activists. The
lake, an otherwise quiet scenic spot, was stirred by voices of
resistance opposing the Tata business house, the government,
and the developmental idiom, which gives priority to the
commercial use of the resources over their local subsistence use.
The movement was episodic in nature and uneven in speed. There
were different streams of thought and action among, which it was
not always possible to achieve synchronisation. Yet all these
78
separate formations together gave the resistance the form of a
movement. Despite the internal conflicts and contestations among
the people and the leaders, the worth of the resistance lies in
raising some critical governance issues pertaining to policy
formulation, resource use and control, socio- economic equity
not only with regard to the specific instance, but with regard to
the broader question concerning the prevalent paradigm of
development, as well, and more importantly in pointing out the
way the Indian state relates to ordinary people and the way
ordinary people would like to refashion this relationship.
In 1986 the then Congress government of Orissa entered
in to deal with the Tata Acquatic Farms Ltd. to lease 1400 hectares
of land in Chilika for prawn cultivation for a period of 15 years.
The government had 10 % shares in the deal. The Janata Dal
had opposed the project then. When it came to power in 1989, it
merely changed the name of the farm into Chilika Acquatic Farms
Ltd and increased the share of govt to 49%. In December 1991,
the Governmnet of Orissa leased a landmass of 400 hectares in
advance (from Barakudi village in Brahmagiri block to Gamhari
village in Krushna Prasad block in Puri District) to the business
house of Tata for the prawn culture.
The project envisaged the creation of an artificial lake inside
Chilika by enclosing the landmass with a 13.7 kms long ring
embankment. This artificial lake was to be divided into a number
of ponds in, which the prawns are to be nurtured and reared
commercially. Though the fishing communities had been resisting
the commercial use and their consequent loss of control over
their resources, never a mass mobilisation could take place in
Chilika till the ISFP took shape and the threats became more
visible, imminent and gigantic. The people of the villages adjacent
79
local level. Many people were injured as police beat them and
many were put in the jail. It is important to note that in this period
the Janata Dal was in power and given its earlier support to the
movement it was expected that it would favor the people. But the
trust people had in their leaders got a setback when not only the
party when it came to power tried to promote the Tata project, it
also resisted the movement. Nevertheless, the protest continued
and the broader environmental issues pertaining to the project
was beginning to be addressed by the movement along with the
livelihood issues. The fragile ecosystem of the lake and the threat
to the livelihood of fishermen were articulated to put pressure on
the government. In advocating the environmental aspects of the
issue emphasis was given on India’s commitment to the
international community to preserve the lake, which was declared
as an endangered wetland in the Ramsar Convention and to,
which India was a signatory. It was reiterated repeatedly that
preserving the environment was the fundamental duty of the
citizen.
At this stage, disagreement appeared regarding the
leadership of the movement between the Chilika based Chilika
Bachao Andoaln and  Bhubaneswar  based Orissa Krushak
Mahasangha. There was a strong resistance to the leadership of
Mr.B.B Das, President, Orissa Krushak Mahasangha as it was
felt by the local leaders that the by overemphasising on the Ramsar
Convention he was not only limiting the scope of the movement,
it was feared that he was hijacking the movement in his favour.
The student activists, who worked relentlessly in making the
people aware of the threat from the project, had tried hard to put
the responsibility of leadership on the local people. The movement
at the local level thus time and again gave emphasis on the local
leadership and saw the movement as a reflection of the initiatives
84
and discuss the issue and provide moral support to the cause,
which MTS was trying to promote.Gradually the students also
realised that the local organisations could be an effective vanguard
for carrying the resistance against the project. Their grounding
on the local issues and the trust local people have in their own
organisations would help the local organisations carry the
resistance forward more effectively. Steps were thus taken to
involve the Chilika Matsyajibi Mahasangha, a mass organisation
of 122 revenue villages in Chilika, which works towards the
protection of interests of the fishermen. Chilika Matsyajibi
Mahasangha, which was fallen to the politics of rivalry between
political parties, was revived to take up the cause of the fishermen
vis-à-vis the Tata project. The Chilika Bachao Andolan (CBA)was
formally launched in January 1992 to work as an extension
of Chilika Matsyajibi Mahasangha in  the areas adjacent to the
project to spearhead the movement. Sri Govind Behera of was
nominated as the convener of the movement.
CBA was extended support by many other civil society
organisations like GanatantrikAdhikar Suraksha Sangathan an
organisation based in Bhubaneswar and working towards the
protection of the democratic rights of the people, and Orissa
krushak Mahasangha (OKM), which works for the cause of the
farmers. Mr. B.B Das, the president of OKM, played an important
role in highlighting the environment hazards of the project and
persuaded the government to undertake an environment impact
assessment study relating to the project. He was also instrumental
in inviting the attraction of the international community to the issue
by campaigning that the Government of India must honour the
Ramsar Convention in, which Chilika lake was declared as one
of the endangered wetland, which needed to be protected.
81
 All these civil society initiatives and formations gave the
local people’s protest the form of a movement, which raised
economic, social, legal and environmental issues related to the
project. The followings were some of the prominent issues raised
by the movement:
1. The land allotted to the ISFP was traditionally being used
by the neighbouring 26 villages for harvesting prawn. The
shallow water collected during monsoon was ideal for the
natural breeding of prawn.
2. The threats of flood and water logging due to the
construction of the embankment on the Bhubania canal,
which forms the outlet of the lake into the sea.
3. The embankment would obstruct the movements of the fish
and prawn from brackish water to the sea during the
breeding season. This would obstruct the natural
regeneration of the prawns.
4. Long-term availability of fish within the lake would be
adversely affected due to the pollution caused by protein
feed chemicals and pesticides.
5. The project had moved ahead without the mandatory
Environment Impact Assessment.
6. The land given on lease to the ISFP was classified as
reserved westland and community pasture land. Hence the
leasing of the lake was illegal as the lake was not classified
under leasable property.
The above immediate issues were linked by the movement
with the central question on development and resource use. As
the movement put it:
82
“The Tata project is not the central point of attack of this
people’s movement. The prime focus of opposition is the policy
of the government towards Chilka and its people, and the Tata
project is only an instance of this policy “ The movement articulated
the issues in the three questions it posed:
1. Whom does Chilika belong to - the people or the state?
2. If the big business houses enter into prawn culture what
will be the fate of the people for whom fishing has been the
only source of livelihood?
3. In a situation where the commercial use of resources comes
into conflict with the livelihood pursuit of poor people, what
should be the priority of the state?
Initially the mobilisation against the Tata project was confined
to a few villages adjacent to the project. On September 20,1991
the date on which the three year lease to the Central Co-operative
Society was expiring thousands of fishermen gathered at the state
capital, Bhubaneswar and protested in front of the Vidhan Sabha
(provincial assembly), which was in session. A written
memorandum was given to the Fishery Minister who in turn
assured people that not even an inch of Chilika would be leased
out to the business house of the Tatas. The Janata Dal, which
was in opposition, favoured the people against the ruling Congress
party.   Demonstrations,  meetings,  dharnas  and  rallies  at  the
project site and in the state capital summarise the activities of the
movement during this phase.
In its second phase the movement became more broad
based and adopted a somewhat militant tone when the people
broke the embankment of the project. The bureaucracy and the
police tried brutal measures to suppress the resistance at the
83
 While the rift between the Government of Orissa and the
Union Ministry was going on and the movement was advocating
vociferously against the project, the judgment of the High Court
of Orissa relating to the fishing rights of the fishermen in Chilika
clearly put a stop on intensive or semi-intensive prawn cultivation
in the lake. Some primary fishermen societies had filed a case
against the 1991 policy of the Government of Orissa and the
subsequent encroachment on the rights of the fishermen. The
report of the Fact Finding Committee (popularly known as Das
Committee) constituted to study the situation in the area reported
widespread prawn cultivation and its adverse effect on the
livelihood of people and the ecosystem of the lake.
It may be argued that the verdict of the High Court was not
a direct response to the movement. Nevertheless, the very fact
that the resistance to the project was grounded on same issues,
which the Das Committee report substantiated and that the
government by recognising the negative impact of intensive prawn
cultivation on the eco system of the lake and on livelihood of
people did recognise the validity of people’s voice against the
project, speaks about the triumph of people’s collective resistance
to the project.
The battle with the corporate house was won, but the battle
with the mini Tatas was soon forgotten. The temporary alliance
between the fishermen and non-fishermen was broken with this
victory and the illegal encroachment on the lake continued. The
leadership was amateur, the movement was episodic in nature
and the duration was too short to make people conscious of long-
term goals. The rivalry between the city based advocacy
campaign and the local resistance further weakened the chances
of a unified struggle as both claimed the victory to be theirs (http:/
/www.mcrg.ac.in/toolkit:2014).
88
taken by the people and a manifestation of their strength -
 ganudyamavamgansakti (people’s initiative, people’s power). The
motive was to make people aware of their situation so that they
can articulate the issues for themselves. Hence it purposefully
defied any notion of leadership while recognising that every mass
movement does need a charismatic leader to initiate the process
and articulate the issues for the masses. But ultimately the people
themselves carry the process forward. Hence no one should claim
the leadership of any such movement.
Thereafter Chilika Bachao Andoaln continued its activism
at the village level and Orissa krushak Mahasanghaoperated at
the provincial capital and national level. People at the village level
raised issues pertaining to the loss of their livelihood resources,
loss of their control over these resources and kept the resistance
confined to the local area. Orissa krushak Mahasangha articulated
the issues in environmental terms linking the threat from the project
with the fragile ecosystem of the lake and livelihood of the
fishermen and as a strategic choice emphasised on the Ramsar
Convention. Its aim was to stop the project and as its president
B.B Das puts it “ To win the battle one must know where the week
point of the opposite party lies and the issue on, which the public
opinion- local, national, and international- can be created. We
therefore, purposefully chose the environmental aspects of the
project because we could site the Ramsar Convention on the one
hand, and the absence of an Environmental Impact Assessment
by the pro ject, on the other. Our weakness lies in the fact that we
could not involve the local people as we could not use their
language to further the cause” (personal interview). At the same
time the government was interrogated on the ground of legality
of the issues by invoking the Land Settlement Act according to,
which Chilika is a ‘reserved Westland’ and therefore cannot be
leased to any individual or company.
85
 Unlike the advocacy campaign, which was carried on at the
provincial and national level away from the villagers, and therefore
was not affected by the inequalities and power equations prevalent
at the local level, the local struggle had not only to constantly
negotiate with the dynamics prevalent in the sphere of civil society;
it had to struggle hard to keep the spirit of resistance alive. This
had significant bearing on the nature of the movement. The
movement was primarily a resistance by the fishermen, as a
strategic choice to make the mobilisation broad based the non -
fishermen were persuaded to join the movement. Since the Project
was perceived as a threat even by the non-fishermen both
engaged in fishing as source of livelihood or in Prawn cultivation
for commercial purposes, they eagerly joined the struggle.
Nevertheless, this solidarity was confined only to resistance
against the Tata Project; in the day to day living the two groups
continued with their traditional rivalry. The fishermen historically
exploited by the powerful and dominant non- fishermen were
suspicious of the latter’s motive and in reiterating their claim over
the fishery resources alienated even those non-fishermen for
whom fishing has become a source of livelihood. The leaders
of Chilika Bachao Andoaln tried to keep the resistance against
the Tata project shield from the local conflicts between the groups
and assured the fishermen that the priority was to fight the bigger
enemy, the house of the Tatas, and once that battle was won, the
other exploiters of the fishermen’s resources (which were called
mini Tatas) will be dealt with.
After a letter signed by 21 Members of Parliament belonging
to different political parties was given to the Prime Minister and a
memorandum to the Union Minister of Environment and Forests
that the Central Government started paying attention to the
problem. The then Union Minister for Environment and Forest
86
Mr. Kamal Nath intervened and the Ministry issued an order putting
ban on further work on the project till an environmental impact
assessment study was conducted. The business house of Tata
assigned this task to the Water and Power Consultancy Services
(WAPCO) a government of India undertaking, even when there
were objections from the side of the movement relating to the
credibility of WAPCO to undertake such a study. Both the
Government of Orissa and the business house of Tata were
emphatic on the positive aspects of the projects The Chief Minister
of Orissa dismissed the movement as politically motivated and
as the handi work of certain local hoteliers and marine exporters.
The stand of the corporate house throughout was that the Project
had very good foreign exchange potential and that the fishermen
in the area would get a better price for their catch. It dubbed the
movement as an act of prawn middleman, disgruntled politicians,
ill-informedbeaureucrats, and environmentalists. WAPCO’s report
gave a clean chit to the project- it found the project to be
environment friendly and having no adverse effect on the
environment of the lake. There was opposition and criticism of
the report both by the movement and by the Union Ministry of
Environment and Forests. The Ministry much to the dissatisfaction
of the government of Orissa maintained that the project could
precede only after a proper environmental impact assessment
was done by a competent body of experts. A three member team
deputed by the Central Government to assess the situation in the
lake expressed apprehension that the effluent discharged from
the pond might affect the water quality of the lake. Furthermore,
since the total water requirement of the farm ponds was proposed
to be met by ground water extraction, the team feared that it might
affect water availability in the area.
87
area. It is they who remain subtly interconnected with the natural
surroundings for their living. If that surrounding is destroyed the
steel plant cannot provide any alternative. A woman or a tribal
using the kewra leaves to make mats will find himself reduced to
the position of a beggar. A tribal with his innocence and communion
with nature stand to gain more from natural surroundings than
from a monstrous machine.
The Gopalpur Steel plant was however not a product of the
development era but a product of the globalization era.
Development demanded local communities give up their land and
homes for a greater public interest. Globalisation is demanding
that local communities sacrifice their lives and livelihoods for
corporate profits. Development demanded that local communities
should give up their claim to resources and their sovereignty for
national sovereignty. Globalization is demanding that local
communities and the country should both give up their sovereign
rights for the benefit of global free trade.
The internationalization of these human and environmental
costs is a human rights and ecological imperative. It is also a
democratic imperative. It is above all, an ethical imperative
because it reflects the truth about globalised production and
consumption system, which respect neither nature nor people
but only profits and price competitiveness.
Gopalpur Steel project: A profile
Since August 1995, the environmental threat from
liberalization and globalization has been haunting the peaceful
communities of 25 villages of the Chhatrapur-Berhampur tehsils
and about 12 villages at Pipalapanka Reserve Forest in Saroda
block of the Ganjam district, in Orissa. The former was the
proposed site for the Rs.7,000 crore (costs of the first two phases)
92
REFERENCES
1. Pandey.B and Rout.B, 2004, “Development induced
displacement in India: Impact on women”, National
Commission for Women, New Delhi, P-15.
2. Ganga.S, 24.11.2014, 12:10 PM, “Response to the people
towards the projects”, Pub-Inflibnet, PP: 222-232. http://
shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/22336/12/
12_chapter%207.pdf
3. Routledge and Paul, 1988, “Balaipal- Bhograi, India:
Theaterof War, Theater of Displacement, Cultural and
Survival”, Pub-Culturalsurvival, P: 1-22 http://
www.culturalsurvival.org/ourpublications/csq/article/
baliapal-bhograi-india-theater-war-theater-displacement.
4. Sen.T, 2001, “Struggle at BALCO Nagar”, Pub-People’s
Democracy, PP: 1-6.
5. Srikant.P, 2009, “Tribal Movement against Orissa: A struggle
against Modernisation”, Pub-The institute for social and
Economic Collage, Bangalore.
6. People’s union for Democratic Rights, May 1997, “Gopalpur-
Steel plant, Displacement and people’s struggle”, People’s
union for Democratic Rights (Delhi) and Association for
protection of Democratic Rights (Westbangle).
7. http://www.mcrg.ac.in/toolkit/inside_pgs/case_study.html,
Mohanty.R, 15.12.2014, “ChillikaBachaoAndolan (Save the
Chillika Movement), Pub- Society for Participatory Research
in Asia (PRIA), New Delhi, PP:1-32.
89

