Feminism and Women's Rights Worldwide by Michelle Paludi PDF

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Feminism and Women’s
Rights Worldwide
Recent Titles in
Women’s Psychology
‘‘Intimate’’ Violence against Women: When Spouses, Partners, or Lovers Attack
Paula K. Lundberg-Love and Shelly L. Marmion, editors
Daughters of Madness: Growing Up and Older with a Mentally Ill Mother

Susan Nathiel
Psychology of Women: Handbook of Issues and Theories, Second Edition

Florence L. Denmark and Michele Paludi, editors
WomanSoul: The Inner Life of Women’s Spirituality

Carole A. Rayburn and Lillian Comas-Diaz, editors
The Psychology of Women at Work: Challenges and Solutions for Our Female
Workforce
Michele A. Paludi, editor
Rights Worldwide
Volume 1
Heritage, Roles, and Issues
MICHELE A. PALUDI, EDITOR
Praeger Perspectives
Michele A. Paludi, Series Editor
PRAEGER
An Imprint of ABC-CLIO, LLC
Copyright 2010 by Michele A. Paludi
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Feminism and women’s rights worldwide / Michele A. Paludi, editor.
v. ; cm. — (Women’s psychology)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Contents: The myth of the man-hating feminist / Melinda Kanner and
Kristin J. Anderson — Gender differences : the arguments regarding abilities /
Jennifer L. Martin — Women in education : students and professors worldwide
/ Susan Basow — In women’s voices / Samantha Smith — Working life as a
house : a tale of floors, walls, and ceilings / Leanne Faraday-Brash — Women
as religious leaders : advances and stalemates / J. Harold Ellens — The
feminine political persona : Queen Victoria, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, and Michelle
Bachelet / Emily A. Haddad and William Schweinle — Women in the military : is
it time to un-gender combat roles? / Breena E. Coates — Sexual minority
women : sources and outcomes of stigmatization / Rhonda M. Schultz, and
Kristin P. Beals — Special issues for women with disabilities / Martha E.
Banks — Body dissatisfaction and disordered eating : the globalization of
western appearance ideals / Jaehee Jung and Gordon B. Forbes — Sexual
violence to girls and women in schools around the world / Susan Strauss.
ISBN 978-0-313-37596-5 (set : hard copy : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-
37597-2 (set : ebook) — ISBN 978-0-313-37598-9 (v.1 : hard copy : alk. paper) —
ISBN 978-0-313-37599-6 (v.1 : ebook) — ISBN 978-0-313-37600-9 (v.2 : hard
copy : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-37601-6 (v.2 : ebook) — ISBN 978-0-313-
37602-3 (v.3 : hard copy : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-37603-0 (v.3 : ebook)
1. Feminism. 2. Women’s rights. 3. Sexual harassment of women. 4. Abused
women—Psychology. 5. Women—Psychology. I. Paludi, Michele Antoinette
HQ1180.F424 2010
305.42—dc22 2009035343
ISBN: 978-0-313-37596-5
EISBN: 978-0-313-37597-2
14 13 12 11 10 1 2 3 4 5
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This book is printed on acid-free paper
Manufactured in the United States of America
For Rosa and Lucia, my maternal and paternal grandmothers
and for Antoinette, my mother:
‘‘Remember, our heritage is our power; we can know ourselves and

our capacities by seeing that other women have been strong.’’
—Judy Chicago
This page intentionally left blank
Contents
Series Introduction ix
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction
Michele A. Paludi xiii
Chapter 1: The Myth of the Man-Hating Feminist
Melinda Kanner and Kristin J. Anderson 1
Chapter 2: Gender Differences: The Arguments Regarding Abilities
Jennifer L. Martin 27
Chapter 3: Women in Education: Students and Professors
Worldwide
Susan Basow 43
Chapter 4: In Women’s Voices
Samantha Smith 63
Chapter 5: Working Life as a House: A Tale of Floors, Walls, and
Ceilings
Leanne Faraday-Brash 65
Chapter 6: Women as Religious Leaders: Advances and Stalemates
J. Harold Ellens 85
Chapter 7: The Feminine Political Persona: Queen Victoria, Ellen
Johnson Sirleaf, and Michelle Bachelet
Emily A. Haddad and William Schweinle 97
Chapter 8: Women in the Military: Is It Time to Un-Gender Combat
Roles?
Breena E. Coates 111
viii Contents
Chapter 9: Sexual Minority Women: Sources and Outcomes

of Stigmatization
Rhonda M. Schultz and Kristin P. Beals 125
Chapter 10: Special Issues for Women with Disabilities
Martha E. Banks 149
Chapter 11: Body Dissatisfaction and Disordered Eating: The
Globalization of Western Appearance Ideals
Jaehee Jung and Gordon B. Forbes 161
Chapter 12: Sexual Violence to Girls and Women in Schools
around the World
Susan Strauss 187
Appendix: Women’s Studies Programs in the United States
Michele A. Paludi 233
About the Editor and Contributors 249
Index 255
Series Introduction
Because women’s work is never done and is underpaid or unpaid or boring

or repetitious and we’re the first to get fired and what we look like is more
important than what we do and if we get raped it’s our fault and if we get
beaten we must have provoked it and if we raise our voices we’re nagging
bitches and if we enjoy sex we’re nymphos and if we don’t we’re frigid and
if we love women it’s because we can’t get a ‘‘real’’ man and if we ask our
doctor too many questions we’re neurotic and/or pushy and if we expect
childcare we’re selfish and if we stand up for our rights we’re aggressive
and ‘‘unfeminine’’ and if we don’t we’re typical weak females and if we
want to get married we’re out to trap a man and if we don’t we’re unnatu-
ral and because we still can’t get an adequate safe contraceptive but men
can walk on the moon and if we can’t cope or don’t want a pregnancy we’re
made to feel guilty about abortion and . . . for lots of other reasons we are
part of the women’s liberation movement.
—Author unknown, quoted in The Torch, September 14, 1987
These sentiments underlie the major goals of the Praeger Perspectives
book series, Women’s Psychology. The goals are as follows:
Value women: The books in this series value women by valuing chil-
dren and working for affordable child care; value women by respecting
all physiques, not just by placing value on slender women; value
women by acknowledging older women’s wisdom, beauty, aging; value
women who have been sexually victimized and view them as survivors;
value women who work inside and outside of the home; and value
women by respecting their choices of careers, of whom they mentor, of
their reproductive rights, their spirituality, and their sexuality.
Treat women as the norm. Thus the books in this series make up for
women’s issues typically being omitted, trivialized, or dismissed from
other books on psychology.
x Series Introduction
Take a non-Eurocentric view of women’s experiences. The books in this

series integrate the scholarship on race and ethnicity into women’s psy-
chology, thus providing a psychology of all women. Women typically
have been described collectively; but we are diverse.
Facilitate connections between readers’ experiences and psychological theo-
ries and empirical research. The books in this series offer readers opportu-
nities to challenge their views about women, feminism, sexual
victimization, gender role socialization, education, and equal rights.
These texts thus encourage women readers to value themselves and
others. The accounts of women’s experiences as reflected through
research and personal stories in the texts in this series have been
included for readers to derive strength from the efforts of others who
have worked for social change on the interpersonal, organizational,
and societal levels. A student in one of my courses on the psychology
of women once stated:
I learned so much about women. Women face many issues: discrimina-

tion, sexism, prejudices . . . by society. Women need to work together to
change how society views us. I learned so much and talked about much
of the issues brought up in class to my friends and family. My attitudes
have changed toward a lot of things. I got to look at myself, my life, and
what I see for the future. (Paludi, 2002)
It is my hope that readers of the books in this series will also reflect
on the topics and look at themselves, their own lives, and what they
see for the future. This three-volume book set on Feminism and Wom-
en’s Rights Worldwide provides readers with the opportunity to ac-
complish this goal and offers suggestions for all of us working for
gender justice within our friendships and romantic relationships, in
guiding institutional and social policy change in workplace and educa-
tional institutions, and in lobbying state and federal legislators on
issues related to reproductive rights, pay equity, education, sexual vio-
lence, and childcare.
Michele A. Paludi
Series Editor
REFERENCE
Paludi, M. (2002). The psychology of women. 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ:
Prentice Hall.
Acknowledgments
Teaching and writing are separate, but serve/feed one another in so many
ways. Writing travels the road inward, teaching, the road out—helping
OTHERS move inward—it is an honor to be with others in the spirit of
writing and encouragement.
—Naomi Shihab Nye
Nye’s sentiment is echoed throughout this three-volume set on femi-

nism and women’s rights. Most of the contributors have taught courses
in women’s studies and feminism as well as conducted research and
written about feminist issues. Many contributors have been advocates
on behalf of feminist principles through working with local, state and
federal agencies, legislators, and the United Nations. And many of us
have collaborated with students in our classes in writing chapters for
this book set. These students have made us believe that all of them, in
their individual ways, will continue to do what this book set intends:
value feminism and work toward equality. It has been exhilarating for
me to see a new generation of feminists collaborating with mentors
and colleagues on the chapters for this book set.
I have been honored to have collaborated with the contributors to
these volumes. Several friendships with contributors have been
rekindled and strengthened, and I have met many new colleagues from
around the world who taught me about their disciplines through their
writing. You have all shown me the great accomplishments of feminists
as well as the work we have yet to do. Thank you.
I wish to thank my sisters, Rosalie Paludi and Lucille Paludi, for
their support during the preparation of this book set. I also thank Car-
men Paludi, Jr. for his guidance and encouragement. Our discussions
about feminism brought back wonderful memories of my mother,
xii Acknowledgments
Antoinette, and my father, Michael, about whom I continue to learn

and continue to cherish the time I had with them.
I acknowledge several friends who encouraged me during the prep-
aration of this set of books. Thank you to Paula Lundberg Love, Jenni-
fer Martin, Billie Wright Dziech, Darlene C. DeFour, and Florence
Denmark.
I have been fortunate to have had the opportunity to work with stu-
dents throughout my career, now at Union Graduate College. I have
thoroughly enjoyed learning from them. Thank you to students in the
Human Resource Management Certificate Program and Management
and Leadership Certificate Program. I especially acknowledge Michelle
Strand, Carrie Turco, Haimanot Kelbessa, Sarah Bennett, Sarah Bog-
gess, Kristina Hicks, James Luciano, Sarah Henderson Maneely, Abbey
Massoud-Tastor, Marie Fuda, Jessica Wilmot, Katie Kelly, and Nick Sal-
vatoriello. I am honored you have called me your professor.
I also thank Debbie Carvalko for supporting my visions for books
and helping them become realities. I have enjoyed working with Deb-
bie and her colleagues at Praeger. They are a wonderful team of caring
people. They appreciate my love of writing and editing books. Debbie
somehow knew that, after the publication of the three-volume set on
the Psychology of Women and Work (2008, Praeger), which I edited, and
the political climate of the 2008 presidential campaign, especially
regarding women, I had to follow up those texts with books on femi-
nism. She knows I share Sheila Bender’s sentiment:
We write because something inside says we must and we can no longer ignore
that voice.
Introduction
Michele A. Paludi
And how do you look backward? By looking forward. And what do you see?
As they look forward, they see what they had to do before they could look
backward. And there we have it all.
—Gertrude Stein
Alyssa Zucker and Abigail Stewart (2007) reported in their study of
333 university alumnae that feminism is internalized quite differently
depending on the developmental stage in our lives. This research led
me to consider my own feminist socialization and feminist identity de-
velopment as I began writing and editing these three volumes on femi-
nism and women’s rights. I was introduced to feminism by my
parents, Antoinette and Michael, at a very young age, even though the
label feminism was not used by them. Yet, as I came to realize much
later, their behavior was very much in keeping with feminist princi-
ples. They valued my sisters and me unconditionally; wanted to give
us educational opportunities that were denied to them because of the
generation into which they were born and because they were first gen-
eration Americans whose parents had other values to instill in them;
they worked for equality in relationships, politics, and health care. I
was 18 the year individuals became eligible to vote at age 18, and both
my parents took me to cast my votes that year.
They believed that, like them, I had a responsibility to make things
better for the next generation. They valued voting; I was told what the
Suffragists had endured in order to win this right for us and to remem-
ber this each year I vote. I took my first course in feminism as an
undergraduate in the early 1970s: ‘‘Sex Roles in American Society’’
with Nancy Walbek. I would share the class discussions with my
mother, telling her about the experiences of students in class that were
different from my own—for example, being denied the use of certain
xiv Introduction
toys considered ‘‘sex inappropriate’’ for them; being tracked into differ-
ent high school and college programs because of being women or men;
women being told by family and friends to hide their achievements
from potential dates and mates. I was unable to relate to these experi-
ences and realized for the first time that my parents were feminists, a
term to which I was introduced formally in this class and then subse-
quently as a graduate student when I took courses with Dee Graham
and Edna Rawlings. I also learned that I had been exposed to nonster-
eotyped role models, and because there were all girls in our family, we
were not raised to conform to stereotyped behavior.
It was in graduate school that I decided to pursue research in femi-
nist psychology, especially in women’s career development. I was for-
tunate to have a mentor, William Dember, who encouraged me to
pursue this research, even though it was not in his area of specializa-
tion (i.e., visual perception). Bill encouraged me to take courses with
faculty in departments in addition to psychology: educational leader-
ship and family development. He told me this would help put pieces
together in understanding the research I was conducting. I thank Kathy
Borman and Judy Frankel for their roles in my feminist identity devel-
opment.
A few years later when my father died, Charlie, who attended my
father’s wake, came to my mother, my sisters, and me and told us how
my father had impacted his life. Charlie, an African American man,
told us my father was the only coworker (both were skilled workers at
General Electric) who treated him fairly, didn’t talk with him in a de-
rogatory manner, and stopped others from making racial slurs and epi-
thets. I learned for another time what it meant to be a feminist.
I dedicated the three-volume set on the Psychology of Women at Work
to my parents: ‘‘For Antoinette and Michael Paludi, who encouraged
me to define what women’s work is for myself.’’ They wanted all their
daughters to be independent thinkers and doers and to help others.
They gave us no templates to follow but encouraged us to navigate our
own paths. And, especially in my case, encouraged me to leave home
to attend graduate school in a city that seemed, to my parents, to be
very far away—but they never said ‘‘no.’’
My parents thus taught me that not only did they believe in the eco-
nomic, educational, social, and political equality of women and men, but
they favored the social and legal changes necessary to achieve equality
between the sexes and among races, and they were committed to imple-
menting these principles. Perhaps they could not effect change at the
national level, but they did do so in personal relationships with their
family and friends and on the local level. This is the legacy they left my
sisters and me. This book set is a tribute to Antoinette and Michael.
I have been reminded of Antoinette and Michael throughout the
writing and editing of these volumes on feminism and women’s rights.
Introduction xv
I am especially reminded of what my mother used to tell me: ‘‘You are

there before you get there.’’ She knew I wanted equality to happen fast
and that I grew concerned when feminists didn’t win political elec-
tions, when younger women didn’t know the heritage of how they
came to be accepted in graduate programs and in certain jobs, how the
glass ceiling for women and people of color is still strong, and that
worldwide, women constitute 64 percent of all adults who are illiterate
(see Susan Basow’s chapter in Volume 1). I have learned that she was
right; that change takes time, and to measure change differently, i.e., in
increments. As Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stated as she sus-
pended her campaign for president of the United States in 2008:
‘‘Although we weren’t able to shatter this highest, hardest glass ceiling
this time, thanks to you, it’s got about 18 million cracks in it, and the
light is shining through like never before.’’
The chapters in these volumes show us where the light is shining
through on feminism. All three volumes represent what Judith Lorber
(1998) and Snelling (1999) identified: several types of feminism and
feminists. Lorber (1998) categorized feminism into three major areas:
gender reform, gender resistance, and gender rebellion. Gender-
reform feminism emphasizes similarities between women and men
rather than focusing on differences between them. Gender-resistance
feminism holds that formal legal rights alone will not end gender
inequality; male dominance is too ingrained into social relations.
Gender-resistance feminism focuses on how men and women are
different—cognitively, emotionally, and socially—and urges women
to form women-centered organizations and communities. Gender-
rebellion feminism looks at the interrelationships among inequalities
of sex, race, ethnicity, social class, and sexual orientation. A number
of years ago my text on the psychology of women displayed a quilt
on its cover (Paludi, 2002). I asked for this design to highlight
Gentry’s (1989) image of quilt making for understanding feminism.
These three volumes on feminism and women’s rights also represent
quilt making in understanding feminism. Each contributor has made
one piece of the quilt that has been joined with pieces by other con-
tributors. Each of the contributors has used different stitching on their
piece of the quilt. No one chapter is more important than the other.
We need all pieces if we are to complete the quilt that is feminism.
According to Gentry (1989):
Feminist psychology and feminism in general seem to be at the point of

trying to piece together the individual parts of a quilt. The overall pat-
tern of the quilt that we want is still emerging. No one knows what
equality in a post-patriarchal world will look like. We are beginning to
piece the separate parts together—to explore the kinds of stitching to use
in connecting the pieces and how to place the separate pieces into the
xvi Introduction
pattern. But we have not stopped questioning the process of quilting

itself.
In Volume 1, Heritage, Roles, and Issues, contributors have discussed

efforts to integrate feminist scholarship into several disciplines, includ-
ing education, work, science, military, religion, and politics. As Cather-
ine Stimpson (1971) noted, there have been three kinds of problems in
the disciplines and curriculum with respect to women: omission, dis-
tortions, and trivializations. Each of the contributors to Volume 1 notes
where the sexism in the disciplines has existed and where feminist cor-
rectives have restructured the disciplines. Jennifer Martin, in her chap-
ter concerning gender differences in abilities, noted:
Women have made significant social, academic, and occupational gains

in the past 50 years; for example, women are entering nontraditional
fields with more frequency, participating in high school and college
sports more than ever before, and carving out more egalitarian roles for
themselves within the family. However, women have still not ultimately
achieved true equity with their male counterparts. . . . The idea that
women somehow possess different or inferior aptitudes when compared
to their male counterparts can lead to diminished expectations for
women—in terms of how they view themselves and how others view
them.
In Volume 2, Mental and Physical Health, contributors deal with vio-

lence and discrimination against girls and women and the resulting
impact on women’s emotional and physical well being, interpersonal
relationships, career development, and self-concept. Types of discrimi-
nation and victimization addressed are sexual harassment, sexual vio-
lence, harassment of sexual minorities, and rape and violence in the
context of women’s HIV risk. Contributors have addressed these issues
globally. Bethany Waits and Paula Lundberg-Love offer new cutting
edge evidence on neurological responses in women victims of sexual
violence. Therapeutic support for women victims of violence is also
addressed in this volume, including feminist therapy and ethnocultural
psychotherapy.
All contributors note that sexual victimization is prevalent in the
United States and globally, as is sexual harassment and sexual orienta-
tion discrimination. As Waits and Lundberg-Love note:
Female survivors of sexual violence are everywhere. They are in univer-

sities, religious institutions, court rooms, hospitals, and the military. They
are daughters, mothers, spouses, sisters, friends, next-door neighbors,
and co-workers. Many differ in age, education, ethnicity, and socioeco-
nomic status. . . . However, their lives are connected by the violence that
they have experienced.
Introduction xvii
The international focus on feminism and women’s rights is contin-

ued in Volume 3, Feminism as Human Rights. In this volume, contribu-
tors address laws on sexual harassment, pay equity, and rape.
Furthermore, contributors speak to the injustices to women with dis-
abilities. Human rights issues such as arranged and forced marriage
for women, pornography, and the globalization of western appearance
ideals are also presented in this volume. All contributors to this vol-
ume call for further advocacy on behalf of women. As Noorfarah Mer-
ali stated:
It is only if arranged marriages are understood in light of their inten-

tions, diverse forms, actual outcomes, and local or international contexts
that laws, policies, and human rights advocacy can be appropriately
channeled to protect and preserve women’s well-being.
In addition to the scholarly reviews of research on feminism and

women’s rights, I have included women’s personal accounts of their
own feminist identity development. They are at different stages in life,
in their career, and in relationships and yet they are bound by shared
stories.
It is my hope that these volumes encourage individuals to self iden-
tify as feminists. Research has suggested for some time that most peo-
ple reject the term ‘‘feminist’’ when describing themselves but support
feminist principles—equal pay for equal work, for example (see Paludi
et al., Volume 3). Goldner’s (1994) study noted that when women who
hold feminist beliefs anticipate a negative reaction from their peers to
the label ‘‘feminist,’’ they will avoid using the term to describe them-
selves. Goldner indicated that media is a primary source of negative
images of feminists. It is common to see photos of women identified as
feminists having clenched fists. These images are not representative of
feminists. More recent research by Rudman and Fairchild (2007) found
that the stereotype that feminists are unattractive still persists.
However, these images are rejected by individuals, especially during
adolescence and young adulthood, when maintaining gender role ster-
eotypic behavior is reinforced and is central to their self-esteem and
self-concept. Paludi, Paludi, and DeFour (2004) noted that individuals
reject the label feminist because they view themselves as in control, as
powerful rather than as victims of gender inequality. Thus, they per-
ceive the term ‘‘feminist’’ to imply a powerless position, which they
reject (Rhode, 1977).
The contributors to each of the three volumes of Feminism and Wom-
en’s Rights Worldwide encourage us to think critically about feminism,
to value cultural experiences and to integrate our knowledge of theo-
ries and research about feminism with our own life experiences. The
chapters encouraged me to do this in remembering my own feminist
xviii Introduction
socialization. I encourage you to do the same. It is my hope these three

volumes serve as a ‘‘life raft’’ (Klonis, Endo, Crosby, and Worell, 1997)
for feminists, especially those in the millennial generation.
REFERENCES
Gentry, M. (1989). Introduction: Feminist perspectives on gender and thought:
Paradox and potential. In M. Crawford & M. Gentry (Eds.), Gender and
thought. New York: Springer-Verlag.
Goldner, M. (1994). Accounting for race and class variation in the disjuncture
between feminist identity and feminist beliefs: The place of negative
labels and social movements. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of
the American Sociological Association, Los Angeles.
Klonis, S., Endo, J., Crosby, F., & Worell, J. (1997). Feminism as life raft. Psy-
chology of Women Quarterly, 21, 333–345.
Lorber, J. (1998). Gender inequality: Feminist theories and politics. Los Angeles:
Roxbury.
Prentice Hall.
Paludi, M., ed. (2008). The psychology of women at work: Challenges and solutions
for our female workforce. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Paludi, M., Paludi, C., & DeFour, D. (2004). Introduction: The more things
change, the more they stay the same. In M. Paludi (Ed.), Praeger guide to
the psychology of gender. xi–xxxi. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Rhode, D. (1997). Speaking of sex. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Rudman, L., & Fairchild, K. (2007). The F word: Is feminism incompatible with
beauty and romance? Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31, 125–136.
Snelling, S. (1999). Women’s perspectives on feminism. Psychology of Women
Quarterly, 23, 247–266.
Stimpson, C. (1971). Thy neighbor’s wife, thy neighbor’s servants: Women’s lib-
eration and black civil rights. In V. Gornick & B. Moran (Eds.), Woman in
sexist society: Studies in power and powerlessness. New York: Basic Books.
Zucker, A., & Stewart, A. (2007). Growing up and growing older: Feminism as
a context for women’s lives. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31, 137–145.
Chapter 1
The Myth of the Man-Hating Feminist

Melinda Kanner
Kristin J. Anderson
The feminist agenda is not about equal rights for women. It is about a
socialist, anti-family political movement that encourages women to leave
their husbands, kill their children, practice witchcraft, destroy capitalism,
and become lesbians.
—Reverend Pat Robertson (Robertson letter attacks feminists, 1992)
Spanky: Let’s start a club right now. The He-man Woman-haters. I’ll be
president.
Alfalfa: And I’ll be second president, and you can be third president.
Buckwheat: Thanks.
Spanky: Alright, get up and do exactly what I do. Put your hand on your
heart, and raise your other hand. We, the He-man Woman-haters club . . .
Alfalfa and Buckwheat: We, the he-man woman-haters club . . .
Spanky: . . . promise not to fall for this Valentine’s business . . .
Alfalfa and Buckwheat: . . . promise not to fall for this Valentine’s business . . .
Spanky: . . . because girls are the bunk.
Alfalfa and Buckwheat: . . . because girls are the bunk.
—Hearts and Thumps (1937) from the Our Gang comedy film series,
directed by Hal Roach
THE HE-MAN WOMAN-HATER AND THE

MAN-HATING FEMINIST
In 1934, the comedy trio The Three Stooges made their first short
‘‘musical novelty film,’’ The Woman Haters. In this misogynist cinema
2 Heritage, Roles, and Issues
fantasy, the fraternal organization protects men from the trials of

romance and marriage and from the presumed inevitable disappoint-
ments and betrayals that accompany relationships with women. A sec-
ond fantasy comes from the Little Rascals child comedy troop who
produced the Our Gang comedies for nearly two decades, a regular
feature of which was the He-Man Woman-Haters Club, which pro-
vided solace for the little boys in the gang and excluded girls from
play. Both examples from the annals of American mass media illustrate
some of the important and lasting dimensions of the myth of the femi-
nist man-hater. First, we find an intrinsic conflict that emerges in rela-
tionships between females and males, even in these young, pre-
adolescent fictional proxies for real-life women and men. This conflict
is presented as inevitable, natural, and as fundamentally contrary to
the personal and social interests of males. Second, in these apparently
innocent and trivial fictional illustrations, we find the production of
justification for division and suspicion—not caution and sensitivity, but
overt and institutionalized hostility toward females from males. Finally,
contained in the invention of the woman-hater, and the need for boys
to embrace such an identity, is an expression of a diametric opposition
in which the needs of men and the needs of women are set up as
antagonistic. Whether or not such antagonism is real, it is effectively
made real and asserted redundantly and repeatedly. There is a pres-
ence in male-produced and (largely) male-consumed popular culture of
the figure of the woman-hating man. There exists as well a seemingly
parallel figure—the man-hating feminist. However, this figure is not, in
a parallel way, the creation of some delirious feminist fantasy, but the
product of the same mass media organ of patriarchy. The man-hating
feminist is an invention, and a powerful and effective one at that. But
what are the sources of these images? What allows the image of the
man-hater to persist, to stick in the popular mind? And what interests
are served by perpetuating this stereotype?
No matter how we frame it, feminism has gotten a bad rap in the
cultural mind. From the myth of the bra-burner, to the negligent
mother, to the career-minded spinster, to the man-hater, the mere men-
tion of the word ‘‘feminist’’ produces strong and often negative reac-
tions. The feminist has endured some of the most grotesque kinds of
distortion and defamation among all the emblems of social progressiv-
ism and liberation. Much as black activists have typically been por-
trayed as wild-eyed, reckless, and dangerous to society, the feminist
has been tagged with many labels. She has been assigned the role of
repository of many cultural fears, and has, perhaps most potently, been
identified as a man-hater. The man-hater itself is a socially and fright-
ening figure in the cultural imagination. The man-hater will not coop-
erate with the goals and practice of patriarchy and poses a threat to
the very cornerstone, the living embodiment of patriarchy: the
The Myth of the Man-Hating Feminist 3
individual man himself. As with any political caricature, the images do

more than misrepresent: they obstruct and mislead.
These problems have been compounded somewhat by genuine cri-
tiques of patriarchy as a system. Much like the identification and
expose of the institutionalized racism of dominant society, feminist
critique of patriarchy necessarily identifies the oppressive nature of the
social supremacy of ‘‘man.’’ The invented feminist ‘‘man-hater’’ is in
no way a natural, inevitable, or organic product of feminist politics
and philosophy. This straw woman is not linked to feminist values in
any sense. It first serves nefarious and destructive ends aimed at
undermining the philosophy and struggle for social equality.
If this is not a real thing, how did it become coined? What specific
social and political circumstances are linked to this myth? Is there any
basis in reality to support the claims entailed in this figure? At stake
here is not just the good name of feminists, nor even the struggle for
equality. The data we present here demonstrate that it is not the case
that feminists hate men, but perhaps that anti-feminists hate men. The
‘‘man-hating feminist’’ has no basis in reality but is part of a large-
scale, long-term tacit process by which power is maintained and the
myths that support gender inequality continue to circulate on its
behalf. It is part of a smoke-and-mirrors subterfuge to convert woman-
haters into an epidemic of male bashing, feminist man-haters and les-
bian conversion campaigns. In this process of misdirection, accusation,
and cultural myth-making, not only feminists are harmed. Any
woman, any man who resists the narrow and constricting confines of
absolute gender conformity, are victims as well.
This chapter explores the myth of the feminist-as-man-hater and
examines some of the origins and content of the myth. We do not
undertake here to review the history of the term ‘‘feminist’’ or to sort
through the hundreds of historical and recent aspersions cast on femi-
nism through the direct effort of conservative news, and talk program-
ming, or the more subtle but equally effective contamination of
mainstream news and entertainment media. The major contribution
offered here is an argument built on empirical evidence that actually
examines the truth-value of the claim that feminists dislike men. In our
empirical research, we investigated the real-life ideas and experiences
of respondents and discovered that the image of the feminist as man-
hater is far from the reality of women and men who embrace feminist
values and identify themselves as feminists.
FEMINISM: THE ANTI-FEMINIST CREATES

THE MAN-HATER FEMINISM
The very word evokes strong feelings in most people; Strong feel-
ings and, too often, a world of misconceptions. The real meaning of
feminism, and what it actually means to call oneself a feminist, has

become obscured by an array of prejudices, preconceptions, and mech-
anisms that serve to maintain inequality. Structured inequality based
on gender—much like inequalities based on race or ethnicity or sexual
identity—has been an established way of doing things for centuries.
For some, the question begins and ends with women’s right to vote.
For others, a belief exists that gender inequality is a thing of the past,
and that women now enjoy social and economic equality in terms of
access to resources and prestige. Still others believe that feminism is an
antique effort, a fad whose time has passed. In any event, many
women and many more men continue to resist identifying themselves
as feminists.
What are some of the sources of the claims asserted by the man-
hating feminist myth? Some of the myths are simply defamatory and
dismissive of feminists and feminism. Through the simple accusations
of ‘‘lesbian,’’ and the homophobia easily mobilized, many are fright-
ened away from the label that accurately describes their philosophy.
By invoking terrifying images of social outcasts, of ‘‘spinsters,’’ and
‘‘bra-burners,’’ still others are driven into a disjuncture between values
and the adoption of an identity that accurately describes their social
principles. The deployment of the twinned terms ‘‘man-hating’’ and
‘‘feminist’’ creates a myth with doubly harmful results. First, feminism
is denied the understanding it merits. The obfuscation and distortions
of the realities of feminism—the struggle for suffrage, the collective
striving for economic and social parity, the centuries-long drive to
achieve meaningful political participation—are overwhelmed by the
fun-house mirror of misogyny held up by the accusations of man-
hating. Second, in the service of dismissing the central values of
feminism, such accusations additionally activate hostility toward lesbians
and intensify the sexism and misogyny that underlies both issues.
At its core, feminism is the belief in certain fundamental principles
of social, economic, political, and judicial equality. In a society in which
women and men have traditionally received unequal treatment, femi-
nism seems a reasonable and long-overdue corrective to the historical
lack of access women continue to experience. Merriam-Webster defines
feminism as: (1) The theory of the political, economic, and social equal-
ity of the sexes; and (2) Organized activity on behalf of women’s rights
and interests. The Encyclopedia Britannica defines it as: The belief in the
social, economic, and political equality of the sexes. And bell hooks
(2000) defines feminism as a movement to end sexism, sexist exploita-
tion, and oppression. On the face of it, it would seem that all women,
and most men, would identify with the goals of feminism. In spite of
the widely agreed-upon philosophical desire for guarantees of equality,
today, few women call themselves feminists. Survey research shows
that the percentage of respondents who actually call themselves
feminists is strikingly small. In surveys of university women, the per-

centage who identify as feminists range from 8 (Myaskovsky & Wittig,
1997) to 44 percent (Bullock & Fernald, 2003) depending on the demo-
graphic makeup of the students. What accounts for these low num-
bers? When you consider the misconceptions we carry around with us
because of the way in which feminism is portrayed in popular culture
and politics, it is not surprising that relatively few women call them-
selves feminists. Anti-feminists blame feminists for a variety of social
problems: for young men entering college at a lower rate than that of
young women (Sommers, 2000); for the decline in ‘‘manliness’’ in
American culture (Mansfield, 2006); and even for the terrorist attacks
of September 11, 2001 (Falwell, 2001).
MOST WOMEN ENDORSE FEMINIST PRINCIPLES

Surveys find that women hold feminist beliefs but are hesitant to
describe themselves as feminists because they know that feminism is
viewed by some as anti-male (Alexander & Ryan, 1997; Aronson, 2003).
If it is the case that most people—men and women—endorse the fun-
damental principles of feminism, it should stand to reason that most
people would actually support feminism. Even among individuals who
endorse or embrace feminist principles, the adoption of the identity
‘‘feminist’’ is resisted. One study of mostly white American women
who were college students found that of the women who did not con-
sider themselves feminists, 81 percent agreed with some or all of the
goals of the feminist movement (Liss, Hoffner, & Crawford, 2000).
DO FEMINISTS HATE MEN? WHAT IS THE EVIDENCE?

Now let us address the common belief that feminists are man-haters.
While there are abundant of examples popular culture purporting to
reveal feminists’ attitudes toward men, there are very few empirical
studies on the subject. In addition to our own empirical study that we
describe shortly, Iazzo’s 1983 study is the only one we found that
examines feminists’ attitudes toward men. Iazzo (1983) developed the
Attitudes toward Men scale. He measured the degree to which women
agreed with statements about Marriage/Parenthood (e.g., ‘‘Men consider
marriage a trap.’’), Sexuality (e.g., ‘‘A man cannot get enough sex.’’),
Work (e.g., ‘‘A man’s job is the most important thing in his life.’’), and
Physical/Personality Attributes (e.g., ‘‘An athletic man is to be admired.’’)
of men and gender roles. Women expressed their agreement on a 1 to
4 scale, and a score of 80 would indicate a neutral attitude toward
men. The ‘‘control group’’ sample was 104 mostly white women
recruited from a university, department stores, and other places of
business. They were compared with battered wives, rape victims,
lesbians, and feminists from a local chapter of the National Organiza-

tion for Women. The control group mean score was 89.93, above the
neutral midpoint of 80.00, suggesting slightly positive attitudes toward
men. The average score of feminists was 79.54, not statistically distin-
guishable from the 80.00 midpoint, suggesting neutral attitudes toward
men. So feminists did not have negative attitudes toward men. What
about lesbians, a category that is often conflated with feminists? Les-
bians scored, on average, 70.97, so somewhat lower than neutral but
hardly indicative of man-hating. Further inspection of the statements
that make up the Attitudes toward Men scale may shed light on why
lesbians scored lower than both feminists and the ‘‘control group’’ of
women. Some of the statements may not be relevant to lesbians. For
instance, some of the items are as follows: ‘‘Male sex organs are attrac-
tive,’’ ‘‘The male body is visually unappealing,’’ and ‘‘The sight of a
penis is repulsive.’’ These are questions from the Sexuality subscale. It
would have been interesting to have analyzed how feminists and les-
bians scored on each separate subscale. For instance, perhaps lesbians
had relatively ‘‘anti-male’’ attitudes on the 7 items that made up the
Sexuality scale because they do not find men’s body parts attractive.
Conversely, their scores on the other subscales could have been neutral
or positive. The limitation of Iazzo’s study is that many of the state-
ments might be irrelevant to lesbians because the statements assume
that women have intimate relationships with men.
Maltby and Day (2001) studied British college students and exam-
ined various psychological characteristics as they correlate with atti-
tudes toward women and men. For women, a feminine-stereotyped
gender role self-concept—the degree to which people see themselves in
terms of feminine stereotypes—was found to be correlated with nega-
tive attitudes toward men. In other words, the more women saw them-
selves as feminine, the less they liked men. While Maltby and Day’s
study did not measure feminists’ attitudes toward men, their results
imply that perhaps it is non-feminists who do not like men because
feminists tend to have relatively more masculine and androgynous
gender role self-concepts than do non-feminists. Another way to put it
is that, in this study, women with traditional gender role orientation—
who are likely to be non-feminists—had more negative attitudes to-
ward men than did women with nontraditional gender self-concepts—
who are more likely to be feminists. Another study with an ethnically
diverse sample of university students found that those women who
perceived large value and belief differences between women and men
tended to like men less than did those women who did not perceive
large value and belief differences (Stephan, Stephan, Demitrakis,
Yamada, & Clason, 2000). Again, this study did not examine feminists’
attitudes per se; however, we can extrapolate from the data. Other
studies have found that feminists tend to think women and men are
not very different (Liss et al., 2000; Liss, O’Connor, Morosky, & Craw-
ford, 2001), whereas non-feminists are more likely to think that women
and men are fundamentally different (Yoder, Fischer, Kahn, & Groden,
2007). Therefore, it appears non-feminists see women and men as fun-
damentally different and have more negative attitudes toward men
than do feminists.
AMBIVALENCE TOWARD MEN: TWO ASPECTS OF

ATTITUDES TOWARD MEN
The most recent method of measuring attitudes toward men has
been the Ambivalence toward Men Inventory (AMI), developed by
Glick and Fiske (1999). They found two aspects of women’s (and to a
somewhat lesser extent men’s) attitudes toward men. Hostility toward
men represents overtly negative attitudes toward men. It characterizes
men as inferior in ways that are safe to criticize, such as that men are
babies when they are sick. Hostility toward men also taps into resent-
ment about men’s power relative to women, men’s aggressiveness, cul-
tural attitudes that portray men as superior, and the way men exert
control within heterosexual intimate relationships. Individuals with
high hostility toward men scores tend to agree with statements such
as, ‘‘When men act to ‘help’ women, they are often trying to prove
they are better than women,’’ and ‘‘Most men pay lip service to equal-
ity for women, but can’t handle having a woman as an equal.’’ The
second aspect of attitudes toward men is benevolence toward men. Benev-
olence toward men does not represent overtly negative attitudes toward
men, but rather overtly positive or affectionate attitudes toward men. It
is a set of beliefs that includes the idea that just as women are depend-
ent on men, so too are men dependent on women. Benevolence toward
men suggests that a woman’s role is to take care of a man, but only in
the domestic context. Experiencing subjectively positive feelings of af-
fectionate protectiveness, admiration, and connection with men in inti-
mate relationships represents benevolence toward men. Those who
score high on benevolence toward men agree with statements such as,
‘‘Women are incomplete without men,’’ and ‘‘Even if both members of
a couple work, the woman ought to be more attentive to taking care of
her man at home.’’
Hostility and benevolence toward men are distinct concepts, although
they tend to occur together. That is, women who have high hostility to-
ward men scores tend to also have high benevolence toward men scores.
Thus, women may resent men’s power even as they subscribe to beliefs
that support it. Women tend to score higher than men on hostility to-
ward men and lower than men on benevolence toward men.
Attitudes of hostility and benevolence toward men are correlated
with other kinds of beliefs. For instance, benevolence toward men is
correlated with sexist attitudes toward women: those who believe that
men should protect women, and that women should take care of men
at home, also tend to believe that women need protection because they
are inferior to men. Interestingly, women’s hostility toward men and be-
nevolence toward men scores correlate, indicating that some women
simultaneously hold beliefs that actively support and justify male dom-
inance (benevolence toward men) at the same time they resent the conse-
quences of this dominance (hostility toward men). Glick and Fiske (1999)
speculate that the greater the dependence a woman has on men, the
more she is likely to experience both benevolence and hostility toward
men; the former because of her recognition of her investment in men
and the latter because of resentment over her dependence.
Although Glick and Fiske do not directly answer the question of the
relative position of feminists in terms of their benevolent or hostile atti-
tudes toward men, they do explore the relationship between gender in-
equality and hostility toward men and benevolence toward men, which has
implications for feminism and attitudes toward men. In a massive
study across sixteen nations, Glick et al. (2004), along with several col-
leagues around the world, used many translated versions of the AMI
to investigate attitudes toward men.
Glick et al. (2004) found that in most nations, hostility toward men
was higher among women than among men. Hostility toward men
scores correlated with the national measures of gender inequality. Spe-
cifically, hostility toward men was higher in traditional than in egalitar-
ian nations. At the same time, benevolence toward men was higher in
traditional than in egalitarian nations. The authors’ speculated that
women in traditional nations may be more resentful toward men for
what they view as abuses of power, but that this resentment is not nec-
essarily a challenge to gender hierarchy because it coexists with benev-
olent beliefs about men’s roles as protectors and providers. The more
hostile men are toward women, the more women resent and show hos-
tility toward men. Heightened resentment of men’s hostility may
explain why women’s hostility toward men scores increasingly outstrip
men’s in more traditional cultures.
It is worth noting that there were many more gender similarities
than differences across nations—women and men in the sixteen nations
tended to have similar attitudes toward women and men. In terms of
addressing the myth of feminists and man-haters, the Glick et al. (2004)
study on attitudes toward men suggests that man-hating is linked
more to anti-feminism and gender in equality, than it is to feminism
and gender equality.
Although the AMI is widely used, it had not been used with femi-
nists until Anderson, Kanner, and Elsayegh (2009) conducted a study
that examined feminists’ and non-feminists’ attitudes toward men that
surveyed an ethnically diverse sample of 488 American college
students and asked them to respond to statements about gender roles

including the items from the AMI. Students were also asked whether or
not they are feminists. Only 14 percent of the sample of women and men
identified as feminists, which is consistent with an ethnically diverse sam-
ple. Contrary to popular stereotypes, self-identified feminists had lower
levels of hostility toward men than non-feminists. Interestingly, women
overall did tend to have higher levels of hostility toward men than did
men, but again, the hostility was not among the feminists. Feminists also
tended to have lower levels of benevolence toward men. Low levels of benev-
olence toward men does not mean one feels malevolence toward men, it just
means that the respondent does not agree with traditional gender roles—
for instance, that women should take care of men in the home, while men
should be the main wage earners. Thus, based on our study results, it
appears that feminists, compared to non-feminists, do not have negative
attitudes toward men. Feminists do tend to reject traditional gender roles
that put women in less powerful positions than men.
Taken together, systematic empirical studies do not find evidence
that feminists dislike men. In contrast, there is some suggestion than
non-feminists, those women who adhere to traditional gender stereo-
types, dislike, or at least, resent, men. We must ask then, why does the
myth of feminist man-haters persist?
WHY DOES THE MYTH OF THE FEMINIST

MAN-HATER PERSIST?
The myth of the feminist man-hater exists in part because feminists
do not behave themselves in conventional ways. Feminists tend to vio-
late gender role expectations, and that makes people uncomfortable.
Women who desire and have professions, women who resist the limi-
tations of housewifery, women who do not feel themselves to be in the
irresistible grip of maternal inevitability—these and other women, and
men, who depart from gender conformity find themselves in the sweep
of the accusation of man-hater. There are stiff sanctions for women,
and men, who violate gender roles. Now that we have established the
lack of empirical support for the notion that feminists are man-haters,
we are left with explaining why the myth persists and what we can do
about it. The next section begins by examining women’s reactions to
conventional and nonconventional women by first examining ambiva-
lent sexism. Next, we will look at people’s perceptions of another type
of gender violator, women leaders. Then the supposed link between
feminism and lesbianism is examined, and the function of lesbian-bait-
ing as a strategy to keep women in their place is discussed. Finally, the
empirical research presented in this chapter is put in its larger cultural
context by tying it to the ‘‘battle of the sexes’’ and the ‘‘boy crisis’’
rhetoric that are currently popular.
WOMEN ARE WONDERFUL BUT FEMINISTS ARE NOT:

REWARDING TRADITIONAL AND PENALIZING
NONTRADITIONAL WOMEN
Understanding people’s negative attitudes toward feminists requires
understanding the context more generally of attitudes toward women.
Just as people’s attitudes toward men are ambivalent—with a mix of
respect and admiration along with resentment of men’s power and
privilege—attitudes toward women are ambivalent as well. At first
glance, however, attitudes toward women seem positive relative to atti-
tudes toward men. Attitudes toward women are more positive in terms
of affect. Eagly and Mladinic (1994) have coined the phrase women-
are-wonderful to illustrate this. The global category ‘‘woman’’ is viewed
more positively than the global category ‘‘man.’’ The women-are-wonder-
ful effect occurs on explicit attitude surveys as well as with implicit
attitude measures such as when positive words such as ‘‘good’’ and
‘‘happy’’ are associated more with women than with men (Rudman &
Goodwin, 2004). There are two important points about the positive
feelings people have about women compared to men connected to the
negative reaction some have for feminists. Just because a group is liked
does not mean that it is treated fairly and taken seriously. Also, just
because the global category ‘‘women’’ is liked more than ‘‘men,’’ this
does not mean that particular subcategories of women are liked. These
important caveats to the women-are-wonderful effect are elaborated
below.
DISCRIMINATION AND DISRESPECT

Gender-based discrimination is widespread and well documented
(see Valian, 1998, for a review). Take, for example, the disparities in
pay between women and men (see Volume 3) Women college gradu-
ates in the United States who work full time make only 75 percent of
what comparable men make (U.S. Department of Labor, 2005). In the
United States, girls and women are more likely to live in poverty than
are boys and men (Bishaw & Stern, 2006). And while women in the
United States held half of all management and professional positions
in 2004, only 14 percent of architects and engineers and 29 percent of
physicians and surgeons are women, whereas 86 percent of paralegals
and legal assistants are women (U.S. Department of Labor, 2005). In
terms of representations of women in popular culture in the United
States, men are overrepresented on prime time television shows (Screen
Actors Guild, 2005), in television commercials (Ganahl, Prinsen, &
Netzley, 2003), feature films (Lauzen & Dozier, 2005), music television
(Seidman, 1999), and in newspaper comics (Glascock & Preston-
Schreck, 2004). In terms of political representation, women make up
only 16.1 percent of the members of the U.S. House of Representatives

and Senate (Center for American Women and Politics, 2008).
Eagly and Mladinic’s (1994) work on the women-are-wonderful effect
revealed, women may be liked, but they are not necessarily respected. Fiske,
Cuddy, Glick, and Xu (2002) have found that groups that are traditionally
targets of discrimination are judged along two dimensions: warmth and
competence. For instance, people tend to think Jews are highly competent,
but do not feel warmly toward them—they are respected but not liked.
People tend to feel warmly toward old people, but do not respect them—
they are high on warmth, low on respect. As you might guess, women
are viewed as warm and therefore likeable, but they are less likely to be
seen as competent and are therefore less respected. Men, relative to
women, are less liked but are viewed as more competent.
If women are liked more than respected, where do feminists fit in?
Haddock and Zanna (1994) found that people have different views of
two categories of women that are seen as opposites: housewives and
feminists. Like Eagly and Mladinic’s (1994) work on the women-are-won-
derful effect and Fiske et al.’s (2002) work on warmth and competence,
Haddock and Zanna found that when Canadian college students were
asked to form a mental image of the typical woman and typical man,
women were evaluated more favorably than were men. However,
when subcategories of women were considered, different attitudes
emerged. Feminists tend to be evaluated more negatively than house-
wives, even though feminists and housewives are both part of the
larger category of women. Haddock and Zanna further found that
those who dislike feminists believe that feminists violate traditional
values and customs. In other words, feminists are seen as a threat to
the status quo in a way that housewives are not.
AMBIVALENT SEXISM: THE CARROT AND THE

STICK OF PATRIARCHY
Because there are differing views of different types of women, sexism,
the institutionalized prejudice and discrimination against women is not
a single, unitary concept. Glick and Fiske (1997) developed ambivalent
sexism as a measure that captures subjectively positive and negative
feelings toward women. Racial/ethnic groups may, and often do, avoid
kinship ties (or almost any kind of contact) with other racial/ethnic
groups, however, heterosexual women and men have to be intimate.
For instance, one might be against marrying someone of another race,
but it is unlikely that a heterosexual man will decide not to be involved
with a woman. And although men may wish to exclude women from
certain activities and roles, few (even among the most rabidly sexist)
wish to banish women completely from their lives. You can avoid
another ethnic group, but it is hard to avoid another gender.
Similar to their measure of ambivalence toward men discussed earlier,

Glick and Fiske find that men’s (and people’s, generally) ambivalence
toward women can be broken down into two kinds of sexism, hostile
sexism and benevolent sexism. Hostile sexism is what most people think
when they think of sexism. It consists of overtly hostile feelings toward
women, with negative feelings toward, and stereotyping of, nontradi-
tional women in particular. Hostile sexism seeks to justify male power,
traditional gender roles, and men’s exploitation of women as sexual
objects through derogatory characterizations of women. Hostile sexists
agree with statements such as, ‘‘When women lose to men in a fair compe-
tition, they typically complain about being discriminated against,’’ and
‘‘Most women fail to appreciate fully all that men do for them.’’ Benevolent
sexism is something of a slippery concept because it involves subjec-
tively positive attitudes toward women. Women are characterized as
pure creatures who need protection from men. It is the view that
women are adored by men and are necessary to make a man complete.
Benevolent sexism relies on kinder and gentler justifications of male
dominance and prescribed gender roles; it recognizes men’s depend-
ence on women and a romanticized view of heterosexual relationships.
Ideologies of what Glick and Fiske (1997) refer to as benevolent pater-
nalism allow members of dominant groups to characterize their privi-
leges as well deserved, even as a responsibility they must bear (similar
to the ‘‘white man’s burden’’). Men are willing to sacrifice their own
needs to care for the women in their lives. Benevolent sexists agree
with statements such as, ‘‘No matter how accomplished he is, a man is not
truly complete as a person unless he has the love of a woman,’’ and ‘‘Women
should be cherished and protected by men.’’ For women, benevolent sexism
undermines women’s resistance to male dominance: benevolent sexism
is disarming because it is subjectively favorable and also promises that
men’s power will be used to women’s advantage, as long as they can
secure a high-status male protector. People do not immediately recog-
nize benevolent sexism as sexist, and some women are even flattered by
the attitudes of benevolent sexism (Barreto & Ellemers, 2005).
Although hostile sexism and benevolent sexism are separate and
contradictory concepts, people can, and often do, experience hostile
and benevolent sexism simultaneously. People can have loving and
hating attitudes toward women. People tend to feel hostile sexism to-
ward women who violate traditional gender roles (e.g., feminists, sexu-
ally active women) and benevolent sexism toward conventional
women (e.g., homemakers). Benevolent sexism can result in the
women-are-wonderful effect because traditional women are considered
to be wonderful because of their purity and nurturance. The way Glick
and Fiske describe the workings of ambivalent sexism, benevolent sex-
ism is the ‘‘carrot’’—the reward of positive feelings toward and protec-
tiveness given to women who embrace traditional roles; and hostile
sexism is the ‘‘stick’’—the hostility that women who reject traditional

roles in favor of taking on traditionally masculine roles face from men
who wish to keep them in their places. Punishment (through hostile
sexism) alone is not the most effective means of shaping behavior
because that might result in only resentment and resistance. However,
punishment for some and reinforcement for others maintains patri-
archy and the gender status quo (Glick & Fiske, 2001).
Benevolent sexism, then, is insidious for three reasons. First, it
doesn’t seem like prejudice to male perpetrators because men do not
view it as something negative. Second, women may find its ‘‘sweet
allure difficult to resist’’ (Glick & Fiske, 2001, pp. 114–115). Praising
women’s nurturing traits is part of expressing the belief that women
are especially suited to domestic roles. Furthermore, stereotypes of
women as nurturing and communal justify their subordinated status
(Jost & Kay, 2005). Third, benevolent sexism can drive a wedge
between women. Women (e.g., feminists) who reject the overtly nega-
tive aspects of hostile sexism as well as the more hidden negative
aspects of benevolent sexism are at odds with traditional women who
are rewarded by benevolent sexism and reject feminism because they
want to hold on to the little power they get as a result of benevolent
sexism. So, while feminists and traditional women should be working
in solidarity to fight gender discrimination, they are split by being on
two opposite sides of benevolent sexism.
Like their work on ambivalence toward men, Glick and Fiske have
analyzed patterns of hostile and benevolent sexism in a variety of cul-
tures (Glick et al., 2004). In general, men’s hostile sexism is higher than
women’s, and women are more receptive to benevolent sexist beliefs
than hostile sexist beliefs. In nations where hostile sexism was
endorsed, women were especially likely to embrace benevolent sexism,
in some cases, even more so than the men. This points to the irony of
women who are forced to seek protection from members of the very
group that threatens them: The greater the threat, the stronger the in-
centive to accept benevolent sexism’s protective ideology. This explains
the tendency for women in the most sexist societies to endorse benevo-
lent sexism more strongly than do men. Furthermore, the countries in
which women rejected both benevolent and hostile sexism were the
ones in which men had low hostile sexism scores. As sexist hostility
declines, women may feel able to reject benevolent sexism without fear
of a hostile backlash.
Ambivalent sexism addresses the question of whether or not chiv-
alry is good for women. In excluding women from the outside world
of work and from positions traditionally held by men, benevolent sex-
ists exclude women from roles that offer more status in society. Thus,
some women (specifically traditional women) are protected to some
extent by chivalry, but at great cost. Ambivalent sexism is a concept
that can also be related to other objectionable attitudes. Feminists, who

may reject chivalry for good reason, get an angry, defensive response
from men who feel that feminists are ingrates.
In a study of Spanish women’s reactions (Moya, Glick, Exp osito, de
Lemus, & Hart, 2007) to discriminatory scenarios (e.g., losing a promo-
tion), the same acts of discrimination were perceived as less serious
when the perpetrators expressed a benevolent, protective justification
than when they expressed a hostile one. Furthermore, women who
scored higher in benevolent sexism were more likely to excuse both
hostile treatment from a husband and benevolently-justified discrimina-
tion by non-intimate men (e.g., a boss). But this pattern of response
only occurred among women participants who were without paid
employment. This finding suggests that women who are highly de-
pendent on men are prone to forgive even hostile acts, perhaps reinter-
preting them as signs of the husband’s passionate attachment. One
study with Turkish and Brazilian respondents, found that individuals
(both women and men) with high levels of hostile sexism found wife
abuse more acceptable than those with low levels of hostile sexism
(Glick, Sakalli-Ugurlu, Ferreira, & de Souza, 2002). Benevolent sexism
has been linked to attributions of blame against women for acquaint-
ance rape. Individuals high in benevolent sexism attributed less blame
to perpetrators and recommended shorter sentences for an acquaint-
ance rape perpetrator than did low benevolent sexist individuals (Viki,
Abrams, & Masser, 2004). A study of Zimbabwean male college stu-
dents found that those men with higher levels of hostile sexism
reported that they were more likely to commit acquaintance rape than
men with lower levels of hostile sexism (Viki, Chiroro, & Abrams,
2006). Thus, hostile sexism rationalizes mistreatment of women who
violate traditional roles, while benevolent sexism provides a framework
for what is acceptable (i.e., traditional) behavior for women.
The work on ambivalent sexism demonstrates that while traditional
women tend to elicit positive feelings from people, nontraditional
women such as feminists have hostile reactions directed toward them.
Even though the supposed protective qualities of benevolent sexism
are alluring to some women, that protection comes with the price of re-
stricted options and strong sanctions to women who appear to violate
traditional roles.
PENALTIES FOR NONTRADITIONAL WOMEN

A central feature of negative attitudes toward women is the dislike
of women who do not fit into the traditional feminine role (e.g., femi-
nists, lesbians, women athletes). From the discussion of Glick and
Fiske’s (1997) work on ambivalent sexism and Fiske et al.’s (2002) work
on warmth and competence as a relevant dimension of judging social
categories, it should be clear that what makes feminists threatening is

that they violate (or appear to violate) and reject traditional gender
norms for women.
Women leaders also violate people’s expectations about women and
therefore threaten the gender hierarchy. While women who are leaders
are not necessarily feminists, and feminists are not necessarily women
in leadership positions, both engender similar reactions. Think of the
strong reactions toward Hillary Clinton, Martha Stewart, and Condo-
leezza Rice. While women in leadership positions in the work domain
have gradually increased, expectations about what women are
like have not kept pace with women’s changing roles. Research find-
ings have indicated that women who behave in ways typically reserved
for men are found to be less socially appealing than men who behave
similarly or women who behave in ways that are more in line with
normative prescriptions. When a woman is acknowledged to have been
successful at performing male gender-typed work, she is, by definition,
thought to have the attributes necessary to effectively execute the tasks
and responsibilities required. But it is these same attributes that are in
violation of gender-prescriptive norms (Valian, 1998). So, although
there is a good fit between what the woman is perceived to be like and
what the job entails, there is a bad fit between what the woman is
perceived to be like and the conception of what she should be like.
One study illustrates the subtlety with which judgments about
women who violate gender expectations get played out (Heilman, Wal-
len, Fuchs, & Tamkins, 2004). American college students were given
packets that contained a profile of a clearly successful or ambiguously
successful woman or man in a male-dominated job (assistant vice pres-
ident in mechanics and aeronautics). Students were asked to rate the
candidate on competence, likeability, and interpersonal hostility. When
students rated the obviously successful candidate, women and men
were rated equally—they were both given credit for their successes.
However, gender did play a role when the candidates’ qualifications
were ambiguous. When information about the candidate’s performance
was ambiguous, the woman was rated as less competent than the man.
There were results associated with liking ratings as well. When there
was ambiguity about the target person’s performance, there was no
significant difference between the liking ratings of women and men
targets. But when there was clear evidence of success, the woman was
liked less than the man. In other words, the clearly successful woman
was liked significantly less than the clearly successful man, the unsuc-
cessful woman, and unsuccessful man. A similar finding emerged in
terms of judgments of hostility. The woman candidate was rated as less
hostile than the man in the ambiguous performance outcome condition
but was rated as more hostile than the man in the clearly successful
condition. These results suggest the double standard used when
judging women in male-dominated occupations: Women were viewed

as less competent than men only when there was ambiguity about how
successful they had been; when the women’s success was made
explicit, there were no differences in these characterizations. However,
when success was explicit, women were viewed as less likeable than
men. Women, although rated less competent than men when informa-
tion about them was ambiguous, were at least rated as less hostile
interpersonally. But the switch when success was clear is dramatic:
women who are acknowledged as successful were viewed not merely
as indifferent to others but as downright uncivil. And these patterns
held for both women and men participants, so these gender stereotypic
norms and the tendency to penalize those who violate them are mean-
ingful for both women and men. Heilman et al. (2004) also found that
dislike was associated with not being recommended for promotions
and salary increases. The authors conclude that while there are many
things that lead an individual to be disliked in the job setting, it is only
women who are disliked when they are successful.
LESBIAN-BAITING
Understanding the link between feminism and lesbianism reveals
some of the fundamental sources of the discomfort and antagonism to-
ward feminism we have explored so far. Indeed, in casual contexts and
in mass media, lesbian is, erroneously, often portrayed as interchange-
able with feminist where the presumption is made that lesbians are, by
definition feminists, and feminists are presumed to be lesbians. Both
lesbians and feminists are understood as women who disrupt and
threaten gender, and both terms describe nontraditional women. Both
feminists and lesbians seem inherently unladylike, assertive, and out-
spoken, and women like this threaten the gender status quo (Alexander
& Ryan, 1997).
Homophobia, in addition to sexism, creates an additional set of tacti-
cal opportunities to discredit and marginalize feminism’s efforts to
achieve comprehensive equality for women. Like the accusation of
male-bashing, the framing of lesbianism as the inevitable result of femi-
nism or as a necessary dimension of feminism, are scare tactics
designed to frighten people away from associating with feminism and
feminist activism. The very positioning of lesbianism as a source of dis-
crediting reveals the underlying layer of homophobia that often joins
with sexism to maintain systems of oppression and retain privilege.
Women who have worked actively against sexual assault and rape are
often the target of lesbian-baiting. Framed as insults and debasement,
accusations of lesbianism, along with descriptions of feminists as an-
gry, unladylike, and unfeminine, are employed to make feminists, and
by extension, the goals of feminism, unattractive and repellent. Grant
(2000), who has studied community responses to anti-violence activists,

argues that these slurs are the result of people feeling as though
women are acting out of their place by complaining too much about
men’s violence against women. It is as though it is okay to believe that
rape is wrong, but that women should not complain about it, or at
least if they complain, they should not complain loudly. Battered wom-
en’s shelters and rape crisis centers have been vandalized with graffiti
such as ‘‘No means dyke,’’ or ‘‘No means tie her up.’’ Rape crisis cen-
ters have been charged with ‘‘turning women into lesbians’’ or ‘‘being
man-hating.’’ Women’s activism is seen as a threat. ‘‘Lesbian,’’ as much
as it is an expression of sexual identity, also functions as a regulatory
term (Grant, 2000). It refers to women who are independent from men.
That is why it can be used when a woman refuses sexual advances
from a man. Since lesbian is often conflated with feminist, and because
of homophobia, feminists are often required to prove they are not
lesbians.
Lesbian-baiting can also be a form of sexual extortion, especially in
the military. Corbett (1997) has written about lesbian-baiting since the
emergence of the U.S. military policy of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, Don’t
Pursue. According to Corbett, accusations of lesbianism are a threat to
all military women, regardless of their sexual orientation. The antigay
policy gives harassers and rapists tools of sexual extortion. Allegations
of lesbianism can ruin a woman’s career. It doesn’t matter whether or
not the allegations are true. Women soldiers who refuse sexual advan-
ces from men may be accused of being lesbians and subjected to inves-
tigation for homosexual conduct. Thus, the Don’t Ask policy is being
used as a weapon of retaliation against women who report sexual har-
assment or rape, against those who rebuff sexual advances, or against
those who succeed in their careers. Obviously, if lesbians and gay men
could serve openly in the military, this would be a less effective
weapon against service members.
Although lesbians, like feminists, are seen as man-haters, there is no
empirical evidence suggesting they are. Markey begins her Redbook arti-
cle, ‘‘Male Bashing,’’ with, ‘‘I used to be a rather accomplished male-
basher. After all, I was married to a man. . .’’ (Markey, 1993, p. 104).
Magazines from the popular press actually imply that male-bashers are
heterosexual women with traditional gender roles: women complain
about men’s infidelity (Lego, 1999), inept husbands (Heckard, 1998),
and men who are not ‘‘domesticable’’ (Heard, 1989). Lesbians likely
have different relationships with men and therefore do not have the
complaints, disappointments, and frustrations that some heterosexual
women have. Grant (2000) interviewed lesbian feminist activists who
reported that, rather than disliking men, they felt that men were either
neutral players (e.g., male relatives) or just not relevant to their lives.
One lesbian interviewee reported that men are not a major part of her
life and that heterosexual women complain about men ‘‘all the time.’’
More systematic research needs to be done in the area of lesbians-as-
man-haters. We suspect another stereotype will be debunked, just as
the feminists-as-man-haters stereotype has been.
CONFUSING THE UNIT OF ANALYSIS: ‘‘WAR AGAINST

THE SEXES’’ VERSUS PATRIARCHY AND PRIVILEGE
Feminists are accused of man-hating when they object to gender dis-
crimination because some interpret the objection as being anti-man (as
complaints about particular, individual men, or even all men) rather than
as a protest against the patriarchal system that gives power and privi-
lege to men relative to women. Feminists see sexism as part of a system
of inequality (Kane, 2000). Those who do not understand the systemic
nature of gender inequality translate feminists’ activism as complaints
directed at particular men or at men as a category, as if feminists blame
each man or all men. For instance, in his book, Manliness, Harvey
Mansfield describes feminism as women being ‘‘none too pleased with
men and not shy about letting them know it’’ (Mansfield, 2006, p. 4).
The incorrect notion that stems from and engenders hatred of men,
rather than the accurate framing of feminism being a critique of a patri-
archal system, does more than make women afraid to call themselves
feminists, thereby contributing to gender inequality. In the studies we
have reviewed in this chapter that revealed gender discrimination,
nearly all found that men and women participants discriminate against
women. Sexism and gender discrimination is not just something men
do to women. Everyone participates in a sexist system, although it is
certainly true that men benefit through the male privilege inherent in a
sexist system. Ignoring the systemic nature of gender inequality also
leads men to feel stuck in a defensive response rather than being able
to see that men too are confined by gender expectations. Trivializing
feminists’ resistance to inequality as anger at men insults the women’s
liberation movement that fights for the right to vote, for equal pay, for
educational equity, and for reproductive freedom—efforts focused on
changing the system, not on ‘‘bashing’’ men.
One manifestation of the focus on individual men versus the focus
on systemic gender discrimination and male privilege is the ‘‘battle-of-
the-sexes’’ (e.g., Heard, 1989) rhetoric that is prevalent in popular
culture. Battle-of-the-sexes rhetoric produces false neutrality and false
parallelism of the advantages/disadvantages of women and men and
suggests that both women and men are equally advantaged and disad-
vantaged—just in different ways (e.g., O’Beirne, 2006). For instance, in
Time magazine article, ‘‘Men, Are They Really That Bad?’’ Morrow
(1994) takes on what he describes as the ‘‘overt man bashing of recent
years’’ (p. 54). He says, ‘‘both men and women have been oppressed
by the other sex, in different ways’’ (p. 56), and ‘‘American men and
women should face the fact that they are hopelessly at odds’’ (p. 59).
Judy Markey (1993) says, ‘‘How can we gripe that they put us down as
a group, if we do the same thing to them?’’ (p. 105) and, ‘‘We’ll wind
up sounding like squabbling children crying, ‘He started it!’ ‘No, she
did!’ ’’ (p. 105). This popular discourse that women-and-men-are-
at-odds suggests that women’s and men’s complaints are parallel and
equal. The ‘‘sex wars’’ rhetoric trivializes genuine critiques about patri-
archy and male supremacy and reduces discrimination to a he-said-
she-said dynamic in which there are no real winners and no real losers,
but only miscommunication between the sexes.
This view of individual-based gender debates can reduce things
such as rape and sexual harassment to miscommunication that can
leave men victims. For instance, in his book, The Myth of Male Power,
Warren Farrell (1993) writes ‘‘Feminism has taught women to sue men
for creating a ‘hostile environment’ or for date rape when men initiate
with the wrong person or with the wrong timing’’ (p. 18). Similarly,
Morrow (1994) claims that a successful approach to a woman is called
romance and courtship. Sexual harassment, according to Morrow, is
simply an unsuccessful approach, and, in his view, is unfairly treated
as a crime. This rhetoric suggests that the real victims of sexual harass-
ment and rape are not women, but men who are victimized by wom-
en’s flirtations and mixed messages.
STEALING THE CENTER STAGE OF OPPRESSION:

THE BOY CRISIS
In recent years, another manifestation of the accusation of man-
hating comes in the form of the popular discourse on the ‘‘boy crisis.’’
Beginning in the 1980s, there was an increase in awareness regarding
the male bias in clinical and popular psychological theories that treated
girls like deviants and boys as the norm, with books such as Carol
Gilligan’s (1982), In a Different Voice and Mary Pipher’s (1994) Reviving
Ophelia. Part of this focus was a critique of the educational system that
seemed more geared toward the benefit of boys. Myra and David
Sadker’s (1994) book, Failing at Fairness: How America’s Schools Cheat
Girls, as well as a report from the American Association of University
Women (1992), generated headlines in the popular press. As these
works grew in popularity, a backlash in the form of a recovery effort
for boys supposedly wounded by the alleged disproportionate atten-
tion given to girls and women during the 1980s and early 1990s began
to grow as well. Several anti-feminist pop psychology books on boys’
development became best sellers. Christina Hoff Sommers’ (2000) book,
The War Against Boys, and now more recently, Kate O’Beirne’s (2006)
book, Women Who Make the World Worse and How Their Radical Feminist
Assault is Ruining Our Schools, Families, Military, and Sports, accompa-

nied hundreds of books and newspaper and magazine articles pub-
lished in the United States, Europe, and Australia about the ‘‘boy
crisis.’’ Writers cite the disproportionate numbers of women entering
and graduating from college compared to men who do so as their evi-
dence of women getting one up on men. Typical newspaper and maga-
zine articles of this type are entitled ‘‘At Colleges, Women Are Leaving
Men in the Dust’’ (Lewin, 2006), ‘‘Silence of the Lads’’ (Stark & Eben-
kamp, 1999), and ‘‘How Boys Lost Out to Girl Power’’ (Lewin, 1998).
According to Mead’s (2006) analysis of National Assessment of Edu-
cational Progress data, in primary school, boys’ overall academic
achievement is increasing, but girls’ academic achievement is increas-
ing at a faster rate. Girls still outperform boys in reading and writing
and boys outperform girls in math and science. Thus, men’s higher
education attainment is not declining; it’s increasing, albeit at a slower
rate than that of women. Women still earn fewer than half of U.S. doc-
torates and professional degrees, such as those in law and medicine.
Women earn more master’s degrees than men, but these are heavily
concentrated in female-stereotyped fields, such as education and psy-
chology. Women’s college degrees are more likely to be for low-paying,
low-status occupations such as teaching, and recent women college
graduates earn less than men even after controlling for choice of field.
Anderson and Accomando (2002) analyzed the literature on the
‘‘boy crisis’’ that claims that girls have myriad advantages over boys.
They find that this literature reveals a panic reaction that amounts to
center-stealing (Grillo & Wildman, 1997). Center-stealing occurs when
members of a privileged group imagine a threat when attention, even
temporarily and briefly, is directed away from them and toward mem-
bers of a marginalized group. Center-stealing occurs when the domi-
nant and privileged group steals back attention from the subordinate
group, putting the focus back on the dominant group. While books
and articles that focus on how the educational system has been biased
against girls assume that it is necessary to redress past wrongs includ-
ing sexism, discrimination, and exclusion, ‘‘boy crisis’’ authors see the
focus on girls as a takeover by girls and women. The ‘‘boy crisis’’
authors assume that the playing field for girls and boys (and men and
women) was level before this relatively brief focus on girls, rather than
seeing the decades of disadvantage of girls. The brief moment of aca-
demic, educational, and popular focus on the inhospitable nature of
classrooms for girls and of the workplace for women has been per-
ceived as a conquest by girls and women.
This backlash against feminism may account for some of the appa-
rent internal contradiction among those who, while claiming to support
egalitarianism, think that feminists have gone too far. Much in the
ways that cries of ‘‘reverse racism’’ attract attention, engender fear,
and draw upon the accumulated confusion and misinformation that

surrounds gender and race politics (Anderson, in press), those who are
genuinely disenfranchised become the accused, and the oppressors—
either actual or symbolic—are both exculpated and their imaginary
injuries are nursed and tended publicly.
CONCLUSION
How do we understand the myth of the man-hating feminist? How
do we explain the combined ‘‘pedestalizing’’ and devaluing of women
in mass media imagery? Finally, what do we make of the invention of
terms such as ‘‘man-hating’’ or ‘‘male bashing?’’ Cataldi (1995) discusses
the irony in the use of the term ‘‘male bashing.’’ To bash means to vio-
lently strike with a heavy crushing blow. ‘‘Bash’’ connotes an indiscrimi-
nate, random, confused and unmotivated lashing out. Bash suggests that
the striking of the blow is unfair, undeserved, or prejudiced—similar to
how the word ‘‘gay-bashing’’ is used—violently beating someone
because of their presumed homosexuality and never used in cases of
male violence against women. There is no standardized ‘‘woman bash-
ing.’’ Verbal bashing appears to involve unjustly denouncing the mem-
bers of a group, people who are innocent victims. As Cataldi reminds
us, women (in general) are not bashers, they are bashees. In the United
States, one study of more than 5,000 American women college students,
found that 28.5 percent had experienced an attempted or completed sex-
ual assault either before or since entering college. One fifth of the college
women reported experiencing an attempted or completed sexual assault
since entering college (Krebs, Lindquist, Warner, Fisher, & Martin, 2007).
One out of every 12 American women will be stalked at some point in
their lives, and 87% of the stalkers were men. Four out of five stalking
victims were women (U.S. Department of Justice, 2006). Why aren’t
physical assaults on women characterized as ‘‘female bashing?’’ Cataldi
(1995) argues that conjuring up images of abused men bashed by
women and casting women in the role of bashers reverses what actually
happens. This table turning can then operate, perniciously, as a form of
victim-blaming and as a means of exaggerating the severity of any harm
done to men who are, supposedly verbally bashed by women. Another
function of co-opting the expression ‘‘male-bashing’’ and its brutality, is
to lead us into thinking that the ‘‘male bashing’’ women supposedly
engage in is equivalent to what men do to women. Those who use the
expression may also be attempting to siphon attention and support
away from women and from those who are physically harmed by men.
In designating feminists as ‘‘male-bashers’’ focus is shifted entirely from
the system, from the institutions, from the mechanisms that create, reify,
and perpetuate oppressive structures, including sexism, heterosexism,
misogyny, and homophobia.
On the very social bruises where attention should focus on the epi-
demic problem of men’s violence against women, we find instead
media attention proclaiming that there is a war on boys and that there
is an epidemic of male-bashing. Instead of social and educational pro-
grams, we have unsupportable claims that feminism brings with it
man-hating. The feminist critique of gender-based social inequality
may be disconcerting to men and some women; it might hurt feelings,
it might seem unfair, and it might seem to disregard men’s good inten-
tions. It certainly does problematize and complicate the privileges that
accrue to men in patriarchy. Although these challenges and their
results make men—and doubtless many women—feel resistant and
uneasy, these challenges do not constitute male bashing. Feminists are
not critical of men simply for being men.
A feminist social critique targets systems of gender-based inequality
and their connections to other forms of oppression based on sexuality,
class, and race. The stronger women become, the more gains they
make, the more pernicious are the representations of ‘‘the feminist.’’ A
living and vivid image in many domains in mass media, there appears
to be no real-life support for such fears. Indeed, given the goals and
values central to feminism, it is anti-feminists rather than feminists
who harbor and express hostility toward men in a patriarchal society.
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Chapter 2
Gender Differences: The Arguments

Regarding Abilities
Jennifer L. Martin

sports more than ever before, and carving out more egalitarian roles
for themselves within the family. However, women have still not ulti-
mately achieved true equity with their male counterparts for a variety
of reasons, one of which stems from the self-fulfilling prophecy (or the
power of expectation). The idea that women somehow possess different
or inferior aptitudes when compared to their male counterparts can
lead to diminished expectations for women—in terms of how they
view themselves and how others view them (Martin, 2008). The con-
ception that women’s lacuna in achievement is somehow natural and
related to ability is perpetuated in the popular media and in academic
scholarship. For example, in January 2005, Harvard president, Law-
rence Summers, suggested that ‘‘innate ability’’ might explain why
there are so few women in the highest levels of science, technology,
and engineering positions in academia (Bombardieri, 2005). Researchers
examined standardized test scores and compared the numbers of
women in mathematics and science courses and occupations to those
of men to justify gender-based differences in intellectual ability. How-
ever, there are many scholars and activists who insist that gender dif-
ferences in achievement are based on cultural factors such as gender
socialization—and that numbers alone do not tell the whole story about
women’s abilities. It appears that the nature versus nurture debate is
still alive and well—both in the popular press as well as in academe.
Gender stereotyping has much to do with this debate, for it can lead
to gender discrimination; it can also create low expectations for the ster-
eotyped. When people have low expectations for women attempting to
enter a nontraditional field, for example, they may be less likely to hire
them based upon said stereotypes. Negative stereotypes based upon
gender can also lead to diminished expectations, which can affect people
on an individual level: where people expect little for themselves and live
up to that expectation. When expectations are low, so too is achieve-
ment; thus negative self-fulfilling prophecies are perpetuated. No matter
what the cause, gender discrimination is still a major problem for girls in
schools and for women in the workplace and in academe (Carr, Szala-
cha, Barnett, Caswell, & Inui, 2003). In order to be successful, girls and
women have to overcome more obstacles in a variety of different areas
simply by virtue of their gender. This fact is often compounded by
racial, socioeconomic, and heterosexist biases as well. Despite the fact
that, according to Lorber, ‘‘. . . gender, like culture, is a human produc-
tion that depends on everyone constantly ‘doing gender’ ’’ (1994, p. 13,
as cited in Lueptow, Garovich-Szabo, & Lueptow, 2001, p. 3), people do
not generally view gender as a construction. Many view gender as a
‘‘naturally’’ occurring phenomenon where behavioral roles are deter-
mined on the basis of biology and are thus unchangeable.
Gender socialization theory posits that gender differences in aca-
demic and career choices stem from stereotypes—which are handed
down via socialization (Konrad, Yang, Goldberg, & Sullivan, 2005).
Women and men unknowingly accept traditional norms, values,
expectations, roles, as ‘‘normal,’’ natural, and ‘‘their own’’ (Konrad et
al., 2005; Martin, 2008). Adherence to such norms is reinforced by the
culture; those who deviate from proscribed behaviors are punished by
isolation, social and workplace exclusion, ridicule, etc. Because mascu-
line and feminine stereotypes are still enforced for males and females,
often boys and men gravitate toward academic areas and careers that
relate to or represent the masculine role. The same is true for girls and
women (Konrad et al., 2005). Such stereotypes are bound to have an
effect on girls’ and women’s perceptions of themselves and on what
they are capable of achieving. In sum, sociocultural influences play a
large part in supposed gender ‘‘differences’’ (Whiston & Bouwkamp,
2003). The extent to which people challenge such norms has much to
do with individual expectation and future individual success. Although
feminist educators are working to alleviate the effect of gender stereo-
types through education and to lobby for more egalitarian treatment of
girls and boys within the family, the schools, and in the workplace,
these cultural traditions and their effects still persist.
Perhaps the most telling facet of women’s success in the workplace,
or lack thereof, is this psychological precept: observers perceive that the
abilities, attributes, and personality factors that enable a person to
Gender Differences: The Arguments Regarding Abilities 29
succeed in a particular activity are somehow ‘‘natural’’ to that person (or

group of people) (Eagly & Steffen, 1984). Thus, when women are absent
from certain fields or from positions of power, society deems it to be a
natural problem with women, that something within them is missing
that would enable them to hold said positions. The issue here is not nec-
essarily inherent ability, but the perception of ability (or lack thereof).
The socialization of girls influences gender differentiation in personal-
ity characteristics and values. For example, girls are often socialized to
believe that when they become women, they should place other things
ahead of their own career advancement, such as home and family. Even
if women do not hold these values as primary, they are often perceived
as holding these values by the corporation; corporate managers do not
promote people to positions of power who do not hold career as their
main priority. To complicate this situation, women who do not hold
these ‘‘traditionally feminine realms’’ sacred, as society deems they
should, may be harshly judged by this ‘‘failure of femininity.’’ Women
are still, to a certain extent, expected to value children and taking care of
the home and family as a priority; women who deviate from this
convention are often viewed with judgment and derision.
Kirchmeyer (2002) argues that gender roles are malleable. Although
gender socialization contributes to one’s personality and dictates how
many people ‘‘perform gender’’ for life, people’s perceptions of their
gender or the expectations for their gender can be changed or altered
throughout the life cycle. Kirchmeyer (2002) argues that gender has
more to do with career choices than biological sex. Thus, gender role
socialization is a greater predictor of career choice than is biological sex.
According to Goodman, Fields, and Blum (2003), women and men pos-
sess similar career aspirations and values, which suggests that women
experience barriers to workplace advancement to explain their lack of
prominence in positions of power. The research suggests that women
have not achieved workplace equity, in terms of pay and in terms of
position, in part because of the expectations for their gender. In short,
narrow and limiting gender role expectations still exist and still nega-
tively affect women. In fact, the essentializing of the sexes, or holding
differential expectations for women and men that are based solely on bi-
ological sex, can be dangerous and limiting for both women and men.
Kerka (1993) also cautions against the ‘‘essentialization’’ of women and
men. Some researchers (Gilligan, 1982) have called for a separate
approach to viewing women, that women have ‘‘different ways of
knowing.’’ Kerka warns that focusing on the differences, as opposed to
the similarities, between women and men can have serious negative
effects. Instead, validating a variety of types of thinking may assist in
different perspectives being valued as opposed to one. Women are
socialized to focus on relationships and intimacy; because of this, wom-
en’s careers often do not follow a traditional or linear pattern (as is
common in men) (Kerka, 1993).
Workplace stereotypes often hinder women’s advancement (Cramp-

ton & Mishra, 1999): Women are thought to be weaker than men;
women are thought to lack commitment to their employment, for they
may leave to have or rear children. It is assumed that women cannot
work long hours because of household responsibilities; women are
thought to lack judgment in making difficult decisions or in high-stress
situations. The prevailing feminine stereotypes promote the prototype
of woman as nurturing, soft, caring, emotional, and communal. Midg-
ley and Abrams (1974) indicate that societal expectations and stereo-
types have had negative effects on women’s motivation. Women must
fight these stereotypes in order to compete and succeed.
Gender schema theory argues that perceptions develop regarding
gender based upon the information we receive from a variety of areas.
As Bem (1983) states, ‘‘Adults in the child’s world rarely notice or
remark upon how strong a little girl is or how nurturant a little boy is
becoming, despite their readiness to note precisely these attributes in
the ‘appropriate sex’ ’’ (p. 604). For today’s girls and boys, such schema
can have negative effects on social and academic development and on
eventual career choices and advancement.
In the early 1980s, a series of articles was published by Benbow and
Stanley (1980, 1982) that attributed the gender differences between boys
and girls on the mathematical portion of standardized tests to biological
causes (Jacklin, 1989). The popular media then publicized these ‘‘find-
ings.’’ The effect of these studies and the subsequent communication of
them resulted in the support of the already popular myth that males
possess superior abilities in mathematics. As Jacklin indicates, although
these authors reported a biological explanation for gender differences,
they possessed no biological data. During this time, another larger-scale
study conducted by Eccles and Jacobs (1986) found that math anxiety,
stereotypical beliefs of parents with regard to gender, and the perception
of the value of math account for gender differences in mathematical
achievement. According to Jacklin, ‘‘. . . Eccles and her colleagues have
found that most strongly related to their mothers’ beliefs concerning the
difficulty of mathematics for their children. Mothers’ beliefs were also
important in that they directly and strongly influenced their children’s
math anxiety’’ (p. 127). Despite the results of this study, the overwhelm-
ing impact of the initial communication of innate differences between
the sexes in the press had long lasting and far-reaching effects.
This media campaign had a direct impact on parental perceptions,
which further caused more gender-based stereotypes regarding math
abilities of children. As Jacklin (1989) states, ‘‘As mothers came to
believe that mathematics was much more difficult for girls than boys,
their daughters become less likely to take additional math courses’’
(p. 128). Linn and Petersen (1985, 1986) found that there is no ‘‘consist-
ent pattern’’ of gender difference regarding mathematics, science, and
spatial reasoning. In essence, cognitive differences based upon gender

have been reduced in the past few decades (Jacklin, 1989). In 1988,
Feingold analyzed findings of the Differential Aptitude Tests (DAT) in
terms of gender and found that the performance advantage of males
on the spatial measures and the performance advantage of females on
the language measures decreased between the years of 1947 to 1980.
Rosenthal and Ruben (1982) also studied this phenomenon, but could
not find a reason for it: ‘‘. . . we can say that, whatever the reason, in
these studies females appear to be gaining in cognitive skill relative to
males rather faster than the gene can travel!’’ (p. 711). Thus, it would
seem, nature, or biology alone, cannot answer the question of whether
or not gender differences exist with regard to academic ability.
One possible reason for the narrowing of the gender gap in math and
science is the attempt to make standardized tests less gender biased. It is
imperative that test developers create culturally responsible assessments
so that they are fair and equitable to all who take them. According to
Kaminski, Shafer, Neumann, and Ramos (2005), ‘‘Examination of a
measure’s underlying factor structure and its stability across different
ethnic groups is one important step in legitimizing the widespread use
of any given measure. Failure to attend to such ethnic/cultural consider-
ations could not only have a negative impact on assessment and therapy
but also violate ethical standards’’ (p. 322). In short, certain groups have
historically had an advantage to perform well on standardized tests,
which has served to perpetuate society’s status quo.
When examining standardized test results, oftentimes gender differ-
ences appear when data are disaggregated. For example, in general, girls
tend to outperform boys in terms of grades in the early elementary
years, but boys outperform girls on novel tasks (Robinson, Abbott, Ber-
ninger, & Bussee, 1996). However, by high school, boys outperform girls.
Most studies on gender indicate that males outperform females on math-
ematical, logical, and spatial abilities (Rammstedt & Rammsayer, 2002).
Males are more likely than females to score higher on measures of sci-
ence and mathematics; females tend to score higher on measures of
reading comprehension (O’Reilly & McNamara, 2007). The largest gen-
der differences exist in the area of visual-spatial abilities. According to
Linn and Petersen (1986), such differences can be measured around the
ages of eight or nine; these increase at the age of 18 and continue
throughout the life cycle. Halpern (1989) argues that gender differences
in cognitive abilities still exist and that studies suggesting the gap is
decreasing are faulty. However, numbers alone cannot adequately
describe the range of human experiences that contribute to such seem-
ingly gender-based content area differences on standardized tests.
To give a strictly biological explanation for these differences is sim-
plistic at best. There are a variety of factors at play here. For example,
boys are overrepresented in high school advanced math courses
(Robinson et al., 1996), which may affect their performance on standar-

dized tests; girls’ underrepresentation in the same courses also contrib-
utes to the explanation of the achievement gap of girls. Despite the fact
that girls’ achievement in mathematics has improved in recent years,
girls’ perceptions of their math achievement remain dysfunctional
(Preckel, Goetz, Pekrun, & Kleine, 2008). This is also true of girls who
are gifted in science. As Preckel et al. (2008) indicate, ‘‘In the general
population, fewer women than men chose academic courses or careers
in mathematics, the inorganic sciences, and engineering. This also
holds true for women of high scientific ability. Research has further
documented that the underrepresentation of women in these fields
grows with increasing scientific ability’’ (p. 147).
Gender differences in math and science have much to do with the
expectations of future success and perceptions of competence (again
the self-fulfilling prophecy). Parents’ expectations do much to influence
their children’s perceptions along these lines (Preckel et al., 2008). Girls
feel they have to work harder to achieve success in math, and they
show less confidence in their abilities (Preckel et al., 2008). In sum, ster-
eotypical gender role expectations on the part of the individual, in
conjunction with the expectations of parents and teachers, work to
shape achievement-oriented motivations, which influence development
(Preckel et al., 2008). This can have negative consequences for girls in
mathematics and science courses. In addition, female students tend to
rate their competence levels in mathematics lower than their male
counterparts (Preckel et al., 2008). The corresponding stereotype that
still persists is that girls are better at reading and writing; this expecta-
tion can obviously do much to hinder boys in these areas.
Beginning at an early age, boys possess a higher level of general
self-esteem than do girls (Hergovich, Sirch, & Felinger, 2004). More-
over, boys have been found to possess higher self-concepts in the area
of mathematics, whereas girls possess higher self-concepts in language
(Hergovich et al., 2004). Furthermore, males tend to be more likely than
females to suffer from reading disabilities (O’Reilly & McNamara,
2007). Females tend to use overt study strategies more often than males
and have higher grade point averages (GPAs) (O’Reilly & McNamara,
2007). Reasons for gender difference include gender-stereotyped social-
ization (Hergovich et al., 2004). According to O’Reilly & McNamara
(2007), ‘‘. . . we also recommend addressing gender differences by
working together with teachers and parents to reduce stereotypical atti-
tudes and behaviors that support gender differences. This is important
because research has shown that gender differences are supported by
socialization. For example, recent work has shown that mothers engage
in more science talk with boys than they do with girls . . . and teachers
are often more responsive with boys than girls’’ (pp. 187–188). In short,
self-perceptions are often not only echoed by others, but also
influenced by them, e.g., by parents and teachers. For example, accord-

ing to Hergovich et al. (2004), ‘‘Parents especially tend to judge their
children in a gender-stereotypical way, so that boys are rated better in
the areas of mathematics and sports and girls are rated better in verbal
areas’’ (p. 208). Even if performance rates do not accord with these per-
ceptions, sons are still rated higher than daughters.
Research indicates that expectation has much to do with academic
achievement. To illustrate this point, males estimate their general intel-
ligence higher than do females (Rammstedt & Rammsayer, 2002). Beloff
(1992) found self-estimates to be related to gender stereotypes. Accord-
ing to Rammstedt and Rammsayer (2002), ‘‘Such gender stereotypes
may be based on minor though true gender differences that become
overpronounced by ignoring intragender differences and, concomi-
tantly, by focusing on the intergender bias’’ (p. 276). Thus, the story
becomes: there are biological differences based upon gender which
explain academic differences. Historically, this has been demonstrated
on standardized assessments and it was seen as natural. Now we see
that there can be cultural and sociological factors that contribute to
such explanations. Geary (1989) argues that the explanation for gender
differences in academics is not biological, but cultural: specifically, that
culture can influence the development of cognitive skills. However, this
cultural explanation (that the experiences of males and females are
becoming increasingly similar over time) does not account for the com-
plexity of this phenomenon. In other words, Geary argues that there is
more to this than simply the effect of culture on humans. Hormones
and anatomy still play a part in cognitive development, which may
influence choice, which then may further influence male advantage in
certain areas. According to Geary:
Culture, however, may attenuate or exaggerate these early biology-

related behavioral gender differences by directing the focus of the experi-
ences of male and female individuals to be more or less similar, which
would thereby influence the pattern of gender-related abilities. Within
this model, the male performance advantage on measures of spatial abil-
ity would be related to prenatal hormonal factors, but the magnitude of
this advantage would not be immutable and in fact could vary across
generations and across cultures. (p. 1155)
If this is in fact the case, then, as Geary argues, as females and males
continue to engage in increasingly similar activities, gender differences
in terms of cognitive abilities may cease to exist. Also, as Geary argues,
these experiential differences may interact with hormonal differences,
which may further lessen gender differences. In short, biology and
human development are not immutable. For example, as Geary states,
‘‘. . . the distribution of these early sex-dimorphic behaviors might be
continuous with later patterns of adolescent special-related activities

which, in turn, could contribute to gender, and individual, perform-
ance differences on measures of spatial ability’’ (p. 1156).
Jacklin (1989) argues that the negative effects of the media coverage
on the continued superiority of males in math should be proactively
combated in schools. Interventions should be created that address nega-
tive stereotypes on behalf of students, parents, and teachers. Much work
has been done in this regard (see Sadker & Sadker, 1994) such that there
is currently a backlash against interventions for girls. The media now
suggests that the extra time and resources used to increase achievement
for girls in math and science has had a negative effect on boys.
In 2005, Laura Bush announced that her new focus would be ‘‘the
problem of boys’’ (2006, Newsweek). The popular media (via the New
Republic, Esquire, Newsweek, the Today show, etc.) presented the case
that at every level of education, America’s boys are falling behind in
academic achievement, graduating from high school at lower rates than
girls, attending college less frequently than girls, and exhibiting poorer
verbal skills (Mead, 2006). Single-sex classrooms and schools are open-
ing nationwide to address this crisis by redirecting educational efforts
(and funding) to the nation’s boys. Feminists and Title IX are often
blamed for this new ‘‘boy crisis’’ (see, for example, Christina Hoff
Summer’s The War against Boys: How Misguided Feminism is Harming our
Young Men); when, in fact, opponents of Title IX have created and per-
petuated the myth that expanded educational opportunities for girls
have somehow come at the expense of boys. However, this is a gross
oversimplification. This is the very nature of backlash: to minimize or
erase the real gains that girls have made by perpetuating a myth that
America’s boys are in crisis, in large part, because of the attention paid
to America’s girls. However, when one truly examines the data, the
test scores, in elementary school girls do as well or better in math than
boys. There is a gap in middle school that widens greatly between girls
and boys in high school (Mead, 2006). In fact, in terms of overall aca-
demic achievement, attainment for boys is higher than ever (Mead,
2006). According to the American Association of University Women
(AAUW) (2008) ‘‘Educational achievement is not a zero-sum game, in
which a gain for one group results in a corresponding loss for the
other. If girls’ success comes at the expense of boys, one would expect
to see boys’ scores decline as girls’ scores rise, but this has not been
the case’’ (p. 2).
This gap also translates to higher education. For example, in Ivy
League schools, men still outnumber women (Rivers & Barnett, 2006).
The truth is that the real crisis is a crisis of poverty: 76 percent of stu-
dents in middle- to higher-income areas graduate from high school,
compared to 56 percent of students from lower-income areas (Swanson,
2004). The truth is that there are more differences within the sexes than
between: boys are more different from each another than they are from
their female counterparts (Mead, 2006). The true test of equity in Amer-
ica is the wage gap, which still disproportionately affects women nega-
tively (women earn .77 to a dollar earned by a man) and is a telling
example of just what kind of crisis we are still experiencing (Institute
for Women’s Policy Research, 2008).
The data suggest that boys have made progress in most academic
areas, but girls have made improvements faster in certain areas, such
as math, science, and geography. Consequently, girls have narrowed
some academic achievement gaps, creating the fear that boys are in cri-
sis (Mead, 2006). The idea that girls are surpassing their male counter-
parts in certain academic areas (although they are still behind in
others) seems hard for many to accept. Instead, many blame feminism
for ‘‘shortchanging boys.’’ According to some critics, feminists have
advocated for allotting monetary resources on girls (at the expense of
boys) and demonized typical male behavior. Perhaps the conversation
about gender and achievement should shift to one that is not based
upon one group at the expense of another, but on interventions that
are necessary at all levels; scholars and advocates should be able to dis-
cuss boys and achievement without unfairly undermining the gains
girls have made. When disaggregating data for race and class, white
suburban boys are not significantly affected by this ‘‘crisis.’’ Again, the
privileged perform well on standardized assessment, and thus the sta-
tus quo is maintained. The boys who truly need academic interventions
are many rural and inner-city boys.
Despite all of the attention in the popular press about boys in crisis,
the fact remains that academic faculties in U.S. institutions, especially
in the science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) areas,
are still predominantly male (Spelke, 2005). Popular belief suggests that
this is the case because first, women are less talented in these fields;
and, second, this gender difference has a genetic explanation (dealing
with intrinsic aptitude). According to Spelke (2005), males possess
greater variability in their inherent talent in mathematics, and thus,
they predominate in professions such as mathematician and scientist:
that a genetic predisposition to learn about particular, gender-specific,
things exists. Females have made gains in these areas, largely because
of Title IX. For example, the gender gap has closed with regard to
enrollment in calculus courses (Spelke, 2005), and in 2000, women
received 47 percent of the bachelor’s degrees awarded in mathematics
(Spelke, 2005).
According to Spelke (2005), men do not possess greater intrinsic ap-
titude in mathematics and science, ‘‘Although older boys and girls
show somewhat different cognitive profiles, the differences are com-
plex and subtle (it is not the case, e.g., that women are verbal and men
are spatial)’’ (p. 956). Spelke argues that such differences are caused by
strategy choices. In terms of both average and gifted students, high

school boys and girls do equally well in math classes.
Title IX has done much to increase girls’ visibility in traditionally
male dominated areas: such as math, science, and sports. Such male
dominated domains have also, it has been argued by many, been due
largely to differential, innate, differences between women and men.
Prior to the 1970s, the career and technical education system in the
United States intentionally segregated students by sex. Soon after Title
IX passed, the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) and
high school administrators argued that boys’ sports would suffer if
girls’ sports had to be funded equally. Since the enforcement of Title
IX, girls’ participation and achievement in math and science have
increased substantially, discrimination against pregnant girls and teach-
ers has decreased, vocational schools and classes have been opened to
both sexes, sexual harassment in schools is now illegal, and girls’ par-
ticipation in sports has exponentially increased (National Coalition for
Women and Girls in Education, 2008). Since the passage of Title IX,
women’s high school participation in sports has increased by 904 per-
cent (from 294,015 in 1971–1972 to 2,953,355 in 2005–2006). Men’s high
school sports participation has increased by 15 percent (from 3,666,917
in 1971–1972 to 4,206,549 in 2005–2006) (National Coalition for Women
and Girls in Education, 2008). At the college level, women’s sports par-
ticipation has increased by 456 percent since the passage of Title IX
(from 29,977 in 1971–1972 to 166,728 in 2004–2005). Men’s sports partic-
ipation since the passage of Title IX has increased by 31 percent (from
170,384 in 1971–1972 to 222,838 in 2004–2005) (National Coalition for
Women and Girls in Education, 2008). Thus, Title IX has not caused a
decrease by male sports participation at either the high school or the
college level.
According to the National Women’s Law Center (July 2008) there are
many positive effects of sports participation for girls: it increases confi-
dence, self-esteem, and promotes pride in girls’ physical and social
selves. Sports participation can also reduce the likelihood of drug use
and teenage pregnancy, increase graduation rates, and decrease depres-
sion. Female student athletes are more likely to have higher grades and
are less likely to drop out of school; they also have higher graduation
rates than their nonathletic peers. Because of Title IX, the gender gap at
all grade levels has decreased significantly since 1970 on standardized
assessments in science and math. The percentage of women obtaining
bachelor’s degrees in natural sciences and engineering has more than
doubled. The percentage of women obtaining doctoral degrees in these
same fields has more than quadrupled. However, women still only earn
20 to 25 percent of the degrees awarded in physics, computer sciences,
and engineering. In addition, the culture of STEM fields remains male
dominated and still isolates and excludes girls and women.
Again, despite the attention in the popular press that girls and
women are outperforming boys and men in a variety of areas, there is
still much work to be done. For example, women comprise 79 percent
of public school teachers, but only 44 percent of the principals. Women
represent less than one in five faculty members in STEM fields. In engi-
neering in particular, women account for just over one in ten faculty
members. Women are 49 percent of all part-time academic employees
at the college level, but hold only 39 percent of full-time academic jobs.
The salaries of women K–12 teachers in 1973 were 84 percent of male
teachers’ salaries. The discrepancy in female and male teacher earnings
is smaller than the national average for all working women in 57 per-
cent in 1973 and 77 percent in 2006. In institutions of higher education,
overall wages for women faculty have remained at approximately 81
percent of men’s earnings since the late 1970s (National Coalition for
Women and Girls in Education, 2008).
Many inequities still exist because of a lack of understanding and
implementation of the law. Title IX is often poorly understood and
poorly implemented by educators, parents, and students. For example,
relatively few education agencies comply with the Title IX regulation
to appoint, train, and make available their Title IX coordinators.
Parents and community members can help this problem locally, by
calling their local school districts and asking about Title IX coordina-
tors, state-wide by contacting their congress members in order to put
pressure on school districts to comply with these regulations. Specifi-
cally, every recipient of federal funding (under Title IX) must designate
and adequately train at least one Title IX coordinator.
Prior to Title IX, many educators and counselors accepted the stereo-
type that girls could not achieve in STEM subjects. Unfortunately, these
stereotypes still exist, as illustrated by the comments of Lawrence
Summers, which were discussed at the beginning of this chapter, for
example. Despite the perpetuation of these stereotypes by some, signifi-
cant progress has been made by women in many nontraditional areas,
dispelling the myth that academic ability has inherently something to
do with one’s gender. However, there is still much more work to be
done. Unfortunately, girls still comprise approximately 90 percent of
students enrolled in classes, which will lead to traditionally female
occupations and only 15 percent of classes in traditionally male fields
(National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education, 2008). There are
many factors that contribute to this occurrence: the perpetuation of
gender stereotypes being one. Other factors, which may stem from the
adoption of or adherence to said stereotypes is a distinct possibility;
for example, biased career counseling, discriminatory treatment by
teachers, sexual harassment, and other sexist practices, can result in
limited educational opportunities for girls and women. This translates
to significant negative consequences for women’s current and eventual
economic security. Despite gains in educational equity, there is still a

backlash against Title IX. Some opponents to Title IX insist that the law
has led to diminished opportunities for men, contrary to the evidence.
Opportunities for men in sports have expanded since the passage of
Title IX, and continue to do so—with regard to both numbers of partic-
ipating athletes and numbers of teams (National Coalition for Women
and Girls in Education, 2008).
Finally, Title IX has also been blamed for inspiring ‘‘feminized’’ cur-
ricula and learning environments that disadvantage boys. Proposals for
improving classroom settings for boys’ learning have included recom-
mendations for sex-stereotyped curricula, and for single-sex schools.
Title IX compliance has, by and large, been driven by lawsuits and
threats of lawsuits. Although the law states that schools in violation of
Title IX will lose their federal funding, since the passage of Title IX in
1972 no school has ever lost federal funding for failing to comply with
the law.
POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS
The debate between socialization and essentialism is still alive in the
minds of Americans and in the pages of academic journals and popular
magazines. Yet it seems that, all in all, more differences in abilities
exist within the sexes than between them. The gap that women face in
earnings and the lower numbers of women in positions of power
within organizations and in certain male dominated fields cannot be
explained away by ‘‘innate’’ differences based upon sex. These differ-
entials have more to do with expectation, discrimination, family struc-
ture (child care issues and the division of labor at home), and lack of
mentoring.
Women in general face more obstacles to career success and
advancement in terms of pay and position than do men. However, this
does not mean that women are helpless victims. Women have more
agency than this; they can demonstrate this by creating positive self-
fulfilling prophecies for themselves, and participating in the creation of
better realities. Women must often fight against how they were raised,
and how society views them.
Confidence, or the belief in one’s ability to succeed, is often associ-
ated with privilege. Men working in traditionally male fields possess
privilege and have access to the organizational norms and practices
that are often not made explicit to ‘‘outsiders.’’ Women face unique
experiences such as this that can interfere with career motivation, per-
formance, and success. In short, a high confidence level is a necessary
attribute when individuals are the minority in certain fields (such as
women in the STEM areas). Women working in nontraditional fields
are, oftentimes, already at a disadvantage because they may not be
privy to implicit norms and informal networks within the organization.

Confidence is a good way to inspire competence and can lead to the
breaking down of stereotypes that still may be held within the organi-
zation.
There are many things that women can do to heighten their career
success and thus contribute to the breaking down of stereotypes that
perpetuate the myth that women are somehow naturally less capable
in certain areas; men can also assist in the successful implementation
of these suggestions. It should not be assumed that, in a heterosexual
nuclear family, the man’s career should dictate the behavior of others
in the household. The division of labor and care of children should be
based on the needs of all parties involved within the family. If women
have supportive partners who are true partners in the home, then they
will have a greater chance of achieving workplace success (Martin,
2008).
Women must work to value themselves, have high expectations for
themselves (Noonan, Gallor, & Hensler-McGinnis, 2004), and be proac-
tive in managing their own careers. Women must develop an internal
locus of control (Midgley & Abrams, 1974) by attributing one’s suc-
cesses to one’s own abilities, and not to mere luck. This is a key to
achieving and maintaining career confidence.
Other integral areas that must be rectified in order for gender equity
to occur are the establishment of progressive gender role identities.
Progressive gender roles will assist in the reduction of stereotypes and
negative expectations with regard to gender. There are many ways to
work toward this end: intervene when gender harassment and sexual
harassment are witnessed, report these instances on the organizational
level, and support victims. Concerned individuals must intervene for
the health and well-being of all and for the overall health of the organi-
zation (organizational culture) (Miner-Rubino & Cortina, 2004; Welsh,
1999). Finally, we must vote for legislators who value women and who
will fight for laws that promote equity for all people.
Much work still must be done with parents, teachers, and counselors
in their understanding of the danger in adhering to gender based ster-
eotypes and negative self-fulfilling prophecies. Much work also must
be done with students so that they may realize their individual poten-
tial. Interventions are important for girls, parents, and teachers that
will dispel the myths that math and science are more difficult for girls.
Current research findings in psychology should be communicated to
teachers and parents. Girls and women should be provided with non-
sexist academic career counseling. A practical solution, devised by the
Feminist Majority Foundation, is the creation of a public electronic web
listing of all Title IX coordinators. This will provide students, teachers,
and parents with contact information of their local Title IX coordina-
tors, or where they may seek advice and lodge complaints of Title IX
violations. Such a listing will also assist Title IX coordinators nation-

wide in the sharing and dissemination of information.
In sum, there are many arguments for and against gender-based dif-
ferences in ability leading to gaps in achievement. Similar arguments
have been made with regard to race. They are both devised to the
same end: to perpetuate privilege and maintain the status quo. Since
we know that culture influences biology, it seems prudent to focus
energy on creating systemic change with regard to how we view gen-
der and ability, and in creating interventions to foster gender equity
for both girls and boys.
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Chapter 3
Women in Education: Students and

Professors Worldwide
Susan Basow
Worldwide, women constitute 64 percent of all adults who are illiterate

(United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA], 2005), but there are wide
variations across cultures. In most developed countries, girls and
women actually outnumber their male counterparts on the university
level, whereas in many developing countries, boys outnumber girls
even at the primary school level (UNFPA, 2005). Despite this variation,
gender issues affect the education of girls and women in all countries.
In this chapter, we will examine the status of women in education in
terms of students’ educational attainment, as well as in terms of the
barriers to gender equity that they encounter in the educational system.
We also will look at the status of women as teachers and professors, as
well as the barriers to gender equity that they confront.
WOMEN AS STUDENTS
The importance of gender equity in education, especially literacy,
cannot be overstated. As the UNFPA (2005) reported, women’s educa-
tional attainment has benefits not only for women themselves (in terms
of more economic opportunities and protection against human immu-
nodeficiency virus [HIV]), but also for their society as a whole (in
terms of breaking the cycle of poverty, labor force participation,
engagement in public life, and fewer but healthier children). Yet there
are many barriers to gender equity in education faced by girls and
women, from lack of encouragement or actual restrictions on school
attendance to more subtle forms of gender discrimination within the
school environment. In this section, we will examine gender differences

in educational attainment, the effects of gender stereotypes and roles,
and the school environment itself.
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
According to the 2005 report of the UNFPA, the goal of achieving
gender equity in primary education has been achieved in most coun-
tries of the world except Southern Asia, sub-Saharan Africa, and West-
ern Asia. The countries where fewer than 76 girls are enrolled for
every 100 boys are Chad, Yemen, Central African Republic, Niger,
Benin, Ethiopia, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Mali. Among
the factors that have been found to encourage girls to attend and stay
in school are safe transportation, separate toilet facilities, and avoiding
gender stereotyping in the classroom.
Whereas about half of all developing countries have achieved gender
parity at the primary school level, only about 20 percent have done so at
the secondary school level (UNFPA, 2005). Again, the countries with the
poorest record are in Southern Asia, sub-Saharan Africa, and Western
Asia. The countries where fewer than 76 girls are enrolled for every 100
boys are Benin, Equatorial Guinea, Cambodia, Djibouti, Ethiopia,
Burkina Faso, Niger, Eritrea, Mozambique, Senegal, Gambia, Congo,
Burundi, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, and India (UNFPA, 2005).
Interestingly, in some developed countries (especially in Latin America
and the Caribbean), girls slightly outnumber boys in secondary school
due to the higher dropout rate for boys (UNFPA, 2005).
At the university level, an even greater disparity between developed
and developing countries emerges. Whereas men greatly outnumber
women in higher education by 92 percent in developing countries,
women actually outnumber men in many developed countries (Charles &
Bradley, 2002; UNFPA, 2005). For example, in the United States in 2006,
women received 58 percent of all bachelors and masters degrees and
almost reached parity with men for doctoral and professional degrees
(National Center for Educational Statistics [NCES], 2005). By 2014, women
are expected to receive the majority of all educational degrees beyond
high school in the United States.
It is important to note that reversal in the gender ratio of educa-
tional achievement in the United States and other developed countries
that has occurred over the last 30 years is due to the dramatic increase
in the percentage of women participating in higher education, rather
than to fewer men doing so than in the past. For example, 33 percent
of all U.S. men aged 18 to 24 years old attended college in 1967 com-
pared to 34 percent in 2006. In contrast, only 19 percent of all women
aged 18 to 24 years old attended college in 1967 compared to 41 per-
cent in 2006 (NCES, 2008). A similar pattern has occurred with respect
Women in Education: Students and Professors Worldwide 45
to the attainment of advanced educational degrees: Men have shown a

modest increase, whereas women have shown a more dramatic
increase (NCES, 2005). For example, the number of doctoral degrees
awarded between 2002 and 2003 is projected to increase 19 percent
overall between 2013 and 2014, but 12 percent for men and 28 percent
for women. Thus, the new pattern is less a change in men’s education-
related behavior than a tremendous increase in women’s educational
attainment, especially among older women. This reversal of gender
ratios is most likely due to the reduction of barriers to girls’ and wom-
en’s educational attainment in many developed countries.
BARRIERS TO GENDER EQUITY IN EDUCATION

Prime among the barriers confronting girls and women worldwide
are gendered roles and expectations. Because of women’s reproductive
abilities, women’s societal roles must be compatible with childbearing
and nursing (Basow, 1992). In developed countries, where reproductive
choice is emphasized and some societal supports exist for nonmaternal
child-care (even if costly), women constitute nearly half of the paid
labor force (UNFPA, 2005). In developing countries, often with a sub-
sistence or agrarian basis, women are less likely to be in the paid labor
force than are men (UNFPA, 2005). Worldwide, women constitute only
39 percent of all wage and salary workers (UNFPA, 2005). While
underrepresented in the paid labor force, women are overrepresented
in the informal economy, such as agricultural production and market
work, which has little financial security or social benefits (UNFPA,
2005). Women also perform most of the household chores, which, in
developing countries, tend to be very time-consuming, such as collect-
ing fuel and carrying water.
Because of the domestic roles women typically play, women’s edu-
cation has been seen historically as less valuable and important than
men’s education (Basow, 1992; Lips, 2008). Even in developed coun-
tries, where women constitute nearly half of the paid labor force, wom-
en’s domestic activities are presumed to be women’s main priorities.
Consequently, women’s employment options historically have been
limited to jobs compatible with childbearing and child rearing. Such
jobs, such as service and office work, typically allow for intermittent
employment and do not require higher education. Most also are low
status and poorly paid. Other traditional female jobs that do require
education beyond high school, such as teaching and nursing, also are
relatively compatible with child-care, as they allow for intermittent
employment and schedules that coincide with those of their school-age
children. These jobs are often viewed as an extension of women’s nur-
turing activities and historically have not been highly compensated.
Even though women’s employment options in developed countries
today are theoretically unrestricted, occupational segregation still

exists, and the challenge of balancing work and family life still dispro-
portionately falls on women (Lips, 2008). Thus, one barrier to gender
equity in education worldwide is the gendered division of labor.
A second barrier to gender equity in education, closely related to
women’s societal roles, is gender stereotyping. Cultures vary somewhat
regarding the full range of traits and abilities associated with each gen-
der, but in nearly all cultures, women are more associated with commu-
nal traits and men are more associated with agentic traits (Williams &
Best, 1990). Indeed, gender stereotyping is often used to justify the nur-
turing roles assigned to women, although research suggests that differ-
ential social roles actually create gender stereotypes (Eagly & Steffen,
1984). That is, whoever typically cares for children or the elderly is
viewed as nurturant, regardless of gender; and whoever typically works
in high-powered jobs is viewed as active and dominant, again regardless
of gender.
Given their link with adult roles, gender stereotypes also affect edu-
cational opportunities. Because boys are assumed to be more active
and aggressive, they typically are educated to assume the leadership
roles in society, whether those roles are in business or politics. The
education of boys, therefore, is given higher priority than the education
of girls, as can be seen in the statistics on school attendance in develop-
ing countries. Boys often receive encouragement and training to pursue
the higher-paying and higher-status jobs in a culture because boys are
seen as both more ‘‘naturally’’ inclined to such work as well as the
more likely breadwinner in a family.
There also are specific academic skills that are gender-stereotyped,
although these vary somewhat cross-culturally. In the United States and
many other developed and developing countries, the fields of math, sci-
ence, and technology are stereotyped as ‘‘masculine,’’ while the humanities
and the creative arts (art, music, writing) are stereotyped as ‘‘feminine’’
(Charles & Bradley, 2002; Eccles, Jacobs, & Harold, 1990; Nosek, Banaji, &
Greenwald, 2002; Skelton, Francis, & Smulyan, 2006). These trends both
reflect and reinforce academic gender typing. Evidence suggests that gen-
der stereotypes of academic subjects affect students’ academic perform-
ance, as well as their career choices. Indeed, in most developed countries,
women are underrepresented in engineering, mathematics, computer sci-
ence and, to a lesser degree, natural science; they are overrepresented in
education, humanities, and health fields; and there is approximate gender
parity in the social sciences (Charles & Bradley, 2002).
Many people view academic gender stereotypes as based on innate
gender differences in intellectual abilities: that is, boys are considered
innately to have better math and visual-spatial skills, while girls are
considered innately to have better verbal skills and fine-motor coordi-
nation. Some neuroscience research supports the idea that gendered
patterns in performance on such cognitive tasks may be due to gendered

patterns of brain organization (Berenbaum & Resnick, 2007; Gur & Gur,
2007; Kimura, 1999). However, most researchers (e.g., Haier, 2007; Hines,
2004) note that individual differences typically overshadow gender dif-
ferences in brain structure and organization. That is, there are larger dif-
ferences among boys as a group and girls as a group on all these
intellectual tasks than there are between boys and girls. Furthermore,
environmental influences, both prenatal (e.g., maternal nutrition) and
postnatal (e.g., diet, experience), also affect brain development. In fact,
in cultures where men and women are more equal (e.g., Iceland, Nor-
way, Sweden), the male advantage in math performance disappears,
although the female advantage in reading does not (Guiso, Monte, Sapi-
enza, & Zingales, 2008). Most importantly, gender similarities greatly
outweigh gender differences in cognitive abilities, and what differences
exist typically are small and variable (Hyde, 2005).
Nonetheless, because of gender stereotyping and gender roles, gen-
der often serves as a cue for differential treatment and differential ex-
perience both in school and out. One type of differential experience is
based on the gendered curriculum. In many developing countries, girls
and boys are educated differently with different coursework and mate-
rials (Skelton et al., 2006; Sohoni, 1995). Indeed, their educational expe-
riences may be completely gender segregated, such as occurs in many
Muslim countries. In contrast, unequal gender-based educational prac-
tices have been outlawed in most developed countries since the 1970s.
For example, in the United States a series of laws (e.g., Title IX of the
Education Amendments of 1972, the Women’s Educational Equity Act
of 1974, the Vocational Educational Act of 1976, and the Career Incen-
tive Act of 1977) ended the common practices of providing technical
training only to boys, and training in ‘‘home economics’’ only to girls.
Nonetheless, certain less obvious discriminatory practices remain.
Among the more subtle discriminatory practices is the use of curric-
ular materials that focus on boys and men more than girls and women,
conveying the message that the former are more interesting, dominant,
and important than the latter. Such is the case with primary-school-
level storybooks, where male characters outnumber female characters
by a ratio of 2:1 or 3:1. Boys and men also are depicted in a wide vari-
ety of occupations and activities, while girls and women more often
are portrayed as mothers, bystanders, or in need of help (Diekman &
Murnen, 2004; Gooden & Gooden, 2001). In upper grades, men more
often are the focus of study than are women, whether in regard to his-
tory (mainly a chronicle of men’s lives in politics and war), literature
(novels, poetry, and essays written by men), or science (great discov-
eries by men) (Koch, 2003).
Because of gender stereotypes and roles, as well as differential
encouragement by parents and teachers, gender differences in
academic interests start appearing by high school. In developed coun-

tries, more high school boys than girls take computer design and
Advanced Placement (AP) science courses, and more girls than boys
take AP courses in English, biology, and foreign languages (Koch,
2003). (AP courses allow high school students who achieve high grades
on standardized tests to attain college credit for their work.) Vocational
education is highly gender-segregated in virtually all cultures, with
construction, skilled trades, information technology, and engineering
viewed as the province of men; and child-care and hairdressing viewed
as the province of women (Leathwood, 2006). College majors reflect
this gendering of academic interests, as well: Women are overrepre-
sented in the humanities, some social sciences (especially psychology),
and biology; men are overrepresented in the physical and computer
sciences, business, and engineering.
Gender messages also permeate the classroom experience of girls
and boys through the interactions they have with their peers and teach-
ers. Peer influence is a particularly powerful barrier to gender equity in
education. Girls and boys typically grow up in different ‘‘cultures,’’
with different language and play styles, different clothes and customs,
and different expectations from adults (Basow, 2008; Leaper & Fried-
man, 2007; Maccoby, 1998). For example, girls’ activities, such as play-
ing house, tend to be cooperative and verbal. Boys’ activities and
games tend to be more competitive and physical. Because of these gen-
dered play styles, girls and boys tend to segregate themselves into
same-gender groups, which further reinforce gendered patterns of play
and behavior.
By ignoring or discouraging play with a child of the other sex, peers
are major enforcers of gendered norms (Bigler & Liben, 2007; Koch,
2003). Peers often ‘‘police’’ gender-boundary violations by using derog-
atory language and harassing behaviors toward those who do not com-
pletely conform to gender expectations (Basow, 2008). For example,
boys who might be interested in the arts, or girls who might be inter-
ested in mechanics, typically get a clear message that their interests are
not gender appropriate. Because boys have a stricter and narrower gen-
der role than girls, boys are more often punished by their male peers
via verbal denigration, physical assault, and social ostracism (Renold,
2006; Wolke, Woods, Stanford, & Schulz, 2001). In a 2001 survey on
sexual harassment conducted by the American Association of Univer-
sity Women (AAUW, 2001), 83 percent of boys reported having experi-
enced unwanted sexual behaviors (including accusations of
homosexuality) during their school years, usually from male peers.
Girls too are pressured to conform to the feminine gender role by
their peers, but because their role is more flexible than is boys’ in the
early grades in developed countries (e.g., girls can wear dresses or
pants, can be athletic or bookish, can be assertive or dependent), the
conformity pressures on girls are somewhat less intense than for boys,
at least until puberty (Basow, 2008). It is around this time that the
major imperative for girls in developed countries, to be sexually attrac-
tive to boys, intensifies. Girls uninterested in boys do risk being called
‘‘queer’’ or ‘‘dyke,’’ but most of the epithets used for girls refer to het-
erosexual promiscuity (‘‘slut,’’ ‘‘’ho’’). In the 2001 AAUW sexual har-
assment survey, 88 percent of the girls reported having experienced
such behaviors during their school years, mainly from male peers
(AAUW, 2001). Other research supports these findings and suggests
that sexual harassment is virtually a universal experience for adoles-
cent girls in coeducational institutions, in the United States and else-
where (Leach, Fiscian, & Kadzamira, 2003; Leaper & Brown, 2008). A
majority of middle- and high school girls report having been the brunt
of unwanted or inappropriate romantic attention from a boy, having
been the target of unwanted physical contact from a boy, having been
called demeaning names or told an embarrassing or mean joke about
being a girl, as well as being teased about their appearance. Further-
more, at least one in four girls in the United States report having been
teased, bullied, or threatened by a boy (Leaper & Brown, 2008). Euro-
pean American and African American girls report more unwanted sex-
ual attention than do their Asian American and Latina counterparts in
the United States; still, nearly all girls experience at least some of these
harassing behaviors (Leaper & Brown, 2008). In addition to sexual har-
assment, about 30 percent of girls report having received some type of
academic discouragement about their math, science, or computing abil-
ities from male peers (Leaper & Brown, 2008).
The results of peer sexual harassment are negative for both sexes,
although the negative effects are more intense and pervasive for girls
(AAUW, 2001; Ormerod, Collinsworth, & Perry, 2008). Girls who expe-
rience peer sexual harassment, compared to their male counterparts,
report feeling more self-conscious, less confident, and more negative
about their bodies and about school. Girls also are more likely to try to
avoid the harasser and to keep silent in class. Thus, peer harassment is
a major barrier to gender equity in education.
Unfortunately, teacher behaviors often create additional inequities for
girls and women in schools. In some cases, the inequities are quite
overt, such as teachers who either harass female students themselves
or who tolerate peer harassment. In a study at several high schools in
the United States, about half of all school personnel (53 percent) were
found to have sexually harassed female students themselves (Ormerod
et al., 2008). Students in general tended to perceive school personnel as
tolerating such behaviors. Consequently, most female students do not
report incidences of sexual harassment; instead, they are likely to expe-
rience lowered self-esteem and withdraw psychologically or physically
from school. In some cultures, there may not even be recognition that
‘‘sexual harassment’’ by teachers or professors is inappropriate and/or

should be punished. For example, in countries with a collectivist orien-
tation, group harmony may be more highly valued than individual
rights. In a cross-cultural study of university students, Sigal and col-
leagues (2005) found that a professor who had been described in a
written scenario as harassing his female graduate student, was viewed
as less responsible and less guilty of sexual harassment in countries
with a more collectivist orientation (Ecuador, Pakistan, the Philippines,
Taiwan, and Turkey) compared to those with a more individualist ori-
entation (United States, Canada, Germany, and the Netherlands). In all
countries, however, female students were more likely than their male
counterparts to find the professor guilty.
Teachers also treat their male and female students differently, mainly
by paying more attention to boys than to girls (Duffy, Warren, & Walsh,
2001; Harris, 1997; Meece & Scantlebury, 2006; Sadker & Sadker, 1994).
Teachers’ greater attention to male students occurs worldwide (Liu,
2006). Although some of this attention is negative (i.e., teachers both
praise and reprimand boys more than they do girls), the result is that
boys tend to dominate classroom interactions. Girls tend to receive
teacher approval mainly for being quiet and compliant. In an observa-
tional study of more than 100 fourth-, sixth-, and eighth-grade classrooms
in several communities in the United States, Myra and David Sadker
(1994) found that teachers called on and encouraged girls less often than
they did boys, although they rarely were aware of doing so. This is par-
ticularly true in math and science, subject areas gender-typed as mascu-
line (Altermatt, Jovanovic, & Perry, 1998; Jovanovic & King, 1998). Girls
not only do not receive the encouragement given their male peers, but
they may actually receive discouraging comments from teachers related
to their math, science, or computer abilities, perhaps because teachers
tend to believe that boys are more ‘‘gifted’’ in math and science than are
girls (Ceci & Williams, 2007; Leaper & Brown, 2008; Liu, 2006). Such dis-
couragement is particularly unfortunate since the strongest predictor of
attitudes toward science among high school students is social encourage-
ments from teachers, parents, and peers (Stake, 2006). The lack of social
encouragement may contribute to women’s underrepresentation in
math- and science-related careers.
It should be noted that student race and ethnicity also affect teach-
ers’ gender-related behaviors. The finding that teachers give more
encouragement to male than female students appears predominantly
with White students. Black boys, in particular, appear to be viewed by
teachers in the United States and United Kingdom as having the least
academic potential when compared with White boys and to girls of
both races (Ross & Jackson, 1991; Ward & Robinson-Wood, 2006;
Wood, Kaplan, & McLoyd, 2007). Perhaps this explains the academic
disengagement that occurs among Black boys, who drop out of high
school at a higher rate (9.7 percent in the United States) than do White
boys (6.4 percent). Hispanic boys may be even more neglected by
teachers; their dropout rate is 25.7 percent (NCES, 2008). Black girls
also may become disengaged due to lack of teacher attention and dis-
couragement of their typically more verbal and active behaviors (Wil-
kinson & Marrett, 1985). In 2006, the high school dropout rate was 5.3
percent for White girls, 11.7 percent for Black girls, and 18.1 percent
for Hispanic girls (NCES, 2008). Research confirms that teachers’
expectations strongly affect students, especially students from groups
that are academically stigmatized (Blacks and Hispanics, in general,
and girls in math) (McKown & Weinstein, 2002).
On the college level, similar patterns are found. Women college stu-
dents appear to receive less encouragement than men do for speaking
in class, and they are more likely to be ignored or interrupted by both
peers and professors (Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Whitt, Edison, Pascarella,
Nora, & Terenzini, 1999). The qualities that seem to facilitate more gen-
der equity in the college classroom include a smaller class size, more
feminine-oriented or androgynous subject matter, more classroom
interactions, a more cooperative than competitive atmosphere, and a
more gender-balanced or female-dominant student gender ratio (Brady &
Eisler, 1999).
EFFECTS OF DIFFERENTIAL SCHOOL EXPERIENCES

The barriers to gender equality in education are numerous: different
social roles, gender (and racial) stereotyping of academic abilities, a
male-centered curriculum, peer harassment, and differential teacher
treatment. As a result, girls and boys typically develop different levels
of academic self-confidence (Dweck, 1999). Boys in the United States, at
least European American boys, tend to believe in their ability to solve
problems, so they typically attempt and persist at challenging tasks.
Girls are less likely to believe in their ability to figure things out;
instead, girls tend to believe that they either have academic ability or
they do not have it. Thus girls, especially high-achieving ones, tend to
develop more feelings of helplessness when they encounter academic
difficulties, and they give up more quickly than do their male counter-
parts. Girls often feel more valued for ‘‘being good’’ and for their
appearance than for their intellectual skill. Academic self-confidence is
important when attempting and persisting at new tasks. It is in this
area that girls increasingly fall behind boys, even as girls generally con-
tinue to attain higher grades. This occurs on the college level as well.
Annual surveys of entering students show that nearly two out of three
men rate themselves as at least ‘‘above average’’ in academic self-confi-
dence, whereas less than one-half of the women make similar ratings
(Sax, 2007).
The gender stereotyping of academic fields by society in general and

teachers in particular may also contribute to differential student confi-
dence and achievement. As previously noted, math and science are
perceived as ‘‘masculine,’’ whereas literature, languages, and the arts
are perceived as ‘‘feminine.’’ Because people expect to succeed in tasks
that they view as gender appropriate, girls tend to have lower feelings
of self-efficacy in math and science fields than do boys (Dweck, 2007;
Eccles et al., 1990; Sax, 2007). Low expectations of success can lead girls
to become uninterested in those fields and the occupations related to
them. The same is true regarding boys and the humanities. Further-
more, when such gender stereotypes are made salient (e.g., by a
teacher remarking that boys typically are better at math than are girls),
students’ actual performance can be affected. As numerous studies
have confirmed, when a student’s gender identity is primed, such as
when she has to write down (or check a box) regarding her gender
before taking a test, her academic performance on a masculine gender-
typed task can suffer (Steele, 1997; Steele & Ambady, 2006). For exam-
ple, female students who are identified as such or who are a numeric
minority in a testing situation perform more poorly on a math test than
male students and than a matched female control group whose gender
identity has not been primed (Inzlicht & Ben-Zeev, 2000). Just taking a
math test in a classroom with boys may elicit girls’ performance decre-
ment, as found in a study of French middle-school students (Huguet &
Regner, 2007). This stereotype threat phenomenon is robust and occurs
for any group performing a stereotype-related task when a stigmatized
identity is made salient. For example, when Asian American women’s
gender identity was made salient, their math performance decreased
relative to a control condition, but when their Asian identity was made
salient, their math scores increased because of the stereotype that
Asians are good at math (Shih, Pittinsky, & Ambady, 1999).
Thus, academic performance and interest can be boosted or
impaired depending upon the stereotyped nature of the task and the
identity that is made salient, and this seems especially likely to occur
for those individuals who identify most strongly with the group in
question (Chavous, Harris, Rivas, Helaire, & Green, 2004; Oswald,
2008; Steele, 1997). In this respect, teachers’ expectancies and transmit-
tal of academic achievement stereotypes can become prophecies that
students fulfill. For example, the stereotype that African Americans are
not as academically competent as European Americans can negatively
affect the academic performance of the former group and can even lead
to disidentification and disengagement with academic achievement in
general (Steele, 1997). The phenomenon of stereotype threat may con-
tribute to the higher high school dropout and lower college attendance
rates of African Americans and Hispanics compared to European
Americans.
As noted in the beginning of this chapter, women’s education is

critical for the welfare of the woman and her family, as well as her
country. Because of its importance, the elimination of sex discrimina-
tion in education and training was a key component of the Beijing Dec-
laration and Platform for Action adopted at the Fourth World
Conference on Women that took place in 1995 (United Nations Divi-
sion for the Advancement of Women, 2007). It remains a central
focus of the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women
(WomenWatch, 2008).
WOMEN AS TEACHERS AND PROFESSORS

Women in front of the classroom also are affected by gender factors
in terms of their representation, their teaching styles, and the reactions
of their students, colleagues, and supervisors.
Representation
In most countries, female teachers are overrepresented in the lower
grades and underrepresented in the higher grades (Gaskell & Mullen,
2006). As with most job categories, the percentage of women decreases as
the status and pay of a field increases. The teaching jobs with the least sta-
tus and lowest pay are those in early childhood education, and nine out
of ten of these jobs are held by women (NCES, n.d.). The teaching jobs
with the most status and pay are those in the upper ranks of university
teaching; men disproportionately hold these jobs (75 percent of U.S. full
professors were men in 2007) (NCES, 2008). Jobs in educational adminis-
tration (principals, superintendents, provosts, university presidents)
reflect the same gender hierarchy. In 2003–2004, women were 56 percent
of U.S. elementary school principals (despite the fact that women consti-
tute 91 percent of the teachers) and 26 percent of secondary school princi-
pals (despite the fact that women constitute 55 percent of teachers at this
level) (NCES, 2007). At U.S. colleges and universities, women were only
23 percent of college presidents in 2006, despite the fact that they consti-
tute 41 percent of the professorate (King & Gomez, 2007). Women were
most likely to head 2-year colleges and least likely to head doctorate-
granting universities (King & Gomez, 2007).
Gender segregation also occurs in terms of field of study, at least in
most developed countries (Charles & Bradley, 2002). Not only are
women more likely than men to be associated with early childhood
education, but women also are more likely than men to be associated
with the humanities and health fields. In contrast, men are overrepre-
sented in engineering, mathematics, computer science and, to a lesser
degree, natural science. There is approximate gender parity in the
social sciences.
There has been change over time in the United States; increased
numbers of women have joined educational administration, the profes-
sorate, and science fields. For example, in the decade from 1993 to
2003, the percentage of women principals in elementary and secondary
schools increased 10 percent, and the percentage of women teaching in
colleges and universities increased 6 percent (NCES, 2008). These num-
bers still fall short of gender parity, however. Furthermore, gains by
women in traditional male-dominated careers have not been matched
by increased numbers of men in traditional female-dominated careers,
such as early childhood education and the humanities. Thus, the over-
all pattern is one of many changes for women in terms of nontradi-
tional career choices but few changes for men. Gender segregation in
field of study and careers may be particularly difficult to change
because it appears to be based less on beliefs about gender equality
than on beliefs about innate gender differences in abilities and interests
(Charles & Bradley, 2002).
Another barrier to equal representation by women and men in educa-
tion is the same one affecting women in nearly all occupations: balanc-
ing work/family responsibilities (Gambles, Lewis, & Rapoport, 2006;
Ward & Wolf-Wendel, 2004). Because women still are primarily respon-
sible for child-care, employed women with children often are more lim-
ited than their male counterparts in terms of time, energy, and overall
freedom to pursue their careers. For example, a recent study of female
Harvard University alumnae who had gone on to attain a doctorate
found that 91.5 percent of those without children were employed full-
time 15 years after college graduation, compared to 65 percent of
those with one child and 57.5 percent of those with two or more chil-
dren (Jaschik, 2009). Having children did not affect the employment
rates of their male counterparts. Indeed, one of the few careers open to
educated women for many years was grade-school teaching, since such
jobs were fairly compatible with caring for one’s own children in terms
of hours. (That is, teachers work pretty much the same hours and num-
ber of days that their children are in school.) In higher education, how-
ever, time demands are much greater (if somewhat flexible), especially
when research and publications are required. Not surprisingly, then,
women are over-represented in more teaching-oriented higher education
positions, while men are overrepresented at major research universities
(American Association of University Professors, 2008). In fact, both
women and men considering academic careers view research univer-
sities as not family friendly (June, 2009).
Gendered Teaching Styles

Not only are women and men frequently teaching in different grades,
types of schools, and disciplines, but gender also may affect teaching
styles, perhaps in interaction with discipline. Research has found that

men are more likely than women to use a lecture-based teaching style,
whereas women are more likely than men to use a more discussion-
based teaching style (Basow & Montgomery, 2005; Brady & Eisler, 1999;
Canada & Pringle, 1995). Some of this apparent gender difference in
teaching style may be due to the subject matter being taught. A lecture-
based style may suit the disciplines in which men are overrepresented,
such as the sciences, better than a discussion-based style. Similarly, a
discussion-based style may be more appropriate than a lecture-based
style in disciplines where women have greater representation, such as
the humanities. Still, even when faculty members are matched in terms
of rank and discipline, female faculty still are found to be more student-
oriented and to engage students more in discussions than their male
counterparts (Statham, Richardson, & Cook, 1991). In contrast, male fac-
ulty appear more likely than female faculty to assert their authority in
the classroom through public reprimands and corrections.
Different teaching styles may appeal to different students. There is
some evidence that female students may particularly appreciate female
professors, as they are more likely than male students to nominate a
female instructor as their ‘‘best’’ teacher (Basow, Phelan, & Capotosto,
2006), and they frequently rate female professors higher than male
students do on evaluation forms (Basow, 1998). Traditional pedagogical
styles appear to benefit male students more than female students
(Gabriel & Smithson, 1990), whereas ‘‘female friendly’’ styles (such as
those involving more cooperation than competition) benefit both sexes
(Johnson, Kahle, & Fargo, 2007; Rosser, 1997). Thus, the increasing
number of women on college faculties may be helping to increase gen-
der equity in college classrooms, and may partially account for the
increased retention of female students in higher education.
Although female faculty seem to be particularly appreciated by
female college students, such is not the case with male college stu-
dents. The latter are less likely to cite a female faculty member as their
best instructor than would be expected based on the number of female
professors they have had, and they frequently rate female faculty lower
than female students do and lower than they rate male faculty (Basow,
1998; Basow et al., 2006). Given the nature of gender roles (men have
more status than women and masculinity is defined, at least in part, as
‘‘not-feminine’’ [Basow, 1992, 2008; Brannon, 1976]), perhaps it is not
surprising that male college students value male faculty more than
female faculty. A similar process is at work with respect to other cul-
tural figures: Boys are less likely than girls to read books or watch tele-
vision shows or movies with predominantly female main characters,
and they are less likely to cite a female role model as influential. Girls,
in contrast, watch, read about, and choose role models of both sexes
(Basow, 1992, 2008; Basow & Howe, 1980).
GENDER BIAS IN EVALUATING WOMEN PROFESSORS

As indicated earlier, female faculty often are perceived and reacted
to differently by their male and female students, whereas male faculty
tend to be perceived and reacted to similarly. Women are marked for
gender in ways men are not, especially when women are in non-
traditional roles (such as when teaching on the college level, especially
in such male-associated fields as science and technology). The norma-
tive professor is still a man. When a woman is in this role, students
(and others) often note this unusual event by speaking of their ‘‘female
professor;’’ when their professor is a man, they rarely note his gender.
This marking of gender for women often creates a double bind for
women in higher education: she must meet the expectations both of
being a ‘‘good’’ professor (e.g., knowledgeable, competent) as well as a
‘‘good’’ woman (e.g., warm and nurturant). The overlap between the
stereotypic gender traits for women and the stereotypic professor role
is slight. Thus, female professors walk a narrow line: needing to dem-
onstrate both ‘‘masculine’’ traits of agency and competence as well as
‘‘feminine’’ traits of warmth and compassion. Male professors do not
experience the same double bind since their gender and professional
roles overlap considerably.
These dual (and generally incompatible) sets of expectations for
female professors exemplify role incongruity and can result in biased
ratings by others (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Such gender bias can be dis-
cerned in the ways students perceive and evaluate female professors.
While students may appreciate warmth and nurturance in male profes-
sors (e.g., Basow, 2000; Basow et al., 2006; Freeman, 1994), men can still
receive high student ratings even if they do not demonstrate such
traits. But for female professors, such traits are required. For example,
research in the United States has found that to receive comparable rat-
ings, it is more important for female professors to be friendly (to smile
and be available) than male professors (Bennett, 1982; Kierstead,
D’Agostino, & Dill, 1988). If female professors are not perceived as
warmer/friendlier than their male counterparts, women receive lower
ratings, especially from their male students (Sinclair & Kunda, 2000).
In general, female professors generally do receive higher ratings from
both male and female students on questions relating to faculty–student
interactions and quality, but their overall ratings tend to be similar to
male professors (Bachen, McLoughlin, & Garcia, 1999; Basow et al.,
2006; Basow & Montgomery, 2005; Bennett, 1982).
With respect to grade school and high school, some concern has
been expressed recently that boys’ poorer educational performance rel-
ative to their female peers may be due to the fact that most of their
teachers are women (e.g., Gurian & Henley, 2001; Gurian & Stevens,
2005; Sax, 2005). However, research with nearly 1,000 Australian
students aged 12 to 16 years old did not show that boys benefited more
from male than from female teachers (Marsh, Martin, & Cheng, 2008).
In fact, both boys and girls typically had higher self-efficacy in classes
taught by women. Other research also has failed to show a significant
effect of male teachers on boys’ behavior or achievement (e.g., Bricheno &
Thornton, 2007, in the United Kingdom), although more research is
needed on this topic, especially in elementary school, where female
teachers typically outnumber male teachers 9:1 (NCES, n.d.).
In summary, women in education are typically overrepresented in
the lower grades and lower-status teaching positions and institutions,
and underrepresented in the highest status positions and institutions.
Within the classroom they often teach in different fields and appear to
be more student-oriented than their male peers. While male professors
are generally perceived and evaluated similarly by their male and
female students, female professors typically receive different ratings as
a function of student gender (and discipline). In general, male students
tend to rate their female professors lower than their male professors,
while female students sometimes do the reverse: rate their female pro-
fessors higher than their male professors (and higher than their male
peers).
CONCLUSION
In this chapter, we have examined the status of women in education.
As students, girls and women are disadvantaged in several ways. For
example, in developing countries, girls often are not encouraged to
attend school. In nearly all countries, girls are viewed in stereotypic
ways that may restrict and/or shape their educational and occupa-
tional potential. Girls are likely to experience both a gendered curricu-
lum as well as sexist treatment from their male peers as well as from
their teachers. These educational experiences may cause girls and
women to doubt their academic abilities and impair their academic
performance, especially in nontraditional fields. Although women in
developed countries currently are matching or surpassing their male
counterparts in terms of educational achievement, their predominant
fields of study still are gendered.
As teachers, women are overrepresented in lower grades and lower
status educational positions, and underrepresented in the higher status
ones. In colleges and universities, women are more likely to use stu-
dent-focused methods (e.g., discussions, group work) than their male
peers, while their teaching proficiency may be more heavily scruti-
nized. Overall, women professors are marked for gender in ways their
male counterparts are not, a fact that contributes to the heavier burden
they bear to prove their worth.
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Chapter 4
In Women’s Voices
Samantha Smith
The feminist movement has provided the opportunity for women to

have more choices in their lives. Throughout history, women as well as
men have fought to gain equal rights for women in regard to educa-
tion, employment, enfranchisement, and relationships. I feel fortunate
that much of the hard work of this movement was completed before
my generation came of age. The benefits that I enjoy include applying
to and attending the college of my choice, continuing my education
through graduate studies, and pursuing any career that I wish. So
many important strides have been made for women over the past cen-
turies. Due to some of my own experiences as a young adult, I wonder
about the future of feminism and what aspects of life feminism will
impact.
One of my goals always been to be a wife and mother. I never
thought that this was a lowly goal, nor did I think that other women
might consider it to be so. An early experience in college made me
rethink feminism, as well as the role of a woman in the twenty-first
century. During a lecture, one of my female professors commented
that no modern woman aspires to being only a homemaker. From this
I inferred that, if you did aspire to homemaking, you would not be
expected to be in her class or to ever attend college. Her comment
made me feel na€ve, but it also surprised me. I grew up in a household
in which my mother was a homemaker with a master’s degree,
and my father had a doctorate. I was raised with the belief that one
should pursue education for its own sake, and that one had the choice
to use education as one desired. Whether that meant as a homemaker/
mother or as a career woman was one’s own choice. After years of
discussions with other young women, I realize that many feel that opt-
ing for motherhood over a career is seen as a step backward. It is as
though all that feminism achieved is being undone by this choice, and
that women who only aspire to motherhood are not modern, progres-
sive women. There are other women, of course, on the opposite side of
this argument who feel, as I do, that women should have the choice to
pursue whatever avenue they want.
As I came to the end of my undergraduate studies, my goals
included attending graduate school and pursuing a career in addition
to being a mother. After I complete my studies, I will be confronted
with the dilemma that so many women face. I will be married, starting
a career, and deciding when to start a family. This leads to the ques-
tion of whether I am going to continue working while raising my chil-
dren or whether I am going to put my career on hold and be a stay-at-
home mother while my children are young. Despite the strides that
feminism has made, many women feel the challenge of simultaneously
pursuing a career and raising a family. Feminism has given women the
right to choose, but not all aspects of society have changed to allow
women to follow through with their choices. It is helpful that more
men today are open-minded and are being brought up with the idea
that women are equals and that various domestic duties should be
shared, but I do not feel that this is yet the norm. The feminist move-
ment provided women with more choices, but as a result, many
women feel pressure to perform at the highest level both inside and
outside the home.
In my opinion, feminism still has many areas in which progress is
necessary. Feminism is about helping and supporting each other and
not about discouraging women or making them feel that any of their
life choices are less valuable than others. Some of the issues that need
to be addressed include helping women to balance career and family
and helping them to achieve equal pay and promotion in the work-
place. These issues may be advanced through government programs,
such as mandatory daycare in one’s place of employment and family
leave. Although society and the government have given women more
rights and choices, a support system must be established so that
women can utilize all of their choices and be free to pursue their goals.
Chapter 5
Working Life as a House: A Tale of

Floors, Walls, and Ceilings
Leanne Faraday-Brash
It may be embarrassing to admit, but I felt validated when I read a broad-

sheet book review about a quaint little paperback titled ‘‘Why Women
Shop’’ (Minahan & Beverland, 2005). The short answer to the question of
why women (or men) shop would surely be: to buy something. Undoubt-
edly, some people would draw the analogous (and simplistic) conclusion
to the question of why women work outside the home. Their response to
that may be: to earn something. And yet just as I learned (and how nor-
malizing it was!) that women shop for a whole raft of reasons that include
the feel-good benefit of retail therapy, so do we generate a plethora of
explanations as to why women (choose to) engage in paid work and
begin to contemplate an onslaught of potential barriers, threats, and chal-
lenges they meet along the way. Of course with various motives to work
outside the home, it is humbling and important to acknowledge that not
all women believe they have the luxury of a choice to work, or a particu-
lar role to accept or decline. Some women may not ever believe they are
afforded the opportunity to set their sights on something as lofty and self-
actualizing as a career. However, can’t they still boast the right to enjoy
that which may consume their time and energy for over half their waking
hours? Therefore, in the approach I have taken to this chapter, I humbly
acknowledge the need of many women to work through sheer financial
necessity, the schema and societal influences that may have shaped some
women’s self-limiting beliefs (which should not be seen as any criticism
of those women), and the fact that women who choose to be full time
stay-at-home careers make enormous familial and communal contribu-
tions. They are simply not the subject of our conversation.
I pay tribute to all women who dedicate their lives to full-time

homemaking and caregiving (whether to children or others). For our
purposes here, any reference to ‘‘women who work’’ does not imply
that women in unpaid work do not do meaningful work, but rather,
the clause ‘‘women who work’’ is shorthand for women in paid work
outside the home.
At the time of writing this chapter, there was an outcry in France
over the return to work of French Justice Minister, Rachida Dati, five
days after giving birth (Courcol, 2009). Dati, who is single, rose to
prominence in 2007, when she became the first politician of North Afri-
can origin to be appointed to a senior French government post. French
feminists have accused her of being a poor role model to other women
by succumbing to the pressure of the job, her own ambition, and her
‘‘fear of being kept out of the loop’’ as reasons offered for why she
must have returned to work so early. Dati’s decision was ‘‘scandalous’’
according to Maya Sturduts, the Head of the National Collective of the
Rights of Women. Women’s rights activist, Florence Montraynaud,
compared Dati to working women in the 1920s who gave birth in the
factories and lamented Dati’s decision, which she claimed would exac-
erbate the divide between ‘‘supermoms and wimps’’ in the workforce.
Opposition went further in decrying her actions by saying her deci-
sion will put pressure on countless other women who might otherwise
exercise their right to take longer leave of absence, which will then be
used by unscrupulous employers in difficult economic times to disad-
vantage those women.
One might also imagine, notwithstanding her single status, that Dati
would have had the financial means, if not direct governmental assis-
tance, to pay for quality child care for her newborn. Should or
shouldn’t her decision be one of personal choice? If she has the ways
and means to be able to return to work after childbirth (which after all
is not a disease or illness), should she? Does she automatically raise
the bar for other women and create an unrealistic and unreasonable ex-
pectation in employers of other women after childbirth? Is that Dati’s
responsibility or her problem, and is that fair?
Does the fact that she also happens to be slim and glamorous create
feelings of inadequacy in every woman who doesn’t believe they have
earned the moniker of ‘‘yummy mummy’’ within days of childbirth?
Furthermore, is it reasonable or possibly patronizing to assume that
Dati returned to work so soon, as asserted by the secretary general of
the Planned Parenthood Association, because of the pressure to
‘‘defend her standing in France‘s male-dominated politics’’ rather than
intrinsic dedication to her work?
In this example of one woman’s experience and an aftermath of
almost hysterical proportions, we collide with a myriad of issues that
reflect the complexity of the demanding context and the psychosocial
Working Life as a House: A Tale of Floors, Walls, and Ceilings 67
aura that surrounds women who work outside the home. If we con-
sider all the research surrounding the psychological devaluation of
women who devote themselves to full-time care giving (Adams, 2008),
we could be forgiven for thinking we are damned if we do and
damned if we don’t.
Even in 2009, a woman rising to the top of her profession (particu-
larly a male-dominated profession like the law) appears to acquire an
automatic profile a la Dati. The hopes and aspirations of other women
accompany her wherever she goes and the acerbic judgments and per-
ceptions of men and women seem to follow her every decision and
action.
In this chapter, I would like to reflect on the relevant contextual factors
for women working today, explore some of the difficulties and barriers
that still challenge us (including some of our own making), and provide
some commentary on the hot contemporary issues for women who work
outside the home. In relation to specific aspects of legislation, change to
Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) law and government agency
direction, I will be referencing the Australian context.
MAPPING THE TERRAIN

There are many interesting discourses on the psychology of women
and the issues they face as a longstanding minority group (in sphere of
influence if not always numbers), and I don’t intend to duplicate their
efforts here. One comprehensive and well-written account of women’s
lives and issues of particular relevance to women is discussed in
Denmark and Paludi (1993). Some political, social, and cultural markers
would seem to indicate that things are certainly happening, albeit at a
pace best described as painstakingly slow.
WORKFORCE PARTICIPATION AND EARNING PARITY

It is an all too common indictment of the gender gap that women in
Australia are paid 85 cents in every male wages dollar, and the Austra-
lian disparity is typical of other Western countries. Australian Bureau
of Statistics (ABS) (Office for Women, 2009; ABS, 2005) data suggested
that on average, hourly earnings of full-time males and females (allow-
ing for the exclusion of overtime) are $30.41 and $25.87, respectively.
This is an earning ratio of 85 percent, which has narrowed by around 4
percentage points over the last decade. The original compelling meta-
phor of the glass ceiling was coined to describe this gap in earnings
between the genders (Wirth, 2002). The gender-wages gap has long
been considered a powerful and telling metric by which to analyze
gender inequality. The existence of a gap reflects two discriminatory
phenomena; women being paid less money to do the equivalent job of
males—even in the same pay scale women can start at the bottom of
the scale while men are paid at the middle or the top—and, women
tend to dominate the so-called ‘‘pink jobs’’ (i.e., secondary labor market
job roles that reflect gender stereotypes in male-dominated societies
because they are seen to echo domestic responsibilities, (e.g., librarian-
ship, nursing, teaching, secretarial).
These roles are remunerated at a lower level than the so-called
‘‘blue-collar jobs’’ (manual labor requiring technical ability and
strength) or ‘‘white collar’’ (e.g., salaried professionals like engineers,
accountants, lawyers, some managers) with the latter roles regarded as
being higher in complexity and accountability (Fontenot, 2007). Never-
theless, not all disparity can be accounted for by the differential com-
plexity of these jobs or the higher percentages of women working
part-time.
Despite the remarkable changes in recent labor market structure,
women in 2001 held just 1.3 percent of the top management positions
in the largest Australian companies (Kee, 2006) According to the An-
nual Report of the Government Equal Opportunity for Women in the
Workplace Agency (EOWA), only two of the top 200 companies were
chaired by women and just four had women chief executives (EOWA,
2004).
Over the past few years, more women in Australia pursued tertiary
study than men. It is reported that 51.7 percent of professionals with
bachelor’s degrees in 2005 were women (Kee, 2006), and that is on the
rise. According to a professional survey in 2008 by Beaton Consulting,
women now comprise over half the graduates in accounting yet
account for less than 15 percent of accounting firm partners. While one
would not expect the numbers entering the profession at the bottom
end to reflect in leadership composition at the top end overnight, the
persisting differential is hard to ignore. Similarly, the percentages of
women at lower job classifications in banking and finance (e.g., tellers)
is high yet numbers of senior women in banking and finance is still
very low. These findings underscore the slow tortuous progress in eq-
uity experienced by women on two distinct fronts. We see systemic
discrimination, which perpetuates the cycle of disadvantage for minor-
ity groups including women and/or women can ‘‘vote with their feet’’
and elect not to pursue senior positions in sectors or companies that
appear to them to be so inhospitable toward women.
Thus we can see a duality of disadvantage where women are invol-
untarily blocked and/or potentially self-select out of what they believe
will be a working life filled with unacceptable challenges once they do
the sums on the payoffs and penalties. In our discussion on ceilings,
floors, and walls later in the chapter, the glass ceiling and the maternal
wall are representations of the first phenomenon, and the ‘sticky floor’,
the second.
WOMEN WITH POWER: THE VISIBILITY OF WORKING

WOMEN
Several watershed appointments in the past five years would appear
to indicate that female representation at the top echelons of govern-
ment and business in Australia is clearly on the rise. The Australian
federal election in 2008 precipitated a change in government and the
appointment of Julia Gillard to deputy prime minister. Indeed at the
time of writing this chapter, our new prime minister (PM) was so busy
forging ties with key governments and opinion leaders overseas that
Gillard was at the helm for over two months in the PM’s first year in
office (69 days according to The Australian Newspaper, November 2008).
While the former conservative government had been in power for over
10 years, no woman had risen to such prominence, and people were
generally critical of that government’s failure to bring about tangible
equality in providing paid maternity leave, assigning women ministe-
rial positions in large and complex government portfolios, and address-
ing pay inequity and government sponsored child-care; the latter two
regarded as critical success factors in the fight for gender equality (Bro-
derick, Burrow, & Ridout, 2008).
Notwithstanding public acceptance of her candidacy for her parlia-
mentary seat and subsequent appointment to a ‘‘super Ministry’’ of
three portfolios, Gillard (2007), who faced unprecedented media atten-
tion for being ‘‘childless by choice,’’ said in a television interview:
I think women are still making their way into politics—obviously a lot’s
changed for women but there’s still a few things to change still. . . . that
there’s been more attention on private life questions for me than perhaps
male politicians. . . . I think that one of the problems for women is that
historically there’s been no right answer—if you don’t have kids, then
people say you can’t understand everyone else’s life experience, and if
you do have kids, then people say who’s looking after the kids while
you’re doing all of this. (Interview with Channel 7 Network)
Other notable appointments were directorships for women in large

public companies including the national airline, Qantas, CEO appoint-
ments in government agencies and private organizations, a woman
governor general (who had previously headed up the Federal Sex Dis-
crimination Commission), and the biggest in my mind, the appoint-
ment of Christine Nixon, a woman from the state of New South Wales
as chief commissioner of police for the state of Victoria in 2001. How-
ever, it is fair to say that these stand out because they were the excep-
tion rather than the rule. Board representation in Australian companies
stands at a disgraceful 10.9 percent notwithstanding broader represen-
tation of women at middle and upper management and down from 12
percent in 2006 (Medd, 2008). As already mentioned, women still earn
85 cents in every male dollar across all sectors, and workforce partici-
pation rates among women between 25 and 44 years is one of the low-
est in OECD countries (Abhayaratna & Lattimore, 2006) even after
adjusting for variances in statistical practices. The Human Rights and
Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC) blames that in large part on
problems with child care and the absence of taxpayer-funded maternity
leave and other measures to support primary careers.
WOMEN AS CONSUMERS
Interestingly, women in the almost identical age bracket (25- to 40-
year-olds) are the fastest-growing Australian wealth demographic and
are being targeted for potential sales growth (Young, 2008). Further-
more, the proliferation of new businesses of small and medium size is
attributable predominantly to women. In a study commissioned by a
major non-bank lender (Wizard Home Loans, 2006), women declared
they were the home managers in 93 percent of cases, that one-third
made decisions on finance loans and other financial products entirely
on their own, and that in 61 percent of cases they were joint decision
makers on big home financial decisions.
Women are becoming a consumer force to be reckoned with. How-
ever, interest in financial planner seminars on how to attract the female
dollar are spawned by the recognition of business opportunity; not nec-
essarily underpinned by sincere moral and feministic attempts to right
the injustices of the past. There are still a lot of obstacles to women
achieving their potential, including structural barriers to workforce par-
ticipation and therefore to financial independence. Women now officially
number just under half the Australian workforce (45 percent) (ABS,
2007), but sheer numbers don’t tell a story of equity and access unless
we look at the proportion of women in an organization vertically. In
other words, if the numbers of men and women in an organization are
exactly balanced but the vast majority of positions at the top end of
organizations are occupied by men, then we have achieved equity of
access (to work) but not equity of outcomes (to workplace opportuni-
ties). Most human rights commentators agree it is happening but far too
slowly despite almost three decades of an Equal Employment Opportu-
nity (EEO) regime that outlaws discrimination on gender grounds.
WOMEN AND EEO LAW