CHAPTER-IV
GLOBALISATION AND SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
Value is derived from value, which means to be strong
and worth. It is often argued that globalization and liberalization
will create growth and employment and growth will remove poverty.
At a meeting on Trade and Environment organized by the WTO,
the Director General Renato Ruggiero reiterated this lineal logic
of globalization, growth and removal of poverty. What is overlooked
in this myth is that globalization creates growth by destruction of
the environment and local, sustainable livelihoods. It therefore,
creates poverty and unemployment instead of removing it. These
globalization policies have accelerated and expanded
environmental destruction and displaced millions of people from
their homes and their sustenance base.
Proposed steel plant project at Gopalpur was an outcome
of globalization process. “Globalisation as an economic policy
was far from the understanding of the poor people of the area.
But from peoples point of view they understood it well that their
90
interest was going to be jeopardized with the initial of proposed
Tata’s Steel Project.
When lands were grabbed from common people; company
promised to provide some peon and clerical posts to the unskilled,
semiliterate peasantry (mostly) of the Gopalpur area where TISCO
project was to be established.
After collection of data from the field and an interface with
the people; our observation was that; the promise was a fiasco.
With the very onset of the displacement process; ‘Kewda’
plants were destroyed from the common property resource (CPR)
area. Some ‘Kewda’ essence small scale industries were locked
up. But the very realization of these forthcoming danger of Tata
Steel made the people united and women were at the forefront to
fight against this corporate force and state power. However the
Kewra flower has proved to be stronger than steel.
Construction of a steel plant was considered contrary to
the trend of their time which was witnessing the dismantling of
such plants in many technologically advanced nations of the world
for their deleterious impact on the environment.
A woman activist who was fighting against the construction
of the steel plant rightly observed. ‘O.K. they would give jobs.
Will they give a job to the one who is in our womb? This far
reaching observation drives home the point that a steel plant will
not only rob the livelihood of the people but also put their future
well being jeopardy. In other words it was an undeclared war
against people’s future.
As one surveys the pages of the book one notices that the
adverse effect of steel plant would be born more intensely by
women and under-privileged sections of society who inhabit this
91
 Each part of the coconut like kewra has a commercial value.
The most valuable part of the coconut for this region, are the
unripe nut (dab) whose kemel is full of coconut water, considered
as health drink, good for the stomach. Each dab costs Rs. 5/-
each. The ripened nuts, dried nuts and the outer fibrous husk of
the nuts have as much commercial value as dab. The ripened
nuts, dried nuts and the outer fibrous husk of the nuts are eaten
and also coconut oil is extracted from them. The dry spines of the
coconut leaves are used for making brooms, and cost Rs.5/- per
kg. The leavers are also used in thatched wall around the houses,
generally made of mud, to protect it from heavy rains. The outer
uses of coconut leaves include making mats, hats etc. The trunk
of the coconut tree is generally used as rafter or beam in the
houses. It costs at a minimum Rs. 400-500 and it is generally 35-
50 meters in length.
One of the most important commercial uses of coconut is
its coir made from the husk, which is mostly used in making string,
ropes and cushion mats etc.
In one day a woman makes at least 60-80 meters of string
one bundle of string (katta) of 20 meters length costs Rs. 10 to
Rs. 15, depending upon the thickness of the string. The coir dusts
produced while ratting the husk are used in manure. The local
people also use the coir and the leaves as fuel. Like Kewra,
coconut also provides employment and a means of sustenance
to the local people. As said earlier, 4-5 trucks of rope is sold every
week. Supposing that one kilogram of rope costs Rs. 12 then
one tone of rope would be worth Rs.12,000. Every week if four
trucks (each truck having an average capacity of one tone) of
coconut and kewra rope is sold, it means in one year (56 weeks)
Rs. 26,88,000 worth of rope / string goes out of the proposed
96
Gopalpur Steel project by Tata Steel and Iron Company Ltd.
(TISCO) while the late was the proposed site for the construction
of a dam across the Rushikulya river to pump water to the
Gopalpur steel plant. For inhabitants of these areas the twin words
‘liberalisation’ and ‘globalisation’ had become synonymous with
‘destruction’ and ‘displacement’. They were threatening the
prosperous biodiversity based economy of the region. It was
impossible for the people of Gopalpur to even visualize an
existence away from their luxuriant and greet surrounding full of
diverse biological wealth, which was the basis of a rich local
economy. The people’s response to being systematically displaced
from and deprived of the ‘ownership’ and control of their traditional
source of sustenance is to put up a resistance which was stronger
than steel against the forceful acquisition of their land for the
Tatas and their global partners.
A Global Corporate Partnership
TISCO has appointed the Nippon Steel Corporation of Japan
as technology consultant for the Rs.2000 crore cold rolling mill.
Poang Iron and Steel Co. (Pasco) of South Korea, Thyssen
Stahlwerhes and SMS Scholemann Siemag both from Germany,
Nippon Steel, Marubeni and Sumitomo Corporation of Japan are
in the race to acquire equity stakes in the Gopalpur project. Five
more foreign companies who had evinced interest in participating
in the project are Danielli of Italy, Hoogovens of Netherlands, Votes
Alpine of Austria, Mitsui and Kawasaki Steel of Japan. Broken
Hill Properties (BHP) of Australia which had by the time announced
closure of its plant in New Castle, had shown interest in the coke
over project. Sumitomo corporation of Japan has shown interest
in having technical-cum-equity tie up with TISCO for this project.
Kawasaki Steel of Japan would provide a special re-coiling line
for the proposed Cold Rolled Mill.
93
 TISCO claims that after scrutinizing about 18 coastal sites,
it decided to locate its new steel plant in a lush green area under
the Berhampur-Chatrapur Tehsils of the Ganjam district. However,
for the last two decades, demand for a second steel plant in Odisha
has dominated the slogans of almost every political party. Several
agitations have taken place under the aegis of these political
parties and demand has been raised to entice the political parties
and demand has been raised to entice the political parties in power.
Former chief minister Shri Biju Patnaik came close to his goal of
setting up a steel plant in Odisha through Swaraj Paul an NRI,
but the latter fell out with the Industrial Development Bank of India.
Shri Patnaik managed to bring to Mesco for a small steel plant at
Daitari. The parties in power, in a couple of years, have signed
several MOUs with various steel manufacturing concerns which
also includes the proposed steel plant at Gopalpur and the MOU
with TISCO was signed by the then Chief Minister Mr. J.B. Patnaik.
The result, as the Economic Survey 1995-96 mentioned was that
thirteen steel plants were in the anvil; taken together they would
have the capacity to produce 24.05 million tones of steel per
annum, including ten million tones by TISCO and 2.60 million
tones of steel by Larsen and Toubro, both at Gopalpur in Ganjam.
Ganjam a neglected district of Odisha, is situated in the south
coastal area of Odisha. It is surrounded by Phulbani, Gajapati,
Nayagarh and Khurda districts on the Orissa and Andhra border.
Every year people of Ganjam face natural calamities like drought,
flood etc. Due to the lack of irrigation facilities, people mitigate
for employment, specially so in the year in 1996-97.
Though people from the other rural areas in Ganjam are
migrating, no person or family from the proposed site of the TISCO
plant has ever migrated in search of a job since they have a
perennial, lucrative and alternate source of income in the form of
horticultural products, particulary kewra.
94
The site for the proposal steel plant by TISCO was located
in the Berhampur, Chatrapur tehsils of the Ganjam district in
Orissa, about 170 km south east of Bhubaneswar and 12 km of
south east of Berhampur town. It was about 5 km from Chatrapur
at an approximate latitude of 19019¢ N and longitude of 840 56¢
E. The nearest railway station is Chhatrapur, which is on the
Howrah – Madras South Eastern Railway broad gauge mainline,
about 10 km from the plant site. This railway line passes parallel
to the northern side of the plant. Also, the National Highway (NH-
5) which connects Calcutta to Chennai passes on the north border
of the plant site. On the south east is the minor port of Gopalpur,
at a distance of 3 km from the proposed plant site.
TISCO had also identified an iron ore deposit, which was
about 400 km away at Mankadnacha in Balipahar area of Keonjhar
district of Orissa. The water requirement for the plant would be
met by dam / reservoir to be constructed in the Pipalapanka
Reserve Forest area Pipalapanka village, about 120 km from
Gopalpur, in the Saroda block of the Ganjam district on the
Rushikulya river and Adangi Nalla in Orissa.
The Perennial Coconut Economy
If kewra is gold for the people, coconut is the king of this
region. It grows high above the ground but is a down-to-earth
crop which gives food and livelihood to people. Coconut a national
crop, grows plentifully in this area. Though not very much used
as ingredient in the different cuisines of this coastal region of
Ganjam, it has a religious and ceremonial use for Hindus, who
have a predominant presence in this region, and consider the
ripened nut a symbol of prosperity. It is considered an auspicious
fruit and breaking a coconut is considered an auspicious start to
a marriage or any new business. This is true for the rest of India
too.
95
 Table 1 steel plant site and is sold in Visakhapatnam and Madras while
Displacement in the Indian Context Rs. 26.88 lakhs (Rs. 2.68 million) comes to this region. Women
Different Sectors No. of Displaced % of % of Tribal
are also engaged in making mats out of coconut and kewra leaves.
of Displacement People Displacement Displaced People
Besides this, hundreds of local people are engaged in selling
in each Sector
unripe coconut fruits (dab) in the nearby market or township. Infact
Mining 2,5,0000 11.97 About 40
a shoot with at least 20-30 buds grows every month in one tree
Industry 12,5000 5.87 60
and the growers get a least 200 pieces of unripe fruits every year
Dams 16400000 76.99 35
from one tree. The ladies of this area, especially landless and
Sanctuaries 6,00000 2.82 90
dalits, get coconut on credit and go to the nearby Berhampur
Others 5,00000 2.35 30
University or Berhampur town everyday to sell them. Their profit
Total 2130000 100.00 40 (about) is Rs. 1-2 on each coconut. Thus, this region gives a true picture
Source: Gender in Displacement Indian Context A.B. Ota, 1996 of the sustainable natural and real economy of rural India.

The above table explains the types of displacement and

the number of displaced person by 1996 in India. Development
of civilization depends on constant development of human and
non-human resources, ecological imbalances, environmental
pollution, decay in human values physical and emotional traumas
suffered by mankind are some of the glaring examples of
displacement caused by development.
REFERENCES
Dhumil, 1997 ‘Gopalpur Peoples Union for Democratic Rights’,
Delhi Association for Protection Rights’, West Bengal .
Dhumil,1997, ‘Gopalpur, steel prakalop, Bisthapan and
sangaharsha, pub-peoples union for democratic rights’, Delhi, association
for protection rights, West Bengal.

Displacement, since post independence period such
examples are many more, beginning from the 1980s Bharat
Aluminium Company of Sambalpur district up to Gopalpur Tata
Project of Ganjam district. In the same decade towards 1985
people of Baliapal of Balasore district were displaced for missile
test range project. The proposed project was displacing the poor
people of the area. The so-called development and displacement
have become to side of the same coin and more over the former
has become the cause for the latter. The missile test range project
at Baliapal aimed at proliferating the defense market of the country
Panda .S ,2000, ‘Project Displaced Persons of TATA Steel
,Gopalpur Project :A study of their Rehabilitation and Resettlement’.
Shiva, Dr. Vandana and Jafri, Afsar H. (1998): Stronger that Steel
– People’sMovement against Globalisation and the Gopalpur Steel Plant;
ResearchFoundation for Science, Technology and Ecology,New Delhi.
—1992 “Population and the Poor”, The Economist, 15 February .
—1996"Resettlement and Rehabilitation at Gopalpur “Prepared
by Tata SteelProject; page-6.
—1997 “Manufacturing, Survey of Investment Intelligence service;
centre for monitoring Indian economy, p. 345.

100 97

CHAPTER-V
DISPLACEMENT IN TISSCO PROJECT
AND VOICES OF WOMEN
Development induced displacement on account of the
“Development Project”, a large number of people get physically
displaced, losing their home and land and shuttering their culture
and kinship linkages, which have been built over several centuries
and generations. Although it is the key responsibility the
Government or private sector undertaking implementing the
project to ensure that at least the former standard of living of the
displaced persons is restored at the minimum, but the researches
have revealed that the displaced persons often have been
marginalized and slipped below the threshold of poverty.
Displacement brings certain adverse effects and risk, which are
economic, social and communal implications. Again the women
in the villages, the most vulnerable section of the society are the
worst victims due to displacement. Development- induced
displacement in the country has brought severe economic, social
and environmental problems to the displaced people. Magnitude
98
of people displaced and severity of the problems due to
multipurpose dam projects is low high as compared to other project
in the country.
The experience of post-independence period from project
across the country suggests that the long drawn out process of
displacement has caused widespread traumatic psychological and
social cultural consequences. These include the dismantling of
traditional production systems, desecration of ancestral sacred
zones, graves and places of worship, scattering of kinship groups,
disruptions of family system and informal social network
(Kothari,1995) Michel M. Cernea (1997) has developed the ‘risk
and reconstruction model’, which has already been tested to be
applicable to the development-induced displacement situation in
the Country. The model is built around a core concept : the risks
of impoverishment. The eight-impoverishment risks are land
lessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, food
insecurity, increased morbidity and mortality, loss of access to
common property and social disarticulation.
Displacement in Orissa: A statistical Picture
In Orissa alone various development projects like mining,
industrial, power and dams have resulted in displacement of 81,
176 families from 1,446 villages following the acquisition of
6,22,463.94 hectares of land between 1950 and 1993. Nearly
80% of them have been displaced due to irrigation and hydropower
projects (Pandey, 1998), However, the official figures have grossly
underestimated the magnitude displacement. During the period,
1950-1985, 15 million people were displaced and in 1996,21.6
million people were displaced in India mainly for dams, canal,
and mining.
99
seven villages were estimated to be affected because of the steel at the cost of displacement of thousands of people from their
plant complex at Gopalpur. The persons who were uprooted and lives and livelihood.
shifted to another place had to undergo the entire process of re-
In the decade 1990 violent Chilika movement of Puri district
socialization and adjustment in an unfamiliar environment.
became a national issue in the decade. Many villages protested
The affected villages which were under the TATA Steel Plant the entry of Tata to, Chilika for prawn culture. The movement was
Project covered Badapur , Badaputti, Kalipalli,, Laxmipur, successful from one point of view that Tata company was removed
Paikapada, Sindhigaon and Sri Ramachandrapur. Only the vacant from this scenario. In 1993, displacement of rural poor people of
land areas were affected in four other villages in the plant site started in Kashipur. International capital started tricking to Kashipur
such as Basanaputti, Chamakhandi, Jagannathpur, Manasurkota and excavated mines without any consultation with son or daughter
two n the resettlement site. Luhajhara , Sitaplli and two in the of the soil. The people claimed so, as they wee the primitive
township as Aurapalli, Dura were being acquired without displacing inhabitants of those jungles and hills. This so called development
people from their household. The details statistical figure of project not only injured them but also became vulnerable to their
families and total number of population have been given below in survival. Here is a case of installation of globalize economy were
the table No.4. national boundaries are becoming porous by giving a state
Table-4 sanction. Public policies are increasingly shaped to accord external
interests (external to peoples interests). The state has given a
Details of Displaced families and Persons freehand to start various projects like “Utkal Alumina, “Aditya Birla”
Villages No.of families No.of persons and “L &T” projects in the tribal hinterland of kashipur are in
Rayagada district.
Bapur 181 1200
In this study, we are discussing some initiations of
Badapautti 343 1491
globalization process and its impact in the country side of Orissa.
Kalipalli 283 1212 It is evident from its manifestation in various forms at Chilika,
Laxmipur 63 267 Gopalpur, Kashipur and Phulbani, where people have rejected
the so-called development project. No doubt these symbolize the
Paikapada 257 983
growing tensions are repressions that women face They have
Sindhigam 384 1907 realized that the proposed development project were not going to
Sri Ramchandrapur 572 3601 benefit the poor people of the area. Rather it has started displacing
and disowning them. Out of this project, some projects have been
Total 2083 10661
completed and some are on going. Near about more than 4.5
Source: Project Report of TATA, 1996 lakhs people have been displaced so far losing their home, health

104 101
and traditional culture and kinship (bondage) over generation to Table-3
generation.
Development Projects and Displacement Scenario in
Table-2 Orissa (1950-1996)
Category projects No. of families % of total % of tribal
Development Projects in Orissa (1950-1993) affected Displacement displaced people
Sl. Types of Project No. of Villages No.of Families Total Land Mines 5000 (Apprx.) 5.37 40
No. Displaced/ isplaced/ Acquired Industries 10704 11.5 60
Affected Affected (in Hect.)
Dam Projects 70,000 75.22 35
1. Mines 79 3143 2427.03
Thermal Power 2426 2.6 2.5
2. Industries 113 10703 21963.00 Wild life sanctuaries 142 0.15 90
Urban Slums 4792 5.15 20
3. Thermal Power 73 2426 3155.31
Total 93064 100.00 40
4. Irrigation and Hydel
Power (dames) 1181 64903 595918.60 Source : Gender in Displacement India Context A.B. Ota. 1996.
Total 1446 81176 622463.94
Above table No. 3 reveals that in Orissa (by 1996), as many
(Source : Development Induced Displacement)
as 75% of people were displaced only for Dam project, 11.5% for
Development Induced Displacement industry, 5.3% for mines, .1% for urban development, 2.6% for
thermal power installation and 0.15% fir sanctuaries. People lost
Development Induced Displacement is not the recent their own identity and family occupation due to the developmental
phenomena in India. Displacement has alienated the resources projects. Different kinds of development project were the factors
from the community or family. In many cases without any behind the marginalization of displaced population of the state of
compensation and rehabilitation , people were losing their native Orissa. Mostly they were for dams, industries and mining projects
lands. Majority of displaced people not only lose their homes, etc., as evident from table 1.3.
their land, and their source of livelihood but also they have lost
Displacement Scenario in Gopalpur
their social and economical status. The majority of displaced
people have not yet been rehabilitated. Since 1996, 75% displaced To make a frame work of the displaced persons and their
loss due to steel plant Project of Tata; We have to link it to
people were awaiting for rehabilitation. At Chilika, Gopalpur,
environment and livelihood issues, a large number of persons
Kashipur and Phulbani, where people have rejected the so called
have been forced to leave their source of livelihood or their access
development projects.
to the biomass resources on which they depended for generations.
A total number of 2083 families comprising 10661 inhabitants in
102 103
 Table-7 The people of Badapur, S.Paikapada, Sindhigaon , have been
tatally dsplacd for TATA Project. But since March 2001, only some
Demographic Details of the village Located
people of Kalipalli village have been shifted. Due to smallness in
near the Project Site size. Patrapur was included under Sindhigaon.
Population Total Workers
Villages Area House Affected Land
holds Total Scheduled Caste Scheduled Literate
Tribe
T M F M F M F M F M F For the settlement of steel plant project, both government
Badaputi 387.34 108 467 231 236 36 36 - - 92 34 125 96 and private land were affected. But more land that is private was
Chamakhandi 587.51 377 1846 909 937 205 203 - - 456 126 439 189
Jagannathpur 317.6 156 798 390 408 76 80 3 1 193 95 176 12 acquired for the project than government land. Out of the total
Mansurkota 396.59 100 439 216 223 167 174 2 3 99 27 135 136
acres of land area there were eleven villages, which were highly
Village
Cultivator Agricultural
Laborers
Livestock
Forestry
Mining and
Quarrying
Manufacturing and Processing in affected by the project. The details of land area being acquired of
House hold Other than
Fishing etc.
industry & household the steel plant project are as follows:
Allied activities Industry
M F M F M F M F M F M F
Demographic Details
Basanaputi 56 43 43 42 1 1 0 0 6 1 3 1
Chamakhandi 288 0 65 184 1 0 0 0 7 0 10 0 A large number of people were affected due to displacement.
Jagannathpur 125 1 10 11 0 0 0 0 2 0 3 0
The inhabitants displaced from the plant area comprised various
Mansurkota 25 3 90 131 3 0 0 0 0 0 4 0
categories of people. This mainly included cultivators, agricultural
Transport
Construction
Trade &
Commerce Storages & Marginal Non labor and marginal workers. A part from them many were jobless,
Workers Other Workers Workers
Communica
Villages
Workers
tion Services hopeless, and helpless people. The demographic details of
Workers
M F M F M F M F M F M F particular villages where in the land area were being acquired are
Basanaputi 0 0 11 6 3 0 2 2 0 0 106 140 presented in Table 2 and Table 6. The information about the village
Chamakhandi 0 0 27 2 9 0 32 3 19 225 451 523
and land is presented here to give a background picture.
Jagannathpur 0 0 15 0 11 0 10 0 0 8 206 207
Mansurkota 0 0 1 0 1 0 11 2 0 0 81 87 Table-5
Table-8 Details of Land Area acquired for Steel Plant Project
Demographic Detail of the Villages Near the Rehabilitation Villages Land Area (Acres)
Site Private Government Total
House Population Total Land Land
Villages Area hold Total Scheduled Scheduled Literate Workers
Tribe Tribe I. Project Site
T M F M F M F M F M F
Badapur 398.211 84.879 343.090
Luhajhar 135.17 147 147 76 71 39 36 - - 35 9 42 -
Badaputti 319.647 254.316 573.963
Sitalapali 288.54 1382 1382 699 683 125 99 - - 317 118 345 34

108 105
Basanaputti 189.812 49.375 236.187 Table-6
Chamakhandi 377.793 58.553 436.346 Demographic of the villages affected due to
Jagannathpur 36.443 80.896 397.339 Displacement
Kalipalli 211.958 46.127 258.085 Area House Population Total Workers
Villages (Ha) Holds Total Scheduled Schedul Literate
Laxmipur 116.873 38.725 55.598 Caste ed
Tribe
Mansurkota 413.222 158.156 71.378 T M F M F M F M F M F

Paikapada 769.628 147.235 916.863 Badapur 200.15 165 881 434 447 139 141 - - 262 114 212 37
Badaputti 392.34 283 1491 774 717 42 44 - - 264 89 386 120
Sindhigoan 434.398 153.175 587.5736 Kalipalli 104.19 237 1212 579 633 49 65 - - 246 135 319 36
Laxmipur 62.97 52 267 117 150 29 40 - - 42 31 60 49
Sri ramchandrapur 881.695 148.668 1030.363 Paikapada 371.87 223 983 438 545 166 215 - - 122 37 226 117
Sindhigaon 240.420 408 1907 893 1014 166 205 - - 470 214 482 394
Total 4429.68 1220.105 5549.785*
Sri Ram 1005.71 741 3601 1745 1856 941 934 - - 868 174 986 264
II.Resettlement Site Chandrapur