Australia has a 25-year history of gender (sex) discrimination legisla-
tion at the federal level, and for the most part the legislation has served
them well. The federal Sex Discrimination Act (SDA) was passed in
1984 and outlaws direct and indirect discrimination on the basis of
gender, marital status, pregnancy, potential pregnancy (being female
and perceived to be of childbearing age), and career status/family

responsibilities. The overarching principle has been one of meritocracy:
the best person for the job on objective job-related criteria. Australia
resisted mandating Affirmative Action in the form of positive discrimi-
nation, quotas, or even targets but organizations (particularly mid to
large size) are expected to demonstrate by way of formal and regular
reports to the Equal Opportunity for Women in the Workplace Agency
(EOWA) what they are doing to eliminate the barriers to women at
work, such that, they may enjoy access to workplace opportunities
(assuming they are the most suitable candidate for that opportunity).
That is not to say individual organizations do not elect to go beyond
the minimum requirement and actively promote those of minority
group status. The pervasive long-term doctrine has been merit-based
selection. In an era of rampant gender discrimination, the merit princi-
ple was undoubtedly a clear, fair, and unequivocal stance, but it didn’t
stop organizations giving a potential job applicant the standard line—
‘‘There was another applicant more suitable’’—and seemingly getting
away with it. The law (and organizational policies emanating from it)
did, however, empower any would-be complainant to demand an ex-
planation for decisions made, and it has undoubtedly resulted in more
rigorous, transparent, and legally defensible processes over time. What
an examination of this system some twenty-plus years on would sug-
gest is that many working women may enjoy better access, but as per
the selection example just given, not necessarily equality of outcomes.
At the time of writing, state EEO legislation is exploring the notion
of positive obligations on the part of employers as a way to achieve eq-
uity. There is a growing perception that EEO law, and specifically the
merit principle, have not done enough and that what has been
achieved has come too slowly. Comprehensive, ethically motivated,
and articulate policies mounted behind perspex on the walls of lavishly
appointed board rooms won’t count for anything if cowboy gatekeep-
ers, committed to preserving the status quo, are allowed to perpetuate
systemic disadvantage of minority groups with no fear or experience
of actual consequences.
It is the culture of organizations that have found informal, often sys-
temic, ways to hold women back that has been our less obvious prob-
lem. The SDA also covers sexual harassment, which goes beyond
unfair disadvantage of women (and men) at work in respect of work-
place opportunities like promotion, pay, and benefits but to how they
are treated in the context of their work. Interestingly, there have been
two iterations to this legislation. Australia witnessed a watershed when
changes were made on the 10th anniversary of the Sex Discrimination
Act that encompassed a shift in the definition of sexual harassment.
With the advent of the legislation in 1984, complainants had to
argue that they suffered adverse impact in their jobs by rejecting the
unwelcome attention of alleged sexual harassers, or believed they

would, in order to have a sexual harassment complaint substantiated.
With the legislative changes in 1994, the definition of sexual harass-
ment changed to ‘‘unwelcome attention of a sexual nature that offends,
intimidates or humiliates someone or makes the workplace unpleas-
ant.’’ Thus, women and men did not have to experience unlawful
workplace discrimination in rejecting the unwelcome attention. They
simply had to feel emotionally or psychologically put upon. This not
only marked a shift in employee relations legislation but effectively in
human rights.
The re-interpretation of the legislation heralded an important shift
from viewing inequity (i.e., differential treatment) in the workplace as
a function of unlawful direct or indirect disadvantage to issues of cul-
ture and the psychosocial elements of work relationships. Because the
vast majority of people who hold senior positions in organizations are
men, that the subordinate roles are commonly occupied by women (see
earlier discussion on pink jobs vs. blue and white jobs), and consider-
ing sexual harassment is often an abuse of power, it is not surprising
that consistently over 90 percent of complaints made in a jurisdiction
on sexual harassment have been made by women against men. Struc-
tural barriers to opportunities clearly limit opportunities, but the issue
of hospitable or alienating culture (as demonstrated by unwelcome
behavior, including sexual behavior) will also create perceptions that
will in turn drive behavior. If the belief held by senior men in a con-
sulting engineering firm is that female applicants won’t fit in to their
culture and they then disregard the applications from women, few if
any women will have the chance to prove them wrong in their work-
place. Thus, gender balance will remain skewed. However, women
who perceive they will get a raw deal in such workplaces, hear anec-
dotally of other women being given a hard time, observe poor gender
balance, or hear hostile sexist comments will likely vote with their feet
when opportunities arise. Other women down the track, contemplating
whether or not to work there, may conclude organizational culture is
indeed a ‘‘cowboy culture’’ as evidenced by the poor gender ratio of
professional staff or a persisting gender wages gap, therefore declining
offers and maintaining the status quo. The same distaste for inhospita-
ble or backward culture may also influence women’s decisions to
remain employees or go out on their own as small business owners. It
may well impact their decision to return to work after maternity leave
with all the associated advantages afforded the organization that
doesn’t have to start all over again. It may and does also impact wom-
en’s decisions to have children and/or delay starting a family.
This has compounded implications for some as they delay until such
time as they believe they have established themselves professionally
only to discover they encounter fertility problems. In this argument, we
see the difference between the ‘‘glass ceiling,’’ where disadvantage and
unfair treatment morph into each other but are perpetrated by others, to
what we might refer to as ‘‘the sticky floor,’’ where the fears and appre-
hension of women, combined with the goals they want to achieve, are
best addressed by other means (e.g., becoming small independent home-
business owners). In this paradigm, even if opportunities present them-
selves, women may elect not to pursue them.
GLASS CEILINGS
As noted earlier, the so-called ‘‘glass ceiling’’ is a powerful meta-
phor for invisible yet actual barriers to the ascendance of women in
workplaces, often reflected and measured by a gender wages gap that
can not be accounted for by number of hours worked or job complex-
ity. Thus, the glass ceiling attests to the inequity of outcomes, not just
access, for women at work. Moreover, the notion of a glass ceiling
implies that the barriers are extrinsic to the hopes and aspirations of
those women and are enacted and enforced by others in positions of
power (presumably men). The barriers may come in the form of spo-
ken and unspoken barriers to entry—‘‘women need not apply’’—and/
or unspoken barriers to advancement. The barriers come in the form of
gender-based roles with differential income earning potential and the
complementary devaluing of ‘‘pink jobs’’ financially and societally.
(For a fascinating discourse on the devaluing of motherhood, see Crit-
tenden, 2001.) The barriers can be measured quantitatively in the form
of differential pay more than fifty years after the 1951 International
Labor Organization (ILO) convention mandating equal pay for work of
equal value was ratified and the barriers can represent indirect block-
ages to advancement in the form of restricted/differential access to
training, coaching, and mentoring.
More subtle factors are also at work here, which may involve more
than the conscious rejection of everything female or feminine by male
powerbrokers. The reality is that business organizations are typically
still male-led and are dominated by male culture and assumptions.
Corporate language is often competitive, even ruthless: idioms are
based on sport and war, deals are made on the golf course, corporate
boxes at the tennis are legitimate business expenses, and men receive
informal mentoring and support and they know it.
In the early 1990s, working as a senior consultant with a major Aus-
tralian Bank, I was struck by how many times other women there told
me how my ‘‘story’’ inspired them. There was nothing terribly remark-
able about my story as far as I was concerned except that I had a mid-
dle-management position in a bank and several children. I think it did
occur to me when I was pregnant with my third child that perhaps I
was somewhat of an anomaly for the bank when they told me they
didn’t have a policy provision on what would happen with my com-

pany car when I went on maternity leave. I was told they would have
to go away and consider it. When I asked for clarification they told me
they had never had a woman at my level that was still of childbearing
age, had actually decided to have a baby, intended to take maternity
leave, and actually return. As I tried to determine whether women at
my age didn’t tend to hold such positions, or didn’t have babies or
didn’t come back after babies, I was told the answer was all of the
above.
It was certainly the case that some women rose to the position of
chief manager in the bank at that time, but every one of them resigned
within a year citing lack of acceptance at best or downright sabotage at
worst. The culture was relentless in its expectation of these women
(almost all of whom were single and driven) or ruthless in the exclu-
sion or harassment these women experienced, yet the bank continued
to pat itself on the back for their appointment. It appeared to me even
then that there were few overt suggestions these women weren’t com-
petent, far more so that they simply weren’t welcome.1
Women face other difficulties that may be partially explained by
gender attribution theory (Wagner, Ford, & Ford, 1986). Behavior of
the respective genders is perceived and labeled differently. ‘‘Assertive’’
men are ‘‘nagging’’ women; strong, decisive results-oriented women
can be referred to as ‘‘ball breakers.’’ A tough negotiation stance can
be perceived as ‘‘aggressive.’’ In addition, women who are comfortable
with their femininity are often seen by other women to be exploiting it
to get ahead. With that phenomenon we observe alarmingly that
women can be just as tough on other women, thus buying in to the
male conspiracy. The archetypal ‘‘feminine values’’ reflect a socializa-
tion of women taught to fit in, collaborate, be ‘‘nice,’’ to be not pushy
nor to sound their own trumpet. Even if they do, some women sanc-
tion them for breaking the unspoken rule of equality (Peltier, 2001).
Karina Butera, an Australian sociologist, has done extensive research
into intergender conflict among women and concludes that women sur-
veyed typically said they would rather work with men and that inter-
personal conflict at work was their major source of stress (Butera,
2008). One biological explanation is that to ensure the survival of the
species, women must gravitate toward men, not women. However,
most of Butera’s research points to psychosocial explanations for
female intragender conflict. Butera adds that women do tend to be
‘‘other-oriented’’ and can go out of their way to avoid upsetting others.
However, given they legitimately need reflection and emotional release,
they may speak to others about negative feelings rather than directly
address the party with whom they have an issue. Men expressing an-
ger or frustration as they feel it are often described as ‘‘straight
shooters’’ or using the Australian idiom, they ‘‘call a spade a spade’’
(or a spade a shovel if they’re very direct!). Thus, women in their gen-
der-based behavior can reinforce unsavory stereotypes among men and
other women as ‘‘bitchy,’’ ‘‘dishonest’’ (i.e., indirect), or ‘‘irrational.’’
If we postulate that masculine traits are still heavily valued in
organizations but only if exhibited by men, women are caught in a
double bind; wanting to be taken seriously, expected to get results but
judged harshly for adopting male mores.
This pressure or even deep-seeded value to be ‘‘nice’’ does not
explain why some women can be so hard on other women. It is also
not easy to determine whether women displaying ‘‘masculinized’’
behaviors ascend in organizations because of it or feel pressured to
adopt such behaviors in order to stay there. However, in an era where
women have been the pervasive minority for so long at senior levels in
organizations, one could intuitively hypothesize that consciously or
unconsciously women might see other women as their competition for
choice roles and business opportunities.
It has often been said that the wise executive will nurture, mentor
others, and succession plan to free himself or herself for even bigger
and better things. But this takes a degree of security and emotional
intelligence that may be lacking in those consumed with what I will
call the ‘‘scarcity mentality.’’ It is as if those women looking around
the deck on the Titanic and seeing that iceberg approaching believe it
is the other women in the executive boardroom who are really compet-
ing for the few working life rafts available on the ship. This could be
further exacerbated with a gender neutral but powerful cultural norm
that rewards competitive behavior as people scramble over each other
to get to the top.
Whatever the reasons for any women treating women badly, some
feminists will say we’ve had men to do that for centuries. Is it fair to
expect more of women by virtue of their attribution as naturally collab-
orative and harmonizing? One sobering reality is that gender attribu-
tion theory as portrayed here judges women’s language, style, and
behavior by a double standard. It is not fair and just to judge them by
a second; a higher moral plane than that by which men might be
judged. In the past few months as the global economic crisis has seen
businesses crumble and the spotlight has turned sharply on executive
remuneration, I do not recall reading or hearing anything that blights
the entire population of men in business.
The minority of women who treat women badly are responsible to
themselves and accountable to the organizations that hire them. People
treating other people badly at work is not a gender-based issue but rather
a cultural one. As Butera says, ‘‘gone are the days when we had to fight
for the attention of cavemen’’ (to procreate). Women can push hard
against the glass ceiling, use the best of their feminine and masculine traits
and build strong, constructive relationships and strategic networks.
At the end of the day, the most thriving organizations I have seen
are those in which emotional intelligence, meritocracy, empathy, vi-
sionary leadership, and social conscience are practiced and affirmed.
Furthermore, they are cultures in which bad behavior, whether it be
indirect destructive communication, bullying or unethical treatment of
other staff is actively disincentivized and if it is committed, is both
‘‘called’’ and ‘‘consequenced.’’ Women and men should be able to
thrive in organizations where all are genuinely affirmed for their con-
tribution to their organization and where collective pride in what they
do and why they do it is found in shared purpose and discretionary
effort akin to being a ‘‘corporate religion’’ (Kunde, 2002).
Putting aside issues (and double standards) around acculturated
behavior, Peltier (2001) claims that women face an additional challenge,
which is that women usually do not get second chances. He argues
that women are given less scope to experiment and err in the learning
process and that after the first big mistake, instead of being given the
benefit of the doubt, they are out the door. Couple this with the self-
responsibility many women feel to pave the way and pioneer for other
women (that other-orientation), and you could forgive women for decid-
ing the challenges are insurmountable and the risks just not worth taking.
THE STICKY FLOOR

Let us acknowledge there are self-imposed limitations on women
who could achieve more in work and career but decline opportunities or
elect not to pursue them at all. I would prefer to distinguish this phe-
nomenon as the ‘‘sticky floor’’ as opposed to the ‘‘glass ceiling’’ (Kee,
2006). Many times, well-intentioned and egalitarian senior male clients
rue the decisions of female staff when those women decline to be inter-
viewed for more senior positions. The same males are often frustrated
and shocked when they hear these competent women expressing a lack
of confidence in their own ability to meet the demands of the job. Some
of these sincere and supportive males comment on the fact that they
have never heard a male applicant express apprehension about the pos-
sibility of ‘‘letting (his) team down.’’ Indeed these feministic men have
reflected on how often they find themselves seeking to lower the expect-
ations of male applicants who feel the next step up is their birthright. In
interviewing so many working women over many years, I have found
their reluctance to set their sights higher usually stems from one or more
realistic concerns. First, they voice some doubt they will be seriously
considered for the job and don’t want the humiliation of a tokenistic
recruitment exercise (thus concerns about a glass ceiling). Second, their
perceptions may be that the culture that exists in that upper echelon will
be inhospitable, and their attempts at success may be/will be thwarted
or sabotaged (referencing the notion of the sticky floor keeping them
where they are). Third, they feel they have seen and heard enough about
the pressures on those performing in those roles to believe the demands
are unrealistic and incompatible with their family obligations (thus the
existence of a ‘‘maternal wall’’) with real or imagined consequences
keeping them where they are as soon as they commit the seemingly ulti-
mate crime—motherhood (Sachs & Painton, 1993).
THE MATERNAL WALL

Yes, we’ve come a long way from the days where a woman working
for the government or as a teacher got married and received two gifts
in the forms of a wedding present from all the staff and termination of
her employment. This strategy was, no doubt, deemed to be the ulti-
mate in practical workforce planning, as organizations would not have
to worry nervously about whether or not the married woman in ques-
tion might disrupt the workplace with a pregnancy and subsequent ab-
sence. The organization was proactive in terminating her employment
before she and her new partner could get a twinkle in their eyes.
While it is clearly unlawful to discriminate against any woman
today on pregnancy or potential pregnancy (assuming she could per-
form the inherent requirements of the job), the law can scarcely moni-
tor the cultural or psychosocial backlash against the woman who
seemingly commits the ultimate career slap in the face and decides to
have a baby. In some cases that is clearly observed to be the ultimate
in ungracious behavior, and the men (and women) who’ve ‘‘taken that
risk on them, only to have it blow up in their faces’’ may demonstrate
their displeasure. A landmark case in Australia in 1998 went the way
of the complainant, Marea Hickie, who had attained partnership with a
law firm Hunt and Hunt and found as she returned from maternity
leave that the majority of her big files had been handed on to someone
else (their concern was that she wouldn’t be able to cope) and that she
had ostensibly been demoted. She was awarded damages in the
Human Rights Commission and subsequently went on to attain part-
nership in another firm (Hickie v. Hunt & Hunt, 1998).
In one sense, the maternal wall is a synthesis of the glass ceiling and
the sticky floor where the demands of the job and/or the culture are
fundamentally inhospitable to women with children. It could mean
their status as mothers is obstructing opportunities and/or they are
reluctant to seize them. A woman may be discriminated against and be
directly or indirectly undermined in the role because she has a child or
may be harassed by those who pay out on her ‘‘lack of commitment’’
because she refuses to work ridiculous hours. As in the case of Hunt
and Hunt an organization can assign ‘‘sexy’’ high-profile projects/files
elsewhere citing work/life balance as their excuse to give the plum
opportunities to others. Management may simply assert the working
mother is not a team player because she won’t stay back on Friday
night for drinks with the others or show enthusiasm for residential
retreats and overseas conferences. However, the woman seeing this
played out in front of her may not take this lying down. She can and
may make changes. In the research discussed in a Time Magazine article
by Andrea Sachs, 53 percent of almost one thousand Harvard gradu-
ates said they’d changed their jobs or specialties because of family
responsibilities, and 25 percent of female Harvard MBAs had bugged
out of the workforce completely. This is alarming if one considers that
Harvard MBAs may have been more empowered and had more attrac-
tive choices and better earning capacity than some other women. On
the other hand, it is also possible the Harvard grads believed their
qualifications would open all doors (excessive Harvard hubris?), and
they became more frustrated and disappointed sooner than most.
Such can be the fear of the maternal wall that women may delay or
abandon starting a family until they have got to a place (job and/or ca-
reer) that they believe will make them seemingly impervious to the
threat of the wall. Wheeler (2005) refers to them in her studies as
‘‘postponers’’ as opposed to ‘‘early deciders’’; the latter who are distin-
guished as making the decision not to have children independently of
whether or not they are or aren’t in a relationship and how their part-
ner feels about their decision.
Wheeler’s study is interesting because the widely held view is that
women will remain childless by choice almost exclusively because of
the maternal wall. Wheeler found that while this was certainly true for
many, and work was a strong driver, a distinct and substantial percent-
age of women expressed negative sentiment about the motherhood role
and the impact of potential motherhood on a range of life aspects. In
2002, the percentage of Australian women who would not have chil-
dren was 24 percent, with an estimated 7 percent having fertility prob-
lems and the remaining 17 percent making the choice. Researchers are
agreed this figure will rise (ABS, 2002).
According to the fourteenth annual report on pregnancy and child-
birth in Australia released by the Australian Institute of Health and
Welfare (AIHW) National Perinatal Statistics Unit, over 40 percent of
births in 2004 were to first-time mothers, who, at an average age of 28
years were about two years older than their 1991 counterparts. Mothers
aged 35 years or older made up 12.5 percent of new mothers in 2004,
compared with 6.9 percent in 1995 when the average age of first-time
mothers was 26.5 years.
Fertility specialists are in high demand. Assisted pregnancies and in
vitro fertilization (IVF) are booming industries in this country. Having
babies while single has been destigmatized to a degree, and same-sex
couples are accessing assisted reproductive technologies via recent
changes to legislation.
The maternal wall can be no more than a perception based on culture

and observed practice, but the maternal wall may be built of structural
inhibitors to active participation including roles at senior levels. In Aus-
tralian Equal Opportunity Law there are but two defenses to unlawful
discrimination. The lesser one is the defense of ‘‘unjustifiable hardship’’;
that is, the accommodations one might have to make for a person of mi-
nority group status are claimed to be unaffordable. Clearly, if this were
relevant, it would only apply to small-ish businesses and would be hard
to substantiate on purely gender grounds. The second and more sub-
stantive justification for discrimination is the ‘‘operational requirements
of the business’’ or ‘‘the inherent requirements of the job.’’ Lack of
workplace flexibility, narrow minded and rigid obstinacies about a
requirement for workers in certain positions to work full-time can make
it impracticable, even untenable, for women to pursue certain opportuni-
ties. In the context of otherwise flagrant gender discrimination the male
or female manager may use the requirement of full time in a given role
as a pretext to exclude women with family responsibilities or those
inferred to be ‘‘potentially pregnant.’’
The Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission
(HREOC) continually cites paid maternity leave and flexible work prac-
tices as the two most enabling of all policies/instrument to create bet-
ter access and opportunities for women. The focus on paid maternity
leave has raged for some years, with different organizations putting
idiosyncratic policies in place on an enterprise basis. Indeed some
organizations are adamant that not only do their flexible work practices
improve retention and morale, they serve as a heavy-duty competitive
advantage in a tight and shrinking labor market where the attraction
and retention of talent rules as the number one organizational impera-
tive. They have moved along a continuum that began with a commit-
ment to equity (of access and opportunity), to diversity, to social
responsibility to ‘‘strategic opportunity’’ (David Morgan, n.d.).
While there will be a number of sociological and other variables to
account for the demographic shifts and not all roads lead to the fear of
the maternal wall, the desire to exercise different choices has most cer-
tainly been catalyzed in large part by (a) the removal of barriers to
women’s participation in the workforce and (b) growing consciousness
of the right to enjoy not just financial income or independence but
enduring careers; something which should be the province of both
men and women.
A FINAL WORD ON SOCIETAL EXPECTATIONS

AND WORK/FAMILY CONFLICT
Some women would argue that while doors to workplaces have
opened, there has not been a corresponding decrease in pressure to
maintain standards in parenting, maintain the home, entertain and

remain sexually active. So are we now free to do it all and have it all
as long as we don’t drop the ball on anything else? The highly accessi-
ble world of women’s magazines, YouTube, and talk shows places
enormous emphasis on body image, healthy eating, working out, gour-
met food preparation, and agelessness. It can seem as if we’re expected
to have the figure and athleticism of Lara Croft Tomb Raider while
holding down the job as World Vision CEO (or find extra time to do
unpaid humanitarian work), be able to entertain like Nigella Lawson,
and raise perfect well-socialized children with Mensa IQs. To top it off,
we have to achieve that within three weeks of giving birth to them
(Google the ‘‘yummy mummy’’ phenomenon). I think I would rather
just concede that Angelina wins.
The old adage suggests that a picture creates a thousand words, but
it may be more helpful here to reflect on the way in which a few
words may tell a big (and controversial) story. While often the stuff of
humorous sisterhood weekends away, nights out with ‘‘the girls,’’ and
comic emails doing the rounds, the choice of language used by men
and women says a lot about their ‘‘mental models’’ (Senge, 1990/2006).
While these stories are anecdotal, it is not uncommon to hear working
women talk about male partners who do or don’t ‘‘help around the
house’’ (as the case may be!). Related to this are the comments from
other women who, on establishing that their friends have partners who
share the unpaid work in the home, tell their friends they are ‘‘lucky.’’
The language used would appear to indicate that this is woman’s work
and they are either fortunate (or not) that partners assist them in this
unpaid work. Again anecdotally, one can hear women and men say
that their menfolk are ‘‘babysitting’’ (not parenting?) the children that
night while women go out.
A recent study of interviews with 21,000 people by the U.S. Depart-
ment of Labor (2009) found that working women on average spent one
hour more per day in housework and caring for family members than
men while men spent approximately one hour more per day at work.
In percentage terms the areas in which women and men differ the
most in hours at work can be accounted for by the part-time status of
some women surveyed but the biggest discrepancy in the study was in
relation to unpaid work.
Increasingly, research is being devoted to the ‘‘struggle with juggle’’
(Faraday-Brash, 2006) or work-to-family conflict being the extent to
which work imposes itself on life at home (eg ‘‘the helicopter parent’’/
the ‘‘latchkey child’’), but more recently, has included the pressure of
family-to-work conflict also (Duxbury, 2003). Statistics show that adult
women are more vulnerable to depression than adult men. Thus, while
the prevalence of depression is only one measure of health, increased
access for women to work, better pay, and career advancement doesn’t
automatically mean they will travel well. The happiness movement has
discovered a lot about what contributes to health and well-being, and
if women believe they can have it all rather than have it most, they are
potentially doomed to abject disappointment (as well as accusations of
delusional thinking).
Regretfully, it seems clear we are still a long way from World Peace,
but we can work on achieving a better form of inner peace. Defining
our goals and being purposeful, negotiating for what we want, looking
after other women and helping them be successful, affirming men who
support our successes, furthering our own cause by refusing to suc-
cumb to age-old stereotypical versions of ourselves, and realistically
appraising what is possible based on real needs and values will be the
things that help get us there.
Even if we move beyond equity of access at work to tangible equality
of outcomes, it is humbling to remember that a person’s identity is not
defined solely by their work, nor could we say that factors outside the
workplace will have no bearing on a person’s status at work. What is
possible for women at work is merely an extension of, or adjunct to,
the societal context in which women live. Indeed, a holistic approach is
required to ensure women’s standing in society is elevated.
I was lucky enough to grow up in an era where women started to
appreciate they could ‘‘have it most.’’ Exercising self-responsibility and
owning the choices we make demonstrates the emotional intelligence
we want everyone to demonstrate. My daughters truly believe they can
‘‘have it all.’’ Life may not quite live up to that version of utopia, and
there may always be a struggle with juggle, but the will to strive is a
big part of what makes us human and ironically, being human is not
gender-specific.
NOTE
1. Interestingly and heartwarmingly, the bank was headed up the past ten
years by a most visionary and compassionate egalitarian leader, and engage-
ment in the same organization under vastly different leadership would be the
envy of all other major Australian banks.
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Chapter 6
Women as Religious Leaders:

Advances and Stalemates
J. Harold Ellens
The history of women in religious ministries is an odyssey of fits,

starts, and regressions; of spectacular successes and pitiful failures.
This is true of all faith groups and particularly of all of the various iter-
ations of Judaism and Christianity. The 2001 World Christian Encyclope-
dia of Oxford Press informs us that in Protestant Christianity alone
there are 33,830 denominations worldwide (Barrett, Kurian, & Johnson,
2001). I remember my church history professor in seminary informing
us, while discussing the various orders of medieval and modern Ca-
tholicism, that one should never forget that there is greater variety
within the faith community of Roman Catholicism than in all of Protes-
tantism. I am not so sure that such a statement can safely be made
today, 60 years later. What can be said, however, is that the great vari-
ety of forms and institutions of religion that have marked human his-
tory until this day have been the matrix of a painful and precarious
pilgrimage for women endeavoring to express their inherent desire and
heroic struggle to be certified and legitimized in authentic religious
leadership roles.
Most Westerners can name at least five different Jewish ‘‘denomina-
tions’’ and that, undoubtedly, does not indicate the great variety of
subdivisions within each of those. Likewise, such other faith groups as
Buddhism, while it is constituted mainly by the distinctive schools of
Mahayana, Vajrayana, Theravada, and Hinayana communities, is
almost infinitely divided into more than fifty specialized subgroups
within each of the four major ‘‘denominations,’’ as well independent
national Buddhist communities. Recently, the various forms of Islam
(al Qaeda, Sufism, Shi’ite, and Suni Muslims) are very much present in
human awareness worldwide. Every one of these religious systems has
been an arena in which the issue of women in religious leadership has
been a significant contest and the source of noteworthy ferment.
At least since the shift from matriarchal human communities to pat-
riarchalism, about 5000 BCE, in all facets of society the role of women
has been repressed, suppressed, and oppressed. This aspect of the
human experiment has been a relatively consistent history of keeping
women under control; that is, whether consciously intentional or moti-
vated by other drivers, the story is one of power brokering in which
women have been most of the time disenfranchised. The most unfortu-
nate aspect of this tragic narrative is the fact that religious institutions
have, until recently, been the most powerful agents and agencies of this
injustice. The misfortune is compounded by the fact that repressing the
contribution of women has been a deprivation and self-defeat of those
very persons and institutions that have perpetrated and perpetuated
this unwisdom and injustice.
It started very early in the history of religious institutions. Though
women have always been a key part of religious communities of every
kind, in the last 3,000 years for which we have some kind of historical
record, their role has been relatively subservient most of the time. For
about 250 years, in the early centuries of the Jesus Movement and the
Christian faith groups that followed it, women were quite obviously the
prominent leaders of the developing religious communities. When Chris-
tendom was established by Constantine, creating the Imperial Church in
325 CE, the role of women was severely and permanently suppressed,
as was the role of dissenting spiritual or theological opinion.
Karen Torjeson (1993), Dorothy Irvin (1980), and Joan Morris (1973)
published notable books on this issue, naming the Constantinian revo-
lution and its women-suppressive antecedents the scandal of their sub-
ordination. In elegant elegiac prose, Torjeson (1993) regales us with a
story that fixes her thesis firmly in empirical historical data. She writes:
Under a high arch in a Roman basilica dedicated to two women saints,

Prudentiana and Praxedis, is a mosaic portraying four female figures: the
two saints, Mary, and a fourth woman whose hair is veiled and whose
head is surrounded by a square halo—an artistic technique indicating
that the person was still living at the time the mosaic was made. The
four faces gaze out serenely from a glistening gold background. The faces
of Mary and the two saints are easily recognizable. But the identity of
the fourth is less apparent. A carefully lettered inscription identifies the
face on the far left as Theodora Episcopa, which means Bishop Theodora.
The masculine form for bishop in Latin is episcopus; the feminine form is
episcopa. The mosaic’s visual evidence and the inscription’s grammatical
evidence point out unmistakably that Bishop Theodora was a woman.
(pp. 9–10)
Women as Religious Leaders: Advances and Stalemates 87
Similarly, on Santorini, the Greek Island of Thera, a gravesite bears

the epitaph of a woman named Epiktas, who was a priest sometime
between 200 and 400 CE.
This should not surprise us as much as it does. It is clear from St.
Paul’s contributions to the New Testament that most of his churches
were established and led by prominent, highly accomplished women.
It is difficult to discover indicators in the Pauline and Deutero-Pauline
letters that there were any of the numerous congregations he estab-
lished in Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy that were led by men or even
had prominent men in their membership. The eventual appointment of
Timothy to the role of pastor seems to be a singularly notable excep-
tion to that state of affairs.
Moreover, Jesus’s twelve disciples are given prominence in the
apparently male-authored narratives in the New Testament, but it does
not take much reading between the lines to note that there was a larger
entourage of women sharing in the Jesus Movement. In the Jesus story,
they were, after all, the first to recognize his distinctiveness, the main
company of disciples at his crucifixion, the first at his tomb, and the
first to witness and report his resurrection. Hence, they became the first
messengers of the news of the resurrection appearances around which
the entire hopeful Christian faith community was formed. In the Gospel
of Mary, a Nag Hammadi manuscript from the second century, Mary
Magdalene is the disciple who inspires the rest of Jesus’s disciples to
remember the teaching of Jesus and get on with the mission for which
he had chosen them (Fiorenza, 1975).
Roger Gryson (1976) represents the generations of male historians
who have consistently contributed to the suppression of this kind of em-
pirical evidence from art, archaeology, early Christian literature, and cor-
ollary ancient testimonies. He erroneously and defensively declares:
From the beginnings of Christianity, women assumed an important role

and enjoyed a place of choice in the Christian Community. Paul praised
several women who assisted him in his apostolic works. Women also pos-
sessed the charism of prophecy. There is no evidence, however, that they
exercised leadership roles in the community. Even though several women
followed Jesus from the onset of his ministry in Galilee and figured among
the privileged witnesses of his resurrection, no women appeared among
the Twelve or even among the other apostles. As Epiphanius of Salamis
pointed out, there have never been women presbyters. (p. 109)
Gryson is, of course, patently incorrect in his claims, having been

unable to take into consideration the wealth of evidence to the contrary
that has been generated by the significant scholarship that has developed
on this issue since the publication of his book three decades ago. The work
done during the late 1970s to the mid-1990s by James M. Robinson and his
teams of scholars at the Institute for Antiquity and Christianity, decipher-

ing and publishing the library of Gnostic manuscripts discovered at Nag
Hamadi in upper Egypt, contributed greatly to our understanding of early
Christian practices. In many of them, we have indications that in the sec-
ond to the fifth century CE there were still lively memories and legends of
women as religious leaders, indeed women ordained as bishops, in the
early church.
As the Constantinian revolution established a church polity model
that not only suppressed women religious leadership but excluded it
completely in Christendom, so also after the fall of the Roman Empire
in the West, the church of the Middle Ages afforded virtually no
role for woman religious leadership. The only exception to this state-
ment is the revolutionary role some women carved out for themselves
in the form of operational ministries in applied modes, down on the
ground where the great needs were, so to speak. These roles were
usually carried on outside the official structure of the church. They
eventually led to the rise of sanctioned orders of women in ministry,
usually regularized by attachment to male orders, such as the female
order associated with the Franciscans (Clara), the Jesuits of St. Ignatius,
and the Dominicans (Catherine of Siena).
Julian of Norwich, St. Theresa of Avila, and the other noted Medie-
val female mystics represent a mere tip of a huge iceberg of incredibly
devoted women who carried out ministry within and beyond the
bounds of the Medieval Church. When Protestantism arose after the
Lutheran, Calvinist, and Anabaptist Reformations, women continued to
have distinctive roles in the diaconate and its ministries of mercy, con-
solation, and healing to suffering humanity. Regardless of the patriar-
chal pressure to the contrary, the presence of women in ministry has
always been irrepressible. The repression and overt oppression that
existed in the Christian community for 18 centuries, however, took the
form of a glass ceiling that obstructed the movement of women into
the offices, authority, and empowerment of ordination.
Only in the mid-twentieth century did women finally manage to
achieve ordination to Christian ministry in some Protestant Churches.
Methodism in the United States began to ordain women to the offices
of Minister of Word and Sacraments in the late 1930s. Independents
and Pentecostals preceded that date but only in the cases of excep-
tional, independent, charismatic, self-appointed, and self-made proph-
ets such as Amy Semple McPherson and Mary Baker Eddy.
Presbyterianism began to ordain women to the offices of the word and
sacraments in 1957. A similar pattern of development took place at
approximately the same time in the various Jewish denominations. Of
course, in Muslim communities no gain has been achieved in ordina-
tion of women to such roles as leaders of congregations, officials of
mosques, or the function of Iman. So the regularization of the roles of
women in religious leadership at the official level is very recent and

sparsely distributed among the religious institutions of the Western
World.
In 1999, Audrey Brosnan wrote an interesting study of women going
through transition in ministry roles in the Roman Catholic Church. She
focused on the perplexities and pain of women in religious leadership
in the Roman Catholic faith community. In a private conversation, Dr.
Brosnan highlighted key factors in the historic struggles that have pre-
vailed over the centuries, down to this present moment. She pointed
out crisply that the plight of women in religious leadership in Chris-
tendom has always been a turbulent quest for their clear discernment
of authentic vocation and the mode and method of ministry to which
they were called. Every movement for women in religious leadership
was resisted, criticized, and obstructed until they were organized into
identifiable and named mass movements that could appeal to the eccle-
siastical authorities for institutionalization; for example, in the form of
religious orders of cloistered women.
Unfortunately, even these orders were usually given authoritative
and legitimated status only as adjuncts to established male orders.
Thus, the Jesuits of St. Ignatius, the Franciscans, the Dominicans, the
Augustinians, and the Benedictines all had women’s orders associated
with them. A recent assessment of official Roman Catholic women’s
orders listed approximately 100 different such orders worldwide, each
having a surprising number of daughter organizations in various coun-
tries of the world (Wikipedia, 2009)
None of these women in divine vocation could ever be ordained to
the priesthood, of course. Only Catholic men have been ordained, and
women in religious leadership have always been required to attach
themselves in one way or another to ordained men. Highly accom-
plished women in heroic and profound forms of ministry stand out in
this historic tradition over the centuries, such as Catherine of Siena in
the Dominican tradition, and St. Clara in the Franciscans women’s
order. The list is long. Those rare women who achieved individual no-
table status in Christendom before the modern era were such well-
known figures as Julian of Norwich, Hildegaard of Bingen, St. Teresa
of Avila, and Joan of Arc. These set the precedent for such modern fig-
ures as Mother Theresa, St. Theresa of Lisieux, and numerous lesser
known but equally significant persons still among us today.
Great women today who have a vision and vocation of ministry as
women in religious leadership, but who are unable to achieve ordina-
tion because of the polity constraints of their faith community, strongly
wish and often militate for a place at the table where the decisions are
made for the present operation and the future shape of the church. In
mainline Presbyterian and Methodist churches in the United States, in
which ordination is now equally accessible to women as it is to men,
many if not most of the major committees and commissions at the

national organizational level, of those denominations, are lead by
women. This pattern increases every decade, if not every year.
In denominations in which women still cannot be ordained, there is
a sturdy undercurrent of desire for such certified roles of women reli-
gious leadership. As I write this, the Roman Catholic Curia under Pope
Benedict XVI is carrying out a systematic assessment of all women reli-
gious orders with the purpose of weeding out those progressive think-
ing women who militate in favor of women’s ordination to the
priesthood in the Roman Catholic Communion. This is a step further
along a course instituted by Benedict XVI while he was still head of
the Curia in Rome during the papal tenure of Pope John Paul II. A dec-
ade or more ago he carried out a house-cleaning in all Roman Catholic
Seminaries in the United States. It that intervention ecumenical initia-
tives by the seminaries toward other denominations were curtailed,
non-Catholic faculty members were removed from Catholic seminaries,
non-Catholic students could no longer matriculate in or even attend
the Masters of Divinity courses leading to ordination to the priesthood,
and non-Roman Catholic students were systematically amortized from
the Master of Arts program in Religious Studies at the seminaries.
This has caused and will now increasingly cause a significant dis-
tancing of the Roman Catholic communion from other communities of
Christian faith traditions, as well as from those in Catholic membership
who feel that the restrictions of the church against women in religious
leadership is neither biblical, nor wise, nor fair. The predicament of
such women in Roman Catholic communities is paradigmatic of that of
women in any denomination or walk of life in which gender is an
obstruction to vocation, promotion, and achievement. The situation pla-
ces women with skills, talents, natures, and divine vocations for reli-
gious leadership in an impasse in which they are unable to be true to
their own authentic selves. They are forced to decide whether they
should simply continue alone in the pursuit of an interior personal spi-
rituality or persist in pressing for such ordination, promotion, and
leadership roles as permit them to exercise their sense of divine voca-
tion. Are they to be satisfied with personal contemplation of the mys-
tery of a meaningfully transcendent private spirituality or militate for
the institutionalization of their rightful sense of calling in ministry?
Benedict XVI, earlier as head of the Curia and now as Pope, has
rolled back the progress toward proper certification of women that was
advanced by Vatican II. As a result, Catholic women in religious lead-
ership are forced to give up the hope for certification in roles equiva-
lent to those of religious male leaders. This spills over into the general
culture in many ways, mainly in the devaluing of women in their
desire for advancement in secular forms of leadership commensurate
with their education/training, abilities, and style. Such generalized
erosion of hope in church and society can corrupt the victim’s vision of
her own destiny, and in the case of religious leadership issues, prompt
singularly able persons into tasks and careers that are not real ministry
and are inferior to their ability and vocation.
This raises the profound and life-shaping issues of values, objectives,
goals, and identity in terms of women’s authentic vocation. Then a
woman must try to discern where one can still serve best, in spite of
being shut out of the arena of esteemed and standardized ministry. This
is ultimately what religious and secular women face today. Every indi-
vidual woman then is faced with making that isolated personal decision.
Mother Theresa of Calcutta and her similar saintly antecedents were
forced into that position and resolved it by heroic individual service to
the most needy in our world, person by person and situation by situa-
tion. Inadvertently, her solitary ministry grew into a communal calling
for many women, through her houses of ministry, throughout the world.
Women have always sublimated their loss of institutional certification
and ordination by pouring their spiritual energies and sense of vocation
into such community or worldwide missions. They are the ones who
chose to move away from the struggle for ordination and simply
immersed themselves in ministry to specific human needs, such as con-
templation and prayer, teaching, or care of the needy and suffering.
They are the ones who bore the burden and the heat, while they could
have been those who spiritually conquered and subdued the land.
Religious institutions, which resist honoring the ministry of women
and the institutionalization of women’s leadership, invite thereby a
counterforce to their institution in the form of a congealing group of
those women who see it as a matter of ethical integrity to stay and
fight. It is these women that the present papal housecleaning of the
female orders is endeavoring to eliminate from places of influence.
There is, of course, in every institution or society that represses reli-
gious leadership by women, a group of women who prefer to stay in
the community, adapt to its prescriptions, define themselves in terms
of its rubrics, and enjoy that traditional status quo. Such women or
groups tend to go to the margins and work in peripheral ministries
without pursuit of definitive central leadership roles. Others enter the
academy and invest their energies there instead of in the church, and
still others simply abandon the cause of religious service and move
into a kind of freedom of forced secularity.
If this were only true of the Roman Catholic Church and the Muslim
congregations and Mosque-centered communities, it might be possible
for most of us to ignore them and leave them to their benighted and
misbegotten selves. However, the trouble, as hinted above, lies in the
fact that this ancient mode of repressing women in religious institu-
tions tends to reinforce the long-standing pattern of those same regres-
sive values and behaviors in the culture and society in general. When
the biblical community of Israel became an empire under David’s

dynasty, prophets arose to remind them that this was not the intent of
the covenant. Prophets challenged the status quo, claiming that God
does not have a predestined system of order that is unfolding in his-
tory, no matter how humans behave. The prophets claimed that the
world is not the way God intended it, and humans are responsible to
set it right.
So should women simply stay in repressive institutions and roles,
acquiesce to the exploitation, and rationalize away the perfidy and
immorality of such societal structures? Or is one duty bound and under
ethical imperative to get out of the institution and establish an alterna-
tive structure that will function morally? Each woman must make her
own decision regarding this watershed issue and discern where, for her,
is the tipping point of the ethical and personal dilemma.
Numerous biblical scholars, over the last three decades, have referred
to the illustration of Jesus’s life and work, in which he obviously culti-
vated Mary Magdalene to be his equal in ministry, not his lover (Scha-
berg, 2002, 2006). Elizabeth Schussler Fiorenza (1984, 2009) casts the issue
of this ethical dilemma as the universal problem of women against
empire and its patriarchal structures. A similar posture is advanced by
Walter Wink (1984) in his work on the powers of human abuse and deval-
uation that are afoot throughout the world of contemporary human soci-
ety. Wherever repression and oppression of any kind have prevailed in
this world, it has often been up to women to initiate ministry and service
to the marginalized, victimized, outcast, and disempowered. It was usu-
ally women that opened the doors and windows of new initiatives and
experimental ministries for the needy, helpless, hopeless, and forlorn.
How often throughout history the prophetic voices of women have given
the sturdy and challenging leadership that delivered all kinds of persons
from the denigration of their humanness, and so greatly relieved the
human spirit of its travail (Wink, 1984, 1986, 1992, 1998, 2003).
Surely this is the reason that Jesus’s message and style had such in-
ordinate appeal to women, and that they have always sought official
and certified ministry in his name. Jesus stood against all forms of
entrenched power and oppression throughout his ministry. That was
certainly the main point of his very existence. That is also the reason
why, from the outset of his ministry, his interventionary voice and his
unconventional claims on the sources of power in his society were sup-
pressed and ultimately exterminated. Jesus stood against the powers of
this world and so was himself oppressed, suppressed, and cast out. He
cared greatly for those for whom others cared little, the outcast, sup-
pressed, and oppressed.
Women understood immediately and intuitively the sounds, signs,
and significance of such a mission as Jesus’s, and its importance for the
unempowered. They had been there, had done that trip, and had
gotten the T-shirt, so to speak. So it should not surprise us that

throughout history there have risen to the top of the tide of human
endeavor, women of great ability and redemptive presence who have
called for a legitimation of all forms of women’s religious leadership.
They have long known the essential issues, have long sought deliver-
ance, and they have militated appropriately for their opportunity to
bind up the broken hearted and afford the ministry of deliverance and
hope to all who are oppressed.
The net outcome of this long historic struggle for the equality of
women, for their freedom from sick dependencies and oppression, and
for their ordination to and/or certification in religious leadership roles,
turns out to be very interesting in many ways. This observation applies
equally to women in the political arena, in social services agencies, in
the academy, and in ordained religious roles, in those communities of
faith of every religion and denomination that allows it.
The fact that is most interesting about this modern day outcome is
as follows. In the historically most highly regarded professions in the
Western World, namely, religion, medicine, and university faculties,
men are no longer the most prominent candidates or appointees. I
came onto the university scene in 1970 and had a lovely time for a dec-
ade. However, in the subsequent quarter of a century, key university
posts tended to be given to women or black candidates. If you were a
qualified black woman, your chances were even better for an appoint-
ment. If you were a black Puerto Rican woman of Spanish extraction
whose mother tongue was Hebrew, it was a cinch.
The very specific reasons for this lie in two facts. First, the whole-
some advantages of equal opportunity legislation, and second, the fact
that, during the last two generations, males with first-line brains, so to
speak, have not sought out the ministry, medicine, and the academy,
as of primary interest to them. They have tended strongly, instead, to
professions having to do with research, technology, and computer en-
gineering, rather than the humanities and social sciences.
At the same time, equal opportunity legal provisions opened the
doors for women with first-line brains to seek and find significant
appointments in ordained ministry, medicine, and university faculties.
In those communions of faith and those institutions of medicine and
learning that were open to senior roles for women, this began to pro-
vide the opportunity for woman of superior ability and training to ac-
quire the leading positions in these historically esteemed professions.
Thus, in Christian churches, which now ordain women to religious
leadership positions, we are getting a preponderance of women with
first-line brains entering our seminaries and our significant positions of
religious leadership as ordained clergy. At the same time, a high per-
centage of the males who are going into ordained ministry, medicine,
and university professorships have third- and fourth-line brains; that
is, they are of far less ability, skill, motivation, and productivity than
their women colleagues, for the most part. This is not true of all males,
but a high percentage of those becoming ordained ministers, doctors,
and university professors. Conversely, excellence does not mark all
women entering the historically prized professions, but only a high
percentage of them. This sociological and psychological shift represents
a major modification in our culture.
I was, for the first half of my professional career, an ordained minis-
ter in a denomination that would not ordain women to the roles of ei-
ther deacon or teaching (preachers and pastors) and ruling elders.
Many of us young men carried a brilliantly burning torch for the cause
of women’s ordination. We were fathers of brilliant and appropriately
passionate daughters whose future in ordained ministry was quite
obvious. We gained some ground in the late 1970s and succeeded in
getting women ordained as deacons. When we overtured the denomi-
nation to ordain women as elders and ministers, an aggressive political
backwash both denied the overture for ordination of women as minis-
ters, and rescinded the previous decision of years before regarding
ordination of women deacons.
After a decade of this struggle, constantly failing in our objective, I
left that denomination on the grounds of its failure to measure up to
the biblical and ethical imperatives for the equality of women and their
opportunities as women religious leaders. This struggle continues in
many religious communities, and most unfortunately of all, the Roman
Catholic Church under Benedict XVI is rushing that communion rap-
idly into the Middle Ages. All prospects of any gains in ordained
women in religious leadership in that most influential of all Christian
communions is being regressed severely, with a vengeance.
So the picture and prospects for women as religious leaders in the
Americas, and throughout the Western World, are quite ambiguous. In
the Christian denominations and non-Christian communities of faith
that invite women as religious leaders, women are generally doing a
brilliant work and exceedingly effective service to those institutions
and their constituencies, as the effectiveness of males in comparable
roles is in decline. On the other hand, in those religious groups who
resist women as religious leaders, the anti-feminine prejudice is hard-
ening and becoming more and more regressive, to the great detriment
of those institutions and their constituencies, especially of the women
in their communions. There seems to be more and more likelihood that
women will increase in prominence and effectiveness in religious lead-
ership where they are certified to do so; and less and less likelihood
that women will ever have that opportunity in such regressive commu-
nions as the Roman Catholic Church—at least under the present Medi-
eval papacy.
REFERENCES
Barrett, D., Kurian, G., & Johnson, T. (2001). World Christian encyclopedia (2nd
ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.
Brosnan, A. (1999). Discerning ministerial transition. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Catholic Theological Union, Chicago.
Fiorenza, E. S. (1975). Mary Magdalene: Apostle to the Apostles. United Theolog-
ical Seminary Journal, April, 22–24
Fiorenza, E. S. (Ed.). (1984). In memory of her (2nd ed.). New York: Crossroads.
Fiorenza, E. S. (2009, April 16). Unpublished lecture, University of Detroit Mercy.
Gryson, R. (1976). The ministry of women in the early church. Collegeville, MN:
Liturgical Press.
Morris, J. (1973). The lady was a bishop: The hidden history of women with clerical
ordination and jurisdiction of bishops. New York: Macmillan.
Schaberg, J. (2002). The resurrection of Mary Magdalene: Legends, apocrypha and the
Christian testament. New York: Continuum.
Schaberg, J. (2006). Mary Magdalene understood. New York: Continuum.
Torjeson, K. (1993). When women were priests: Women’s leadership in the early
Church and the scandal of their subordination in the rise of Christianity. San
Francisco: Harper.
Wikipedia. (2009). Denominations. Retrieved May 10, 2009, from http://www.
wikipedia.com/denominations.
Wink, W. (1984). Naming the powers: The language of power in the New Testament.
Philadelphia, PA: Fortress Press.
Wink, W. (1986). Unmasking the powers: The invisible forces that determine human
existence. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.
Wink, W. (1992). Engaging the powers: Discernment and resistance in a world of
domination. Minneapolis: Fortress Augsburg.
Wink, W. (1998). The powers that be. New York: Doubleday.
Wink, W. (2003). Jesus and nonviolence. Minneapolis: Fortress Augsburg.
Chapter 7
The Feminine Political Persona:

Queen Victoria, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf,
and Michelle Bachelet
Emily A. Haddad
William Schweinle
Women have historically been and currently are underrepresented

among international political leaders. The proportions of men and
women in leadership roles have been slowly moving toward gender
parity, but as of 2007, only 17 percent of national parliament members
were women. In the U.S. Congress, women represent only about 16
percent of the members (Eagley & Carli, 2007). Never has a woman
been elected to the U.S. Presidency, though during the 1990s, twenty-
five women served as president or prime minister in other countries.
Eagley and Carli (2007) note two successful women presidents who
were elected to lead their respective countries while maintaining a fem-
inine political persona and leadership style: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of
Liberia and Michelle Bachelet of Chile. Moreover, Rubin (2006) argues
that the elections of Johnson Sirleaf and Bachelet suggest that people
want feminine attributes in their leaders. Perhaps as important is the
media attention that has been given to the feminine personae that these
two women fostered in their campaigns and in their presidencies.
Much of this attention seems to focus on their evident femininity, espe-
cially as displayed in their family relationships.
The reign of Great Britain’s Queen Victoria provides an early para-
digm for feminine national leadership. Before we present Victoria’s
public persona as a model for her twentieth- and twenty-first-century
heirs, we briefly summarize some scientific findings regarding women

leaders. These findings clearly indicate that women can lead as effec-
tively as men while maintaining a feminine leadership style. We con-
clude that while women are underrepresented among political leaders,
the historical evidence about Queen Victoria and the current success of
Presidents Johnson Sirleaf and Bachelet clearly indicate that women are
able to deploy conventionally feminine attributes to their advantage in
developing their public personae as leaders.
LEADERSHIP STYLES: TRANSACTIONAL VERSUS

TRANSFORMATIONAL
From the 1950s to the 1980s, behavioral scientists tried a number of
methods and measures to explain the overwhelming gender disparity in
leadership. Much of this research focused on the differences between
men’s and women’s leadership styles. Eagley and Johnson (1990) meta-
analyzed 162 of these studies and concluded that men and women do
indeed differ in their leadership styles. Generally speaking, women tend
to lead with a more transformational style that emphasizes interpersonal
relationships and task accomplishment, whereas men tend to lead with
a more transactional style that places less emphasis on interpersonal rela-
tionships and focuses instead on the contractual exchange between lead-
ers and followers, usually money for work (Eagley & Johannesen-
Schmidt, 2001; Ridgway, 2001; Walumba, Wu, & Ojode, 2004).
A more transactional or masculine leadership situation tends to be
based in a contingent rewards system—a system of social and other
contracts between the leader and his followers. The leader communi-
cates the desired outcomes to his subordinates. The subordinates then
produce the outcomes and are rewarded for having achieved them.
This system tends to create an autocratic environment in which com-
petitive, self-confident, aggressive, dominant, and forceful people will
be at an advantage (Walumba et al., 2004). These characteristics—
competitiveness, self-confidence, aggression, etc.—tend to describe the
male gender role throughout the world (Eagley & Wood, 1991) and are
expressed by men more frequently than by women. In particular, men
are more likely to display a desire to lead in a competitive and asser-
tive style (Eagley & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001).
In contrast, a transformational or feminine leadership style is more
focused on individual interactions, inspiration, motivation, intellectual
stimulation, and positive influence on subordinates (Walumba et al.,
2004). Feminine leaders tend to be less concerned with personal power
and more concerned with the organization as a whole, as well as with
its positive group dynamics. For instance, matriarchies tend to foster
economic equality and balance to a society, as Goettner-Abendroth
(2008) argues. The advantage inherent to a more transformational
The Feminine Political Persona 99
leadership style is that the leader or organization can become or

remain a leader without having to possess or control the transactional
rewards that are necessary to maintaining a transactional leadership
role. This may be particularly important to organizations or nations
that are in a state of relative economic and/or social collapse, where
the organization and its political leaders do not possess the rewards
with which to bargain for and sustain their desired outcomes.
Despite the differences in leadership styles, Eagley and Johnson
(1990) conclude that men and women leaders do not differ in their effec-
tiveness. The success of one leadership style over another appears to be
more contingent on context than on the gender or style of the leader.
This chapter develops Duff-McCall and Schweinle’s (2009) line of argu-
ment to show that for certain female heads of state, the foregrounding of
feminine characteristics forms an essential dimension not only of leader-
ship style but also of political persona. For all three of the leaders dis-
cussed, a political persona based in part on female family roles (mother,
wife) appears to complement the leadership style itself.
FAMILIAL FEMININITY: QUEEN VICTORIA AS A MODEL FOR

THE FEMALE HEAD OF STATE
Victoria became queen of England in 1837, only a few weeks after
her eighteenth birthday, and died on the throne 63 years later, in 1901.
Her rule defined the age of British geopolitical ascendancy. Victoria
reigned as London became Europe’s banking center, and as England
became the most commercially active and fully industrialized nation in
Europe. The British Empire dominated the world stage at the turn of
the century; an estimated 25 percent of the globe’s population inhab-
ited territory that belonged to England. Although the reputation of the
Victorian period now has more to do with prudish morals than politi-
cal or economic primacy, Victoria’s reign coincided with England’s
self-conscious transition to modernity.
Victoria’s direct role in the government of England and its empire
was always limited, yet she offers a durable model for public rule of a
modern state by a woman. A defining feature of this model is its refer-
ence to a family-based, middle-class vision of the female. Perhaps
pretty as a young queen, Victoria lost what conventional feminine
attractiveness she had by the time she was middle-aged, yet her popu-
larity was greatest in the final decades of her reign. Her construction of
a successful and specifically female public image depended not on
physical appeal or the direct display of political power but rather on
her (self-) presentation as a wife and mother.
Victoria’s immediate predecessors on the throne—her uncles George
IV and William IV—had led lives of excess and had been faulted for
that by the public.1 Regardless of her sex, then, Victoria stood to gain
in public esteem by distinguishing herself as someone whose personal

life was irreproachable. It is possible that, as Thompson (1990) argues,
Victoria’s ‘‘gender made her more acceptable as a figurehead’’ and less
threatening to those who opposed the monarchy (pp. 138–139). As a
female monarch, however, she faced a complicated challenge in this
regard. If she had adopted the moral conventions of feminine behavior
that were predominant at this time, she would have subordinated her-
self to her husband. At the same time, such subordination was impos-
sible because she had to maintain an image of authority that was
consistent with her royal position and responsibilities.2 In meeting this
challenge, Victoria used her private family role and obligations as the
basis for her public persona as a female ruler. Ultimately, Victoria’s
domestic success as the mother of nine children and the devoted wife
(and later, long-grieving widow) of the Prince Consort, Albert, served
as figurative credentials for her sovereignty. Thus, whereas the only
previous English queen of similar importance, Elizabeth I, ruled, as
Homans (1998) and Duff-McCall and Schweinle (2008) have pointed
out, by deferring her femininity and operating in a somewhat mascu-
line, but at times, politically, feminine way, Victoria’s relations with the
state and the public originate in her explicitly female role within the
family unit.3
The extent to which Victoria’s family life pervaded public perception
of her may be gauged from a brief examination of a few of the memo-
rial volumes that appeared in both England and America just after her
death in 1901.4 Generally laudatory, these books offer a compact over-
view of attitudes toward Victoria as her reign ended, and writers had
the opportunity to consider it in toto. The tables of contents offer a
place to begin. In a volume by the Marquis of Lorne, John Douglas
Sutherland Campbell Argyll (1901), for instance, seven of the thirteen
chapter titles refer directly to some aspect of the Queen’s personal life,
and four of them to her status as a wife or widow. The authorized bi-
ography of Victoria by Windsor Castle’s librarian, Richard R. Holmes
(originally published in 1897, reprinted in 1901), tells the story of the
Queen’s life in ten chapters; five titles refer to her personal life, and
three of those to her ‘‘married life.’’ American versions include Mor-
ris’s (1901) memorial volume, called The Life of Queen Victoria and the
Story of Her Reign: A Beautiful Tribute to England’s Greatest Queen in Her
Domestic and Official Life. Morris’s chapter titles suggest much more
attention to the ‘‘official’’ than either Holmes or Argyll grant, but even
so there are eight chapters titled with a personal focus. A volume by
John Rusk (1901), also an American, presents personal and official con-
tent in proportions similar to Morris’s, but a couple of his titles inte-
grate the two. One chapter is called ‘‘Family Life and National Duties.’’
Another, entitled ‘‘The Labors of a Monarch,’’ covers the birth of Victo-
ria’s first two children as well as her involvement in reforming the
postal system, among other topics. Clearly, the Queen labored in the
delivery of both babies and mail.
As they introduce their subject, each of these memorial writers
presents Victoria as a woman whose domestic life informed her public
existence. Morris (1901) says that no other British sovereign ‘‘lived so
noble and pure a life and presided over such a grand era of progress
as the royal lady Victoria, whose late decease plunged the nation into
such a depth of grief’’ (p. xi). ‘‘The regal state and sovereign rank
strike the imagination,’’ Morris adds, ‘‘but the homely virtues of Victo-
ria, her maternal love, her life-long touching devotion to the memory
of the Prince Consort, the picture of domestic felicity in which she is
represented as the central and venerable figure, appeal to the common
heart’’ (pp. xii–xiii). Along the same lines, Rusk (1901) announces Vic-
toria as ‘‘one whose life and name stood not alone for the sceptered
majesty of a great kingdom and empire, but also for one of the noblest
and purest ideals of womanhood’’ (p. 23). She was ‘‘a queenly woman
and a womanly queen’’; had she ‘‘been less worthy as a woman she
could not have been so great as a queen’’ (p. 41). Argyll (1901), an Eng-
lishman, is more specific about both Victoria’s traits and her accom-
plishments, but he joins his American contemporaries in linking her
family role with her sovereignty. He concludes his preface as follows:
The English love cleanliness and healthiness, and so did their Queen, in
this a typical Englishwoman. In one word, she did all that woman and
sovereign could do to influence for good all movements of her time.
Through a moderating, wise, motherly mind, she worked with effect for
her countrymen in their relations with foreign powers, in the bettering of
their own legislation, and for the social life of the whole community. She
made herself understood, beloved, and revered. (p. xii)
Originally written as Victoria’s authorized biography and then

republished in recognition of her death, Holmes’s volume is less effu-
sive than the others. Yet in the elegiac final chapter of his book,
Holmes too integrates Victoria’s domestic obligations with her regal
ones. For example, he presents the growing Empire and the Queen’s
growing family as the two factors increasing ‘‘the pressure of work’’
for her, and observes, ‘‘Whether matters of State had to be discussed
or arrangements of family or household to be decided, all were settled
with a soundness of judgment and an invariable kindness of heart’’
(p. 329). Her ‘‘monument,’’ he concludes, ‘‘will be . . . in the ideal of
sovereignty which she created’’ (p. 330).
In all of these retrospective accounts of Victoria’s life and rule, that
‘‘ideal of sovereignty’’ seems defined by the construction of public
duties as somehow coinciding ontologically with the specifically
female, familial duties of a wife and mother. The distinction between
the domestic and the official—even when asserted—is thus largely

erased. Visual indication of this outcome might be found in the funeral
portrait that serves as the frontispiece of Rusk’s (1901) book. It shows
Victoria’s body laid out, with a headdress that could be either crown
or bridal veil. The Queen’s hands, crossed on her chest, are almost
obscured by a large quasi-bridal bouquet, but her wedding ring is
clearly visible on her finger. Although she typically wore black after
the Prince Consort’s death, this portrait shows her in a light-colored
dress. A large, square, white cross appears above her where the back-
ground color of the photograph has been removed. The caption reads:
‘‘The end of a glorious reign.’’ In confusing the bridal with the fune-
real, the portrait seems to bring together Victoria’s entire life as a
woman, yet the caption and the awkwardly inserted cross summarize
the life not as that of a woman, but rather as that of an imperial ruler
and the head of a church. Victoria is literally lying in state.5
Although Victoria clearly played no part in the photographic repre-
sentation of her body after death,6 the construction of her public per-
sona during her lifetime depended heavily on her willingness to use
both photography and publication of her own writing to mold public
perception of her. The development of Victoria’s persona has been of
especial interest to historians and other scholars of British culture in
the past fifteen years. Plunkett (2003) terms Victoria the ‘‘first media
monarch,’’ reminding us that she ‘‘was the first monarch to preside
over conditions approaching a mass urban and industrial society’’
(p. 1). Plunkett argues that in responding to these pressures, she
became ‘‘a populist sovereign,’’ ‘‘an overarching yet intimate figure’’
that was ‘‘always aware of its own fabrication’’ (pp. 1, 11, 10). In con-
cluding that Victoria was, ‘‘[b]y the end of her reign . . . the symbolic
hub of the British Empire’’ (p. 240), Plunkett emphasizes the ‘‘civic
publicness’’ of Victoria and her family. The specific content of these
public images, as both Homans and Plunkett show, has the effect of
democratizing Victoria’s image (Homans, 1998, pp. 45–57; Plunkett,
2003, p. 163), chiefly by representing Victoria as a mother with her hus-
band and children. Together, Plunkett’s emphasis on the royal family
as an essential aspect of Victoria’s image-making, and Homans’s corre-
sponding focus on the photographic representation of the marital rela-
tionship, inevitably place Victoria’s familial role at the center of her
public persona.7 As such, this persona also participates, as Langland
(1997) notes, in an increasingly potent discourse of domesticity that
comes to define social relations in Victorian England. Langland
explains, ‘‘The domestication of the monarch helped produce and was
itself produced by an ideology of domesticity that [may] define the last
half of the nineteenth century in England’’ (p. 23). Victoria’s own con-
scious and vigorous participation in this ideological production is evi-
dent in her remark late in her life, ‘‘that she knew ‘perfectly well what
my people like and appreciate and that is home life and simplicity’ ’’
(Arnstein, 2003, p. 155).8
Throughout her reign, Victoria consistently represented herself visu-
ally and verbally as the fulfillment of this ideal, ultimately ‘‘transform
[ing] the gendered body into a national icon’’ (Armstrong, 2001,
p. 522). As an icon, Victoria remained defined by an explicitly familial
version of femininity that corresponded to the ideals of her people.
Female heads of state in the early twenty-first century can respond to
the hopes of their own constituents by deploying a feminine political
persona that follows Victoria’s model. The remainder of this chapter
will discuss two examples, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Michelle Bachelet,
as contemporary leaders whose public images are familial at the same
time as they are political, and whose leadership tends to follow a trans-
formational style associated with femininity.
ELLEN JOHNSON SIRLEAF: ‘‘MA ELLEN’’

Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was sworn in as Liberia’s president in 2006 af-
ter twenty-five years of war, dictatorship, and coups in that country.
Born in 1938, she is divorced and has four sons and six grandchildren.
Johnson Sirleaf earned an economics degree from the University of Col-
orado and a Master’s degree in Public Administration from Harvard
(Caballero, 2006). She was also an official at Citibank. During the 2005
Liberian presidential runoff election, the Liberian media focused on
Johnson Sirleaf’s strengths of experience and credentials over the popu-
larity of George Weah, her male opponent (Shaw, 2007). These experi-
ences speak to her qualifications as president, but they do not define
her leadership style or her political persona.
Johnson Sirleaf has been described by her constituents and in the
press with a number of feminine terms, including as a diminutive
grandmother figure who campaigned as someone who would bring
‘‘motherly sensitivity and emotion to the presidency’’ (Johnson Sirleaf,
2006), enabling Liberia to heal after twenty-five years of civil war, dic-
tatorship, and coups. Liberians refer to her as ‘‘Ma Ellen’’ or just
‘‘Ma,’’ a woman who sees Liberia as ‘‘someone who needs to be taken
care of with the dedication and commitment that a mother takes care
of a sick child’’ (Johnson Sirleaf as cited in Caballero, 2006). Comments
such as this show that Johnson Sirleaf’s public persona is not simply
feminine but specifically maternal.
Johnson Sirleaf’s own writing speaks to a transformational leader-
ship style in which consensus building or bridging social divisions can
heal the collapse brought on by competition (in the form of socio-
political rivalries) in Liberia. She sees the historical conflict between the
various ethnic factions in Liberia as needing a transformational leader
who will create consensus and a shared identity:
Liberia stands in the midst of a crisis that is unparalleled in its history.

Its systems of government and economy have virtually collapsed. Inter-
nal military conflict has caused death and destruction of enormous pro-
portions. The social fabric of the country is torn by deep-seated rivalries.
In short, the nation is at risk of losing all semblance of its identity. How-
ever, therein lies its opportunity. There is now a chance to bridge the
social division between the descendents of the settlers and the descend-
ents of the seventeen indigenous ethnic groups . . . a foundation for rec-
onciliation can be found. (Johnson Sirleaf, 1991)
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf appears to have been very successful in leading

Liberia toward positive social change. Feust (2008) argues that Liberian
women have gained substantially in terms of their gender role, work
and business opportunities, political influence, and educational oppor-
tunities. Furthermore, Kinder and Stanger (2008) argue that her admin-
istration has maintained political stability, improved Liberia’s financial
management, and reduced corruption, though Johnson Sirleaf acknowl-
edged in a 2008 press conference that Liberia’s troubles are far from
near an end (‘‘An African First,’’ 2009). Her success as a leader is fur-
ther evidenced by her being named by Forbes Magazine in 2007 as the
100th most powerful woman in the world and in 2008 as the 66th.
MICHELLE BACHELET: ‘‘MAMA’’

Michelle Bachelet was inaugurated as Chile’s first female president
in 2006 at the age of fifty-four. She is separated from her husband and
has three children. She is a licensed pediatrician and a socialist, who,
with her parents, was imprisoned and tortured under the Pinochet re-
gime. Her father died of torture while in prison. She studied defense
issues in Washington DC and was the Defense Minister of Chile before
becoming its president. As Defense Minister, Bachelet helped unify
Chilean military and political leadership.
Despite having these impressive professional qualifications and
being president, Michelle Bachelet is, like Ellen Johnson Sirleaf,
referred to by her constituents as ‘‘Mama’’ and as someone who ‘‘radi-
ates empathy and genuine concern for people’’ (Polgreen & Rohter,
2006). Her presidential campaign was based on her personal appeal,
charm, and compassion for the people (Angell & Reig, 2006). In fact,
her political opponents in the campaign tried to use these traits in a
sexist way by overemphasizing her sympathy and caring, suggesting
that these personal qualities were indicative of weakness. Her oppo-
nents’ campaign strategy did not work; it would appear that the Chil-
ean people were looking for a maternal figure with the hope that
she could help heal the wounds left by the abusive dictatorship of
Augusto Pinochet (Pohlgreen & Rohter, 2006). It is clear that Bachelet
campaigned and was received by a majority of the Chilean people as a

feminine maternal leader who was closer to the people than a male
leader and whose ability to restore the health of the country depended
upon her feminine attributes.
In her inauguration address, Bachelet described her successful elec-
tion as ‘‘the culmination of [Chile’s] long and painful journey from
repression and dictatorship to democracy’’ (as cited in Rohter, 2006). In
a particularly poignant example, Bachelet describes her own reaction
when she and her mother encountered one of her torturers on the
street. Instead of reacting with anger or aggressing against her torturer,
Bachelet describes the man’s guilty reaction, thus acknowledging the
price he is paying for having been a torturer. In focusing on his evident
guilt, Bachelet also affirms a fundamental good in her torturer, which
is the capacity for shame and remorse:
One day I was walking with my mother and we bumped into [one of
their torturers]. We identified ourselves, and what we saw next was a
human being who was crying and lacked the courage to look into our
eyes. A completely diminished character carrying a bag filled with guilt.
(Bachelet as cited in Daniels, 2006)
Interestingly, when her political party was considering whether she

was a viable candidate, Bachelet was asked what her dream was. Her
reply was, ‘‘Very simple. To walk along the beach holding hands with
my lover’’ (Daniels, 2006). This is a stereotypically romantic feminine
dream, one that a masculine candidate would not have dared to utter
for fear of seeming weak or, perhaps, feminine. Though this comment
does not speak directly to Bachelet’s qualifications for the presidency
or about her transformational leadership style, it does, however, reveal
her as a feminine sexual being. One has to wonder whether Hillary
Clinton or Sarah Palin could have responded similarly and have main-
tained their respective political success. For Bachelet, however, this
public expression of a conventional feminine fantasy was consistent
with the rest of her feminine political persona, and as such did not
prove detrimental to her campaign.
Bachelet’s presidential campaign and presidency have been based
on a transformational political leadership model called ‘‘democracia de
los acuerdos’’ (‘‘democracy by agreement’’). Under this leadership
model, Bachelet and her political party, Concertaci on, have reformed
the Chilean constitution, revised the Chilean tax code, increased the
availability of state-run childcare, and improved the scope of anti-
corruption and welfare legislation (Siavelis, 2007).
Bachelet is also successfully bringing greater gender equity to Chile,
a predominantly Roman Catholic country in which 15 percent of babies
are born to teenage mothers, and in which divorce was legalized only
in 2004. Half of her cabinet is women. She has worked to allow pre-
scriptions for contraception and morning-after-pills for all women over
the age of fourteen. Although Chilean society is historically patriarchal,
she is drafting controversial legislation that will mandate gender quo-
tas among the political nominations to the Chilean Congress. She is
working to give Chilean women more protection from abusive hus-
bands. Bachelet’s achievements are evidence of her success as Chile’s
transformational leader and of her ability to use a specifically feminine
political persona to advance policy goals, which include gender parity
and the rights of women.
CONCLUSION
This chapter speaks to possibility, not probability or proportion.
Women are still underrepresented in political leadership. This may be
in part attributable to a more male/transformational leadership tradi-
tion that views feminine women as being weak. Given such a context,
a woman political leader may become more masculine/transforma-
tional in her leadership style, as Margaret Thatcher (Prime Minister of
Britain, 1979–1990) and Golda Meir (Prime Minister of Israel, 1969–
1974) tended to do, or may become a more feminine transformational
leader, who risks being perceived by voters as weak. Currently, at least
two successful women leaders cultivate and maintain feminine political
personae: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Michelle Bachelet. Elected after
long histories of political unrest and violence in their respective coun-
tries, both women are qualified for the positions that they hold, and
both are successfully using feminine transformational leadership styles
in conjunction with a feminine political persona.
Queen Victoria had no choice but to adopt a transformational style
of leadership to some extent, simply because as the titular head of a
parliamentary monarchy, her direct role in government was constitu-
tionally limited.9 She relied on personal relationships with her prime
ministers and others in parliament to give her preferences a political
life. As Arnstein (2003) explains, her persuasion was often effective,
with the result that she had a greater influence in the governance of
Britain and the Empire than has sometimes been assumed. The empha-
sis that Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Michelle Bachelet have placed on
social healing and the repair of damage to the body politic suggests
that they too have found that a transformational style enables them to
be effective leaders, despite the very substantial differences between
their contemporary contexts and that of their nineteenth-century prede-
cessor.
Moreover, as our discussion has shown, these three leaders’ deploy-
ment of a transformational style is supported, and perhaps even made
possible, by their common emphasis on the sort of familial femininity
pioneered by Victoria as she developed her public persona. All three of

these heads of state have presented themselves in relation to their fam-
ily roles, especially those of mother and grandmother. In turn, their
people and their media have accepted their familial status not only as
an essential aspect of their individual lives, but also as a basic creden-
tial for leadership.
There are other current and past women heads of state who might
deserve similar consideration. Violetta Chamorro, former President of
Nicaragua (see Eagley & Carli, 2007, p. 95), and two current presi-
dents—Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner of Argentina and Gloria Maca-
pagal-Arroyo of the Philippines—all appear to maintain or to have
maintained feminine political personae. Investigation of them and their
peers, present and future, may confirm that public appreciation for
conventional feminine roles, especially motherhood, can help to form a
political persona that effectively supports a transformational leadership
style.
NOTES
1. Arnstein’s (2003) comment is to the point: ‘‘Except for the time of Princess
Charlotte’s courtship and marriage, for half a century the royal family had
been identified with madness, with eccentricity, with profligacy, and with old
age’’ (p. 33).
2. Casteras (1997) analyzes images of Victoria as a girl and young woman to
show that she was a ‘‘symbolic child’’ as well as a ‘‘mother figure’’ (p. 183).
For further discussion of the conflict between Victoria’s marital role and her
obligation to the state, see Armstrong (2001, pp. 498–500), Casteras (1997, p.
192), Houston (1997, pp. 172–176), Plunkett (2003, p. 125), and Thompson
(1990, p. 143–144). Munich’s argument that ‘‘the ideology of Victorian feminin-
ity constantly disrupts the discourse of the monarchical body’’ (p. 47) is espe-
cially relevant in this respect, as is much of the argument offered by Munich in
Queen Victoria’s Secrets (1996).
3. Along the same lines, Watson (1997) notes that Elizabeth I was ‘‘culpably
unwomanly because . . . she had retained absolute executive authority’’ (p. 82).
Langland (1997) also offers a productive comparison of Victoria and Elizabeth I
(pp. 27–29).
4. There were more than a dozen of these published 1901 and 1902.
5. A productive comparison might be made between this portrait and the
three-dimensional effigy of Victoria created for her tomb just after she was
widowed in 1861. In this recumbent effigy (an image of which is reproduced in
Arnstein’s book), she is very clearly crowned, and her only accessory is a scep-
ter. Although a veil descends from her crown, it is of a heavy material, not the
light fabric associated with a bridal veil, and there are no flowers in evidence.
The four decades that intervened between the sculpting of this effigy and the
Queen’s death apparently allowed for a very different approach to the repre-
sentation of the dead monarch.
6. According to Hibbert and Thompson, Victoria left precise instructions

about the preparation of her body and coffin for burial (Hibbert, 2000, p. 497;
Thompson, 1990, pp. 76–77), but it is not clear from either description that Vic-
toria issued any orders about how her lying-in-state should be photographed.
7. Arnstein makes a similar point about the coalescence of Victoria’s family
life and her political authority, citing an 1851 poem by poet laureate Alfred
Tennyson:
Her court was pure; her life serene;

God gave her peace; her land reposed
A thousand claims to reverence closed
In her as Mother, Wife, and Queen. (cited in Arnstein, 2003, p. 57)
As Arnstein, Langland, Munich, and others have pointed out, there is plentiful
evidence that Victoria’s mothering was problematic, even by the standards of her
day, but this had no impact on the public presentation of her as a domestic figure.
8. As Thompson (1990) notes, Victoria’s production of a middle-class self-
representation ‘‘bears little relation to the actuality of her life’’ (p. 124). Our
point in this chapter is not to claim that the Queen shared her subjects’ life-
style, but rather to show how her public persona incorporated aspects of that
lifestyle. Munich’s remark that ‘‘Queen Victoria acted out an imagined or ideal
Victorian life in the privileged stage reserved for a monarch’’ (Munich 1996,
p. 5) is very much to the point.
9. For a precise and cogent explanation of the extent of Victoria’s legal
powers, see Arnstein (2003, pp. 35–37).
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Chapter 8
Women in the Military: Is It Time to

Un-Gender Combat Roles?
Breena E. Coates
The global war on terrorism (GWOT) has brought film footage of the
conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq into American homes, to where pic-
tures and videos of women in the military serving in diverse roles are
commonplace. The U.S. strategy in the GWOT is now heading into its
ninth year of operations. This has reopened the debate about the role
of women in combat. The debate centers on the Department of Defense
(DoD) ‘‘ground combat policy’’ of 1994, that states: ‘‘Service members
are eligible to be assigned to all positions for which they are qualified,
except that women shall be excluded from assignment to units below
the brigade level whose primary mission is to engage in direct combat
on the ground.’’1 The statement does not correlate with practice. In
both Afghanistan and Iraq, we see women who supposedly are ‘‘pro-
tected’’ from being in combat, actually engaged in direct confrontation
with the enemy, in the fluid, assymetrical nature of modern warfare.
Desert Storm was a turning point for women, showing that the boun-
daries between front lines and non-combat zones were being blurred,
and that more women in ‘‘non-combat’’2 positions were actually engag-
ing with the enemy.
Current policy that permits women to serve in so-called ‘‘defensive’’
positions is contradictory and confusing. Females cannot serve in ‘‘of-
fensive’’ positions like multiple rocket launcher systems; they are pro-
hibited from flying special operations by helicopter; yet, they are
permitted to kill the enemy while flying Apaches (which puts them in
combat risk), and have other restrictions on service, due to ‘‘combat
risk.’’ Females are permitted by DoD policy to serve as police
personnel on patrol on the streets, gunnery personnel on convoys, or

can perform searches at checkpoints. These are all positions where of-
ten become part of the conflict, The DoD has used a ‘‘direct combat
rule’’ policy3 that excludes women to units below the brigade level
‘‘whose primary mission is direct ground combat’’4 (Government
Accounting Office, 1999). Furthermore, positions for those units that
collocate (i.e., are located in supportive roles to the troops on the
ground) are also prohibited for women. Yet the military would be
hard-pressed to meet its mission without females serving as police,
medical personnel, truck drivers, and other such positions, which are
positions that put them in danger. These are, in fact, combat roles in
an irregular war where the battlefield is fluid and front lines do not
exist per se. Thus, argues Botters (2008), the combat exclusion rule has
become ‘‘irrelevant.’’
Military women have always faced such contradictions. In the past,
women were restricted from flying aircraft that could shoot back, but
were permitted to fly into enemy territory in helicopters and cargo air-
planes, which put them in perilous circumstances.
In cognizance of the fluid battlespace, President G.H.W. Bush (the
43rd president) created the Presidential Commission on the Assignment
of Women in the Armed Forces (PCAWAF) to ascertain whether women
could be placed in combat positions. The study, however, reiterated the
objections to women in combat due to lack of physical stamina,5 biologi-
cal functions like pregnancy, negative impacts on group cohesion, and a
number of other issues. By a vote of ten against and two abstentions, it
voted against having women serve in combat positions.6
It is well-documented that throughout the U.S. military history, when
freedom has been threatened, women have shown that they have the
hearts of warriors and have responded with invaluable service’’ (United
States Army War College [USAWC], PAO factsheet). Today, when we
speak of equality in the workplace more than ever before, it is only
appropriate that women seek to be given credit for the female warrior
ethos in policy and practice. This begs the following question: Why is
Congress and DoD saying one thing in statute, or policy, and another in
practice? Some further questions also arise from incongruence between
policy and action: ‘‘Does this policy falsely try to maintain a culture of
exclusion, that contradicts reality?’’ In other words, is it hypocritical in
nature; and, is it time to un-gender combat roles? This chapter addresses
the issues, arguments, and background surrounding the debate.
GOAL DISPLACEMENT, DISTORTION, AND DRIFT

The work of Chris Argyris and Donald Schon (1974, 1978) and their
followers has examined how individuals create idealized maps,
espoused theories, or ‘‘governing variables’’ on how to do things in
Women in the Military: Is It Time to Un-Gender Combat Roles? 113
their heads. These strategic maps are often in conflict with the actual
actions of an individual. In other words, people say one thing and do
another. While on occasion there is deliberate hypocrisy in organiza-
tions, very often people and organizations are completely unaware that
they are saying one thing and doing another. The organizational drift
(Coates, 2009) or divergence from espoused values and action can be a
mild drift that corrects itself, but at other times it moves away more
strongly leading to goal distortion or goal neglect (Gouldner, 1959).
Goal distortion can lead to the greater pathology of goal displacement
when parts of the strategic map dissociate from, and lack relationship
to, what actually happens in practice (Merton, 1957)7 (see Figure 8.1).
In such cases, the organization could appear to be hypocritical in the
eyes of many of its constituents, when in fact, the organization is
adapting to survive in an uncertain environment. The idea that the or-
ganization is being hypocritical is exacerbated over time, when
espoused values continue to be pronounced by the leadership, despite
evidence to the contrary from the field.
Goal drift to distortion and displacement often comes about through
the unintentional workings of street-level bureaucrats who make
amendments to policy guidelines while operating in the field (Lipsky,
1980).8 These come about primarily due to environmental imperatives.
If these policy distortions are either not reversed to be congruent
with policy, or if the policy does not recognize the need to adapt to
environmental conditions, then organizational truth-telling becomes
compromised. It is the job of leadership to define strategy, provide
Figure 8-1. Goal Drift

sense-making of strategy, explain emerging tensions, but also to change

that strategy when it no longer applies in given cases. When this does
not happen, organizational participants perceive the contradictions and
become confused between values and practice.
Distortion of goals from drift to displacement is also true of the
idealized blueprints, or strategies for action, that are developed in com-
plex organizations like the DoD, and this is also true of the case of the
combat exclusion policy. In the case under discussion, the drift is sig-
nificant—enough to raise questions about the congruence of words to
deeds. It can and it does raise feelings of discomfort and anger because
‘‘women in the armed service have elected to put their lives on the
line.’’9 As argued by Col. Cheri Provancha, ‘‘This war has proven that
we need to revisit the policy, because they [women] are out there
doing it [serving in combat positions]’’ (2005).10
Why should women care about this issue? Surely it is a good thing
to have protection from harm provided to them as a group? The an-
swer is fourfold. For one thing, there is a need to remain true to the
aphorism of the Soldier’s Creed that is taken by both male and female
recruits, alike. It states: ‘‘I stand ready to deploy, engage and destroy
the enemies of the United States of America in close combat.’’11
Another, more important issue relates to the development and
acknowledgement of a woman’s full potential in the armed forces.
Under current policy this is not the case. Today, combat experience is
most often the stepping stone to the highest levels of military service.
Most general officers come from careers in the infantry, armor, cannon
field artillery, short-range air defense artillery, and special forces.
Because these are closed to women, few women serve in the General
Officer ranks. It was only in 2008 that a woman, General Ann E.
Dunwoody, was promoted to a four-star ranking. In a provocative
essay dealing with the Army and the combat exclusion rule, Michele
Putko (2008) notes that, ‘‘seeing few females ‘at the top’ has a dramatic
effect on the entire female officer population.’’ Putko goes on to ask,
‘‘Why should female officers desire to serve in the Army where there
seems to be reduced opportunities for advancement and where they
cannot be part of the mainstream?’’ Related to this a question can be
raised, ‘‘is this a form of hidden job discrimination?’’ Regrettably
answers to this question have been clouded by extreme and divisive
arguments on both sides of the issue (Field & Nagl, 2001). The writers
suggest that perhaps those holding conservative views on the role of
women in our society seek to find a scapegoat for the problems plagu-
ing the military today and thus place exaggerated blame onto females
in combat. ‘‘Much of the current debate surrounding the presence of
women in the positions in which they now serve is extremist and de-
structive.’’ We turn now to facts in policy and law, and the espoused
values that the strategic statements embody. A third argument for
recognizing women in combat would be to provide appropriate train-

ing for women who might find themselves in combat roles, as did the
women in the documentary film ‘‘Lioness.’’ If one is not supposed to
be in combat, there is less training provided. Finally, women in combat
may, and often do, require posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) ther-
apy. However, as the true case of Shannon Morgan who returned with
PTSD from Iraq after being caught in a firefight showed in the film the
therapists did not have the context to help her. Again, this is an issue
of women being invisible.
HISTORY AND LAW