Luhajhar 284.118 18.577 302.695 Cultivator Agricultural Mining and Manufacturing and
Laborers Livestock Quarrying processing in
Sitalapalli 253.770 19.287 273.07 Villages
household Other than
Total 537.888 37.864 575.752 industry and household
allied industry
activities
III. Township Site M F M F M F M F M F M F
Badapur 60 0 113 36 3 0 0 0 12 0 0 0
Aruapalli 379.673 70.287 449.96 Badaputti 261 44 72 66 14 0 0 0 4 1 12 0
Kalipalli 214 14 89 19 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0
Dura 482.977 12.945 495.922
Laxmipur 40 4 12 39 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0
Paikapada 18 89 89 23 4 0 0 0 2 1 1 0
Total** 978.309 141.761 1120.070* Sindhigaon 172 118 140 233 11 0 0 0 0 0 13 2
SriRam 551 27 208 190 56 21 0 0 16 0 36 10
Chandrapur

Source: Resettlement, Rehabilitation at Gopalpur Tata Project, Construction Transport Other Marginal
Workers Trade Storage & Services Workers Non Workers
Villages
1996 Commerce
Communication
Workers
Workers
*Out of the total area, only 5000 acres for plant site and M F M F M F M F M F M F
1000 acres for the township will be acquired after completion of Badapur 0 0 6 0 1 1 18 0 0 0 222 410
Badaputti 0 0 8 6 1 0 14 3 3 32 385 656
all surveys.
Kalipalli 0 0 4 1 3 0 6 2 28 339 232 258
**Includes 115.669 acres of private land and 8.529 acres of Laxmipur 0 0 3 1 0 0 3 5 0 27 57 74
Paikapada 0 0 3 2 1 0 8 2 21 223 191 205
Government land from the erstwhile village Ankuli, which has not
Sindhigaon 9 2 37 10 39 0 61 2 18 65 393 555
been merged with Berhampur town. SriRam 3 0 65 9 11 0 40 7 12 479 747 1113
Chandrapur

106 107
has vanished. Mostly girls of women are confined to their own a Manufacturing and Processing
in
caged life houses. Cultivator
Agricultural Livestock
Mining and House hold
Other than
Labourers Forestry Industry &
Villages Quarrying house hold
Fishing etc. Allied
Such as community festival, gettogetherness etc. Policy has activities
Industry

M F M F M F M F M F M F
failed to substitute their cultural loss. Because the houses and
Luhajhar 35 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
land of one village is shattered and intermingled with another, the Sitapalli 231 12 61 18 1 0 1 1 1 0 7 0
primitive concept of “Kothaghar” , has whethe. The “Kula Pancha”
Transport
(Caste Panchayat) has lost its power and existence. After Trade & Storages
Constructin Other Marginal Non
Commerce &Communi
compensation money went to the hands of males and they Workers
Workers cation
Services Workers Workers
Villages
purchased vehicles, consumer goods and addicted to liquor. Workers.
M F M F M F M F M F M F
Money was distributed among brothers. So money could not be
Luhajhar 0 0 0 0 2 0 3 0 0 0 34 71
utilized for any productive purpose. Sitapalli 0 0 13 2 1 0 29 1 20 242 334 407

The displacement is always a sordid affair. Responded, Table-9

men and women wept and expressed their pathos in tears and
Demographic Detail of the Villages Near the Rehabilitation Site
chocking voices. They narrated their violent struggle with Tata
House Population Total
Company and the state, out of these 25 project villagers. The Villages Area hold Total Scheduled Scheduled Literate Workers

people who were engaged in some type of jobs outside the village, Tribe Tribe
T M F M F M F M F M F
they left their native land easily. They left the path of struggle and Arunapalli 274.78 151 861 426 435 101 91 - - 185 97 229 108
quickly agreed to resettlement. But the people who were having Dura 662.88 618 31110 1562 1548 275 268 - - 1070 639 786 136
small and fertile landed property in Gopalpur did not wish to leave
Manufacturing and Processing
their land. Because they knew they have to disown their agricultural in
Agricultural Livestock House hold
Cultivator Mining and
land, which they would never get in the (R.R) colony. Thus the Laborers Forestry
Quarrying Industry &
Other than
house hold
Villages Fishing etc. Allied
people mostly women fought a serious continuous movement activities
Industry

M F M F M F M F M F M F
against the company people and the Government. People of five
Arunapalli 35 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
villages still existing there and did not succumbed to the Dura 247 59 103 52 17 1 0 0 34 2 14 0
displacement.
Transport
Trade & Storages Other
Construction Marginal
REFERENCES Villages Workers
Commerce
Workers
&Communi
cation
Services
Workers
Non Workers

Workers.
— 1996, Tata ProjectReport, Resettlement, Rehabilitation at M F M F M F M F M F M F
Arunapalli 18 0 5 0 1 0 45 2 0 0 197 327
Gopalpur Tata Project, Dura 33 0 78 12 35 0 207 9 42 97 752 1315

— 1996,Project Report of TATA,. Source: Primary Census Abstract 1991.

112 109
 The observation of the demographic details give from the
above table the idea that the village Badapur was having 220.15
hectares of area containing 165 households. The total population
was 881 in which 434 were male and 447 were female. Total 280
people were belonging to SC category and the literacy rate was
near about 43%.
Voices of Displaced Women of Gopalpur
I have conducted interviews and consultations with
displaced/affected persons covering the TISCO Projects to elicit
their grievances in the post rehabilitation situation. The
consultations/ conducted in Luhajhar colony reflect the
development induced displacement and its impact on women as
follows.
Loss of Livelihood
There has been a major shift in the occupations of displaced
person (DPS) after displacement. DPS have completely lost their
previous occupations such as cultivation, coconut , mango
grooves, kewda, cashew plantation and caste based occupations,
livestock rearing etc. Since the project failed to provide agricultural
land to the resettles could not purchase agricultural land due to
unavailability of land nearer to the colony.
High cost land in the locality and lack of adequate cash as
compensation and rehabilitation assistance being spent to meet
their survival needs and other purposes during the long gap
between payment of compensation and actual resettlement.
Backward communities live scheduled castes and scheduled tribes
find difficulties in making a living. Due to insufficiency and
irregularity of wage labour in the resettlement site, seasonal
migration to different places in search of livelihood has been a
common practice for most of the resettles.
110
COMMON PROPERTY RESOURCES (C.P.R)
When people were displaced from their native villager of
Gopalpur, they had to loose some of their rights over Common
Property Resources (C.P.R.). Such as; the vast water land of
Rusikulya. This river was providing than water for cultivation ,
drinking and multipurpose uses. This place of rehabilitation colony,
they are sifted from the bank of Rusikulya and thus were deprived
or all the above water uses.
They are not compensated with land . Other C.P.R. were of
kewara flower, cashew, coconut. People have become total
landless, agriculture land was providing them the work and also
the landless were engaged as agriculture laborers. Now in this
Luhajhar colony question of cultivation doesn’t arise. Those who
were depending on cultivation, now they have no work to do. At
best they are going for wage labour to far off places. For women
it is not possible to search for a new work at a different place
other than their native land. For women also to get fire hood has
become another problem. The first and most important of all for
the displaced women have in that they have lost their power they
have enjoyed in the pre-displacement period. This is because;
their role as productive workers in the economic sphere in
eliminated by destroying the productive activities in which the rural
women used to engage themselves.
UNSAFE R/R Colony
For women this rehabilitation at Luhajhar is not safe as
that of their own villagers in Gopalpur . Before displacement
women and girls were moving freely in their native villages and
could go to fetch work for their livelihood; After displacement the
scenario has completely changed.The sense of community life
111
of a survey team all of the community could be informed. Most of —1991,Primary Census Abstract 1991.
the ensuing struggle and repression was lived out by the villagers A.B Ota, 1996, “Countering the impoverishment Risk: The case
on these barricades throughout 1996.From January to June no of the Rengali Dam Project”, New Delhi,ISBN-8185824037.
survey team could enter the area. On 3rd July the Special Land
G.Pandey,1998, “Multifractal analysis of daily river flows including
Acquisition Officer tried to enter Basanaputti with a heavy police extremes for basins of five to two million square kilometers, one day to
force and a confrontation ensued. Criminal cases were registered 75 years”, Journal of Hydrology 208,pp-62-81
against 40 activists. In July GSS planned to protest in a
Jena.S, 2006, “Development Induced Displacement and Concern
demonstration outside the secretariat in Bhubaneshwar. On 21st
for Women : A Study of TATA Colony, Luhajhar, Dissertation submitted
July, two days before the appointed date Narayan Reddy— one to Women’s Studies Research Centre, Berhampur University, Bhanja
of the leaders of GSS—was arrested from his village at midnight. Bihar, Berhampur-760007 (Orissa), , Page No. 6-7.
This was followed by protest demonstrations of 2000 people at
Michael M.Cernea, 1997, “Inv oluntary Resettlement in
Chhatrapur police station, 2000 people blocking the National
Development Projects : Policy Guidelines in World Bank-Financed
Highway, a ‘gherao’ the District Collector’s residence and on the Projects”, Pub: World Bank Publications, Washington, ISBN-
23rd, 5000 people at the Bhubaneshwar secretariat. Since attempts 0821310364,9780821310366, PP-88.
were made to keep Narayan Reddy behind bars without any actual
S.P. Kothari, 1995, “Financial portfolios” ,The Journal of Finance”,
criminal evidence ,when it failed, a high level decision to book
Pub: wiley for the American Finance AssociationVol-50,No.1,page-185-
him under the National Security Act was made. The NSA for long 224
criticised as a draconian anti-democratic Act, was invoked on 23rd
July. By the end of July a police chowki came up in front of the
GSS office on the national highway.
In August the government decided to begin the survey work.
On 16th August an attempt was made to enter the hamlets
Kuanpalli and Narayanpur (village Sriramchandrapur) with a heavy
police force. Facing resistance from the villagers the police
resorted to ‘lathi’ charge. It resulted into injury of 14 women. On
17th about 500 policemen came with a survey team to Hariapalli
and faced with a large number of village women and children
who were lying themselves on the ground and there by blocking
the way with their bodies. The police lathi charge that followed
grievously injured many. The injuries visible were seen from their