While one may think that women in uniform is a new phenomenon
arising out the Women’s Armed Forces Integration Act of 1948,12 and
other civil rights legislation in the twentieth century, and as Mitchell
(1998) asserts ‘‘political correctness’’ put women in the military
(p. 341),13 in reality, women have served in the military since the Revo-
lutionary War (Lindon, 2008) in positions such as laundry services,
seamstresses, cooks and water bearers, and even spies. It is known that
hundreds of women disguised themselves as men in order to fight
(Willens, 1996) were wounded in battle alongside men. The most well-
known case is that of Deborah Sampson, who took the name of Robert
Surtlief (McSally, 2007). Sampson, it is said, herself cut out a musket-
ball from her thigh rather than go to a doctor and thus reveal her gen-
der. Another woman, Margaret Corbin, took up her slain husband’s
position in the artillery after he died at Fort Washington. Corbin was
later wounded herself, and when her gender was discovered she was
discharged (McSally, 2007). Another famous case was that of Lyons
Wakemand, alias Sarah Wakeman, who served in the Civil War. Thus,
while women served in the military, it often was a service provided in
hiding, as the battlefield was seen as a male-centric workplace. Society
was then not able to stomach the very idea of women serving in the
military, getting wounded and killed. Today, even though it is
acknowledged that the service of women is essential to getting the job
done in the military, there are still lingering cultural barriers thrown
up institutionally. For example, Michele Putko (2008) observed that at
the U.S. Military Academy at West Point and other military institu-
tions, there is a distinct ‘‘combat arms supremacy attitude.’’ Female
cadets at West Point, noted Putko, are often ‘‘advised by mentors to
join the Military Police Corps which is the closest branch to Infantry
that is open to women.’’ At the same time, there is ‘‘overt pressure’’ on
males to join combat arms fields, and it is mandatory at West Point
that at least 80 percent do so (Putko, 2008).
In 1973 when Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird made the announce-
ment of the end of the conscription (the draft), and the creation of an
All-Volunteer Force, a new type of military force arose. The number of

women joining the military increased, but they were still not permitted to
serve in direct combat units or in units that collocated with such. This was
known as the ‘‘Combat Exclusion Policy’’ or the combat exclusion rule. An
attempt was made to rescind it in 1979 under the Carter Presidency, but
the hearings died quietly, due to lack of support. The ‘‘Combat Exclusion
Policy’’ was later codified in 1988 into what came to be known as the ‘‘Risk
Rule,’’ which standardized procedures for women volunteers to be
excluded or ‘‘protected’’ from service in combat units. As observed by an
officer ‘‘the all volunteer Army cannot afford to needlessly constrain itself
by coding support units as male only because they are on the same base
camp or are habitually in support of a combat unit.’’14
In 1991, Congresswoman Pat Schroeder introduced a measure to allow
women to fly combat missions as Navy and Air Force pilots. The measure
was presented to the House Armed Services Committee, behind closed
doors and with a voice vote, and it passed. In the Defense Authorization
Acts of 1992 and 1993, Congress allowed women to serve on Navy, Air
Force, and Marine aircraft. Secretary of Defense Aspin asked the Services
to study what other possibilities might exist to open up positions to
women. In 1994 the ‘‘Risk Rule’’ was repealed in response to the changing
nature of warfare.
In 2005 Congressman Duncan Hunter introduced a bill requiring the
Army to restrict women from front lines: ‘‘. . . in Heavy Infantry Brigade
Combat Teams and equivalent elements of Stryker Brigades, a total of
21,925 spaces currently open to female soldiers would be closed’’ [emphasis
added.] Congressman Hunter was echoing the sentiment of conservatives
that the public would not accept seeing women killed in action. However,
‘‘the old sensitivities may be a relic of the past,’’ says Putko (2008).15 To
date more than 60 women have been killed in combat. Also in response to
the conservative viewpoint, Army’s Vice Chief of Staff, General Richard
Cody observed that in new theatre of irregular warfare, where there is no
clear front line, women are already serving on the so-called ‘‘front lines.’’
He observed that the amendment would ‘‘cause confusion in the ranks
and send the wrong signal’’ to soldiers fighting in the GWOT. Subse-
quently, upon receipt of assurances from Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld that DoD would review the assignment of women and provide
a report to Congress, Congressman Hunter reluctantly withdrew his bill.
At the end of the 2005 year, Congress passed compromise legislation that
required the DoD to notify it (Congress) within 30 days if women were
being assigned or collocated16 with ground combat units on the front lines.
The problem is that today the shifting battlefield makes the concept of a
front-line obsolete. As noted by a senior service officer: ‘‘The current
debate surrounding this issue by members of Congress who have never
served a day in uniform is disingenuous to the women who currently
serve in the Iraqi and Afghani AORs (Note #29, USAWC survey).17
Nevertheless, the debate around terminology such as ‘‘collocation,’’

‘‘assignment to,’’ and ‘‘attachment to’’ linked with the matter of the
shifting battlefield, tends to center around semantics and sophistry in
leadership circuits. So what are the opinions of the women themselves,
and the men about the issue of women in combat, about ‘‘collocated’’,
‘‘assigned to,’’ ‘‘attached to,’’ and the reality of irregular war? This
issue was studied at the USAWC via a qualitative and quantitative sur-
vey in 2006. The survey results present a useful thermometer of the
perceptions of senior-level officers from all branches of the military
and Department of Defense executives.
OBJECTIONS TO SERVICE WOMEN IN

COMBAT-UNDERLYING PREMISES
Biological Thesis
This argument asserts that military service frequently requires physi-
cal strength and endurance that not all women can manage. This is an
old, but enduring, argument used in other venues of employment op-
portunity to restrict the labor of females. Nevertheless, studies have
shown that women can increase strength and endurance with extra
training. The Army Times, July 29, 1996, contended that in the opinion
of experts in stamina studies, some women have the necessary resil-
ience and resistance at the levels of males to greater resistance to fa-
tigue and stress on the physical body. The Army Research Institute of
Environmental Medicine studied women with respect to lifting weights
and jogging with weights and concluded that women were capable of
matching male standards with six months of extra training (Worth,
1999). In the Persian Gulf War, twenty-three women were awarded the
Combat Action Ribbon because they were engaged by Iraqi troops. As
of 2007, women have been killed in action in Iraq and Afghanistan,
been captured as prisoners of war, and wounded in battle. The military
now trains all troops in basic combat skills. Given the blurring of lines
on the modern battlefield of irregular warfare, the biological thesis
ceases to be persuasive.
President G.W.H Bush’s PCAWAF noted the issue of women and
pregnancy as a cohesion problem. However, since birth control methods
have advanced today to a single shot to make a woman infertile for six
months, this is becoming less of an issue. Also related to the biological
thesis is the ‘‘motherhood’’ argument that the role of women in society
is that of motherhood and nurturance—which ensures the continuation
of the human race and the nurturing of its young. As such society has
always accorded special protections to women. It is in this vein that
Congressman Duncan Hunter, Chair of the House Armed Services Com-
mittee (HASC) argued ‘‘the American people have never wanted to have
women in combat, and this [amendment] reaffirms that policy.’’18 This

statement appears to be a conservative mantra without substance, as
contradicted by public opinion research. A 2003 Gallup Poll found that
‘‘8 in 10 Americans think women should either have the opportunity, or
be required to serve the same combat assignments as men do.’’ Conserv-
ative activists like Phyllis Schlaffy echo Hunter’s sentiment. Schlaffly has
maintained that, ‘‘The whole idea of men sending women, including
mothers, out to fight the enemy is uncivilized, degrading, barbaric and
embarrassing to our culture. . . . And furthermore, no one respects a
man who would let a woman do his fighting for him.’’19
Liberals and pragmatists naturally present counter-claims. Their
observations range from the fact that proportionate to the rest of the
society women in the military make up only a small percentage of
women in the nation to the need for the military to provide flexible
deployment strategies and child-care opportunities for pregnant
women and mothers of small children. Also related to the latter is that
both men and women bear equal responsibility for the nurturing and
raising of children (Burrelli, 1996).
The Psychological Thesis

Another argument offered is that women in combat will destroy the
essential espirit de corps that bonds and unifies a military organization
in combat. Such destruction, it has been argued, could spell tragedy for
the group. It has also been argued by the PCAWAF women in combat
would add an extra burden to American male soldiers, as their West-
ern value system promotes the protection of women. However, organi-
zational studies have shown that gender is not a factor for group
cohesion, arguing that group bonding is created by investment in, and
commitment to, the goal. This theory contends that it is leadership at
all levels that creates such investments and commitments via the build-
ing of motivation and morale within the workforce. A RAND study
(1997) reinforced that gender plays a ‘‘minimal’’ role in group cohesion
for morale and readiness. In the military combat ‘‘workplace,’’ as in
other nonmilitary venues, it is actually the goal, or end state, that moti-
vates personnel to perform to accomplish the mission.
Sexual Relationships, Sexual Abuse, and

Gender Harassment Theories
Former Governor Janet Napolitano once noted in the Arizona Star
(2007) that ‘‘there is a distinctly troubling issue that faces the more
than 160,000 female soldiers who have deployed to Iraq and Afghani-
stan since 2002. It has been called the ‘double whammy’: sexual abuse
and trauma, combined with exposure to combat. Its effects are
devastating.’’ While many such statements abound, levels of crime in

the military including sexual harassment are lower than in the civilian
sector.20 It has been noted by sociologist Laura Miller (1997) that gen-
der harassment, rather than sexual harassment, is a more likely mani-
festation of men’s resentment toward women in the military and can
be observed by sabotage, constant scrutiny and making women
‘‘prove’’ themselves by making them work harder.21 Again, this phe-
nomenon has been observed in other male-dominated workplaces in
the civilian sector, such as construction. Forced close contact in combat
situations, it is argued, could lead to sexual abuse. However, as argued
by Holm in reference to the Persian Gulf War, ‘‘men and women serv-
ing side-by-side in the Gulf demonstrated that they were capable of
working together as teams; they could be comrades without ‘fraterniz-
ing,’ they could share tents without sharing beds; they could share
common dangers without feigning chivalry.’’22 Finally, another argu-
ment for keeping women out of combat is the fear of them falling into
enemy hands and being sexually abused. However, the counter argu-
ment is that women are sexually abused in noncombat positions as
well, and this is no reason to keep them out of combat.
Privacy Infringement Hypothesis

The privacy issue on the battlefield is one that is not compelling
either, as soldiers are trained to operate in ‘‘meager accommodations’’
where privacy is severely limited (Wan, 2006). Using the Persian Gulf
War as an example, Holm has further argued that ‘‘men and women
serving side-by-side in the Gulf, demonstrated that they were capable
of working together as teams; they could be comrades without ‘frater-
nizing’; they could share tents without sharing beds; they could share
common dangers without feigning chivalry’’ (Wan, 1992).
USAWC WOMEN IN COMBAT SURVEY RESEARCH

In 2007, a study was published by the USAWC in Carlisle, Pennsyl-
vania, concerning opinions of senior service leaders from all branches
of the military regarding the issue of women in combat, entitled:
Women in Combat Compendium, at the Strategic Studies Institute, edited
by Johnson and Putko. The compendium included, among other things,
a quantitative research design, using a structured questionnaire. Details
of the survey and its conclusions are shown below.
1. Purpose: The USAWC conducted a survey ‘‘to determine the perceptions

of U.S. Army War College Students23 regarding the ground combat
exclusion policy of female soldiers’’ in the academic year 2006, published
in 2008.
2. Format: The survey was a census survey, but it was anonymous and vol-
untary. The survey consisted of 17 questions, with responses emplaced
within a Likert-type scale.
3. Population: N ¼ 300
4. Response Rate/Breakdown: A total of 300 students were surveyed with
a 78 percent response rate. The breakdown by service was as follows:
Army ¼ 76 percent; Air Force ¼ 8 percent; Marine Corps ¼ 6 percent;
Navy ¼ 5 percent; Coast Guard ¼ 1 percent, and Department of State ¼
1 percent. Males ¼ 89 percent and Females ¼ 11 percent.
5. Main Outcome Measures: The survey showed that the Army does not
follow the ground combat exclusion policy, and that female soldiers are
engaged in ground combat given the asymmetric nature of the war in
Iraq and Afghanistan.
6. Individual Outcomes, Based on Particular Questions:
. 53 percent perceived the regulation that prohibits females collocating
with direct combat units is rarely enforced or not enforced at all.
. 70 percent strongly agreed that the regulation prohibiting collocation
of female soldiers with direct combat units should be revised.
. 63 percent strongly disagreed that female soldiers should NOT be
assigned to direct combat units due to lack of physical strength.
. 59 percent disagreed or strongly disagreed that female soldiers
should NOT be assigned to combat units due to a lack of co-ed life
support facilities.
should NOT be assigned to direct combat units due to perceived lack
of public support.
should NOT be assigned to direct combat units due to potential
problems in assimilation or bonding.
should NOT be assigned to direct combat units to preclude exposure
to trauma associated with combat.
. 74 percent strongly agreed or agreed that all soldiers regardless of
gender should be assigned to positions for which they are qualified.
7. Conclusions of the Study: The study concluded that ‘‘DoD should con-
sider a revision of the female combat exclusion policy to reflect a more
realistic view of the current asymmetric nature of warfare and the com-
bat roles female soldiers are currently engaged in’’ (USAWC, 2006).
CONCLUSION
As of September 30, 2008, DoD Manpower Research Statistics, 197,765
women serve on active duty, 163,414 are enlisted personnel, and 34,351
are officers. Since the September 11, 2001, attack on America, a total of 103
women deployed to Afghanistan, Iraq and Kuwait have lost their lives
(Center for Military Readiness, 2009).24 Most of the soldiers serving in the
Middle East and Afghanistan are ‘‘in harm’s way,’’ whether they serve in
artillery, infantry, or armor or not. It is time to give them credit for doing
so, instead of letting their service to the nation fly below the radar. Film
Directors Meg McLagan and Daria Sommers (2008) did just this in their
award-winning documentary film, ‘‘Lioness: There for the Action, Missing
from History.’’ The film documents the soldierly solidarity, faith, and duty
of five of the earliest ‘‘lionesses’’ who wound up in active fights in fierce
neighborhood conflicts in Iraq. Trying to restrict women from the risks of
combat is a flawed position, as women already participate in the dangers
of war. Thus, the exclusion of women from combat policy should be
rescinded as voiced by Rep. Sandlin in a March 2009 showing of Lioness.
Is national security being undermined by having women in combat
positions? The positions held against women in combat do make a per-
suasive arguments, and at the same time evidence from the field show
that women have served with honor, valor and dedication on the front
lines on a voluntary basis, as consistent with the Soldier’s Creed that
each of them took as recruits: ‘‘I stand ready to deploy, engage and
destroy the enemies of the United States of America in close combat.’’
This statement represents a key espoused value of the military—service
in combat, regardless of gender. Because of the attention this issue has
received, not changing espoused values to match enacted values might
be seen as organizational hypocrisy on the part of the DoD. It is time
to un-gender combat roles to reflect reality, and thereby and move the
sacrifices and valor of women from the place of invisibility to visibility.
In conclusion, some general recommendations can be extrapolated from
this examination of the issue:
. Recognize that strategy (espoused values) and practice (enacted values)

do drift apart as a natural consequence of multivariate intervening factors,
and that such has happened with respect to women in combat. Realize
that incongruence between espoused and enacted values undermine
organizational image, diminish trust among stakeholders and created con-
fusions and contradictions that can degenerate into divisive rhetoric and
shadow boxing.
. Re-examine and Re-align organizational espoused values with enacted ex-
perience on a constant basis.
. Rescind the collocation and ground combat exclusion policy to eliminate
double standards, and adopt a gender-neutral policy in its place.
NOTES
1. Memorandum from Secretary of Defense Les Aspin to Armed Service
Secretaries, January 13, 1994, entitled, ‘‘Direct Ground Combat Definition and
Assignment Rule.’’
2. These ‘‘noncombat’’ operations are known by many names—‘‘Stability and

Support Operations,’’ ‘‘Operations Other Than War,’’ and ‘‘Peace Operations.’’
3. Congress, in an attempt to retain oversight of females in combat zones,
passed The National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) in 2006. The NDAA
requires the Secretary of Defense to notify Congress of any changes to units
and assignments to which women are assigned.
4. Government Accounting Office. (1999). ‘‘Gender Issues: Trends on the
Occupational Distribution of Military Women.’’ Report to the Ranking Minority
member, Subcommittee on Readiness and Management Support, Committee on
Armed Services, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC.
5. Presidential Commission on the Assignment of Women in the Armed
Forces (PCAWAF) noted that ‘‘there is little doubt that some women could
meet the physical standards for group combat, but the evidence shows that
few women possess the necessary physical requirements.’’
6. Presidential Commission on the Assignment of Women in the Armed
Forces (PCAWAF), November 15, 1992, Government Printing Office.
7. Merton, R. (1957). Social theory and social structure. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
8. Lipsky, M. (1980). Street-level bureaucracy: Dilemmas of the individual in
public services. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
9. USAWC Survey. (2008). Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, USAWC.
Question #58.
10. For Female GIs Combat is a Fact. Retrieved from www.washingtonpost.
com/wpdyn/content/article/2005/05/12AR20050S51202002.html.
11. The Soldier’s Creed. Retrieved from www.army.mil/SoldiersCreed/
flash_version/index.html.
12. Public Law 80–625. The Women’s Armed Forces Integration Act opened
up places both in the active military as well as reserves in all four services, but
it also placed an enlistment ceiling of 2 percent, and a 10 percent limit on
femaleenlisted personnel becoming officers.
13. Mitchell. B. (1998). Women in the military: Flirting with disaster. New York:
Regnery Press.
14. USAWC Survey. (2008). Strategic Studies Institute, USAWC, Carlisle, PA,
Question #49.
15. Putko, C. (2008). ‘‘USAWC women in combat survey interpretation.’’ Women
in Combat Compendium. Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, Carlisle, PA.
16. Center for Military Readiness. (2006). ‘‘Collocation’’ is a term that is
widely used in discussions about women in combat. In a simple form, it means
that forward support company personnel ‘‘embed’’ with infantry and armor
maneuver battalions 100 percent of the time.
17. USAWC Survey. (2008). Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, USAWC.
Question #29.
18. Wilkie, D., & Kreisher, O. (2005, May 18, 2005). Hunter plan bars women
from Army ‘‘forward support.’’ Copley News.
19. Schlaffy, P. Women in military combat? What it means for American
culture and defense. Heritage Lecture, #317.
20. Wan, S. (2006). Women’s role in combat: Is ground combat the next
front?’’ Journal of Academic Writing, 4.
21. Miller, L. (1997). Not just weapons for the weak: Gender harassment as a
form of protest for Army men. Sociology Quarterly, 60, 37–38.
22. Holm, J. (1992). Women in the military: An unfinished revolution. Novato,

CA: Presidio Press.
23. Study body consists of all military services of ranks at Colonels and LT
Colonels.
24. Center for Military Readiness. (2009, March 19). Grim toll of military
women killed in war.
REFERENCES
Aspin, L. (1994). Direct ground combat definition and assignment rule. Memoran-
dum, January 13, 1994. Washington, DC: Department of Defense.
Botters, R. J. (2008). How the Army can meet the intent of policy and statute
on ground combat exclusion for women. Women in Combat Compendium.
Carlisle Barracks, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College.
Center for Military Readiness (2006). Women in Combat: Background and facts—
women in or near land combat. www.cmrnotes.org/WomenInCombat.
asp?docIDþ271. Accessed August 25, 2009.
Coates, B. E. (2009, April). Concept of goal drift. Presented at The College
of Business and Public Administration, California State University, San
Bernadino, CA.
Field, K., & Nagl, J. (2001). Combat roles for women: A modest proposal.
Parameters. Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College.
Gouldner, A. (1959). Organizational analysis. In R. Merton, L. Broom, & L.
Cottrell (Eds.), Sociology Today (pp. 423–426). New York: Basic Books.
Government Accounting Office. (1999). Gender issues: Trends on the occupational
distribution of military women. Report to the Ranking Minority member,
Subcommittee on Readiness and Management Support, Committee on
Armed Services, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC.
McSally, M. (2007, May 1). Women in combat: Is the current policy obsolete?
Duke Law Journal of Gender Law and Policy, 14, 1011–1059.
Merton, R. (1957). Social theory and social structure. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
Miller, L. (1997). Not just weapons for the weak: Gender harassment as a form
of protest for Army men. Sociology Quarterly, 60, 37–38.
Mitchell, B. (1998). Women in the military: Flirting with disaster. New York:
Regnery Press.
Presidential Commission on the Assignment of Women in the Armed Forces.
(1992). Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.
Schlaffy, P. (1991, June 3). Women in military combat? What it means for
American culture and defense. Heritage Lecture, 317.
The Soldier’s Creed. Retrieved August 2, 1999 from www.army.mil/Soldiers
Creed/flash_version/index.html.
The Women’s Armed Forces Integration Act. (1948). Public Law 80-625. June
12, 1948, U.S. Congress, Washington, DC.
Tyson, A. S. (2005). For female GIs, combat is a fact: Many duties put women
at risk despite restrictive policy. www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/con-
tent/article/2005/05/12AR20050S51202002.html.
Wan, S. (2006). Women’s role in combat: Is ground combat the next front?’’
Journal of Academic Writing.
Wilkie, D., & Kreisher, O. (2005, May 18). Hunter plan bars women from Army
‘‘forward support.’’ Copley News, retrieved from http://www.signonsandiego.
com/uniontrib/20050518/news_1n18hunter.
Willens, J. (1996). Women in the military: Combat roles considered. Washington,
DC: Center for Defense Information.
United States Army War College (USAWC). Public Affairs Office (PAO) Fact
Sheet. Carlisle Barracks, PA: USAWC.
United States Army War College (USAWC). (2008). Survey. Carlisle, PA: Strate-
gic Studies Institute, USAWC.
U.S. Congress. (2006). ‘‘National Defense Authorization Act,’’ H.R. 5122, also
known as the John Warner Act 2006.
Worth, R. (1999). Women in combat: The battle for equality. Berkeley Heightws,
NJ: Enslow Publishers.
Chapter 9
Sexual Minority Women: Sources and

Outcomes of Stigmatization
Rhonda M. Schultz
Kristin P. Beals
In undertaking an investigation into female same-sex sexual practices

across continents, nations, and cultures, it is imperative that investigators
first garner an understanding of the specific political, historical, and
sociological factors surrounding these behaviors and/or identities. The
terms ‘‘lesbian’’ and ‘‘bisexual’’ used in Western society for the identities
surrounding some female same-sex sexual practices are tied to Western
ideas of individualism and are not applicable in cultures where sexual
identities may not be relevant. It is also important to keep in mind
that identity and individualism are cultural constructs and not delimiters
of advanced cultural evolution. The existence of a lesbian identity in
Western society does not indicate that we have ‘‘progressed’’ beyond
other societies in which no such moniker exists. In addition, the majority
of quantitative research available on outcomes of the repression of same-
sex sexual behavior has been conducted on samples comprised primarily
of individuals in Western nations and lesbian-identified women. While
the authors of this specific chapter have attempted to write and operate
with these understandings in mind, we cannot fully negate our own
individual histories and implicit cultural perspectives. Our resources,
expertise, and experiences have all been derived primarily from U.S.
sources and are therefore tinctured by the values and customs of West-
ern society. Similarly, our backgrounds in research are limited to the
domain of psychology; therefore, our research perspectives may be more
heavily weighted in this area. While we have attempted to incorporate
some scholarship from queer and cultural studies into this chapter, the
bulk of the resources cited have been derived from psychological books
and journals.
UNDERSTANDING STIGMA
This chapter aims to discuss stigma against women who engage in
same-sex sexual practices or adopt a lesbian identity. Stigma is a
powerful tool of oppression throughout the world, which can be used
in many ways, for many reasons, and by many different groups. It is
important to first identify what stigma is, where it comes from, and
what purpose it may serve in a given society. A common linguistic
mistake to make in English is to use the terms stigma, stereotype, prej-
udice, and discrimination interchangeably. While these terms do bear
some relationship to one another, they actually all represent somewhat
different constructs.
Stigma
Stigma refers to the devaluation of individuals within a group based
on some discernable characteristic or mark. In order for stigma to exist,
two fundamental elements must be present: there must be some distin-
guishing feature that is recognizable and serves as a delimiter of differ-
ence, and some devaluation of the individual (Dovidio, Major, &
Crocker, 2000). Devaluation of stigmatized individuals refers to the
beliefs that these persons are less than human, ‘‘spoiled,’’ defective, or
inferior. Goffman (1963) hypothesized that stigmas are attached to
three different types of conditions: physical deformities, ‘‘tribal identi-
ties’’ (race, religion, nationality, or sex), and ‘‘blemishes of character’’
or weak will (imprisonment, ‘‘unnatural’’ passions, unemployment,
mental health problems). Lesbianism or same-sex sexuality would fall
under the final category of ‘‘weak will,’’ as it has been viewed by many
as both an ‘‘unnatural passion’’ and a mental health problem, in spite
of the fact that the American Psychological Association has not consid-
ered it such in over 36 years.
Recently, it has been argued that the two most important features of
stigma are how visible or concealable they are and their perceived con-
trollability (Dovidio et al., 2000). It appears that if one can hide their
stigmatized characteristic or if they cannot be blamed for having it,
they will be allowed to ‘‘pass.’’ This brings to light the two-sided na-
ture of stigma. Stigmatization is not a one-way process, and the stigma-
tized are not simply helpless, passive objects upon which stigma is
placed. The reaction of the stigmatized is integral to the process of stig-
matization (Goffman, 1963). Stigmatized individuals may shun their
stigma, finding it ludicrous or misplaced, thereby rendering it less
Sexual Minority Women: Sources and Outcomes of Stigmatization 127
effective. They may also accept the stigma, internalize it, or focus heav-
ily on it, increasing its power to harm. Internalization of the stigma
against lesbians by lesbians is commonly referred to as internalized
homonegativity and will be discussed in a later section.
Judging from the variety of conditions outlined earlier, it appears
obvious that most people will fall into at least one stigmatized group
at some point in their lives. Yet stigma persists in almost all societies
possibly because they may serve to enhance the lives of stigmatizers in
a number of ways (Dovidio et al., 2000). Stigmatizing others can raise
one’s own self-esteem, relieve anxiety, and create a perception of con-
trol. In addition, stigmatization can also serve to reinforce a culture’s
norms. We will explore the various norms and institutions within dif-
ferent cultures that contribute to the stigmatization of lesbians and
women who engage in same-sex sexual behavior.
Prejudice
Prejudice can be defined as an irrational and rigid belief about a
group of people, which can be either positive or negative. For example,
one can have a positive prejudice toward the group she considers her-
self a part of and a negative prejudice toward all members of another
group. Unlike stigma, prejudice can extend to any type of behavior or
identity and is not confined to social deviance. However, prejudice and
stigma are strongly linked to one another and share a great deal of
overlap in terms of application and measurement (Phelan, Link, &
Dovidio, 2008). Prejudice tends to be viewed as an attitude toward a
specific group of people. General acceptance for all heterosexuals and a
disdain for lesbians would be an example of such a prejudicial attitude.
People with prejudicial attitudes may ignore or fail to notice individual
differences between members of a group. Someone who holds a preju-
dicial attitude toward lesbians, for example, may view a shy, passive
woman who identifies as lesbian, as not being a ‘‘real’’ lesbian. This
would be an example of a stereotype that all lesbians are aggressive
and pushy.
Stereotyping
Stereotyping is a cognitive process by which one attributes certain
characteristics to certain groups of people. According to Allport (1954),
the vast diversity and complexity of the world around us makes it
impossible to hold accurate concepts of everything in existence. While
human beings need some sense of understanding to function in the
world, complete understanding of everything is impossible. Therefore,
we tend to create some well-formed categories consisting of more com-
plex, comprehensive understandings and other malformed categories
consisting of shaky and simplistic components (Allport, 1954). For

example, one may hold the stereotype that all bees are black and yel-
low. While having a simplistic understanding of bees is probably not
going to cause any trouble to the individual that holds this understand-
ing or to bees in general, having a simplistic understanding about cer-
tain groups of people will. When a stereotype makes one unable to see
individual differences within groups of people, a stereotype becomes
maladaptive and likely harmful. The stereotype in the U.S. that les-
bians are highly masculine women fails to address the vast differences
in gender expression within the lesbian community, errantly excluding
many individuals who identify as lesbian and including many individ-
uals who do not.
The employment of prejudicial attitudes and stereotyping can lead
to discriminatory behaviors. Discrimination is defined as treating peo-
ple differently because of their membership to a certain group. Similar
to prejudice, discrimination does not necessarily mean that one treats a
certain group negatively; it can also mean that a group is treated more
positively. Unfortunately, when referring to the treatment of lesbians,
discrimination generally refers to a negative behavior such as exclusion
or mistreatment. Discrimination can manifest interpersonally, institu-
tionally, and/or culturally (Whitley & Kite, 2006). Individuals can be
discriminated against by other individuals and/or groups, policies and
laws, or cultural norms and values. Discriminatory behaviors against
lesbians can have severe consequences on the lives of the women they
are targeted toward and the societies in which they take place.
SOURCES OF STIGMA
Religion
In many countries, some religious groups provide a great deal of
fuel for the stigma against lesbians and women who engage in same-
sex sexual behavior (Miracle, Miracle, & Baumeister, 2003). While
same-sex sexual behavior is generally viewed as unnatural and intoler-
able by most religions, there are a few exceptions in the United States
where it is accepted, even blessed, according to the San Francisco
Chronicle (as cited in Miracle, et al., 2003). However, the report appears
bleak for most other religions, with homosexual acts being overwhelm-
ingly condemned by virtually all other major religious institutions,
such as Catholicism, Mainstream Christianity, Mormonism, Muslimism,
and Orthodox and Conservative Judaism. In spite of reported ambigu-
ity in the Quar’an regarding the ‘‘morality’’ of homosexuality, 26
Muslim countries condemn homosexual acts, and 7 of them do so with
the threat of the death penalty (Helie, 2004). This widespread disdain
for homosexual identities and behaviors has been linked to Christian
and Islamic proselytizing throughout the world over the course of time
and the subsequent dissemination of repressive beliefs about sexuality
in general (Miracle et al., 2003). The far-flung disapproval and even
contempt expressed by many religious organizations has become a
painful source of stigma against lesbians and has often isolated them
from a powerful source of support and happiness: religion (Ferriss,
2002; Yakushko, 2005). In Yakushko’s (2005) study of 82 lesbian, gay,
and bisexual (LGB) participants, those who attended churches they
perceived as ‘‘conservative’’ reported greater stress surrounding their
LGB identities and lower self-esteem than those attending churches
that ‘‘fully accepted’’ their LGB identity. The often painful experience
of being shunned by these hegemonic institutions can be heard in the
voice of a 26-year-old Kenyan woman:
I am Christian by religion and this has been a great challenge for me. All
my family have entered religion very deeply despite my father being ini-
tially Hindu, so I choose to ignore religion and follow what my heart
desires. I have always believed that if one has love in one’s heart that is
what matters. I stopped going to church because I used to leave feeling
like a sinner. (Baraka & Morgan, 2005, p. 39)
Westernization
In some non-Western parts of the world, same-sex sexuality is con-
sidered a perversion sent from Western countries. Because Western
countries are viewed as being accepting of homosexuality (however
inaccurate this perception may be), same-sex sexual practices are often
viewed as being another grand overindulgence of the decadent West.
This means that oftentimes same-sex sexuality will be stigmatized as a
betrayal of one’s nation or heritage (Blackwood & Wieringa, 1999). Lit-
tle is known about the effects of this specific stigma on lesbians in
these areas, but some information has been garnered from interviews
and other research. One example is that of reactions to a hate-filled
anti-gay speech made by Zimbabwean president Mugabe at the Zim-
babwean International Book Fair in 1995. In addition to a number of
cruel, scathing comments made in this speech about the LGB commu-
nity, Mugabe articulated his sentiment that same-sex sexual behavior is
the sole purveyance of Americans and that such ways are ‘‘stupid and
foolish’’ (Aarmo, 1999). While many members of the lesbian commu-
nity reported being scared and forced into hiding, some lesbians in
attendance at the book fair stated that they had felt free and finally
able to express themselves (Aarmo, 1999).
A recent example of same-sex sexuality being viewed as the influ-
ence of other nations can be intuited from statements made by the
Ethics Minister of Uganda. The United Nations (UN) has recently been
organizing nations to help decriminalize homosexuality around the

world, an effort that has been met with anger by some nations where
same-sex sexual practices are a punishable crime. One article reported
that in response to the UN’s efforts, Uganda’s Ethics Minister, James
Nsaba Buturo announced that the UN was endorsing what he called
‘‘attempts by some nations to impose homosexuality on the rest of us’’
(UN ‘spreading homosexuality’, 2009). Male homosexuality is explicitly
illegal in Uganda and is punishable by life imprisonment. While the
law does not criminalize lesbianism specifically, it can be intuited
as such (Nagadya & Morgan, 2005). Homosexuality is considered un-
African and a threat to the family in Uganda. This is also true for
many other parts of Africa, except South Africa where gay marriage
and adoption by same-sex partners are both legal practices.
TRIPLE MINORITY STATUS

Recently, research investigating the experiences of ethnic minority
LGB individuals in Western countries has begun to surface, which may
lend some insight into certain cultural beliefs. However, the literature
is scant, as most researchers interested in LGB populations have gener-
ally failed to address this aspect of identity in their research. Lesbians
of color experience triple minority status or triple jeopardy in Western
society because of their status as sexual, ethnic, and gender minorities.
The experience of being a lesbian woman of color in a sexist, racist,
heterocentrist society could be a difficult experience for many lesbians
of color. This subject is a tricky research topic, as it is most likely that
these identities are not islands, but are interrelated and share some
overlap. For example, it would seem difficult to isolate one’s lesbian
identity from one’s female identity, and because of this it may also be
difficult to separately test the factors surrounding each (Bowleg, 2008).
Many ethnic and racial minority groups in America may suffer from
what is called ‘‘fear of extinction’’ (Greene, 1995). This fear leads mem-
bers of these groups to believe that reproduction is a necessary part of
a woman’s existence because without it, the survival of the group is
threatened. The stigma against lesbianism may be aided by these spe-
cific cultural beliefs and create additional stress against racial and eth-
nic minority women (Greene, 1995). Another issue relevant to ethnic
and racial minority lesbians is that of the perceived ‘‘whiteness’’ of the
gay and lesbian identities in the United States (Harper & Schneider,
2003). The homosexual identity in the United States has been painted
and perceived as a predominantly Caucasian identity and as such,
adopting this identity as a racial or ethnic minority may be perceived
as a betrayal to one’s community (Greene, 1995). Some ethnic minority
lesbians voice the belief that they have to make a choice between their
sexual identity and their ethnic identity, seeming to feel that the two
cannot coexist within one person (Espin, 1987). In addition to these

stressors, issues of class and religion can also complicate the lives of
many women living as triple minorities.
MINORITY STRESS THEORY

In recent years, researchers interested in the health and well-being
of LGB individuals have begun using the concept of minority stress to
guide some of their research. The framework of minority stress delin-
eates the various sources of stress that LGB persons may be vulnerable
to and the techniques these individuals may employ to cope with this
stress (Brooks, 1981; Meyer, 2003). Meyer has conceptualized LGB mi-
nority stress as a group of three different sources of stress: the experi-
ence of stigma and discrimination, anticipated stigma/discrimination,
and internalized homonegativity. These experiences can lead individu-
als to utilize coping or resilience mechanisms as a means by which to
counteract the negative effects of minority stress (Brooks, 1981; Russell,
2003).
THE EXPERIENCE OF DISCRIMINATION

One of the key components to minority stress is the experience of
discrimination. Discrimination against LGB individuals occurs in any
number of situations, such as employment, housing, health care, and
ostracism from friends and family or legal rights such as adoption,
marriage, and military service. In extreme cases, discrimination can
mean that same-sex sexual relationships and behaviors have been
made illegal and punishable by imprisonment, violence, or death.
There are also instances of groups and individuals within societies
who beat, rape, or even murder lesbians or women who engage in
same-sex sexual behaviors. A 2001 Kaiser Family Foundation report
found that a majority of the general American public believes that LGB
individuals experience ‘‘a lot’’ of prejudice and discrimination. When
polled about their perceptions of the amount of discrimination they
believe they have experienced, 85 percent of lesbians and gay men
claimed to have experienced some kind of prejudice or discrimination
in their lifetimes (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2001). In this same study,
76 percent of LGB participants reported being discriminated against or
knowing someone who has been discriminated against in the areas of
employment (finding or keeping a job), applying to school (university
or other), housing (renting or buying), health care, or military service.
In addition to these disappointing findings, the study also reported
that 74 percent of LGB participants reported having been verbally
assaulted and 32 percent had been the targets of physical violence.
Expected Discrimination
The experience of discrimination may lead those who are discrimi-
nated against to come to expect discrimination from others. The belief
that one will come to experience prejudice or discrimination has been
referred to as ‘‘stigma consciousness’’ (Pinel, 1999). In Pinel’s work, les-
bians and gay men high in stigma consciousness were more likely to
have greater self-consciousness and to worry about how others viewed
them. Other studies have linked stigma consciousness to a variety of
negative outcomes. One study found that stigma consciousness is
related to internalized homophobia, physical complaints, lesbian-
related stress (stress perceived to be brought on specifically because of
lesbian identity), negative mood, and intrusive thoughts (Lewis, Der-
lega, Clarke, & Kuang, 2006).
Internalized Homonegativity
The stigma attached to homosexuality is often consciously or uncon-
sciously adopted by the stigmatized themselves. When LGB people
internalize the stigmas and negative attitudes held by society about
their behaviors and identities, it is referred to as internalized homo-
negativity, internalized homophobia, or internalized heterosexism. The
experience of internalized homonegativity has been associated with a
greater risk for a number of mental and physical health problems. In a
sample of 157 U.S. lesbians, researchers found that internalized homo-
negativity was correlated with a number of mental health problems. In
this study, which developed a separate scale for lesbian internalized
homonegativity (LIH), LIH was highly correlated with lower self-
esteem, depression, lower satisfaction with social support, and a higher
number of somatic complaints (Szymanski, Chung, & Balsam, 2001).
Internalized homonegativity has also been correlated with a number of
self-destructive behaviors in lesbians, including suicide, self-mutilation,
risky sexual behaviors, and alcoholism (Williamson, 2000). These stud-
ies lead us to believe that internalized homonegativity has the potential
to be a extremely destructive force in the lives of some lesbians and
most likely occurs because of the stigma attached to same-sex practice.
The negative effects of internalized homonegativity can also carry
over into lesbian relationships. Holding negative beliefs about one’s own
sexuality may cause some LGB individuals to feel less satisfied or posi-
tive about their romantic relationships. LIH has been found to be associ-
ated with a decrease in satisfaction with romantic relationships and
a decrease in attraction toward one’s partner (Mohr & Daly, 2008). In
a qualitative study of 40 same-sex couples, half of which were female, a
little less than half of the couples reported themes of internalized homo-
negativity toward themselves or their relationships (Rostosky, Riggle,
Gray, and Hatton, 2007). One in four of couples in this study articulated
low expectations for the durability of their relationship. One couple cited
the lack of social support around them stating that this factor may cause
them to feel that the relationship was bound for failure (Rostosky et al.,
2007). It seems logical that in a society where there is not only little sup-
port for your relationship, but outright hostility toward it, the possibility
of a break up may seem more likely.
Internalized homonegativity has also been highly correlated with
intimate partner violence among lesbian couples (Balsam & Syzmanski,
2005). It is believed that individuals that hold negative beliefs about
homosexuals are more likely to act violently toward them. This can
unfortunately mean that LGB persons high in internalized homonega-
tivity are more likely to act violently toward members of their own
community, including their partners (Balsam & Syzmanski, 2005). Inti-
mate partner violence may be yet another devastating force threatening
the health and safety of lesbians and their romantic relationships.
The experience of internalized homonegativity may not be isolated
to individualistic, Western cultures. It cannot be known at this time
whether lesbians or women who engage in same-sex sexual behaviors
in collectivistic cultures experience internalized homophobia because
there is a paucity of literature or research on this subject. There is some
evidence that these processes may be present in the Damara commu-
nity of Namibia, as might be intuited by some excerpts from interviews
conducted with women who have sex with women there:
She hated me, sometimes the same kind hate each other. Once she called me
and beat me up in her classroom, saying ‘What kind of child is this that is
acting like a boy?’. . . This teacher, she became the school principal there and
is now together with another sister. (Khaxas & Wieringa, 2005, p. 137)
She told me about caressing and kissing and she told me that she felt that
she was my girlfriend and that I was her man, but because of youthful
shame I did not say something . . . When I got home I thought, to do this in
the Bible schoolyard I have done a big sin. (Khaxas & Wieringa, 2005, p. 136)
Although there are a number of texts investigating the stigma

against same-sex practices in various parts of the world, few address
the issue of the internalization of this stigma. The question as to
whether this experience is tied to identity seems to remain to be
answered. This answer may be difficult to obtain given the quiet, hid-
den nature of same-sex practices in many cultures, which could be a
reason for the gap in research in this area.
CONSEQUENCES OF STIGMA
Stigma and discrimination impact lesbian and bisexual women in a
number of ways. In the next section of this chapter we will discuss the
legal, financial, social, and health impacts for lesbian and bisexual women.
Legal and Economic Impact for Same-sex Female Couples

Because lesbian couples are denied a number of rights that are
afforded heterosexual couples, all-female couples have increased finan-
cial and legal burdens. For example, in states and countries that do not
give same-sex couples marriage or marriage-like rights, gay and lesbian
couples often have to pay lawyers to secure some of the most basic
legal protections (e.g. living wills, power of attorneys, health direc-
tives). Same-sex couples also face additional legal costs in completing
second-parent adoptions. These same costs are not accrued by hetero-
sexual couples.
In the United States and many other countries, tax systems treat
same-sex couples as if they were complete strangers. In a recent report
from the Williams Institute, Goldberg and Badgett (2009) report that
same-sex couples often pay more in taxes. This occurs for a number of
reasons. First, same-sex couples in the United States are taxed on
health insurance benefits provided to a partner by an employer. This
adds an estimated $1,000 to the taxes of same-sex families. Addition-
ally, same-sex couples often must pay estate taxes or gift taxes that op-
posite-sex couples are exempt from paying. Same-sex couples who pay
taxes their whole lives are denied equal social security benefits upon
retirement and the death of a partner. This is estimated to cost the sur-
viving partner of a same-sex couple on average about $8,000 a year
(Furnas & Rosenthal, 2009). This brief summary highlights some of the
inequities in the financial and legal system between same-sex and dif-
ferent-sex couples.
Social Costs for Sexual Minority Women

In addition to the legal and economic costs of stigma against lesbian
and bisexual women, there are innumerable social costs. Being stigma-
tized for being a sexual minority is unlike being stigmatized because of
one’s racial, ethnic, or religious group membership, because often a
sexual minority individual does not share that identity with any imme-
diate family members. Instead of feeling connected to one’s family, les-
bian and bisexual individuals may feel very isolated. Often times,
sexual minority individuals must create their own communities of sup-
portive others. In one study of gay and lesbian participants, it was
found that only 33 percent of mothers and fathers were rated as very
accepting of their children’s sexual orientation (Beals & Peplau, 2006).
Added to the possible isolation from family members, lesbian and
bisexual women may also feel isolated from their spiritual or religious
communities. As discussed earlier, traditional religious views often
endorse anti-gay attitudes. It can be very difficult for sexual minority
women if they feel they must choose between being true to themselves
and their religious background. Bryant and Demian, (1994) found that
out of 12 possible sources of support, sexual minority individuals rated
‘‘church’’ as the least supportive and the most hostile. In a qualitative
study of 14 same-sex couples and their lived experiences with religion,
Rostosky, Riggle, Brodnicki, and Olson (2008) concluded that ‘‘heavy
reliance on social support from family and religious communities may
exacerbate minority stress in ethnic minority and religious minority
GLB individuals who want to integrate their religious and same-sex
relational values.’’
Lesbian women may also feel socially isolated at places of employ-
ment. In most states in the United States, lesbian and bisexual women
can still be fired for their identity and as a result, may hide their iden-
tity, thus isolating themselves. This experience is epitomized in the
U.S. military’s ‘‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’’ policy, which forces U. S. serv-
ice members to silence themselves, forgo social support for their iden-
tity and the possibility of building community. The social costs to
lesbian and bisexual women are often innumerable.
Mental and Physical Health

Sexual minority women have higher rates of a number of physical
health and mental health concerns. Actual and perceived discrimina-
tion has been found to account for a large proportion of the disparity
(Mays & Cochran, 2001). We will first describe several of the barriers
to health prevention and care services. Next we will discuss the known
mental health and physical health disparities.
History of the Study of Lesbian Health Disparities

The burgeoning gay rights movement in the United States in the
1960s and 1970s began to take notice of the existence of health dispar-
ities for sexual minority women and men. As a result, a number of
community-based health centers began to emerge to provide sensitive
care to the sexual minority population (Mayer et al., 2008). At the same
time, a number of clinicians and doctors began to recognize that their
sexual minority patients had unique needs because of the hostile and
homophobic environment in which they live. In 1973, the American
Psychiatric Association recognized that homosexuality was not a psy-
chiatric illness and removed the diagnosis from the Diagnostic and Sta-
tistical Manual (DSM). However, removal from the manual did not
eliminate the prejudice and sometimes toxic environments in which
sexual minority individuals live.
The Institute of Medicine in 1999 issued a call for more population-
based research to understand the clinical problems in the lesbian com-
munity. Community groups lobbied hard to have the government
follow through on the Institute of Medicine’s report. Importantly, the

Department of Health and Human Services recognized the importance
of this and included lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT)
health in their goals for the Healthy People 2010 initiative. This mo-
mentum has led to increased information and educational materials
(e.g., The Fenway Guide to Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender
Health) for caregivers, physicians, and clinicians.
Barriers to Health Care

Research has demonstrated that lesbian and bisexual women often
encounter barriers to receiving timely and adequate health care (Dia-
mant, Wold, Spritzer, & Gelberg, 2000; Mayer et al., 2008). For example,
in Diamant and collegues study, only 34 percent of heterosexual
women reported difficulty getting care, while 47 percent of lesbians
and 53 percent of bisexual women reported this problem.
Mayer et al. (2008) outlined four broad areas of barriers to accessing
healthcare. These included (1) reluctance to disclose sexual orientation
to providers, (2) lack of LGBT knowledge and competency on the part
of providers, (3) structural barriers to health insurance and visiting and
decision making rights for LGBT people and their partners, and (4)
lack of culturally appropriate prevention services. As Mayer and col-
leagues point out, each of these is troublesome alone, but the combina-
tion of these can be disastrous for the health and well-being of sexual
minority individuals.
Often, sexual minority women do not disclose their sexual orienta-
tion to a health care provider. These decisions often affect health care
from a very early age. In a study of disclosure to physicians by LGB
youth, it was found that only 35 percent had disclosed their sexual ori-
entation to their physician (Meckler, Elliot, Kanouse, Beals, & Schuster,
2006). Participants cited confidentiality concerns as a reason for not dis-
closing. Interestingly, participants reported that they would be more
likely to disclose if the physician would ‘‘just ask.’’ In another study,
MacEwan (1994) found that to avoid the possibility of biased care, les-
bian and gay participants did not disclose their sexual orientation in
alcohol treatment settings. Nondisclosure may mean missed opportuni-
ties for a provider to offer specific care such as appropriate health and
sex education, screening tests, and discuss individual risks (Meckler et
al., 2006).
Of course, disclosure will only be beneficial to the receipt of appro-
priate and adequate health care if the physician responds in a cultur-
ally sensitive and knowledgeable way. Several studies have found that
physicians, like other people, have biases toward sexual minorities.
Research has demonstrated that even well-intentioned service pro-
viders may behave differently with lesbian patients or clients (Brown,
1996). In fact, Cochran (2001) noted that several researchers have iden-
tified attitudinal and behavioral responses on the part of providers to
disclosure by sexual minority clients. For example, a practitioner may
focus too much or too little on sexual orientation in therapy (MacEwan,
1994), avoid topics that make him/her uncomfortable (Hardman, 1997),
and be unable to recall information that the client provided (Gelso, Fas-
singer, Gomez, & Latts, 1995). All of these consequences of homonega-
tivity are thought to result in a lower quality of care (Garnets,
Hancock, Cochran, Goodchilds, & Peplau, 1991). One consequence of
lesbian and bisexual women having physicians that lack knowledge
and sensitivity is lower satisfaction with source of health care (Diamant
et al., 2000). This lower satisfaction may in turn lead to sexual minority
women choosing to delay or avoid health care.
The third barrier is more structural and legal in nature than the first
two. Cochran and colleagues (2001) found that compared to similarly
matched women, lesbians were less likely to have health insurance
than their heterosexual counterparts. Many sexual minority women do
not have access to quality health care because they are denied insur-
ance benefits through a partner’s employment. Even if an employer
allows a same-sex partner to be insured, the federal government then
taxes the ‘‘benefit’’ as income, thus costing the couple valuable re-
sources and possible forcing some people to forego coverage. In a
study utilizing the federal government’s population survey, Ash and
Badgett (2006) found that 18 percent of individuals in same-sex roman-
tic relationships lacked health care compared to 11 percent of married
heterosexual individuals. Furthermore, even when a partner has insur-
ance, the other partner in a same-sex relationship is still uninsured 15
percent of the time, compared to 4 percent of married partners. In
other words, lesbian and bisexual women are less likely to be insured
than their heterosexual counterparts. As a result, lesbian and bisexual
women are much more likely to forego health services because of fi-
nancial reasons (Diamant et al., 2000). This translates into less prevent-
ative care and a more likely chance that acute issues become chronic.
In addition, because many states to not recognize same-sex relation-
ships with the same legal standing as marriage, partners are often not
allowed visiting rights and decision-making powers, which can impede
care provided. This varies greatly state by state, but most states do not
have any legal protection for same-sex couples. In the United States,
only four states allow same-sex marriages (with another 10 having
some form of legal protection). Around the world, only seven countries
perform same-sex marriages, with another four recognizing same-sex
marriages performed elsewhere. Women who are in relationships with
other women are often denied the legal protections that are granted to
heterosexual relationships. Some of these legal protections aid in
receiving quality and culturally sensitive health care.
Finally, Mayer et al. (2008) identified the lack of LGBT-specific pre-

vention services as a barrier to quality health care. There is a dearth of
services that deal with the effects of a stigmatizing society. These
include a lack of services that target negative health behaviors and the
increased prevalence of mental and physical health issues in the LGBT
community.
In summary, because of the stigma of a sexual minority status, many
barriers exist to receiving timely and adequate healthcare. This failure
to receive timely and adequate healthcare may translate into greater
mental and physical health disparities between heterosexual and les-
bian/bisexual women. In the following section, the research on existing
health disparities is described.
Mental Health Disparities

Early work by Evelyn Hooker in the 1950s with small community
samples found no differences in the psychological adjustment of sexual
minority individuals and heterosexuals (Hooker, 1993). This work was
critical to the removal of homosexuality as a psychiatric diagnosis
(Cochran, 2001). However, in the years since Hooker’s important work,
large representative samples have revealed that lesbians and gay men
have a higher prevalence rate of certain mental health disorders. In
particular, sexual minority individuals appear especially susceptible to
the disorders that are most sensitive to minority stress (Cochran, 2001).
These include depression, anxiety, and substance abuse disorders
(Cochran, Sullivan, & Mays, 2003).
A number of large-scale, nationally representative samples have
found that lesbian and bisexual women have higher rates of certain psy-
chiatric syndromes than heterosexual women (e.g., Cochran & Mays,
2000; Gilman, Cochran, & Mays, 2001; Sandfort, de Graaf, Bijl, & Schna-
bel, 2001). Furthermore, lesbian women were more likely than heterosex-
ual women to have used mental health services in the prior year
(Cochran, 2001; Cochran et al., 2003). In a large survey of women in Los
Angeles County, Diamant and Wold (2003) found that lesbians reported
more poor mental health days when compared to heterosexual women.
A number of studies have used population-based surveys to extrapolate
rates of disorders among lesbian and bisexual women. The evidence is
quite strong that sexual minority women experience higher rates of cer-
tain disorders as a result of prejudice and stigma in society.
Depression and Anxiety Disorders

In a nationally representative sample of middle-aged adults in the
contiguous United States, lesbian and bisexual women reported higher
prevalence of anxiety disorder and greater likelihood of having a second
co-morbid disorder compared to heterosexual women (Cochran et al.,

2003). In a more recent study of Latino and Asian American adults
(Cochran, Mays, Alegria, Ortega, & Takeuchi, 2007), 6.4 percent of
female participants identified as lesbian or bisexual (or reported recent
same-sex sexual behavior). Those participants identified as lesbian or
bisexual were more likely to have evidenced recent and lifetime history
of depressive disorders compared to their heterosexual counterparts.
Furthermore, research has found that lesbian women who report
depression are more likely to be taking medication for depression than
heterosexual women who report depression (Diamant & Wold, 2003).
This may signal that the lesbian women are experiencing more severe
depression or have fewer ways to cope with depression than heterosex-
ual women.
This depression may at times manifest itself in a higher incidence of
suicide attempts among sexual minority women. These data can be
very difficult to interpret for a number of reasons, including identifying
sexual orientation of participants. However, there is some evidence that
lesbian and bisexual women may have slightly higher suicide attempt
rates compared to heterosexual women. In a study of Asian and Latino
women, those identifying as lesbian or bisexual were marginally more
likely to have attempted suicide than the heterosexual participants
(Cochran et al., 2007).
Drug Dependency
Often individuals use and abuse drugs as a way to cope with depres-
sion, anxiety, and stigma. A number of research studies have indicated
that women who have female sexual partners are at greater risk of illicit
drug use (e.g., Cochran, Ackerman, Mays, & Ross, 2004; Crothers, Hal-
ler, Benton, & Haag, 2008; Sandfort et al., 2001). Reports have provided
greater evidence of lifetime use of a number of drugs including stimu-
lants, tranquilizers, cocaine, and marijuana. Similar findings also
emerged for use in the prior month. This use seems to translate into
more drug dependency disorders. For example, Cochran and Mays
(2000) found that the lesbian women in their sample were more likely to
have drug and alcohol dependency syndromes. In a nationally represen-
tative sample of Asian and Latino adults, lesbian and bisexual women
were more likely to have a recent history of a drug use disorder (Coch-
ran et al., 2007). In a study of 2,011 lesbian and bisexual women living
in California (Corliss, Grella, Mays, & Cochran, 2006), it was found that
27 percent of women showed lifetime patterns of drug use that were
categorized as either high or moderate risk. Approximately 40 percent of
women with more problematic drug use had sought professional serv-
ices. Interestingly, for these women, living with a romantic partner acted
as a protective factor against drug use.
In a more generalized study that compared lesbian and bisexual

women from seven different studies around the United States with
standardized samples of women, it was found that lesbian and bisex-
ual women had greater alcohol use than the general population of
women (Cochran et al., 2000). In the United States, the research sug-
gests that women who identify as sexual minorities use and abuse alco-
hol and drugs at higher rates than women who identify as
heterosexual. It appears that living in a society that stigmatizes women
for forming relationships with other women may push these women to
use drugs and alcohol as one way to cope with the stigma. As we will
see in the next section, drug and alcohol use may translate into greater
physical health concerns among sexual minority women.
Physical Health Disparities

In addition to mental health disparities between heterosexual and
sexual minority women, research has also found a number of physical
health disparities. The root of these disparities is complex, but part of
the explanation is likely the barriers to health care discussed above and
specific behavioral risk factors and preventative practices associated
with a sexual minority identity.
BEHAVIORAL RISK FACTORS AND PREVENTATIVE

HEALTH PRACTICES
A number of studies indicate that lesbian and bisexual women may
be more likely to engage in behaviors known to be risk factors for a
number of physical health concerns. For example, in a study that com-
pared self-identified lesbians with a national sample of women, it was
found that the lesbian women were more likely to be smokers than het-
erosexual women (Aaron et al., 2001; Diamant et al., 2000; Gruskin,
Greenwood, Matevia, Pollack, & Bye, 2007). Smoking is a known risk
factor for a number of physical health concerns including pulmonary
and cardiac diseases and cancer. In addition, lesbian and bisexual
women were also more likely to drink alcohol compared to control
samples. In Diamant and colleagues study, it was found that almost
three-fourths of lesbians and bisexuals used alcohol compared to one-
half of heterosexuals. Furthermore, lesbians and bisexual women were
much more likely to report drinking 3 or more drinks almost daily.
Studies have also found that lesbians are more likely to be over-
weight or obese compared to controlled samples of heterosexuals
(Cochran et al., 2000), which is a known risk factor for a number of
health conditions. For example in one study, 48 percent of lesbian
women compared to only 32 percent of women in the national sample
were overweight (body mass index [BMI] 27.3 kg/m2). Contradictory
to past reports, the lesbian women in this sample appeared to partici-

pate in physical activity at about the same rate as the national sample
of women. In fact, lesbian women were slightly more likely than other
women to report vigorous activity. Additional research is needed to
sort out the research on weight and exercise. Despite an increased need
for health screening and preventative services, research indicates that
lesbian and bisexual women may fail to obtain proper care.
As discussed earlier, whether for fear of discrimination from a doc-
tor, a lack of health insurance, or a misunderstanding of the risks, les-
bian and bisexual women often are found to have poorer rates of
preventative health screening compared to heterosexual women. Two
large studies have found that lesbian women were less likely to have
had a papanicolaou (pap) test in the past two years compared to heter-
osexual women (Aaron et al., 2001). Failure to see gynecologists and
have recommended examinations is of particular alarm because many
lesbian women do not have a history of oral contraceptives, pregnancy,
and breastfeeding, all of which are protective factors for ovarian and
other cancers (American Cancer Society, n.d.).
The combination of risky behaviors and a failure to obtain preventa-
tive health screenings may account for some of the physical health dis-
parities that are discussed in the next sections.
OUTCOMES
Although the evidence is mixed, a number of studies have found
that lesbian and bisexual women have higher incidence of a number of
physical health outcomes. A few of the studies are reviewed below.
In one study of 4,023 women who participated in the Los Angeles
County Health Survey, it was found that lesbian and bisexual women
had a higher rate of being diagnosed with heart disease. Importantly,
this finding persisted even when controlling for age, race, education,
income, health insurance, tobacco use, and obesity (Diamant & World,
2003). Furthermore controlling for those same variables, bisexual
women also reported more ‘‘poor physical health days’’ compared to
the heterosexual sample.
In another large-scale study that included heterosexual, lesbian, bisex-
ual, and heterosexual-with-homosexual-experience women, several physi-
cal health differences emerged (Cochran & Mays, 2007). For example,
bisexual women reported a greater number of health conditions than het-
erosexual women. These health conditions included digestive complaints,
back problems, and chronic fatigue syndrome. Heterosexual women with
homosexual experiences reported more back problems and asthma than
other heterosexual women. And finally, lesbian women reported having
arthritis more than other heterosexual women. However, most of these
health disparities became nonsignificant once the researcher factored in
psychological distress. The root of the problem may lie in the experience
of minority stress that contributes to psychological distress. As discussed
earlier, both lesbian women and bisexual women report higher levels of
psychological distress than heterosexual women.
Drawing from psychological research on women who identify as les-
bian or bisexual, it is clear that the impact of stigma is far-reaching.
Stigma effects sexual minority women in a number of ways including
in legal domains, in terms of economic resources, family and friend
relationships, and in terms of health and well-being. More research is
needed to understand how the consequences of stigma and minority
stress are experienced around the world. The next section discusses
ways in which lesbian and bisexual women may cope with stigma and
minority stress.
COPING
The experience of minority stress may lead lesbians and women
who engage in same-sex sexual behavior to adapt coping strategies to
deal with the stressors they experience. Considering the weight of the
research we have presented up until this time, the outlook may seem
bleak for members of the LGB community. However, many of the indi-
viduals within these communities do not express high levels of the
negative outcomes associated with stigma and minority stress (Herek &
Garnets, 2007). Numerous means of coping with minority stress have
been seen in gay, lesbian and bisexual populations in the United States,
which may serve as a buffer against some of the aforementioned nega-
tive outcomes.
Recently, various anti-gay legislative efforts in individual states within
the United States have provided researchers with the opportunity to
examine the coping skills employed by sexual minority persons. At the
forefront of this research is the work performed by Russell (2003) inves-
tigating responses to an amendment to the Colorado State Constitution
stripping sexual minority persons of protections as minorities, including
nondiscrimination. This amendment was designed to remove sexual
minorities from protected status and make it illegal for them to file com-
plaints based on discriminatory treatment as minority persons. A study
of LGB people in Colorado revealed that this anti-gay campaign was
very stressful for many participants. The coping skills employed by
these participants fell neatly into 5 categories: movement perspective,
confronting internalized homonegativity, expression of affect, connecting
to community, and successful witnessing (Russell, 2003).
Taking a movement perspective entails stepping back from an anti-
gay experience and seeing it as a small part of a larger picture, pro-
gressing toward optimal changes (Russell, 2003). In other words, indi-
viduals taking a movement perspective may not focus on a specific
incident such as being the victim of a derogatory slur, but may instead
consider it to be a lingering fragment of a gradually dissolving hetero-
sexist society. This way of thinking could be very helpful to persons
experiencing set backs such as the passage of anti-gay legislation. The
movement perspective can be seen in statements such as the following:
I am 100 percent opposed to Amendment 2 (like I really need to say that)

but I think that it’s doing good for the gay/lesbian/bisexual community
in the long run. People are now being forced to deal with something
they’d rather ignore. They’re being educated and taught that there is
more to homosexuality that ‘‘perverted sex.’’ This will eventually be seen
as the catalyst for the successful civil rights movement of the ‘90’s.
(Russell, 2000, p. 198).
As part of the broader theme of seeing an anti-gay action as a small

part of a larger picture, individuals who take the movement perspec-
tive may articulate beliefs about these actions as being helpful for the
community’s understanding of homophobia and its implications. Tak-
ing a movement perspective may help to alleviate the powerlessness
and isolation caused by anti-gay actions. By focusing more on one’s
self-efficacy and actions, LGB individuals may be able to diffuse the
negative consequences associated with anti-gay efforts aimed at them
(Russell, 2003). In addition, the ability to have your voice heard and
understood by others (successful witnessing) can serve as another form
of resilience. The social support offered in these situations can help
individuals to reduce feelings of powerlessness and isolation that could
result from anti-gay actions.
While Russell’s research found that anti-gay actions (campaigns and
legislation) could lead to an increase in internalized homonegativity for
some individuals, she also found the opposite. For some individuals,
anti-gay actions serve as a forum in which they can investigate and
confront their own internalization of negative beliefs about the LGB
community and its members (Russell, 2003). Some participants in Rus-
sell’s study reported that the anti-gay campaign and amendment
allowed them to examine their own beliefs about their community and
themselves. This experience may have allowed them to dispel some in-
ternal shame surrounding their identities. The act of coming out as a
result of these anti-gay efforts may be evidence of such a shedding of
internalized negative beliefs (Russell, 2003).
Another interesting finding from Russell’s research was that while
certain negative emotions such as anger could be stressful to partici-
pants, they could also be evidence of resilience when expressed in a
useful way. It is possible that if lesbians can harness anger, sadness,
and negative affect in a way that promotes action, these emotions can
help them to become more resilient and relieve stress associated with
anti-gay actions. In addition to this, interaction with the LGB commu-

nity may also serve as a way to battle the stress of anti-gay actions.
The community can be both a source of information about being LGB
and a forum for activism, both of which may help buffer stress (Herek &
Garnets, 2007; Russell, 2003). Participation in the community may fos-
ter a collective identity because it expands an individual’s resources to
the level of the entire group (Herek & Garnets, 2007). As a part of this
community, individuals have a new set of norms with which to com-
pare themselves against, norms which are more accepting of their sex-
uality or sexual identity than those of the mainstream, heterosexual
community (Meyer, 2003). Through the lesbian community, lesbians
can engage in fruitful social comparison outside of mainstream hetero-
sexual norms, which can lead to the amelioration of the stress that feel-
ing shunned or outcast by the mainstream community can create
(Meyer, 2003).
While there may be many obstacles for lesbians and women who
engage in same-sex sexual practices around the world, human beings
are also a very adaptive species and may sometimes be able to combat
these negative influences with the use of coping strategies. The forma-
tion of communities of like-minded women and individual-level coping
strategies may be powerful sources of strength and resilience in the
face of great disparity for women engaging in same-sex sexual prac-
tices and identities throughout the world.
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Chapter 10
Special Issues for Women

with Disabilities
Martha E. Banks
OVERVIEW OF AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

GUIDELINES REGARDING CULTURAL COMPETENCE
Development of culturally relevant rehabilitation psychology can be
aided by application of the American Psychological Association’s Guide-
lines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organiza-
tional Change for Psychologists (American Psychological Association
[APA], 2003). Guideline #1 indicates, ‘‘Psychologists are encouraged to
recognize that, as cultural beings, they may hold attitudes and beliefs
that can detrimentally influence their perceptions of and interactions
with individuals who are ethnically and racially different from them-
selves’’ (p. 382). This involves ‘‘Psychologists are encouraged to learn
how cultures differ in basic premises that shape worldview’’ (p. 382).
Psychologists are encouraged to be aware of their attitudes and work to
increase their contact with members of other racial/ethnic groups, build-
ing trust in others and increasing their tolerance for others.
The second guideline ‘‘Psychologists are encouraged to recognize the
importance of multicultural sensitivity or responsiveness, knowledge,
and understanding about ethnically and racially different individuals’’
(p. 385). As a way to implement this guideline, ‘‘[p]sychologists are also
encouraged to understand the stigmatizing aspects of being a member of
a culturally devalued ‘other group’ ’’ (p. 385). This involves more than
awareness of overt experiences of prejudice and discrimination. Individ-
ual rehabilitation psychologists developing cultural competence have
increased awareness of the negative value of their own group in the
cultural hierarchy, an understanding of stereotype threat as it impacts on

a person’s functioning in assessment or during treatment, and recognition
of the uncertainty of the attribution of the stigmatizing comments and
outcomes. ‘‘Understanding a client’s or student’s or research participant’s
worldview, including the effect of being in a stigmatized group, helps to
understand his/her perspectives and behaviors’’ (p. 385). For clients with
disabilities, it is important for the rehabilitation psychologist to consider
cultural factors in symptom presentation, meaning of disability, motiva-
tion and willingness to seek treatment, social support networks, persever-
ance in treatment, differences in perspectives and experiences of people
with lifelong and recently acquired visible and invisible disabilities, and
acknowledgment of women of all ethnicities and People of Color with
disabilities as members of multiple stigmatized groups.
Guideline #4 addresses research: ‘‘Culturally sensitive psychological
researchers are encouraged to recognize the importance of conducting
culture-centered and ethical psychological research among persons from
ethnic, linguistic, and racial minority backgrounds. Major demographic
shifts in the United States . . . are underway’’ (p. 388). As a result, it will
be necessary to expand to include the issues facing aging baby boomers,
new immigrants, younger individuals of Latino heritage, and biracial
people; Women with Disabilities are members of all of those groups.
‘‘[W]hen research does not adequately incorporate culture as a central
and specific contextual variable, behavior is misidentified, pathologized,
and, in some cases, psychologists are at risk of perpetuating harm’’
(p. 388). ‘‘Thus, psychological researchers are encouraged to be
grounded in the empirical and conceptual literature on the ways that
culture influences the variables under investigation, as well as psycho-
logical and social science research traditions and skills’’ (p. 389). There-
fore, cultural considerations should be incorporated into research
generation and design, assessment, analysis, and interpretation.
Multicultural research considerations are similar to the Participatory
Action Model endorsed by APA and the National Institute on Disabil-
ity and Rehabilitation Research: ‘‘Culture-centered psychological
researchers are encouraged to report on the sample group’s cultural,
ethnic, gender, and racial characteristics and to report on the cultural
limitations and generalizability of the research results as well’’ (p. 389).
It is also recommended that researchers design the study to be of benefit

to participants and to include participants in the interpretation of results.
They are encouraged to find ways for the results to be of benefit to the
community and to represent the participants’ perspectives accurately and
authentically. (p. 390)
Guideline #5 concerns the importance of culturally relevant approaches

to treatment: ‘‘Psychologists strive to apply culturally-appropriate skills in
Special Issues for Women with Disabilities 151
clinical and other applied psychological practices’’. . . . (p. 390). It is not

necessary to develop an entirely new repertoire of psychological skills to
practice in a culture-centered manner. Rather, it is helpful for psycholo-
gists to realize that there will likely be situations where culture-centered
adaptations in interventions and practices will be more effective (p. 390).
Treatment best occurs when accurate assessment has been made. A
client’s symptoms must be evaluated within his or her cultural context,
using culturally appropriate assessment tools (Ackerman & Banks,
2002). Rehabilitation psychologists use a broad repertoire of interven-
tions to provide culturally relevant treatment (Ackerman & Banks,
2003; Corbett, 2003; DiCowden, 2003; Mukherjee, Reis, & Heller, 2003;
Nabors & Pettee, 2003).
WOMEN WITH DISABILITIES AS A CULTURAL GROUP

Banks and Kaschak (2003) recognized a broad range of disabilities
experienced by women. They classified them as ‘‘ ‘Men’s’ Illness Over-
looked in Women and ‘Women’s’ Illness Misdiagnosed or Dismissed’’
and ‘‘Dormant and Part-Time Disabilities.’’ These included traumatic
brain injury; chronic health problems (e.g., diabetes, cardiac disease,
chronic fatigue syndrome, HIV/AIDS) (Beatty, 2003; Feist-Price &
Wright, 2003), pain (Kendall-Tackett, Marshall & Ness, 2003), psychiat-
ric disorders, learning disabilities (Hoffschmidt & Weinstein, 2003); sit-
uational disabilities, such as migraines, motion sickness, morning
sickness in pregnancy, social anxiety, and gastric distress during men-
ses; limited vision, deafness, and limited mobility. Women’s disabilities
occur within a variety of life circumstances, some of which involve the
social construction of disability and its impact on identity. Women with
Disabilities struggle with lack of accommodation in education and
employment in ways that are often different from men (Vande Kemp,
Chen, Erickson, & Friesen, 2003). In addition, Women with Disabilities
are confronted with a variety of sexuality issues (Crawford & Ostrove,
2003; Dotson, Stinson, & Christian, 2003; Mona, 2003). All Women with
Disabilities deal with intersections of gender, disability, ethnicity, and
social class. Women with Disabilities face multiple stigma and discrimi-
nation based on age (youth, old age), ethnicity, weight status (obesity,
underweight), and disbelief when they experience invisible disabilities.
The nondominant status of Women with Disabilities impacts negatively
on education, employment, and reproduction.
Labeling is an issue for Women with Disabilities as it influences per-
sonal identity. For some women, there is pride in being identified with
a group of people with whom they have challenges in common. For
other women, the idea of having a disability suggests an undesired
vulnerability (Feldman & Tegart, 2003). Public images of Women with
Disabilities are quite limited. Most training materials for psychologists
do not include images of Women with Disabilities. At the other end of

the spectrum, there is a subset of pornography that specifically exploits
Women with Disabilities (Elman, 1997; Fiduccia, 1999; see also Farley,
2003).
A SPECIFIC REHABILITATION ISSUE: SAFETY

CONCERNS FOR WOMEN WITH DISABILITIES
Women with Disabilities are at higher risk for physical abuse and
psychological abuse than women without disabilities. The risk is fur-
ther increased if the women need to rely on others for assistance. While
there has been some consideration given to violence perpetrated by
individuals, including family members and health professionals, there are
also social systemic risk factors.
Some of the high risk factors for Women with Disabilities include fi-
nancial and other dependence, inadequate support for personal assis-
tants, and dangers endemic to treatment settings. While many people
consider treatment settings as safe havens for People with Disabilities,
in some instances they represent risk for Women with Disabilities, due
to mistreatment at hands of others, including other clients and treat-
ment professionals (McCarthy, 1998). Such revictimization is, of course,
unethical. Disch (2006) described the long-lasting negative effects that
sexual abuse by professionals can have on women.
There are many types of abuse experienced by Women with Disabil-
ities. While all women are at risk for violence, there are specific types of
violence that are related to disability (Banks, 2007). These include disability-
related emotional abuse, disability-related physical abuse, disability-related
sexual abuse, abuse related to disability-related settings, abuse related to
helping relationships, and disability-related financial abuse.
Disability-related emotional abuse can involve actual or threatened
abandonment (Nosek, Foley, Hughes, & Howland, 2001) and isolation
(Crawford & Ostrove, 2003). Intolerance and rejection (Nosek, Foley et
al., 2001), refusal to acknowledge disability (Corbett, 2003), family priori-
tization of men’s disabilities over women’s disabilities (Nabors & Pettee,
2003), unrealistic demands on Women with Disabilities to carry out pre-
scribed family roles (Nabors & Pettee, 2003), and family members’ re-
fusal to develop skills to communicate with a Woman with a Disability
(Corbett, 2003) are further examples of disability-related emotional
abuse. Transportation limitations (Marshall, Sanderson, Johnson, Du
Bois, & Kvedar, 2006), such as lack of, inconsistent, limited availability
of, or need for advanced appointments for specialized transportation
services, represent a systemic safety issue, as Women with Disabilities
are confronted with limited ability to leave abusive situations.
Disability-related physical abuse can take several forms. In addition
to the beating often associated with violence against women, Women
with Disabilities are subjected to withholding of or other prevention

of the use of orthotic or other assistive devices or medication (Beck-
Massey, 1999; Curry, Hassouneh-Phillips, & Johnston-Silverberg, 2001;
Nosek, Foley et al., 2001; Saxton, Curry, Powers, Maley, Eckels, &
Gross, 2001), adult children’s allowing access of known abusive rela-
tives to Women with Disabilities, and family refusal to allow access to
personal assistants (Bergeron, 2005).
Perhaps the most common type of disability-related sexual abuse is
spousal rape (Nosek, Foley, et al., 2001). People providing assistance
sometimes use the threat of physical violence to coerce sexual activity
(McCarthy, 1998); this can happen in the home as well as in treatment
settings. Blurring the line between appropriate touching as an essential
part of the job of providers and inappropriate touching makes assess-
ment of sexual abuse difficult at times; this can happen during bathing
or dressing (Saxton et al., 2001). Nosek, Foley, and colleagues docu-
mented fondling or forcing sexual activity in return for accepting help
as sexual abuse of Women with Disabilities. Mona (2003) noted that, in
personal assistance for sexual expression, there might be confusion
between helping an individual with sexual activity and participating in
sexual activity.
Of particular concern to rehabilitation psychologists is abuse related to
disability-related settings, because the chances of implementing institu-
tion-wide change are good. Many inpatient institutions have, for conven-
ience, desegregated units that were gender-segregated in the past. The
desegregation has, in some instances, created a particular risk for Women
with Disabilities when they are not adequately protected from males in
inpatient settings; for example, when abuse is discounted or excused as
‘‘symptom’’ of males’ disabilities (Banks, 2007; McCarthy, 1998). ‘‘In insti-
tutions men routinely pay for, and women routinely accept payment for,
sex . . . Sex is seen as a commodity that can be exchanged and it is a one-
way exchange, i.e. the men pay the women, not the other way around’’
(McCarthy, 1998, p. 547). Sexual abuse by staff members occurs under the
guise of provision of healthcare (Nosek, Foley, et al., 2001).
In the treatment setting, additional forms of abuse occur. In some
facilities, there is an overuse of seclusion, restraint, and rapid tranquili-
zation (Sequeira & Halstead, 2001). Therapy can be rendered harmful
or ineffective by therapists’ discounting of impact of disability (Farley,
2003; Williams & Upadhyay, 2003). Therapists’ misattribution of psy-
chological presenting complaints to physical disability can result in cli-
ents’ receiving the wrong or no treatment (Mukherjee, Reis, & Heller,
2003). In many training facilities, Women with Disabilities experience
exposure of their nude body to others (e.g., health care students) with-
out permission (Mona, Cameron, & Crawford, 2005).
There is disability-related abuse related to helping relationships.
With personal assistance, there is a power imbalance between the
provider and the recipient. It is important to consider who provides

personal assistance and who monitors it. Most personal assistance is
provided in private, resulting in little protection in the event of vio-
lence or other abuse. If a Woman with a Disability needs personal as-
sistance, she is unlikely to be strong enough to defend herself (Banks,
2007). Nearly two-thirds of the People with Disabilities who need per-
sonal assistance are women (Kennedy & LaPlante, 1997, as cited by
Mona, 2003). Coble (2001) observed that many People with Disabilities
who need personal assistance are inexperienced in the selection of
effective or trustworthy personal assistants; she provided detailed rec-
ommendations to assist in interviewing and evaluation of potential
candidates (see also Saxton et al., 2001).
Some types of abuse related to helping relationships include rough
handling (Mona et al., 2005); not responding or delaying response
(Mona et al., 2005); lack of understanding by police and other helping
professionals of the nature of personal assistance relationships, due to
societal assumptions that Women with Disabilities are incompetent
(Chang et al., 2003; Gilson, DePoy, & Cramer, 2001; Mona et al., 2005;
Nosek, Howland, & Hughes, 2001; Saxton et al., 2001); infantilization
(Nosek, Foley, et al., 2001; Saxton et al., 2001); and inappropriately
attempting to transform a business relationship into a personal friend-
ship (Saxton et al., 2001).
Saxton and colleagues (2001) described disability-related financial
abuse that can involve ‘‘[T]heft of jewelry, money, and personal
belongings; forgery; purchase of personal items when shopping with
the participant’s money; and withdrawal of extra money during ATM
transactions performed for the woman. A unique form of financial
abuse commonly reported was assistants showing up late or not work-
ing their full time, but still receiving full compensation’’ (p. 405). Ber-
geron (2005) discussed abuse of durable power of attorney. Corbett’s
(2003) examination of Women with Color with Disabilities included an
examination of family refusal to consider financial limitations of
Women with Disabilities (Banks & Ackerman, 2006); families expected
equal financial contribution for care of other family members and large
contributions to family reunions.
SUMMARY
Rehabilitation Psychologists Treating Abused
Women with Disabilities
Rehabilitation psychologists have a responsibility to determine
whether a Woman with Disabilities is in danger of being abused and
should explore the nature and extent of any discovered or suspected
abuse. Abuse is an ongoing problem for Women with Disabilities as

noted by Banks (2007):
Women with Disabilities, on average, endure domestic violence for lon-

ger periods than women without disabilities (Coker, Smith, & Fadden,
2005; Curry et al., 2001; Li, Ford & Moore, 2000) and are at high risk for
being abused by multiple perpetrators (Hassouneh-Phillips & Curry,
2002).
Family members, particularly intimate partners, are more apt than

strangers to inflict violence that causes disabilities. In some cases it is
not clear which came first: the abuse or the disability. There is a cycle
of abuse and disability, in which it is possible for abuse to result in dis-
ability (Plichta, 2004) and for a disability to be exacerbated by abuse
(Banks, 2007; Campbell & Kendall-Tackett, 2005; Curry et al., 2001;
Zlotnick, Johnson & Kohn, 2006).
Abuse can lead to early death; unchecked intimate partner violence
has been shown to end with the death of the victim (Thompson, Saltz-
man, & Johnson, 2003). As a result, there is a critical need for rehabili-
tation psychologists to pay simultaneous attention to multiple issues.
While disability is clearly a focus, it is important to determine disabil-
ity before and after abuse.
Treatment must address safety. Safety planning is complicated for
Women with Disabilities, in part due to lack of accessible services
(Zweig, Schlichter, & Burt, 2002). As noted earlier, some inpatient set-
tings represent particular danger for Women with Disabilities. Inde-
pendent living is an option for some women, but vulnerability must be
considered (Hendey & Pascall, 1998). Leaving abusive relationships is
often difficult in situations in which the Woman with Disability is de-
pendent upon an abuser (Olkin, 2003; Saxton et al., 2001). The risk of
intimate partner violence escalates at the point of separation; leaving is
extremely dangerous for abused women (Heise, Ellsberg, & Gottemoel-
ler, 1999; Kyriacou et al., 1999). Women are most likely to be murdered
when attempting to report abuse or to leave abusive relationships
(Wuest & Merritt-Gray, 1999). Campbell and Soeken (1999) observed
‘‘women with dangerous batterers may stay with them out of fear’’
(p. 35). Brice-Baker (1994) described cultural issues which trap immi-
grant women into staying in violent relationships—fear of deportation,
cultural belief systems about why abuse occurs, economic limitations,
and language barriers. In addition, Fleury, Sullivan, Bybee, and David-
son (1998) noted that victims prevented from calling police or who had
no telephone available, suffered more physical injuries than victims
who had access to help. It is important that professionals not fall prey
to myths that victims are unlikely to leave abusive relationships, that
victims are passive and self-defeating, and that physical violence is
more devastating that psychological violence (Gortner, Berns, Jacobson,

& Gottman, 1997).
Rehabilitation psychologists have developed a broad range of interven-
tions and are well prepared to work as members of interdisciplinary
teams to address the complexities of issues faced by Women with Disabil-
ities. The field of rehabilitation psychology has moved from the tradi-
tional model through the medical model and social model to the
integrative model (Seelman, 2004). Incorporating social situations of
Women with Disabilities into the integrative model is the next logical step
toward building truly culturally competent rehabilitation psychology.
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Chapter 11
Body Dissatisfaction and Disordered

Eating: The Globalization of Western
Appearance Ideals
Jaehee Jung
Gordon B. Forbes
In every known human society, women decorate and modify their

bodies to make them more attractive. Although beauty standards show
enormous variability across time and culture, one constant feature of
human beings has been their willingness to bear great financial
expense and endure painful and dangerous procedures in the pursuit
of these standards. One of the reasons these efforts have persisted is
the strong relationship between women’s feelings about their bodies
and their physical and mental health (Grogan, 2008).
A large research literature indicates that dissatisfaction with the
appearance of one’s body is associated with depression, social anxiety,
sexual dysfunctions, psychosomatic illnesses, and a host of other feel-
ings and experiences that devastate women’s self-esteem and diminish
their quality of life (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Grogan, 2008). The
most extreme manifestations of dissatisfaction with appearance are life-
threatening eating disorders.
This chapter will summarize what is known about cultural differen-
ces in body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. Both body dissatisfac-
tion and eating disorders are complex phenomena with multiple and
sometimes conflicting definitions and determinants. Body dissatisfac-
tion occurs when a woman has a negative or unfavorable body image.
The term body image refers to how a woman perceives and evaluates
her body. Body image includes perceptions of the appearance of her

physical body (i.e., short, tall, fat, thin, athletic); self-evaluations and
emotional reactions to her body (i.e., attractive, ugly, sexy, disgusting);
perceptions of how others perceive, evaluate, and respond to her body
(i.e., people think I am good looking, people think I am fat); and per-
ceptions of her body’s functioning (e.g., athletic, healthy, weak). Eating
disorders are conditions in which people’s diet and eating behaviors
impair their quality of life and/or pose significant risks to their physi-
cal or mental health. We will focus on conditions associated with medi-
cally unnecessary and potentially harmful practices intended to alter
the body through restricted caloric intake. The most severe form of eat-
ing disorder is anorexia nervosa. The salient feature of anorexia nerv-
osa is a potentially life-threatening, self-induced starvation. Along with
the starvation comes important physiological changes (including neuro-
hormonal changes leading to the cessation of menstruation), the terror
of becoming fat, and the false perception that the sufferer’s under-
weight body is fat.
Another form of eating disorder is bulimia, also called bulimia nerv-
osa. This refers to self-induced vomiting for purposes of weight con-
trol. The vomiting typically occurs following a period of actual or
perceived excessive food consumption (binging). Bulimia usually
occurs in people of average to above average weight. It may also occur
in individuals suffering from anorexia nervosa and/or be accompanied
by the abuse of laxatives or stimulant drugs.1
Estimates of the prevalence of eating disorders among English-
speaking Western societies show substantial variation depending on
how disordered eating is defined and measured and on how the data
are collected. The best available recent information indicates that dur-
ing their lifetime about 1 percent of American women will develop an-
orexia nervosa, and an additional 1.5 percent will develop bulimia
(Hudson, Hiripi, Pope, & Kessler, 2007). Less information is available
on the Western countries of continental Europe, but research in the last
decade suggests that body dissatisfaction and eating disorders in conti-
nental European countries are roughly comparable to the levels found
in English-speaking countries (Makino, Tsuboi, & Dennerstein, 2004;
Miller & Pumariega, 2001; Swami et al., 2009; Wardle, Haase, & Step-
toe, 2006). Although there are certainly differences within and between
these countries, we will usually follow the common practice of discus-
sing them as the single class of Western.
BODY DISSATISFACTION IS FAR MORE THAN

EATING DISORDERS
It is important to recognize that studies of women with eating disor-
ders involve only women whose symptoms are so severe and
Body Dissatisfaction and Disordered Eating 163
debilitating that they are diagnosed as suffering from a mental illness.