116 113

CHAPTER -VI
WOMEN’S MASS ACTION IN GOPALPUR
MOVEMENT AGAINST DISPLACEMENT
In August 1995, a Memorandum of Understanding was
signed between Tata Iron and Steel Company (TISCO) and the
Government of Orissa for the setting up of a steel plant and
township near the well known Gopalpur beach and port in
Chhatarpur and Berhampur blocks of Ganjam district in Orissa.
The plant was being projected by the Government as well as by
TISCO as a model solution needed to address the lack of
development in the state. The project, popularly referred to as
the Gopalpur Project involves the acquisition of over 7,000 acres
of land covering 16 revenue villages. Around 11 villages which
were selected to be displaced for the construction of the steel
plant. Adjacent to this town are situated another 3 villages on
whose lands TISCO wishes to develop the township to house its
management personel and staff. Some few kilometres distance
towards north of the National Highway are situated 2 more-villages
which were also proposed to be acquired for resettling the people
114
displaced from the initial 11 villages. Proximity to the National
Highway, the rail line and the port became the reason for this site
being preferred over 18 other sites that were considered by TISCO
for the setting up of their new steel plant.
The residents of these villages started protesting against
the acquisition of their lands soon after the Memorandum of
Understanding was signed. The ‘Gana Sangram Samiti’ was
formed in August 1995 itself. While the leading role in the ‘Samiti’
has been played by the local unit of the Communist Party of India
(CPI), the Samiti comprises across the spectrum of political
representation and non-affiliated activists. Village ‘sarpanches’
were playing an important role in mobilisation. All the members of
GSS including the leaders resided in these villages and were
mostly cultivators by profession. By 25th December 1995,
preventive detention warrants were issued against all the main
leaders of the GSS in order to foil protest attempts on the prime
minister’s arrival for lying the foundation stone in a ceremony on
30th December. Heavy ‘lathi’ charge was deployed against
villagers who nevertheless managed a demonstration numbering
thousands with black flags on that day. Women described how
they carried the black flags hidden in their sarees. The next day
the foundation stone was demolished.
As part of the land acquisition process, in order to implement
the notices under Section 4(1) of the Land Acquisition Act official
teams were formed to survey the villages to determine the nature
and extent of immovable property for compensation purposes.
The villagers decided to disallow and actively oppose this survey
operation, Wooden barricades were erected on the few entry
points leading to the 11 plant site villages and a drum-based
communication system was developed, such that on the arrival
115
the movement .Arama was killed by police firing. N.Narayan
Reddy, Simadri Reddy, P.Rama Murty, J.Rama Reddy and 3
women leaders were thrown in to the jail. Leadership of the
movement came to the hands of the women.They were at the
fore front. They were fighting with police with chilli powder, stick
in their hands.In the meeting of village leaders ,women were also
participating and decision making.Police sent 40-50 people to jail
from Shindhigaon; out of them 5 were women,they were
Bhanumati,Sabitri,Kanaklata Sahu etc.
Women suffered more than men in this movement. Police
had kicked on the back of the women protesters.Many women
are injured in police lathi charge. Police behaved women
protesters rudely and in offensive manner.
Leadership and Women
Women had played siginificant role in leading this
movement. They are moving from village to village conducting
group meetings, making fellow villagers aware of the bad
consequences of displacement. The families were backing them
and husband were encouraging. It was possible in this male
dominated society because all could realise the evil consequence
of losing their home and agricultural land.
Organization
There was no women organization at the outset of the
movement.The villagers had an organization called ‘Gana
Sangram Samiti’(GSS) Narayan Reddy was its leader.But
during discussion on demands, programmes, with respondent
the women were participating in the deliberation. The demand
was centering the slogan ;”We may die but will not leave our
land”.
120
swollen eyes, arms ,shoulders and torn toe nails. On 19th the
targets were Badaputti and Chamakhandi where the pattern of
police repression was repeated. Resisting women ,many holding
small children were teargassed, beaten up, and some were thrown
into nearby ponds. The women here described that about twenty
vans of police force were present to confront the people. The
lathicharge and teargassing started at 3.30 p.m. and went on for
an hour. Lakshmi Amma of Badaputti, aged 55 was injured and
died two days later. On 21st at the site of confrontation in
Basanaputti. S.Yerramma, aged about 60 from village P. Laxmipur
was injured and died on the 29thAugust, 2000 .The police refused
to accept responsibility for the above deaths since the demise
did not occur on the spot. Most of the people injured in these
incidents did not go to the Civil Hospital at Chhatrapur fearing
that they would be arrested. The few who did go could not establish
the fact of police excesses since no medico-legal cases were
registered in the hospital records. On the other hand 60 policemen
have been shown to be injured in four FIRs registered against
the protesters at Chhatrapur police station. Yet the DIG (Southern
Range) himself, in an interview with the team, never described
the people as being armed even with sticks. In describing what
the police had to face one police said, women lied on the ground,
they threw chilli powder at us .This, in opposition to a police force
drawn from Central Reserve Police Force, Rapid Action Force
and Home Guards, armed with tear gas, ‘lathis’ and rifles. By
September most of these moves came to halt as the state
retreated in the face of militant resistance, stopped further survey
attempts and contented itself with the myth that survey work had
progressed satisfactorily. Within a span of two days, in two
separate interviews, the DIG claimed that all the survey work was
completed whereas the TISCO representative admitted that the
117
survey could not be carried out. The leader of Gopalpur movement,
Mr.Narayan Reddy’s detention gained national coverage. A broad
spectrum of people in Orissa protested against it including various
political parties and non-party groups and the matter caught the
attention of democratic opinion outside Orissa as well. Narayan
Reddy was released on 11 September.
Twenty five thousand people of 25 villages protested
against state Government decision to transfer their agricultural
land and homestead land to TATA company against their wish.
The objective of their movement was to protect their health and
land and also their environment . Their slogan was “we may die
but will not leave ,we may shed blood but will not give up land”.
This led to the formation of association on 7th August in 1995, a
council consist of 70 member as the representative of 25 villagers
was constituted. This had a 11 member executive committee.
Women led the main role in this committee even they bet their
life. They confronted a stiff resistance with police. Really women
power was great. As said in “Puranas” what is not done by men
are done by women, like only Durga could kill Mahisasura . In this
movement women had scarificed their life. They were injured by
police lathi charge and had to tolerate tear gas. Women were
always in front whenever there was a clash with police women of
25 village formed organization called ‘Nari Sena’ (Women
Army),Kanaklata Sahu of Chamakhandi worked as the President
of Nari Sena. On 19th March,1997, police lathi charged the women
protestors. In this incident two women died and several were
injured and fifteen school students were also injured . The women
folk who led the movement ; majority of them belong to dalit
community. They had major contribution in running their houses
and similarly they fought the movement more bravely than their
male counterparts.
118
In 1995 TATA came to Gopalpur to set up a steel plant.
The plant site was decided in a perennially irrigated agricultural
area in the Gopalpur coast. In view of displacement of the local
villagers and the loos of their heat and led a protest movement
was seen in this area. The movement has covered around 15
villages of which the main villages are (1) Sindhigaon (2) Badapur
(3) Chamakhandi (4) Laxmipur (5) Patrapur (6) Kalipalli (7)
Upulaputti (8) Sri Ramachandrapur (9) Paikapada (10)
Basanaputti (11) Badaputti (12) Manasurkota (13) Jagannathpur
etc. Narayan Reddy was the leader of the movement . Women
of these villages had played the most important and siginificant
role in this movement.The protesters mostly the women were
subjected to unprecedented suffering misery in the hands of police,
Government administration and company agents. Those were
lured by company promises and Government assurances left their
land to company and they moved to TATA colony of Berhampur
town. Rich land owners were indirectly supporting TATA for getting
more compensasion .
Arama was killed in police firing, women were injured more
in police lathi charge. A movement continued for five years and
6 to 7 women leaders sphere headed the movement. They were
Kanaklata Sahu (Chamakhandi), Bhanubati Reddy
(Chamakhandi), Sundarama (Kalipalli), D.Kalpana (Laxmipur),
P.Rebati (Kalipalli).
Mass Action of Women
Displacement, confrontation with police, administration,
agent caused the movement. Dis lodging the people from their
hearth and land against their will was the main cause of this
movement. ‘We may die but will not leave our land’ was the
decision of villagers. This decision was the propelling fence of
119
was going to be constructed by displacing people from their
traditional habitat without giving them adequate opportunities of
livelihood sources which was economically viable and ecologically
sustainable.Along with it here comes women’s question of de-
nesting them from the womb of their natural environment.It was
indeed alarming and frightening to abort the bounty of
nature,which was enriched with vegetation and fruits, vegetables,
medicinal plants and many other cash crops on which depended
more than 25,000 population of 25 revenue villages having not
less than 9,247 acres of most fertile lands of Ganjam district
.Women of this area were much close to their land and its
remunerative production. Nature was providing them their
livelihood,and was able to sustain the economy of their families.
Women felt much rootout than men due to their nature of nesting
which was in one sense a reality of self sustaining economy and
in other sense reflect their closeness in preserving the balance of
eco-system.To quote Bandana Shiva it is against this world wide
phenomenon that one is pained and agonised to see the efforts
of the government of Odisha to construct 100 percent export
oriented steel plant in Gopalpur area which would bring
imbalances in its natural and self-sustaining economy and
spell disasters to people’s lives, to its environment, bio-diversity
and agriculture. It is important to clarify here that environment-
friendly movements of Odisha is different from all such
movements and all round the globe, because these have never
originated here from the very consciousness about protection of
environment as such .Rather these popular movements were
indirectly linked to environment issues . They protected their
birth place, their agricultural land and environment from the threat
of destruction by TATA steel company,25,000 men and women
had protesting against the State Government’s decision to hand
124
Support Extended
People in and around ; people from outside, leaders of
various political parties, social activist ,legislators, parliamentarians
had extended their unequivocal support to this movement. To
name a few they were Lokannath Choudhury, Sibaji Pattnayak,
Debi Mishra, Ram Krishna Patnayak, Banka Bihari Das,Kishor
Patnayak,Produymna Bala, Manmohan Choudhury, Abani Baral,
Indrajeet Gupta (Home Minister), Mayadhar Nayak, Manmohan
Samal,Sambhu Nayak,(M.L.A), Gobinda Mohanty, Nanda
Patnayak, Damadar Pradhan, Janaradan Pati (CPM), AliKishore
Patnayak.
Few important observation of these leaders are as under:
Rabi Roy said “ This area is a golden orchard of nature
.People will not get food on its destruction”.Dr Bandana Shiva
expressed “TATA company is bringing multinational company
here. This will poision environment,ocean and will create danger
to our security”. Prof.Anand Kumar (J.N.U) opined
“Movement of ‘Gana Sangram Samiti’ is empowering
“Lokasakti Avijan”. It is a lighthouse for future”. Dutikrushna Panda
(Ex-M.P) stated that “TATA will n’t go away people will drive TATA
out” Parsuram Panda (Ex-MLA) said “We don’t require steel
industry ,we need land and land only”. Ram Prasad Maharana
(C.P.M leader) asserted “Our party fully support the peoples
movement”. Biswannath Sahu (Krusaka Sangha) criticized that
“Chief Minster has cheated”. Praful Samantray (Paribesha
Surakhya Mancha) envisioned “ This struggle is not for
Chamakhandi region only. This is for entire Orissa. The fight is
for the safeguard of the right to livelihood of the mankind,people
will win surely”. Kankalata Sahu (Leader “Nari Sena”) said “No
body can eliminate us from our land. We live here we will die
121
here”. N.Narayan Reddy affirmed that “Struggle will continue till
my death. Win is ours”.
Political Affiliation
Communist Party of India had a small base in Chamakhandi
Narayan Reddy was a known leader of this movement in the
area. As a left leader, he and his fellows in fact ensured people to
realize the loss of livelihood by displacement. When movement
got a shape and various political parties extended their support.
Few of them had indirect support to TATA. Though larger
population were attracted towards the leadership of Mr. Reddy,
but base of Communist Party did not increase properly as people
hadn’t enrolled themselves as members of the Communist Party.
Role of Intellectual
The movement area had one university and one
Government college at its both sides, they had never visited the
area or issued any statement either in favour or against the
movement. It was heard that some of the teachers of Berhampur
University were supporting TATA steel plant of Gopalpur.
Government was in and out in support of TATA steel plant. The
administration with the help of police played Machiavelli role to
drive out people from the proposed project areain Gopalpur.
Impact of the movement were both loss and gain.The poorest of
the poor and rich were divided poles apart because of the
movement. The rich people got more compensation for their
barren land and the poor people could get a very small house or
a room in TATA Luhajhara colony. The small and middle peasant
also who were depending on agriculture suffered a lot. Besides
those rebels who protested suffered most in the movement were
the villagers of Sindhigaon.
122
Present Situation
People were driven out from their homes and land were
grabbed. Many were put in TATA colony, some have fetched their
own accommodation .Tata did not set up the company due to
strong protest. In the present situation the movement has fizzled
out and people are now suffering more. They are neither getting
work nor they are having healthy environment, children were the
worst sufferers as they were deprived of education during
movement period . All are in desperate condition, earlier unity,
high spirit has dwindled. Rejection, distrust is prevailing among
the displaced people. Few have tilted now in favour of Tata ;but
largely a disbelief towards Tata and Government still prevails
among many.
The movement has brought confidence in a section of
women in due course of struggle on speaking out their rights,
demands etc. Interface of women protestors with Government
officials, police company agents has brought confidence and
prestige to them. They were lathi charged and jailed .It has brought
them a confidence that they are no way less to male bothers in
fight for their demands. The formation of ‘Nari Sena’ had brought
many women to forefront. They are now seen quite vocal in their
social life.Though media initially maintained low profile but later
on had wider coverage about the movent and women’s mass
action in it. Local dalies ,NDTV,ZEE TV had regular coverage.
‘Sambad’ an Odia daily was throughout against the movement,in
place of the movement, Sambad news paper was distributed in
an early morning free of cost in movement area with anti-
movement news.
Gopalpur protest movement was primarily directed against
the construction of steel plant by TATA Company.Objectively it
123
flexible framework has been attempted which nonetheless
demonstrates the dynamics of the government. Unlike many other
policies, there is a strong focus on the modalities of implementation
of this policy that makes it a vibrant instrument to promote
sustainable development in the state.
Impact on Women
Children suffer more than adults do mainly because the
mother is unable to attend her duties as the caretaker of the
family. As stated above, access to work declines after the project
alienates the land that is also the foundation of the tribal women’s
relatively high status. While the access of the whole family declines
that of women also declines more than that of men. We have
said already that, if the project gives jobs, except in women headed
families they go almost exclusively to men considered heads of
families. If they are rehabilitated, land is allotted to men. So
domestic power passes fully to the men and from him to his son.
As a result, after displacement joblessness is higher among
women than men. But for women who want to work have to be
satisfied with unskilled daily wage labour. It reduces women to
being housewives alone depending on the men’s single salary.
But men spend a part of their salary on alcohol. Tribal women
who are deprived of the resource that is the basis of their
relatively high status, experience downward economic and social
mobility. Dependence on men grows further among other women
whose social status is not the same as that of the tribal. It also
deprives women of the resource that met the family’s food, water
and other needs that are traditionally their responsibility. Their
role does not change but they have fewer resources to attend to
it.
128
over their lands and homes to TATA without their consent. Their
slogans were; “we shall rather die than leave our place of birth,and
we shall give our blood and life but shall not leave our land” .
‘Gopalpur Upakula bartyi Surakhya Manch’was formed to
resist the entry of any government or the steel plant officials into
the proposed plant site.The GSS had an executive body of 11
members and a council of 70 members representing 25 villages.
A prolonged and continuous fight of 19 months in 1995-96 brought
about some success by resisting the entry of an official into the
area. This led to several sporadic clashes between police and
the villagers.The women and children were badly injured when
the protest took its momentum in August 1996. Six platoons of
armed police and about 6000 police were deployed by state who
used all means to harass the peaceful protest by the people.During
his reign of terror two women named B.Laxamma (Badaputti
village ) and S.Iramma (Laxmipur village) were severely injured
and died . The Chairman of GSS, Mr.N.Naryan Reddy was booked
under NASA and he was jailed twice along with 60 more
people.The atrocities on behalf of state on the people of these 25
villages forced them to be united and these were more clear in
their view points and specific demands concerning their lives and
livelihood.
The GSS was very clear in its position to the steel plant
that the main issues were not environment versus development
but extinction versus survival.Very forcefully they inscribed on
the protest pillar that “water, land and environment belong to us
and none else has right over those” .In all these clashes with
police ,women were always on the forefront. They were always
the first to face the police for the cause of their land and even at
the cost of their lives. Of course, women constituted a significant
125
element among displaced population, its impact was siginificant
on them than that of general populace.Women’s participation with
men together combined provided strength to popular movement
of Gopalpur protest movement had involved historically a struggle
on two forms.
Notionally women have sacrificed their lives to the dream
of a better future that good society without poverty, fear, pollution,
would prevail where no one would be displaced or
subordinated.But also they have had to confront the attitudes of
some men in this radical movements. Within the protest
movement women have never given the frontline leadership .No
doubt the women from 25 villages had formed a ‘Narisena’(ladies
army) and Mrs.Kamala Lata Sahu of Chamakhandi villages was
its president who once said that ‘Narisena’ was formed to use
‘Lathis’ against any intruder who endeavoured to take over their
homes.Women in Gopalpur Movement constituted a strong
support base ; but they were given a subordinate space in spite
of their militancy and equal social base as that of men in that
area .Political organisation had never taken this essentiality of
women’s vision and feminist critical questioning as a part of
broader redefinition of human social emancipation .Women’s
participation in Gopalpur protest movement opens up the
possibility of imagining how the purpose of politics might change
by taking on women’s militancy, needs and desires.
As the case of Gopalpur protest movement shows
globalisation is accelerating and amplifying those problems of
development and destruction; as it has already proved in case of
displacement from the project in Odisha since Hirakud, Rengali,
Indravati, NALCO, Upper Kolab, NTPC, TISCO in Sukinda where
the oustees have been reduced to beggars,slum dwellers in cities
126
and women folk have lost their respects and right to life of all
including Kewara, the turtle and the people of Gopalpur,
Pipalpanka and Mankadanacha. Gopalpur protest movement is
not an independent gender specific movement but it provides
hints and clues for a new political paradigm where it may be more
important to get included or to put specific needs forward.
Resettlement and Rehabilitation
Government of Odisha has been pursuing various
development initiatives to improve the quality of lives of displaced
people ensuring social justice being the major cornerstones of
development, the government always proactively tries to make
sure people’s participation in development process in spite of
government’s intention to bring development to the people,
development interventions do at times create undesirable
consequences. Displacement due to large development projects
is one such phenomenon. Government of Odisha has been
responding this problem through various projects specific
Resettlement and Rehabilitation policy and plans. The current
intervention of policy formulation has actually taken note of the
lessons learnt through these past policies which essentially reflects
Government’s genuine spirit of learning and introspection. The
present policy of 2006 draws its strength from experiences from
the implementation of past policies, best practices in other states
and Odisha governments industrial Policy Resolution 2001.
Consultation with various direct and indirect stakeholders including
civil society of the state has been conducted and the views of the
academicians and specialists in the field of Resettlement and
Rehabilitation have been considered as a part of democratic
response of the government in policy formulation. Limitation of
the past policies have been acknowledged and analyzed and a
127

CHAPTER-VII
TATA STEEL PROJECT AND DISPLACED
WOMEN OF LUHAJHAR
The field study revealed that as the women were mostly
confined within the four walls of their homes, busy with household
activities. They were hardly aware in advance of the coming up
the Tata Steel plant projects in Table No. 1. among the 60
respondents from three villages like Badapur, Patrapur and
Sindhigaon of Luhajhar resettlement area, the main sources of
information about the project were their friends / relatives and
neighbours, which is 63 percent. Some cases they were also
informed by other villagers, 10 per cent of women were also
informed by the local political leaders who were usually coming
to their villages. And 17 per cent of women were aware about it
by the project authorities with official announcements in the village
itself by drumbeats. The rest 10 percent women were also
informed by the media. At that, time media was playing vital role
and actively representing all the current information among the
people. Tata project and displacement of Gopalpur with the
132
REFERENCES
S.P. U.D.R. printed at- Granth Shilpi, Navin Shahdara, Delhi-
110032, Peoples Union for Democratic Rights, Delhi, Association
for Protection Rights, West Bengal.
1999, “Resettlement and Rehabilitation at Gopalpur
“Prepared by Tata Steel; page-6.
Behera, Dandapani, “ROLE OF W OMEN IN THE
NATIONAL FREEDOM MOVEMENT IN GANJAM DISTRICT”,
Patnaik H.S, Mishra,P.K., “Studies in nationalist movement in india”
(2001), P.G. Department of History, Utkal University, Vani vihar,
p-38 to 46
Das.U, “Subaltern Consciousness of women in salt
satyagraha of Orissa’’ Patnaik, H.S, Mishra; ‘Studies in Nationalist
Movement in India’ (2001) P.G Department of History ,Utkal
University, Vani Vihar, page 48-54
Dhumil, 1997, “Gopalpur Peoples Union for Democratic
Rights, Delhi Association for Protection Rights, West Bengal.
Dhumil, 1997, ‘Gopalpur peoples union for democratic
Rights’, Delhi Association for protection Rights ,West Bengal .
Dhumil, October, 1997 Gopalpur, steel prakalop, Bisthapan
and sangaharsha, pub-peoples union for democratic rights, Delhi,
association for protection rights, West Bengal.
Displacement and Development ‘’Balaji Pandey’’ 1998
Dutta PK, Saxana HO, Brahmam M. 1987. Kewda perfume
industry in India. Economic Botany 41:403–410 3. Jagdev PN,
Naik B, Sahoo SC, Beura S, Maharana T. 1993. Variability,
selection and planting material in Kewda (Pandanus fascicularis
Lam.). Indian Journal of Genetics 53:310–314.
129

Gail Omvedt ‘Feminism and the Women’s Movement in
India’(1987)
Gana sangram, first number, August.
Ganga.S,”Response to the peopletowardstheprojects http:/
/shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/22336/12/
12_chapter%207.pdf
Gopalpur Barta, December 1996, volume: 3,.
Lingam. L, ‘Taking stock Women’s Movement and the
state ’ Edited-Shah,G ‘’Social movement and the state ‘’ p-310-
316
Misra R, Dash PK, Rao YR. 2000. Chemical composition of
the essential oils of Kewda and Ketaki. Journal of Essential Oil
Research 12:175–178.
Panda KK, Mahapatra S, Das LN, Misra MK, Panda BB.
2000. Optimal utilisation of kewda Pandanus fascicularis to
ameliorate economy and ecology of coastal India. Journal of
Medicinal and Aromatic Plant Science 22/4A-23/1A:679–682.
Panda. S, 2000, “project displaced persons of Tata steel,
Gopalpur project :A study of their Rehabilitation and Resettlement”,
Patnaik , H.S. Mishra, 2001, “Role Of Women In The
National Freedom Movement In Ganjam District”, Study in
nationalist movement in India, Dissertation Submitted P.G Dept.
Of History, Utkal University , Vani vihar ,p-38 – 46.
Rao YR. 2000. Kewda (Pandanus fascicularis Lam), an
economically important aromatic shrub in Ganjam district, Orissa,
India. Journal of Medicine and Aromatic Plant Sciences 22:377–
395.
Report on “Women’s activism in Gopalpur protest
Movement”, Dr.Urimimala Das, Women’s studies Research
Centre, Berhampur University.
130
Resettlement and Rehabilitation at Gopalpur (1996) Tata
Steel plant project.
S.P.U.D.R printed at –Grantha Shilpi, Navin Shahdara,
Delhi-110032, ‘Gopalpur Steel Prakalpa Bisthapada and Gana
Sangarsha ’october, 1997
‘Peoples Union for Democratic Rights ,Delhi, Assiotion for
Protection rights, West Bengal.
Sahoo S, Rout P.K and Panda P.K, Elite Kewda genotype
selection from Kelluapalli, Ganjam distract, Orissa, Proc Natl Sem
Plant Resource Utilization Backward Area Development,( RRL,
Bhubaneswar),2002, 253.
Samantara.P., 2002, “Peoples Struggle for Right to
Livelihood” Published by Gopal cost invironment protection forum,
Berhampur and Lok Shakti Abhiyan, New Delhi.
Saxana HO, Brahmam M. 1996. The Flora of Orissa, Vol.
IV. Orissa Forest Development
Shiva.V, Afsar H.jafri,1998, ‘Stronger than steel:People’s
movement against globalization and the Gopalpur steel plant’,Delhi
Research foundation for science, technology and ecology,India.
Singh.R, ‘’Themes in studies on old and new social
movement in india ‘’ Singh, R ‘’Social Movement, old and new a
post modernist critique ,(2001),New Delhi /Thousend Oaks/
Landon,p-217-310 Voice Gopalpur, 1996vol.1.no.1.
1996 ‘Resettlement and Rehabilitation at Gopalpur ‘’
prepared by Tata Steel ;November,page-6
1996 , Project Gopalpur, vol.1, No.5.
1996, “Resettlement &Rehabilitation at Gopalpur” prepared
by Tata Steel, pp-6
1997, “Gopalpur steel Prakalpa Bisthapada and Gana
Sangarsha”, Published
131
be united and these were more clear in their viewpoints and movement is a big burning topic not only in Ganjam district but
specific demands concerning to their lives. The GSS was very also all over Indian context.
clear in its opposition to the steel plant that the main issues were
Table 1
not environment vs. development but extinction vs. survival. Very
forcefully, they inscribed on the protest pillar that “water, land and First information regarding the Tata Project
environment belongs to us and none else have rights over them” Village Friends and Media Political Official No. of
Relatives leader announcements surveyed
. In all these clashes with police, women were always on the Badapur 7 0 1 2 10
forefront. They were always the first to face the police baton for Patrapur 5 2 1 2 10
the cause of their land and environment even at the cost of their Sindhigaon 7 1 1 1 10
lives. Of course, women constituted a significant element among Total 19 3 3 5 30

displaced population, its impact was significant element among Percentage 63 10 10 17 100