For every woman with a diagnosed eating disorder, there are literally
dozens of women with some, but not all, of the symptoms associated
with these disorders. For example, as high as one-third of college-aged
women (the demographic group with one of the highest rates of eating
disorders) have at least one of the symptoms associated with eating
disorders (Prah, 2006). However, even this figure fails to reflect the
magnitude of body dissatisfaction or how it impacts the daily lives of
ordinary women. This is because women who do not have symptoms
associated with clinical eating disorders may still experience substantial
dissatisfaction with their bodies.
Surveys indicate that approximately 50 to 70 percent of American
women are dissatisfied with one or more aspects of their bodies, partic-
ularly their weight (Cash & Henry, 1995; Frederick, Peplau, & Lever,
2006; Garner, 1997). Importantly, these high levels of weight and body
dissatisfaction are found in women of all ages, show only a modest
decline over their lifespan, and are found in most Western samples
(Cash, 2002; Forbes et al., 2005; Tiggemann, 2004).
The consequences of body and weight dissatisfaction include a pat-
tern of constantly ‘‘watching one’s weight’’ (which may be present as
early as 7 years of age, e.g., Dohnt & Tiggemann, 2006), calorie count-
ing, self-consciousness about eating in public, shame and guilt over
actual or perceived appearance flaws, and a woman’s ever-present anx-
ious concern with appearance and other’s perceptions of her body. The
cumulative effect of these experiences is lower self-confidence, lower
self-esteem, and a reduced quality of life. These consequences are expe-
rienced by many, arguably most, Western women of all ages (Bordo,
1993; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore,
1984). In fact, body dissatisfaction is so common among Western
women that it was labeled as a ‘‘normative discontent’’ a quarter of a
century ago (Rodin et al., 1984).
Body dissatisfaction among ordinary Western women has increased
sharply over the last 30 to 40 years (Cash & Henry, 1995; Garner,
1997). Similarly, body dissatisfaction and disordered eating have begun
to appear in areas of the world where they were once very rare.
Although understanding the nature and extent of body dissatisfaction
is a crucial step in reducing and treating life-threatening eating disor-
ders, it is also important to recognize that it has the potential to
improve the quality of life for many millions of ordinary women
around the world (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). The rest of this chap-
ter will address this goal. The first section will examine the history of
body dissatisfaction and the contribution of feminist theory to the
understanding of cultural differences in body dissatisfaction and disor-
dered eating. The second will review the research on cultural similar-
ities and differences in eating disorders and body dissatisfaction. This
section will also identify major gaps in our knowledge and suggest
how feminist theory may guide future research.
HISTORY OF EATING DISORDERS AND BODY IMAGE

Life-threatening food refusal among Western women has been
described for several hundred years. Before the nineteenth century,
published descriptions of food refusal usually occurred in a religious
context (e.g., Bynum, 1987). Although it was described as a psychiatric
syndrome in the 1870s, it was considered extremely rare for much of
the following century. In his clinical training in the 1960s the second
author can recall a supervisor commenting that he had seen only two
cases of anorexia nervosa in over 30 years of clinical practice. Similar
experiences have been reported by many mental health practitioners
trained before the mid-1970s (e.g., Gordon, 2000).
Public and professional interest in anorexia nervosa increased
greatly in the late 1970s and 1980s. In 1983, the tragic death of the
gifted popular singer Karen Carpenter focused both media and profes-
sional attention on anorexia nervosa and the previously almost
unknown disorder of bulimia. In the early 1990s, Princess Diana’s pub-
lic acknowledgment of her long struggle with bulimia focused public
attention on a disorder that by then approached epidemic proportions
among young women in the United States and United Kingdom. By
the 1990s, it was generally recognized that dissatisfaction with the
appearance of one’s body was an ‘‘essential precursor’’ to eating disor-
ders (Polivy & Herman, 2002). (For a history of anorexia nervosa and
other eating disorders, see Brumberg, 1988.)
EATING DISORDERS AND BODY DISSATISFACTION

AS CULTURE-LIMITED PHENOMENA
For many years, body dissatisfaction, particularly weight dissatisfac-
tion, excessive dieting, and life-threatening eating disorders, were thought
to be culture- and social class-limited phenomena that occurred primarily
or exclusively among affluent white women in English-speaking Western
countries (Nasser, 1997; Prince, 1983). Two seemingly compelling sources
supported this view.
First, over a century of reports by mental health practitioners, and
more recent reports by researchers, indicated that eating disorders are
much more common among upper class white women than women
from lower classes or ethnic minorities (Brumberg, 1988).2
Second, a large anthropological literature demonstrated that the ma-
jority of human societies associated slender women’s bodies with illness,
poverty, and diminished fecundity (Brown & Konner, 1987; Cassidy,
1991). Conversely, almost 80 percent of societies associate moderate to
high levels of body fat in women with health, physical attractiveness,

social status, and fertility (Brown, 1991). The ‘‘fattening huts’’ of some
African cultures, where girls are force-fed large quantities of food to
make them gain weight and become more appealing brides, are well
known (Brown & Konner, 1987; Swami & Furnham, 2008).3
By the early 1980s, mental health practitioners and researchers from
non-Western countries were beginning to report cases of anorexia nerv-
osa in societies where it was previously unknown or extremely rare.
By the late 1990s, it was clear that even if the culture-limited percep-
tion of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating was once true, this
was no longer the case. To the contrary, these disorders were now
found in many developed and developing societies, and their preva-
lence in non-Western societies was increasing (Gordon, 2000; Nasser,
1997; Nasser, Katzman, & Gordon, 2001).
THE GROWTH AND SPREAD OF BODY DISSATISFACTION

The spread of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating is often
attributed to what Lee (2004) characterized as the ‘‘. . . toxin of Western-
ization’’ (p. 617). However, Westernization, or perhaps more appropriately
modernization (e.g., Kagitcibasi, 2005), is a complex and multidimensional
phenomenon. It encompasses economic and political structures; fashion
and popular culture; social roles and expectations of others; and a host of
other values, expectations, and worldviews. All, some, or none of these
may be related to body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. In addition, it
is possible that different aspects of modernization are related to body dis-
satisfaction in different cultures (e.g., Sheffield, Tse, & Sofronoff, 2005). As
a consequence, attributing the spread of body dissatisfaction to the non-
specific influence of modernization or Westernization does little to further
our understanding of the phenomenon.
MODERNIZATION AND WESTERN MEDIA

Although it is likely that many aspects of modernization influence
body perceptions, the most extensively studied, and certainly the most
vilified, aspect of modernization is Western media. Most research has
focused on media’s ubiquitous portrayals of extremely thin female
bodies, its emphasis on diet and weight control, and the always
implicit, and frequently explicit, message that with sufficient effort all
women can and should look this way (Holmstrom, 2004; Thompson,
Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). For convenience, this is often
labeled the ‘‘thin body ideal.’’ Critics of Western media, particularly
Western television, can draw on a large body of feminist criticism and
empirical research showing the pernicious effect of the thin body ideal
on the body image of women in both the developed and the
developing world (e.g., Bordo, 1993; Jeffreys, 2005; Wolf, 1991). For
recent reviews of television’s role in body dissatisfaction and disor-
dered eating, see Gilbert, Keery, and Thompson (2005); Ward and Har-
rison (2005); and Cafri, Yamamiya, Brannick, and Thompson (2005).
The work of Becker, Burwell, Herzog, Hamburg, and Gilman (2002)
is a particularly dramatic example of the influence of Western televi-
sion in the developing world. In their frequently cited study, Becker
and her associates found that the introduction of Western television to
the traditional culture of Fiji was quickly followed by increased body
dissatisfaction, dieting, and behaviors associated with disordered eat-
ing (e.g., self-induced vomiting) among young women.
Although most research and theoretical discussions emphasize the
role of television and, to a lesser extent motion pictures, the print media,
particularly magazines, are also an important influence. Studies have
shown that exposure to thin models in popular women’s magazines con-
tributes to body dissatisfaction; decreases self-esteem and confidence;
and produces negative feelings of guilt, anxiety, shame, and depression
(Pinhas, Toner, Ali, Garfinkel, & Stuckless, 1999; Tiggemann & McGill,
2004). Similarly, exposure to thin models in magazines has been linked
to eating disorder symptomatology in both adolescent girls and adult
women (e.g., Harrison, 2000; Pinhas et al., 1999; Vaughan & Fouts, 2003).
In the last 10 years ‘‘pro-anorexia’’ Web sites and social networking sites
have appeared that encourage young women to pursue extremely thin
bodies through severe dieting, vomiting, and other extreme weight-loss
techniques (Morris, Boydell, Pinhas, & Katzman, 2006). Although schol-
arly research on the influence of these sites is still very limited, a recent
study found that exposure to these sites increased body dissatisfaction
among college women (Bardone-Cone & Cass, 2007).
THEORETICAL MODELS OF BODY DISSATISFACTION

The two most common theoretical approaches to the understanding
of body dissatisfaction are sociocultural theory and feminist theory.
The influence of Western media plays a crucial role in both theoretical
models.
Sociocultural Theory
This theory seeks to understand body dissatisfaction as a conse-
quence of social and cultural variables (Thompson et al., 1999). Most
of the research based on sociocultural theory has focused on the role
of the thin body ideal and the unrelenting pressure from media,
peers, and parents to attain it. Although it is clear that Western media
is a major vector in transmitting the thin body ideal to non-Western
culture, it is also clear that many other factors are involved (e.g.,
Anderson-Fye, 2003, 2004; Anderson-Fye & Becker, 2004). Feminist
theory suggests that rapid social change may be one of the important
additional factors.
Feminist Theory
This theory, which may be viewed as an expanded form of sociocul-
tural theory, also recognizes the important role of the unrealistic body
ideals portrayed in the media. However, feminist theory goes an
important step further: it emphasizes and describes the social and
political purposes served by these body ideals. According to theorists
such as Bordo (1993), Dworkin (1974), and Faludi (1991), the purpose
of unrealistic appearance standards is to perpetuate gender inequality.
This goal is pursued through two mechanisms. First, attention is
diverted from women’s competencies and accomplishments; instead it
is focused on superficial aspects of their appearance. Second, women’s
emotional and financial resources are diminished and their self-
confidence is undermined by expensive, exhausting, and usually futile
attempts to conform to unrealistic appearance standards. For a review
of these theories, see Jeffreys (2005). Wolf (1991), in describing beauty
standards as a backlash against American women’s strivings for gender
equality, captured a central feminist argument when she stated, ‘‘The
more legal and material hindrances women have broken through, the
more strictly and heavily and cruelly images of female beauty have
come to weigh upon us’’ (p. 10).
Both sociocultural theory and feminist theory would predict that the
more a society is exposed to Western media and Western appearance
standards, the greater the level of body dissatisfaction and disordered
eating within that society. However, feminist theory goes a step further
and suggests that increases in body dissatisfaction and disordered eating
should be largest in societies in which women have made the greatest
and most rapid strides toward social, economic, and political equality.
SOCIAL CHANGE AND BODY IMAGE

Consistent with feminist theory, rapid social change, particularly
rapidly changing roles of women, has been identified as an important
factor in increasingly unrealistic appearance standards and increased
body dissatisfaction in Western societies (Nasser et al., 2001). This rela-
tionship has been reported by clinicians treating young women with
eating disorders (e.g., Bruch, 1980) and has been widely recognized by
theorists (e.g., Travis, Meginnis, & Bardari, 2000). Consistent with these
observations, Silverstein and Perlick (1995) reported that the two
decades in the twentieth century with the greatest change in Western
women’s roles, the 1920s and 1970s, were also the decades in which
Western fashion models were the most slender and least curvaceous.
Indeed, as the social and gender role changes associated with first and
second wave feminism spread through much of Western society, the

bodies of appearance icons such as Miss America and Playboy center-
folds became increasingly more slender and increasingly discrepant
from the body of the average woman that was becoming progressively
heavier (Spitzer, Henderson, & Zivian, 1999; Sypeck, Gray, & Ahrens,
2004). It seems likely that this growing discrepancy between appear-
ance ideals and the bodies of average women is a significant contribu-
tor in the increases in body dissatisfaction and disordered eating
(Spitzer et al., 1999). Just as social change has also been identified as an
important factor in body dissatisfaction and disordered eating in West-
ern societies, it has also been identified as an important factor in non-
Western societies (e.g., Catina & Joja, 2001; Gordon, 2000; Lee & Lee,
2000; Nasser, 1997, Tsai, 2000).
According to feminist theory, societies with strong patriarchal tradi-
tions, rigid gender roles, and very rapid social change, including rapidly
expanding opportunities for women, would be particularly likely to
embrace unrealistic appearance standards and have relatively high levels
of body dissatisfaction. As we will see in the next section, reports from
rapidly developing countries in East Asia, such as China (Jung & Forbes,
2007; Lee & Lee, 2000; Li, Hu, Ma, Wu, & Ma, 2005) and Korea (Kim &
Kim, 2003; Kim & Yoon, 2000; Ryu, Lyle, & McCabe, 2003), as well as
the rapidly developing former socialistic countries of Eastern Europe
(Catina & Joja, 2001; Forbes, Doroszewicz, Card, & Adams-Curtis, 2004),
are consistent with this expectation.
CROSS-CULTURAL RESEARCH ON BODY IMAGE

There has been very little systematic research on cross-cultural dif-
ferences in body dissatisfaction and disordered eating. Unfortunately,
even under the best of circumstances, cross-cultural comparisons are
very difficult.4 In the case of research on body dissatisfaction and dis-
ordered eating, four problems are particularly serious. First, much of
the available literature, particularly from traditional cultures and devel-
oping countries, is based on a single sample from a single culture. That
is, these studies do not include specific comparison samples from other
cultures. To place information from these studies into a cross-cultural
context, their results must be compared with the results of studies
employing samples from other cultures. Unfortunately, this practice is
fraught with almost insurmountable difficulties. Among other things,
large differences in how the samples are selected and crucial concepts
are measured often makes it impossible to draw conclusions about pos-
sible cultural differences.
Second, nearly all available studies have employed convenience
samples. As the term implies, these samples consist of whatever
participants are readily available to the researcher. In the case of clini-

cal reports, these samples almost always consist of patients with identi-
fied eating disorders. Because only a small minority of women with
eating disorders seek professional services, particularly in cultures
where these services are limited and highly stigmatized, women in
these samples are usually from the highest socioeconomic stratum and
have very severe symptoms. Results from such samples are not repre-
sentative of most women in their culture. In the case of research
reports, most studies have been done with college women. Similarly,
these samples are not representative of most women in their society.
Third, studies almost always depend on the use of Western measures
that must be translated into the local language. The use of translated
measures is always problematic (Forbes, in press). Even when translations
are carefully done, it is often difficult to determine whether the concepts
measured in the translation are the same as the concepts measured in
their native culture and language (Brislin, 1986). In addition, when spe-
cific diagnostic instruments or criteria are employed researchers make the
assumption, usually implicitly, that the symptoms of a disorder are the
same in all cultures. However, the specific symptoms associated with eat-
ing disorders may vary across cultures (Lee, Chiu & Chen, 1989; Lee et
al., 1993). Similarly, because both physical features and appearance stand-
ards vary across ethnic and cultural groups, the specific features associ-
ated with body dissatisfaction may show cultural or ethnic differences as
well (e.g., Jung & Lee, 2006; Kaw, 1993; Root, 1990).
Fourth, studies have often defined and measured eating dis-
orders and body dissatisfaction in many different ways. Often rela-
tionships among these measures are unknown. As a consequence,
differences among cultures must often be determined using differ-
ent definitions and different measurement techniques. In the case of
eating disorders these problems are lessened by the existence of stand-
ard diagnostic criteria and several widely used measures. However,
the problem is much more serious in the area of body dissatisfaction
because there are no standard criteria and very little consistency in mea-
surement. In recent years, there have been some notable efforts to study
reasonably large numbers of countries using the same measures (e.g.,
Etcoff, Orbach, Scott, & D’Agostino, 2004, 2006; Ojala et al., 2007; Wardle
et al., 2006). The 26-country, 40-sample study of preferred body type and
body dissatisfaction by Swami et al. (2009) is particularly important.
AN OVERVIEW OF CULTURAL DIFFERENCES

There is a substantial and growing body of research on ethnic differ-
ences within English-speaking countries. For reviews of these differen-
ces, see Smolak and Striegel-Moore (2001) or Wildes and Emery (2001).
These studies provide helpful information on ethnic differences within
a society, and it may be tempting to interpret these studies as if they

provided information on the participants’ culture of origin. However,
studies of immigrant samples, particularly if they represent post-
immigration generations, at best provide only incomplete and poten-
tially misleading information about the participants’ culture of origin.
Studies of ethnic differences within a specific culture are important,
but they are no substitute for cross-cultural studies (Forbes, in press).
The best source of information on cross-cultural differences would
come from carefully designed investigations with three important fea-
tures. First, they would employ multiple measures of body dissatisfaction
with established cross-cultural validity. Second, they would employ sam-
ples that are comparable in age, education, and socioeconomic class.
Third, the samples would be drawn from cultures that systematically
vary along dimensions that are theoretically linked to differences in body
dissatisfaction. For example, such an investigation might include samples
of college women from three or more countries that vary in their level of
exposure to Western media. Because there are formidable obstacles to
conducting such studies, our knowledge of cross-cultural differences is
based on studies that usually fall far short of these standards.
WESTERN CULTURES AS A BENCHMARK

Because the vast majority of the research on body dissatisfaction and
disordered eating has been done with white English-speaking samples,
these samples have become the de facto standard to which samples
from other cultures are compared. Although it can be argued that this
reflects Eurocentric ideas, perhaps even racist or colonialistic biases
(e.g., Kim, Yang, & Hwang, 2006; Sinha, 1996), there are several reasons
why it is useful to use the results from Western studies as a convenient
benchmark. First, far more is known about body dissatisfaction and
disordered eating in these samples. Comparison of new information
with the established body of information often enriches our under-
standing of both. Second, until very recently body dissatisfaction and
disordered eating appeared to be much more common in English-
speaking countries. As a consequence, these counties form a natural
endpoint on a dimension of severity. Third, the variables with the
strongest theoretical linkages to body dissatisfaction and disordered
eating (e.g., Western media, increases in gender equality) are greatest
in Western societies. This further supports their use as a natural end-
point on theoretically important dimensions.
BODY DISSATISFACTION AND DISORDERED EATING

AROUND THE WORLD
Until recent years, Western researchers have had little interest in body
dissatisfaction or eating disorders in non-Western societies. In addition,
research with these groups has been discouraged by a lack of resources

and language and geographic obstacles and limited by the number of
local mental health practitioners and researchers. Although a growing
number of cross-cultural studies are available, most have included very
limited samples of non-Western cultures, and very few have been done
in traditional cultures. In addition, most studies have included only
highly advantaged samples, most commonly college students. These
samples have been exposed to more Western influences, particularly
media, notions of gender equality, and other variables known to be asso-
ciated with body dissatisfaction and disordered eating. It is very impor-
tant to recognize that in developing and undeveloped countries,
particularly those who were once part of the Spanish or British empires,
there are often extremely large cultural and political differences between
the wealthy, who are often descendents of European colonialists, and
the very poor, who are often descendents of indigenous groups. As
Swami et al. (2009) demonstrated, differences attributable to socioeco-
nomic class and rural or urban dwelling within developing countries are
substantially larger than the differences found between countries. This
means that generalizing from highly advantaged samples, especially in
postcolonial countries, to all segments of a society is both hazardous and
unwarranted. However, studies of advantaged samples are important
because it is likely that the level of body dissatisfaction and disordered
eating found in these samples predicts what will be found in the general
population as a society modernizes.
Of necessity we will usually discuss countries in large geographic or
cultural groups. This means that we will make broad generalizations
that will unavoidably obscure both important differences between cul-
tures and ethnic and regional differences within cultures. Because there
is clear evidence that body dissatisfaction and disordered eating are
increasing around the world (e.g., Nasser et al., 2001), we will empha-
size the contributions of studies published after 1995.
EAST ASIAN COUNTRIES

The first clinical and research reports to question the common belief
that eating disorders were limited to affluent Western women came
from East Asian countries. These countries seemed like a most unlikely
source of such reports. This is because traditional East Asian beauty
standards include round faces and mildly plump bodies (Han, 2003),
and these countries have long associated slenderness with poverty,
poor health, and low fecundity (Lee, 1999). In addition, East Asians
tend to have smaller and more slender bodies than Western women.
As a consequence, it would be substantially easier for them to achieve
the very slender Western body ideal in the unlikely event that they
wished to pursue it (Lee, 1999).
Although there were earlier reports of anorexia nervosa and eating

disorders in Japanese samples (e.g., Lerner, Iwawaki, Chihara, & Sorell,
1980; Suematsu, Ishikawa, Kuboki, & Ito, 1985), the well-known work
by Sing Lee and his associates in Hong Kong (e.g., Lee, 1991, 1993,
1998, 1999; Lee, Ho, & Hsu, 1993) appears to have been the primary
impetus for Western researchers to reconsider the conventional wisdom
that these disorders were extremely rare in East Asia. Lee’s reports
from Hong Kong were followed by reports from other non-Western
nations indicating that both body dissatisfaction and disordered eating
were found not only in East Asia but also in many developed and
developing societies around the world. In addition, this research indi-
cated that both the frequency and severity of these disorders were
increasing in non-Western societies (for a review, see chapter 3 in
Gordon, 2000).
Although results showing relatively high incidences of body dissatis-
faction and disordered eating in East Asian samples are no longer rare
or unexpected, recently studies have appeared indicating that some
East Asian groups actually have greater body dissatisfaction than West-
ern comparison samples. Jung and Forbes (2006, 2007) found that
Korean and Chinese college women scored higher than U.S. college
women on ten measures of body dissatisfaction and two measures of
disorder eating. Jung, Forbes, and Lee (in press) found similar results
with five measures of body dissatisfaction and two measures of disor-
dered eating in samples of early adolescent girls in Korea and the
United States. In their important study of over 10,000 college women
from twenty-two countries, including the United States and 13 other
Western countries, Wardle et al. (2006) found that women from Korea,
although they had the lowest body mass index (BMI)5 of any group,
were the most likely to try to lose weight. Similarly, Swami et al.
(2009) found that women from Korea preferred the most slender
bodies. There is also good evidence of high levels of body dissatisfac-
tion in Japan. For example, Wardle et al. (2006) found that women
from Japan, although they had the third lowest BMI, were the most
likely to perceive themselves as overweight. Similarly, large cross-
country surveys by Etcoff et al. (2004, 2006) found that Japanese
samples had higher levels of body dissatisfaction than eighteen other sam-
ples from thirteen different countries, including such benchmark Western
countries as the United States, United Kingdom, France, and Italy.
These remarkable results are particularly relevant to feminist theory.
As previously noted, both sociocultural theory and feminist theory
emphasize the role that Western media plays in the spread of body dis-
satisfaction and disordered eating to non-Western countries. Conse-
quently, as East Asian countries modernize and are increasingly
exposed to Western media, both theories would predict that they
would show an increase in body dissatisfaction and disordered eating.
However, only feminist theory specifically links body dissatisfaction to

changing roles for women. According to feminist theory, unrealistic
appearance standards represent a backlash against women’s strides to-
ward gender equality.
This is a very important issue because the Confucian values that
have long formed the foundation of many East Asian societies include
rigid, restrictive, and repressive gender roles for women. The central
and organizing element in these roles is women’s subordination and
submissiveness to men: girls are to be submissive to their fathers,
wives are to be submissive to their husbands, and widows are to be
submissive to their eldest sons. Women’s roles and opportunities in
modern East Asian societies like Japan or Korea, and in rapidly mod-
ernizing societies such as China, are radically different from traditional
women’s roles. As a consequence, feminist theory would predict a
patriarchal backlash that would emphasize particularly severe and
unrealistic appearance standards. In turn, these standards would result
in high levels of body dissatisfaction. Because the speed and magni-
tude of changing roles for women in these East Asian societies has
been much greater than in Western societies, feminist theory would
predict that women in these societies would have greater body dissatis-
faction than Western women. However, conventional sociocultural
theory, or theories that appeal to the nonspecific effects of Westerniza-
tion, would not make such a prediction.
LATIN AMERICA
Most discussions of body dissatisfaction in Latin American countries
have focused on Brazil because of Brazil’s well-known interest, some-
times characterized as an ‘‘obsession,’’ with beautiful bodies and cos-
metic surgery (Finger, 2003). As a reflection of this interest and social
values of equality, Brazil is the only nation where government health
care routinely provides cosmetic surgery for the poor (Edmonds, 2007;
Finger, 2003). As the cosmetic surgeon Ivo Pitanguy observed, in
Brazil, ‘‘The poor have a right to be beautiful’’ (Edmonds, 2007).
Depending on the source, Brazil has either the highest volume of cos-
metic surgery in the world or is second only to the United States (e.g.,
Edmonds, 2007; Finger, 2003; Woodsworth, 2001). Consistent with these
reports, in their samples of women from ten countries, Etcott et al.
(2006) found that urban Brazilian women have the highest level of cos-
metic surgery and were the most likely to consider cosmetic surgery.
(For an anthropological perspective on Brazilian beauty ideals and
cosmetic surgery see Edmonds, 2007)
Interestingly, Brazilian cosmetic surgery practices suggest that expo-
sure to Western appearance standards has changed Brazilian body
preferences. Traditionally, appearance standards have emphasized
relatively large buttocks and relatively small breasts. Consistent with

these standards, until recently breast augmentation was uncommon,
and most breast surgeries were reductions (Karp, 2001). However,
breast augmentations now greatly outnumber reductions, and there has
been a substantial increase in the size of the augmentations (Finger,
2003; Karp, 2001). It has been suggested that the popularity of breast
augmentations has been one of the reasons why the international
demand, particularly from the United States, for Brazilian fashion mod-
els has increased (Karp, 2001).
To the extent that cosmetic surgery reflects body dissatisfaction,
Brazil would be expected to have a high level of body dissatisfaction.
Consistent with this expectation, Etcoff et al. (2004) found that Brazilian
women’s level of dissatisfaction with their physical attractiveness was
second only to a sample from Japan. Similarly, Brazilians have a high
rate of dieting (Ectoff, 2006) and high scores on standard measures of
disordered eating (Nunes, Barros, Olinto, Camey, & Mari, 2003).
Results from other Latin American countries generally indicate
levels of body dissatisfaction that are less than East Asian countries
but approach levels found in Western countries. For example, a cross-
cultural study of university women in 23 countries found that the
percentage of Columbian and Venezuelan women who perceived
themselves as overweight or who were trying to lose weight was less
than in Japan but approximately equal to Western countries (Wardle
et al., 2006). Similarly, a recent study in five Latin American countries
found that 50 to 62 percent of urban dwelling eighth- and ninth-grade
girls wanted to be thinner (McArthur, Holbert, & Pe~ na, 2005).6 In addi-
tion, Swami et al. (2009) found that the level of body dissatisfaction
among college women in Chile was equal to the level found in U.S.
samples. (For an important discussion of how changing social condi-
tions, particularly changing roles for women, place Argentinean
women at high risk for body dissatisfaction and disordered eating, see
Meehan and Katzman [2001].)
AFRICA
Most research from sub-Saharan Africa has been conducted with
samples from South Africa. This research generally indicates that white
South African adolescents and college students have levels of body dis-
satisfaction and disordered eating that are roughly comparable to those
found in Western Europe (e.g., Caradas, Lambert, & Charlton, 2001;
Szabo & le Grange, 2001; Wassenaar, le Grange, Winship, & Lache-
nicht, 2000). However, until the end of apartheid it appeared that body
dissatisfaction and eating disorders were very rare in black or colored
(mixed race) South Africans. As Szabo and le Grange (2001) noted, lim-
ited mental health resources in black clinics and hospitals, along with
the racist belief that disorders found among affluent white women
would not occur among Africans, probably resulted in an underidenti-
fication of these problems during apartheid. Even allowing for this
bias, it seems clear that both body dissatisfaction and disordered eating
have greatly increased since the end of apartheid (Szabo & le Grange,
2001). In fact, most recent studies have shown no meaningful differen-
ces in the incidence of these problems in black, colored, and white ado-
lescents or college students (e.g., Caradas et al., 2001; le Grange, Louw,
Russell, Nel & Silkstone, 2006; Senekal, Steyn, Mashego, & Nel, 2001;
Wassenaar et al., 2000). Importantly, there have been some reports that
black college women actually scored higher than white college women
on measures of eating pathology (e.g., le Grange, Telch & Tibbs, 1998).
Consistent with feminist theory, Szabo and le Grange (2001) suggest
that role conflicts, particularly the conflict between the greatly
expanded roles and opportunities for women and traditional African
values, play an important role in body dissatisfaction and eating path-
ologies. To the extent that these observations are accurate, there is a
clear possibility that in the not too distant future black and colored
South African women, like East Asian women, will have greater body
dissatisfaction than their Western cohorts.
With the exception of a few single case studies of severe eating dis-
orders (e.g., Buchan & Gregory, 1984), very little information is avail-
able on body dissatisfaction and disordered eating in other sub-
Saharan countries. Recent research in Tanzania (e.g., Eddy, Hennessey, &
Thompson-Brenner, 2007; Hennessey, 2008) and Nigeria (e.g., Izevbigie &
Owie, 2006; Toriola, Dolan, Evans, & Adetimole, 1996) indicate that
levels of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating approach those of
Western Europe. However, studies from Ghana suggest that, although
possibly diminishing, the preference for relatively large women’s bodies
is still present in both college students (Cogan, Bhalla, Sefa-Dedeh, &
Rothblum, 1996) and adult women (Frederick, Forbes, & Berezovskaya,
2008).
There has been very little research from North Africa. Popenoe’s
(2004) important work suggests that among traditional North African
societies, a preference for large women’s bodies persists. However, evi-
dence from Egypt, the most highly developed North African country,
indicates that college women have levels of body dissatisfaction and
symptoms of disordered eating that are approximately equal to those
of college women in Western societies (e.g., Ford, Dolan, & Evans,
1990; Nasser, 1994a, 1994b).7
Taken as a whole, research in African countries indicates an increase
in body dissatisfaction and eating disorders as the nations modernize.
In the most developed sub-Saharan country, South Africa, the inci-
dence of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating equals, and on
some measures exceeds, the levels found in English-speaking Western
countries. Similarly, in Egypt, body dissatisfaction and disordered eat-

ing approximate levels found in Western Europe. However, there is
evidence that the traditional African preference for larger women’s
bodies persists, particularly in relatively undeveloped rural areas (e.g.,
Frederick, Forbes, & Berezovskaya, 2008; Swami et al., 2009).
INDIAN PENINSULA
Recent studies of young women in India have reported levels of
body dissatisfaction and disordered eating that are similar to, although
perhaps slightly lower than, the levels found in Western countries and
Japan (Gupta, Chaturvedi, Chandarana, & Johnson, 2001; Kayano et al.,
2008; Rubin, Gluck, Knoll, Lorence, & Geliebter, 2008). However, these
were highly advantaged urban samples. Information on body dissatis-
faction in less advantaged rural Indian women is not available.
Similarly, recent studies among advantaged young women in
Pakistan reported levels of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating
that were similar to, but modestly lower than, levels found in Western
countries (Mahmud & Crittenden, 2007; Mujtaba & Furnham, 2001).
However, studies of women in very conservative and traditional Kash-
mir indicated levels of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating that
were substantially lower than those found in samples from the United
Kingdom (Choudry & Mumford, 1992; Mumford, Whitehouse, & Chou-
dry, 1992). Importantly, both Mumford, Whitehouse, and Choudry
(1992) and Mahmud and Crittenden (2007) reported that body dissatis-
faction and disordered eating were most common in the participants
who were the most Westernized.
SOUTHEAST ASIA AND POLYNESIA

This large area includes a wide variety of societies and nations.
Some parts, such as Singapore, are highly developed, whereas others,
such as some of the remote areas of New Guinea and Borneo, have
been relatively untouched by development. In keeping with other
research using Chinese samples, ethnic Chinese women in Singapore
had greater body dissatisfaction and a higher incidence of eating disor-
ders than Europeans and Australians (Soh, 2008). In contrast, women
living in remote areas of New Guinea exhibited the traditional prefer-
ence for relatively large bodies (Wesch, 2006). Consistent with the pre-
viously cited work of Becker et al. (2002) and Lee and Lee (2000)
linking economic development and exposure to Western culture to
body dissatisfaction and disordered eating, Wesch’s data suggested an
increasing preference for smaller bodies and greater body dissatisfac-
tion among New Guinea women living in a town with electricity and
access to Western media.
Studies of college students and adolescents in the Philippines indicate

relatively high levels of behaviors associated with disordered eating. For
example, Madanat, Hawks, and Novella (2006) found that Filipino col-
lege students had a much greater incidence of behaviors and attitudes
associated with disordered eating than a U.S. comparison sample. Simi-
larly, Kayano et al. (2008) found more behaviors associated with bulimia
among Filipino women students than among European and Japanese
comparison groups. Similarly, Lorenzo, Lavori, and Lock (2002) found
that abnormal eating attitudes among Filipino high school students were
comparable to those typically reported in Western samples.
Studies in Malaysia also report high levels of body dissatisfaction
and disordered eating. For example, there is evidence of very high lev-
els of body dissatisfaction and high levels of dietary restraint and binge
eating among secondary school girls (Soo, Shariff, Taib, & Abu Samah,
2008). Similarly, high levels of behaviors associated with disordered
eating were reported among ethnic Malay college students (Edman &
Yates, 2004).
Research generally suggests that Western appearance standards, par-
ticularly the thin body ideal is minimizing, if not eliminating, tradi-
tional preferences for heavier female bodies in much of Southeast Asia.
Interestingly, Sharps, Price-Sharps, and Hanson (2001) found that this
change is detectable even in rural Thailand. Although women in this
region typically engaged in heavy agricultural labor, they preferred a
smaller body than Thai men and a smaller body than a U.S. compari-
son sample. The results suggest that the Western thin body ideal is
influencing women’s desired body size even when larger bodies are
better adapted to the long hours of harsh physical labor that character-
izes their daily lives.
SUMMARY
Research over the last 30 years has made it clear that the once com-
mon understanding that eating disorders and body dissatisfaction were
found primarily or exclusively among advantaged white Western
women is not true. Indeed, body dissatisfaction and eating disorders are
found in almost every society that researchers have studied. However,
isolated, traditional, and underdeveloped societies, particularly those in
which food is scarce, may continue to show a preference for larger
bodies. Even among these groups these preferences are diminishing.
One of the most remarkable findings from cross-cultural studies is
the small size of the differences found in body dissatisfaction. As
Swami et al. (2009) have noted, differences within societies, particularly
those associated with education and urban residence, are usually sub-
stantially larger than differences between societies. The relatively small
differences found between societies are, at least in part, a result of the
convenience samples usually used in most studies. These samples are

typically highly advantaged, urban dwelling, college women. As such,
they are the most likely members of their society to experience the val-
ues and roles associated with modernization. These values include both
Western appearance standards and Western values of gender equality:
the two variables most closely linked to body dissatisfaction and disor-
dered eating.
As the thought-provoking and important work of Anderson-Fye
(2003, 2004) indicates, the values and experiences of modernization do
not appear in a vacuum. Instead, they are seen through the lens of the
culture into which they are introduced. With its emphasis on unrealis-
tic appearance standards as a cultural backlash against gender equality,
feminist theory makes a unique contribution to identifying those soci-
eties in which appearance standards will be the most unrealistic, the
pressure to attain them the most severe, and the consequential
increases in body dissatisfaction and disordered eating the largest.
Feminist theory would predict that the rapidly modernizing cultures
of East Asia, with the enormous contrast between centuries-old,
Confucian-based, repressive and oppressive gender roles and the radi-
cally different roles and opportunities now available to women in these
societies, would lead to sharp increases in body dissatisfaction and dis-
ordered eating. Viewed from this perspective, it is not surprising that
recent research shows that college women in Korea, Japan, and China
have greater body dissatisfaction and disordered eating than Western
college women. As modernization and market economies continue to
impact traditional and developing societies, women in other societies
may also develop levels of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating
that exceed the levels found in their Western sisters. Scattered evidence
suggests that this may be happening already in South Africa and the
rapidly developing countries of South America.
NOTES
Although this chapter will be restricted to the experiences of
women, men also experience body dissatisfaction and eating disorders.
The absence of any discussion of these disorders in men reflects the
context in which this chapter appears, and it is not intended to suggest
that the experiences of men are unimportant. For a review of weight
and shape concerns in men see McCabe and Ricciardelli (2004). For a
review of eating disorders in boys and men see Muise, Stein, and
Arbess (2003) and Freeman (2005).
1. The formal diagnostic criteria for anorexia nervosa, bulimia, and other
eating disorders can be found in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders of the American Psychiatric Association, Fourth Edition (American Psychi-
atric Association, 1994) and the ICD-10 Classification of Mental and Behavioural
Disorders (World Health Organization, 1992). There are many excellent referen-
ces on the diagnosis and treatment of eating disorders. The interested reader
should consult recent edited volumes or handbooks, such as Thompson (2004).
2. The effects of both social class and ethnicity, although still present, may
have diminished in recent years (Gard & Freeman, 1996; Grabe & Hyde, 2006;
McClelland & Crisp, 2001).
3. The most extreme preference for large female bodies appears to be found
among the Azawagh Arabs of Niger. Here, the forced feeding of girls begins at
the age of 5 or 6 and continues until marriage. Even following marriage many
women continue to eat large amounts of food in an effort to become as large
as possible. For an insightful and sensitive description of this society, see Pope-
noe (2004).
4. A complete discussion of the complex problems associated with cross-
cultural research is far beyond the scope of this chapter. The interested reader
can find more information in van de Vijver and Leung (1997) and Ember and
Ember (2001).
5. Body mass index is a widely used measure of body size. It is computed
with the formula: BMI = Weight in Kilograms/Height in Meters2.
6. In a sixth sample from Havana, Cuba, 29 percent wanted to be thinner,
and 31 percent wanted to be heavier. This may be a consequence of food scar-
city and Cuba’s relative isolation from Western beauty ideals.
7. For insightful historical and cultural discussion of women in Egypt,
including parallels between the new veiling phenomenon and anorexia nerv-
osa, see Nasser (2003).
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Chapter 12
Sexual Violence to Girls and Women

in Schools around the World
Susan Strauss
The joy of inquiry and learning in the classroom can sometimes be

vanquished by the power of the educational system and by the teacher,
thereby infringing on the right of a girl or woman to learn, develop,
and be nourished in a safe environment free from fear. Academia is a
microcosm of society complete with gendered dynamics where the in-
equality between the sexes is ripe for exploitation (Zalk, 1990).
Unfortunately, schools are not a safe haven for children, particularly
girls, and women who are deluged with sexual violence (Education
For All Global Monitoring Team, 2003) to such a degree that it becomes
a normalized aspect of school life (Leach, 2006; Mirsky, 2003; Plan,
2008). Schools that condone and approve of other types of violence,
such as corporal punishment and bullying, will also support sexual vi-
olence (Jones, Moore, Villar-Marquez, & Broadbent, 2008; Leach, 2006).
This chapter focuses on sexual violence to girls and women at school;
however, the behavior does not occur in a vacuum; it is influenced by
nonsexual violence and the culture in which it resides.
Sexual harassment, including sexual assault, by boys and male
teachers perpetrated on girls at or around school is a worldwide abom-
ination studied by numerous nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
and by the two-year worldwide United Nations (UN) Study on Violence
Against Children (United Nations, 2006). Sexual violence is a violation
of the rights of girls, threatening their right to achieve an education,
and injuring their psychological and physical well-being (Amnesty
International, 2008; Jones & Espey, 2008; Jones et al., 2008; Leach, 2006;
Mirsky, 2003; Ward, 2005). Leach asserted that sexual violence to girls
in schools has far reaching consequences to society:
It undermines the pursuit of internationally agreed public health goals to

enable adolescents to deal in a positive way with their sexuality and to
reduce unintended pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections
including HIV infection. For girls and young women, it severely limits
their ability to achieve their educational potential. For society, therefore,
it undercuts the transformatory power of education. Female education
has been shown not only to contribute to improved family health but to
be a major driver of social and economic development. (p. 1)
Gathering information for this chapter proved to be an exciting and

sometimes frustrating challenge. Some secondary sources are used due
to language differences in, or difficulty attaining, the primary sources.
Some study results were found in online newspapers and posted on
Web sites, which make it impossible to determine the methodology
used in comparison with study outcomes from other research and to
determine the actual level of sexual harassment throughout the world.
Searching for information required attempts to contact international
agencies, NGOs, and international researchers, sometimes, unfortu-
nately, without responses in return. Some references were unavailable;
for example, in the search for one particular book, only one copy was
found—in a library in Germany. One major challenge in studying the
literature of sexual violence in schools around the world is the lack of
a standardized gendered framework and an operationalized defini-
tional construct (Witkowska, 2005).
A study that explored school violence in 37 nations by Akiba,
LeTendre, Baker, and Goesling (2002) rarely recognized sexual vio-
lence, other than rape, to integrate within the framework of school vio-
lence, thereby degendering the construct. Likewise, Smith’s (2003)
research from 17 European countries was not sensitive to the sexual vi-
olence construct. This makes defining sexual violence across cultures a
difficult task. The methodology and context shape the findings (Mirsky,
2003). These data represent different methodologies and timeframes in
different languages and from a variety of cultures—meaning that there
can be a potential of perceived bias on the construct of sexual violence
in schools (Barak, 1997). Cultural differences may account for what
countries define as sexual harassment (DeSouza & Solberg, 2003), sex-
ual violence, and sexual bullying.
Many countries do not use the term sexual harassment, but rather
use other terms such as sexual bullying (Duncan, 1999), gender-based
violence (Dunne, Humphreys, & Leach, 2003), sexual abuse (Leach &
Sitaram, 2007), and sexual violence (Mirsky, 2003), among others. In
searching the databases for information, all of the above terms were
Sexual Violence to Girls and Women in Schools around the World 189
used. As Barak (1997) noted, ‘‘it is not the phenomenon of sexual har-
assment that is different among countries, but rather the way it is
being behaviorally manifested, which is probably due to different be-
havioral standards related to different cultures’’ (p. 268). With this
thought in mind, this chapter will use the terms mentioned inter-
changeably to demonstrate the broad scope of the phenomenon. Some
sexually harassing behaviors may be found in some of the literature
addressing school bullying (Stein, 2003, 2005). However, the literature
on bullying was not searched in researching sexual violence in schools
for this chapter because the term, bullying, is a gender-neutral refer-
ence to behaviors that are not often studied through a gendered-
dynamic lens, even though some behaviors that are labeled as bullying,
would fall within sexual harassment (Stein, 1995).
Whatever the term used, the behaviors are generally indistinguish-
able and include a progression of behaviors from sexist and misogynist
comments, verbal sexual comments, physical fondling, sexual assault,
and rape. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), ‘‘For
many young women, the most common place where sexual coercion
and harassment are experienced is in school’’ (WHO, 2002). Gendered
violence against girls and women in education is a pandemic that tran-
scends race, culture, geography, religion, and class (Ward, 2005).
With the electronic communication age comes cyber-harassment/
bullying through e-mails, text messaging, Facebook, and mobile
phones. Dalaimo (1997) stated that ‘‘a closer look reveals that the same
types of inequalities and discrimination that plague the physical world
are also present in the virtual world. Power is inherently unequal, and
electronic communication is no exception’’ (p. 101). Though not all
online perpetrators are classmates, students are sometimes unaware
who the harasser may be and when the harassment continues during
school, it distracts them from their schoolwork and can be psychologi-
cally traumatic (Shariff, 2004). Shariff and Gouin (2006) and Barak
(2005) describe this cyber violence in many forms including, rude, of-
fensive, sexist, homophobic, misogynist and vulgar messages or photos,
and pornography sent to groups and individuals via text messaging,
chat rooms or Web-logs.
Sexual harassment occurs in public places of the school (Leach, 2006;
Mirsky, 2003; Stein, 1995; Timmerman, 2003), with faculty and staff
observing the behavior and often colluding with the perpetrators by
not intervening to stop the abuse. The message to the boys and the
girls is that sexual violence is an accepted school norm; this, then, can
be a catalyst for increased sexual violence within the school and the
community. When teachers do intervene, even in instances of sexual
assault, the boys face few consequences by the school.
Sexual violence is a reflection of gender inequality and manifests
itself specifically to cultural beliefs and tenets that also condone
gender-based violence (Amnesty International, 2008; Human Rights

Watch [HRW], 2001a; Leach, 2006; United Nations, 2006). Some teen
girls may even be killed by their families to reestablish the family’s
honor for being abused (Amnesty International, 2008; United States
Agency for International Development, 2008). Gender violence is rele-
gated by culture. The following statement by Leach (2006) acknowl-
edged the tapestry of sexual violence.
Violence in the schools cannot be divorced from violence in the home,

the community and the workplace. This violence originates in the imbal-
ance in power between males and females, in the gendered hierarchy
and separation of tasks and responsibilities and in socially accepted
views of what constitutes masculine and feminine behavior. The school,
alongside the family, is a prime site for the construction of gender iden-
tity and gender relations built on socially sanctioned inequalities. (p. 27)
Most of the research on gendered violence of girls in and around

schools has approached the issue from a heterosexual construct and
ignored girl-to-girl violence and student-to-teacher violence (Leach &
Humphreys, 2007). Both genders can be victims of sexual violence at
school, but the research demonstrates that girls are the more likely tar-
gets of sexual assault and heterosexist sexual harassment (Leach, 2006;
Ward, 2005). This chapter focuses on the sexual harassment of female
students by male classmates and teachers; it will not address the sexual
violence toward female faculty, female-to-female aggression, female-to-
male harassment, or sexual violence to males.
DEFINITION OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN ACADEMIA

For the purpose of standardizing a definition of sexual harassment
for this chapter, two definitions from the United States will be used.
The U.S. Department of Education, Office of Civil Rights (OCR) defines
sexual harassment as the following (2000):
Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal,
nonverbal, or physical conduct of a sexual nature by an employee, by
another student, or by a third party, which is sufficiently severe, persis-
tent, or pervasive to limit a student’s ability to participate in or benefit
from an education program or activity, or to create a hostile or abusive
educational environment. (p. 264)
The National Advisory Council on Women’s Educational Programs

asserted that,
Academic sexual harassment is the use of authority to emphasize the sex-

uality or sexual identity of the student in a manner which prevents or
impairs that student’s full enjoyment of educational benefits, climate, or

opportunities. (Paludi & Barickman, 1991, p. 4)
Till (1980) grouped the sexual harassment experiences of college

women into five categories, with each category advancing in severity
from the previous one. Using Till’s categories, and correlating with def-
initions from case law, Fitzgerald, Gelfand, and Drasgow (1993) recate-
gorized Till’s five groups of behaviors into three: gender harassment,
sexual coercion, and unwanted sexual attention. Gender harassment is
the most commonly experienced harassment (Barak, Fisher, & Houston,
1992; Vaux, 1993) and includes a sweeping range of behaviors that
denote misogyny, including sexist comments, taunts, and pornography,
to name a few. Unwanted sexual verbal and nonverbal offensive
behaviors constitute unwanted sexual behavior. And finally, sexual
coercion is the exchange of grades for sex. These three categories of
sexual harassment will be used to discuss the construct throughout the
chapter.
SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN SCHOOL LAWS, INTERNATIONAL

TREATIES, AND CONVENTIONS
It is beyond the limits of this chapter to discuss whether various
countries have national laws outlawing sexual harassment, and to
review the laws of those countries which do address sexual violence in
their schools. However, whether a country has specific laws outlawing
sexual harassment in education, there are a number of international
laws, treaties, declarations, and conventions that the majority of coun-
tries have ratified that do outlaw the behavior. Treaties carry legal
weight and declarations are a political catalyst for a variety of abuses
against women and children (Education For All Global Monitoring
Report Team, 2003). International human rights law requires countries
to prevent and to intervene against human rights violations including
sexual assault and rape. In addition, monitoring of any government
treaty is required to ensure implementation of the treaty and compli-
ance with its requirements (Mirsky, 2003).
According to law professor Fionnuala Ni Aolain at the University of
Minnesota, in 1995, the United Nations implemented the Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW), which all countries have ratified except eight including the
United States, which requires that women and men receive equal treat-
ment, including the right to an education (International Women’s Day
Celebration: Transforming the World Through Women’s Voices, March
14, 2009 in Minneapolis, MN). Gender-based violence is considered a
form of discrimination and is therefore outlawed by CEDAW. Violence
against women is defined by CEDAW as, ‘‘any act of gender-based
violence that result in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psy-
chological harm or suffering to women’’ (United Nations, 1993). The
declaration recognizes the vulnerability of girl children and specifically
singles out schools as a location of gender violence.
Governments worldwide, except the United States and Somalia
(Education For All Global Monitoring Team, 2003), committed to the
1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). CRC requires coun-
tries to protect children from sexual abuse and sexual exploitation and
to provide equal education to both genders (HRW, 2001a).
The right to education is also proclaimed in the International Cove-
nant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Uni-
versal Declaration of Human Rights, with both ensuring equal
education to both males and females (HRW, 2001a; Education For All
Global Monitoring Team, 2003). In addition, the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) requires equal rights for men and
women and to establish effective redress for abuse.
In 1996, the WHO created two resolutions recognizing that gender
violence to women and children was a public health priority (WHO,
2002) In 2000, Dakar hosted the United Nations Millennium Summit,
and announced the eight UN Millennium Development Goals. Goal
number two is to achieve universal primary education by 2015, and
goal three requires gender inequality in all levels of education by 2015
(http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/gender.shtml).
Kazue (2004) asserted that legalization is not the sole answer: It is, how-
ever, important to bear in mind that legislation and regulation from
above is not the only way to deal with sexual harassment, a phenomenon
that is deeply rooted in culture, gender norms and gender power struc-
tures. Without genuine respect for women and women’s human rights,
sexual harassment can still happen despite laws and orders. Sometimes,
the effect of legislation and regulations can be superficial and very lim-
ited. (p. 13)
Jones et al. (2008) identified twenty-eight international and regional

treaties addressing human rights, women’s rights, children’s rights,
sexual violence, and the right to an education. To see expanded lists of
international treaties and covenants concerning this issue, refer to
Galey (1999) and United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence
against Children (2006).
SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN EDUCATION IN NORTH AMERICA

The United States and Canada have pioneered much of the initial
research on sexual harassment in schools. Both quantitative and quali-
tative studies dealing with sexual harassment in primary, secondary,
and postsecondary educational settings exist; however, researchers

have only begun to scratch the surface of this egregious behavior.
Secondary Schools
Canada
Twenty-three percent of female teenagers in a Canadian school
study experienced a minimum of one sexual assault, including touch,
threats, and indecent exposure, with 4 percent of the girls victimized
‘‘often’’ (Bagley, Bolitho, & Bertrand, 1997, p. 363). In comparing a
group of teenage girls who had never experienced sexual harassment/
assault to a group that had experienced the behavior, 15 percent of
those who were victimized ‘‘often’’ attempted suicide or made suicidal
‘‘gestures’’ compared to only 2 percent of the nontargeted girls
(p. 361). Female students were more upset than their male classmates.
Yet, Canadian high school girls have become so desensitized to experi-
encing and witnessing sexual harassment and assault, they view it as
normal behavior (Alcoba, 2008). Sexual harassment by adult school
employees was reported by 37.5 percent of both genders (Winters,
Clift, & Maloney, 2004).
Another study conducted at a Canadian high school demonstrated
that 33 percent of students stated they had been sexually harassed
within the previous 2 years; 29 percent were sexually touched or
grabbed, and 7 percent of female students were sexually assaulted at
school (Alcoba, 2008). Research of twenty-three Canadian schools
showed that 30 percent of ninth-grade girls and 28 percent of eleventh-
grade girls were sexually pinched or grabbed, 46 percent of girls were
the brunt of sexual gestures, jokes, leers, or comments (Rushowy,
2008). The results of a survey of two high schools conducted by a
school safety panel discovered that 19 percent of girls had been sexu-
ally assaulted at school within the previous two years.
United States
Sexual harassment to students in the United States has been studied
since the 1980s (Strauss, 1988). The largest study was in 1993 when the
American Association of University Women (AAUW) researched the
construct of sexual harassment throughout the country. The results
showed, among other findings, that 85 percent of Caucasian girls, 84
percent of African American girls, and 82 percent of Hispanic girls in
grades eight through eleven experienced sexual harassment (AAUW,
1993). The AAUW repeated their study in 2001 with similar findings;
83 percent of girls were sexually harassed, with 30 percent of those
girls indicating it occurred often. The behaviors girls identified as most
upsetting were being labeled a lesbian, sexually offensive graffiti,

spreading sexual rumors, having their clothes pulled at or pulled off/
down, and being forced to do something sexual other than kissing.
Their victimization occurred most often in the hallways and classrooms
(AAUW, 1993; Stein, 1995).
An expanded study of the AAUW’s 1993 research found that the
most severe harassment was experienced by girls (Lee, Croninger,
Linn, & Chen, 1996). Research by Lee et al. and by Fineran and Bennet
(1999) showed there was a relationship between the victim and the har-
asser, in that roughly the same number of victims of sexual harassment
admitted to also sexually harassing at least one other student. Fineran
and Bennet found that 87 percent of girls were sexually harassed by
their peers, and 77 percent of girls admitted to sexually harassing their
peers.
Sexual harassment has its roots in primary grades (AAUW, 1993;
Murnen & Smolak, 2000; Strauss, 1994, 2003). The U.S. Department of
Education, Office of Civil Rights (OCR) (1993) posited that even though
girls in the primary grades may not understand sexual harassment in
the same way older students understand it, they are not so na€ve as to
understand that the sexually obnoxious behavior and comments
directed toward them exhibit malice just because they are girls. New
York schools are finding that children as young as six are molesting
other children (New York Targets Very Young for Sex Offenses, 2000).
Those that bully in sixth grade were found to sexually harass in sev-
enth grade, according to Pellegrini (2001). The author discovered that
there was no difference between genders in their sexual harassment
encounters as seventh graders.
Often missing from the discourse on school shootings is the gen-
dered aspect of the phenomenon (Klein, 2006). Girls were the intended
targets in 11 of 13 highly publicized shootings in the United States over
a period of six years, including the incident of a six-year-old boy kill-
ing his six-year-old female classmate. Klein argued that sexual harass-
ment played a role in instigating the shooting episodes, yet absent
from the media was any analysis of the sexual antecedents and hege-
monic masculinity as a factor in the shootings:
Violence against girls is easy to render invisible because the behavior that
precedes actual incidents is often perceived as normal; even after fatal-
ities have occurred, the gendered components of crimes do not seem to
register . . . ‘normal’ violence against girls—indeed, social acceptance of
male hostility towards girls—tends to aid in concealing even the most
dramatic incidents. (p. 148)
Special needs students, those with behavioral, cognitive, or physical

challenges, are vulnerable to sexual harassment as both a victim and a
perpetrator (Young, Allen, & Ashbaker, 2004). Disabled students expe-

rienced more sexual harassment incidents than nondisabled students,
but there were no significant mental health differences between the
two groups as a result of their victimization (Fineran, 2002). When stu-
dents are disabled and sexually harass another student, teachers must
intervene. According to the U.S. Department of Education, Office of
Civil Rights (1993), the student’s special education status cannot be
used as a defense for sexual harassment.
The HRW researched sexual harassment of U.S. gay, lesbian, bisex-
ual, and transgendered (GLBT) students and found they are unmerci-
fully and relentlessly harassed by their peers, teachers, staff, and
administration (George & Thonden, 2001). The students were verbally,
physically, and sexually assaulted; they were spit and urinated on,
thrown against lockers, cut with knives; some feared going to the bath-
room alone, others dropped out of school, some ran away from home,
participated in risky sexual behavior, were diagnosed with depression
and committed suicide. School officials, who were not actively involved
in the harassment of these students, gave tacit approval by ignoring
incidents that they observed, or of which they were informed.
Many research projects have been conducted by the Gay, Lesbian,
and Straight Education Network (GLSEN) and can be found at their
Web site (http://www.glsen.org/cgi-bin/iowa/all/research/index.
html). One example is a 2007 survey of over 6,000 students which
found that 60 percent did not feel safe at school (33 percent skipped
school as a result), probably because 86 percent of GLBT students were
harassed due to their sexual orientation.
Sexual harassment by teachers is considerably less frequent than sex-
ual harassment by peers (AAUW, 2001; Lee et al., 1996). If students
younger than 18 are sexually harassed by a teacher or school official,
criminal child abuse statutes, criminal sexual assault or rape laws, as
well as other criminal and civil charges, may be instituted against the
perpetrator (Strauss, 2003). One of the highest reports of teacher sexual
abuse was the Texas Civil Right Project, in which 58 percent of female
students acknowledged being victimized by school employees (Texas
Civil Rights Project, 1997). In contrast, the 1993 AAUW study found
that 25 percent of girls experienced sexual harassment by school
employees (AAUW, 1993). Research by Lee et al. (1996) found 16 per-
cent of students had been harassed by a teacher, 2 percent by a school
administrator, and 44 percent by another school employee. Sexual
abuse by school teachers and staff are a challenge to study because stu-
dents generally do not report the abuse nor do they tell their parents
(AAUW, 1993).
The most common adult school abuser is a male, well liked by stu-
dents, parents, and teachers, and involved in extra-curricular activities
with students such as athletics, art, and debate (Shakeshaft & Cohen,
1995). Examples of the abusive behavior include sexually offensive

verbal comments such as calling female students boobies, compliment-
ing a girl on her nice legs, and commenting on the student’s sex life.
Physical examples include touching a female’s breasts and genitals,
fondling, and tickling. Male victims’ complaints were taken more seri-
ously by school officials than were female victim’s complaints; female
accuser’s honesty was sometimes questioned, whereas there were
rarely any misgivings about a male student’s accusations. This discount-
ing or minimizing of female students experiences further victimizes them
because of their gender. Superintendents were mixed on where to devote
their support—to the victim or the teacher; and abusers were often just
transferred to another school district rather than terminated or have their
teaching license revoked (Hendrie, 1998).
Colleges and Universities

Canada
According to Osborne (1992), Canadian universities are bastions of
sexually hostile environments rife with sexual assault on campuses and
sexual harassment by college women’s peers and professors. Roughly 5
percent of women residents at McMaster University Residency Train-
ing Programs were sexually assaulted by their male supervising medi-
cal doctor (Cook et al., 1996). Females were more likely to experience
discrimination based on their sexual orientation, targeted with offen-
sive comments about their body and their attire, and subjected to sexist
teaching materials.
Women, who experienced behaviors that fit the objective definition
of sexual harassment, often do not subjectively identify their experien-
ces as sexual harassment (Fitzgerald et al., 1988). With this discrepancy
in mind, Barak et al. (1992) researched the phenomenon with female
students at a Midwestern Canadian university. The women’s accounts
of their experiences demonstrated significant differences with their sub-
jective perception. Only 1.5 percent of the women who were targeted
with gender harassment by a professor identified the behavior as sex-
ual harassment. Of those same women, 97 percent stated they had not
been sexually harassed. When inquiring about sexual coercion or sex-
ual assault, only 40 percent of the women who had objectively experi-
enced these behaviors, subjectively labeled their experiences as such.
The researchers (Barak et al., 1992) correlated these results with
other variables to determine whether they impacted the women’s sub-
jective perceptions compared to their objective experiences. Women
who were younger, erotophobic, tended to repress threatening situa-
tions, who had not experienced severe forms of sexual harassment, or
who had the need for social approval, were unlikely to perceive the
incidents with their professors as sexual harassment.
United States
Numerous studies of sexual harassment to U.S. college women indi-
cate that 70 percent have experienced the behavior—including gender
harassment—from a minimum of one college professor (Barickman et
al., 1990; Dziech & Weiner, 1990; Fitzgerald et al., 1988; Sandler, 1997).
Thirty to 40 percent of graduate women experienced sexual harassment
by faculty (Barickman et al., 1990). Between 70 and 90 percent of college
women experience sexual harassment by their male classmates. Kelley
and Parsons (2000) found that 19 percent of female graduate students
and one in five undergraduate and graduate female students had been
sexually harassed. Undergraduates were more likely to identify their
male peers as the harasser while graduate women named male faculty
as the perpetrator. The students experienced gender harassment and sex-
ual coercion with equal frequency. Most of the women ignored the
behavior or talked about it with a friend or family member; only 8 per-
cent reported it through official channels within the university. More
than 60 percent of presidents at research institutions acknowledged that
sexual harassment was a problem at their university (Boyer, 1990).
Frannklin, Moglen, Zatlin-Boring, and Angress (1981) discussed two
forms of gender harassment in college and university classrooms. The
first form reported by female students included faculty’s use of female
stereotypes in addressing women students or in their pedagogy. Exam-
ples included name calling such as, fat housewives, dumb blondes, and
dirty, as well as the use of Playboy centerfolds during anatomy class,
and offensive comments about women’s anatomy. This behavior created
a bond between the male faculty member and the men in the course at
the expense of the women students. The second type of gender harass-
ment was faculty’s sexist comments about women’s physical appear-
ance, and if women were enrolled in a traditionally male course such as
engineering, implying lower expectations relegated towards the women.
A wide variety of behaviors may constitute sexual harassment,
according to Sandler (1997). These include asking for sex, sexual graffiti,
ogling or ‘‘elevator eyes,’’ staring at body parts, fondling or grabbing,
sexually offensive jokes or comments, threatening rape or other forms of
abuse, calling women sexist or misogynist names, ongoing unwanted
sexual attention or asking for dates, sexually offensive gestures, ridicul-
ing, sending letters or e-mails or gifts, exposing genitals, and sponsoring
degrading activities such as a wet t-shirt contest, among others.
The U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics con-
ducted The National College Women Sexual Victimization (NCWSV)
study of 4,500 two- and four-year college and university women in
1996 (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). The study measured sexual har-
assment including sexual coercion (penetration), unwanted sexual con-
tact with force or threats but no penetration, and stalking both on and
off campus. Almost 3 percent of the women experienced a raped or an

attempted rape; 13 percent were stalked; 6 percent were shown por-
nography; 5 percent experienced someone exposing their genitals; a lit-
tle over 2 percent were seen naked without granting permission; 50
percent experienced sexist comments, whistles, and catcalls; 20 percent
received obscene phone calls; and 10 percent had sexual rumors spread
about her.
The AAUW Educational Foundation conducted a national study to
determine the extent sexual harassment occurs at American colleges and
universities (Hill & Silva, 2005). First-year college students were the most
likely victims, with more than one-third targeted. While almost two-thirds
of students experience sexual harassment, only 10 percent report it to
school officials. Although both male and female students are targeted,
their experiences are quite different. Male students’ sexual orientation is
questioned by homophobic name calling. Women are more likely to expe-
rience sexual jokes and comments, leers, and sexual gestures.
Roughly a third of students experience physical sexual harassment,
including being forced to do something sexual and being fondled (Hill &
Silva, 2005). The harassment occurs throughout the campus. GLBT stu-
dents are more likely to be sexually harassed than their heterosexual
classmates. The most likely perpetrator of sexual harassment to both
female and male students is a male; however, one-third of women
admitted to harassing someone. White students were more likely to be
victimized, and there were similarities in how white, black, and Hispanic
students both discerned and responded to sexual harassment; however,
black and Hispanic students were more willing to report incidents of
sexual harassment to college officials.
SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN EDUCATION IN LATIN

AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Data on sexual violence in schools in Latin America and the Carib-
bean is scarce. The few reports that exist often categorize school violence
as a political construct tied to gangs and drug trafficking rather than as
sexual violence (Dunne et al., 2003). Girls who live in Nicaragua, Pan-
ama, Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, and the Dominican Republic
reported sexual coercion by teachers, including the threat of lowering
their grades if they didn’t comply with their sexual demands (United
Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children, 2005).
Secondary Schools
Brazil
DeSouza and Ribeiro (2005) discovered that within the previous
12 months, 24 percent of Brazilian high school students experienced a
minimum of one sexual harassment incident, with boys the most likely
perpetrator. Eight percent of students (no differentiation between gen-
ders) in fifth to eighth grade were bystanders to sexual violence in
school (World Bank, n.d.) They also found that if both male and female
students bullied, they were more likely to sexually harass other stu-
dents as well.
Ecuador, Haiti, and Jamaica

Twenty-two percent of Ecuadorian teen girls were victims of sexual
abuse within and about the school (World Bank, 2000, cited in Blaya &
Debarbieux, 2008). Amnesty International (2008) reported that sexual
abuse of girls in Haiti is common by both teachers and administrative
staff. Girls in Jamaica experience their breasts and buttocks touched
and pressure to engage in sex so often that it is considered the norm
(DevTech Systems, USAID, 2005, cited in, Amnesty International, 2008).

Puerto Rico
Ramos’s (1999) quantitative and qualitative research of sexual har-
assment at the University of Puerto Rico (UPR) demonstrated that 65
percent of female students experienced a minimum of one sexual har-
assment incident, and 35 percent indicated that they had not experi-
enced any incidents. Of those who experienced sexual harassment, 61
percent reported gender harassment, 28 percent identified unwanted
sexual attention, and 2 percent indicated they had experienced sexual
coercion. In addition, 49 percent experienced a combination of both
unwanted sexual attention and gender harassment. Interestingly, of
those women who reported experiencing at least one of the items on
the sexual harassment survey, only 81=2 percent labeled their experience
as sexual harassment; they were more likely to label their experiences
as offensive.
These results are similar to Hernandez (1988, cited in Ramos) who
found that 63 percent of Puerto Rican women experienced sexual har-
assment. Torres (1989, cited in Ramos) reported that 73 percent of vic-
tims were harassed by professors, 15 percent by their classmates, and
12 percent by directors or a librarian.
Not surprisingly, those students who were more tolerant of the
behavior were not as distressed (Ramos, 1999). Other women reported
psychological ramifications such as fear, anger, depression, and humili-
ation. Academically they experienced lowered grades and loss of
excitement and fervor about school. Those women who were harassed
by a professor reported feelings of hopelessness due to the university’s
perceived lack of caring and their complex procedures, fear of retalia-

tion, and the recognition that a tenured professor was protected from
consequences.
Coping responses included silence, avoiding the harasser, denial of
the behavior, dropping a professor’s/harasser’s class, informing the har-
asser the behavior was unwanted, and seeking out someone to talk to
(Ramos, 1999; Torres, 1989, cited in Ramos). Puerto Rican women view
avoidance as an assertive response to harassment by perceiving it as tak-
ing control of the situation (Ramos, 1999). It is rare for a victim of sexual
harassment to report the behavior. The qualitative interviews demon-
strated that the women blamed the sexual harassment by men to factors
other than the men themselves; for example, the way women dress, and
on nature and society, thereby negating any male responsibility for their
own behavior. In addition, the male harassers were viewed as perverts,
sick, obsessed, weak, and with psychological problems.
SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN EDUCATION IN EUROPE

Research on sexual violence in schools is limited in the European
Union. Smith (2003) compiled school violence studies from seventeen
countries, but the construct of gendered violence towards girls and
women was quite limited. Witkowska and Menckel (2005) indicated
that addressing the sexual component of school violence is lacking in
various European Union programs and projects.
Secondary Schools
England
Duncan’s (1999) study of four urban multi-ethnic secondary schools
in England identified numerous forms of what he labeled as sexual
bullying, including physical assault, sexual name calling, negative com-
mentary regarding physical appearance, verbal attacks, sexual gossip,
and propositioning. Duncan’s observations demonstrated sexual power
struggles (p. 131), and a sexualized comment ‘‘during what would oth-
erwise be civilized exchanges, is the marking out of gendered role lim-
its; reminders that relationships are ultimately structured by power
and that power is gendered’’ (p. 128). His findings supported the
framework of gendered bullying occurring between boys, from boys to
girls, between girls, and from girls to boys.
Girls are called slags, sluts, bitches, whores, and slappers for various
types of behavior such as flirting, being unfaithful to their boyfriend,
or demonstrating their sexuality in the clothes they wear (Bell, 2008).
One study found that 80 percent of students thought girls and women
brought on their own victimization by their attire. Boys pull down or
pull up a girl’s skirt, tell a girl he wants to finger her, and taunt girls
because of the clothes they wear or because of their weight. Boys use
electronic means to sexually bully their female classmates (and staff)
when they send sexual messages or pornography via their cell phones.
As three 14-year-old boys gang raped an 11-year-old girl, they filmed it
from the camera on their phone and sent the video to students at
school.
A British Broadcasting Company (BBC) news program reported that
government statistics showed there were 3,500 fixed-period expulsions
and 140 expulsions from school in England due to sexual misconduct,
including sexual assault and rape (Murphy, 2009). Of those, 280 expul-
sions were from the primary grades, and twenty involved children five
years old. These statistics are considered an underreporting of the
abuse partially because it is excused as typical behavior.
Female students in Larkin’s study (1994) identified how sexual har-
assment was normalized in their schools. First, sexual harassment was
rarely, if at all, discussed at school; second, the regularity and perva-
siveness of the behavior; and third, the interpretation of the behavior
by others, especially the male perpetrators, that the behavior was fun
and no big deal.
Netherlands
Twenty-two high schools in the Netherlands were studied by Tim-
merman (2003) for evidence of sexual harassment to teenagers. Ninety
percent of the perpetrators were male faculty and staff, and 87 percent
were male classmates with girls more likely to be targeted by the har-
asser than were the boys. One in four girls was sexually harassed, and
20 percent of the harassment was perpetrated by their teachers in the
form of nonverbal sexual advances. Verbal sexual harassment was
experienced most often. Girls were twice as likely to experience more
physical forms of sexual harassment as were their male peers, and
were also more likely to experience combined types of sexual harass-
ment. One percent of the girls experienced a rape or attempted rape
within the school.
Teacher harassment of girls often occurred in public places, with 69
percent of all students asserting it occurred in the teacher’s classroom,
followed by hallways and the cafeteria (Timmerman, 2003). These
results acknowledge that sexual harassment by teachers was not pro-
scribed. Peer sexual harassment was reported to occur in small groups
in classrooms, hallways, in the immediate area outside the school, and
other public places. Girls were more likely to report psychosomatic
consequences to their health when sexually harassed by teachers than
when harassed by their peers.
France
Sexual violence to students by teachers has occurred in France
(Bodin, 2005). Though the gender of the victim and the position of the
perpetrator was not revealed, 556 sexual abuse incidents were reported
in France during one academic year, and 12 percent were rapes (Blaya &
Debarbieux, 2008). According to the ‘‘Collectif feminist contre le viol’’
(cited in Blaya & Debarbieux, 2008), a little over 3 percent of sexual
attacks occurred within the school. Bodin (2005) found 11=2 percent of
French students experienced sexual abuse.
Finland
Sexual harassment was experienced by 41 percent of 15-year-old
Finish female students, yet only 2 percent reported it to school officials
(Honkatukia, 2000, cited in Laheelma, 2002). Gender conflicts between
male and female students were perceived by teachers as merely joking,
flirting, or playing (Aaltonen, 2002). Sexual harassment was not a term
that was used in their descriptions of the behavior because gender
tends to be invisible; consequently the gender-neutral term, bullying,
was used to define aggression even from males to females. According
to the author, the victim of bullying was blamed.
Germany and Belgium

Bodin (2005) found that a little more than 6 percent of German stu-
dents and 1 percent of Belgium students experienced sexual abuse. It is
not known who the perpetrators were or the gender of the students.
Spain
Ninety percent of both girls and boys reported sexual harassment,
with verbal harassment as the most common (Vicario, 2008). There was
no difference in the amount of sexual harassment each experienced,
with 90 percent reporting their victimization. However, the type of har-
assment varied in their assertions of homophobic barbs and sexual
comments, but further delineations were not provided.
Sweden
The Swedish National Agency for Education researched sexual har-
assment to grade school children and found over 50 percent experi-
enced sexually offensive name calling; pressure to have sex was found
in 7 percent of the students, and 4 percent were sexually assaulted,
including 1 percent by teachers (Skolverket, Dnr 01–2001: 2136, cited in
Witkowska, 2005). In a study done of students in grades nine through

eleven, 50 percent reported experiencing sexual harassment (Kullen-
berg & Ehrenlans, 1996, cited in Witkowska, 2005).
Using the criterion of inappropriate and unacceptable, Witkowska
(2005) studied sexual harassment of 17- and 18-year-old students in a
Swedish high school. Demeaning comments about their sexuality and
gender, sexual comments and conversations, and rating the level of
girls’ attractiveness, were experienced by 56 percent to 77 percent of
the girls. Between 23 percent and 44 percent of the girls experienced
these behaviors anywhere from daily to monthly. Less than 40 percent
of the girls were subjected to sexual name calling, pressure for sex, and
sexual rumors. Nonverbal sexual harassment was less frequent than
verbal, with ranges of 8 percent to 61 percent. Sexual assault reports
ranged from 0.2 percent to 27 percent and spread of sexual harassment
by teachers was from 2 percent to 14 percent. Forty-nine percent of the
girls perceived sexual harassment as a problem in their school.
In another study of Swedish female students by Witkowska and
Gadin (2005), 13 percent of female students were sexually harassed,
and 66 percent saw sexual harassment as a problem in their school, yet
schools were blase to the behavior. Only 16 percent saw sexualized
conversation, rating a student’s attractiveness or making sexual com-
ments by teachers as sexual harassment, and they stipulated that those
behaviors were common. Additionally, they dismissed teacher or staff
behavior of pulling student’s clothing, grabbing inappropriately and
touching private body parts as sexual harassment, which is quite dire.
Republic of Ireland
A large nationwide study on bullying was undertaken of over
20,000 students in over 500 primary, secondary, and vocational schools
in Ireland. Despite the research studying bullying behavior, some stu-
dents disclosed they had been subjected to behavior that would consti-
tute sexual harassment. Irish lads and lasses experienced sexual abuse
by peers and teachers, were kissed without permission, had their
clothes ripped off, and sexual rumors spread about them, and 30 indi-
cated they were sexually harassed.