displaced population, and its impact was significant on them than

that of general populace. Women’s participation with men in
combined popular movement of Gopalpur protest has involved
historically a struggle on two fronts.
Not only have women sacrificed their lives to the dream of
a better future that good society without poverty, fear, pollution,
would prevail where no one would be displaced or subordinated;
but also they have had to confront the attitudes of some men in
this radical movement. A male vision in the plea of greater
democracy has frequently denied the specific needs of women
and their leadership and did not acknowledge women as equals
within the public political realm. Within the Gopalpur protest,
movement women have never given the leadership in forefront.
No doubt the women from 25 villages had fomed a ‘Narisena’
(ladies army) and Mrs. Kamala Lata Sahu of Chamakhandi village,
was its ‘President who once said that ‘Narisena was prepared to Women’s activism in Gopalpur protest movement
use lathis against any intruder who endeavoured to take over Gopalpur a coastal region in districts of Ganjam is situated
their homes’ . Women’s collective actions in this struggle ‘was in the southeastern part of India. Where the women are mainly
used as a support base; but no doubt they were given a living on the marine resources and green vegetation around it
subordinate space in spite of their militancy and equal social base Tata Steel Company wanted to displace the families around the
136 133
area to set up its steel plant. The Odisha government also made the globe. Because these have never originated here from the
an effort to deprive the women of their land, which is the only very consciousness about protection of environment as such.
source of their livelihood and have systematically violated the Rather these popular movements were rooted within the debate
principle of right to life guaranteed under the fundamental rights of their survival economy. No doubt, ultimately they had their
(Article 21) of our constitution. Thus, the women had taken a vow positive implications within the demand of preservation of eco-
to fight against the injustice perpetrated against them and system. Women both now and in the past have been involved in
remained iron clad in their determination without resting on the these struggles, which have not only been about women’s need
laurels of government and the company. as women contained much analysed political, economic and
environment issues. To protect their birth place, their agriculture
Displacing people from their traditionally inhabited area
land and environment from the threat of destruction by TATA steel,
without giving them adequate of livelihood which was economically
25,000 men and women have been protesting against the state
viable and ecological sustainable. Along with it, here comes
government’s decision to hand-over their lands and homes to
women’s question of “de-nesting” there. From the womb of their
TATA without their consent. Their slogans were, “We shall rather
natural environment, it was indeed alarming and frightening to
die than leave our place if birth, and we shall give our blood and
abort the bounty of nature, which was enriched with vegetation
life but shall not leave our land”. (On 7th August 1995, the Gana
and fruits, vegetables, medicinal plants and many other cash crops
Sangram Samiti (GSS) was formed to resist the entry of any
on which depended 25,000 populations of 25 revenue villages
government or the steel plant officials into the proposed plant
having not less than 9,247 acres of most fertile lands of Ganjam
site. The GSS had an executive body of 11 members and a council
district. Women of this area were much close to their land and its
of 70 members representing 25 villages. A prolonged and
remunerative production. Nature was providing them their
continuous fight of 19 months in 1995-96 brought about some
livelihood and was able to sustain the economy of their families.
success by resisting the entry of any official into the area. This
Women felt much rooted out than men due to their nature of
led to several sporadic clashes between police and the villagers.
‘nesting’, which was one, sense a reality of self-sustaining
The women and children were badly injured when the protest
economy and in other sense reflected their closeness in preserving
took its momentum in August 1996. Six platoons of armed police
the balance of eco-system. To quote Bandana Shiva “it is against
(about 6000 women) were deployed by state that used all means
this world wide phenomenon that one is pained and agonized to
to harass the peaceful protest by the people. During this reign of
see the efforts of the Government of Orissa to construct a 100
terror, two women B. Laxmana (Badaputi village) and S. Iramma
per cent export oriented steel plant in Gopalpur area which will
(Laxmipur village) were severely injured and died. The Chairman
bring about imbalances in its natural and self-sustaining economy
and spell distress to people’s lives, to its environment, bio-diversity of GSS, Mr. N. Narayan Reddy was booked under NSA and he
was jailed twice along with 60 more people. The atrocities on
and agriculture”. It is important to clarify here that an eco-friendly
behalf of state on the people of these 25 villages forced them to
movement of Orissa is different to all such movements all around
134 135
and 90% respondents from Sindhigaon feeling of loss of livelihood.
After that, all the respondents were lost their homes.
Economic loss of women
To appreciate the logic and spirit of the people’s movement
at Gopalpur, we may count here some of the major dimensions of
the social cost of Steel plant. The conversion of agricultural land
would have added food crisis in the region along with depriving
agriculture dependent families from their sources of livelihood. It
directly affected the women who are engaged as labourers in the
lands. Further, the coconut, mango, jackfruit, cashew, and other
fruit bearing trees in the groves, backgrounds of homestead lands
and in the isolated places substantially supports the economy of
women who earn their bread and butter by selling the vegetables
and fruits. Apart from this, the most natural gift of this region is
kewda plant, which constitutes 90% of the crops in Asia. Kewda
plant along with coconut trees also provide a green belt and acts
as a speed breaker to cyclones. Moreover, women are also getting
remuneration for plucking kewda flower an exclusive job of women.
The essence of Kewda flower is used in Pan Parag, Sweet meat
and perfumes etc. that gave birth to about 60 cottage industries
in the area during last 40 years. It gives employment opportunities
to the men and women. Further, the fibres of Kewda roots are
used to prepare ropes. ‘Its leaves are used to weave durable net
mattresses and local poor also use the dried leaves and stems of
plant as fuel. All these have a direct effect for the women either in
employment or in the use of fuel. The area has longest seashore
which fishing community uses. Again, the woman sells the fishes.
Consequent upon the establishment of TATA steel the water from
Rushikulya has to be given to it. Once the water is scarce, the
women had to suffer while collecting it. Even if the plant is
140
as that of men in that area. Political organization had never taken
this essentiality of women’s vision and feminist theoretical
questioning as a part of broader redefinition of human social
emancipation. Women’s participation in Gopalpur protest
movement opens up the possibility of imagining how the purpose
of politics might change by taking on women’s militancy, needs
and desires. So by placing feminism alongside other forms of
women’s social protest and viewing both within an historical
context, it become possible to show various groups of women
have tried to change their circumstance and how they have fared.
Development; but movement has been able to develop
daring assertive qualities in general and conviction and leadership
qualities in particular among women. As the case of Gopalpur
protest shows globalization in accelerating and amplifying these
problems of development and destruction; as it has already proved
in case of displacements from the projects, in Odisha like Hirakud,
Rengali, Indravati, NALCO, Upper Kolab, NTPC, TISCO in
Sukinda, where the oustees have been reduced to beggars, slum
dwellers in cities and women folk to prostitutes. Through their
struggle people have shown the way to future which respects the
right to life of all including kewra, the turtle and the people of
Gopalpur, Pipelanka and Manakadnacha. Gopalpur protest
movement is not an indigenous women movement but it provides
hints and clues for a new political paradigm where it may be more
important to get included or to put specific needs forward.
In my personal observation at Luhajhar. Out of the
respondents from three different villages, most of the female were
personally involved in the protest movement. In the Table No. 3.2
shows 83 per cent of women strongly (directly) raised their voice
against TATA. These mass movements to protect land, forest,
water and bio-diversity, which are the main source of rural India
137
with a social identity. Other 17 per cent were not cooperated these Land acquisition affected the people by displacing them
mass movement because at that time some are newly married. from their birthplace leading to the marginalization. The schedule
Due to some social restriction, they controlled their feelings not caste women were also more of the negative attitude towards the
to come out. project. More than 50% women were unhappy because of the
loss of houses and lands. They were forcefully displaced by the
Table -2
TATAs. There was no other option in front of them.
Women’s participation in Gopalpur Protest Movement
Table-3
Village Participation Non-participation Total
Badapur 9 1 10 Percentage of loss of livelihood
Patrapur 6 4 10
Village Loss of % Homeless % Loss of %
Sindhigaon 10 0 10 agricultur livelihood
e land
Total 25 5 30
Badapur 1 10 10 100 7 70
Percentage 83 17 100
Patrapur 5 50 10 100 6 60
Sindhigaon 2 20 10 100 9 90

Reaction of women to Land acquisition

Orissa belong a state where more than 80 per cent of From the Table 3, it is clear that their lives had been affected
population depend upon agriculture. Before displacement, almost by displacement, 10% from Badapur, 50% from Patrapur, 20%
all persons were engaged in agricultural activities for their from Sindhigaon, respondents felt concerned about loss of their
livelihood, except a few general caste populations. agricultural land. 70% of respondents in Badapur, 60% in Patrapur

138 139
widowhood. Rehabilitation compensation package have been established, many of the pollutants may also effects embryo or
entirely against to women whether in providing land, housing, the unborn child while still in the mother womb. In the process,
jobs or cash. In the proposed a women had no place to do the women usually become the victims because they are the
something for her economic development. mothers of deformed children. Once the ecosystem is disturbed,
by which the woman and female children in rural families suffer
The resettlement colony was not constructed from the point
badly as they collect firewood, fodder, and food from there. The
of women. It did not provide any privacy to women like bath, toilets,
women are getting direct employment and though they are
washing, apart from these there was no education, health facility
marginal families, they get their livelihood from the area without
for them.
depending on government. So, the women were economically
In my field study, it’s clear that men were more benefited empowered. That is why, struggle against Tata Steel was very
than women. In this term benefited means men were having more much inspired by women, and ultimately they remain at the
compensation than women. Due to patriarchy, system women frontline. They formed an association called ‘Nan Sena’ to fight
are not treated well. The resettlement and rehabilitation package against the government and company.
by Tatas were given more emphasis on titleholder who were
They were associated with rallies, protest, ‘and
undoubtedly men.
demonstration and attend a number of meetings. When the
As the result of my study, I found that in every aspect of women are coming, the children are also coming making the
compensation women were loser, 93% male were getting R & R movement total. In this way, the agitation attained a feverish pitch
package. Only 7% women were benefited by R & R package when the villagers including women and children face the inhuman
because of their singlehood and widowhood. These particular police action in the month of August 1996. Even two old women
women were received houses to live, not any livelihood. The R & named Laxmiama and S. Yerramma died after being injured by
R package given below. This is presented in Table -4. police tear gas and Lathi charges. The women were successfully
Table -4 obstructed the administration to have survey work for acquisitions
of land for TISCO. On March 19, 1997 the district administration
Resettlement and Rehabilitation policy and
resorted to police firing on unarmed villagers to enter into the
compensation
village for survey work. But the determined village agitators did
Village Male Female Total not allow the survey staff to proceed with their work. In the Police,
Badapur 10 0 10 firing five villagers of Sindhigaon were severely injured by bullets
Patrapur 8 2 10 and hundreds of women and children were injured by police lathi
Sindhigaon 10 0 10 charge. So, during the struggle the leadership of women came to
Total 28 2 30 light. Specially they can speak in public, meet officers, argue,
Percentage 93 7 100 and discuss with them and became militants to fight outside the
144 141
proposed plant area. When asked about the employment
opportunities in TATA, the women said, “we are illiterate. How
can you give us employment ? Even if you can give us
employment, it is only for a temporary period. What will be the
fate of our children, who are inside our wombs”. They again
emphasized that because we have land, because we have nature,
future generation can also get employment. These are the women
thoughts i.e., economic thinking, social security and security of
resources and where there are all these things, there is social
economic existence. And once socio-economic security destroyed,
the insecurity among women is eminent.
Findings
The women were fought shoulder to shoulder with their men
counterpart, when the Government of Odisha was hell bent to
deprive them of their land in order to build Gopalpur Steel plant at
the behest of TATA steel authority. All credit goes to the villagers,
particularly women, who thronged to the meeting in large numbers
and stod like a rock in the face of brutalities perpetrated on them.
Due to their presence at the entrance of the village, even the
policemen could not enter into for survey work. The massive
participation of women in the movement of Gopalpur has proved
to the hilt that women belonging to the peasant communities are
second to none when the issues of their bread and dignity are
involved.
Compensation and resettlement and rehabilitation policy for
displaced women
In the lack of national policy on resettlement and
rehabilitation, women are not taken into account. Lack of gender
sensitivity not only imposes unfairly huge social cost women; it
also ensures that the resettlement efforts, which fail to achieve
142
their goal. About the R & R package of project authority, the
majority of displaced women said that at no stage were they told.
Due to displacement their productive activities got disrupted
without rehabilitation, displaced women were impoverishes and
further marginalizes the already powerless. Rehabilitation and
resettlement package by TATA were also gender based. In some
cases, compensation had been given in the form of cash payment
by the Tata.
The forms of compensation for physical assets, by definition
militate against the interests of women and further marginalize
them economically. Compensation had been given to the head of
the family who are mainly men. Cash is paid and received by
men and so that women remained silent. After receiving the cash,
the male recipients spend and disbursed it according to his
pleasure and his will. Having no access to compensation women
are treated as the secondary part of the family who were only
meant for family work. In some cases, it is found that after receiving
cash compensation, fathers have given their daughters in marriage
at a very early age though child marriage prohibition was passed
long back in 1929. But in the Southern pocket of Orissa, they are
still in practice. Before displacement women had traditional rights
over land sources. But after displacement project authorities just
ignored these rights of women in these locations. The men were
treated as the sole owners of the land women, were hardly ever
consulted in planning the rehabilitation package. Women were
squarely deprived of their original land titles and also did not
receive any land compensation in the resettlement area. After
displacement, displaced women were not requiring resettlement
but they highly needed some rehabilitation for their personal
economics development. In my field study, I found that some
respondents were dependent upon her their families due to
143
CASE STUDIES
Radha Das (Badapur)
Radha Das aged about 70 year, is leading a very miserable
life with her old husband. Before the land in her village was
acquired for steel plant. She led a decent life with her four sons
and two daughters. Her husband used to work in agricultural land.
Radha was also helping her husband, and they were living happily.
Suddenly, her future became dark when her land was taken
away for steel plant. And their total compensation money was
spent on the marriage of the daughters and sons. After a long
Another important thing is that displacement to new
struggle, she did not find any happy after displacement.
environment was only single option in front of them. In the
Unfortunately, her younger daughter became a widow at an early
compensation case male persons were more interested for cash
age. So Radha was forced to assume responsibility of looking
against their loss because most of the male people were liquor
after her. After getting married, the sons became indifferent and
addicted.
rule towards her and her husband. None of the sons cared to
look after their parents. As a result, all the sons left the parents Reaction of women respondents on Displacement
house. After that, it was a great problem to take care of their When the particular displaced women were learnt about
regular needs like food and other essential like medicine. the Tata Steeel project and about their displacement, the natural
The introducing of steel plant in Radha’s village has thus reaction was athat of a feeling of extreme unhappiness. (Table 5)
led to the ruination of the entire family both directly and indirectly. Table - 5
The direct acquisition of her family’s land deprived her of the main
Displaced Women’s Reaction to the project
income. The destruction of native land cut her off other source of
income like traditional occupation. The indirect effect is manifest Village Fear of Unhappy Helpless Despair Hope No. of
losing
in the disruption of relationship between the parents and the sons. for job surveyed
land
Saraswati Gauda (Badapur) Badapur 2 4 1 3 0 10
Patrapur 3 4 1 1 1 10
Saraswati Gauda aged about 50 years is perpetually treated
Sindhigaon 3 3 3 1 0 10
by starvation today. Yet, few years ago, she used to lead a
Total 8 11 5 5 1 30
comfortable life. With four growing children and husband. Her
family had ample scope for earning from their land as well as Percentage 26 37 17 17 3 100

148 145
 Table - 6

Caste wise distribution of displaced women

Village SC OBC General Total
Badapur 9 1 0 10
Patrapur 5 3 2 10
Sindhigaon 9 1 0 10
Total 23 5 2 30
Percentage 76 17 7 100

In our sample, from among the displaced persons in total

that of we found that SC population (76%) dominate the whole
group of which, 17% of them belong to OBC category. Apart from
Table- 5 shows that the degree of sensitivity varied among these, two caste categories, general castes were constituted 7%
the displaced women residing in different areas. From the of the total sample. Population within these general caste
respondents 37% rural women were mentally disturbed and at categories are from the BPL groups.
made their life unhappy for the cause of displacement. 26% of
In our same study, we found 17% OBC families were
women also spent their whole night with the unknown fear. Due
displaced and shifted to Luhajar. Apart from these two castes,
to their land loss of land, they did not sleep properly. A number of
other women’s families were belonging to general group like
them 17% felt that they were going to helpless. Another 17%
Brahmin, Kshetriya etc. Lack of income source after displacement
respondents were despair. Lastly, 3% respondents had a positive
has made them BPL holders.
reaction; they hoped to get jobs after Tata Project started.
From the depth study of personal dialogues with the women
I have covered three villages – Badapur, Patrapur and
who faced the threat of impending displacement. These women
Sindhigaon. Only Patrapur is a hamlet of the three. In the three
were passing through the most crisis-ridden time in their lives.
villages under my study, I covered 30 households from each
They were living every moment in utter confusion and despair,
village, and focused only 10 women’s household, who had already
not knowing what to do. In our way we have tried to capture their
been displaced and resettled at Tata Colony, Luhajhar. The
feelings and emotions during these crucial moments of their lives.
particulars of caste and specific caste groups of the respondents
The live stories emanating from this exercise are presented in
are presented in Table 6 and 7 respectively.
the form of case studies as follows.