Italy
Almost 50 percent of Italian women students reported being sexu-
ally harassed in research conducted by Lombardo, Pedrabissi, and San-
tinello (1996). Their experiences included sexual comments about their
bodies (29.3 percent), and quid pro quo harassment by offering a
reward for a sexual relationship (3.4 percent). Twenty-six percent of

the women reported that they were sexually assaulted.
Sweden
Bernelo and Peterson (2001, cited in Witkowska, 2005) found that
50 percent of university students experienced gender harassment,
and 30 percent indicated they were targets of sexual harassment.
Roughly 12 percent of female students at four Swedish universities
experienced sexual harassment at their university (www.allakvinnor-
shus.org/tjejjouren/statistik.htm, cited in Witkowska, 2005). Students
interviewed by Hagg (2002) asserted that sexual harassment at the Uni-
versity of Umea was rare, though they had heard it does occur. The
students indicated that if a student was victimized, the individual
would not speak out for fear of being labeled a troublemaker. Hagg
posited that perhaps because the ideology in Sweden is one of equal
opportunity, that sexual harassment may not be as prevalent as in
other countries; however, equal opportunity is not realized in Sweden
because women and girls’ freedom is too threatening to male power,
according to Hagg.
Netherlands
Twenty percent of female medical students at Nijmegen Medical
School in the Netherlands experienced sexual harassment (Neveille et
al., 2008).
Spain
Puigvert (2008) reported that a woman who is sexually harassed,
raped, or abused in a Spanish university will be subjected to major
roadblocks if she attempts to report her experience. Spanish univer-
sities do not have any policies to deal with sexual harassment on cam-
pus, and women who attempted to glean support from campus
officials were met with silence. Puigvert indicated that several research
programs about sexual harassment on Spanish university’s campuses
are underway.
SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN SCHOOLS IN ASIA PACIFIC

Asia Pacific encompasses a wide range of countries with broad eco-
nomic and cultural practices. Asia, particularly, uses an authoritarian
model of teaching, and, according to Jones et al. (2008), ‘‘social rela-
tions that are both highly gendered and determined by differences of
caste, ethnicity, and religion’’ (p. ix). There is antisexual violence
legislation throughout Asia, except for Pakistan, however sexual vio-

lence within the school milieu is rarely addressed.
Secondary Schools
Japan and China
Data from the Japanese government demonstrated that 115 public
school teachers were disciplined for fondling or harassing students as
well as molesting colleagues and graduates (The Bangkok Post, Decem-
ber 28, 2000, cited in Haspels, Kasim, Thomas, & McCann, 2001). The
Chinese Ministry of Education requires that minor students are taught
about sexual harassment (Xinhua News Agency, 2007). China passed
the Law on the Protection of Minors in 1991 legislating sexual harass-
ment to minors as a crime. Sexual harassment of Tibetan girls by Chi-
nese teachers is rampant, however, with the teachers pulling the girls
into rooms to touch them (Tibet Justice Center, 1998).
Pakistan
Parents of rural Pakistani elementary school children do not want
their daughters walking long distances to get to school because they do
not want them leered at by men (Warwick & Reimers, 1995). The
authors asserted that parents removed their daughters from school,
‘‘when they feel that conditions there do not respect female students or
protect their honor’’ (p. 28). Parents of daughters would prefer that
their daughters are not in contact with boys during the school day,
therefore, single-sexed schools are the preferred option by parents of
female students.
Secondary school female students are the more likely targets of sex-
ual harassment to and from school and in school by older boys, school
staff, and men who are passing by (Brohi & Ajaib, 2006). The sexual vi-
olence consists of singing sexually explicit songs, writing love letters,
making sexually vulgar comments about anatomy, and touching or
pressing up against female students. The behavior is pervasive and the
boys find it fun. According to Brohi and Ajaib, ‘‘The onus of responsi-
bility is on the woman or girl. At times, her mere existence is consid-
ered a provocation and any sexual act, with or without her consent,
carries a suffocating stigma’’ (p. 81). Pakistan has no laws against sex-
ual harassment.
Girls do not report their sexual harassment because to do so means
they have to choose between going to school and staying home because
their parents would not approve of their daughters’ victimization
(Brohi & Ajaib, 2006). In addition, Pakistan places great honor on girls’
sexual purity, and there is a presumption of guilt that the girl herself
did not preserve her own sexual dignity if she is sexually harassed.
Where female sexual victimization equals familial and communal

dishonor, it also affects families and communities . . . As one father
declared when referring to the benefits of schooling: ‘‘What is more im-
portant in society? My honour or her knowing where Yunaan (Greece)
is?’’ (p. 87).
South Asian Countries

As in Pakistan, the distance that girls have to walk to get to school
in both Malaysia and the Philippines is an impediment to girls’ enroll-
ment (King & Hill, 1993). Schools in those countries have also been
reported as hostile to girls. If there are no bathrooms in a Bangladesh
school, parents will not send their daughters because they are more
vulnerable to attack. In several South Asian countries, parents do not
want to send their daughters to coeducational schools, even in the pri-
mary grades. Once the girls enter puberty, the concern is even higher,
resulting in low female enrollment if the schools do not have boundary
walls and bathrooms for girls (Khan, 1993).
Afghanistan
When school girls’ classes are held outside, which is usually the case
and often under a tree, they are fodder for the verbal sexual harassment
by older boys and men who walk or drive by (Fahmia Vorgetts, Afghan
Women’s Fund and Women for Afghan Women, personal communica-
tion, March 14, 2009). After school, the girls gather in groups to walk
home because they are confronted with as many as 100 boys at the gates
of the school yelling obscenities, sexually offensive comments about their
breasts or vaginas, and attempting to grope or fondle the girls. Rape is
common. In addition, girls are threatened and assaulted by having acid
thrown in their faces on their way to school. Sexually offensive com-
ments about a woman’s breasts and her vagina are made by schoolboys
as young as seven or eight to middle-aged adult women.
India
Secondary school girls in Karnataka in South India are sexually har-
assed at school by their male peers and on their way to and from
school by men and older boys (Leach & Sitaram, 2007). Ragging is the
word used to imply, ‘‘that boys derive a sadistic pleasure in teasing or
tormenting girls’’ (p. 262). Behaviors found most offensive by the girls
included, ‘‘look at us with bad eyes . . . tease girls, write love letters
and notes . . . buy bangles . . . write the names of the girls whom they
‘fancy’ on their hands or on the school walls . . . compare a girl with a
film star, sing film songs . . . suggesting a romantic liaison . . .
spreading of rumours . . . deliberately bump into them’’ (pp. 265–266).

The girls were most concerned with the ragging and harassment that
occurred outside the school from older boys. Due to lack of space,
classes were often held outside, sometimes under a tree, which made
the girls afraid and vulnerable to the leers from the men and older
boys who walked by and who harassed them to and from school.
Girls’ gossip about their female classmates’ liaisons with boys was
another concern carrying grim repercussions if her parents found out
and removed her from school (Leach & Sitaram, 2007). The girls spoke
of gender stereotypes by teachers, which were exemplified in the com-
ments teachers made to the girls and to the boys. For example, a girl
may hear, ‘‘Why do you behave like this, do you think you are a boy?’’
or conversely a boy is asked, ‘‘Why do you talk so much like a girl?’’
(p. 269). Discussions with teachers and other school officials indicated that
rape of girl students by teachers had occurred but were relatively rare.
Nepal
According to the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Vio-
lence Against Children, 9 percent of children were abused by having
their sensitive parts kissed, oral sex, and penetration, with 18 percent
of the abusers being teachers (2005). In Nepal, teachers touch school
girls buttocks, breasts, and will unhook the girls’ brassieres (Save the
Children Fund, n.d., cited in Dunne, Humphreys, & Leach, 2006).
Russia
Girls in Russian primary grades were bullied two to three times more
by boys than were boys bullied by boys (D’yachenko, 2002, cited in
Zdravomyslova & Gorshkova, 2006). Though very little examination of
gender violence has occurred in Russian schools, the small amount that
has been examined indicates extensive integration of the behavior into
the milieu of Russian schools. Adolescent boys humiliate their female
peers to demonstrate masculine hegemony (Zdravomyslova & Gorsh-
kova, 2006). Sexual jokes and innuendo, discussion about sexual topics,
and sexual pressure are directed to female students by male faculty.
Australia
An Australian anti-bullying website includes resources and referen-
ces about gender and sexual harassment (www.bullyingnoway.
com.au). The site identifies examples of sexually offensive names, such
as slut, whore, and bitch, when talking about girls; that the behavior
most often is perpetrated by males who are abusing their power, and
provides an avenue for redress for students.
A majority of students from four schools in Australia indicated they

would not report sexual harassment even though their schools had
anti-bullying policies (Nolan, 2004; personal correspondence from Ken
Rigby, 2004, cited in Stein, 2005). Approximately 37 percent of the stu-
dents indicated that sexual harassment was a weekly occurrence.

Malaysia and Korea
A Malaysia university study demonstrated that 80 percent of women
were harassed (Badriya, 1988 in Zaitun, 2001, cited in Haspels et al.,
2001). In Korea, a group of women’s lawyers and academics formed an
ad hoc committee in response to a woman assistant who was fired for
refusing her professor’s repeated sexual demands. The committee was
successful in taking the assistant’s case to court resulting in legal reform.
China
When an incident of a male university student e-mailing pornogra-
phy to women students was made public in Hong Kong, it compelled
universities, corporations, and the government to designate a position
of Equal Opportunity Officer to deal with harassment and discrimina-
tion issues within their organizations (Haspels et al., 2001).
One of the first comprehensive sexual harassment studies completed
in a Hong Kong university demonstrated that twice as many Chinese
graduate and undergraduate college women experience sexual harass-
ment than do their male counterparts, with peer harassment being
twice as likely to happen as harassment by faculty (Tang et al., 1996).
Approximately one of every four female students was victimized by
the behavior with 1 percent experiencing coercive sexual harassment
by either a peer or a teacher. Twelve percent of the women students
experienced misogynist comments by their teachers as well as teachers
infringing on their body space and touching their arms, shoulders and
hands. Teachers were also reported to make comments about the wom-
en’s bodies, pressure them for dates, and direct sexually suggestive
gestures towards 5 percent of women students. One student reported
sexual assault and two other women indicated their teachers bribed
them into sex. Peer harassment was more prevalent with 20 percent to
26 percent of women experiencing gender harassment and ‘‘physical
seductive behaviors’’ (p. 205); several women were bribed or coerced
into sexual activity and 10 percent of women were pressured for dates
and were the targets of sexual stares and gestures.
These behaviors were viewed as the norm by some women, and
even fewer women believed that the victims were partly to blame for
the harassment (Tang et al., 1996). Chinese students were less aware of
sexual harassment on their campus than were U.S. students’ awareness
of the behavior on their campuses. The authors posited that this may
be due to less sexual harassment occurring on Chinese campuses than
the United States, a difference in the sizes of the universities studied, a
Chinese patriarchal culture so that Chinese students don’t view some
of the sexist comments as harassing, embarrassment within the Chinese
culture to discuss such issues, and the emphasis on harmony and mu-
tual respect within their society.
A second study by Tang (2001, cited in Equal Opportunities Com-
mission of Hong Kong, 2006–2007) showed that students from eight
institutions of higher learning believed that sexual harassment on their
campus was due to women wearing sexy attire and therefore, appear-
ing sexy. More men than women perceived sexual harassment as flirta-
tion and admiration of women. Students also believed that sexual
harassment was really about the victim overreacting.
India
Lewd songs, harassing phone calls, sexual verbal comments, and
women’s breasts as the object of men’s glares, were experienced by 39
percent of female college students in Mumbai, India (Bajpai, 1999). The
women’s bathrooms were surrounded by men making the location a
threatening place for women to use, as were the canteen and the en-
trance to the university. Male faculty subjected the women students to
sexual innuendo, touching, staring, and offering grades for sex. Forty-
five percent of women students at the University of Peradeniya in Sri
Lanka discussed their sexual humiliation, called ragging (Finney, 2000).
Roughly half the women who took part in a Delhi University study
indicated that they were harassed by either a teacher or a non-teaching
employee. In addition, 92 percent of women at the university’s hostel,
experienced daily sexual harassment within the campus as well as on
busses and streets (The Lawyers Collective, 2001, cited in Haspels et
al., 2001). Almost 14 percent of female students were harassed by their
male peers in libraries and the canteen, and 5 percent were harassed
by university staff (Gender Study Group, 1996, cited in Mirsky, 2003).
Verbal harassment in Indian higher educational institutions is known
as eve-teasing, and is considered a less offensive form of harassment by
women students at Delhi University (Anagol-McGinn, 1994, cited in
Mirsky, 2003). Their male peers viewed eve-teasing as ‘‘light in nature,
flattering, and fun’’ (Anagol-McGinn, 1994, cited in Mirsky, 2003, p. 18).
Forty-five percent of the female students acknowledged that they shun
the library and specific classes to avoid sexual harassment.
Numerous universities in India have undertaken the task of reduc-
ing sexual harassment and assault on their university campuses, and
creating and implementing sexual harassment polices (Bajpai, 1999).

Her study showed that 39 percent of women acknowledged the exis-
tence of sexual harassment on campus, and 58 percent of women said
there was no harassment or discrimination. Sexual harassment was
defined as nasty and obscene behavior including comments about a
woman’s anatomy, lewd songs, whistling, staring at a woman’s breasts,
and phone calls. Classrooms, hallways, the library and canteen were
common locations where harassment occurred, especially during spe-
cial events and holidays. The women said that if a female student
walked by a group of men, it was a 100 percent certainty that sexual
comments would be spewed at her. Male faculty enjoyed their own
kind of sexual harassment including ridiculing females, staring, coer-
cion for grades, inviting the woman to his home, and sexual innuendo
(Bajpai, 1999). Most of the time there was no action taken on any sex-
ual harassment on campus.
Thailand
There were differences in perception about workplace sexual harass-
ment between business school students in Thailand and the United
States, according to a study by Limpaphayom, Williams, and Fadil
(2006). Thai students perceived sexual jokes and sexually explicit lan-
guage as very offensive and a form of sexual coercion. U.S. students
acknowledged that exchanging sexual activity for a work advantage
and sexual remarks create an offensive work environment.
Australia
Although 53 percent of female undergraduate students in Australia
experienced sexual harassment from their professors, and 88 percent
from their male classmates, only 32 percent of students perceived they
were sexually harassed (Gardner & Felicity, 1996). Female students
were more likely to identify sexist comments from their professors as
sexual harassment than the same behavior from their male peers. Gen-
der harassment was most common from the students’ professors,
whereas unwelcome attempts for a sexual relationship and sexist and
sexually offensive remarks came from their male classmates.
SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN EDUCATION IN AFRICA

Sexual violence in and around African schools has reached epidemic
proportions. Female students are subjected to sexual harassment and
sexual abuse by their teachers and their male classmates in bathrooms,
classrooms, and the perimeter of the school (Amnesty International,
2008; Leach, 2006; Education For All Global Monitoring Report Team,
2003: World Bank, n.d.) The results of six studies demonstrated that
between 16 percent and 47 percent of girls in primary and secondary
schools report experiencing sexual violence (World Bank, n.d.). Con-
flict, poverty and war were contributing factors to the sexual exploita-
tion of girls walking to and from school and while at school
(ActionAid International, n.d.).
Primary and Secondary Schools

Zimbabwe
An extensive qualitative study of four schools in Zimbabwe demon-
strated widespread sexual harassment of girls in three co-educational
and one all-girls secondary schools (Leach, Machakanja, & Mandoga,
2000). The authors explored the abuse to girls from the perspective of a
culture that is gendered and misogynist. The study explored both sex-
ual abuse and nonsexual abuse and found a nexus between the two in
that both co-existed within the school environment, even though non-
sexual abuse in the form of corporal punishment is illegal. For exam-
ple, if a girl denies a teacher’s sexual advances, she risks his physical
assault. By interviewing 13- to 15-year-old girls, their male classmates,
teachers, head teachers, parents, and government officials, it was appa-
rent that the sexual harassment the girls experienced on their way to
and from school was from older men known as sugar daddies. Fifty
percent of girls indicated they were sexually touched, and 92 percent
were propositioned for sex in exchange for gifts or money (Amnesty
International, 2008).
The sexual harassment of school girls in Zimbabwe represents a mi-
crocosm of the amount of sexual abuse and nonsexual abuse that girls
experience outside the school milieu (Amnesty International, 2008;
Leach, 2006; Leach et al., 2000). This broader context merits a brief ex-
amination when viewing the problem of sexual harassment within and
around the school environment. Girls and women are considered less
valuable within much of African culture, and are vulnerable because of
their low socioeconomic status resulting in their dependence on men.
Additionally, males are socialized to view females as their property
and someone to serve them, and that girls and women should obey
what boys and men require of them. The girls’ socialization results in
their lowered self-esteem and acceptance of male aggression as the
norm, making them vulnerable to abuse. Men and boys’ offer of money
and gifts, therefore, becomes an enticing element in the male power
dynamic of manipulating the girls into sexual relationships. The abuse
the girls experience in school mirrors the violence perpetrated against
them in public places by male strangers, and at home in the form of
sexual abuse, beatings, neglect, excessive work, and verbal abuse.
Older boys and male teachers were the most likely perpetrators of
the girls (Leach, 2006; Mirsky, 2003; Education For All Monitoring
Report Team, 2008). Sexual violence included the following behaviors:
invading the girls’ space in an intimidating manner, badgering them in
the hallways and on school grounds, entering their classrooms unin-
vited, touching their breasts and buttocks often leading to sexual
assault, and verbally abusing demeaning the female gender by shout-
ing obscenities and calling them whores and prostitutes. The boys sent
love letters as a way to propose, but if the girls refused the boys’ pro-
posals, they were met with verbal insults, name calling, or physical
assault.
Male teachers abused their power to tantalize both younger and
older girls into a sexual liaison, often using money and gifts like the
sugar daddies in the public arena (Leach, 2006; Mirsky, 2003). This was
standard accepted behavior and often perpetrated on a girl during
class in front of other students. Teachers were not punished which
increased the likelihood of the tantalizing becoming sexual abuse.
Shumba (2001) discovered that 65.6 percent of sexual abuse by teachers
included sexual intercourse, and 2 percent experienced rape or
attempted rape. Because teachers behaved so openly and egregiously
in front of their male students with no negative consequences to their
behavior, they became role models for the same behavior for the young
men in the classroom.
Even the girls that attended the all-girls school did not escape sexual
harassment (Mirsky, 2003; Leach, 2006). Like the coeducational girls,
they were harassed on their way to and from school by sugar daddies.
Once in the school, some male teachers were inappropriate towards
them as well. Because the legal ban on corporal punishment was
strictly enforced, unlike the coeducational schools, verbal abuse by both
female and male teachers was rampant.
The study demonstrated that differentiating between abuse and con-
sent was sometimes a difficult distinction (Dunne et al., 2006). There
were some girls that accepted money and gifts from the older boys or
the sugar daddies, which from the male’s viewpoint meant a sexual
relationship. That said, because of the power differential, whether con-
sensual or not, it was abuse and harassment.
The lack of school or government leadership in condemning and
punishing the boys or male teachers for the sexual harassment, sexual
abuse, and nonsexual abuse in the form of corporal punishment, gave
tacit approval for the behavior to continue thereby creating an environ-
ment of gender-based violence towards girls (Dunne et al., 2006; Leach,
2006; Mirsky, 2003). As could be expected, sometimes the girls became
pregnant by a teacher. If the teacher was reported, little consequence
was observed. Sometimes the girl’s parents ignored the pregnancy if
the teacher agreed to marry the pregnant teen and provide a home for
her. The girls were assigned blame for their pregnancy by parents,
their peers, and they blamed themselves as well. Female teachers were
aware of the harassment by both the boys and the male teachers but
ignored it. The message sent to boys and girls that the abuse was nor-
malized and expected.
The girls reported a myriad of responses to the boys’ harassment
reflecting emotional, educational, and behavioral consequences (Dunne
et al., 2003; UN World Report on Violence Against Children, 2006).
Emotionally, they reported feeling anxious, embarrassed, confused,
scared, and irritated. They had difficulty concentrating in class and
reported crying. Some were too frightened to leave the classroom,
while others ensured that their trip home was with other girls, and
avoided walking near crowds of boys. If it was a teacher who was the
harasser, the girls reported doing whatever they could to avoid the
teacher’s attention; they worried if they denied the teacher’s sexual
approach, they would be retaliated against by lowered grades, forced
to do extra work, or be physically assaulted.
Kenya
Rape in Kenyan schools is commonplace (Ceneda, 2001). In 1991, 71
girls were brutally gang raped by boys from a neighboring school
resulting in the death of 19 girls. The boys were not prosecuted. When
the headmaster for the boys’ school expelled them, the boys’ parents
sued forcing the headmaster to readmit them. When a probation officer
was interviewed about the incident, he acknowledged that rape was a
normal aspect of the school setting to the point that if the gang rapes
hadn’t resulted in deaths, the tragedy would not have made the news.
During this same time, a primary school teacher had raped nine girls;
the teacher’s employment was not terminated and he continued as a
teacher.
South Africa
The HRW study of sexual violence to girls in South African schools
involved visiting eight predominantly urban public schools from a
broad range of economic strata and interviewing their administrators
and teachers (George & Thonden, 2001). Thirty six girls from different
ethnic backgrounds between the ages of 7 to 17, parents, social work-
ers, teachers, administrators, and government officials were also inter-
viewed. Twenty-three incidents of rape at school were also
investigated. Jackrolling defined the snatching and gang rape of girls
and was reported in 25 schools. As in Zimbabwe, South African girls
are regularly sexually harassed, including sexual assault and rape, by
both their male classmates and male teachers. The harassment mirrors
the experiences of their Zimbabwean counterparts—they are threat-

ened, fondled, verbally humiliated, and raped in bathrooms, class-
rooms (in front of teachers) and hallways.
More often than not, the girls’ sexual violence is committed by two
or more boys (Mirsky, 2003). The abuse goes unchallenged by schools,
educators, and the government. If girls do report the abuse, they are
often retaliated against by school administrators and their peers. Teach-
ers who are known abusers and were found to commit one third of the
rapes to children (Jewkes, Levin, Mbananga, & Bradshaw, 2002), were
not disciplined but rather were transferred to other schools to continue
their egregious behavior.
While most of the sexual harassment to the girls is perpetrated by
their male classmates, harassment by male teachers is epidemic and
severe. Teachers instigate a quid pro quo by promising the girls better
grades in return for sexual favors or a dating relationship. They taunt
the girls into a form of prostitution by offering money for sex. Con-
versely, teachers will threaten the girls with physical violence if they
don’t comply with the teacher’s sexual demands. Teachers have raped,
sexually assaulted, and verbally sexually abused the girls with degrad-
ing sexual comments. One primary teacher instructed the girls to draw
a penis. A study done in 1998 by the Medical Research Council found
that 37.7 percent of rape victims, who identified their rapist, identified
one of their teachers or their principal as the perpetrator of their vio-
lence. Male teachers will ask the girls to run an errand for them to the
male staff lounge, thereby colluding with their male peers who are
waiting in the staff room where the girl would be sexually harassed or
raped (World Bank, n.d.). Understandably, girls were fearful of going
near the male teachers’ staff room, so they would pair up with one of
their female classmates to run the errand.
Girls were harassed and assaulted on their way to and from school
by taxi drivers (George & Thoonden, 2001). Because poor and black
girls are more likely to have to travel further to get to school, they are
more vulnerable to violence. Little attention has been directed to the
sexualized violence in South African primary schools (Bhana, 2006).
The consequences to the girls are multifaceted. In addition to the
girls dropping out of school and failing their higher education matricu-
lation exams, their involvement in activities outside of school, such as
sports, are diminished (George & Thonden 2001). They have difficulty
concentrating causing their grades to drop. Absenteeism is a common
response to the unchallenged harassment thereby disrupting their abil-
ity to learn. Sexual assaults lead to unwanted pregnancy and health
risks associated with sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and HIV/
AIDS. (George & Thonden, 2001; Leach, 2006).
A study comparing the sexual harassment of students in Johannes-
burg and Chicago, Illinois in the United States found that the behavior
is normalized in both schools. Eighty three percent of Chicago students

and 79 percent of Johannesburg students reported sexual harassment
by their peers. An almost equal number also disclosed that they sexu-
ally harassed their classmates—74 percent and 78 percent, respectively.
Both genders from both countries had similar rates for both their
victimization and their perpetration of the same behavior on their
classmates.
West Africa
Very few female teachers work in refugee schools in West Africa
where Liberian refugee girls study in Sierra Leone and Guinea (Kirk &
Winthrop, 2008). Consequently, girls are likely to be sexually exploited
by their male teachers. In 2002, the International Rescue Committee
(IRC) instigated new imitative—female classroom assistants (CAs) to
make the school environment safer and friendlier to girls. For example,
the CAs monitor a log book in which the girls’ grades are recorded,
which diminishes the likelihood of transactional sex (the exchange of
money, gifts, or grades for money) between the male teacher and the
girl. Sexual abuse to Liberian school girls by male teachers and school
staff was evident in refugee camps, where teacher abuse often involved
the demand for sex for grades (United Nations, 2002, cited in United
States Agency for International Development, 2008).
Botswana, Ghana
A study by Rossetti (2001, cited in Davies, n.d.), found that 67 per-
cent of students in Botswana schools (including some boys) had been
subjected to sexual harassment by teachers. Twenty percent of these
students were propositioned by their teacher for sex, and 42 percent of
the students complied due to fear of retaliation if they did not. In
Ghana, 13.5 percent of girls in both primary and secondary schools
were victims of sexual abuse at school (Brown, 2002).
Malawi, Cameroon, and Uganda

Amnesty International (2008) reported that 50 percent of Malawi
girls experienced unwanted sexual touching by their teachers or male
classmates (Leach, Fiscian, Kadzamira, Lemani, & Machakanja, 2003).
According to the World Bank (n.d.), eight percent of school girls from
Cameroon were sexually abused by their teachers. A student in
Uganda reported that one of her male teachers required that she wash
his feet, take water to the bathroom, and when he appeared naked
asked her to ‘‘help him as a man’’ (ActionAid, n.d., p. 4).
Morocco, Benin, and Tunisia

The farther the girls have to walk to get to school, the less likely
parents in Morocco and Tunisia are willing to let their daughters
attend school (King & Hill, 1993). While the authors do not specifically
identify gendered violence or sexual harassment as the cause of
parents’ trepidation, they recognized that the walk to school would
make their daughters vulnerable to ‘‘moral and physical peril’’ (King &
Hill, p. 33). Wible (2004) found that 43 percent of primary and 80 per-
cent of secondary students in Benin, dropped out of school because of
sexual abuse. Another survey discovered that 34 percent of children
and 15 percent of teachers attested to sexual violence occurring in their
schools (Plan, 2008). Rarely are any of the incidents reported to school
officials.

Zimbabwe
Research conducted on institutions of higher learning in Zimbabwe
uncovered considerable sexual harassment of 2,756 female students by
male lecturers (Zindi, 1998). Fear of further victimization was identified
by 90 percent of the women as a reason sexual harassment is either
underreported or not reported. Their fear was supported when 45 per-
cent of female students told of lowered grades when they refused their
lecturers sexual advances or if they terminated an ongoing dating rela-
tionship. A little over 1 percent of the women indicated that they
would date a lecturer to improve their grades, and almost 9 percent
asserted that any student over the age of 18 had a right to date a single
lecturer. In contrast, 21 percent of females believed dating lecturers
was unethical because the student may have an unfair grade advantage
because exam papers may be provided to the lecturers’ student para-
mour prior to the exam. A full 64 percent of women students perceived
their lecturers as corrupt. Every woman who completed the survey
indicated that legislation should be enacted to protect students against
lecturers, and all of them knew lecturers who had abused their power
to take advantage of women students.
Gaidzanwa (1994) posited that female students were said to be ‘‘ask-
ing for it’’ if they ventured outside the union buildings. Incidents
called knifing, which include sexual harassment of women including
rape, abuse of alcohol, and other forms of violence by male students,
were chronicled in a report written by the university’s proctor. At one
point, a student wearing a mini skirt was attacked by 100 male stu-
dents. Sexual harassment by male faculty, including transactional sex,
was reported.
Kenya
According to Ceneda (2001), sexual harassment and exploitation of
female university students is rampant in Kenya, and is identified as
one of the obstacles to women’s educational achievement. Women are
pressured for sex, raped, groped, fondled, and subjected to cat calls,
with rare action taken against the perpetrator.
Ghana
Trainee teachers from a university and a college are sexually har-
assed most frequently during ‘‘1) promotional exams, 2) continuous
assessment, 3) admission practices, 4) exam practices by typists, 5) stu-
dent allowances, 6) domestication of female students, and 7) study
mates’’ (Teni-Atinga, 2006, pp. 199–200). The harassment sometimes
includes persistent sexual coercion from lecturers with threats of a low-
ered grade or not passing the exam to move forward with a student’s
education. The sexual harassment begins when women are seeking col-
lege admission and does not stop until they are through the program.
They experience anger, frustration, helplessness, and a sense of power-
lessness because of the inability to bring a complaint to the school for
fear of ridicule and stigma.
Nigeria
The sexual harassment of female students by professors on Nigeria’s
universities gained the attention of the country’s president, General
Olusegun Obasanjo (Ladebo, 2001, cited in Ladebo, 2003). The presi-
dent made a mockery out of university teachers for using female stu-
dents for their own sexual hedonism. Ladebo’s (2003), study of three
Nigerian universities found that none of the three had any sexual
harassment policies, in all likelihood because the country has no anti-
sexual harassment laws. Sexual harassment by male teachers to female
students had escalated to the point that management went to the lead-
ers of the union to implore the teachers to stop their abuse. One of the
campuses is known to have high incidents of rape and sexual assaults,
and women attending the other universities reported sexual coercion
and transactional sex if they are financially indigent.
Phallic attack is the term coined by male lecturers at two universities
that refers to the coercion of students for sex in exchange for grades
(Nwadigwe, 2007). The author asserted that the increase in sexual har-
assment could be partially attributed to the lack of sex education in
African countries. Single women experienced higher rates of sexual
harassment, and were more likely to succumb to their lecturer’s taunts.
Only 2 percent of the victims reported the menacing lecturer. Students
reported that they bought gifts for the lecturer and his family in an
attempt to avoid intercourse with him.
Women students at Lagos State University in Nigeria described their
experiences on campus as a type of rape, including threats, intimida-
tion and force from men that attempt to disguise their relationship as
friendship (Adedokun, 2005). Male teachers are the most likely perpe-
trators but male students and university staff also sexually harass.
SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN SCHOOLS IN THE MIDDLE EAST

Sexual violence in schools in the Middle East is not likely to be rec-
ognized or studied because of war, political unrest, poverty, and
entrenched cultural beliefs about the role of men and women in the
region.
Secondary
Egypt
Egyptian parents are reticent to allow their daughters to attend
school if they have a long distance to walk for fear of their daughter’s
‘‘moral and physical peril’’ (King & Hill, 1993, p. 33). The Egyptian
Center for Women’s Rights (ECWR), an NGO, conducted the first
country study addressing the prevalence of sexual harassment to Egyp-
tian and tourist women on the streets of several cities (Hassan, n.d.).
The organization did not research sexual harassment to girls and
women in education specifically, however, their research found 29 per-
cent of harassment occurred in educational facilities and that school-
children and university students were the most likely to harass girls
and women on Egypt’s streets, after taxi drivers. One can speculate,
therefore, that girls and women in Egypt’s schools are victimized by
sexual harassment. An ECWR seminar encouraged parents to discuss
the sexual harassment in school with their children. Teachers informed
ECWR that they were at a loss as to what to tell students about sexual
harassment or what to do when they are subjected to it. ECWR is
working with the Ministry of Education to design sexual harassment
curriculum for schools to use in teaching students about the construct.
Men blamed sexual harassment on the influence of the West, the
media, inaction by the female victim, seductive clothing, and a wom-
an’s presence in specific locations (Hassan, n.d.). They also asserted
that sexual harassment should be expected because of the lust between
men and women. The men reported feeling a level of satisfaction after
harassing a woman: more masculine, and a way to show off.
The ECWR (Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights, n.d.) told of a
female student whose father no longer allows her to attend school
because of the daily verbal harassment from men and boys as she and
her girlfriends travel to and from school. The girl’s male classmates
spread sexual rumors; her brother and father heard the rumors and
beat her. Another father sought help from ECWR when his 14-year-old
daughter refused to attend school because of the sexual harassment
she experienced on the bus ride to and from school.
Turkey
The HRW reported that girls who attend government-sponsored
medical high schools, and who are suspected of having sex or being
prostitutes, will be subjected to virginity examinations (HRW, 2001a).
The exams were banned in 1999 and reinstituted in 2001. Girls have
attempted suicide rather than be forced to the invasive and painful
exam.
Israel
A nationwide Israeli study of sexual harassment of over 10,000 pub-
lic school students in seventh through eleventh grades demonstrated
that Arab boys and eighth-grade students were the most likely to
report sexual harassment (Zeira, Astor, & Benbenishty, 2002). Arab
girls, followed by Jewish girls, reported the least amount of victimiza-
tion—both Arab and Jewish boys were the most likely victims of har-
assment from their male classmates. Eleven percent to 36 percent of
girls reported experiencing a minimum of one act of sexual harass-
ment, with Arab girls least likely to be harassed. Unwanted sexual
remarks and attempts to kiss the girls were the most disturbing experi-
ences. Seven percent of the girls reported being kissed when they
didn’t want to, and 11 percent indicated a classmate attempted to
touch them sexually without their consent. Out of the seven survey
items, boys experienced six of the seven considerably more often than
did the girls; the girls’ reports of a student attempting to take off an
item of their clothing was the only survey item in which they scored
higher. The girls most frequent sexual harassment experiences, at 11
percent, was when another student made unwanted sexual remarks
and tried to touch them sexually.
IMPACT
Hill and Silva (2005) found female students were fearful, angry,
embarrassed, and worried about whether they would have a healthy
relationship. The women reported having difficulty concentrating dur-
ing class and problems sleeping. According to Dziech and Weiner
(1990), denial is one of the effective coping mechanisms sexual
harassment targets employ to deal with their victimization. When the

behavior continues, targets will attempt to avoid the harasser hoping
that if they avoid or ignore the harasser, he will eventually leave her
alone (Backhouse, 1981; Hill & Silva, 2005). Students also report strat-
egies to avoid being noticed, such as dressing down, dropping courses,
not enrolling in courses taught by specific instructors, changing their
major or career plans, and relinquishing research opportunities due to
sexual harassment (Dziech & Weiner, 1990; Fineran & Bennett, 1998;
Mirsky, 2003). Discussing boyfriends or husbands, indicating they are
too busy studying, and other tactics are instigated to cope with the per-
petrator (Benson & Thomson, 1982).
Paludi and Barickman (1991) listed behaviors into five categories
which they termed sexual harassment trauma syndrome; (a) emotional
responses such as shame, guilt, and powerlessness; (b) physical reac-
tions including substance abuse, lethargy, weight fluctuations, phobias,
and genitourinary and gastrointestinal distress; (c) changes in self-
perception, for example, feelings of hopelessness, lack of control, and
negative self-esteem; (d) social, interpersonal relatedness, and sexual
effects encompassing changes in dress or physical appearance, lack of
trust, negative attitudes and behavior in sexual relationships, and
potential sexual disorders; and (e) career effects such as changes in
study and work habits, withdrawal from school, drop in academic per-
formance, and lowered grades (pp. 29–39).
Psychological sequelae include confusion and self-blame, fear and
anxiety, depression and anger, and disillusionment (Salisbury, 1986).
Girls who have been sexually abused feel ashamed and guilty causing
them to stay quiet for fear of negative ramifications, such as being
killed for bringing dishonor to their families (Blaya & Debarbieus,
2008). The immediate and long-term ramifications to victims of gen-
dered violence are copious including anxiety about their personal
safety, loss of self-esteem, anxious, and an increase in suicide risk
(George, 2001; Mirsky, 2003; HRW, 2001a, 2001b). Students may resort
to using alcohol or drugs, and participating in risky sexual behavior
(HRW, 2001a, 2001b).
Other responses included feeling upset, uncomfortable, and disap-
pointed in their college experience (Hill & Silva, 2005), trouble concen-
trating and learning, and truancy (Blaya & Debarbieux, 2008). In
addition to the psychological ramifications, there is an increased risk for
pregnancy, STDs, cervical cancer, infertility, and the spread of HIV/
AIDS, particularly in countries in Africa where the virus is rampant.
Long-term economic, psychological, social, and physical health con-
sequences may result when females have been victimized (Amnesty
International, 2008). Problems may arise in adulthood such as criminal
behavior and difficulty in maintaining relationships (APSA Rapport,
1999, cited in Blaya & Debarbieux, 2008).
When teachers sexually harass and abuse female students in front of

the boys in the class, or when they collude with the boys who harass
by not intervening, boys learn a violent form of masculinity that then
perpetuates gendered violence in the home and in society.
RECOMMENDATIONS
According to ActionAid International (n.d.) ‘‘Violence against girls
has its roots in patriarchy and unequal power relations that still exist
worldwide. Therefore the problem must be seen within this broader
framework. It is a symptom and a result of the larger problem of gen-
der inequality that has to be tackled in all spheres’’ (p. 4). Addressing
the complex phenomenon of sexual violence to girls in education
requires a wide range of strategies because it is a worldwide pandemic
(Leach, 2006; Mirsky, 2003). International researchers DeSouza and Sol-
berg (2003) asserted that ‘‘In countries where women have been and
are viewed as unequal to men, new laws or procedures designed to
prevent harassment may conflict with hundreds of years of culture . . .’’
(p. 25). The nexus of human rights, public health, legislation, and educa-
tion are at the heart of any potential movement for reversing this multi-
farious plague (Mirsky, 2003).
The following recommendations are only a cursory list briefly sum-
marizing the in-depth recommendations from Amnesty International,
HRW, and the United Nations, among others. Each of these organiza-
tions’ recommendations are analogous and generally fall within six cat-
egories: research, national and international efforts, school initiatives,
community and parent verve, public health programs, and active stu-
dent participation.
Research
Sexual violence is an understudied construct in which more research
is required to understand the scope and severity in individual coun-
tries and worldwide. With increased data, measurable goals and objec-
tives can be strategically designed, implemented, monitored, and
evaluated for both the prevention and intervention of the abuse in pri-
mary, secondary, and postsecondary institutions. Much of the research
has been done qualitatively—additional quantitative data are also
required to gain knowledge about the perpetrators and what variables
are present to prevent school officials from intervening to both prevent
and intervene on sexual violence (and other forms of violence) to girls
and women (and boys and men). With more study of the efficacy of
prevention and intervention treatments and services, an international
best practices database could be created as a resource for stakeholders
use worldwide.
National and International Efforts

Perhaps one of the simplest steps countries could take is to ratify
the many international conventions and treaties dealing with human
rights, women’s rights, and the rights of the child. The ratification is
only as effective as government follow through within each country.
Governments need to become accountable to international and national
laws, where applicable. Each country’s ministry of education should
partner with law enforcement, schools, communities, parents, NGOs,
public health agencies, and students to form local and national coali-
tions with the goal of stopping sexual abuse. For countries that do not
have anti-sexual harassment in school laws, legislation needs to be
enacted to stop the behavior to female students of all ages.
School Initiatives
Teachers need to be trained in sexual harassment, gender equality,
and discipline procedures that are respectful of the dignity of females
(and males). Students must learn about sexual violence, female equal-
ity, good communication skills, boundaries, and respect of gender dif-
ferences. Teachers should be required to take part in ongoing training
throughout their tenure, and performance appraisals conducted by
headmasters and principals, and students should be implemented in
monitoring teacher effectiveness and behavior. More female teachers
and teacher’s assistance should be hired for schools where most teach-
ers are male. Curriculum development about gender equity, sexual har-
assment, and effective forms of discipline, among others, should be
required in all college teacher education. Schools should develop, dis-
seminate, and publicize effective sexual violence policies and proce-
dures, as well as monitor their effectiveness. Teachers who sexually
abuse a student of any age should be fired and referred to the police.
Disciplinary measures need to be used on students who violate the
school’s policy and sexually harass their classmates.
Parents and Community Verve

The school does not operate in a vacuum; it is a reflection of soci-
ety’s mores and values. Therefore, to change those heinous values
degrading to women and children, citizens can become members of
NGOs or other grassroots organizations working towards anti-sexual
violence programs and projects. Programs that develop men as part-
ners in understanding and teaching other men and boys about gender
inequality and its impact on girls and women should be implemented
in communities. Each community should create their own solutions to
the problem of gender violence specific to their locale. Use of mass
media programs on radio, television, town posters, and the Internet

could be capitalized in getting the anti-sexual violence, pro-equality
message out to citizens within the community. Law enforcement’s
involvement will serve to diminish the likelihood of girls being sexu-
ally propositioned and accosted on their way to and from school, as
well as the abuse by their male teachers. Parents would benefit from
parent education classes emphasizing gender equality, discipline, and
the importance of girls attending school. Parents should be active part-
ners with their children’s schools to ensure competent teachers are
hired.
Public Health
Public health programs and projects dealing with HIV/AIDS and
other STDs need to be taught to all citizens within the community and
schools. Pregnancy prevention is an essential educational program
along with the use of condoms for the reduction of pregnancy, STDs,
and HIV/AIDs. Public health agencies partnering with schools and the
community would help ensure an integrated approach to dealing with
the consequences of sexual violence in schools and in the community.
Student Participation
Active student participation is essential for student buy-in in design-
ing and implementing any process and program to stop incidents of
sexual harassment at school. Students will have some of the best prob-
lem solving capabilities about the issue because they live it on a daily
basis. Educating the boys to understand sexism, gender violence, and
the impact on their female classmates is another effective tactic in
reducing the sexual abuse. Using peer education involving older boys
teaching the younger boys would be beneficial for both the boy teacher
and the boy learner. Catalyzing the boys to be advocates for their
female classmates if groups of boys are colonizing against the girls
would demonstrate positive role modeling to their male peers. Provid-
ing safe opportunities for girls to teach boys how the boys’ sexual
abuse impacts them emotionally, educationally, and physically may be
another catalyst in stopping the abuse.
A holistic approach, integrating strategies, agencies, organizations,
governments, and individuals will be required to effectively change a
complex epidemic that has, unfortunately, become the norm in schools
around the world. Fortunately, champions of the needed transforma-
tion have begun chipping away at this overwhelming undertaking.
This is a transformation that must be successful for girls and women,
boys and men, and for society.
CONCLUSION
The pandemic of sexual violence in schools is not well recognized,
analyzed, or researched (Dunne et al., 2006). School officials may deny,
minimize, and hide sexual harassment leading to inaction as their pref-
erential response to sexual violence in schools. In the worst case sce-
nario, teachers, staff, and administrators may be the actual perpetrators
of the abuse. This often is contradictory of national law, school policies,
and international treaties and conventions.
Stopping sexual violence in schools is an overwhelming task that
will require changing long entrenched cultural belief systems about pa-
triarchy, masculine hegemony, and girls and women’s value in society.
This paradigm shift will require a long-term commitment from individ-
uals; NGOs; governments; primary, secondary, and postsecondary
schools and teachers; parents; and boys and girls (Plan, 2008).
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Appendix: Women’s Studies Programs
in the United States
Michele A. Paludi
Additional information regarding women’s studies/gender studies pro-

grams may be obtained directly from the college or university and from
the Feminist Majority Foundation at http://feminist.org. The Feminist
Majority Foundation identifies the degrees offered for each women’s stud-
ies/gender studies program within the United States. Some programs
offer certificates, majors, and minors in women’s studies/gender studies.
STATE
Alabama
Auburn University
University of Alabama
University of North Alabama
Alaska
University of Alaska, Fairbanks
Arizona
Arizona State University
Northern Arizona University
University of Arizona
234 Appendix
Arkansas
University of Arkansas
California
California Institute of Integral Studies
California Lutheran University
California Polytechnic State University
California State University, Chico
California State University, Fresno
California State University, Fullerton
California State University, Long Beach
California State University, Northridge
California State University, Sacramento
California State University, San Bernadino
California State University, San Marcos
California State University, Stanislaus
Cerritos College
Claremont Colleges
Claremont Graduate University
Foothill College
Mills College
Montclair State University
Moorpark College
New College of California
Ohlone College
Pomona College
Saddleback College
San Diego State University
San Francisco State University
Santa Clara University
Santa Monica College
Scripps College
Sonoma State University
Stanford University
University of California, Berkeley
University of California, Riverside
University of California, Santa Barbara
University of California, Santa Cruz
Appendix 235
University of California, Los Angeles

University of California, Davis
University of California, Irvine
University of California, San Diego
University of San Diego
Colorado
Colorado College
Fort Lewis College
Metropolitan State College of Denver
University of Colorado, Boulder
University of Colorado, Colorado Springs
University of Colorado, Denver
University of Denver
University of Northern Colorado
Connecticut
Connecticut College
Fairfield University
Hartford College for Women
Southern Connecticut State University
Trinity College
Delaware
University of Delaware
District of Columbia
American University
George Washington University
Georgetown University
Trinity College
Florida
Eckerd College
Florida Atlantic University
Florida International University
236 Appendix
Florida State University

Nova Southeastern
Rollins College
Stetson University
University of Central Florida
University of Florida
University of Miami, Coral Gables
University of North Florida
University of South Florida
University of Tampa
University of West Florida
Georgia
Agnes Scott College
Clark Atlanta University
Emory University
Georgia College and State University
Georgia State University
Georgia Tech
University of Georgia
Hawaii
University of Hawaii, Manoa
Idaho
Albertson College
Idaho State University
University of Idaho
Illinois
Augustana College
Bradley University
DePaul University
Eastern Illinois University
Knox College
Loyola University
Appendix 237
Northeastern Illinois University

Northern Illinois University
Northwestern University
Principia College
Roosevelt University
Southern Illinois University, Carbondale
Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville
University of Chicago
University of Illinois, Chicago
University of Illinois, Springfield
Indiana
DePauw University
Earlham College
Indiana State University
Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Indiana University, South Bend
Indiana University, Purdue University Fort Wayne
St. Mary’s College
University of Notre Dame
Valparaiso University
Iowa
Coe College
Cornell College
Drake University
Grinnell College
Iowa State University
Luther College
Simpson College
University of Iowa
University of Northern Iowa
Kansas
Emporia State University
Kansas State University
University of Kansas
238 Appendix
Kentucky
Berea College
Brescia University
Eastern Kentucky University
Lexington Community College
Northern Kentucky University
University of Kentucky
University of Louisville
Louisiana
Louisiana State University
McNeese State University
Newcomb College
University of New Orleans
Maine
Bates College
Bowdoin College
Colby College
University of Maine, Farmington
University of Maine, Orono
University of Southern Maine
Maryland
Frostburg State University
Montgomery College
St. Mary’s College of Maryland
The Johns Hopkins University
University of Maryland, Baltimore County
University of Maryland, College Park
Massachusetts
Amherst College
Boston College
Boston University
Brandeis University
Appendix 239
Bridgewater State College

Clark University
College of the Holy Cross
Emmanuel College
Greenfield Community College
Hampshire College
Harvard University
Massachusetts College of Liberal Arts
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Radcliffe College
Salem State College
Simmons College
Smith College
Towson University
Tufts University
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
University of Massachusetts, Dartmouth
University of Massachusetts, Lowell
University of Massachusetts, Boston
Michigan
Albion College
Alma College
Central Michigan University
Eastern Michigan University
Grand Valley State University
Greenfield Community College
Hope College
Kalamazoo College
Michigan State University
University of Detroit
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
University of Michigan, Dearborn
Minnesota
Carleton College
Century College
240 Appendix
College of St. Benedict

College of St. Catherine
College of St. Scholastica
Hamline University
Macalester College
Minnesota State University, Mankato
St. Cloud State University
St. Olaf College
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
University of Minnesota, Duluth
Mississippi
Millsaps College
Mississippi State University
University of Mississippi
Missouri
Avila College
Central Missouri State University
Maryville University of St. Louis
Saint Louis Missouri
Southwest Missouri State University
University of Missouri, Kansas
University of Missouri, St. Louis
Montana
Montana State University, Bozeman
University of Montana
Nevada
University of Nevada, Las Vegas
University of Nevada, Reno
New Hampshire
Dartmouth College
Franklin Pierce College
Appendix 241
Keene State College

Plymouth State University
Rivier College
New Jersey
College of New Jersey
Drew University
Georgia Court College
Monmouth University
Montclair State University
New Jersey City University
Princeton University
Ramapo College
Richard Stockton College
Rider University
Rowan University
Rutgers University
Rutgers University, Camden
New Mexico
Eastern New Mexico University
New Mexico State University
University of New Mexico
New York
Bard College
Barnard College
Brooklyn College
Canisus College
City University of New York Graduate Center
Colgate University
College of New Rochelle
College of Staten Island
Columbia University
Cornell University
Hamilton College
Hartwick College
242 Appendix
Hobart and William Smith Colleges

Iona College
Jewish Theological Seminary
Lehman College
Marist College
Marymount College
New School for Social Research
New York University
Pace University
Queens College
Russell Sage College
Sarah Lawrence College
Simon’s Rock College
Skidmore College
St. Lawrence University
State University of New York, Albany
State University of New York, Buffalo
State University of New York, Cortland
State University of New York, Fredonia
State University of New York, Geneseo
State University of New York, New Paltz
State University of New York, Oneonta
State University of New York, Oswego
State University of New York, Plattsburgh
State University of New York, Potsdam
State University of New York, Purchase
State University of New York, Rochester
State University of New York, Stony Brook
Syracuse University
Union College
North Carolina
Appalachian State University
Bennett College
Davidson College
Duke University
East Carolina University
Elton College
Appendix 243
Guilford College
North Carolina State University
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
University of North Carolina, Charlotte
University of North Carolina, Greensboro
University of North Carolina, Wilmington
North Dakota
North Dakota State University
University of North Dakota
Ohio
Antioch College
Bowling Green State University
Case Western Reserve University
College of Mount St. Joseph
College of Wooster
Denison University
Kent State University
Kenyon College
Marietta College
Miami University
Notre Dame College of Ohio
Oberlin College
Ohio State University
Ohio University
Ohio Wesleyan University
University of Akron
University of Cincinnati
University of Dayton
University of Toledo
Oklahoma
Oklahoma State University
University of Central Oklahoma
University of Oklahoma
244 Appendix
Oregon
Lewis & Clark College
Oregon State University
Portland State University
Southern Oregon University
University of Oregon
Pennsylvania
Allegheny College
Bryn Mawr College
Bucknell University
California University of Pennsylvania
Chatham College
Clarion University of Pennsylvania
Dickinson College
Franklin and Marshall College
Gettysburg College
Haverford College
Lafayette College
LaSalle University
Lehigh University
Lock Haven University
Lycoming College
Mansfield University
Millersville University
Pennsylvania State University
Rosemont College
Shippensburg University
Slippery Rock University
Rhode Island
Brown University
University of Rhode Island
South Carolina
Clemson University
College of Charleston
Appendix 245
University of South Carolina, Columbia

University of South Carolina, Spartanburg
South Dakota
Augustana College
South Dakota State University
Tennessee
Austin Peay State University
Middle Tennessee University
Tennessee Technological University
University of Tennessee, Knoxville
University of the South
Vanderbilt University
Texas
Austin College
Rice University
Southern Methodist University
Southwest Texas State University
Southwestern University
Texas A & M University
Texas Tech University
University of Houston
University of North Texas
University of Texas, Arlington
University of Texas, Austin
University of Texas, Dallas
University of Texas, El Paso
Utah
Brigham Young University
University of Utah
Vermont
Middlebury College
Saint Michael’s College
University of Vermont
246 Appendix
Virginia
College of William and Mary
George Mason University
Hollins University
James Madison University
Old Dominion University
Radford University
Randolph Macon Women’s College
University of Richmond
University of Virginia
Washington
Clark College
Eastern Washington University
Edmonds Community College
Evergreen State College
Gonzaga University
Pacific Lutheran University
University of Puget Sound
University of Redlands
University of Washington
West Virginia
Marshall University
Mary Baldwin College
West Virginia University
Wisconsin
Beloit College
Lawrence University
Marquette University
University of Wisconsin, Eau Claire
University of Wisconsin, Green Bay
University of Wisconsin, La Crosse
University of Wisconsin, Madison
University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee
Appendix 247
University of Wisconsin, Oshkosh

University of Wisconsin, Parkside
University of Wisconsin, Platteville
University of Wisconsin, River Falls
University of Wisconsin, Stevens Point
University of Wisconsin, Stout
University of Wisconsin, Superior
University of Wisconsin, Whitewater
About the Editor and Contributors
EDITOR
Michele A. Paludi, PhD, is the series editor for Women’s Psychology for
Praeger Publishers, an imprint of ABC-CLIO, LLC. She is the author/edi-
tor of 33 college textbooks and more than 160 scholarly articles and
conference presentations on sexual harassment, campus violence, psy-
chology of women, gender, and sexual harassment and victimization.
Her book, Ivory Power: Sexual Harassment on Campus (1990), received the
1992 Myers Center Award for Outstanding Book on Human Rights in the
United States). Dr. Paludi served as Chair of the U.S. Department of Edu-
cation’s Subpanel on the Prevention of Violence, Sexual Harassment, and
Alcohol and Other Drug Problems in Higher Education. She was one of
six scholars in the United States to be selected for this Subpanel. She also
was a consultant to and a member of former New York State Governor
Mario Cuomo’s Task Force on Sexual Harassment. Dr. Paludi serves as an
expert witness for court proceedings and administrative hearings on sex-
ual harassment. She has had extensive experience in conducting training
programs and investigations of sexual harassment and other EEO issues
for businesses and educational institutions. In addition, Dr. Paludi has
held faculty positions at Franklin & Marshall College, Kent State Univer-
sity, Hunter College, Union College, and Union Graduate College, where
she directs the human resource management certificate program. She
teaches in the School of Management.
CONTRIBUTORS
Kristin Anderson, PhD, is an Associate Professor of Psychology at the

University of Houston–Downtown where she teaches social psychology,
psychology of prejudice, psychology of women, and psychology and the
250 About the Editor and Contributors
law. Her research interests are in the areas of prejudice, stereotyping, and
discrimination.
Martha E. Banks, PhD, is a research neuropsychologist in the Research &

Development Division of ABackans DCP, Inc., in Akron, Ohio and a for-
mer professor of Black Studies at The College of Wooster. She has been
instrumental in the development and revision of the Ackerman-Banks Neu-
ropsychological Rehabilitation Battery; a test that is distinguished by its
inclusion of ethnic content and Women with Disabilities in the normative
sample. Dr. Banks is president of the Society for the Psychology of
Women. She is a fellow of American Psychological Association Divisions
35 (Society for the Psychology of Women), 22 (Rehabilitation Psychology),
and 56 (Trauma Psychology) and has served on the APA Council of Rep-
resentatives and Board for the Advancement of Psychology in the Public
Interest. In 2008, she received a Presidential Citation from the American
Psychological Association for her expertise and service. Dr. Banks has
served on national advisory boards, including the Rosalynn Carter Insti-
tute for Human Development’s Expert Panel on Caregiving for People
with Disabilities, and the National Advisory Board on Medical Rehabili-
tation Research. Dr. Banks is widely published; her articles include and
emphasize issues, particularly seldom addressed issues, affecting women
with disabilities and members of ethnic minority groups.
Susan Basow, PhD, is Charles A. Dana Professor of Psychology at Lafay-

ette College in Easton, Pennsylvania, where she helped found the wom-
en’s studies program and chaired the psychology department for six
years. Dr. Basow has taught courses on the psychology of gender since
1974 and is the author of the textbook, Gender: Stereotypes and Roles. A li-
censed psychologist, she also has published the results of many of her
studies of gender issues in course evaluations and of women and their
bodies. She has been a member of the executive committee of the Society
for the Psychology of Women since 2000.
Kristin P. Beals, PhD, earned her BA from Auburn University in 1995.

She earned her doctorate degree in social psychology from UCLA in 2003.
She has been an assistant professor at California State University, Fuller-
ton for the past 4 years. Her research has focused on understanding how
stigma impacts the well-being of lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals.
Breena E. Coates, PhD, is Chair and Associate Professor in the Depart-

ment of Management, College of Business and Public Administration at
California State University, San Bernadino. She has been a professor of
management for the department of command, leadership, and manage-
ment at the United States Army War College, Carlisle, Pennsylvania. She
has a BA in English from Calcutta University and an MPA and Ph.D. in
public policy impacts on organizational behavior from the University of

Pittsburgh. Her current research focuses on impacts of public policy on
organizational behavior, strategic management, and leadership. A second
area of interest is organizational behavior, strategy and cultural change in
the United States military. She is also researching the role of Indian police-
women who were trained and sent to keep peace in Liberia.
J. Harold Ellens is a retired university professor of philosophy and psy-

chology, a retired U.S. Army Colonel, a retired Presbyterian pastor and
theologian, Executive Director Emeritus of the Christian Association for
Psychological Studies International, Founder and Editor in Chief Emeritus
of the Journal of Psychology and Christianity, a clinical psychotherapist in
private practice, and the author, co-author, or editor of 175 volumes and
author of 166 professional journal articles. He continues in his role as
Adjunct Professor of Philosophy and Biblical Studies at University of
Detroit Mercy, in Classics at Wayne State University, and Research Scholar
in the Department of Near Eastern Studies at the University of Michigan.
Leanne Faraday-Brash is an organizational psychologist, executive coach,

facilitator and mediator with two decades of experience in organizational
capability and culture, workplace justice, and conflict resolution and lead-
ership. While Leanne consults in a range of areas, the common thread is
the emphasis on improving organizational effectiveness and workplace
climate for all staff to drive performance and maximize organizational
health and well-being. Leanne is also the founding principal of the Work-
place Justice Consortium.
Gordon B. Forbes, PhD, a licensed clinical psychologist, is a Professor of

Psychology Emeritus at Millikin University in Decatur, Illinois, and the
director and cofounder of the Millikin Project on Social Perceptions. His
research interests include cross-cultural, ethnic, gender, and generational
differences in body image; cross-cultural and gender differences in inter-
personal aggression; and sexism.
Emily A. Haddad, PhD, is the author of Orientalist Poetics: The Islamic

Middle East in Nineteenth-Century English and French Poetry (2002) and has
published mainly in the field of nineteenth-century British literary stud-
ies. She earned her PhD in Comparative Literature at Harvard University
in 1997 and is now Professor and Chair of English at the University of
South Dakota.
Jaehee Jung, PhD, is an associate professor in the Department of Fashion

and Apparel Studies at University of Delaware. Her research interests
include effects of cognitive and sociocultural variables on body image,
cross-cultural research in body image, cultures in transition and changing
roles of women, media influences on body image, muscular body ideals

and male body image; and ethical issues in fashion advertising.
Melinda Kanner is a Visiting Associate Professor of Anthropology at the

University of Houston–Downtown in Houston, Texas, where she teaches
courses in anthropology, mass media, and sociology. Her research
explores the media expression of identity and has focused on tourism
(Savannah), gay identity (Queer Eye For the Straight Guy), and masculinity
(Mad Men).
Jennifer L. Martin is the department head of English at a public alterna-

tive high school for at-risk students in Michigan and a lecturer at Oakland
University where she teaches graduate research methods in the depart-
ment of Educational Leadership, Feminist Methods, and Introduction to
Women’s Gender Studies in the department of Women and Gender Stud-
ies. She is not only a feminist teacher, but a feminist activist. She has vol-
unteered as an assault responder and engaged in political action for
feminist causes. Currently, she is the Title IX Education Task Force Chair
for the Michigan National Organization for Women in order to advocate
for Title IX compliance in Michigan’s schools. She has conducted research
and written articles on the topics of peer sexual harassment, teaching for
social justice, service learning, and the at-risk student.
Rhonda M. Schultz is a graduate student in the MA program in psychol-

ogy at California State University at Fullerton. She received her BA in psy-
chology from CSU Fullerton in 2006 and has plans to continue on for her
PhD in psychology in 2010. She is currently working on research investi-
gating the effects of the passage of anti-gay marriage legislation in Cali-
fornia on gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals residing there.
William Schweinle received a PhD (2002) from the University of Texas at

Arlington in Experimental (Social and Quantitative) Psychology. His
research has focused on the social psychology of men’s wife directed
aggression and men’s sexual harassment of women, among other areas.
He is currently an Assistant Professor in the University of South Dakota
Physician Assistant Program and Chair of the South Dakota Medical
Institutional Review Board.
Samantha Smith presently resides in Southern New England. She

earned her Bachelor’s degree in psychology and is currently working on
her Master’s in special education.
Susan Strauss, RN, EdD, is a national and international speaker, trainer,

and consultant. Her specialty areas include harassment and workplace
bullying, organization development, and management/leadership
development. Her clients are from business, education, healthcare, law,

and government organizations from both the public and private sector.
Dr. Strauss has authored book chapters, articles in professional journals,
written curriculum and training manuals, as well as authored the book,
Sexual Harassment and Teens: A Program for Positive Change. Susan has been
featured on The Donahue Show, CBS Evening News, and other television
and radio programs as well as interviewed for newspaper and journal
articles such as the Times of London, Lawyers Weekly, and Harvard Education
Newsletter. Susan has presented at international conferences in Botswana,
Egypt, Thailand, Israel, and the United States, and conducted sex discrim-
ination research in Poland. She has consulted with professionals from
other countries such as England, Australia, Canada, and St. Maartin.
Index
Academic achievements, gender Army Research Institute of

differences in, 20; culture as cause Environmental Medicine, 117
for, 33; mathematics and, 30–31, The Army Times, 117
32; media coverage and, 34; Arroyo, Gloria Macapagal, 107
potential solutions for, 38–40; Australia: colleges, sexual harassment
Title IX and, 35–36, 37 in, 210; schools, sexual harassment
ActionAid International, 221 in, 207–8
Afghanistan, sexual harassment in Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS),
schools, 206 67
All-Volunteer Force, 116 Australian Institute of Health and
Ambivalence toward Men Inventory Welfare (AIHW) National
(AMI), 7, 8–9; benevolence toward Perinatal Statistics Unit, 78
men, 7; hostility toward men, 7 The Australian Newspaper, 69
Ambivalent sexism, 11; benevolent
sexism, 12, 13; hostile sexism, 12, Bachelet, Michelle, 97, 104–6
13; studies on, 14; women chivalry Beaton Consulting, 68
and, 13–14 Beijing Declaration and Platform for
American Association of University Action, 53
Women (AAUW), 19, 34, 48, 49, Belgium, sexual harassment in
193–94, 195, 198 schools, 202
American Psychiatric Association, 135 Benedict XVI (Pope), 90, 94
American Psychological Association’s Benevolence toward men, 7–8, 9
Guidelines on Multicultural Benevolent sexism: insidious effects
Education, Training, Research, of, 13; women’s view on, 12
Practice, and Organizational Benin, sexual harassment in schools,
Change for Psychologists, 149–51 202
Anorexia nervosa, 162 Blue-collar jobs, 68
Anti-gay campaign, 142–44 Body dissatisfaction, 178; in Africa,
Anxiety disorders and lesbian and 174–76; cross-cultural research on,
bisexual women, 138–39 168–69; as culture-limited
Arizona Star, 118–19 phenomena, 164–65; in East Asian
256 Index
countries, 172–73; ethnic psychological thesis, 118; sexual

differences and, 169–70; growth of, abuse and gender harassment
165; history of, 163; in Indian theories, 118–19
peninsula, 176; in Latin American Constantinian revolution, 86, 88
countries, 173–74; modernization Contingent rewards system, 98
and western media impact on, Convention on the Elimination of All
165–66; reasons for using western Forms of Discrimination Against
culture as benchmark, 170; social Women (CEDAW), 191–92
change and, 167–68; in Southeast Convention on the Rights of the
Asia, 176–77; theoretical models of, Child (CRC), 192
166–67, feminist theory, 167, Cyber-harassment/bullying, 189
sociocultural theory, 166–67;
among Western women, 163 Dati, Rachida, 66
Body image, 161–62 Defense Authorization Acts (1992,
Botswana, sexual harassment in 1993), 116
schools, 215 ‘‘Democracia de los acuerdos,’’ 105
‘‘Boy crisis,’’ 19–20, 34, 35 Department of Defense (DoD), 111,
Brazil: body dissatisfaction in, 173–74; 112; Manpower Research Statistics,
sexual harassment in schools, 120
198–99 Department of Health and Human
British Broadcasting Company (BBC), Services, 136
201 Depression and lesbian and bisexual
Brosnan, Audrey, 89 women, 139
Buddhism, 85 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
Bulimia, 162 (DSM), 135
Bush, G. H. W., 112, 117 Differential aptitude tests (DAT), 31
Bush, Laura, 34 Direct combat rule policy, 112
Butera, Karina, 74 Discrimination: definition, 128;
Buturo, James Nsaba, 130 expected, 132; against LGB, 131
Drug dependency of lesbian and
Cameroon, sexual harassment in bisexual women, 139–40
schools, 202 Dunwoody, General Ann E., 114
Canada: colleges, sexual harassment
in, 196; schools, sexual harassment Eating disorders, 162, 178; in Africa,
in, 193 174–76; cross-cultural research on,
Career Incentive Act of 1977, 47 168–69; as culture-limited
Center-stealing, 20 phenomena, 164–65; diagnosing,
Chamorro, Violetta, 107 162–63; in East Asian countries,
China: colleges, sexual harassment in, 171–172; history of, 164; in Indian
208–9; schools, sexual harassment peninsula, 176; in Latin America,
in, 205 173–74; modernization and
Cody, General Richard, 116 western media impact on, 165–66;
Colorado State Constitution, 142 reasons for using western culture
Combat Action Ribbon, 117 as benchmark, 170; in Southeast
Combat Exclusion Policy, 116 Asia, 176–77
Combat-underlying premises, Ecuador, sexual harassment in
objections for women in 117; schools, 199
biological thesis, 117–18; privacy Education, women in, 43; barriers to
infringement hypothesis, 119; gender equity in, 45–51, gender
Index 257
curriculum, 47–48, gender Gallup Poll (2003), 118

stereotyping, 46–47, gendered roles Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education
and expectations, 45–46, peer Network (GLSEN), 195
influence, 48–49, teacher behaviors, Gay, lesbian, bisexual, and
49–51; educational attainment, transgendered (GLBT), sexual
44–45; effects of differential school harassment of, 195, 198
experiences, 51–53; gender bias in Gender-based discrimination, 10–11
evaluating women professors, Gender bias in evaluating women
56–57; women as students, 43–44; professors, 56–57
women as teachers and professors, Gender differences, 27; in academic
53, gendered teaching styles, achievement, culture as cause for,
54–55, representation, 53–54 33, mathematics and, 30–31, 32,
Education Amendments of 1972, 47 media coverage and, 34, potential
Egypt, sexual harassment in schools, solutions for, 38–40, Title IX and,
218–19 35–36, 37; negative stereotypes
Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights based on, 28; socialization of girls
(ECWR), 218–19 and, 29; sociocultural influences in,
England, sexual harassment in 28; in workplace, 29–30
schools, 200–201 Gendered teaching styles, 54–55
Equal Employment Opportunity Gender equity in education, barriers
(EEO), 67, 70–71, 79 to, 45–51; gender curriculum,
Equal Opportunity for Women in the 47–48; gender stereotyping, 46–47;
Workplace Agency (EOWA), 68, 71 gendered roles and expectations,
Eve-teasing, 209 45–46; peer influence, 48–49;
teacher behaviors, 49–51
Failing at Fairness: How America’s Gender harassment, 191; in college of
Schools Cheat Girls, 19 United States, 197; in military,
Farrell, Warren, 19 118–19
‘‘Fear of extinction,’’ 131 Gender schema theory, 30
Feminine political persona, 97, 107; Gender socialization theory, 28
Bachelet, Michelle, 97, 104–6; Germany, sexual harassment in
Johnson Sirleaf, Ellen, 97, 103–4; schools, 202
leadership styles, transformational Ghana: colleges, sexual harassment
style, 98–99, transactional style, 98, in, 217; schools, sexual harassment
99; Queen Victoria, 97–98, 99–103 in, 215
Feminism, 2; attitude towards men, 5; Gillard, Julia, 69
attitude towards women, 5; Gilligan, Carol, 19
definition, 4; Smith, Samantha Global war on terrorism (GWOT), 111
views on, 63–64 Ground combat policy (1994), 111
Feminist Majority Foundation, 39 Gryson, Roger, 87
Feminist movement, 63
Feminist theory of body Haiti, sexual harassment in schools,
dissatisfaction, 166–67 199
Finland, sexual harassment in Healthy People 2010 initiative, 136
schools, 202 Hickie, Marea, 77
Fourth World Conference on Women, Hickie v Hunt & Hunt, 77
53 Homophobia, 16
France, sexual harassment in schools, Hostile sexism, 12
202 Hostility toward men, 7
258 Index
House Armed Services Committee Kirchner, Cristina Fernandez de, 107

(HASC), 116, 117–18 Knifing, 216
Human Rights and Equal Korea, sexual harassment in colleges,
Opportunity Commission 208
(HREOC), 70, 79
Human Rights Commission, 77 Labeling and women with
Hunter, Duncan, 116, 117–18 disabilities, 151
Laird, Melvin, 115
Iazzo study, 5–6 Lesbian, 17. See also sexual minority
In a Different Voice and Mary Pipher’s women; attitudes towards men, 6;
(1994), 19 internalized homonegativity,
India: colleges, sexual harassment in, 132–33; lesbian-baiting, 16–18;
209–10; schools, sexual harassment triple minority status and, 130–31
in, 206–7 Lesbian-baiting, 16–18
Institute for Antiquity and Lesbian internalized homonegativity
Christianity, 88 (LIH), 132–33
Institute of Medicine, 135, 136 The Life of Queen Victoria and the Story
Internalized homonegativity of of Her Reign: A Beautiful Tribute to
lesbians, 132–33 England’s Greatest Queen in Her
International Covenant on Civil and Domestic and Official Life, 100
Political Rights (ICCPR), 192 Lioness: There for the Action, Missing
International Covenant on Economic, from History, 121
Social and Cultural Rights Little Rascals child comedy, 2
(ICESCR), 192 Los Angeles County Health Survey,
International human rights law, 191 141
International Labor Organization
(ILO), 73 Ma Ellen. See Johnson Sirleaf, Ellen
International Rescue Committee Malawi, sexual harassment in schools,
(IRC), 215 215
Ireland Republic, sexual harassment Malaysia, sexual harassment in
in school, 203 colleges, 208
Islam, 85–86 Male bashing, 21
Israel, sexual harassment in schools, 219 Mama. See Bachelet, Michelle
Italy, sexual harassment in colleges, Man-hating feminist, 2, 3; reasons for
203–4 existence of myth, 9; sources of, 4
Ivy League schools, 34 Manliness, 18
Mansfield, Harvey, 18
Jackrolling, 213 McLagan, Meg, 121
Jamaica, sexual harassment in McMaster University Residency
schools, 199 Training Programs, 196
Japan, sexual harassment in schools, Meir, Golda, 106
205 Military Police Corps, 115
Jesus Movement, 86 Military services, women in, 121;
Johnson Sirleaf, Ellen, 97, 103–4, 106 defensive positions for, 111–12;
direct combat rule policy, 112; goal
Kaiser Family Foundation report, 131 displacement, distortion and drift,
Kenya: colleges, sexual harassment 112–15; history and law, 115–17;
in, 217; schools, sexual harassment objections: for women in combat
in, 213 premises, 117, biological thesis,
Index 259
117–18, privacy infringement Armed Forces (PCAWAF), 112,

hypothesis, 119, psychological 117, 118
thesis, 118, sexual abuse and Puerto Rico, sexual harassment in
gender harassment theories, colleges, 199
118–19; USWAC women in
combat survey research, 119–20 Ragging, 206, 209
Minority stress theory, 131 Rape crisis centers, 17
Montraynaud, Florence, 66 Rehabilitation psychologist, 154–56
Morocco, sexual harassment in Religion as stigma against same-sex
schools, 216 sexual behavior, 128–29
Mugabe, Robert Gabriel, 129 Religious leaders, women as, 85, 93;
The Myth of Male Power, 19 in Christian missionaries, 86–91,
92; constantinian revolution and,
Napolitano, Janet, 118 86, 88; in Muslim congregations,
National Advisory Council on 91–92; in Roman Catholic church,
Women’s Educational Programs, 89, 90
190–91 Reviving Ophelia, 19
National Assessment of Educational Revolutionary War, 115
Progress, 20 ‘‘Risk Rule,’’ 116
National Collective of the Rights of Robinson, James M., 87
Women, 66 Rumsfeld, Donald, 116
National College Women Sexual Russia, sexual harassment in schools,
Victimization (NCWSV), 197–98 207
National Collegiate Athletic
Association (NCAA), 36 Schlaffy, Phyllis, 118
National Institute on Disability and Schroeder, Pat, 116
Rehabilitation Research, 150 September 11, 2001, 120–21
National Women’s Law Center, 36 Sex Discrimination Act (SDA), 70, 71
Nepal, sexual harassment in schools, Sexism, 11
207 Sexual bullying, 188–89
Netherland: colleges, sexual Sexual coercion, 191
harassment in, 204; schools, Sexual harassment, 19, 187, 189;
sexual harassment in, 201 definition, 190; in education, 192,
Nigeria, sexual harassment in 224, in Africa, 210–18, in Asia
colleges, 217–18 Pacific, 204–10, in Europe, 200–4,
Nixon, Christine, 69 impact, 219–21, in Latin America
Non-feminists, attitudes toward and Caribbean, 198–200, in
women, 6 Middle East, 218–19, in North
America, 192–98; experiences of
O’Beirne, Kate, 19 college women, 191; national
laws prohibiting, 191;
Pakistan, sexual harassment in recommendations for prohibiting,
schools, 205–6 221–23, national and international
Persian Gulf War, 117, 119 efforts, 222, parents and
Phallic attack, 217 community verve, 222–23, public
Pink jobs, 68 health, 223, research, 221, school
Prejudice, 127 initiatives, 222, student
Presidential Commission on the participation, 223,
Assignment of Women in the terminology, 188–89
260 Index
Sexual harassment trauma syndrome, Sweden: college, sexual harassment

220 in, 204; schools, sexual harassment
Sexual minority women: behavioral in, 202–3
risk factors and health practices, Swedish National Agency for
140–41; consequences: barriers to Education, 202
health care, 136–38, depression
and anxiety disorders, 138–39, Texas Civil Right Project, 195
drug dependency, 139–40, legal Thailand, sexual harassment in
and economic impact for same-sex colleges, 210
female couples, 134, lesbian health Thatcher, Margaret, 106
disparities, history of, 135–36, Theresa, Mother, 91
mental and physical health, 135, Title IX, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39
mental health disparities, 138, Tunisia, sexual harassment in schools,
physical health disparities, 140, 216
social costs for sexual minority Turkey, sexual harassment in schools,
women, 134–35; of stigma, 219
133 coping strategies, 142–44;
discrimination, experience of, 131, Uganda, sexual harassment in
expected discrimination, 132, schools, 215
internalized homonegativity, United Nations, 129–30, 187, 191
132–33; minority stress United Nations Millennium Summit,
theory, 131; outcomes, 141–42; 192; Millennium Development
sources of stigma, religion, Goals, 192
128–29, westernization, 129–30; United Nations Secretary-General’s
triple minority status, Study on Violence against
130–31; understanding stigma, Children, 192, 207
126, prejudice, 127, United Nations Study on Violence
stereotyping, 127–28, stigma, Against Children, 187
126–27 United States: Army War College in
Sexual violence, 187; as combat survey research, 119–20;
reflection of gender inequality, colleges, sexual harassment in,
189–90; in schools, study on, 188 197–98; sexual harassment in
Sociocultural theory of body secondary schools, 193–96
dissatisfaction, 166–67 Universal Declaration of Human
Sommers, Christina Hoff, 19 Rights, 192
Sommers, Daria, 121 Unwanted sexual attention, 191
South Africa, sexual harassment in U.S. Military Academy, 115
schools, 213–15 U.S. Department of Education, Office
South Asian countries, of Civil Rights (OCR) (1993), 190,
sexual harassment in schools, 206 194, 195
Spain: college, sexual harassment in, U.S. Department of Labor, 80
204; schools, sexual harassment in,
202 Victoria, Queen, 97–98, 103, 106;
Stereotyping, 127–28 family life of, books on, 100–101;
Stigma, 126–27 as female monarch, 100; Plunkett’s
Stigma consciousness, 132 views on, 102; portrait description,
Sturduts, Maya, 66 102; reign in England, 99–100
Summers, Christiana Hoff, 34 Vocational Educational Act of 1976,
Summers, Lawrence, 27, 37 47
Index 261
The War Against Boys: How Misguided Women in Combat Compendium,

Feminism is Harming our Young 119
Men, 19, 34 Women’s Armed Forces Integration
West Africa, sexual harassment in Act (1948), 115
schools, 215 Women’s Educational Equity Act of
westernization, as stigma against 1974, 47
same-sex sexual behavior, 129–30 Women with disabilities: abuse
Williams Institute, 134 related to disability-related
The Woman Haters, 1–2 settings, 153; abuse related to
Women: attitude towards men, 10; helping relationships, 153–54; as
barriers to ascendance of women cultural group, 151–52; emotional
in workplaces, 73–76; as abuse, disability-related, 152;
consumers, 70; discrimination financial abuse, disability-related,
154; physical abuse,
against women on pregnancy, 77;
disability-related, 152–53;
in education. See education,
rehabilitation psychologist treating
women in; EEO law and, 70–73;
abused, 154–56; rehabilitation
glass ceiling phenomenon and,
psychology, guidelines for, 149–51;
73–76; in leadership, 15. See also
safety concerns for, 152–54;
feminine political persona; sexual abuse, disability-related,
maternal wall phenomenon and, 153
77–79; in military. See military Women Who Make the World Worse
services, women in; penalties for and How Their Radical Feminist
nontraditional, 14–16; with power, Assault Is Ruining Our Schools,
69–70; sexual harassment impact Families, Military, and Sports,
on, 219–21; sticky floor 19–20
phenomenon, 76–77; treating World Christian Encyclopedia, 85
women badly, 75; views on World Health Organization (WHO),
benevolent sexism, 12; work/ 189, 192
family conflict and, 79–81;
workforce participation and Zimbabwe: colleges, sexual
earning parity, 67–68; in harassment in, 216; schools,
workplace, 28–29 sexual harassment in, 211–13
Rights Worldwide
Recent Titles in

Susan Nathiel


Workforce
Rights Worldwide
Volume 2
Mental and Physical Health
PRAEGER


HQ1180.F424 2010
305.42—dc22 2009035343
ISBN: 978-0-313-37596-5
EISBN: 978-0-313-37597-2
14 13 12 11 10 1 2 3 4 5
Praeger
ABC-CLIO, LLC

—Judy Chicago
Contents
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction
Chapter 1. International Perspectives on Women and Mental
Health
Joy Rice and Nancy Felipe Russo 1
Chapter 2. Ethnocultural Psychotherapy: Women of Color’s
Resilience and Liberation
Lillian Comas-Diaz 25
Chapter 3. Women and Sexual Violence: Emotional, Physical,
Behavioral, and Organizational Responses
Paula Lundberg-Love and Bethany Waits 41
Chapter 4. Cross-Cultural Violence against Women and Girls:
From Dating to Intimate Partner Violence
Janet Sigal and Dorota Wnuk Novitskie 65
Chapter 5. Intimate Partner Violence as a Workplace Concern:
Impact on Women’s Emotional and Physical Well-Being
and Careers
Michele A. Paludi, Jessica Wilmot and Lindsey Speach 103
Chapter 6. From Victim to Empowered Survivor: Feminist Therapy
with Survivors of Rape and Sexual Assault
Avigail Moor 139
viii Contents
Chapter 7. Gender Microaggressions: Implications for Mental

Health
Kevin L. Nadal 155
Chapter 8. Prejudice and Discrimination against Sexual Minorities:
A Brazilian Perspective
Eros DeSouza and Elder Cerqueira-Santos 177
Chapter 9. Frequency Rates and Consequences of Peer Sexual
Harassment: Comparing U.S. and International
Students
Eros DeSouza and Joy Chien 195
Chapter 10. In Women’s Voices
Janet Boyce 209
Chapter 11. Bullying and Sexual Harassment of Adolescents
James Gruber and Susan Fineran 211
Chapter 12. Great Is Our Sin: Pseudoscientific Justifications for
Oppression in American Education
Jennifer L. Martin 231
Chapter 13. Discrimination, Harassment, and Women’s Physical
and Mental Health
Krystle C. Woods and NiCole T. Buchanan 235
Appendix. Feminist and Women’s Rights Organizations
Worldwide
Susan Strauss, Michelle Strand and Michele A. Paludi 253
Index 271
Series Introduction



Michele A. Paludi
Series Editor
REFERENCE
Prentice Hall.
Acknowledgments
—Naomi Shihab Nye

xii Acknowledgments

Denmark.
that voice.
Introduction
Michele A. Paludi
—Gertrude Stein
xiv Introduction
opment.
Introduction xv


xvi Introduction

itself.


them.

psychotherapy.