146 147
 Social security is also regarded as a measure of poverty,
alleviation. According to the World Bank, poverty, alleviation
consists mainly of two elements. The first is to promote the
productive use of labour and the second is to provide the basic
social services such as primary health care. Family planning,
nutrition and primary education etc. There is also a third element
namely a system of transfers and safety nets for the benefit of
the sick, the old, the destitute and those who suffer temporary
setbacks due to seasonal variation in income, loss of family bread-
winner, famine or other adverse macro-economic shocks after
displacement. This element may be expressed as social
protection, which includes social security.
After displacement in the light of the foregoing observation,
social security needs of women have to be considered in the
context of their other economic and social needs, which are as
follows:
 Employment
 Nutrition health care, education support, food discharging,
family responsibility etc.
 Income support and protection of income and
 In the case of those who are not able to work and earn
some income, provision of basic needs, viz., food, clothing,
and shelter at the expense of the state or the community.
For assessing these needs women have to be classified
under three groups.
 Those who are employed.
 Those who are able to work about not employed.
 Those who are not able to work
152
other sources such as kitchen, garden a flourishing pottery
business.
After displacement, she lost of their land of source of income.
Because of steel plant project operations, her pottery business
came to nought owing to the deteriorating quality of the earth,
which was affected by the operations.
The small compensation money was spent on marrying off
the oldest daughter. W hen her son got employed as
compensation. The son became indifferent towards the family.
His wife started misbehaving with the other family members and
Saraswati became the main target. After sometime, the son lived
separately with his wife and children.
Then gradually the family burden, increasing tension of
frequent starvation have adversely affected Saraswati’s health.
She is just living under frustration. Her frail figure is unable to
bear the trauma, neglect and helplessness.
Kuntala Behera: Patrapur
Kuntala Behera, a 50 year old scheduled caste woman in
Patrapur village lives in extreme hardship with her physical weak
husband. She spent all her compensation money for their
daughter’s marriage.
Before displacement, she as living with her husband happily.
She settled down in her new surroundings, joined her husband in
his work in the fields and supported to her husband.
Due to steel plant project, she lost her agricultural land,
which only sources of income, and she is facing several financial
crisis as well as great mental stress. The bulk of the compensation
money was spent on her daughter’s wedding and the rest on her
husband’s treatment.
149
 Kuntala Behera, victim of the multi-faceted adverse effects
of a development project these effects follow from the attitude
and policies of the authorities of these projects, which are marked
by particular indifference to the immediate rate of the poor who
may be ousted by the projects, and general short slightness about
the future far-reaching dangerous economic environmental and
socio-cultural implications of the way those projects operate for
the entire country in general.
Satyabhama Patra (Sindhigaon)
Satyabhama Patra was married at early age of 14 in
Sindhigaon village. Her father being a poor farmer himself married
off the daughter into a relatively better off family in order to ensure
her a secure future. Her husband looked after the two acres of
land that they possessed and which produced enough to meet
the family’s food requirements. But her luck did not cooperate
her. She became a widow at the age of 25. By that time, she had
become mother of two children a son and a daughter. In the
absence of an adult male in her family, she gave her land for
sharecropping to a neighbour somehow; she managed to raise
her children.
Two years after her husband’s death, she heard from her
neighbour about the Tata Steel Project in her area. Her two acres
of land were taken away by the authorities.
After displacement she worked outside as a labour and
became bed-ridden unable to move, she had to away from work
on the sickbed. She awaiting for her justice that one day her family
member (her son) gets the job and she may be able to get some
medical care.
150
R. Ramakma (Sindhigaon)
R. Ramakma is a 60 years old woman. Her husband has
two acres of land, which was enough for a modest living.
Ramakma was active in supporting her husband with the help of
kitchen garden, which was producing enough to meet the family’s
vegetable requirements over the years she became a mother of
five sons and one daughter. Although the size of the family was
increasing, they hardly faced any shortage of food, cloth, and
shelter. Apart from these problems they were living happily. But
when they listened, about the steel plant project, they became
shocked. It shattered her mental peace. She started worrying
about how to protest her family from imminent ruination.
After their land was acquired her husband received cash
compensation which was also spent on marrying off her daughter
and sons.
As a part of rehabilitation assistance, her oldest son was
got another plot. Soon after getting the separate plight, he left the
family and set up a separate family without caring to carryout his
familial responsibilities to his parents. In this crisis period, other
grownup sons separated form the main family. And loosing all the
happy, she had no resource to support her husband who is very
old. In their old age they are only recalling the sweet moments of
their life, which she is left with displacement she demand justice
and mental peace.
Social security needs of displaced women of Luhajhar
The right to social security is regarded as complementary
to the right to work. This idea is based on the principle that society
should provide work to those who are able to work so that they
may earn their living and to those who cannot work, society should
provide the means or subsistence.
151
 Joshi, B.L. (1982), “Displacement and Rehabilitation : Study
of a Dam Affected Rural Community”, Parimal Prakashan,
Aurangbad.
Mathur, Hari Mohan. 2001. Livelihood Issues in Projects
that Involve
Report on “Women’s activism in Gopalpur protest
movement”, Dr. Urmimala Das, Women’s Studies Research
Centre, Berhampur University.
“Resettlement and Rehabilitation at Gopalpur “prepared by
Tata Steel ;November 1996,page-6
Resettlement: Experiences of a Coal Mining Project in
Eastern India. Paper presented at ISED/CDS Social Development
Research Capacity Building Workshop ‘Livelihoods and Poverty
Reduction: Lessons f rom Eastern India.’ September.
Bhubaneswar, Orissa, India.September.
Resettlement and Rehabilitation at Gopalpur (1996) Tata
Steel plant project.
S.A. Raj. 1992. Development, Displacement and
Rehabilitation in the Tribal Areas of Orissa. New Delhi: Indian
Social Institute.
156
Those who are employed can again be divided into two
categories. Those who are employed for wages and those who
are self-employed. So far as the women employed for wage are
concerned, their social security would be mainly in the nature of
income support or income maintenance and these needs can be
met largely under the conventional schemes of social security
based on the ILO standard. These provides medical care, sickness
benefit, maternal benefit, unemployment benefit, old age benefit,
employment injury benefit, invalidity benefit and family benefit.
These benefits may be provided either under employer
liability scheme, under a social insurance scheme, or under social
assistance programme. In India, we have a social insurance
scheme under the employee’s state insurance Act for providing
protection against health related risks such as sickness benefit,
maternity benefit and employment injury benefit and medical care.
There are also employer liability schemes for employment injury
benefit under the Workmen’s Compensation Act and for Maternity
Benefit Act, 1961, in a few states maternity benefit is provided to
women in the informal sector under social assistance programme.
There is however, no provision in India law or practice for the
other benefit namely unemployment benefit, old age benefit,
invalidity benefit or family benefit. Of these, provision of maternity
benefit and family benefit is particularly relevant and necessary
for women.
So far as self-employed women are concerned apart from
the protection of their income during sickness, maternity, accident
or old age, they would need protection against other contingencies
which affect their productive function such as flood, drought,
famine, epidemic diseases etc. Resulting in failure of crops, loss
of livestock, loss of destruction of plant and equipment. This type
153
of protection is provided under schemes or general insurance In addition to the need for raising the level of their
individually to those who can afford to pay the premium. In the consumption of basic amenities of life, the poor need adequate
case of women with low levels of income, it will be necessary to and stable income from wage or self-employment, legal projection
develop appropriate groups or social insurance scheme. There is of their right to livelihood in the informal sector and protection
a greater need for such insurance scheme in the Luhajhar area. against natural disasters or social disruption. They also need old
age and childcare; problems that have more acute as an
These schemes come under the description of agricultural
increasing number of the displaced people of Luhajhar.
insurance or rural insurance. The scope for such insurance in
many countries is wide, it is particularly so in an agricultural country The need of adequate and stable income should be the
like India. It covers all activities related to agriculture and village cornerstone of the all efforts to improve the social security of the
and cottage industries, crop insurance, livestock insurance, poultry displaced women, as this would in turn though the link of income
insurance, honey bee insurance, bio-gas plant insurance, with basic need, enable the poor to satisfy most of their other
agricultural pump set insurance etc. Are a few example of rural social security needs. This does not mean, however, that the state
insurance. Handicrafts and other households and there is much can abdicate its basic responsibility of ensuring the social security
Ned and scope for insurance in India. In as much as women of society especially of the displaced women of Luhajhar.
depend on such activities for their livelihood protection against
the risks in these activities is of particular significance of them.
REFERENCES
The displaced women of Luhajhar resettled area needs such
social security like: Fernades, Walter and S. Anthony Raj (1992), Development,
Social security needs Contingency need protection / Displacement and Rehabilitation in the tribal areas of Orissa Indian
coverage
1. Adequate and stable income from Unemployment Social Institute, New Delhi.
wage or self-employment
2
2.1
Basic needs
Health care service (including
Under employment
Loss of income due to vagaries of
Fernandes W, March 2004 - ‘Rehabilitation Policy for the
2.2
occupational health)
Nutrition
nature or seasonal cycle of production
Sickness
Displaced’, in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 39, Issue 12,
Disability
Maternity
pp 1191-1193
Death
Under nutrition G. Lakshmi, N.D. Rehabilitation Policy for Andhra Pradesh,
Starvation
2.3 Shelter Homelessness Government, Nagarjuna Sagar to Srisailam .
Inadequate housing
2.4 Education (basic education skills Literacy/ lack of education. IGNOU, School of Social Sciences (2001) Participatory
training)
2.5 Clean water supply Lack of marketable skills Planning for resettlement and Rehabilitation Policy, New Delhi.
2.6 Sanitation facility Lack of sanitation facilities
3.1 Old age and child care Senility old age
Childhood
Jena, M ,2006, “Orissa: Draft Resettlement and
3.2 Legal protection (especially urban Abuse by authorities or powerful
inform sector) members of the society Rehabilitation Policy, 2006”, Economic& Political Weekly, 4
3.3 Protection against natural disaster or Natural disasters / social disruption
social disruption February: 384-87.

154 155
Culture, Zindal Power Plant in Anugul, Lower Suktel Project in
Bolangir are few such giant projects. This is the most crucial period
which has witnessed the onset of globalization along with inroads
of MNCs and National private and government projects in to the
resource rich areas of Odisha.
Gopalpur protest movement was primarily directed against
the construction of steel plant. It was considered contrary to the
trend of time which witnessed the dismantling of such plants in
many technological environments. It was to be constructed by
displacing people from their traditionally inhabited area without
giving them adequate opportunities of livelihood which was
economically viable and ecologically sustainable. Along with it
comes women’s question of ‘de-nesting’ them from the womb of
their natural environment. It was indeed alarming and frightening
to abort the bounty of nature which was enriched with vegetation
and fruits, vegetables, medicinal plants and many other cash crops
on which 25,000 people of 25 revenue villages depended, having
not less than 9,247 acres of most fertile lands of Ganjam
district(Gopalpur Brata: 1996). Women of this area were much
close to their land and its remunerative production. Nature was
providing them their livelihood, and was able to sustain the
economy of their families. Women felt much rooted out than men
due to their nature of ‘nesting’ which was in one sense a reality of
self-sustaining economy and in other sense reflected their
closeness in preserving the balance of eco-system. To quote
Bandana Shiva “it is against this world wide phenomenon that
one is pained and agonized to see the efforts of the Government
of Orissa to construct a 100 percent export oriented steel plant in
Gopalpur area which will bring about imbalances in its natural
and self-sustaining economy and spell disasters to people’s lives,
to its environment, bio-diversity and agriculture” (Shiva V. & Jafri,
160
CHAPTER- VIII
END NOTES
Collective actions of women against development induced
displacement in Odisha have been able to raise the very important
questions of the oppressed section of the society, their rights to
life and livelihood with a gender perspective. First phase of
movement deals the displacement of BALCO and Baliapala
which  narrates  women’s protest against the domination of the
state before the onset of globalization; whereas Gopalpur,
Kashipur, Kalinganagar, Vedanta and Posco movements have
questioned the ethics of development projects and policies. Due
to displacement, women have lost their natural and social support
system along with the identity they derived out of it and turned to
incognito. Source of sustaining livelihood and cultural entity have
emerged as the nonnegotiable issues between state and displaced
women.
In these movements, one can locate two forms of feminist
consciousness, one is linked to the economic issues of Marxist
feminism and the other may be interpreted as eco-feminist issues.
The sensitivity of women to preserve and nurture the nature is an
157
extension of women’s similar essentialist and reproductive
activities. In Marxist sense, women’s consciousness around
economic issues as direct producer gains more importance than
any other issues in these movements.
Development induced displacement is not only
impoverishing but is unjust,in Rawls terms, it can create new
inequalities by depriving people not only of income and wealth
but also of social goods in two other categories: liberty and
opportunity, and social bases of respect (John Rawls :1971).
Odisha is a resource rich state endowed with minerals ,
forest,water and marine resources. Government has acquired
hundreds of villages under the doctrine of “Eminent Domain” for
Greater Good in the name of “development” as a result of which,
millions of people have become displaced from their homes(UN
Report:2008). This also led to large scale displacement of people
among whom the disadvantaged tribal, dalit and OBC constitute
a major segment i. e, 40% (Pandey, B:1998). People have
protested the doctrine of eminent domain to protect their
land,shelter and livelihood. In this paper a striving has been made
to analyze the debates and demands around which women’s
activism has surfaced. Collective actions of women against
development induced displacement in Odisha have been able to
raise the very important questions of the oppressed section of
the society, their rights to life and livelihood .
The economic and environmental issues were more intimate
and problematic for women than men while viewing the gift of
nature in terms of livelihood, fodder, fuel medicine, water, shelter,
beauty, security etc. Women not only understood this sustaining
character of nature’s gift but also experienced, lived shared,
preserved & nurtured it along with their own lifestyle as a limbo
158
of biodiversity species. Due to displacement, women have lost
their natural and social support system along with the identity
they derived out of it. When people are uprooted because their
land is wanted for economic reasons usually associated with
visions of national development, their multiple identities tend to
disappear: they become ungendered , uprooted, and are dealt
with as undifferentiated families or house holds (colson
:1999:25).Feminist literature has pointed out the many ways in
which genderless categorisation of the community, the state and
its institutions, have tended to conceal the complexities unfolding
in everyday exchanges between women and men(Elson, 1998;
Boserup, 1970; Kabeer: 1994.). Source of sustaining livelihood
and cultural entity have emerged as the non negotiable issues
between state and displaced women .In these movements, one
can locate two forms of feminist consciousness, one is linked to
the economic issues of Marxist feminism and the other may be
interpreted as eco-feminist issues.
Just before independence, Development projects were
initiated in Odisha and started snowballing in early fifties after
independence. Rourkela Steel Plant and Hirakud Multipurpose
Dam were the important projects in this decade. Some other
notable projects in the sixties were the Hindustan Aeronautics
Limited (HAL), Talcher Thermal Power Station (TTPS), and the
Balimela Dam. Rengali, Upper Kolab, Upper Indravati and
Subarnarekha Multipurpose Dams came up in seventies. The Ib
Thermal Power Station (ITPS), Talcher Super Thermal Power
Project and the National Aluminium Company (NALCO) were set
up in the eighties. Since liberalization in 1990s, Odisha, particularly,
has emerged as the mineral hotspot of the subcontinent, and
foreign investors are queuing up. Posco in Jagatsinghpur,
Vedanta in Lanjigarh, Tata Steel in Kalinganagar, Chilika Prawn
159
women friendly methods of struggle. By this they could ousts the
attackers and save their modesty and self prestige.
Observation of Gopalpur protest movement reveals that
99% of participant the movement were women.Leadership was
in the hands of men. Mr.Naryan Reddy was most leading
personnel among them,who fought for them and imprisoned.
W hile looking to the political affiliation of this
struggle,Communist Party of India(CPI) was the underling political
party behind the struggle.The radical enthusiasm of men and
women could catch the fire of struggle so quickly because they
were already organized by CPI. It was a political base of CPI,
Orissa where Mr.N.Naryan Reddy was the young vibrant leader.
The peoples struggle against Tata continued for 4 years
from 1995-1999. Such a long period of continued struggle was
supported by CPIM,Socialist.Only Congress was the opponent
ruling party of the time in state government which was the support
of Tata and stood in opposition to people’s struggle.In the struggle,
S.Arema of Laxmipur and Lachma scarified their life.
‘Development’ concept has become questionable while
looking from deprived peoples point of view. Development induced
displacement has caused widespread traumatic psychological and
socio cultural consequences to women than men. Displaced
people under proposed Gopalpur project has dismantled traditional
production of Kewra essence to some extent. It has destroyed
their anceustral sacred zone,graves and place of worship.Family
and kinship groups are scattered.
In rehabilitation colony of Luhajhar displaced people have
been marginalized and impoverished by losing their land, home
residence based job and property resources. Many kewra fields
were smashed and bullied under earth forever.
164
A.H:1998). It is important to clarify here that eco-friendly
movements of Orissa are different to all such movements all
around the globe. Because, these are not originated from the
very consciousness about protection of environment as such,
rather, these popular movements were rooted within the debate
of their survival economy. No doubt ultimately they had their
positive implications within the demand of preservation of eco-
system. Women both now, and in the past, have been involved in
these struggles which have not only been about women’s needs
as women, but contained much more analyzed political, economic
and environment issues.
To protect their birth place, their agricultural land and
environment from the threat of destruction by TATA Steel 25,000
men and women have been protesting against the state
government’s decision to hand-over their lands and homes to
TATA without their consent. Their slogans were, “We shall rather
die than leave our place of birth, and we shall give our blood and
life but shall not leave our land”. On 7thAugust 1995 the Gana
Sangram Samiti (GSS) was formed to resist the entry of any
government or the steel plant officials into the proposed plant
site. The GSS had an executive body of 11 members and a council
of 70 members representing 25 villages (Swabhimana :1998). A
prolonged and continuous fight of 19 months in 1995-96 brought
about some success by resisting the entry of any official into the
area (Swabhimana :1998). This led to several sporadic clashes
between police and the villagers. The women and children were
badly injured when the protest took its momentum in August 1996;
six platoons of armed police (about 6000 women) were deployed
by state that used all means to harass the peaceful protest by the
people. During this reign of terror two women B. Laxamma
(Badaputti village) and S. Iramma (Laxmipur village) were severely
161
injured and died. The Chairman of GSS, Mr. N. Narayan Reddy this struggle was used as a support base; but no doubt they were
was booked under NSA and he was jailed twice along with 60 given a subordinate space in spite of their militancy and equal
more people (Voice Gopalpur :1996). The atrocities on behalf of social base as that of men in that area. Political organization had
state on the people of these 25 villages forced them to be united never taken this essentiality of women’s vision and feminist
and they were clearer in their view points, objectives and specific theoretical questioning as a part of boarder redefinition of human
demands concerning to their lives. social emancipation. Women’s participation in Gopalpur protest
movement opens up the possibility of imagining how the purpose
The GSS was very clear in its opposition to the steel plant
of politics might change by taking on women’s militancy, needs
that the main issues were not environment vs. development but
and desires. So by placing feminism alongside other forms of
extinction vs. survival. Very forcefully they inscribed on the protest
women’s social protest and viewing both within an historical
pillar that “Water, land and environment belongs to us and none
context, it become possible to show various groups of women
else have rights over them (Gopalpur Paribesa Surakhya
have tried to change their circumstances and how they have fared.
Mancha:1996)”. They understood the essence of eco-feminism
It can be said though the ownership and control of peoples
that Earth care has to become the biggest work that we engage
traditional source of sustenance has been snatched systematically
in and a byproduct of Earth care is all the human needs we do. In
for the sake of development; but Gopalpur protest movement
all these clashes with police, women were always on the forefront.
has been able to develop daring assertive qualities in general
They were always the first to face the police baton for the cause
and conviction and leadership qualities in particular among
of their land and environment even at the cost of their lives. Of
women. Gopalpur protest movement is not an indigenous women
course women constituted a significant element among displaced
movement but it provides hints and clues for a new political
population and its impact was significant element among displaced
paradigm where it may be more important to get included or to
population and its impact was significant on them than that of
put specific needs forward.
general populace.
During Gopalpur protest movement,women were targeted
Women’s participation with men in combined popular
and exploited by land garbbers, police and outsiders(company
movement of Gopalpur protest has involved historically a struggle
people).One very interesting method of women’s protest in
on two fronts (Pathkar, M. :1998). Within the Gopalpur protest
Gopalpur movement was that they threw dry chilly dust to the
movement leadership was never given to women in fore front. No
eyes of those persons and police who were trying to attack them.
doubt the women from 25 villages had formed a ‘Narisena’ (ladies
They also gave fire shock by pressing the candlewick tin potted
army) and Mrs. Kamala Lata Sahu of Chamakhandi village, was
kerosene lamp under the buttock of males grabbers .It was neither
its President who once said that “Narisena was prepared to
planned nor strategies. At the time of attack by the land gabber,
use lathis (sticks) against any intruder who endeavored to take
police, company people, women resorted to these gender specific,
over their homes( PUDR :1997)”. Women’s collective actions in