Introduction xvii

ali stated:


stories.
xviii Introduction

REFERENCES
Roxbury.
Prentice Hall.
Quarterly, 23, 247–266.
Chapter 1
International Perspectives on
Women and Mental Health
Joy Rice
Nancy Felipe Russo
Women have the right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable stand-
ard of physical and mental health. The enjoyment of this right is vital to
their life and well-being and their ability to participate in all areas of
public and private life. Health is a state of complete physical, mental and
social well-being and . . . is determined by the social, political and eco-
nomic context of [women’s] lives, as well as by biology. (Platform for
action: Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing China, Chapter IV.
C.89, United Nations)
These words, contained in the national platform for action of the

United Nations’ Fourth World Conference on Women, provide a holis-
tic vision of women’s health, one in which physical and mental health
are inextricably intertwined and rooted in women’s social, political,
and economic conditions. Understanding the links between women’s
social roles and circumstances and negative mental health outcomes
thus becomes a key element in any global health agenda for women
(Koblinsky, Timyan, & Gay, 1992).
Although this holistic view of women’s health has been resisted by the
biomedical establishment that dominates health care in the United States,
it is congruent with how health has been perceived globally. Indeed, for
more than three decades, the World Health Organization (WHO) has
emphasized a social model of health that has stressed the role of complex
reciprocal relationships among psychological, behavioral, social, and
2 Mental and Physical Health
economic factors in determining health and illness based on this holistic

definition:
Mental health is the capacity of the individual, the group, and the envi-
ronment to interact with one another in ways that promote subjective
well-being, the optimal development and use of mental abilities (cogni-
tive, affective, and relational), the achievement of the individual and col-
lective goals consistent with justice and the attainment and preservation
of fundamental equality. (Cabral & Astbury, 2000, p. 12)
In sum, women’s mental health is not simply the absence of disease,

and it is inseparable from a person’s health well-being. A woman’s
mental health enables her to find meaning in her life, function effec-
tively in her social context, adapt to change, respond to crises, establish
rewarding relationships in her community, and modify her environ-
ments to meet her needs.
One outcome of the worldwide feminist movement stimulated by
the Beijing Conference was an International Consensus Statement on
Women’s Mental Health that was passed by the World Psychiatric
Association (WPA) and signed by 140 WPA member associations, the
World Federation of Mental Health, and other mental health organiza-
tions, including the American Psychological Association (APA) and the
American Psychiatric Association. That statement emphasized that pri-
oritizing women’s mental health was essential for the achievement of
the Millennium Development Goals of the United Nations (UN, 2000;
http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/), which include the achieve-
ment of universal primary education, promotion of gender equality,
reduction of child mortality, improving maternal health, and combating
human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syn-
drome (HIV/AIDS), among others. It also emphasized the importance
of considering the contexts of women’s lives as determinants of their
mental health (Stewart, 2006).
A similar holistic biopsychosocial vision of mental health has been
promulgated in feminist psychologists in the United States and around
the world (Russo, in press; Safir & Hill, 2008; Wyche & Rice, 1997).
International issues and perspectives were important dimensions in the
feminist movement in psychology from its beginnings. Indeed, the
Association for Women in Psychology, established in the United States
in 1969 as the first explicitly feminist organization in the field, was des-
ignated an official nongovernmental organization (NGO) for the UN in
1976 (for a more detailed history of international issues in feminist psy-
chology, see Safir & Hill, 2008).
Today, feminist psychology in the United States is both informed by
and is a contributor to the international women’s movement. The field
has become explicitly multicultural, emphasizing the importance of
International Perspectives on Women and Mental Health 3
viewing mental health in its social/political context and examining

power inequities and inequalities that undermine mental health in the
lives of diverse women (Enns & Byars-Winston, 2009; Goodwin &
Fiske, 2001; Russo, in press).
Consequently, feminist therapy is now conceptualized as having a
multicultural biopsychosocial approach, one that encompasses meaning-
making and spiritual concerns, considers a woman in her social con-
text, and has her empowerment as a therapeutic goal (Brown, 2008a;
Enns & Byars-Winston, 2009; McKay, Hill, Freedman, & Enright, 2007;
Worell & Johnson, 2001; Wyche & Rice, 1997). This perspective is
reflected in the development of international practice guidelines for
counseling and therapy with girls and women described later.
WOMEN’S MENTAL HEALTH IN A CONTEXT

OF INEQUALITY AND OPPRESSION
The international women’s movement has emphasized that around
the world, stigma, devaluation, and inequalities in power associated
with women’s social roles and circumstances create conditions that
undermine women’s mental health (Cabral & Astbury, 2000; Russo, in
press; Stewart et al., 2001). These conditions include poverty—women
are 70 percent of the poor around the world and earn significantly less
than men (WHO, 2002). Related conditions include hunger, malnutri-
tion, fatigue from overwork (with women’s low-paid work often under
dangerous conditions), prejudice and discrimination, inadequate educa-
tional and economic resources, gender-based violence (including sexual
abuse, partner violence, and sexual trafficking), and social disruption
leading to displaced populations (including migration due to insuffi-
cient economic opportunity, social conflict and war, and natural disas-
ter) (Cabral & Astbury, 2000; Demyttenaere et al., 2004; Desjarlais et al.,
1995; WHO, 2000, 2002).
The mental health dimensions of sexual and reproductive health
have received increasing attention, partially because of the intersections
of unintended pregnancies, sexually transmitted infections (STIs;
including HIV), and gender-based violence, which are all known to
have a negative impact on mental health (Hamilton & Russo, 2006). In
addition, the high rates of pregnancy-associated depression among
women in developing countries compared to women in industrialized
countries (20–40 percent vs. 10–15 percent) are of concern (WHO,
2009). Mental health problems may be associated with lack of choice in
sexual and reproductive decisions, STIs, infertility, unintended and
unwanted pregnancy, unsafe abortion, miscarriage, and childbirth
(including premature birth), among other things (WHO, 2009; see
Chrisler, this volume, for more discussion of women’s reproductive
rights).
The critical role of lack of power and having a disadvantaged social

status is manifested by the link between rates of depressive symptoms
with indicators of gender inequality that has been around the world
(Arrindell, Steptoe, & Wardle, 2003), and by regions (urban vs. rural)
within nations, and between states within the United States (Chen,
Subramanian, Acevedo-Garcia, & Kawachi, 2005). Women’s higher
rates of depressive disorders compared to men, the consistency of this
gender gap across diverse groups and cross-nationally, and research
linking depression to hopelessness (a reflection of powerlessness) and
low self-esteem (a reflection of devaluation) has made theorizing the
relation of gender to depression of particular interest to feminist psy-
chologists (Hamilton & Russo, 2006; Jackson & Williams, 2006). Conse-
quently, we will consider women’s depression in more detail below.
Women have unequal access to gender-sensitive basic health and
mental health services around the world (WHO, 2002). Furthermore,
service delivery may be affected by bias and stereotyping of providers
such that when services are available, they are inadequate or inappro-
priate. Given that the development and expression of mental disorder
differs for women and men, the need for gender-sensitive approaches
to diagnosis, treatment, and prevention is severe. Developing such
services will require understanding and investigating gender as a socio-
cultural construct (Russo & Tartaro, 2008).
GENDER IN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE

A shift in focus from the individual’s characteristics and behaviors
to a gendered sociocultural view of mental health requires a more com-
plex understanding of gender as a cultural construct. This new under-
standing is a necessary foundation for developing a coherent theory
of how inequality becomes translated into mental health disparities.
Gender can be conceptualized as a cultural package of many intercon-
nected factors, including gendered emotions, identities, values, expecta-
tions, norms, roles, scripts, discourse, environments, and institutions.
These factors can influence mental health and well-being separately, as
well as in combination (Russo, in press).
Gender defines what is considered ‘‘normal’’ and appropriate behav-
ioral, psychological, and social characteristics for males and females and
shapes their personal and social identities. What is considered normal
varies over the life cycle, over time, and across cultures. Violations of
stereotypes and gender role expectations may lead to stigmatization,
marginalization, and discrimination, with implications for mental health
(Hamilton & Russo, 2006). When roles assigned by gender have lower
power and status, structured inequalities are created that can translate
into health disparities—in mental health status as well as service deliv-
ery (Russo, in press; Russo & Landrine, 2009; Russo & Tartaro, 2008).
Gender operates at psychological, social, and situational levels. For

example, the relations of gender and race to mental health are
affected by perceived sexism and racism (Moradi & DeBlaere, 2009;
Moradi & Subich, 2003; Thomas, Witherspoon, & Speight, 2008); the
relationship of sexual orientation to mental health is affected by
stigma and victimization associated with homosexuality (Balsam,
Rothblum, & Beauchaine, 2005; Tjaden, Thoennes, & Allison, 1999;
Herek & Garnets, 2007).
Gender intersects with other social identities that may or may not be
stigmatized or associated with disadvantage, including identities based
on age, ethnicity, sexuality, physical disability, tribe, religion, national-
ity, immigrant status, occupational status, class, and caste status. There
is an urgent need for work that theorizes and investigates how com-
plex and interacting dimensions of social difference deemed important
in a particular cultural context affect women’s lived experiences in
ways that have implications for women’s mental health (Brown, Riepe,
& Coffey, 2005; McCall, 2005; Russo & Vaz, 2001). More complexity in
theorizing will require overcoming epistemological, methodological,
and statistical challenges, however (Landrine & Corral, in press).
In particular, measurement equivalence issues will need to be
addressed, as the equivalence of measures may vary by gender and
culture, and measures that are equivalent across cultures for men may
not be equivalent for women (Chen & West, 2007). Such issues pose
construct validity problems in measuring sexist beliefs and attitudes—
beliefs that maintain or foster gender inequalities—cross-nationally (for
a review of the literatures and measurement issues related to the
endorsement, expression, and emergence of sexism cross-nationally,
see Swim, Becker, & Lee, 2009).
In summary, advancing understanding of gender’s relation to men-
tal health internationally will require investigating a complex interplay
among biological, psychological, social, cultural, and contextual factors,
including multiple personal and social identities, social locations and
conditions, and coping strategies and resources (Russo, in press; Russo
& Tartaro, 2008; Szymanski & Kashubeck-West, 2008). In considering
gender-related factors that can affect diverse women’s mental health
internationally, we must also keep in mind that women will vary in
their response to such factors, and that variance in women’s responses
will both reflect their position in the social structure, as well as how
they integrate or engage their multiple social identities, some of which
may be specific to a particular context or culture.
WOMEN’S MENTAL DISORDER: THE GLOBAL BURDEN

The priority of mental health issues globally has risen as the enor-
mous impact of mental disorders on what has been conceptualized as
the ‘‘global burden of disease.’’ A recent WHO (2008) report provides

a comprehensive picture of the global and regional state of the physical
and mental health of the world’s peoples. Based on extensive country
governmental data from 112 member states, it provides projections of
deaths and the global burden of disease to the year 2030 and is an
update of WHO research first conducted in 1990. The study finds that
mental disorders are among the leading causes of disability in all
regions of the word. They account for approximately one-third of years
lost due to disability among people older than fourteen. Four out of 10
‘‘diseases’’ with the highest burden are psychiatric disorders (Kastrup,
2007).
Violence and self-inflicted injury, which are also among the leading
contributors to the disease burden, have profound implications for
women’s mental health as well (Cabral & Astbury, 2000). Analyses of
data gathered from 15 sites in 10 countries participating in the WHO
multi-country study on women’s health and domestic violence against
women found a strong link between gender-based violence and nega-
tive health and mental health outcomes, including higher levels of
emotional distress, risk of suicide ideation, and suicide attempts found
across all sites (Ellsberg et al., 2008).
Although males and females are generally similar in overall rates of
mental disorder around the world, the patterns and symptoms of men-
tal disorders differ for men and men over the life cycle (Kessler, 2006;
Kessler, Chiu, Demler, & Walters, 2005; Piccinelli & Homen, 1997; Sil-
verman & Carter, 2006). For example, in the United States, based on
the National Co-morbidity Survey, Kessler et al. (2005) identified gen-
der differences in six classes or patterns of disorder. Here presented by
level of severity, they included the following: (1) unaffected respond-
ents (more likely to be male); (2) pure internalizing disorders (more
likely to be female); (3) pure externalizing disorders (more likely to be
male); (4) comorbid internalizing disorders (more likely to be female);
(5) comorbid internalizing and/or externalizing disorders dominated
by comorbid social phobia and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder
(more likely to be male); and (6) highly comorbid major depressive epi-
sodes (more likely to be female). No gender difference was found in a
seventh class, highly comorbid bipolar disorder. High comorbidity was
associated with severity—classes with the highest comorbidity (4, 6, 7)
included about 7 percent of the sample, but represented 43.6 percent of
the serious cases.
Comorbidity of mental disorders signals greater severity of illness
and disability and higher utilization of services. Women have higher
rates of lifetime and 12-month comorbidity of three or more disorders
(WHO, 2002). It has long been known that anxiety is comorbid with
depression, particularly for women (Breslau et al., 1995), and that
women have higher rates of mood and anxiety disorders (Piccinelli &
Homen, 1997; Silverman & Carter, 2006). Symptoms of anxiety disor-

ders are correlated with other disorders, complicating diagnosis. In
particular, research is needed that clarifies the origins and relationships
among symptoms of anxiety and depressive disorders, which constitute
the largest contributor to the gender gap in internalizing disorders.
Countrywide studies may mask within-country variations in rates of
mental disorder. Women are more likely to be poor, and surveys in
Brazil, Chile, India, and Zimbabwe have found that rates of common
mental disorders (anxiety and depression) are higher among the poor
(Patel, Araya, Ludermir, & Todd, 1999). Furthermore, in poorer areas,
treatment may be more likely to be inadequate or nonexistent. In the
United States, rates and predictors of mental disorder vary substan-
tially within subpopulations. For example, a national survey of Latinos
and Asian Americans (Alegria et al., 2007), revealed that among the
four Latina subethnic groups studied, Mexican heritage women were
less likely than Puerto Rican women to have a depressive disorder,
and Puerto Rican women had the highest overall lifetime and past-year
prevalence rates compared to other women.
It is important to go beyond a focus on rates and learn more about
how elements of gender affect the development, course, and context of
mental disorders among women internationally. In particular, more
needs to be known about how gender affects comobidity of mental dis-
order over the life cycle. For example, depression and anxiety are more
likely to be found together for women, whereas depression and sub-
stance abuse are more likely to be paired for men. The extent to which
this difference reflects a gender difference in pathways to depression
versus diagnostic bias requires investigation.
Research on the patterns of being depressed found in women’s daily
experiences suggests that women may be more likely to experience
short-term depressive episodes than men, possibly reflecting their day-
to-day experience with life stressors (Kessler, 2006).
WOMEN AND DEPRESSION: A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE

Depression is identified in the WHO report as the leading global
cause of years of health lost to disease for both men and women, with
unipolar depression as the eighth leading cause of loss of health in
low-income countries and the primary cause of loss of health in middle-
and high-income countries. Depression affects around 120 million
people worldwide, and the number is projected to increase. Fewer
than 25 percent of those affected have access to adequate treatment
and health care.
For purposes of this discussion, the outstanding fact is that com-
pared with men, the worldwide rate of depression in women globally
is 50 percent higher, and gender is perceived to be the critical
determinant and strongest correlate of risk for different categorized

types of depression (WHO, 2001). The biomedical evidence across
nations, cultures, and ethnicities widely documents that women are
one to three times more likely than men to develop depression and
anxiety disorders (Ustun, 2000), but there is great variation in the esti-
mated total population prevalence across studies (Kessler, 2006).
Although there is marked variation in the rates of depression for
women in different countries, much higher rates have been found in
women attending primary health care centers in developing countries.
In Indian clinics, for example, it is estimated that between 25 to 33 per-
cent of women patients are suffering from depression (Worley, 2006).
Despite three decades of research on gender identities and a wide
range of identified risk factors, no particular cause or interrelated set of
causes can fully explain the significant global phenomenon of gender
differences in depression (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001). Speculation contin-
ues in the literature about biological correlates for increased incidence
of depression for women. Major depression clusters in families and
depression in a first-degree relative is a risk factor for depression.
While some studies find similar levels of heritability of depression for
women and men, several others have found higher genetic loadings for
females, suggesting that the impact of some genes for risk for major
depression differs in women and men (Kendler, Gardner, Neale, &
Prescott, 2001).
The unique biology of women may in part explain their greater pro-
pensity to depression beginning in adolescence and early puberty, and
sex hormones are likely to play a role (Ge, Conger, & Elder, 1996;
Zahn-Waxler, Race, & Duggal, 2004). Depression associated with post-
partum and menopausal periods is being studied in relation to hormo-
nal factors and interactions between hormones, neurotransmitters, and
other biological systems (Mazure, Kieta, & Blehar, 2002). Women are
also more likely than men to be prescribed mood-altering psychotropic
medication and electro-convulsive therapy for depression, even where
the evidence suggests that the main conditions surrounding their diag-
nosis have strong social origins (Busfield, 1996).
Several psychological and environmental risk factors and social
causes of depression for women have been identified (Bertram, 2003;
Paltiel, 1993; Zahn-Waxler et al., 2004). They include the inequitable
gendered division of labor and family responsibility, women’s lesser
social status and gender socialization, and the effects of poverty, abuse,
and violence. Hamilton and Russo (2006) also review research that
links unwanted pregnancy, sexualized objectification, and stigma as
contributors to the gender gap in depression. Add to these etiological
factors the astounding fact that women and children represent an esti-
mated 80 percent of 50 million people affected by violent conflicts, civil
wards, disasters, and displacement (WHO, 2006).
Paltiel concludes that the key depression risk factors for women
globally are simply that ‘‘everywhere women are overworked, over-
looked and undervalued, and that poverty, discrimination, violence
and powerlessness are pervasive features of women’s lives’’ (p. 197). In
many developed countries, women are often poorly paid for danger-
ous, labor-intensive jobs, and are undernourished as well (Lopez &
Guarnaccia, 2005). The so-called ‘‘feminization of poverty’’ is also a
worldwide phenomenon as our family structures and models change,
with an increasingly preponderance of single-parent mother families
worldwide (Rice, 2001). Clearly, it is essential to recognize how genetic,
biological, social, and psychological factors all contribute to the high
incidence of depression women worldwide, and guidelines for treat-
ment need to be based on a biopsychosocial model of assessment,
research, practice, and policy.
Screening and access to treatment for depression is also a very sig-
nificant concern. Even in a developed, wealthy country like the United
States, only 24 percent of women who suffer from depression receive
treatment, with even lower rates for African American women (16 per-
cent) and Hispanic women (20 percent) (U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services, 2000). Health care providers in developing coun-
tries identify less than one-half of women with depression in those
countries (WHO, 2002). A number of overwhelming challenges occur
in countries with low-resource settings including the lack of facilities,
trained mental health personnel, effective population-based screening,
and the prevalence of high cultural stigma (Worley, 2006). Communica-
tion between health workers and women patients can be extremely
authoritarian in many countries where women are still primarily
viewed as inferior with low social and economic status and often stig-
matized for showing negative or depressed emotion. Furthermore,
when women dare to reveal mental health concerns, health workers
may reflect these stereotyped gender biases, which leads them to either
overtreat or undertreat women (WHO, 1996).
PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE GUIDELINES

FOR WOMEN AND GIRLS
International Implications and Issues
As noted in the previous section, across the world women are chal-
lenged by significant mental health risks. These risks are associated
with a multitude of pernicious outcomes and implications, including
depression and suicide risk, anxiety disorders, and reproductive health
issues, as well as physiological and psychosomatic problems. In light
of these facts, psychotherapy and other forms of psychological inter-
vention such as early screening and risk assessment are very important
treatment strategies for prevention and treatment of women’s mental

health problems. The development of guidelines for psychological
practice for women and girls that addresses their special mental health
needs and issues and is founded on a feminist perspective of gender
equity and cultural sensitivity is an area of burgeoning concern not
only in the Western world, but globally (Ballou, Hill, & West, 2008;
Ballou & West, 2000; Comas-Diaz & Greene, 1994: Enns, 2008, 2009;
Hays, 2001).
This section will address three areas related to guidelines for prac-
tice. First, some background will be presented on the APA’s Resolution
on Cultural and Gender Implications in International Psychology. This
resolution passed in 2004 (Rice & Ballou, 2002) formed the theoretical
foundation for the actual gender practice guidelines adopted in 2006
(APA, 2007). Then, the key elements in both the American and Cana-
dian Psychological Association guidelines (CPA, 2007) will be exam-
ined with a view to how they could apply to more international and
diverse cultural perspectives cross-nationally. Finally, a summary of
some key issues that seem important in the development of feminist
guidelines for psychological practice with women and girls in any
country of the world will be presented.
Cultural and Gender Awareness in the Practice of

International Psychology
The second author of this chapter became more actively involved in
international psychology leadership by founding and serving as the
first chair of the International Committee for Women, a very active
standing committee of the APA Division of International Psychology.
One of the first successful projects launched by the committee took sev-
eral years to complete and involved the participation of women from
many countries and organizations in drafting and passing an APA
Resolution on Cultural and Gender Awareness in International Psy-
chology. This activity embraced the collaboration and help from many
women psychologists from other countries who were interested in fem-
inist issues from an international perspective, and it also led to advo-
cacy work about these issues in the association.
The goal of the resolution was to encourage and facilitate awareness
and reflective consideration for psychology and psychologists engaged
in international projects, research, teaching, and practice. Underpinning
the core concepts of the resolution was the understanding that feminist,
multicultural, and critical theory, among other postmodern perspec-
tives, had raised fundamental concerns about the values and assump-
tions long held in the dominant paradigm of conventional psychology
(Fox & Prilleltensky, 1997; Kitzinger, 1991; Martin-Baro, 1994; Unger,
1995). The mutual and collaborative model called for in the resolution
is important to world psychology because it offers guidance in
postmodern perspectives in theory, research, and practice and strong

models of psychological practice grounded in social justice. It also
assumes that psychology based on Western values could benefit signifi-
cantly from the expansion of its knowledge base through an interna-
tional lens that includes diverse multicultural and cross-national
perspectives. The resolution encourages psychologists to commit to five
principles that help us understand and overcome oppressive attitudes
and practices in dominant psychology transported internationally:
1. Understanding the experiences of individuals in diverse cultures and contexts.

This first principle is grounded in ‘‘the other’s’’ experience. It urges us to
understanding the experience of the other, which is embedded in multi-
ple contexts and diverse social structures. Understanding and sincerely
appreciating the experience of the other person also implies that we vali-
date the other’s worldview, their ways of knowing and their authority
for valid information and meaning (Ballou; 1996; Flowers & Richardson,
1996). One example for psychological practice with women, among the
many, might be in the realm of values. In North America, productivity
and autonomy are held as strong virtues, and many of our theoretical
constructs and normative standards are based on the value of independ-
ent thinking and action. The principle of valuing others’ experiences is
both obvious and subtle in its many applications. At its most basic appli-
cation, how we define the psychological problem, diagnose the problem,
and select the intervention must be based squarely in the experience of
the other.
2. Respect for pluralism based on differences. The second and closely related
principle is respect for pluralism. Respect for pluralism takes one beyond
recognizing diversity to valuing diversity. As one example, feminist
research on women in other disciplines and countries often employs eth-
nographic and narrative methodology as a legitimate and important way
to document and validate the actual voices and direct experiences of
women and minorities (Alcoff & Potter, 1993; Lazarus and Lykes, 2005;
Naidoo, 2005). However, in psychology these efforts may still not be seen
as valid or meeting the scientific test of traditional empirical investigation
of best practices (Riger, 1992, 2000).
3. Awareness and analysis of power. This principle points out how critical it is
to understand and become aware of power differentials and to analyze
power asymmetries and hierarchies of power as they operate in relation-
ships, institutions, and systems (Ballou & West, 2000; Enriquez, 1992). As
an example in psychotherapy, interpersonal relationships between thera-
pist and client are guided by this principle of reducing power asymme-
tries between practitioner and client. While each has different levels of
power and status, both members are involved in a reciprocal learning
process in which each can make valuable contributions to the other. This
is particularly true when the each person in the therapeutic dyad comes
from a different cultural perspective (Wyche & Rice, 1997).
4. Critical analysis of Western perspectives. The normative values and defini-
tions employed in traditional Western psychology have been critiqued
extensively. These analyses are revealing of the cultural, historical, eco-

nomic, and political agendas and perspectives embedded within the
theory and practice of psychotherapy, particularly in relation to the treat-
ment of women and minorities (Brown, 1994; Fox & Prilleltensky, 1997;
Kitzinger, 1991; Rosenblum & Travis, 1996; Radway, 1998).
5. Interdisciplinary social–cultural perspective. This principle calls for an
awareness of the significant impact of external and structural forces on
individuals. Such factors, for example, as poverty, violence, and war, and
the effects of the law, church, family, education, and the workplace,
result in multiple and complex forms of privilege and/or oppression
(Rice, 2001, 2007). A feminist perspective calls for an analysis of ‘‘social
location’’ and an interdisciplinary view that recognizes how anthropolog-
ical, historical, and religious factors influence and interact with one’s eth-
nicity, class, gender, and culture (Landrine, 1995). In psychological
practice, the psychologist sometimes encounters contradictions of valuing
culture and actual cultural practices, for sometimes the cultural practices
are oppressive to women as in inequitable marital, divorce, and repro-
ductive rights, violence, abuse, and economic dominance (Rice, 2005).
APA and CPA Guidelines for Psychological

Practice with Women and Girls
The previous five principles formed a foundation for the succeeding
work of 35 feminist psychologists who over several years of collabora-
tion drafted guidelines for psychological practice with girls and
women. The chairs of the task force, Roberta Nutt, Joy Rice, and Carolyn
Enns, took the guidelines through the long and extensive process of
revisions and updates required by the various APA governance bodies,
council, and membership. Adopted in 2006, these 11 guidelines were
based on the need to articulate a model for psychotherapeutic practice
that was both gender- and culturally sensitive and that employed con-
cepts of empowerment and an understanding and appreciation of the
standpoints, world views and culture specific practices of women and
men as well (APA, 2007). The 11 guidelines are organized into three
sections: (1) diversity, social context, and power; (2) professional
responsibility; and (3) practice applications.
DIVERSITY, SOCIAL CONTEXT, AND POWER

Guideline 1: Psychologists strive to be aware of the effects of socialization,
stereotyping, and unique life events on the development of girls and
women across diverse cultural groups.
Guideline 2: Psychologists are encouraged to recognize and utilize informa-
tion about oppression, privilege, and identity development as they may
affect girls and women.
Guideline 3: Psychologists strive to understand the impact of bias and dis-

crimination upon the physical and mental health of those with whom they
work.
Professional Responsibility
Guideline 4: Psychologists strive to use gender and culturally sensitive,
affirming practices in providing services to girls and women.
Guideline 5: Psychologists are encouraged to recognize how their socializa-
tion, attitudes, and knowledge about gender may affect their practice with
girls and women.
Practice Applications
Guideline 6: Psychologists are encouraged to employ interventions and
approaches that have been found to be effective in the treatment of issues
of concern to girls and women.
Guideline 7: Psychologists strive to foster therapeutic relationships and
practices that promote initiative, empowerment, and expanded alternatives
and choices for girls and women.
Guideline 8: Psychologists strive to provide appropriate, unbiased assess-
ments and diagnoses in their work with women and girls
Guideline 9: Psychologists strive to consider the problems of girls and
women in their sociopolitical context.
Guideline 10: Psychologists strive to acquaint themselves with and utilize rele-
vant mental health, education, and community resources for girls and women.
Guideline 11: Psychologists are encouraged to understand and work to
change institutional and systemic bias that may impact girls and women.
Almost concurrently, in 2007, the CPA passed ‘‘Guidelines for Ethi-

cal Psychological Practice with Women’’ that articulates four guiding
principles:
1. Respect for the dignity of persons. This principle urges that psychologist
ensure that they do not engage in or support any gender-based discrimi-
nation and/or oppression, recognizing that there may be situations
where women clients face multiple discriminations and oppressions.
2. Responsible caring. The main point of this principle is that psychologists
strive to understand how women’s lives are shaped by the interaction of
gender with other modalities like culture, ethnicity, and sexual orienta-
tion, and that is important for the practitioner to understand how the
multiple social contexts of their own life might influence or interfere with
their attempts to help and not harm women clients.
3. Integrity in relationships. Psychologists are open, honest, and accurate in
their communications and recognize, monitor, and manage potential
biases, multiples relationships, or other conflicts of interest that could
lead to the exploitation of the client and the diminishment of trust. Psy-
chologists honestly acknowledge differences in beliefs and values with
their women clients and work collaboratively to resolve those differences
in the best interest of the woman.
4. Responsibility to society. Psychologists acknowledge that they have respon-
sibilities to the societies in which they live and work and their concern
for the welfare of all human beings includes concern for the welfare of
women in society. They accept responsibility to do what they can to
change societal laws and structures that discriminate or lead to oppres-
sions of women.
The underlying concepts and principles in the APA and CPA guide-
lines are similar, but the CPA principles are more general in their artic-
ulation and do not, for example, discuss specific practices of promoting
empowerment and expanded alternatives for women; using unbiased
assessments, diagnoses, and materials; and employing specific inter-
ventions that have been found to be helpful and effective with women
clients. Their thrust is closer to the underlying ethical principles for the
APA Resolution on Gender and Cultural Awareness in International
Psychology. The CPA guidelines, unlike those of the APA, do not pro-
vide a developmental perspective applying to younger girls.
FEMINIST PSYCHOTHERAPY IN A GLOBAL CONTEXT

Upon the completion of these guidelines, it was quickly realized that
there was a need to address and consider the potential implications,
applications, and modifications of such feminist practice guidelines for
use internationally and cross-nationally. As a starting point, Enns and
her colleagues began a working group at the 2008 International Coun-
seling Psychology Conference in Chicago, and their discussion pro-
vides some potential implications and modifications of the APA
guidelines for use in international contexts. The major aim of the task
force was to generate a critical analysis of Western feminist psychother-
apeutic practice and to consider some of the features of such practice
globally (Enns, 2008). APA Guideline 5 and CPA Principle 2 which
state how understanding how one’s own socialization shapes one’s
therapeutic perspectives and practices formed a basis for the dialogue.
Certainly, developing practice guidelines that would be applicable
internationally is a daunting endeavor. There are enormous challenges
to developing a holistic and inclusive focus to women’s diverse real-
ities across the world and their complex multiple interacting social
identities and oppressions. Nonetheless, an important beginning has
been made in articulating some of the ways in which Western models
of psychotherapy, including feminist models of treatment for women,
are ethnocentric or otherwise narrow in their geo-political-social focus.
Three important themes can be seen to have emerged from the work
of this beginning task force. The first concerns our concepts of empower-
ment and the language of empowerment. Such concepts are often
framed in individualist terms from a Western point of view. By way of
contrast, for example, many Japanese women, both feminist and non-
feminists, define meaningful constructs of interdependence and fulfill-
ment that are consistent with the values of a more collective society. It is
suggested that terms such as ‘‘resourcefulness’’ are likely to be less eth-
nocentric and more useful and meaningful in the treatment of mental
health problems for women in other cross-national contexts (Enns, 2008).
Second, the goals and strategies of psychotherapy for women need
to be framed in culturally sensitive terms. For example, although we as
Western therapists and feminists tend to see and promote gender role
differentiation as negative and as a barrier to achieving equity and a
positive sense of self, many Muslim and Asian women have worked
toward preserving and honoring difference, especially in the realm of
family and personal relations (Enns, 2008; Pharaon, 2001).
Another guiding theme identified in modifying the Western guide-
lines for psychological practice for women and girls was the considera-
tion that Western society is extremely goal directed. This is also
reflected in the way in which we practice psychotherapy with the goal
of being assertive or achieving a certain job or status. For women from
other cultures, the goal orientation of such a therapeutic approach may
not resonate; for example, a Japanese woman whose personality values
a role-oriented approach to life and who experiences a sense of satis-
faction from fulfilling and honoring that lifetime role, such as nurtur-
ing family and children to the subordination of self (Enns, 2003). Thus,
the alleviation of depression associated with that role may be not to
attempt to separate the women from the role or to divorce or to sepa-
rate, but to help her feel and integrate the honor her culture assigns to
that role.
Several of the Western guidelines are broad enough to apply to
many various contexts and to diverse mental health problems of
women across the world, but they would need culture-specific lan-
guage, applications, interventions, and examples. In terms of language
and translation of the guidelines, the particular meanings of words and
connotations of concepts embedded in individualistic perspectives may
vary from country to country and culture to culture, necessitating con-
sideration of cultural relevance (Enns, 2008). Every therapeutic encoun-
ter is embedded in a multi-lingual context, and both therapist and
client must be aware of the many leveled effects. There are many
opportunities for misunderstandings, as well as for mutual shared
learning (Espin, 2001).
Nonetheless, the overall relevance and importance of concepts like
empowerment, awareness of difference, sensitivity to and avoidance of
discrimination, best practices, self-examination, and education can be

seen as applicable to all women clients in various geographical settings.
By way of example, applying the guidelines to women from other
countries reveals both direct relevance and the need for cultural modi-
fication (Enns & Kasai, 2007). A few examples will suffice.
APA Guidelines 1, 2, and 3 speak directly to the direct effects of
socialization, oppression, and bias on women and girls, outlining decades
of research on these issues. Japanese women, like women in many
other cultures around the world, live in worlds of highly differentiated
gender roles; however, this is seen in a more positive light where dif-
ference is preserved and honored and the counseling reflects that dif-
ferent perspective (Kawano, 1990). As Ueno (1997) writes, ‘‘Our
primary goal is not to be like men, but to value what it means to be a
woman.’’ Some Asian women believe that gender role differentiation
does not automatically produce greater subordination and dependency
for women on men, but in contrast independence; for example, when
women do not expect men to meet their emotional needs and turn to
other women for nurturing relationships. ‘‘Amae’’ is a widespread in-
digenous psychological concept in Japan. It represents a healthy other-
centeredness that emphasizes attunement to the needs of others and
correspondingly positive reliance on others for emotional acceptance
and self-esteem. However, Japanese women are often expected to
shoulder the responsibility for giving amae, with limited opportunities
to receive amae (Enns & Kasai, 2001; Matsuyuki, 1998).
APA Guideline 6 states that psychologists are encouraged to use
interventions and practices that have been found to be most effective
in the psychological treatment of girls and women. The effectiveness of
particular interventions may directly vary as a function of the socio-
political-economic context of the particular woman client. Ciftci (2008)
and Winter (2001) have worked extensively with immigrant Arab-
Muslim women. Women who are dislocated from their native support
systems are at special risk for depression, but our Western mental
health systems and structures that emphasize individual therapy and
psychopharmacological interventions do not necessarily meet their spe-
cial needs. Speedy symptom alleviation, family therapy, cultural educa-
tion, and social advocacy have been found to be effective avenues for
intervention and change, as well as working with local community
resources and support systems. Cognitive enhancement group therapy
programs have also been found to be particularly efficacious in helping
Saudi Arabian women to improve self-confidence, communication
skills, and self-awareness (Pharaon, 2001).
APA Guideline 9 and CPA Principle 2 state the importance of con-
sidering the psychological problems of women and girls in their socio-
political and socioeconomic context. The effects of socioeconomic status
have an enormous impact on the clinical issues which Mexican women
face (Hinkelman, 2001). Mexican women often suffer stresses that are
due to inadequate food and shelter, domestic violence, unemployment,
and oppressive political policies and structures. Religion plays a large
part in their family life, and some life events are attributed to luck,
supernatural forces, or acts of God, a fatalism that has been linked to a
high prevalence of depression and other clinical issues such as anxiety
and psychosomatic symptoms. Furthermore, Mexican women, espe-
cially in rural areas, tend to have limited information and access to
medical and mental health care resources and institutions and centers
specializing in assisting victims of violence and abuse (Pick, Contreras,
& Barker-Aguilar, 2006). All these considerations of the social context
of the depressed Mexican woman need to be considered in evaluation
of the intrapsychic and external sources of her distress and the appro-
priate interventions.
Finally, APA Guideline 11 and CPA Principle 4 speak to the need for
psychologists everywhere to help better their societies by engaging and
advocating for positive social change that alleviates institutional and sys-
temic injustice and discrimination. The question that is relevant here is
whether or not there can be healing without justice. The abuse of
women worldwide and their resulting trauma makes explicit the link
between treatment and advocacy and calls forth a model of global prac-
tice for women and girls that incorporates advocacy. If justice is indeed
therapeutic, then psychologists are urged to go beyond their relatively
comfortable roles and office work to publicly work for their women cli-
ents in nontherapeutic settings and venues. From this perspective, we
help to forge a world in which women can live, work, and be healed
from the pernicious effects of discrimination, abuse, and violence and
the multiple mental health consequences of those conditions.
BEYOND CURRENT MODELS OF RESEARCH AND PRACTICE

As Aida Hurtado (2009) has articulated, feminist theorists have chal-
lenged traditional forms of knowledge production, staked out claims in
knowledge production, and emphasized the roots of multicultural fem-
inist theory in the ‘‘every day experiences of human beings who love,
live, laugh, cry, and think.’’ Part of that challenge has been the devel-
opment of new methodologies, qualitative and quantitative, to produce
new knowledge about women’s lives and circumstances. In particular,
the development of participatory and action research techniques hold
promise for the development of an action-reflection dialectic or praxis
to create an activist scholarship in international psychology (Earth,
1998; Khanna, 1996; Lykes, 1994, 2001; Lykes, Coquillon, & Rabenstein,
in press).
Stigma, cultural beliefs, and cultural norms with regard to expressing
psychological distress and help-seeking, diagnostic practices, treatment
accessibility, and preference for alternative forms of treatment vary

cross-nationally. In countries such as Uganda, where mental illness may
be seen as a punishment for bad deeds or as possession by an evil spirit,
the associated stigma may lead to social isolation, exclusion, and disad-
vantage (Ssebunnya, Kigozi, Lund, Kizza, & Okello, 2009). Barriers to
help-seeking may also be found in countries where the cultural taboo of
consulting in a psychiatric setting may carry the risk of marriage ineligi-
bility or divorce. These barriers may be particularly important to women
in societies where the roles of wife and mother are central to women’s
status. For example, a study of outpatients in the United Arab Emirates
(Ouali et al., 2004) found that women were less likely to seek mental
health care than men, and that when they did seek care, 70 percent were
accompanied by someone else; 60 percent of the women said they could
not have sought care if they had not been accompanied, and this
dependence on being accompanied led to irregular attendance in follow-
up appointments. They were also more likely to report feeling stigma-
tized than men (37.7 percent vs. 24.4 percent). In Arab Islamic societies,
the fact that women represent a family’s honor may make them reluctant
to disclose personal issues to outsiders for fear of damaging the family’s
status in addition to their own. Such conditions underscore the impor-
tance of understanding the relationship of social and cultural factors to
diagnosis, treatment, and delivery of mental health services to women
and of developing culturally appropriate approaches to service provision.
While U.S. studies have much to contribute to international mental
health efforts, the reverse is true as well. The lack of a psychiatric
establishment tied to biomedical models and an infrastructure that
influences mental health practices from the ‘‘top down’’ may provide
opportunities for ‘‘bottom’’ up approaches reflective of the voices of
consumers and tailored to their contexts. A model for such an
approach is found in Where There Is No Psychiatrist: A mental health care
manual (Patel, 2003), which states ‘‘the promotion of gender equality,
by empowering women to make decisions that influence their lives
and educating men about the need for equal rights, is the most impor-
tant way of promoting women’s mental health’’ (p. 220). The manual
provides practical, context-based advice for community workers and
primary care doctors, nurses, social workers, and doctors, particularly
in developing countries. For example, it provides guidance on how to
ask about stress in a domestic context, ensure regular follow-up, ask
permission to speak to family members, and deal with advocacy issues
such as establishing psychoeducational or support groups for women
in the community.
In cultures where Western diagnostic constructs are unknown and
there are no words for mental disorders, the manual’s ‘‘bottom up’’
approach, which focuses on symptoms and avoids usage of stigmatiz-
ing labels, is particularly appropriate. The idea that it is important to
recognize that people seek help from diverse sources and there is little
to gain by challenging beliefs in evil spirits and witchcraft is likely to
meet with substantial resistance from a Western biomedical perspec-
tive. However, the point is made that counseling approaches based
on Western psychological theories may indeed be applicable across
cultures—but to be effective, a counselor must find what will be ac-
ceptable. A similar ‘‘bottoms up’’ effort, informed by feminist princi-
ples and guidelines for therapy with women, would provide an
interesting approach for ‘‘giving multicultural feminist psychology
away’’ to community workers and service providers who seek alterna-
tives to traditional approaches in the United States.
CONCLUSION
International perspectives on mental health offer a holistic vision of
health that is congruent with the biopsychosocial perspective advo-
cated by feminist psychologists. This perspective views understanding
the relation of women’s social roles and circumstances to mental health
in its social/political and cultural context as necessary for the develop-
ment of effective treatment and prevention. That gender has a pro-
found impact on the development of and response to mental distress
and disorder is indisputable. The goal now is to understand the factors
and mechanisms that produce that impact, including the power
inequalities, stigma, and devaluation associated with women’s social
roles and circumstances. New theories and methods, informed by mul-
ticultural and international feminist perspectives, as reflected in the
guidelines for psychological practice with women and girls, hold
promise as tools for achieving that goal. However, doing so will
require viewing gender as a multidimensional cultural construct with
elements that may interact with elements of the cultural context at mul-
tiple levels—biological, psychological, social, environmental, cultural,
and contextual—and developing policies and programs aimed at elimi-
nating the power inequities, stigma, discrimination, and gender-based
violence that continue to undermine the mental health and well being
of women over their life cycle.
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Chapter 2
Ethnocultural Psychotherapy: Women

of Color’s Resilience and Liberation
Lillian Comas-Diaz
Women’s lives are embedded in multiple contexts. Their intersecting

identities inhabit complex realities. Consider Ana, a 30-year-old Colom-
bian American woman, who consulted a therapist upon her physician’s
recommendation. Ana’s presenting complaint: ‘‘I’m targeted at work
because I’m a black Latina immigration lawyer,’’ highlights the inter-
section of her multiple identities—a combination of ethnicity, race, gen-
der, and profession. Enmeshed in a collective matrix, female identity
and well-being tend to be relational, that is, connected to others and to
contexts. To heal, nurture, and sustain women’s well-being, clinicians
need to address female interconnecting identities.
Psychotherapy with women—in particular, women of color—offers
opportunities and challenges. Indeed, the rewards of working with cul-
turally diverse women enrich therapists’ lives. Multicultural therapeu-
tic encounters can be replete of gratification, excitement, and deeper
connection. Let’s examine Ana’s first session. Her body language
(sweating palms, fearful facial expression) suggested that she was anx-
ious and scared. Dr. Brown, a Jewish American therapist, addressed
Ana’s feelings and recommended breathing exercises. Ana agreed and
while engaged in the exercise, she suddenly remembered her grand-
mother’s breathing exercises. She shared the breathing technique with
Dr. Brown, who was pleasantly surprised to learn the source of Ana’s
grandmother’s exercise—shamanism. Interested in indigenous healing,
Dr. Brown added a new strategy to her clinical repertoire.
Conversely, working with culturally diverse clients can be chal-
lenging. Partly due to cultural misunderstanding, the multicultural
encounter can exert a strain in therapists. Consider Judy, a Chinese

American woman who presented to therapy after a romantic breakup.
She saw Dr. Smith, a European American woman who explored the
circumstances around the breakup. When the therapist commented on
the unfulfilled quality of the relationship, Judy described the friendship
between her parents and her ex-fiancee’s family. Dr. Smith’s reply—
‘‘You need to take care of yourself,’’—reflected an individualistic
worldview where separation and individuation from family are signs
of adulthood. Judy’s answer, ‘‘Taking care of myself means taking care
of my parents,’’ denoted a collectivistic worldview where interdepen-
dence among family members prevails. A cultural impasse resulted out
of these conflictive worldviews. This situation generated difficulties
with empathy. Dr. Smith persisted in encouraging Judy to individuate
from her parents. After a few sessions, Judy informed Dr. Smith that
she did not need therapy anymore.
What seems to be the major difference between Dr. Brown and
Dr. Smith? Research has shown that culturally diverse clients identified
their therapists’ cultural competence as the major source of satisfaction
with their treatment (Knipscheer & Kleber, 2004). Most experts agree
that cultural competence involves a set of knowledge, attitudes, and
skills that enables clinicians to be effective in multicultural practice
(Betancourt, Green, Carrillo, & Ananch-Firempong, 2003). Moreover,
the development of cultural competence requires empathy and a life-
long commitment. Working within a culturally relevant therapeutic
framework helps to develop cultural competence. In this chapter, I
present ethnocultural psychotherapy as a gender-affirmative, culturally
relevant healing approach for women of color.
ETHNOCULTURAL PSYCHOTHERAPY:
CONCEPTS AND GOALS
Ethnocultural psychotherapy incorporates ethnic, cultural, and gender
parameters into mental health assessment and treatment (Comas-Dıaz &
Jacobsen, 2004). It is a contextual healing approach that recognizes,
reclaims, and recovers gender and cultural strengths. As such, ethnocul-
tural psychotherapists examine the role of gendered ethnicity in the lives
of women of color.
Gendered ethnicity refers to the interactive effects of gender, culture,
ethnicity, and race. Unfortunately, dominant mental health practi-
tioners seldom understand the profound influence of gendered ethnic-
ity in women of color. When in treatment, women of color often
find these services irrelevant and unresponsive to their life experi-
ences. What is more, some fear psychotherapy to be an acculturation
tool (Ramirez, 1991), as well as a form of cultural imperialism. To
illustrate, women of color fear that psychotherapy’s androcentric and
Ethnocultural Psychotherapy 27
ethnocentric perspective will label them as deviant and pathological.

Judy’s cultural impasse with Dr. Smith exemplifies this concern.
Women of color experience cultural imperialism through a systematic
indoctrination that the dominant cultural values are superior to their
own (Said, 1994). Consequently, healing requires empowering women
of color to be themselves. When in therapy, women of color frequently
talk about cultural identity, emotional expression, community expecta-
tions of gender roles, mother–daughter dyad, spirituality, sexuality,
relationship with other women of color, and class differences (Slater,
Daniel, & Banks, 2003).
A significant number of women of color need mental health treat-
ment. Many struggle with loss, grief, and trauma, in addition to experi-
encing a nefarious form of racism and sexism. Indeed, women in
general, and women of color in particular, are exposed to multiple
oppressions. Beyond gendered ethnicity, women of color’s social class,
sexual orientation, skin color, immigration status, health status, age,
language, and other variables predispose them to oppression. Exposure
to continuing oppression results in a psychological adaptation to domi-
nation. For instance, oppressed individuals internalize powerlessness
and develop a fractured identity (Freire, 1973). To promote empower-
ment and reformulate identity, ethnocultural psychotherapists help
women to take control of their lives, overcome their oppressed mental-
ity, and achieve a critical knowledge of themselves. These objectives
are necessary in the delivery of effective and ethical psychotherapeutic
services to women of color.
EMPOWERMENT
Ethnocultural psychotherapists aim to increase women of color’s
sense of agency. In other words, ethnocultural psychotherapy empowers
women to increase their access to resources, examine options, enhance
their ability to make choices, improve self- and collective esteem, learn
culturally relevant assertiveness, rescue ethnogender strengths, over-
come internalized oppression, and engage in transformative actions.
Ethnocultural psychotherapy promotes critical consciousness. Coined by
Paulo Freire (1970), critical consciousness refers to the process of
engaging in a dialectical dialogue with one’s world, becoming aware of
one’s circumstances, and initiating transformative actions. The critical
consciousness dialogue involves asking questions such as ‘‘What?
Why? How? For whom? Against whom? By whom? In favor of whom?
In favor of what? To what end?’’ (Freire & Macedo, 2000). Exploring
these critical questions raises consciousness and helps to examine
existential issues. In particular, a critical dialogue facilitates women’s
examination of ‘‘what matters’’ regarding power differentials.
Ethnocultural psychotherapy addresses power differentials within a

liberation perspective. Unfortunately, many mainstream psychothera-
pists ignore the effect of power in women’s realities. Consider the fol-
lowing vignette. Karen, a mixed race (black and white) single mother,
was in therapy with a white male clinician. Dr. Cooper treated Karen
with mainstream psychotherapy. After six months in treatment, Karen
did not get relief from her anxiety. When she shared her experiences
with her friend Carol, Karen realized that she did not feel comfortable
discussing race with her therapist. ‘‘I get this unspoken message that
Dr. Cooper does not want to hear about racist sexism.’’ To resolve her
dilemma, Karen terminated therapy and entered treatment with Carol’s
therapist—an African American woman.
IDENTITY REFORMULATION
Besides empowerment, ethnocultural psychotherapy promotes iden-
tity reformulation. In other words, therapists encourage women to re-
claim their voices. This process affirms women’s ethnogender values.
Such affirmation is necessary because women of color tend to recon-
nect with their ethnic traditions during crises. Lamentably, many
women of color ‘‘forget’’ their ethnocultural roots to accommodate to
the dominant society. Through cultural amnesia, they neglect adaptive
functions of their gendered ethnicity.
Along these lines, ethnocultural psychotherapists examine women’s
psychocultural needs. For example, lesbians of color struggle with a
combined sexism, racism, and heterosexism that require attention dur-
ing therapy. Likewise, working-class women of color are exposed to a
mixture of sexism, racism, and classism. They may find themselves in
a dilemma as their personal striving threatens their ethnoclass ties
(Kuppersmith, 1987). Regardless of social class membership, class real-
ities are pervasive in communities of color and thus affect many
women of color. Therapists who recognize ethnoclass loyalty dilemmas
promote female empowerment.
Healing the historical, personal, and collective wounds of women of
color necessitates a gender-affirmative, culturally relevant contextual
approach.
ETHNOCULTURAL PSYCHOTHERAPY APPLICATIONS

Ethnocultural psychotherapy is gender affirmative because it acknowl-
edges the concept of self as an internal gendered-ethnocultural representa-
tion. To elaborate, female identity is embedded and constructed within
diverse contexts. For instance, Catherine Batson (1990) empirically found
that females frequently compose their lives by adapting to life milestones,
such as coupling, motherhood, and other gender-specific events. As a
result, conducting psychotherapy with women of color entails examining

their adaptation to their total environment. An ethnocultural assessment
facilitates such examination.
ETHNOCULTURAL ASSESSMENT
Ethnocultural assessment helps to place female realities in contexts.
This assessment explores intellectual and emotional understanding of
several historical stages of cultural identity development (Jacobsen,
1988). It acknowledges the influences of external and internal factors
during different stages in women’s lives. As both a diagnostic and
treatment tool, the ethnocultural assessment helps to unfold material
relevant to women’s functioning. Additionally, it aids in the develop-
ment of a therapeutic alliance. Certainly, when conducting ethnocul-
tural assessments, therapists aim to convey genuine interest in their
client. This approach fosters a ‘‘safe’’ atmosphere for treatment. The
ethnocultural assessment examines the women’s heritage, saga, niche,
adjustment, and relationships.
Heritage relates to women’s ancestry, history, genetics, biology, and
sociopolitical inheritance. In this stage, therapists examine maternal
and paternal cultures of origin to delineate ethnic heritage. The exami-
nation of biological factors includes illnesses, physiological, gender,
and ethnic differences in drug metabolism. Of particular interest is the
exploration of cultural trauma in the form of soul wounds. A legacy of
pain and suffering among many minority group members, soul
wounds result from socio–historical oppression, ungrieved losses, inter-
nalized oppression, and learned helplessness (Duran & Ivey, 2006).
Examples of soul wounds are a history of slavery, colonization, Holo-
caust, genocide, and wars. In addition, therapists explore the legacy of
survivors’ syndromes.
Examining women’s cultural legacy provides a foundation for the
unearthing of the family saga. Ethnocultural assessment second stage,
saga, entails the family, clan, tribe, and group story. As an illustration,
the family saga reveals the circumstances that led a woman and or her
multigenerational family to journey through cultural transitions. Tran-
sition could be any kind of translocation—a geographical move, migra-
tion, immigration, sojourn, or major transitions in life such as change
of job, marital status, in addition to milestones like pregnancy, abor-
tion, miscarriage, and others. It is important to discern the voluntary
versus the involuntary reasons for the transition or translocation. The
translocation post analysis provides a context for client’s’ ethnocultural
transition. Relevant questions characteristic of this stage include: ‘‘How
long ago was the translocation? Was it recent or generations ago?
What are the thoughts and feelings regarding the events leading to the
translocation?’’
The next assessment stage, niche, refers to the outcome of the post
transition analysis. Niche is based on the client’s intellectual and emo-
tional perception of her family’s ethnocultural identity in the host soci-
ety since the translocation. Succinctly put, niche is the place carved by
the family after the transition. During this stage, therapists assess what
happened to the family after the translocation. Moreover, therapists
examine women’s cognitive and emotional perception of their family
ethnocultural saga. They review women’s interactions with members of
their own ethnocultural group. In particular, therapists explore the
family status before and after the translocation. Women’s internaliza-
tion of their family saga provides a blueprint of their entry into the
world. Exploring this stage facilitates the development of a contextual
framework within which to place women’s subjective experiences.
Therapists ask the following questions when examining women’s
niche: ‘‘Have family members stayed together? Is there a sense of fam-
ily unity? What is the relationship of family with the original ethnocul-
tural group? How have they fared financially, emotionally?’’
The self-adjustment stage relates to women’s own perceived adapta-
tion to the host culture (or situation) as individuals distinct from their
family. Self-adjustment explores the contrasts between the woman’s
ethnocultural identity and that of her family, work, and social environ-
ment. This stage involves an analysis of women’s coping skills. Here,
therapists help women to analyze the functionality of their behaviors
within diverse contexts. Women’s strengths are examined, paying
attention to cultural resilience. For example, among many women of
color, personal survival is connected to their collective survival.
Fostering cultural resilience, ethnocultural psychotherapy helps
women to reconnect with their ethnic beliefs. Cultural resilience is a
host of strengths, values and practices that promote coping mecha-
nisms and adaptive reactions to traumatic oppression (Elsass, 1992).
Cultural resilience promotes resourceful responses to oppression and
adversity. Therefore, it fosters creativity, reconstruction, and evolution.
The last ethnocultural assessment stage examines women’s relations.
Therapists examine women’s self and other relationship. Besides exam-
ining women’s significant connections, clinicians focus on the therapeu-
tic relationship, including transference and countertransference. They
explore their own ethnocultural background to determine specific areas
of real or potential overlap with their client’s. In other words, thera-
pists complete their own ethnocultural assessment to determine areas
of similarity and difference with their clients’. Above and beyond
obtaining a wealth of information crucial for therapeutic interventions,
performance of an ethnocultural assessment frequently opens new
channels for the recognition of self in the culturally different other.
A crucial component of the ethnocultural assessment is the inclusion
of gender specific issues in all stages of the evaluation. For example,
during the heritage stage, historical female roles, female biological

markers, female victimization, and other history of gender issues are
examined. The saga stage helps to reveal the ‘‘herstory’’ of significant
female family members. Similarly, during the niche stage clinicians
examine female gender collective scripts such as family roles of women
and men, wantedness of children (including the client), and gender
specific family trauma. Furthermore, therapists explore the symbolic
meaning of the client’s name, age cohort effect on women, accultura-
tion, personal development, and other adjustment issues as part of
women’s self-adjustment. Finally, therapists explore the gender aspects
of intimate relations, (with men and women), physical and sexual
abuse, domestic violence, incest, battered spouse syndrome, forced
prostitution, sexual abduction, and other forms of gender trauma
within relationships.
In conclusion, the ethnocultural assessment is especially effective
when treatment issues are unclear, gender and ethnocultural concerns
are presenting complaints, and when women are in a multicultural
situation.
ETHNOCULTURAL THERAPEUTIC PROCESS

Therapeutic Relationship
Ethnocultural psychotherapy acknowledges the confluence of both
the therapist’s and the client’s realities. Such convergence is accentu-
ated within the dyadic encounter. Consequently, ethnocultural psycho-
therapists recognize the therapeutic relationship as an essential agent
of change. They use it as a vehicle to promote critical awareness and
transformation. In fact, successful psychotherapy with women of color
depends on the therapist’s skill in establishing and managing the thera-
peutic relationship (Jenkins, 1985).
In addition to cultural competence, ethnocultural psychotherapists
aim to develop cultural empathy. Indeed, the development of empathy
in a multicultural context facilitates an understanding of the client’s ex-
perience. Empathy is an interpersonal construct referring to a clini-
cian’s intrinsic capacity to attend to the emotional experience of others.
Within mainstream psychotherapy, empathy is composed of kines-
thetic, affective and cognitive elements (Jordan & Surrey, 1986). The
kinesthetic component relates to the nonverbal communication and
body language. Empathy’s affective component involves an emotional
connectedness—the experience of being like the other. The cognitive ele-
ment refers to an intellectual understanding of the other. Therapists
engaged solely in cognitive empathy tend to maintain their identity dif-
ferentiated from their clients’ (Kaplan, 1991), and thus, do not experi-
ence being like the other.
As a result, therapists need to go beyond being an empathic witness

when working with women of color. They need to develop cultural
empathy. Cultural empathy is a learned ability that helps therapists to
culturally understand the experience of women of color. Cultural empa-
thy entails a process of perspective taking by using a cultural framework
as a guide for understanding women and recognizing cultural differen-
ces between self and other (Ridley & Lingle, 1996). Indeed, therapists
able to take the perspective of the other person significantly reduce their
stereotypic and ethnocentric attitudes (Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000).
Therefore, cultural empathy promotes therapists’ cultural responsiveness
through a combination of perceptual, cognitive, affective, and communi-
cation skills. In short, cultural empathy involves therapists’ attunement
to women of color’s life experiences. Within this context, attunement
refers to the process whereby the therapist focuses on the internal world
of the woman of color and in turn, she feels understood and connected
(Stern, 1985). Such a state of connection facilitates the management of
identification and projection during therapy.
ETHNOCULTURAL TRANSFERENCE AND

COUNTERTRANSFERENCE
The multicultural therapeutic encounter can provide opportunities
for projections based on ethnicity, gender, and race. These projections
infuse the therapeutic relationship with complex ethnocultural and
gender influences. Therapists working with women of color need to
understand transference and countertransference, including their eth-
nocultural determinants (Varghese, 1983). Racial, gender, and ethnic
factors are available targets for projection in therapy (Jones, 1984),
which may be manifested in transference. Comas-Dıaz and Jacobsen
(1991) identified several types of ethnocultural transference and coun-
tertransference within the inter-ethnic and the intra-ethnic psychothera-
peutic dyads. In brief, the inter-ethnic transferential reactions include
the following: (1) overcompliance and friendliness (observed when
there is a societal power differential in the client/therapist dyad); (2)
denial (when the client avoids disclosing issues pertinent to gendered
ethnicity and/or culture); (3) mistrust and suspiciousness (How can this
therapist understand me?) and (4) ambivalence (a common reaction when
working with socially marginalized individuals). Women of color in an
interethnic psychotherapy may struggle with negative feelings toward
their therapists, while simultaneously developing an attachment to
them. Issues of identification and internalization within the inter-ethnic
dyad may also foster ambivalence in the client.
The intra-ethnic transference may include the following: (1) omni-
scient/omnipotent therapist (idealization of the therapist frequently
with the fantasy of the reunion with the perfect parent, promoted by
the ethnic similarity); (2) traitor (client exhibits resentment and envy at
therapist’s successes—equated with betrayal and the selling out of his/
her culture and race); (3) auto-racist (client does not want to work with
a therapist of her own ethnicity, due to projection of the strong nega-
tive feelings about herself onto the therapist); and (4) ambivalent
(women may feel comfortable with their shared ethnocultural back-
ground, but at the same time, they may fear too much psychological
closeness).
Some countertransferential reactions within the inter-ethnic dyad
include the following: (1) denial of cultural differences; (2) the clinical
anthropologist’s syndrome (excessive curiosity about women of color’s
ethnocultural backgrounds at the expense of their emotional needs);
(3) guilt (emerges when societal and political realities dictate a lower
status for women of color); (4) pity (a derivative of guilt or an expres-
sion of political impotence within the therapeutic hour) (5) aggression;
and (6) ambivalence (it may originate from ambivalence toward thera-
pist’s own ethnoculture).
Within the intra-ethnic dyad some of the countertransferential reac-
tions are the following: (1) overidentification; (2) us and them mentality
(shared victimization due to gendered ethnocultural discrimination
may contribute to therapist’s ascribing the woman’s problems as being
solely due to being a person of color); (3) distancing; (4) survivor’s
guilt (therapists of color may have the personal experience of escaping
the harsh socioeconomic circumstances of low income ethnic minor-
ities, leaving family and friends in the process, and generating conflict
and guilt); (5) cultural myopia (inability to see clearly due to ethnocul-
tural factors that obscure therapy); (6) ambivalence (working through
the therapist’s own ethnic ambivalence); and (7) anger (being too eth-
noculturally close to a woman of color may uncover painful, unre-
solved emotional issues).
The examination of ethnocultural transference and countertransfer-
ence advances the psychotherapeutic process.
PHASES IN THE PSYCHOTHERAPEUTIC PROCESS

The ethnocultural psychotherapeutic process unfolds the phases of
intuition, affect, cognition, and coalescence. Although these stages seem
to follow a developmental path, in reality, they are fluid and permeable.
During the intuitive stage, women of color are reading the therapist’s
nonverbal communication. In other words, they are literally checking
the therapist out. Thus, nonverbal communication such as body lan-
guage, hunches, and vibes acquires central importance. Although both
therapist and client follow their gut feelings, women of color tend to rely
more on their intuition, while therapists are cognitively engaged in
collecting data, making a diagnosis, and developing a treatment plan.
Ethnocultural therapists pay special attention to gut feelings. Partly

due to being oppressed, women of color rely on nonverbal signs to de-
cipher meanings within power differentials. At times, they communi-
cate indirectly—a style prevalent among sociocentric individuals. When
therapists overlook such communication, then empathic difficulties
occur. In particular, women of color check out their therapist for the
presence of racism and sexism. In other words, women of color follow
their intuition. Consequently, ethnocultural psychotherapists attend to
all kinds of communication—what is said and not said—throughout all
phases of the therapeutic process.
The affective phase refers to feelings and emotions. It includes wom-
en’s subjective experiences of being a woman, a person of color, and a
woman of color. To facilitate understanding women’s feelings, thera-
pists ask: ‘‘How do you feel being a person of color?’’ ‘‘What does it
mean to you to be a woman of color?’’ The affective phase unfolds
women’s subjective experience of being a person of color. More impor-
tantly, the woman ascertains how she feels about the therapist, and
conversely, the therapist examines how he or she feels about the client.
Indeed, the affective phase sets the stage for the emergence of ethno-
cultural transference and countertransference.
The cognitive phase involves the intellectual understanding of the
therapeutic alliance. Pre-therapy expectations are expressed and dis-
cussed during this phase. The cognitive stage entails a reality testing of
cultural differences and/or similarities. It signals the recognition of the
presence of transference and countertransference.
Ethnogender factors influencing the psychotherapeutic process begin
to come together during coalescence. For example, women’s feelings
regarding treatment and their clinician are articulated and negotiated dur-
ing this stage. Women begin to accept their therapist as a helping person.
Cultural differences are worked through, including power differentials.
These processes provide a model for the reconciliation of differences.
Women examine their fractured identities and begin to integrate disparate
aspects of the self. For these reasons, the therapeutic restoration takes
place during coalescence and the potential for growth is enhanced.
ETHNOCULTURAL PSYCHOTHERAPY TOOLS

In addition to mainstream therapeutic strategies, clinicians use eth-
nocultural tools. Some of these instruments include the explanatory
model of distress, cultural genograms, cultural transitional maps, and
ethnocultural occupational inventory. Other ethnocultural tools include
narratives/storytelling, testimonies, and indigenous healing techniques.
In this chapter I briefly present the explanatory model of distress, cul-
tural genogram, and the ethnocultural occupational inventory.
The explanatory model of distress is an ethnographical clinical tool

used to elicit clients’ expectations and perspectives on their illness
(Kleinman, 1980). Clinicians ask the following questions (Callan &
Littlewood, 1998; Kleinman, 1980):
What do you call your problem (distress or illness)?

What do you think your problem (illness) does?
What do you think the natural course of your illness is?
What do you fear?
Why do you think this illness or problem has occurred?
How do you think the distress should be treated?
How do want me to help you?
Who do you turn to for help?
Who should be involved in decision-making?
Therapists who ask these questions convey respect and interest in

their clients. As they earn clients’ trust, clinicians foster the emergence
of a healing alliance.
Another ethnocultural tool is the cultural genogram. This instrument
emphasizes the role of culture in the lives of individuals and their families
(Hardy & Laszloffy, 1995). Like regular genograms (McGoldrick, Gerson,
& Shellenberger, 1999), cultural genograms diagram the genealogical, de-
velopmental, historical, political, economical, and sociological influences
on individuals’ lives. Moreover, cultural genograms place women within
their collective circumstances and identify their ethnogender, spiritual, and
racial contexts. Furthermore, cultural genograms emphasize the effects of
skin color, hair texture, body type, phenotype, and appearance in women
of color. Similarly, the cultural transitional map clarifies the information
regarding family transitions. The cultural transitional map elucidates
women’s individual and collective history of translocation. In addition, this
tool assesses personal, familial, ethnocultural, and community mappings
in families undergoing sociocultural change and transition (Ho, 1987).
Finally, the ethnocultural occupational inventory assesses women’s
experiences within work settings. For example, Dr. Brown explored
Ana’s experiences as a lawyer. She used the ethnocultural occupational
inventory to explore Ana’s experiences as a woman, a woman of color,
a mixed race woman, and a professional of color working in a predom-
inantly white law firm. Among other areas, the ethnocultural occupa-
tional inventory explored the following:
1. Meaning of work for Ana, her family and her ethnic group
2. Family history of higher education and occupational attainment
3. Previous and current work (paid and pro bono)
4. Occupational success and failure

5. Occupational socialization
6. Discrimination in work setting
7. Sexual harassment at workplace (direct and vicarious)
8. Racial and/or ethnocultural anger and rage
9. Interaction of ethnicity, gender, race, class, and sexual orientation
10. Previous and current occupational coping skills (functional and
dysfunctional)
11. Occupational fears, fantasies, family scripts, and wishes
12. Identification and challenge of irrational and dysfunctional belief sys-
tems about work
13. Projection of family, personal, and career goals
14. Racial climate at workplace
15. Assessment of gender issues at workplace
The completion of Ana’s occupational inventory signaled Ana’s

resolve to engage in a transformative action. All of the ethnocultural
psychotherapy processes, stages, and tools affirm women’s empower-
ment and identity reformulation. The therapeutic work lays the foun-
dation for the development of women’s ethnogender consciousness.
ETHNOGENDER CONSCIOUSNESS
Ethnocultural psychotherapy aims to provide a safe forum for
women’s identity reformulation. It offers acceptance of the client’s
gendered ethnicity by conveying the relevance of identity affirmation
and reformulation in healing. Ethnocultural consciousness is a pivotal
factor in recovery and liberation. Due to cultural imperialism, sexist
racism, and multiple forms of oppression, many women of color
develop cultural amnesia. To awaken their cultural legacy and recon-
nect with their roots, women of color need to become ethnoculturally
conscious. The process of reconnecting with ethnic, cultural and spir-
itual roots, ethnocultural consciousness enhances women’s ability to
resist oppression. In other words, ethnocultural consciousness helps
women of color to rescue their gendered cultural strengths and
acknowledge their multiple intersecting identities. Simply put, ethno-
cultural consciousness promotes women of color’s ability to assert
and celebrate who they are.
Therapists initiate women’s consciousness during the completion of
the ethnocultural assessment. However, the development of ethnocul-
tural and feminist consciousness requires more than the delineation of
heritage, legacy, and herstory. Consciousness needs to embrace women’s
cultural resilience, strengths, and gifts.
An important aspect in women of color’s resilience is spirituality.

Indeed, feminism of color is embedded in spiritual contexts. To illus-
trate, womanism—African American women’s feminism—affirms
female strengths, fights oppression, and promotes collective social jus-
tice (Walker, 1983). A womanist goal is the infusion of spirituality into
women’s lives (Phillips, 2006). Likewise, Latina feminism—mujerismo—
is anchored in spirit. Based on liberation theology, mujeristas commit to
the decolonization of all people (Isasi-Diaz, 1994). Womanism and
mujerismo aim to empower women and their communities. Both move-
ments are revolutionary, communal, and generative. As collective
efforts, womanism and mujerismo foment global solidarity (Comas-
Dıaz, 2008). Their multidisciplinary foundation nurtures women’s eth-
nogender and cultural consciousness. Feminism of color spiritually
based awareness enhances women of color’s cultural resilience. It leads
women to resist the pressure to revise or to repress experience, to
embrace conflict rather than conformity, and endure anger and pain
rather than submitting to repression and oppression (Tal, 1996).
When women of color become conscious, they alchemize oppression
into liberation (Comas-Dıaz, 2008). As women reconnect with their ethno-
gender strengths, they rescue their gifts of power. The experience of multi-
ple intersecting oppressions facilitates the development of gifts of power.
These gifts—ethnogender intuition, prophetic abilities, and healing capaci-
ties—are spiritually based. In other words, many women of color use their
spirituality to rescue their gifts of power to empower themselves and
others. Since these gifts constitute a resistance against oppression, coloni-
zation, and cultural imperialism, they instill women with transformation
and liberation (Comas-Dıaz, 2008). The flexibility inherent in ethnocultural
consciousness helps women to reformulate their identity.
Ethnocultural consciousness travels a developmental journey. As
such, it is similar to Maria Harris’s (1991) depiction of female spiritual
evolution. She identified women’s spiritual development as a rhythmic
dance of awakening, discovering, creating, dwelling, nourishing, tradi-
tioning, and transforming. All of these stages are interconnected in the
lives of women of color. For instance, within their traditioning process,
many women of color resort to creativity. Indeed, a significant part of
cultural resilience is the nurturing of creativity. Of interest, research has
shown positive relationship between people’s multiculturalism and their
creativity (Leung, Maddux, Galinsky, & Chiu, 2008). In other words,
being exposed to multicultural experiences enhances creativity. Cer-
tainly, many women of color engage in creative healing and liberation.
CONCLUSION
Ethnocultural psychotherapy acknowledges the concept of self as an
internal gendered ethnocultural representation. It addresses female
intersecting identities and contextual realities through the integration of

diversity variables into mental health assessment and treatment. Ethno-
cultural psychotherapists view the therapeutic relationship as the recog-
nition of the self in the other. Consequently, they use ethnocultural tools
to empower and affirm ethnogender identity. Indeed, ethnocultural psy-
chotherapy helps women to go back home. They are empowered to
reconstruct and inhabit their place in the world. Ana, the lawyer who
was discriminated against for being a black Latina, remained in therapy
with Dr. Brown for a year. The completion of her ethnocultural assess-
ment facilitated Ana’s reconnection with herself and with her commu-
nity. Therapy helped her to reconcile and integrate diverse aspects of
her identity. Based on her responses to the occupational inventory, Ana
left the law firm where she was employed. Later on, she established her
own company specializing in immigration services. Six months after
completing therapy, Ana sent Dr. Brown a local newspaper article
announcing Ana’s selection as woman of the year.
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Chapter 3
Women and Sexual Violence:

Emotional, Physical, Behavioral, and
Organizational Responses
Paula Lundberg-Love
Bethany Waits
Female survivors of sexual violence are everywhere. They are in uni-

versities, religious institutions, court rooms, hospitals, and the military.
They are daughters, mothers, spouses, sisters, friends, next-door neigh-
bors, and coworkers. Many differ in age, education, ethnicity, and socio-
economic status (Klump, 2006; Koss, Bailey, & Yuan, 2003). However,
their lives are connected by the violence that they have experienced.
Sexual violence is a pervasive social problem, and as Koss et al. (1994)
aptly noted, there is ‘‘no safe haven’’ for women from victimization.
National epidemiological data indicates that between 17 and 25 percent
of women in the United States report some form of sexual assault in
their lifetime (Campbell, 2008). Results of a national telephone survey
conducted in 2001 to 2003 found that approximately 2.7 million women
experienced sexual violence during the last 12 months prior to the sur-
vey. The same study also reported that approximately 11.7 million
women had been victimized at some point during their lives (Basile,
Chen, Black, & Saltzman, 2007). Globally, at least one woman in three
is beaten, coerced into sex, or otherwise abused at some point in her
life (Koss et al., 2003).
Sexual violence is a comprehensive term that describes all acts of
unwanted sexual activity including rape, sexual assault, and intimate
partner violence (IPV). According to Hedtke et al. (2008), rape typically
includes forced vaginal, oral, or anal penetration with a penis or other

objects without a person’s consent. For many years, the term ‘‘rape’’
was used to describe all acts of sexual violence. Recently, it has been
abandoned in favor of the gender-neutral term ‘‘sexual assault,’’ which
is defined as nonconsensual sexual contact obtained by physical force,
by threat of physical harm, or in situations where the victim is unable
to give consent (Golding, 1999; Lee & Kleiner, 2003). This definition
can include unwanted sexual kissing to situations involving oral, anal,
or vaginal intercourse (Golding, 1999). Furthermore, IPV is defined as
‘‘threatened, attempted, or completed physical or sexual violence or
emotional abuse by a current or former intimate partner’’ (Black &
Breiding, 2008, p. 646). IPV can be committed by a spouse, an ex-
spouse, a boyfriend, or a dating partner. Since the majority of sexual
assaults are committed by individuals known to the victim, it is not
surprising that many victims of sexual violence also experience IPV.
Prior to the early 1970s, research concerning sexual violence focused
almost exclusively on characteristics of the perpetrator, and little atten-
tion was given to the distress of survivors. The women’s movement
was instrumental in shifting the direction of sexual assault research
from the rapist to the psychological sequelae that victims experience
(Neville & Heppner, 1999). Rape crisis centers established in the late
1970s and early 1980s provided immediate intervention and long-term
therapy to individuals, as well as early research documenting women’s
psychological reactions to sexual violence, which included fear, anxiety,
and depression. These studies were critical in heightening awareness
concerning the severity of the trauma that survivors encountered
(1999). For instance, an initial survey interviewed victims four to six
years after their rape experience and found that approximately 26 per-
cent still did not feel recovered from the crime, suggesting that the
effects of sexual violence reached far beyond the initial attack (Koss
et al., 1994). Since the 1980s, literature concerning the impact of victimiza-
tion has extended past psychological sequelae to other reactions that
victims encounter. These include various physical, neurological, behav-
ioral, and organizational responses, which will be discussed in the follow-
ing sections (Kaltman, Krupnick, Stockton, Hooper, & Green, 2005).
PSYCHOLOGICAL RESPONSES
The psychological impact of sexual violence has been extensively
studied. Research has consistently documented that victims experience
intense psychological distress immediately following the attack. This
distress typically peaks in severity approximately three weeks post
assault and continues to remain at an elevated level for several months.
While initial distress may dissipate over time, longitudinal studies sug-
gest that a significant number of victims continue to experience chronic
Women and Sexual Violence 43
mental health problems for many years subsequent to victimization

(Neville & Heppner, 1999). Indeed, Koss et al. (2003) found that several
years after their rape, approximately one-fourth of women continued
to experience negative psychological effects. These typically include
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), major depression, sexual dys-
function, and generalized anxiety (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). Even when
evaluated many years later, one study found that between 31 and 65
percent of victims met the diagnostic criteria for PTSD, and 43 percent
met the criteria for major depression (Campbell, 2008). These studies
provided evidence that psychological distress following victimization is
prevalent among survivors and can cause long-term devastation to the
individual’s well-being and mental health (Hedtke et al., 2008).
Several researchers have documented that the most common imme-
diate reactions following sexual violence are fear and anxiety (Bohn &
Holz, 1996; Goodman, Koss, & Russo, 1993; Koss et al., 1994; Neville &
Heppner, 1999; Resick, 1993). Within 72 hours of the assault, 86 percent
of victims report having intense fear of their assailant and anxiety
about their personal safety. By the third week, rape-induced anxiety
typically reaches maximum levels, and studies suggest that it may not
begin to lessen for up to three years (Koss et al., 1994). For instance,
when compared to survivors of other crimes such as robbery, rape vic-
tims describe greater anxiety and fear at six months and at one year
following the assault. The most frequent fears reported by victims
included talking to the police, tough-looking people, being alone, blind
dates, going out with new people, and making mistakes (Neville &
Heppner, 1999). As with anxiety, depressive symptomatology is typi-
cally observed within a few hours to a few days following victimiza-
tion (Koss et al., 1994). These symptoms consist of sad feelings about
the assault, loss of interest in normal activities, suicidal thoughts, sleep
disturbances, fatigue, frequent crying spells, and an inability to concen-
trate (Bohn & Holz, 1996; Goodman et al., 1993; Koss et al., 1994).
Many victims meet diagnostic criteria for major depressive disorder
only a few weeks subsequent to the attack (Koss et al., 1994). In one
study, 56 percent of rape survivors reported depressive symptoms and
43 percent met the diagnostic criteria for major depression one month
after the attack (Koss et al., 2003). Furthermore, women who have been
raped are three times more likely to meet criteria for lifetime major
depression, are two times as likely to qualify for a diagnosis of dysthy-
mia, and are 2.5 times more likely to report recent depression when
compared to nonvictims (Koss, Figueredo, & Prince, 2002). Overall, 13
percent of victims of sexual violence suffer from a major depressive
disorder sometime in their lives as compared with 5 percent who never
experience such abuse (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). As major depressive
disorders become more prevalent among victims, suicidal thoughts also
may increase. According to Koss and Kilpatrick (2001), victims of
sexual violence are at an elevated risk for suicidal ideation when com-
pared with nonvictims. Within the first month, suicidal ideation was
reported by 33 to 50 percent of survivors, and in one study 22 percent
of sexually abused women reported suicidal ideation in the previous
12-month period as compared to 7 percent of nonabused women (Koss
et al., 1994). Since the frequency of suicidal thoughts is elevated, it
should not be surprising that approximately 19 percent of victims
report at least one suicide attempt at some point in their lifetime (Koss
et al., 2003).
Victims of sexual violence are considered the largest single group
that suffers from PTSD (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). According to Bohn
and Holz (1996), a wide range of symptoms such as flashbacks, intru-
sive recollections about the abuse, repetitive dreams and nightmares,
psychological numbing, anxiety, irritability, insomnia, hypersensitivity,
and hypervigilance are frequently reported. Approximately one-third
of female survivors are diagnosed with PTSD immediately following
the attack (Ullman, Filipas, Townsend, & Starzynski, 2007). After three
weeks, 79 percent of victims met the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual,
fourth edition (DSM-IV) criteria for PTSD (Gilboa-Schechtman & Foa,
2001). In addition, prospective studies have demonstrated that within
two weeks of the assault, 90 percent of victims met symptom criteria
for PTSD while 50 percent continued to meet the criteria three months
later (Koss et al., 2003). Research from community-based samples
found that between 44 and 49 percent of women who experienced sex-
ual violence were diagnosed with PTSD (Littleton & Breitkopf, 2006).
According to Resnick, Acierno, Holmes, Dammeyer, and Kilpatrick
(2000), the lifetime prevalence of PTSD among survivors is approxi-
mately 30 percent; however, estimates as high as 50 percent also have
been reported. Finally, another study found that individuals who expe-
rienced sexual violence were 6.2 times more likely to suffer from PTSD
than women who had never been victimized (Koss et al., 2003).
Typically, survivors reported feeling ‘‘dirty’’ and ‘‘unclean’’ follow-
ing sexual victimization. While many of these feelings are related to
visible dirt and contamination from the attack, they also may result
from a sense of internal, non-visible contamination. Researchers define
this phenomenon as ‘‘mental pollution,’’ and for many, mental pollu-
tion continues despite being visibly clean (Fairbrother & Rachman,
2004). As a result, survivors may engage in excessive washing behav-
iors in an attempt to remove the ‘‘unclean’’ feelings sustained from the
assault. One study conducted by Fairbrother and Rachman (2004)
assessed mental pollution among a sample of sexual assault survivors
and found that 70 percent of participants reported an urge to wash or
clean themselves subsequent to the attack. Furthermore, 49 percent of
the sample reported washing more than one time and 24 percent con-
tinued washing for several weeks. More than 25 percent of women in
the sample who washed in response to mental pollution reported that

they continued to wash excessively for several months and 11.8 percent
persisted in this behavior for at least one year post-assault (Fairbrother
& Rachman, 2004). Few studies have determined the long-term conse-
quences of mental pollution on victims’ psychological well-being. How-
ever, several case studies suggest that continued washing as a result of
mental pollution might result in the onset of obsessive compulsive dis-
order (OCD). While this finding has been documented in several cases,
further research is needed to understand fully the relationship between
mental pollution and OCD (Fairbrother & Rachman, 2004).
As mentioned previously, victims of sexual violence are at an
increased risk to experience fear, anxiety, depression, suicidal ideation,
PTSD, and mental pollution when compared to nonvictims. Several
other psychological sequelae including sexual dysfunction and eating
disorders frequently also are reported by survivors. According to Koss
et al. (1994), victims experience less sexual satisfaction and more sexual
problems than nonvictimized women. In one study of adult survivors,
61 percent reported sexual dysfunction, especially avoidance of sex, im-
mediately after the crime. Other frequent problems included a lack of
desire, fear of sex, and difficulty becoming aroused. Even four to six
years after the incident, 30 percent of women did not feel that their
sexual functioning had returned to normal pre-rape levels (1994). In
addition, victims of sexual violence are more likely to report eating dis-
orders such as anorexia and bulimia nervosa than nonvictims (H.
Resnick, Acierno, & Kilpatrick, 1997). In a group of bulimic patients, 23
percent had been raped, 29 percent had been sexually abused as chil-
dren, and 23 percent had experienced IPV (Koss et al., 1994). Since eat-
ing disorders may have life-threatening consequences, it is important
for clinicians to assess for previous trauma history in order to provide
more appropriate treatments for these individuals.
According to Koss and colleagues (2003), the psychological impact
associated with sexual victimization has been well established for sev-
eral decades. As a result, investigators are now turning their attention
from symptomatology to the moderators and mediators that translate
abuse into psychological distress. A moderator is a variable that affects
the relationship between two other variables (i.e., sexual violence and
poor mental health), changing the direction or magnitude of the effects.
A mediator, or intervening variable, acts as a link in a causal chain
which mitigates the effect from the independent (i.e., sexual assault) to
the dependent (i.e., mental health) variable. In cases of sexual victim-
ization, moderators and mediators typically enhance the damaging
impact of the abuse experience on victims, thereby prolonging recov-
ery. For example, potential moderators that may exacerbate psychologi-
cal distress include previous trauma history, maladaptive coping
strategies, negative social reactions, and various characteristics
associated with the assault. The most powerful mediators include

social cognitions involving self-blame and perceived control.
Evidence suggests that women who have been sexually victimized
in childhood or adolescence are more likely to be revictimized in
adulthood (Koss et al., 2003). A recent meta-analysis estimated that 15
to 79 percent of female child sexual abuse (CSA) survivors experience
rape as adults (Kaltman et al., 2005). According to Campbell et al.
(2008), women with a history of previous sexual violence who are
revictimized in adulthood have poorer mental health outcomes than
victims of a single instance of sexual assault. Indeed, these individuals
have significantly elevated levels of PTSD and depression as com-
pared to those without a history of previous trauma (Campbell, Gree-
son, Bybee, & Raja, 2008). Kaltman and colleagues (2005)
demonstrated that college sophomores who experienced CSA and
were then revictimized as adults, reported more Axis I diagnoses,
more comorbid diagnoses, including PTSD, depression, and general
distress than other victims without a history of prior abuse. A history
of CSA also has been found to prolong recovery among victims
(Krause, Kaltman, Goodman, & Dutton, 2008). For instance, longitudi-
nal studies regarding the course of depression and PTSD suggest that
CSA contributes to chronic symptomatology and persistent, unremit-
ting distress among individuals who were revictimized at some point
in adulthood (Koss et al., 2003).
The coping strategies utilized by women following sexual violence
are highly influential in recovery. Research suggests that there are two
primary strategies an individual can employ when faced with a stress-
ful event, approach coping and avoidance coping. Approach coping
is chosen when the individual decides that she has sufficient resources
to cope with her emotional reaction to the stressor (Littleton &
Breitkopf, 2006). Several of these strategies involve keeping busy,
thinking positively, obtaining support, and making life changes
(Draucker, 2001). In contrast, avoidance coping occurs when an indi-
vidual lacks the coping resources necessary to handle the stressful sit-
uation (Littleton & Breitkopf, 2006). In such cases, the victim is likely
to implement strategies such as denying the existence of the stressor,
avoiding thoughts about the stressor, staying home, and withdrawing
from friends (Draucker, 2001; Littleton & Breitkopf, 2006). A growing
body of literature suggests that avoidance coping is correlated with
more severe psychological distress following sexual victimization
(Krause et al., 2008). For example, trying to forget about or ‘‘block out’’
the assault is correlated with the prolonged recovery of survivors
(Ullman et al., 2007). Avoidance coping also has been associated with
increased PTSD symptom severity when compared to victims who
implemented other strategies (Krause et al., 2008; Ullman et al., 2007).
Although many victims employ avoidance coping, other victims who
cope by keeping busy, thinking positively, and making life changes