162 163
or along with that of indigenous organizations. NGOs have always
co-opted the issues of women’s movement and have hardly
 followed them up to the last. Feminist leadership in the state is to
be further improved. Women mass base of different political
parties are not united on displacement issues rather have become
election oriented. Organizational bases are weak and strategies
are not clear. But no doubt protest movements in Odisha have
gained momentum only with the co-operation of women’s mass
action.
While analyzing in between the lines, one can locate two
forms of feminist consciousness; one is the economic issues of
Marxist feminism i.e. the question of survival and livelihood and
the other one may be interpreted as sustaining economy,
environment, earth, water and forest as Eco-feminist issues. The
protagonists of the Eco-feminist school explain the sensitivity of
women to preserve the nature and nurture. It may be understood
as an extension of women’s similar activities of essentialist
character.  To fight for protection of forest,  water and soil may be
explained as a part of character of women in terms of self-
sustaining economy as a basic feature of Eco-feminism. Women
and nature are viewed as synonym concepts. The first challenge
of Eco-feminist really is the uprooting on millions in the name of
development, displacement and the creation of homelessness,
[where] what we have really is the world as a homeless society
whereas oikos – which means home – is both the root of economy
and ecology. So, in the name of economy and taking care of the
home we are creating a homelessness which is an absurd
enterprise (Vandana Shiva, POD Academy Channel: 2014).
168
Women fought shoulder to shoulder with their men
counterpart when the Government of Orissa was hell bent to
deprive them off their land in order to build Gopalpur steel plant
at the behest of TATA Steel Authority. All credit goes to the villagers,
particularly women, who thronged to the meeting in large numbers
and stood like a rock in the face of brutalities perpetrated on
them. Due to their presence at the entrance of the village even
the policemen could not enter into even for survey work. The
massive participation of women in the movement of Gopalpur
has proved to the height that women belonging to the peasant
communities are second to non when the issues of their bread
and diginity are involved.
In the resettlement colony the villagers of new Badapur,
new Patrapur ,new Sindhigaon were n’t feeling the sense of
belongingness which they used to get there in their native villages
where roofs walls, court yards, backyards were inter women
terrain.
The old kinship and other forms of social relationship had
broken in the resettled area of Luajhar. And also the then caste
based dominance of the Reddika community was reduced.The
lower and middle class families were not satisfied with the
functional activities of Tata Steel. The Tata have committed for
giving jobs and providing all facilities to make lives more
comfortable, which is not being fulfilled. These have remained in
broken promises only.
After having separate land compensation the young married
sons are living separately,thus the old parents are suffering a lot
and no one is there to look after them. In this way the social
relationship has been reduced only because of displacement.
165
 The displaced women are not getting employment during
sowing and harvesting season, which they were getting in their
old villages. The male are not satisfied by the project as most of
then have been uprooted from there occupation.
The old women feel very harassed as only one street of
their entire village has been shifted. They do feel away from the
village culture and feel marooned.
Before displacement, some poor women had taken rope
making, Kewra flower collection, subcontracting as part of their
source of seasonal income . Now they are deprived of all the
amenities. They outburst their frustration, physical pain and
mental agony before others.
Majority of the respondents gave the information that their
husbands are indulged in alcoholism ,gambling, stealing and have
become quarrelsome which is unworthy for a decent life.
Women in Gopalpur movements fought in huge number
with full vigour and as conscious fighter. They understood it very
much that it is the forth coming capitalist economic structure which
is going to destroy their self sufficient nature’s gift. Their level of
consciousness reflects the essence of Marxian materialistic
interpretation of history. It is their consciousness about the
snatching of the resources, livelihood and land which has shaped
the struggle. One more question which is linked to feminist
struggles is in which way market forces made the women
vulnerable? Displaced women are often caught in a double bind.
On the one hand, male biases in society help perpetuate gender
inequality in terms of unequal resource allocation and distribution
and also legitimise the silencing of women’s interests. On the
other hand, biases within state institutions, structures and policies
dealing with Resettlement and Rehabilitation (R/ R)help perpetuate
166
and exacerbate these inequalities (Mehta ,Lyla :2009). Odisha
Resettlement and Rehabilitation Policy 2006 is a land mark policy
in this line which aims at zero displacement(GOO R/R Policy:
2006) ;but one can mark many gross reinforcement of gender
stereotypes and discrimination against women in it.
While analyzing these movements, one can locate various
issues relating to different forms of feminist consciousness, one
is linked to rudimentary forms of the economic issues and conflict
of interests between corporate and capitalistic class on one side
and subaltern displaced class interests on the other side of class
struggle .Marxist feminist demands in these struggle does not
only confine to economic issues such as cash, land or job
compensation. But it has questioned gender specific, cultural
issues which has opened the debate between patriarchal norms
of economy, society and displacement. At the same time, feminist
movement has not only confinded within gender issues rather
encompassed much broader issues of the society such as
displacement, conflict and peace.
Within any protest against displacement both the issues of
Marxist feminism and Eco-feminism have always taken
importance. The protagonists of the latter school explains the
sensitivity of women to preserve and nurture the nature as an
extension of similar activities of women’s maternity and
reproduction. To fight for protection of forest and fauna, water
and soil etc. is a part of essentialist character of women. Women
and nature are viewed as synonym concepts, where as in Marxist
sense, women’s consciousness around economic issues as direct
producers gain more importance than other issues. Autonomous
women’s movements are slow in its pace to link them with the
gender perspective of displacement and raise voice independently
167
10. Ali, Saleem & Larissa Behrendt, 2001, Mining and Indigenous
Rights. The emergence of a global social movement. Cultural
Survival Quarterly. Spring.
11. Aronsson, Inga-Lil l, 2002, Negoti ating Involuntary
Resettlement: A study of local bargaining during the
construction of the Zimapan Dam. Dissertation for the Degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in Cultural Anthropology. Presented
at Uppsala University.Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights
(NPMHR), Manab Adhikar Sangram.
12. Arjjumand, Hasrat & Mohanty, Ranjita 2004 Tribal Land Rights
and Industry; Citizen Participation & Democratic Governance
in Our Hands; Rajesh Tandon, Mohini Kak (ed), PRIA, New Delhi.
13. Ahuja, K 2006 Gender and Livelihood, Paper presented in the
workshop on Gender and Livelihood in Rajasthan, November
28, organised by Udyogini in collaboration with the Rajasthan
Mission on Livelihood, place-Jaipur.
14. Acharya, A and Sagar, V ,2007, ‘Labour, Employment and
Poverty’ in Vyas V S, Acharya S, Singh S. Sagar V (eds)
Rajasthan The Quest for Sustainable Development, Academic
Foundation, New Delhi.
15. Asher, Manshi, 2007, ‘Ecological Rights – Mined Games’;
Combat Law September- October.
16. Baishya, P, 1991, ‘Rural Industrialisation for Poverty
Eradication in Assam’, in R.K.Samanta (ed.), Rural Development
in North-East India: Perspectives, Issues and Experiences, New
Delhi: Uppal Publishing House. pp. 42–55
17. Baboo Bal Gov ind ,1992, Technolo gy an d Social
Transformation: The case of the Hirakud Multipurpose Dam
Project in Orissa, New Delhi, Concept Publishing.
18. Brennan, F, 1995, ‘Parliamentary Responses to the Mabo
Decision’, in M.A. Stephenson(ed.), Mabo: The Native Title
Legislation: A Legislative Response to the High Court Decision,
St Lucia: Queensland University Press. pp. 1–25.
172
REFERENCES
Boserup, E. 1970. Women’s Role in Economic
Development. New York: St Martins Press.
Colson, E.1999, En endering those Uprooted by
Development, in D.Indira(ed) Engendering Forced Migration:
Theory and Practice. Oxford: Refugee Studies Program.
Elson, D. 1998. ‘Talking to the boys: gender and economic
growth models’ in Jackson, C. and Pearson R. (eds.) Feminist
Visions of Development: Gender Analysis and Policy. Routledge:
London,
Gopalpur Paribesa Surakhya Mancha,1996, Ghosana
Nama, Berhampur.
John Rawls, (1971)’ A Theory of Justice , Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, ,p-62.
Kabeer, N. 1994. Reversed Realities. Gender Hierarchies
in Development Thought. London: Verso.
Mehta, Lyla, (2009) “ Displaced by Development”
Confronting Marginalisation and Gender Injustice”, Sage Pubs,
London .
Orissa Resettlement and Rehabilitation Policy 2006,Govt.
Of Orissa, Revenue Department, Bhubaneswar
Pandey, B.,(1998) “ Displaced Development” : Impact of
Open Cast mining, Friendrich Ebert Stiftung ,New Delhi. P-4
Pathkar, M. et al., NAPM Bulletin, vol. 1-2, No. 9, March 14,
1998, New Delhi.
169
 PUDR Report on Gopalpur Steel Project, Displacement and
Struggle   (in Odia), Published by PUDR & APDR, West Bengal,
1997.
See the Report on India by Internal Displacement Monitoring
centre of UN –office of High Commissioner on Human Rights at
http;//wwww-ohchar.org/English/bodies/ceser/does/info-4gos/
IDMC2 India 40 pdf- last visited on 11.11.2008.
Shiva V. & Jafri, A.H,1998, Stronger Than Steel, RFSTE,
New Delhi.
Swabhimana (1998); various issues, edt: Samantara,
P,Berhampur.
Swabhimana (1999); various issues, edt:Samantara,
P,Berhampur.
Vandana Shiva talks to Lucy Bradley, 2014,ibid.
Voice Gopalpur (1996); Vol 1 No, November 15 and other
issues.
170
BIBILOGRAPHY
1. Acharya, S.K. ,1990, ‘Ethnic Processes in North-Eastern India’,
in D. Pakem (ed.),Nationality, Ethnicity and Cultural Identity in
North-East India,Omsons Publications, New Delhi ,pp. 69–108
2. Agarwal. B, 1994, A Field of One’s Own – Gender and Land
Rights in South Asia; pub:Cambridge University Press, UK.
3. Areeparampil, M ,1996, Tribals of Jharkhand: Victims of
Development. pub: Indian Social Institute, New Delhi.
4. Agarwal, D, 1998, Preventin g Impo verish ment from
Displacement: The NTPC Experience.In: Development
Projects and Impoverishment Risks: Resettling Project-
Affected People in India. H.MohanMathur, and D. Marsden (eds).
New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
5. Asian Development Bank. 1998, A Handbook on Resettlement:
A Guide to Good Practice.Asian Development Bank. Manila,
Philippines.
6. ———1998b. Summary of the Handbook on Resettlement.A
Guide to Good Practice
7. Adams, M., Sibanda, S. & Turner, S, 1999, Land Tenure Reform
and Rural Livelihoods in Southern Africa, ODI Natural
Resource Persp ectives, February p- 39,. http://
www.oneworld.org/odi/nrp/39.html
8. Asian Development Bank. Manila Philippines,2000, Resettlement
Policy and Practice in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Manila.
9. Asian Development Bank, 2000, Resettlement and Mining in
Papua New Guinea. In:Resettlement Policy in Southeast Asia
and the Pacific.
http://www.adb.org/documents/conf erence/resettlement/
chap7.pdf.
171
46. Danielson L. and Lagos, G. 2001. The Role of the Minerals
Sector in the Transition to Sustainable Development.
International Institute for Environment and Development.
London. http://www.iied.org/pdf/mining14.pdf
47. Downing, Theodore E. and C. Garcia-Downing, 2001, Plan B.
What is going to happen to my people? Cultural Survival
Quarterly. Fall Issue.
48. Downing, Theodore E., J. Moles, I. McIntosh and Carmen Garcia-
Downing 2002. Indigenous Peoples and Mining. Strategies and
Tactics for Encounters. Mining, Minerals, and Sustainable
Development Project, London: II ED. www.i ied. com
andwww.ted.downing.com.
49. Downing, Theodore E., Jerry Moles, Ian McIntosh and Carmen
Garcia-Downing. 2002. Indigenous Peoples and Mining:
Strategies and Tactics for Encounters. London: International
Institute for Environment and Development, MMSD Project.
50. D C Sah, 2003 - Involuntary Migrations. Jaipur : pub-Rawat
Publications.
51. D Bandyopadhyay, January 2004 - ‘Rayagada Story Retold
:Destitutes of Development’, in Economic and Political Weekly,
Vol 39, Issue 5, pp 408-411.
52. Down To Earth ,2005, Orissa’s on Overdrive; April 15.Forest
and Rural Development Commissioner Branch, Government
ofUttaranchal, Uttaranchal in Retrospect, Dehradun.
53. Das, A ,2005, “POSCO Deal: Natural Resource Implications”,
Economic & Political Weekly, 29 October: PP- 4678-80.
54. Das, P, 2005, “Vedanta Refinery Project Has Violated Forest
Laws: Panel”, The Hindu Business Line, 12 January, viewed on
12 October 2009. (http://www.blonnet.com/2005/01/12/stories/
2005011201950200.htm)
55. Dharitri, 2006a, In Odia: “Poscora Prastabita Karakhana
Anchala 20 Prastisata Hraasa” (“Pocso’s Proposed Plant Site
176
19. Berne Declaration, 1996, Mainstreaming Sustainability ? The
World Bank and the Rehabilitation of the Indian Coal Sector
Pt 1. http://www.hartfordhwp.com/archives/52a/035.html.
20. Bela Bhatia, 1997, ‘Forced Evictions in the Valley’, in Jean
Dreze, Meera Samson, andeds Satyajit Singh, The Dam and
the Nation : Displacement and Resettlement in the Narmada
VAlley
21. British Columbian Council on International Cooperation
(BCCIC). 1997. Towards a Sustainable Asia-Pacific: The Voice
from Civil Society.
http://www.timeless.ca/bccicweb/sif/mining.html
22. Barbora, S,1998, Plantation Systems and Labour Movements
in North-East India. Delhi: Department of Sociology, Delhi School
of Economics.
23. Bonwell, Suzanne, 1998, Social change in the Pogera Valley.
In C. Filer (Editor).The Social and Economic Impact of the
Porgera Gold Mine, 1989-1994.pub-National Centre for
Development Studies.
24. Bhalla, S, A Karan and T Shobha ,2006, “Rural Casual Labourers,
Wages and Poverty: 1983 to 1999-2000” in Aasha Kapur Mehta
and Andrew Shepherd (ed.), Chronic Poverty & Development
Policy inIndia(New Delhi, Thousand Oaks and London: (Sage
Publications) pp-86-147.
25. Bhatt S.C., 2003, The District Gazetteer of Uttaranchal, New
Delhi Centre for Women’s Development Studies, 2005
Proceedings of the Seminar on Globalisation and the
Women’s Movement in India; 25, Bhai VirSingh Marg (Gole
Market), New Delhi- 110001.
26. Bharti, Rajul, Sharma Dr. Archana and Srivastava Dr. Gin, 2004,
“Aarambh”
– A Beginning: ….A Beginning of a Widows’ Land Rights
Movement; EkalNari Shakti Sangathan, Rajasthan.
173
27. Baisakh, Pradeep ,2006, “Tribals Say No To Further
Displacement”, “Mining and Industrialisation Update,
Orissa”, Vol 2, No 1, September, Environmental Protection Group
– Orissa, viewed on 12 October 2009 (http://www.freewebs.com/
ep go ri ssa / M %2 0I %2 0U pd at e/ Mi ni ng %2 0U pd at e% 20 -
%20September.pdf).
28. Barta, Patrick and Robert Matthews ,2007, “Mining Farms Bulk
Up, Echoing Big Oil Mergers”, WallStreet Journal, 18 December:
A1.
29. Bhaduri, Amit ,2007, ‘Development or Developmental
Terrorism’; Mainstream, February 23 March 1.
30. Banerjee, Souparno, ed. 2008, Rich Lands Poor People: Is
Sustainable Mining Possible? (New Delhi:Centre for Science
and Environment).
31. Bisoi, Dilip ,2008, “Fresh Trouble Brewing for Vedanta Project
in Puri”, Financial Express, 25 March, viewed on 12 October 2009
(http://www.financialexpress.com/news/Fresh-trouble-brewing-for-
Vedanta-project-in-Puri/287863/).
32. Business Standard ,2009, “Pitroda Likely To Be FirstChancellor
of Vedanta Varsity”, 30 July, accessed on 26 October 2009 (http:/
/www.business-standard.com/india/news/pitroda-likely-to-be-first-
chancellorvedanta-varsity/69412/on).
33. Chakravarti, T, 1991, ‘The Riang Women of Rural Tripura: The
Participation in Economic Activities and Social Status,’ in R.K.
Samanta (ed.) Rural Developmen in North-East India:
Perspectives, Issues and Experiences, Rural Development in
North-East India: Perspectives, Issuesand Experiences, New
Delhi: Uppal Publishing House., pp. 205–15.
34. Cernea, M. 1993. “Disaster-related Refugee Flows and
Development-caused Populati on Displ acement. ” In
Anthropological Approaches to Resettlement: Policy,
Practice,and Theory, edited by M. Cernea and S. E.Guggenheim,
San Francisco:Westview Press. PP-376-97
174
35. Cernea, Michael M, 1996, Understanding and preventing
impoverishment from displacement: Reflections on the state
of knowledge. In: Understanding Impoverishment: The
Consequences of Development Induced Displacement. C.
McDowell (ed.). Oxford: Berghahn Books.
36. Cornea Michael M ,1997, The Risks and Reconstruction Model
for Resettling Displaced Populations, World Development
25(10) PP-1569-1588.
37. Coakley, G.J,1998, The Mineral Industry of Ghana. International
Minerals Statistics and Information.US Geological Survey.http:/
/minerals.usgs.gov/minerals/pubs/country/
38. Cornea Michael, 1999 The Need for Economic Analysis of
Resettlement: A Sociologists View in M.M. Cornea (ed), The
Economics of Involuntary Resettlement: Questions and
Challenges.
39. Cernea, Michael M. and Christopher McDowell (eds.), 2000, Risks
and Reconstruction: Experiences of Resettlers and Refugees.
Washington. D.C.: The World Bank.
40. ChittaroopaPalit, July 2004 - ‘Short-changing the Displaced :
National Rehabilitation Policy’, in Economic and Political
Weekly, Issue July 3, 2004
41. Das Gupta, M, 1991, The Impact of Land Reforms on North
East India. New Delhi: Omsons.
42. Downing, Theodore E, 1996, Participatory Evaluation of a
Pehuenche Indigenous Development Foundation. Summary
of Original Censored Report. www.azstarnet.com/~downing.
43. Downing, Theodore E, 1996, Participatory Evaluation of a
Pehuenche Indigenous Development Foundation
44. Das J N and Mohanty R C 1999, Bauxite. In, B.K. Mohanty (Ed)
Geology and Mineral Resources of Orissa. Society of
Geoscientists and Allied Technologist,PP- 121-140.
45. D’Souza, D, 1999, North East India. Jakhama: Kohima Region
of the Society of Jesus (mimeo).
175
82. Displacement of Indigenous Populations: Lessons from
Jharkhand’; Economic and Political Weekly, June 5.
83. Inter American Development Bank (IDB). 1999. Involuntary
Resettlement in IDB Projects, Principles and Guidelines.IND
103, E,S. Inter American Development Bank. Washington DC.
www.iadb.org/sds/IND/main/publication_453_e.htm
84. Inter American Development Bank (IDB). 1998. Operational
Policy on InvoluntaryResettlement IND96, E,S. Inter American
Development Bank. Washington DC.www.iadb.org/sds/IND/
main/publication_453_e.htm.
85. Inter-American Development Bank. 1999. Involuntary
Resettlements in IDB Projects: Principle and Guidelines.
Washington.
86. Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU).2001.
Understanding Development Caused Displacement. http://
www.rronline.org/programmeguide/CHAPTER02.htm.
87. Independent Citizens Initiative (2006): Bharat Ke Garbha Mein
Gruha Yudha Chhattisgarh ke Dantewada Jileki Jamini Sachai
par Ek Janch, A1/125, Ground, Safdarjang Enclave, New Delhi-
110029.
88. Indian People’s Tribunal on Environment and Human Rights
(2006): Kashipur An Enquiry into Mining & Human Rights
Violations in Kashipur, Orissa; 84,Samuel Street, Dongri,
Mumbai – 400009
89. Jena, M ,2006, “Orissa: Draft Resettlement and Rehabilitation
Policy, 2006”, Economic& Political Weekly, 4 February: 384-87.
90. Kibreab, Gaim. 2000. Common Property Resources and
Resettlement. In: Risks and Reconstruction: Experiences of
Resettlers and Refugees. Michael Cernea and Christopher
McDowell (eds.). Washington DC.: The World Bank.
91. Klesing-Rempel, U. 2001. ‘Hierarchy of Power, Gender and
Inter-culturality,’ Paper presented at the International
Congress on Inter-cultural Philosophy: Interaction and
180
Reduced 20 Percent”), Bhubaneswar Edition, 10 September: Front
page.
56. Dasverma, Sandip ,2007, “The World’s Resources Are Limited”,
7 December, viewed on 12 O ctober 2009 (http: //
mathtalentsearch.blogspot.com/2007/12/worlds-resources-are-
limited-sandip-k.html)
57. Dainik Bhaskar (January 10, 11, 2007): ‘Ek Karod Hectar Banjar
Bhumi Bantne Kee Taiyari’; Udaipur.
58. Dogra, B ,2007, AasthaIn Rajasthan – Struggling for Rights of
the Poorand Building Relationships of Trust; ASTHA, Udaipur,
Rajasthan.
59. Ericksen, John H, 1999, Comparing the Economic Planning
for Voluntary and Involuntary Resettlement. In: The Economics
of Involuntary Resettlement. Questions and Challenges.
60. Ericsson, Magnus and Anton Löf (2009): “Iron Ore Outlook:
Facing a Slow Climb Out of the Pit”, E&MJ: July/August 2009,
viewed on 17 October 2009.PP-36-41, (http://www.rmg.se/
images/articles/emj_july_august_2009_iron_ore_outlook_
facing_a_slow_climb_out_of_the_pit.pdf).
61. Fernandes, W 1991, Power and Powerlessness: Development
Projects and Displacement of Tribals. Social Action. 41:3:PP -
243-270.
62. Fernandes, W & S. Ant hony Raj. 1992. Dev el opment,
Displacement and Rehabilitation in the Tribal Areas of Orissa.
Indian Social Institute. New Delhi: Indian Social Institute.
63. Freeman, Richard B ,1993, “How Much Has De-unionisation
Contributed to the Rise in Male Earnings Inequality?” in
Sheldon Danziger and Peter Gottschalk(ed.), Uneven Tides:
Rising Inequality in America(New York: Russell Sage Foundation)
PP-133-63
64. Fernandes, W, 1994, Development-Induced Displacement
Tribal Areas of Eastern India. Indian Social Institute. New Delhi
177
 and Rehabilitation in the Tribal Areas of Orissa. Pub-New Delhi:
Indian Social Institute.
65. Fernandes, W, 2000, From Marginalization to Sharing the
Project Benefits. In: Risks and Reconstruction Experiences
of Resettlers and Refugees. M. Cernea and C. McDowell
(eds.).Washington, DC.: The World Bank.
66. Government of Orissa. 1968, Report on the Benefits of Hirakud
Irrigation: A Socio-economic Study. Cuttack: Bureau of
Statistics and Economics.
67. Government of India. 1985. Report of the Committee on
Rehabilitation of Displaced Tribals Due to Development
Projects. New Delhi: Ministry of Home Affairs.
68. G. Menon. 1987. Tribal Women and Forest Economy:
Deforestation, Exploitation and Status Change. New Delhi:
Indian Social Institute.
69. Gangwar, A.K. and P.S. Ramakrishnan. 1992. ‘Agriculture and
Animal Husbandryamong the Sulungs and Nishis of
Aru nach al Pradesh,’ i n W. Fern andes (ed .),
NationalDevelopment and Tribal Deprivation, New Delhi: Indian
Social Institute. pp. 100–128.
70. Guha, R. and M. Gadgil, 1996,‘What are Forests For?’ in W.
Fernandes (ed.), Drafting a People’s Forest Bill: The Forest
dweller–Social Activist Alternative, New Delhi:Indian Social
Institute. pp. 33–67.
71. Government of Rajasthan: Rajyaki Mahila Neeti 2000 ,
Department of Women and Child Development, Jaipur.
72. Goga D’Souza, N. 2002. ‘Development, Displacement and
Marginalised Women’, in W. Fernandes, and S. Barbora (eds),
Changing Women’s Status in India: Focus on the North-east,
Guwahati: North Eastern Social Research Centre. , pp. 81–91
73. Government of India, 2004 – ‘National policy on resettlement
and rehabilitation for project affected families-2003’. Published
178
in the Gazette of India, Extraordinary Part-I, Section 1, dated
17th February, 2004,P-46
74. Government of Orissa (2005): “List of Steel Plant Projects
for Which MOUs Have Been Signed by the State Government
(As On 3 November 2005)”, Department of Steel & Mines, viewed
on 3 October 2009.(http://orissagov.nic.in/steel&mines/mous.htm)
75. Guha, Abhijit ,2006 ‘Dispossession of Peasants by Industrial
Projects” in Vol. Jam Shohita and Madhu Bala (eds), The
Economics and Politics of Resettlement in India, New Delhi:
Pearson Longman.
76. Government of India (2007): “Inter-Dunnel Area with Sparse
Vegetation, Brahmagiri Mineral Sand Deposit”, Nuclear India,
Department of Atomic Energy, January-February: Front page,
viewed on 30 October (http://www.dae.gov.in/ni/nijan07/
nijan07.pdf).
77. Government of Rajasthan (GOR) and Institute of Development
Studies (IDSJ) (2007): ‘A Human Development Up-Date of the
State of Rajasthan’, Department of Planning Jaipur (unpublished).
78. Hardgrave, Robert L., and Stanley A.Kochanek. 1993. India:
Government and Politics in a Developing Nation. Toronto:
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers.
79. Hyndman, D 1994. Ancestral Rain Forests and the Mountain
of Gold. Indigenous People and Mining in New Guinea.
Boulder: Westview Press.
80. Haksar, N. 1998. ‘Law and the Self-management of Tribal
Societies in North-east India,’ in B. Singh (ed.), Antiquity to
Modernity in Tribal India: Vol. II: Tribal Self-Management in
North-east India, New Delhi: Inter-India Publications. , pp. 161–
192
81. Hussain, M. 2002. ‘State Development and Population
Displacement in North-EastIndia’, in C. Joshua Thomas (ed.),
Dimensions of Displaced People in North-East India, New
Delhi: Regency Publications. pp. 282–98.
179
116. Menon, M., N. Vagholikar, K. Kohli and A. Fernandes. 2003. ‘Large
Dams in the Northeast: A Bright Future?’ The Ecologist Asia
11(1): PP-3–8.
117. National Centre for Human Settlements and Environment
(NCHSE). 1986. Rehabilitation of Displaced Persons due to
Construction of Major Dams, Vol. 1. New Delhi: National Centre
for Human Settlements and Environment.
118. Nanda A K and Bhol B B1998.Fireclay. In, B.K. Mohanty (Ed)-
Geology and Mineral Resources of Orissa. Society of
Geoscientists and Allied Technologist,PP- 214-219.
119. Nayak J C and Das J N 1998.Vanadium Ore. In, B.K. Mohanty
(Ed} Geology and Mineral Resources of Orissa. Society of
Geoscientists and Allied Technologist, PP-357-368.
120. Nongbri, T. 1998. ‘Gender Issues and Tribal Development’, in
B. Singh (ed.), Antiquity to Modernity in Tribal India: Volume
II: Tribal Self-Management in North-East India, New Delhi: Inter-
India Publications. pp. 221–43.
121. Nayak, Birendra (1998): In Odia: “Bauxite-Alumina- Aluminium
Odi sha” (“Bauxite-Alu mina-Aluminium Odisha”) in
Pradyumna Bal, Birendra Nayak, Debi Prasad Dash (ed.), Odia
o Odisha: Sameeksha 97, Bikalpa Sandhani Mancha,
Bhubaneswar: PP-59-66.
122. Nahmad, S. 1999. The Impact of Hydro-Electric Dams on
Indigenous People, Chinantecos, Otomies and Huicholes: A
Case Study from Mexico. CIESAS- UnidadIstmo, México.
123. N. Naik. 2001. Development-induced Displacement in Goa
1965–1995: A Study ofIts Extent and Nature. New Delhi: Indian
Social Institute and Panjim: INSAF.
124. N.G. D’Souza, A. Roy Choudhury and M. Asi f . 2001.
Development-induced Displacement, Deprivation and
Rehabilitation in Andhra Pradesh 1951–1995: A Quantitative
and Quantitative Study of Its Extent and Nature. New Delhi:
Indian Social Institute and Guwahati: North-eastern Social
Research Centre.
184
Asymmetry between Cultures in the Context of Globalisation.
Bangalore: Shanthi Sadhana Research Institute, September PP-
17–20.
92. Kanbur, Ravi. 2001. Development Economics and the
Compensation Principle. Prepared for the Conference on
“Moving Targets: Displacement, Impoverishment and
Development.” Cornell University, November 2001. PP -9-10
93. Kibreab, Gaim. 2001. Displacement, Loss and Constraints on
(Re)-Construction of Sustainable Livelihoods. Paper
presented to the Workshop on Moving Targets:Displacement,
Impoverishment and Development. Cornell University,
November 9-10.
94. Lassey, Allan. 2000. Mining and Community Rights: The
Tarkwa Experience. Seminar paper on Human Rights
Violations in the Extractive Sector organized by the Swedish
NGO Foundation for Human Rights. Port Harcourt, Nigeria:
Oct ober 29-Nov em ber. On the web at http://
www.rainforestjukebox.org/gold/lassey.htm.
95. La Rovere, E.L. & F.E. Mendes. 2000. Tucurui Hydropower
Complex Brazil. Final Report. November. Prepared for the World
Com mission on Dams (W CD). W CD Case St udy.W orld
Commission on Dams, Vlaeberg, Cape Town, South Africa.http:/
/www.dams.org
96. Lansbury, Nina. 2001. T NCs and Fi nance. T NCs and
Globaliztion, Asian-Pacific Research Network (APRN) & Aid/
Watch Papers. Protest &Gl obalisat ion, Issue 3.htt p://
www.protglob.hss.uts.edu.au/protglob3/a_lansbury.htm
97. Michael M. Cernea (Ed.). Washington DC.: The World Bank. 24
Avoiding New Poverty: Mining-Induced Displacement and
Resettlement Fernandes, Walter, J.C. Das, and S. Rao. 1989.
Displacement and Rehabilitation: An Estimate of Extent and
Prospects. In: Development, Displacement and Rehabilitation.
Fernandes
181
98. Morse, Bradford & Berger, with Gamble & Brody. 1992. Sardar
Sarovar: The Report of the Independent Review. Resource
Futures International (RFI) Inc. Ottawa.
99. Menon, G. 1995. ‘The Impact of Migration on the Work and
Tribal Women’s Status,’ in L. Schenken-Sandbergen (ed.),
Women and Seasonal Labour Migration, New Delhi: Sage
Publications. , pp. 79–154
100. Meher, Rajkishor (1996): “Inter-District Disparities in Orissa
in Development, Investment, and Performance”, Mimeo,
Nabakrushna Choudhury Centre for Development Studies,
Bhubaneswar, Orissa, India.
101. McDowell , Christopher (ed). 1996. Und erstandi ng
Impoverishment: The Consequences of Development-
Induced Displacement. Oxford and Providence, RI : Berghahn
Press.
102. M. Asif. 1997. Development-induced Displacement in Orissa
1951 to 1995: ADatabase on Its Extent and Nature. New Delhi:
Indian Social Institute.
103. Mathur, Hari Mohan and David Marsden (editors). 1998.
Development Projects and Impoverishment Risks. Delhi:
Oxford University Press.
104. M Bharathi and R S Rao, 1999 - ‘Linking Development to
Displacement’, in Economic and Political Weekly, Issue July 10-
16 1999
105. Michael M Cernea, August 1999 - ‘Why Economic Analysis is
Essential to Resettlement : A Sociologist’s view’, in Economic
and Political Weekly, Issue July 31-August 1999.
106. Mahapatra, Lakshman K, 1999b, Testing the Risks and
Reconstruction Model on India’s Resettlement Experiences.
In: The Economics of Involuntary Resettlement. Questions
and Challenges. Michael M. Cernea (Ed.). Washington DC.: The
World Bank.
182
107. Mat hur, H.M. 1999, T he Impo verishing Potential of
Development Projects – Resettlement Require Risk Analysis.
Development and Cooperation (6), Deutsche Stiftungfür
Internationale Entwicklung. Frankfurt
108. Mander, Harsh, Ravi Hermadri and Vijay Nagaraj. 1999. Dams,
Displacement, Policy, and Law in India. World Commission on
Dams. Thematic Reviews. Social I.3.
109. Mahapatra, L.K. 1999a. Resettlement, Impoverishment and
Reconstruction in India: Development for the Deprived. New
Delhi: Vikas Publishing House.
110. Mohapatra L.K,1999, “Resettlement, Impoverishment and
Reconstruction in India: Development for the Deprived” Vikas
Publishing House Pvt. Ltd.: New Delhi.
111. Mearns, Rabin (1999): Policy Research Working Paper –
Access to Land in Rural India, The World Bank, South Asia
Region, Rural Development Sector Unit.
112. Mohammed Asif, June 2000 - ‘Why Displaced Persons Reject
Project Resettlement Colonies’, in Economic and Political
Weekly, Issue June 10 2000, pp 2005-2008.
113. McMahan, Gary and Fel ix Remy (editors). 2001. Key
Observations and Recommendations: A Synthesis of Case
Studies. In: Large Mines and the Community. Socioeconomic
and Environmental Effects in Latin America, Canada, and Spain
IDRC/CRDL/World Bank, ISBN 0-88936-949-6.www.idrc.ca/
books/focus/949_mining/949/f949c012keyobs.htm
114. Mathur, Hari Mohan. 2001. Livelihood Issues in Projects that
Involve Resettlement: Experiences of a Coal Mining Project
in Eastern India. Paper presented at ISED/CDS Social
Development Research Capacity Building Workshop
‘Livelihoods and Poverty Reduction: Lessons from Eastern
India.’ September. Bhubaneswar, Orissa, India. September.
115. Muricken, J., M.K. George, K.A. Emmanuel, J. Boban K. and P.
Pillai. 2001. Development induced Displacement in Kerala
1951–1995. Bangalore: Indian Social Institute.
183
151. World Bank.1991 Operational Directives 4.30. Involuntary
Resettlement, Washington D.C.: The World Bank
152. World Bank. 1994. Resettlement and Development, the Bank-
wide Review of Projects Involving Involuntary Resettlement
1986-1993. Washington, DC.: The World Bank
153. Fernandes W, Vijay Paranjpye, eds, 1997 - Rehabilitation Policy
and Law in India. Delhi : Indian Social Institute
154. Fernandes W, 2000 - ‘Pawns in the ‘Development’’, in S
Parasuraman and P V Unnikrishnan, eds, India Disasters Report
Human - Instigated Disasters , pp 276-279
155. World Bank.2001a Operational Policies 4.12. Involuntary
Resettlement, Washington, D.C.: The World Bank.
156. World Bank 2001b.Report and Recommendation on Request
for Inspection. India: Coal Sector Environment and Social
Mitigation Project. World Bank Inspection Panel. Washington,
DC.: The World Bank.
157. W Courtland Robinson, May 2003 - Risks and Rights : The
Causes, Consequences, and Challenges of Development-
Induced Displacement. Washington DC : The Brookings
Institution-SAIS Project on Internal Displacement
158. Fernandes W, March 2004 - ‘Rehabilitation Policy for the
Displaced’, in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 39, Issue 12,
pp 1191-1193
188
125. News Magazine of National Alliance of People’s Movement
2006, Special Economic Zone, Vol. I issue 4, July-August, Haji
Habib Building, A Wing Dadar(E), Mumbai-400014.
126. National Alliance of People’s Movements 2007 The Movement
of India – Development Terrorism; Vol. II Issue. 2 March.
National Institute of Personnel Management East Regional
Council Ranchi Branch, 1982 Report of a Workshop on
Industries Face to Face with Tribal People – The Case of
Chhotanagpur and Bihar; XISS, Ranchi.
127. Nayak, Ramesh Ch. And Kujur, Joseph Marianus (2007): State
Aggression and Tribal Resistance – A Case of the Police Firing
at Kalinga Nagar, Indian Social Institute, 10 Institutional Area,
Lodi Road, New Delhi-110003.
128. Ota A.B (2006) “Livelihood Restoration for Development” in
Vol. Jain Shobhita and Madhu Bala (eds). The Economics and
Politics of Resettlement in India, New Delhi, Pearson Longman
129. Pattanaik, S.K, B. Das and A.B. Mishra. 1987. ‘Hirakud Dam:
Expectations and Realities,’in PRIA (ed.). People and Dams,
New Delhi: Society for Participatory Research in Asia. pp. 47–59
130. Pathy, J. 1988.Ethnic Minorities in the Process of Develop
ment. Jaipur: Rawat Publications.
131. Pandey, Balaji. 1998a Depriving the Underprivileged for
Development. Institute for Socio- Economic Development.
Bhubaneswar, India.
132. Pandey, Balaji, 1998. Displaced Development. Impact of Open
Cast Miningon Women, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, New Delhi
133. Pearce, David 1999. Methodological Issues in the Economic
Analysis for Involuntary Resettlement Operations. In: The
Economics of Involuntary Resettlement: Questions and
Challenges. M. Cernea (ed.). Washington: The World Bank. 26
Avoiding New Poverty: Mining-Induced Displacement and
Resettlement
185
134. Pradhan, M. and W. Stanley. 1999. Land Alienation in the Tribal
Areas of Orissa. Bhubaneshwar and Semiliguda: CPSW and
WIDA
135. Pantoja, Enrique. 1999. Exploring the Concept of Social Capital
and its Relevance for Community-Based Development: The
case of coal mini ng areas in Orissa, Ind ia. I ris
Publications.October. http://www.iris.umd.edu/publications/
details.asp?ID=sci&number=18
136. Renu Modi, March 2004 - ‘Sardar Sarovar Oustees : Coping
with Displacement’, in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol
39, Issue 11, pp 1123-1126
137. Pattanaik, Sudhir (2005): In Odia: “POSCO Rajanitira Epakha
Sepakha” (“This Side and That Side of POSCO Politics”),
Swabhiman, Volume 7, 16 August.
138. Palizi. Guwahati: North Eastern Social Research Centre.and G.
Bharali. 2006. Mimeo. Development-induced Displacement in
Assam 1947–2000: A Quantitative and Qualitative Study of
Its Extent and Nature. Guwahati: North EasternSocial Research
Centre.
139. Scudder, Thayer & Elizabeth Colson. 1982. From Welfare to
Development: A Conceptual Framework for the Analysis of
Dislocated People. In: Involuntary Migration and
Resettlement: the problems and responses of dislocated
peoples. Art Hansen & Anthony Oliver-Smith. Boulder:
Westview Press.Creating Poverty: Flaws in the Economic Logic
of the World Bank’s Revised Involuntary Resettlement Project.
Force Migration Review, No. 12. reprinted at www.ted-
downing.com
140. S.A. Raj. 1992. Development, Displacement and Rehabilitation
in the Tribal Areas of Orissa. New Delhi: Indian Social Institute.
141. Sen, Ilina, 1995. Sukhv asin - T he Migrant Women of
Chhattisgarh, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, New Delhi.
186
142. Shiva, Dr. Vandana and Jafri, Afsar H. (1998): Stronger that Steel
– People’s Movement against Globalisation and the Gopalpur
Steel Plant; Research Foundation for Science, Technology and
Ecology; A-60 Hauz Khas, New Delhi- 110016.
143. Shrivastava, Dr. Ginny (1998): Tribals Losing Their Land- A
Study of Tribal Land Alienation in Rajasthan; Astha Sansthan,
Udaipur, Rajasthan.
144. S. Chhetri, S. Joseph and S. Lama. 2006. Development-induced
Displacement and Deprivation in West Bengal 1947–2000: A
Quantitative and Qualitative Database on Its Extent and
Impact. Guwahati: North Eastern Social Research Centre.
145. Sudraka, 2006, In Odia: “Vedanta Viswavidyalaya: Gunda
Dudha Baksare Brown Sugar!” (“Vedanta University: Brown
Sugar in a Milk-Powder Box!”), Samadrusti, 1-15 August: 10-12.
146. Samal, Kishor ,2008b. Mega Projects: Protest, Displacement,
and Resettlement (Bhubaneswar: Development Research
Institute).
147. Thukral, E.G. and M. Singh. 1995. ‘Dams and the Dis placed in
India’, in H.M. Mathur(ed.), Development, Dis placement and
Resettlement: Focus on Asian Experiences, New Delhi: Vikas
Publishing House.128 ÀÛzÜ Walter Fernandes pp. 93–121
148. Van Wincklin III, Warren A. 1999. Sharing Project Benefits to
Improve Resettlers’ Livelihoods. In: The Economics of
Involuntary Resettlement: Questions and Challenges.
M.M.Cernea (ed.). Washington DC.: The World Bank.
149. Vashist, Sanjay & Avanish Kumar. 2001. Social Assessment
of Rehabilitation & Resettlement: A Case Baranj Coal Mine
Mining Project. http://www.devalt.org/newsletter/may01/
of_3.htm.
150. VasudhaDhagamwar, Subrata De, and Nikhil Verma, 2003 -
Industrial Development & Displacement : The People of
Korba. New Delhi : Sage Publications
187