(i.e., approach coping) actually report less psychological distress and
more favorable recoveries. Thus, the manner in which a victim copes
(i.e., avoidance or approach) with sexual assault may substantially
determine the severity of her symptoms and duration of her recovery.
Social reactions from friends and family members can mitigate or
magnify the psychological effects of sexual violence (Koss et al., 2003).
Several studies have documented that negative social reactions such as
blaming the victim, treating the victim differently, and trying to dis-
tract the victim result in prolonged recovery and increased psychologi-
cal distress. Specifically, when victims are blamed or treated differently
post-assault, PTSD symptoms are significantly worse than when other
reactions are present. Attempting to distract victims from their pain by
telling them to ‘‘move on with their lives’’ or to ‘‘stop talking about
the assault’’ is also related to PTSD severity and long-lasting distress
(Ullman & Filipas, 2001). Although many people’s initial reaction to
rape and sexual assault is negative, research suggests that positive
social responses to victimization may result in a significantly reduced
risk of anxiety, depression, PTSD, and suicidal ideation among sexual
assault survivors (Coker et al., 2002). Even if the victim merely per-
ceives more positive social support from those around her, she is more
likely to report fewer psychological symptoms (Klump, 2006). There-
fore, interventions targeting social support and appropriate reactions
toward victims are needed in order to promote more positive outcomes
in survivors (Campbell et al., 2008).
Certain characteristics associated with the attack also have been
linked to more negative psychological outcomes among victims
(Hedtke et al., 2008). These include the use of physical force or weap-
ons, high perceived fear of death, physical injuries sustained during
the attack, and the victim’s relationship to the perpetrator (Koss et al.,
2003). In one study, rape victims with PTSD were more likely to have
been attacked by strangers, subjected to force or weapons, and sus-
tained physical injuries than were victims without PTSD. Among a
national sample of sexual violence survivors, researchers discovered
that high perceived life threat and physical injury were related to more
PTSD symptoms as compared to controls (Ullman & Filipas, 2001).
Finally, Abbey, BeShears, Clinton-Sherrod, and McAuslan (2004) found
that women whose perpetrators used physical force as their primary
modality of victimization experienced the most extreme negative psy-
chological consequences when compared with other victims.
According to Koss and colleagues (2002), unexpected acts such as
rape stimulate causal attributions, or attempts to answer the question,
‘‘Why did this happen to me?’’ In response to this question, victims
may blame external forces, controllable features related to their
own behavior, or uncontrollable and enduring aspects of their
personalities. Research suggests that individuals automatically develop

specific ways of processing certain events in their lives. These proc-
esses, or social cognitions, include ‘‘just world’’ assumptions (i.e., bad
things happen to bad people) and beliefs about personal control, invul-
nerability, trust, self-esteem, and intimacy (Koss et al., 2002). When
incongruity exists between lived experience and social cognitions, indi-
viduals become distressed and attempt to resolve the conflict by alter-
ing beliefs and modifying how the incident is interpreted. Typically,
victims of sexual assault rectify this incongruence by engaging in either
behavioral self-blame or characterological self-blame (2002). In order to
assess the effects of both characterological and behavioral self-blame on
psychological well-being, Koss et al. (2002) assessed victims’ attribu-
tions of responsibility (e.g., self-blame) and maladaptive beliefs (e.g.,
beliefs that result in maladaptive conclusions about the self and others
following a traumatic event) after sexual assault. Their findings demon-
strated that blaming one’s own character for rape led to maladaptive
beliefs, which increased PTSD severity. Therefore, women who felt re-
sponsible for their rape developed beliefs such as ‘‘the world is not a
safe place,’’ and were in turn less likely to recover and more likely to
report long-term psychological distress (Koss et al., 2002). Other studies
also have documented this finding (Fraizer, 2003; Ullman et al., 2007).
In addition to self-blame and maladaptive beliefs, perceived control
concerning the past, the present, and the future may be a potential me-
diator between sexual assault and psychological sequelae. Perceived
past control refers to an individual’s belief that one had control over
the occurrence of a traumatic event (Frazier, 2003). While researchers
have hypothesized that perceived past control may aid in recovery,
several studies suggest that past control is either unassociated with dis-
tress or associated with more distress among victims. According to
Frazier, past control is rarely helpful in recovery, primarily because it
is generally unrelated to measures of future control. Even if victims
believe that they had control over a negative event in the past, they do
not necessarily believe that they will have control over the same event
in the future. However, research does suggest that recovery from rape
is better among victims who do believe that they can prevent or avoid
a future occurrence of trauma (Koss et al., 2002). Other studies also
have documented that perceived future control is associated with lower
psychological distress among victims. Although future control can be
beneficial, present control, which involves control over the recovery
process, has been found to be the most adaptive type of perceived con-
trol. Present control allows the victim to regain a sense of control in an
otherwise uncontrollable situation. Thus, focusing on control over the
recovery process may yield the most positive outcomes among victims
of sexual assault (Frazier, 2003).
PHYSICAL RESPONSES
The tendency to report physical health symptoms following victim-
ization has led to an increased rate of medical service seeking among
those who experience sexual violence (Ullman & Brecklin, 2003). Koss
and Kilpatrick (2001) reported that medical utilization among victims
increased by 31 to 56 percent approximately five years after the attack,
compared to a 2 percent increase among nonvictims during the corre-
sponding time period. Furthermore, among all female primary care
patients, 25 to 28 percent have a history of sexual violence, suggesting
that poor physical health is common among these individuals (Koss
et al., 1994). On standardized self-report measures of health perception
and functioning, victims report significantly poorer health habits and
increased symptoms in all body systems except for the skin and eyes
(Resnick et al., 1997). Indeed, a number of complaints are diagnosed
disproportionately among survivors including physical injuries, gyne-
cological disorders, gastrointestinal disorders, and chronic pain (Koss
& Kilpatrick, 2001).
Approximately 40 percent of victims receive nongenital, physical
injuries following an incident of victimization, and among those who
are injured, 54 percent seek medical treatment (Koss et al., 1994). The
most common injuries consist of abrasions to the head, neck, face,
thorax, breasts, and abdomen (Campbell, 2002; Goodman et al., 1993).
Other injuries such as bruising, contusions, bone fractures, and lacera-
tions also have been reported (Cook, Dickens, & Thapa, 2005; Resnick
et al., 1997). Data from the National Women’s Study documented that
only 4 percent of victims sustained serious injuries, suggesting that the
majority of injuries may be minor (Resnick et al., 1997). At least 50 per-
cent of all victims treated in emergency departments report vaginal
and perineal trauma (Groer, Thomas, Evans, Helton, & Weldon, 2006).
According to Resnick et al. (2000), approximately 15 percent of women
who have been sexually victimized have significant vaginal tears, with
1 percent requiring surgery to repair the damage.
The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) among victims
of sexual violence is between 3.6 and 30 percent (Koss & Kilpatrick,
2001). The most prevalent STDs include gonorrhea, chlamydia, tricho-
monal infections, and syphilis. However, research also indicates that
victims may have an increased risk for hepatitis B and human immu-
nodeficiency virus (HIV) (Resnick et al., 2000). Although the rate of
HIV transmission due to rape is unknown, it is a great concern for a
majority of victims (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). One study found that 89
percent of women interviewed one month after their assaults men-
tioned fear of contracting HIV (Resnick et al., 2000). When assessed
several months following the attack, between 26 and 40 percent of vic-
tims spontaneously mentioned AIDS and HIV as a concern, and for
more than half of these individuals, it was their primary concern (Koss
et al., 1994). Finally, studies have consistently documented that approxi-
mately 5 percent of sexual assault cases result in pregnancy (Koss &
Kilpatrick, 2001; Resnick et al., 2000).
Gynecological disorders are the most frequently reported physical
health problem among victims of sexual violence. At one-year post-
assault, women continue to experience severe gynecological dysfunc-
tion (Campbell, Lichty, Sturza, & Raja, 2006). For instance, approxi-
mately 26 to 82 percent of victims report chronic pelvic pain
subsequent to the attack (Golding, 1999). In a study by Koss et al.
(1994), women who had undergone laparoscopy for chronic pelvic pain
were more likely to be victims of sexual assault than women who had
the procedure for other reasons. Chronic pelvic pain results in approxi-
mately 10 to 19 percent of all hysterectomies performed in the United
States, which could suggest that survivors may be more likely to have
this procedure than nonvictimized women (Koss et al., 1994). While
chronic pelvic pain is frequently reported among victims, other gyneco-
logical disorders and symptoms also have been mentioned. These
include dysmenorrhea, menorrhagia, dyspareunia, vaginal pain, pre-
menstrual syndrome, urinary tract infections, vaginal bleeding, exces-
sive vaginal discharge, painful intercourse, rectal bleeding, fibroids,
and multiple yeast infections (Bohn & Holz, 1996; Campbell, 2002;
Campbell et al., 2006; Chrisler & Ferguson, 2006; Koss et al., 1994).
While physical injuries, STDs, and gynecological disorders are com-
monly reported, other physical health disturbances also have been
documented. For instance, in eight studies, including one general pop-
ulation survey, the incidence of gastrointestinal disorders among vic-
tims ranged from 30 to 64 percent (Golding, 1999). Another study
found that approximately 44 percent of women evaluated at a gastro-
enterology clinic reported some type of sexual victimization in adult-
hood (Koss et al., 1994). Research suggests that nausea, vomiting,
diarrhea, constipation, spastic colon, irritable bowl syndrome, abdomi-
nal pain, and indigestion are among the most common gastrointestinal
problems reported by victims (Campbell 2002; Chrisler & Ferguson,
2006; Goodman et al., 1993). In addition, chronic pain disorders includ-
ing headaches, back pain, facial pain, neck pain, temporal mandibular
joint discomfort, and bruxism are associated with sexual violence
(Campbell, 2002; Koss et al., 1994). Among women referred to a multi-
disciplinary pain center, 53 percent had a history of sexual abuse (Koss
et al., 1994). Golding (1999) reported that approximately 45 percent of
patients with chronic headaches, 69 percent of patients with facial pain,
and 46 percent of patients with chronic back pain had been sexually
victimized at some point in their lives. It is estimated that between 50
to 67 percent of women with fibromyalgia and other musculoskeletal
disorders have a history of sexual assault (Golding, 1999). Sleep
disturbances such as nightmares and insomnia, as well as cardiovascu-

lar disorders including hypertension, rapid heart rate, and chest pain
are also prevalent among victims (Chrisler & Ferguson, 2006). Finally,
additional research suggests that victims may be at an elevated risk for
infections including influenza and colds (Campbell, 2002).
Since many of the physical symptoms associated with sexual vio-
lence have been established, researchers are now attempting to identify
factors that may explain this relationship.
Classical conditioning, assault characteristics, and psychological dis-
tress all have been proposed as causal links between abuse and nega-
tive health outcomes (Bohn & Holz, 1996; Resnick et al., 1997). When
an extremely distressing event (i.e., victimization) occurs, it becomes an
unconditioned stimulus that elicits an unconditioned, or automatic,
response (Resnick et al., 1997). This automatic response is characterized
by cognitive (e.g., perception that one’s life is threatened or that one’s
body is defiled), behavioral (e.g., screaming, kicking, running, fighting,
or freezing), and physiological (e.g., alterations in respiration, heart
rate, gastrointestinal functioning, digestion, and muscle tension) com-
ponents. Unfortunately, a powerful form of conditioned responding
occurs when automatic responses are paired with other cues associated
with the attack, such as the time of day the victimization occurred, the
sounds and smells present during the attack, the physical appearance
of the perpetrator, and dark shadows if the assault occurred at night
(Resnick et al., 1997). When this takes place, environmental cues
become learned or conditioned stimuli that have the capacity to elicit
the cognitive, behavioral, and physiological responses that automati-
cally occurred during the initial trauma. Thus, physical reactions to
sexual assault such as abdominal distress, pain, nausea, increased heart
rate, shortness of breath, and shaking may become learned conditioned
responses to environmental fear triggers (i.e., dark shadows) and cause
victims to experience an increase in problematic symptoms (Resnick
et al., 1997). According to Resnick and colleagues (1997), as victims
continue to experience these health problems, they may be more likely
to develop chronic disorders such as fibromyalgia and irritable bowel
syndrome.
A dose-response relationship may exist between sexual violence and
chronic health problems whereby numerous assault experiences result
in exacerbated symptoms (Ullman & Brecklin 2003). In one study con-
ducted by Ullman and Brecklin (2003), correlates of past-year chronic
medical conditions were examined among women with different sexual
victimization histories identified from the National Comorbidity Sur-
vey. Findings suggested that for adult victims, more lifetime traumatic
sexual encounters were related to increased chronic medical conditions
compared to those who experienced a single act of sexual violence
(2003). Another study conducted by Campbell et al. (2006) reported
that the number of vaginal assaults alone was significantly and posi-
tively associated with a higher frequency of pelvic pain, vaginal bleed-
ing, discharge, painful intercourse, and painful urination. Those who
experienced multiple oral or anal assaults were more likely to report
chronic pain and gynecological disorders than those who did not
repeatedly experience these types of trauma (2006). Furthermore,
research has documented that victims who believed that their lives
were in danger during the assault were more likely to experience
severe health problems when compared to others devoid of such a his-
tory (Ullman & Brecklin, 2003).
Recent evidence suggests that psychological distress and mental
health sequelae may mediate the physical health conditions associated
with sexual violence. Among women recruited from a primary care
clinic, sexual assault victims had higher rates of medical complaints
only if they also reported psychological distress (Ullman & Brecklin,
2003). Specifically, research suggests that PTSD symptoms are posi-
tively correlated with more severe physical symptoms following vic-
timization (Groer et al., 2006). A study conducted by Zoellner,
Goodwin, and Foa (2000) assessed survivors with chronic PTSD in
order to determine if PTSD symptoms were related to negative health
outcomes. Results indicated that negative life events, anger, depression,
and PTSD severity all were related to an increase in self-reported
health symptoms. However, PTSD symptom severity predicted physi-
cal symptoms to a greater degree than the other variables. Thus,
although research has repeatedly demonstrated impairment of physical
health after sexual assault, it may not be the assault per se, but rather
the associated psychological sequelae, such as PTSD, that are responsi-
ble for the decline in victims’ well-being (Zoellner et al., 2000). Other
studies also have reported a relationship between PTSD severity and
physical health symptomatology (Campbell et al., 2008). For instance,
Rebecca Campbell et al. (2008) found that PTSD symptom severity was
more likely to be associated with persistent health conditions, espe-
cially those related to chronic pain, as compared to other factors. As
studies continue to document the role of PTSD as a mediator of physi-
cal health outcomes, the need for effective treatments and interventions
for PTSD becomes more apparent (Campbell et al., 2008).
NEUROLOGICAL RESPONSES
Initially, literature concerning the neurological sequelae associated
with sexual violence was limited to psychogenic seizures, fainting, and
convulsions (Campbell, 2002; Koss et al., 1994). In the last twenty years
however, research has documented that cognitive functioning, brain
structures, hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis activity, cortisol
levels, and recovery from traumatic brain injury (TBI) are different
among victims of sexual violence when compared to nonvictims

(Campbell, 2002). Evidence suggests that victims of sexual trauma,
especially those with a diagnosis of PTSD, may experience cognitive
deficits in attention, learning, memory, and executive functioning (Jen-
kins, Langlais, Delis, & Cohen, 2000; Stein, Kennedy, & Twamley,
2002). For instance, several studies have documented that survivors ex-
hibit impairments on neurological measures of attention including the
Trail Making Test (Part B), the Digit Span and Digit Symbol subtests of
the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-III (WAIS-III), the Continuous
Performance Test (CPT), and the Paced Auditory Serial Addition Task
(PASAT) (Jenkins et al., 2000). Jenkins and colleagues (2000) found that
victims who were diagnosed with rape-related PTSD were more likely
to demonstrate deficits on measures of sustained and focused attention
relative to non-PTSD and nontraumatized controls. One theory explain-
ing these results suggests that factors associated with PTSD such as try-
ing to avoid intrusive recollections, sleeping poorly, and being easily
startled might result in impaired performance on tests of sustained
attention. Furthermore, dissociation, which can range from daydream-
ing to a complete trance state, is often observed among victims with
PTSD and may interfere with an individual’s ability to concentrate and
remain focused on a specific task (Jenkins et al., 2000). According to
Stein et al. (2002), survivors who report PTSD symptoms are also likely
to experience problems with learning, memory, and executive function-
ing. In one study, visuoconstruction, visual memory, and executive
function all were impaired significantly in sexual assault victims (Stein
et al., 2002). In addition, findings from three large samples using stand-
ardized memory assessments have demonstrated that rape memories
are more affectively intense and negative than other memories when
compared to non-rape traumatic events (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001).
As with cognitive impairments, research investigating differences in
brain structures has largely focused on the role of PTSD in mediating
these effects. Studies utilizing structural magnetic resonance imaging
among individuals with rape-related PTSD have consistently found
smaller hippocampal volumes compared to those without histories of
trauma. Among victims with recent-onset PTSD, right hippocampal
volume was significantly smaller than controls (Wignall et al., 2004).
Furthermore, Wignall and colleagues (2004) found that whole brain
volume was significantly smaller in traumatized individuals with PTSD
compared to nonvictims. Other studies have documented significantly
smaller intracranial volumes, slightly larger ventricular volumes, and
smaller cerebral volumes in victims who have experienced sexual vio-
lence and subsequent PTSD symptomatology (Fennema-Notestine,
Stein, Kennedy, Archibald, & Jernigan, 2002). In an effort to determine
the effects of PTSD on the whole brain, Fennema-Notestine and col-
leagues (2002) examined volumes of specific brain regions in adult
women with a history of IPV, including sexual assault, compared to

women without serious trauma histories. Among the IPV women, half
had a current diagnosis of PTSD, and half had never reported PTSD
symptoms. Their results suggest that regardless of PTSD classification,
women who experienced IPV had significantly smaller supratentorial
cranial vault volumes compared with controls. Additionally, frontal
and occipital gray matter volumes were significantly smaller in all IPV
women, which was associated to increased Trails B time performance,
especially in women diagnosed with PTSD. Thus, findings from this
study reveal that aspects of neuropsychological impairment in victims
of sexual violence may be rooted in frontal and mesial temporal abnor-
malities following victimization (Fennema-Notestine et al., 2002).
The HPA axis controls the body’s natural reaction to stress and has
been extensively studied in relation to traumatic events including sex-
ual victimization (Girdler et al., 2007). When an individual is exposed
to a stressful situation, the hypothalamus becomes activated and begins
to release corticotropin-releasing factor, or CRF. This chemical acts at
the anterior pituitary gland to induce the release of adrenocorticotropic
hormone, ACTH, which in turn activates the adrenal cortex. Once the
adrenal cortex is activated, it stimulates the release of cortisol and other
glucocorticoids into the general circulation, which enhances energy
production to help the body deal with the stressful event. As the body
detects higher levels of glucocorticoids in the blood, a dual negative-
feedback loop is initiated that directly reduces the release of CRF in
the hypothalamus while simultaneously acting on the hippocampus,
which also inhibits HPA functioning (Meyer & Quenzer, 2005). Conse-
quently, it should not be surprising that research on the neurobiology
of sexual victimization has documented that abuse can result in long-
term changes in the HPA axis, which may increase a victim’s risk for
negative psychological and physical health sequelae (Hedtke et al.,
2008). Although the results of these studies have been mixed, the ma-
jority suggest that sexual violence results in lower cortisol concentra-
tions, leading to an overall hyporesponsiveness of the HPA system
(Girdler et al., 2007; Seedat, Stein, Kennedy, & Hauger, 2003). Rebecca
Campbell and colleagues (2008) have proposed that stress associated
with sexual violence triggers an acute response, which increases the
sensitivity of the negative-feedback loop in the HPA axis. When this
feedback system becomes overly sensitive to the presence of glucocorti-
coids in the blood, it suppresses both the hypothalamus and the hippo-
campus, which results in lowered cortisol levels (Campbell et al., 2008).
The long-term implications for lowered cortisol levels and HPA dys-
function are alarming. For instance, researchers hypothesize that
reduced activity of the HPA axis is associated with stress-related disor-
ders such as chronic fatigue syndrome, chronic headaches, fibromyal-
gia, rheumatoid arthritis, and abdominal pain. Since many of these
disorders are reported as common sequelae among victims, dysfunc-

tion of the HPA axis and lowered cortisol levels may be another medi-
ator between violence and health-related outcomes (Campbell et al.,
2008).
Finally, research suggests that there may be an association between
sexual victimization and recovery following traumatic brain injury
(TBI). According to Reeves, Beltzman, and Killu (2000), patients with a
history of sexual violence who have subsequently sustained a TBI fre-
quently report reemergence of sequelae related to the abuse. These typ-
ically include intense flashbacks, behavioral disturbances, nightmares,
and hypervigilance. Indeed, such individuals who have not reported
PTSD symptomatology for many years may spontaneously re-experience
vivid, intrusive, and disruptive episodes of past sexual trauma follow-
ing TBI. Even more disturbing, evidence suggests that victims who
have made the most adaptive recoveries from the violence, experience
the most disruptive PTSD-symptoms after TBI occurs (Reeves et al.,
2000). One possible explanation for this effect is that traumatized indi-
viduals develop a hyperaroused limbic system that over time may be
inhibited by prefrontal neural structures, especially those in the right
prefrontal area. However, in many cases of TBI, particularly those
involving a motor vehicle accident, bony protrusions on the interior of
the skull result in neurological insult to prefrontal brain tissue. Conse-
quently, when the prefrontal area is damaged, it is unable to govern
the effects of hyperarousal in the limbic system, resulting in the re-
occurrence of PTSD symptomatology. Since recovery is typically
prolonged in these individuals, future research is needed to better
understand the relationship of victimization on subsequent TBI (Reeves
et al., 2000).
BEHAVIORAL RESPONSES
The literature reviewed thus far provides ample evidence that sexual
violence against women results in long-lasting and pervasive psycho-
logical, physical, and neurological sequelae. In addition to these nega-
tive effects, research also suggests that victims experience behavioral
disturbances following victimization (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). For
example, survivors are more likely to smoke cigarettes, engage in risky
sexual activities, abuse substances, and exhibit negative social behav-
iors than other women (Resnick et al., 1997). Victims are even less
likely to wear seat belts while driving than those without a history of
sexual assault (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). According to Resnick et al.
(1997), the most significant change in behavior subsequent to victimiza-
tion is cigarette smoking. One study found that nearly 40 percent of
women with a history of sexual violence were current smokers, com-
pared to 25 percent of nonvictimized women. Even when controlling
for the effects of race, education, and psychopathology, the prevalence

of current smoking among victims was significantly higher than
controls.
In addition, studies also have documented that individuals who ex-
perience sexual violence are more likely to engage in risky sexual
behaviors such as having sex without using contraceptives (Neville &
Heppner, 1999). In a sample of adults selected on the basis of engaging
in risk behaviors for acquiring or transmitting HIV infection, approxi-
mately 54 percent of the women surveyed reported a history of sexual
assault (Koss et al., 1994). Several other studies also have found that
rape victims are more likely to engage in HIV risk behaviors including
prostitution, intravenous drug use, and sex with other drug users com-
pared to nonvictims (Resnick et al., 1997).
Research suggests that survivors of sexual violence are more likely
to abuse substances than nonvictimized individuals (Sturza & Camp-
bell, 2005), although the direction of this relationship remains unclear.
Substance abuse has been identified as both a precursor and a conse-
quence of victimization, and several alternatives have been proposed to
explain this relationship (Champion et al., 2004). One theory suggests
that substance abuse heightens an individual’s risk for subsequent sex-
ual violence. For instance, women who abuse alcohol and drugs may
have an impaired ability to detect potential assailants compared to
women who do not abuse these substances. These women may be tar-
geted by perpetrators because they are viewed as more vulnerable to
attack than other people (Champion et al., 2004). Other data support
these assumptions, documenting a higher prevalence of sexual victim-
ization among substance abusers. In studies among individuals pre-
senting to hospital emergency departments, higher rates of alcohol or
drug involvement have been related to injuries associated with sexual
assault and rape. Furthermore, longitudinal research has reported that
women who had used drugs in the previous year were significantly
more likely to experience sexual assault before the next assessment pe-
riod than women who were not drug users (H. Resnick et al., 2000).
A second theory indicates that victims abuse substances as a means
of coping with the negative consequences of violence (i.e., self-
medication) (Sturza & Campbell, 2005). After an assault, women may
increase their use of alcohol and drugs in order to reduce symptoms of
fear, anxiety, and depression (Resnick et al., 1997). Prospective data
from the National Women’s Study has confirmed this theory, suggest-
ing that sexual assault leads to substance abuse in previously non-
using individuals. Several studies conducted in accident and emer-
gency departments also found that severe sexual violence preceded
both alcohol and drug abuse in most cases (Campbell, 2002). According
to Jacquelyn Campbell (2002), women with severe PTSD also may
abuse substances to cope with specific groups of symptoms that are
particularly distressing such as intrusive recollections, nightmares, and

hyperarousal. Indeed, high comorbidity between assault-related PTSD
and substance use disorders has been consistently documented in sev-
eral studies. For example, approximately 45 percent of individuals
diagnosed with PTSD subsequent to victimization also met criteria for
substance use or abuse disorders, with 31 percent meeting criteria for
alcohol abuse or dependence (Resnick et al., 2000).
A final theory suggests that there is a reciprocal relationship
between sexual violence and substance abuse, whereby victimization
leads to substance abuse, which in turn leads to subsequent victimiza-
tion. As mentioned, sexual assault may lead women to engage in
increased consumption of alcohol and drugs in order to alleviate nega-
tive sequelae. In turn, women who abuse substances may have an
impaired ability to detect potential assailants making them more vul-
nerable to attack. Therefore, those who abuse substances as a coping
behavior may be more likely to experience revictimization later in life
than other individuals (Champion et al., 2004).
According to Neville and Heppner (1999), sexual violence has a pro-
found effect on a woman’s ability to continue to function in her various
life roles including partner, friend, mother, and worker. The impact of
violence on work performance persists for up to eight months. In some
cases, women lose their jobs or are unable to continue working because
factors associated with the victimization make it too difficult for them
to function at pre-assault levels. Changing phone numbers, moving,
staying home, and feeling suspicious of all male strangers are other fre-
quent behaviors exhibited by assault victims (Neville & Heppner,
1999). Moreover, surveys have demonstrated that survivors of sexual
assault are less likely than other individuals to marry or to report at
least weekly contact with friends and relatives (Sarkar & R. Sarkar,
2005). A study conducted by Abdulrehman and De Luca (2001) found
significant differences on the Social Dysfunction Rating Scale between
women with a history of sexual abuse and nonvictimized individuals.
For instance, women who were sexually abused as children had signifi-
cantly higher levels of social dysfunction and had a tendency to report
fewer satisfying relationships, friendships, and social interactions than
nonabused controls. Also, these individuals were more likely to report
higher levels of disinterest and lower levels of participation in commu-
nity activities and affairs (Abdulrehman & De Luca, 2001). Clearly, sex-
ual violence can have a significant effect on victims’ social functioning
and behavior.
ORGANIZATIONAL RESPONSES
Despite significant organizational encouragement, formal policies
and procedures to aid victims in recovery remain slow to appear in
primary-care settings, especially in the legal, medical, and mental

health systems (Koss et al., 2003). This is reflected in research docu-
menting that among all victims of sexual violence only 26 to 40 percent
report their assault to the police, 27 to 40 percent seek medical care
and forensic examinations, and 16 to 60 percent obtain mental health
services (Campbell, 2008). Furthermore, the reactions of these organiza-
tions to a victim’s traumatic experience can have profound implications
for recovery and healing. If women do not receive needed services
and/or are treated insensitively, post-assault help-seeking may become
a ‘‘second victimization’’ to the initial traumatic experience (Campbell,
2008). A comprehensive article by Rebecca Campbell (2008) discusses
organizational reactions to sexual violence, including the legal, medical,
and mental health systems, and negative sequelae that victims experi-
ence as a result of these responses. This information will be reviewed
in the following section.
When a woman seeks help following sexual victimization, her first
encounter with the legal system is with a patrol officer who asks her to
describe the assault. She is then assigned to a detective who conducts
further investigation in order to determine if the case should be
referred to a prosecutor. During this stage, she is repeatedly questioned
about characteristics of the crime such as penetrations, use of force, or
other control tactics in order to check for consistency. Many report that
this questioning strays into issues involving what they were wearing at
the time of the attack, their prior sexual histories, and whether or not
they responded sexually to the assault. Victims rate these questions as
particularly traumatic and emotionally unsettling, as well as simultane-
ously reinforcing with respect to feelings of shame and guilt. Research
suggests that the investigation is designed to assess the prosecutorial
strength of the cases. Indeed, approximately 56 to 82 percent of all
reported rape cases are dropped (i.e., not referred to prosecutors) by
law enforcement.
If a case does progress past the investigation phase, prosecutors of-
ten conduct their own interviews with the victim before deciding to file
criminal charges. Prosecutors who are disinclined to charge typically
engage in a lengthy exploration of any discrepancies in the account of
the victim, pressing for explanations and proof. Those that do press
charges attempt to coach survivors to respond appropriately when
faced with difficult questions in court proceedings. Either way, these
women are forced consistently to relive the assault and defend their
characters to law enforcement personnel. In one study, interviews were
conducted among 47 victims whose cases made it to trial or plea bar-
gaining. Findings indicated that approximately one-third of these
women felt inadequately prepared by prosecutors. Although they were
repeatedly questioned, they were given little information about what to
expect during their hearings. For every 100 sexual assault cases
reported to law enforcement, on average 33 are referred to prosecutors,

16 are charged and moved into the court system, 12 result in a success-
ful conviction, and 7 end in a prison sentence.
Many victims describe their encounters with the legal system as a
dehumanizing ordeal characterized by interrogation, intimidation, and
blame. Even those who had the opportunity to go to trial described the
experience as frustrating, embarrassing, and distressing. Research sug-
gests that secondary victimization can result in negative effects on
women’s mental health. For instance, in self-report characterizations of
their psychological well-being, survivors indicated that as a result of
their contact with the legal system, 87 percent felt bad about them-
selves, 71 percent felt depressed, 89 percent felt violated, 53 percent felt
distrustful of others, and 80 percent were reluctant to seek further help.
In a series of studies assessing victim/police contact, findings sug-
gested that insufficient legal action (i.e., the case did not progress or
was dropped) was associated with increased PTSD symptomatology.
Likewise, high secondary victimization was related to increased PTSD
severity.
Victims of sexual violence have extensive post-assault medical needs
such as treatment for physical injuries, forensic examinations, screening
for STDs, pregnancy testing, and emergency contraception. Although
the majority of women are not physically injured following their
attacks, law enforcement personnel, rape crisis centers, and social ser-
vice agencies advise them to undergo a medical forensic exam. The
medical forensic exam or ‘‘rape kit’’ typically involves plucking head
and pubic hairs, swabbing the vagina, rectum, and mouth, and obtain-
ing fingernail scrapings in the event that the victim scratched the per-
petrator. Blood samples may also be collected for DNA, toxicology,
and ethanol testing. Because sexual assault is rarely life-threatening,
victims often experience long waits prior to the exam and are not
allowed to eat, drink, or urinate so that the physical evidence remains
intact. When these individuals are finally admitted, they receive a brief
explanation about the procedure and are often shocked to discover that
a pelvic exam is required immediately after being sexually violated.
Although forensic exams are the primary focus of hospital emer-
gency departments, survivors also need information on the risk of
STDs, HIV, prophylaxis (i.e., preventative medication to treat any STDs
contracted during the assault), and pregnancy. Several federal agencies
recommend that all sexual assault victims receive STD and HIV pro-
phylaxis on a case-by-case basis. However, meta-analyses of hospital
records suggest that only 34 percent of sexually victimized individuals
receive these treatments. In one study, victims who were raped by
someone they knew were less likely to receive information on STD or
HIV prophylaxis than those who were raped by a stranger. Another
study found that Caucasian women were significantly more likely than
ethnic minority women to obtain information on HIV. Post-assault

pregnancy services were also inconsistently provided. Only 40 percent
to 49 percent of survivors receive information about the risk of preg-
nancy following sexual assault and 21 percent to 43 percent of women
who need emergency contraception actually receive it.
In the process of administering the forensic exam, STD services, and
pregnancy care, doctors and nurses ask questions about the assault
including what the victim was wearing, her sexual response, and what
she did to ‘‘cause’’ the attack. As with law enforcement, medical pro-
fessionals may view these questions as appropriate. However, many
victims find them very distressing. For example, negative responses
from the medical system significantly exacerbated PTSD symptomatol-
ogy in one sample of survivors. Another study found that women who
did not receive basic medical services rated their medical experience as
more hurtful, which was associated with increased PTSD severity. Spe-
cifically, nonstranger assault victims who encountered secondary vic-
timization and minimal services had the worst outcomes, even
compared to those who did not seek medical services.
Survivors of sexual violence may obtain mental health services from
treatment outcome research, community clinics, private practice, or spe-
cialized agencies. Women who receive services by participating as
research subjects typically receive high-quality treatment and numerous
benefits. Unfortunately, this option is only available for individuals who
live in communities where research is being conducted and who fit eligi-
bility criteria. These treatments are not intended to provide large-scale
services but hope to establish empirically supported treatments that can
be utilized by many mental health professionals. Indeed, the most com-
mon way that victims receive services frequently involves care provided
by psychologists, psychiatrists, counselors, and social workers in private
or public community settings. Several studies indicate that women tend
to have positive experiences with mental health professionals and char-
acterize the therapists’ help as useful and supportive. Research also sug-
gests that community based mental health services are especially helpful
for victims who have had negative encounters with the legal and medi-
cal systems. For instance, survivors with rape-related PTSD who were
unable to obtain needed services from legal and medical professionals
had significantly decreased PTSD symptomatology following mental
health services compared to controls. Furthermore, victims may also
receive services from specialized agencies such as rape crisis centers and
domestic violence shelters. Rape crisis centers help victims negotiate
with the legal and medical systems and provide individual and group
counseling. One study compared PTSD symptoms before and after
counseling among victims receiving services at a rape crisis center and
found significant reductions in distress levels and self-blame compared
to other individuals.
CONCLUSIONS
Sexual violence is prevalent in the United States, with 25 percent of
women reporting assault at some point in their lives (Campbell, 2008).
Research has consistently documented that victims experience intense
psychological distress immediately following the attack (Neville &
Heppner, 1999). The most common immediate reactions include fear
and anxiety. However, depression, PTSD, mental pollution, and sexual
dysfunction are also frequently reported among survivors (Bohn & Holz,
1996; Fairbrother & Rachman, 2004; Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). Moderators
and mediators that explain the relationship between sexual violence and
psychological sequelae have also been documented in the literature.
These include previous trauma history, coping strategies, negative social
reactions, and characteristics associated with the assault, as well as social
cognitions involving self-blame and perceived control (Koss et al., 2003).
Furthermore, a number of physical health complaints are diagnosed dis-
proportionately among survivors of sexual violence such as physical
injuries, gynecological disorders, gastrointestinal disorders, and chronic
pain (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). Several researchers suggest that classical
conditioning, assault characteristics, and psychological distress might
act as causal links between abuse and negative health outcomes; how-
ever, further research is needed to fully understand this relationship
(Bohn & Holz, 1996; Resnick et al., 1997).
A growing body of research has reported that sexual violence has
harmful effects on neurological functioning. Studies indicate that cogni-
tive functioning, brain structures, HPA axis activity, cortisol levels, and
recovery from TBI are different among victims of sexual violence when
compared to nonvictims (Campbell, 2002; Fennema-Notestine et al.,
2002; Jenkins et al., 2000; Wignall et al., 2004). In addition, survivors of
sexual assault experience behavioral disturbances following victimiza-
tion (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). These individuals are more likely to
smoke cigarettes, engage in risky sexual activities, abuse substances,
and exhibit negative social behaviors than other women (Resnick et al.,
1997). Research had documented that victims are even less likely to
wear seat belts while driving than those without a history of sexual
assault (Koss & Kilpatrick, 2001). The organizational impact of violence
has typically focused on the legal, medical, and mental health systems’
reactions to survivors. Several studies have reported that negative
experiences with legal personnel and medical professionals exacerbated
PTSD severity. Victims who obtained mental health services subse-
quent to the attack had significantly decreased PTSD symptoms com-
pared to those who did not receive these services (Campbell, 2008).
Clearly, the evidence presented demonstrates that women who are sex-
ually victimized experience a wide range of deleterious effects after the
initial violence perpetrated against them.
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Chapter 4
Cross-Cultural Violence against

Women and Girls: From Dating to
Intimate Partner Violence
Janet Sigal
Dorota Wnuk Novitskie
Violence against women is a worldwide problem that has generated

considerable research, political, and international interest, but that has
failed to be reduced or eliminated to a significant degree even in the
twenty-first century. In a recent opening speech at a United Nations
(UN) event during the Commission on the Status of Women in March
2009, the UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon declared that the ‘‘time
for talk is over; the time for action is now!’’
In this chapter, we will consider cross-cultural research, explanatory
models, and empirical research on violence against women and girls
within two contexts: dating violence and intimate partner violence
(IPV) or domestic violence. We conceptualize both areas on a continuum:
young girls, adolescents, or young adult women, possibly after being
exposed to violent interactions between parents or peers, become vic-
tims of dating violence. This experience may lead young women to
visualize violence between either dating partners or intimate partners
as normal or expected. Once they become involved with a man in a
long-term relationship, either by marriage or partnership, the violent
pattern may continue. At some point, women in these relationships
may accept the violence as normal, thus exhibiting attitudes that con-
done and tolerate the violent interactions.
In each of our sections, first we will examine some of the definitions

associated with dating violence and IPV. In the following sections, we
will review models that can be used to explain these types of violence,
some estimates of statistics, empirical cross-cultural studies related to
each type of violence, consequences to victims, types of perpetrators,
and some proposed recommendations or programs to reduce or elimi-
nate these behaviors.
Before addressing each type of violent pattern separately, some
issues relevant to both dating violence and IPV should be discussed.
To begin, accurate statistics are very difficult to determine even in
developed countries but particularly in developing countries. In some
areas of the world, neither dating violence nor IPV are considered
appropriate to discuss in public or even in private. As the World
Health Organization (WHO; 2005) report on violence against women
suggested, unless accurate prevalence figures are obtained, there can-
not be any accountability by nations to reduce this type of violence. In
addition, often dating violence and IPV victims experience the same
consequences and may blame themselves for their victimization. Perpe-
trators also may exhibit similar characteristics in dating violence and
IPV settings.
There are, however, differences in both situations. Obviously, targets
of violence in dating settings are younger in general than in IPV, and
also may be less educated and established in society. In some parts of
the world, particularly in patriarchal societies, dating is prohibited, so
that violence in relationships may not occur until a couple is engaged
prior to an arranged marriage. In addition, although many countries
have specific laws or statutes against IPV, whether or not these laws
are enforced, dating violence often is covered under general violence
and assault, or sexual assault laws. Peer influence or pressure may be
considered to have more of an impact on adolescent or young adults
than adults in a marriage or long-term partnership relationship, but
pressure also can emanate from cultural or societal contexts.
There are some other issues that we will emphasize in this chapter.
We believe that cross-cultural attitudes toward dating and IPV are im-
portant to ascertain because cultural attitudes can influence whether or
not policy or laws against these types of violence are developed and
enforced, and even whether victims are willing to go forward with
complaints to the police or to the authorities. On a positive note, if atti-
tudes informed by culture can be changed, then there is the possibility
that laws against violence in dating and IPV may be adopted. In addi-
tion, particular care to maintain confidentiality and protect research
subjects must be adopted in these cross-cultural studies to prevent
harm from coming to victims who volunteer to participate. Finally,
approaches to reduce or eliminate these types of violence must include
men in these efforts. As Ban Ki Moon (March 2009) so strongly and
Cross-Cultural Violence against Women and Girls 67
clearly emphasized, it must be understood that ‘‘real men do not hit

women’’ and also that real men do not stand by and watch other men
abuse young girls and women without intervening.
DATING VIOLENCE
According to the Bureau of Justice Special Report on Intimate Part-
ner Violence in the United States (2000), women ages 16 to 24 experi-
ence the highest per capita rates of intimate violence. This rate
accounts for roughly 20 women out of 1000 (Rennision & Welchans,
2000). The report further indicates that one in three high school stu-
dents will be, or already have been, in an abusive relationship, with
some high schools reporting up to 50 percent of their female students
having been abused by a significant other. Such statistics are echoed in
a study published by the Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medi-
cine (Roberts & Klein, 2003), which reported that one-third of the 920
students surveyed experienced dating violence during high school.
One out of five college-aged women experience some form of dating
violence, and more than four in every ten incidents of domestic vio-
lence involves nonmarried but romantically involved individuals (Bu-
reau of Justice Special Report: Intimate Partner Violence, May 2000).
Furthermore, in 1995, 7 percent of all murder victims were young
women who were killed by their boyfriends. Seventeen-year-old
Heather Norris met such a fate, when she was ‘‘stabbed, dismembered
and discarded in trash bags’’ at the hands of her boyfriend of three
years after several attempts to leave the relationship (Olson, 2009).
Recent news coverage of dating abuse in the United States has become
more prevalent, as illustrated by the widely circulated report of a domes-
tic assault by her boyfriend Chris Brown that left singer Rihanna with
‘‘bruises and a scratch on her face’’ (Blow, 2009). While these reports fall
short of offering specific details of the assault, media attention has
allowed new discussions to emerge regarding the need for prevention of
dating violence. Again, limited research is available regarding the link
between the media and dating violence; however, Manganello (2008) sug-
gests that the media may serve as a risk factor in a teen violence. The
study further indicates that teens may be prone to spending time acting
out in real life that what they see on TV or on the Internet.
DEFINITIONS
Dating violence is the physical, emotional and verbal abuse of one
partner by the other partner in a romantic relationship. Abusive behav-
ior is any act carried out by one partner aimed at hurting or controlling
the other. Dating violence occurs in heterosexual and homosexual rela-
tionships. A violent relationship means more than physical aggression
by a person who claims to love the other. Violence in a relationship

often is about power and control (Eaton et al., 2007). Research regard-
ing violence in dating has been limited as the focus of interpersonal
violence historically has been on married persons. However, the same
type of violence happens between people who are dating, and at times
may even be more violent and hurtful. Teenagers are not as experi-
enced in relationships and may feel pressured by peers to remain with
a violent partner due to reasons of popularity or status or simply for
the sake of having a relationship. Oftentimes teens are not aware of the
potential signs of a violent relationship. Such relationships may begin
with verbal and emotional abuse and control, which then may lead to
physical violence (Roberts & Klein, 2003).
CLASSIC MODELS OF TEEN DATING VIOLENCE

Some experts hold that men and women are equally aggressive. They
further suggest that this behavior should be seen as an extension of or
part of a larger pattern of family conflict and discord. Supporters of this
viewpoint generally focus only on the studies that measure the number
of times a person perpetrates or experiences certain acts of violence,
such as pushing, slapping, or hitting. What is of interest is that these
studies tend to show that women admit to perpetrating slightly more
physical violence than men (Archer, 2000). The majority of studies that
investigate teen dating violence have focused mainly on using the vio-
lence ‘‘act’’ scales. Another school of thought in regard to dating vio-
lence is that men are more likely to cause serious injury to a woman,
especially when she is his intimate partner. Experts suggest that men
tend to come from patriarchal societies. Therefore, the use of violence is
a means of exerting and maintaining power and control over women
(Dobash & Dobash, 1980). This line of research tends to avoid ‘‘act’’
scales, as ‘‘act’’ scales are not believed to accurately portray the nature
of violence in intimate relationships. This criticism is based on the lack
of consideration of the degree of injury inflicted, coercion and control-
ling behaviors in these measures. ‘‘Act’’ scale studies do not consider
the fear experienced by the victim, or the circumstances under which
the acts occurred (Kimmel, 2002). These arguments further state that
studies using ‘‘act’’ scales lack information on the effects of power and
control and generally focus on more common and relatively minor
forms of aggression. The more severe, albeit relatively rare, forms of vio-
lence in dating and intimate partner relationships tend to be overlooked
(Dobash & Dobash, 1980). Researchers from this perspective use data
related to severe injuries, and generally conduct in-depth interviews
with victims and perpetrators (Archer, 2000). While the above views are
classic theories of dating violence, historically they stem from adult per-
spectives. Application to adolescent relationships may be problematic
and also not appropriate. Although these views of adult IPV can be in-
formative and helpful in understanding some dynamics of teen dating
violence, they cannot be relied on to answer all questions. Therefore,
there is a need to better understand how teen dating relationships differ
from adult romantic relationships.
THEORETICAL MODEL OF DATING VIOLENCE

Riggs and O’Leary (1989) proposed a model of dating violence. This
model offered a comprehensive background situational perspective that
drew on social learning theory. The model stipulated that behaviors
are learned by watching and imitating others, and then are maintained
through various forms of reinforcement. The following situational
variables were examined in this model: alcohol or drug use, use of
aggression by the partner, skills in resolving conflict, and length of
relationship. This model also included the following contextual factors:
presence of aggression in dating relationship, exposure to aggression
by parent, view of aggression as an appropriate response to problems,
and prior aggression. Therefore the effect of situational and contextual
factors on teenage relationships was examined.
Luthra and Gidycz (2006) evaluated the Riggs and O’Leary model of
dating violence using a number of surveys and measures. Their results
indicated that specific constructs can be useful in prediction of future
dating violence. However, they also found the model to be more pre-
dictive of females (83 percent) rather than males (30 percent). It should
be noted that the most significant predictor of female violence was
presence of aggression by a male partner. These women were 108 times
more likely to act out violently against their partner, compared to those
women who were not physically assaulted. For men, however, the
most significant predictor of perpetration of violence found was
the length of relationship. For every six months that the man was in
the relationship, his likelihood of aggression doubled.
FACTORS AFFECTING DATING VIOLENCE

Gender Power Differential
One striking difference between teen and adult romantic relationships
is the power differential between the man and the woman. Teen rela-
tionships tend to lack the elements traditionally associated with greater
male power in adult relationships (Wekerle & Wolfe, 1999). This lack of
power is a result of several factors. One factor is that unless there are
extenuating circumstances, teenage girls are not financially dependent
on romantic partners. Unless there are children involved, and there is a
need to provide and protect, adolescent girls tend to be more dependent
on their parents. One study of seventh, ninth and eleventh graders in

Toledo (Giordano, 2007) interviewed boys and girls to investigate the
power dynamics in these relationships. The majority of the boys and
girls interviewed said they had a relatively ‘‘equal balanced’’ relation-
ship in regard to power. However, in cases where a power imbalance
was noted, the female students were more likely to admit to having the
power over the boyfriend. The boys surveyed agreed, indicating that
they had less power than the girls did in the relationship. Furthermore,
boys who reported a presence of physical aggression felt even less
empowered than the boys who were not in physically aggressive rela-
tionships. The presence or lack of aggression did not make a difference
in the girls’ perception of power; girls reported no perceived difference
in power regardless of whether or not their relationships included physi-
cal aggression (Giordano, 2007).
LACK OF EXPERIENCE
Another major difference between violent adult and violent adoles-
cent relationships is the lack of experience teens have in maneuvering
through their romantic relationships. If the teens in the relationships
do not know how to negotiate, communicate, and relate to their roman-
tic partner, that can lead to reinforcement of poor coping strategies,
such as verbal and physical aggression (Dutton, 1995). A teen who has
not had much experience in romantic relationships may struggle to
express affection and may act out aggressively when he or she experi-
ences frustration or jealousy toward the romantic partner. This concept
was supported by a study in which boys and girls participated in focus
groups on dating. The results found that physical aggression can stem
from an inability to communicate feelings and a deficit in skills that
ordinarily lead to constructive methods of dealing with frustration
(Laursen & Collins, 1994).
As adolescents get older, their idealist view of a romantic relation-
ship becomes more grounded in reality. In addition, with age, their
ability to experience closeness and intimacy increases (Montgomery,
2005). This change is positive, as adolescents who hold on to idealistic
beliefs about dating relationships can at times feel disillusioned
and may not be able to cope effectively with interpersonal conflict
(Kerpelman, 2007). In addition, many adolescents express themselves
through aggression as they have not yet learned how to appropriately
express and experience intimacy and communication.
INFLUENCE OF PEERS
Friends are extremely important during the adolescent years. During
this time, friends exert more influence on each other than at any other
time in their development. (Giordano, 2007). Research shows that peer

interactions and behaviors have a great impact on adolescents’ atti-
tudes and behaviors, especially in relation to dating violence (Adelman
& Kil, 2007). In addition to this influence, friends during the teen years
are present in day to day activities and can be very involved in a teen-
age couple’s social life, as teens tend to date in groups or double date
more than twice as much as they go on one-on-one dates (Molidor &
Tolman, 1998). Therefore, relationship dynamics tend to be very public,
and often are witnessed in groups of friends or during school time
hours. Boys and girls tend to act very differently when surrounded by
peers, to fit into the expected norms. One study found that boys would
respond with physical aggression when hit by their girlfriend, just
to save themselves the embarrassment of being hit in front of peers
(Fredland et al., 2005).
Teens also argue about various issues. For example, many teens
argue about jealousy, how much time is dedicated to one another, and
threats of a new significant other (Fredland et al. 2005). Although these
conflicts can be viewed as normal and almost appropriate for this age
group, dealing with such issues when they are not emotionally and
developmentally ready can lead teens to experience conflict, physical
aggression, and other problematic coping strategies, such as efforts to
gain control, stalking, and psychological or verbal abuse.
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ON DATING VIOLENCE

Cross-cultural research on dating violence is limited. Much of the
data regarding this type of IPV comes from the International Dating
Violence Study, which although comprehensive in scope, is limited to
just one study (Straus, 2007). The countries involved in this study
include two African nations: South Africa and Tanzania; seven Asian
countries: China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, India, Japan, South Korea, and
Singapore; Australia and New Zealand; thirteen European countries:
Belgium (Flemish and French sites), Germany, Great Britain, Greece,
Hungary, Lithuania, Malta, Netherlands, Portugal, Romania, Russia,
Sweden, Switzerland (French and German sites); four Latin American
countries: Brazil, Guatemala, Mexico, and Venezuela; two Middle
Eastern countries: Iran and Israel; and two North American countries:
Canada (Anglo and French sites) and the United States (Mexican Ameri-
can, historically black colleges, and other sites) (Straus, 2007).
Straus (2007) investigated the widely held beliefs that interpersonal
physical violence is almost entirely perpetrated by men, and that the
major risk factor for interpersonal violence is male dominance in the
relationship. Straus tested his hypothesis across the aforementioned 32
countries and surveyed 13,601 university students. The results showed
that almost one-third of the female as well as male students physically
assaulted a dating partner in the previous 12 months, and that the

most frequent pattern was bidirectional where both partners were vio-
lent, followed by ‘‘female-only’’ violence. Violence by only the male
partner was the least frequent pattern according to both male and
female participants. Straus also investigated whether dominance by
one partner is a crucial aspect of the etiology of partner violence. The
results showed that dominance by either the male or the female part-
ner is associated with an increased probability of violence. These
results question the assumption that interpersonal violence is primarily
a male crime and that women are only violent at times of self-defense
(Straus, 2007).
Using the information from the above study, Hines and Straus
(2007) also evaluated the relationship between binge drinking and
aggression in dating relationship. The study sampled 7,921 students at
32 universities worldwide. The strongest positive association between
binge drinking and violence was found in Pune, India. Similar findings
also emerged in Mississippi, United States, and Leicester, England. No
gender differences were found.
Another focus of the data from the International Dating Violence
Study was an evaluation of gender in the prevalence and chronic
nature of dating aggression (Straus & Ramirez, 2007), with a focus on
participants from universities in Mexico and America. Findings indi-
cated that students, across the four universities surveyed, experienced
dating violence anywhere from 29.7 percent to 46 percent in the last 12
months, with students in Juarez, Mexico, reporting the highest percent-
age. Chronicity of severity of assaults was consistent across the four
universities. Another interesting finding was that when only one part-
ner was violent, the female was almost twice as likely (19 percent) as
the male (9.8 percent) to perpetrate the violence.
Lysova and Douglas (2008) also utilized the data from the Interna-
tional Dating Violence Study to focus on dating violence among
Russian college students. Their findings indicated no gender difference
regarding victimization (females: 23.1 percent; males: 28.6 percent).
However, statistical significance was found between the genders
regarding reporting having assaulted an intimate partner, with 35.6
percent of females reporting acts of aggression and 20.6 percent of
males. Although not statistically significant, women reported higher
rates of psychological aggression (66.7 percent) compared to men (56.5
percent). The authors suggested that men in Russian universities either
report or commit lower rates of dating violence due to fear of expul-
sion from universities or forced enlistment in the military.
Doroszewicz and Forbes (2008) also utilized the same data pool and
focused on physical aggression and injury among college age students
in Poland. The findings indicated that 15 percent of men and 25 percent
of women reported having perpetrated physical violence against a
partner at least once. Few other gender differences were noted; however,
women did report engaging in more frequent psychological aggression
than men. The authors attributed the findings to high rates of domestic
violence in Poland, suggesting that violence is a learned behavior. In
addition, recent and rapid changes in women’s role in the home and in
the workplace are believed to have contributed to these rates.
Wang and Petula (2007) conducted interviews and focus groups to
explore men’s and women’s views of physical aggression by women in
dating relationships. The sample was limited to 20 participants (13
women and 7 men) and offered insight into women’s identification
with an aggressive female character in a popular Asian movie ‘‘Sassy
Girl.’’ Female participants identified with the aggressive character, and
to some extent were reported to appreciate the aggression perpetrated
by this character, often justifying and defending her behavior. Men on
the other hand, in an attempt to maintain levels of masculinity,
reported the woman’s aggression to be playful and not hostile. Further-
more, the men surveyed reported that men cannot be hurt by such
physical contact and ‘‘cannot be defeated by such challenges’’ (p. 628).
In another cross-cultural study, Sherer (2009) focused on dating vio-
lence in Jewish and Arab male and female teens in Israel. The study
examined the effect of sociodemographic variables on male and female
behavior. The sample consisted of 1,357 Arab and Jewish youths who
were surveyed on measures of threatening, relational, physical, sexual
and verbal abuse. Dating violence was found to be high among teens
in Israel, with the highest rates found among Arab youths. Although
girls were involved in every type of dating violence, boys exhibited
higher scores. The author explained that such prevalence can be under-
stood in terms of cultural norms and expectations of roles of men and
women in society.
VIOLENCE IN ENGAGED COUPLES

Halford, Sanders, and Behrens (2004) studied the relationship
between physical aggression in engaged couples and the presence of
violence in the family of origin in Australia. The researchers surveyed
71 engaged couples. Men exposed to parental violence experienced more
negative emotions and thoughts, and found it difficult to participate in
subsequent focus group discussions. Couples in which only the woman
was exposed to parental violence did not appear to have concerns
regarding negative affect or conflict between the two engaged people.
Haj-Yahia (2006) also examined violence perpetrated against Arab
women in Israel who were engaged. Of 1,111 engaged Arab women in
the sample, between 1 and 11 percent of the women reported experien-
cing physical aggression, and between 8 and 48 percent reported experi-
encing psychological aggression. When conflicts with their partner were
not discussed or worked through, these women were more likely to suf-
fer from low self-esteem, depression, stress and anxiety.
Haj-Yahia and Edleson (1994), in an earlier related study, surveyed
Arab-Palestinian men living in Israel as to their means of working
through conflict with their fiancees. The research focused on the fol-
lowing three frameworks: male dominance, intergenerational learning,
and interpersonal skills deficits to determine the role played by these
factors in men’s relationships. Haj-Yahia and Edleson found that men
who did not come from violent homes were more likely to engage in
discussion and reasoning as a means of resolving conflict, and were
more open to an egalitarian household. On the other hand, men who
grew up in violent homes were more likely to be verbally and physi-
cally abusive toward their fiancees, were less likely to see what was
wrong with their actions, and were more likely to hold patriarchal
views.
OUTCOMES
Effects on Mental Health
Chan, Straus, Brownridge, Tiwari, and Leung (2008) evaluated the
prevalence of dating violence and suicidal ideation among male and
female university students. Information also was obtained from the
International Dating Violence Study, with a focus on the prevalence of
physical assault, sexual coercion, and suicidal ideation among these
students. The authors sampled 16,000 students from 22 universities in
21 countries. The results showed that although there were large differ-
ences among countries, even the lowest rates of dating violence were
quite high. Male and female students had similar rates regarding the
proportion of having physically assaulted a partner, and having been a
victim of sexual coercion. An increased rate of suicidal ideation was
found among both perpetrators and victims of physical assault. This
finding was linked to the occurrence of depression. This study high-
lighted a need for universal screening and targeted services for vio-
lence, depression and suicide prevention.
Effects of Abusive and Neglectful Childhood

Straus and Savage (2005) investigated the relationship between
neglectful parents and the child becoming involved in a violent dating
relationship. The study was conducted with university students from
17 countries, and the data was once again collected through the Inter-
national Dating Violence Study. Students in Pusan, Korea, reported
experiencing the highest level of childhood neglect (34.4 percent) fol-
lowed by 28.6 percent of students in Hong Kong. The lowest reported
prevalence of neglect was in New Hampshire (3.2 percent). Straus and

Savage also found that the more neglectful behaviors that the student
had experienced, the more likely they were to have assaulted a dating
partner. The link between neglect experienced as a child and dating
violence was strongest at universities where dating violence was more
prevalent.
TYPOLOGIES OF ADOLESCENT DATING

VIOLENCE PERPETRATION
Foshee et al. (2007) interviewed 116 boys and girls who were previ-
ously identified to have been perpetrators of dating violence. Using
narrative descriptions, the authors developed typologies of dating vio-
lence perpetration that were context specific. Most of the boys’ acts of
violence were attributed to ‘‘escalation prevention,’’ or attempts to stop
a girlfriend from inflicting further violence. Female perpetration was
identified by motive, preceding events, and abuse by parents. From
these reports, the following four types of perpetrators were proposed:
patriarchal terrorism response, anger response, ethic enforcement, and
first-time aggression response.
Patriarchal terrorism response was created from responses that girls
offered indicating that the boyfriends attempted to control them
through physical or psychological means. Acts committed by the girls
that were coded in this typology included the following: described
physical violence against a boyfriend who had historically been psy-
chologically or physically abusive, or acting violently against a boy-
friend immediately after he was physically or psychologically abusive.
It should be noted that 38.5 percent of females met the criteria for
patriarchal terrorism response.
Anger response differed from the type listed above in motive, pre-
cipitating events, and history of violence. For an act to be labeled as
‘‘anger response,’’ the description given by the female had to meet the
following criteria: no indicated history of past physical abuse by the
boyfriend, no report of immediately precipitating violence by the boy-
friend before the violent act, or the girl needed to report that the
reason for such violence was motivated by a desire to be violent.
Twenty-five percent of females met the criteria for anger response.
Ethic enforcement was reported in 19.2 percent of female partici-
pants. For ethic enforcement to be coded, the female had to report the
following: violence was used to communicate to the boyfriend that he
had done something wrong and she was not going to accept it, no evi-
dence of history of abuse by boyfriend was noted, and there was no
report of violence being used against the girl immediately before her
violent act. Some common ‘‘wrongs’’ that resulted in the girls’ violence
included the following: cheating, flirting with another girl, indulging in
too much alcohol or drugs, ‘‘talking ugly’’ to her, removing himself

from an argument, pressuring her to have sex, and ruining prom night.
First time aggression response was reported in 17.3 percent of the
females surveyed. For the act to be labeled as first time aggression, the
following had to be reported: there was a report of the boy using phy-
sical violence against the girl immediately before the act, and there was
no history of physical aggression by the boy prior to this incident. In
these instances, most of the girls surveyed reported their aggression to
be attributed to self-defense, while others reported retaliation against
the boy for wronging them.
For boys, most of their acts were identified as ‘‘escalation preven-
tion’’ or attempts to stop the escalation of violence by their female
counterparts. For the acts to be labeled as such, a male had to report
the following: he used restraint while the girlfriend was being violent
against him, he attempted to stop her from harming him with a
weapon, or stop the possibility of having violence against him. Other
acts were noted by the authors; however no commonalities were noted
to offer additional specific typologies.
RECOMMENDATIONS AND PROGRAMS

Black et al. (2008) evaluated factors that resulted in teenaged victims
of dating seeking help. The authors found a large risk factor for not
seeking help was when the violence occurred in isolation, with no wit-
nesses. However, when the violence was witnessed or observed by a
third party, the victim was more likely to begin to speak about the vio-
lence, become open to the possibility of intervention, and seek help. In
addition, boys were less likely than girls to seek help. In light of such
findings, ‘‘Safe Dates’’ programs have gained greater popularity. After
a four-year study, participants in safe date programs have seen a
decrease in physical, serious physical, and sexual dating violence per-
petration and victimization (Foshee et al., 2007).
Wekerle and Wolfe (1999) conducted a literature review of six rela-
tionship violence prevention programs designed for and practiced with
teenage students. One of the programs discussed was in a larger com-
munity, while the remaining five programs were school-based. Preven-
tion of dating violence was targeted on two levels: toward all high
school students, as well as toward selected adolescent populations,
such as youths with histories of maltreatment, or problems with peer
violence. These programs addressed specific skills and knowledge that
opposed the use of violent and abusive behavior toward intimate part-
ners. In addition, one program addressed interpersonal violence more
generally, and was also included in this review because of its impli-
cations for dating violence initiatives. Positive changes were found
across studies in violence-related attitudes and knowledge. In addition,
positive gains were noted in self-reported decreases in perpetration of

dating violence, with less consistent evidence in self-reported victimiza-
tion. Limited follow-up and generalizability was noted; therefore the
possibility of greater application is questionable.
Foshee et al. (2001) studied predictors of dating violence. The study
focused on eighth and ninth graders in one county in a U.S. school.
These participants were asked to complete baseline questionnaires and
were again evaluated 18 months later. Some risk factors found for
males being abused by females in a dating relationship included hav-
ing friends who were victims of dating violence, using alcohol, and
being of a race other than white. However, risk factors for males perpe-
trating the violence included attitudes that condoned dating violence.
The researchers also suggested that any interventions that are imple-
mented for school-aged children should be separate and specific for
males and females. In addition, those found to be at greater risk should
be targets for intervention first, with other interventions becoming
more available only when there is funding.
Valls, Puigvert, and Duque (2008) reported that schools in Spain are
working to implement preventive socialization in the field of education.
The authors proposed that a correlation exists between prevention of
dating violence measures and promotion of power equality in relation-
ships. They suggested that the current presentation of violence in the
media is glorified and made attractive to young teens. Therefore, work
should be done to make nonviolent movies, videos, and games just as
attractive and normative. The authors suggested that this approach also
would undermine double standards in relationships, and healthy care
and passion could be viewed as a possible replacement for aggression.
IPV: A CROSS-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE

The WHO’s (2005) Summary Report on its multi-country study on
IPV and violence against women, stated that ‘‘Since the World Confer-
ence on Human Rights held in Vienna in 1993, and the Declaration on
the Elimination of Violence Against Women in the same year, civil
society and governments have acknowledged that violence against
women is a public policy and human rights concern’’ (p. vii). The Fore-
word of the Report further stated that ‘‘Violence against women is both
a consequence and a cause of gender inequality (p. viii). CEDAW, or
the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women,
is a UN tool designed to address this issue.
DEFINITIONS
In 1993, the UN General Assembly adopted the following definition
of violence against women: ‘‘Any act of gender-based violence that
results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological

harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion,
or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or pri-
vate life’’ (UN, 1993, Article 1).
Although recently, considerable research attention has been focused on
whether IPV or domestic violence is perpetrated only by men against
women, or can be identified with either partner in a marriage or relation-
ship (Archer, 2000; Frieze, 2005), for the purposes of this chapter, we will
restrict our discussion to IPV perpetrated solely by men against women.
MODELS OF IPV
Feminist Power Model
In this classic model, male-dominated societies are viewed as reinforc-
ing traditional gender roles in which men are the wage earners and make
all the decisions, and women stay at home and take care of the husband
and the family. As a result, men have more power and status than women
(Sigal & Annan, 2008). As described above, the WHO Report (2005)
emphasized inequality between men and women as a cause of IPV.
Sexist attitudes also can provide a foundation for gender-based vio-
lence that is related to the inequality between men and women. For
example, the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI) which was developed
by Glick and Fiske (1997) distinguished between Hostile Sexism, meas-
uring hostility toward the equality of women and men, and Benevolent
Sexism, which is rather paternalistic and implies that women are weak
and fragile and must be protected. In each case, women are seen as
having inferior status. It was established in cross-cultural studies using
the ASI, that higher scores on this measure were associated with more
gender inequality in the countries sampled.
The Gender Equity Index (2008) has compiled a list of gender equity
in many countries around the world and will be referred to again later
in this chapter.
Hypermasculinity
This model is an extension of the feminist power model. According
to this approach, ‘‘macho men’’ often see violence as an acceptable
way to achieve and maintain power over women. In addition, these
individuals may associate violence against women with being more
‘‘masculine’’ (Kilmartin & Allison, 2007).
Patriarchal Culture and Culture of Honor Models

Both of these models stem from an extension of the feminist power
model’s conception of women having inferior status.
Patriarchal Culture
As Haj Yahia (2002) describes in his article, the patriarch, or male
head of the family, has complete control over the family including
making all the decisions for the family. In particular, since patriarchal
societies often view men as sexual predators (although without the
condemnation that this behavior would produce in other types of cul-
tures), their women must be protected at all times. Therefore, they can-
not go food shopping without a male relative or even seek medical
help unless their husband allows them to do so. In fact, after the birth
of a child, many women lose their lives because of their inability to
access emergency medical help.
Culture of Honor
This type of culture is an extreme version of a patriarchal society.
As described by Vandello and Cohen (2003), in these cultures, the
‘‘honor’’ of the male head of the family is directly related to the purity
or ‘‘chastity’’ of the women in his family. If a woman strays, either by
committing adultery, being raped, or being seen in the company of
men who are not relatives, the patriarch is required to punish her,
often violently. The patriarch must ‘‘wash the honor with blood’’ to
restore his honor and that of his family (p. 999). In many culture of
honor societies, the women in the family are under the control of their
fathers until they are married, under the control of their husbands
when they are wives, and under the control of their sons when they
are widows. In extreme forms, the punishment may take the form of
an ‘‘honor killing.’’ As a result of increased punishment for honor kill-
ings in some countries (for example, Jordan), some young women in
rural areas have been locked in a room with a gun until they kill them-
selves, an act which is now termed ‘‘honor suicides.’’
There have been many egregious examples of violence against
women in honor cultures, but we will just mention a few to illustrate
our description of these models.
A few years ago, in Saudi Arabia, a girl was in a car with her boy-
friend when she was raped by a number of men. She was sentenced to
160 lashings and possibly a jail term, but after the case attracted media
attention worldwide, the King pardoned her. More recently, in 2009, a
woman in her seventies in Saudi Arabia walked outside her house with
two workmen and also was sentenced to several lashings. Media atten-
tion so far has not been successful in this case.
Another example was in the fall of 2008 in Pakistan. Three girls
refused to marry older men chosen for them by their fathers (they were
teenagers and the men were in their 40s and 50s), because they wanted
to choose their own husbands. These young girls, and two older
women who supported them, were all buried alive. Finally, in the
spring of 2009, a 17-year-old girl was repeatedly lashed by several men
in a rural area of Pakistan for an unknown ‘‘crime’’ which many sug-
gested was fraudulent. However, after cell phone photographs were
sent all over Pakistan, the incident caused a tremendous outcry, both
in Pakistan and throughout the world. The Pakistan chief judge was
not satisfied with the legal response to this outrageous violent behavior
and sent a government official to the area to report on what actually
occurred.
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ON IPV

In this section, we will review a selective number of cross-cultural
research investigations on the prevalence of IPV and attitudes toward
IPV. We will relate these studies to models and explanations described
in an earlier section. Clearly, all cross-cultural researchers agree that
estimates of IPV most likely represent underreporting worldwide. In
addition, comparison of prevalence figures is extremely difficult and
any conclusions must be made with caution, due to the variability of
the methods used in these estimates.
In some of the studies that we will review, the focus has been on
attitudes toward IPV rather than on the prevalence of IPV. However,
IPV prevalence estimates tend to be highly correlated with attitudes
condoning or even supporting IPV. If attitudes are positive toward
violence against women, it is likely that women in these cultures will
experience IPV to a higher degree than women in cultures that disap-
prove of and punish perpetrators of IPV.
One of the most significant investigations of IPV cross-culturally
was sponsored by the WHO in 2005. This study encompassed
data from women residing in several countries, and in 15 locations
within these countries. Interviewers obtained data from countries rep-
resenting a widely diverse sampling including 24,000 respondents from
Bangladesh, Brazil, Ethiopia, Japan, Namibia, Peru, Samoa, Serbia and
Montenegro, Thailand, and the United Republic of Tanzania. Lifetime
prevalence of IPV ranged from 15 percent (Japan) to just over 70 per-
cent. Prevalence in the year before the study again revealed large varia-
bility among samples. The lowest IPV rate was in Japan, with just
under 5 percent, and the highest was in Ethiopia, which had a rate of
almost 55 percent.
There were many advantages of this worldwide study of IPV includ-
ing the sponsorship of this major international health organization,
WHO, the collaboration of a wide variety of experts and women’s
organizations, the very large sample size, the variety of countries
involved in the project, and the use of standardized measures and in-
tensive training of female interviewers because of the sensitivity of the
topic. However, there were several criteria that were used to determine
which countries would be included in the study that may limit the
generalization of the results. Prior to sampling women in a particular
country, the researchers determined if there was a positive political
atmosphere in the country which would suggest that the government
would respond positively to the survey, there had to be a lack of infor-
mation on the amount of IPV in the country, and women’s groups had
to be active in the country in order to turn the data-collecting phase
into the stage of implementation of the recommendations stemming
from the report. Although these criteria were reasonable, the question
of whether the results may generalize to other countries which may
not exhibit these same characteristics is at issue. A further question
related to the methods of the study, is that the emphasis was placed
on physical and sexual IPV, despite the suggestion in the report that
emotional or psychological abuse often is associated with physical
abuse, and can have long-lasting negative consequences. However,
despite these considerations, the study is one of the best in terms of
careful planning, training and collection of data in so many countries
using standardized measures.
ASIAN STUDIES
Hong Kong and Mainland China
Prevalence of figures from Hong Kong and mainland China vary.
Xu et al. (2005) sampled about 600 women (with close to a 90 percent
acceptance and return rate) at a clinic in Fuzhou, China. Face-to-face
measures modified from the WHO multi-country study were adminis-
tered to determine the percentage of IPV in the sample. Results indi-
cated that 43 percent of women from a sample in mainland China
reported having experienced IPV in the lifetime of their marriage, and
26 percent had been abused in the last year. Marital conflict and finan-
cial control by husbands were two of the factors associated with IPV.
Attitudes were supportive of wife beating: 36 percent of the women
surveyed believed that wife-beating was appropriate and approved of
if the wife had committed adultery. Although the large sample sup-
ports the validity of the conclusions, limitations of the study include
the self-report nature of the methodology and the lack of participation
of men. One other interesting conclusion stemmed from the research.
Xu et al. suggested that although the Chinese society supposedly now
supports more economic equality between men and women (women
should ‘‘hold up half of the sky,’’ p. 84), their respondents did not
appear to have internalized or accepted this concept.
Another recent investigation by Chan, Brownridge, Tiwari, Fong,
and Leung (2008) concluded that IPV still is a significant problem in
Hong Kong and Chinese societies. As part of a larger study employing

face-to-face interviews in Hong Kong (there was a very high response
rate of about 70 percent), the authors selected a sample of 1,870 women
and included an additional question on the effect of in-law conflict on
IPV. The larger study utilized the Revised Conflict Tactics Scale
(CTS2), an often-used standardized measure, to investigate prevalence
of IPV. Prevalence figures in this study were lower than in the Xu
et al. investigation (lifetime figures were approximately 8.5 percent,
and the previous year figures were about 4.5 percent). Since the Chan
et al. study was conducted in Hong Kong and the Xu et al. study in
mainland China, it is difficult to directly compare these figures.
Although Hong Kong has experienced more of a Western influence
than mainland China, it still is questionable whether either self-report
figure is accurate.
In the article, Chan et al. suggested that common risk factors that
have been discovered in other countries also may be important in the
explanation of IPV victimization in China. The main risk markers in
the Chan et al. study included a younger age of the wife, and financial
situations being unfavorable in the home, as well as the partner’s alco-
hol abuse. An interesting finding was that if the wife had a higher
income she was more at risk for abuse. The authors offered the expla-
nation that a financially successful wife might demand more equality
in the home, and that might cause increased conflict with her husband.
Other studies have produced conflicting results regarding the relation-
ship between the wife’s education and income and prevalence of IPV.
The major contribution of the Chan et al. research was to investigate
the role of in-law conflict in IPV. The authors found that this type of
conflict, particularly the involvement of the mother-in-law, was an im-
portant risk factor in predicting increased IPV in these families.
Although this result may seem inconsistent with the stereotyped view of
the Chinese culture as a patriarchal society, the authors suggested a
complex interpretation of this relationship. According to Chan et al.,
Chinese women’s status in the family does not change when their sons
get married; they are still under the domination of their husbands to a
large extent and of their sons as well. However, since Chinese women
may be assumed to identify with the men in their family, if their sons
are engaging in IPV, the mother-in-law may feel constrained to partici-
pate or at least to condone and encourage her son to continue abusing
his wife. Another suggested explanation of the complex role that in-law
conflict may play in Chinese marriages, is that if there is conflict with
the husband’s family, then the wife can be accused of disrespecting her
husband’s family, which can be used as a justification for IPV. However,
conflict between the husband and the wife’s family may lead to a dimin-
ished amount of time spent with that family, which can reduce the
amount of support the wife can experience from her own family.
Although this study is quite recent, and the sampling procedure and
return rate were excellent, as the authors pointed out, the examination
of the role of in-law conflict was based on one question which could be
interpreted in different ways. As in all these cross-cultural studies, self-
report measures were used, and only women were sampled.
Japan
Weingourt, Maryama, Sawada, and Yoshino (2001) conducted a self-
report survey in Japan, which was completed by approximately 180
women with a relatively low response rate (close to 25 percent). As an
explanation of this low response rate, the authors pointed out that to
avoid offending respondents by pressuring them to participate in a
study on such a sensitive issue, the researchers avoided contacting
individuals who did not send back the survey. The results of the sur-
vey indicated that in this middle-class sample in Sapporo in the north
of Japan, close to 60 percent were psychologically abused by their part-
ners, around 30 percent were physically battered, and about 25 percent
were sexually abused. Very few of these women told anyone about
their experienced abuse. The authors explained this lack of disclosure
by theorizing that IPV is viewed as the fault of the woman who thinks
she has been a bad wife, and therefore she is fearful about disclosing
the abuse to anyone. In addition, the wife is considered a ‘‘property’’
of the husband and thus he is permitted to do anything to punish her
if she has not been a good wife. This explanation fits within the frame-
work of the patriarchal society discussed earlier.
In addition to the lack of follow-up mailings which contributed to
the relatively low response rate in the Weingourt et al. survey study,
the authors indicated that the survey which was developed for use in a
study in Tokyo, has not been tested for reliability and validity. There-
fore, it is unclear how valid these results would be in comparison to
studies that utilize standardized measures such as the CTS.
India
Wilson-Williams, Stephenson, Juvekar, and Andes (2008) investi-
gated 64 women’s attitudes toward domestic violence through focus
groups in Gangadhar, which is a small community south of Mumbai.
The community was described as patriarchal in nature, and the women
strongly supported the traditional gender roles associated with the
patriarchal culture. Women in this sample were basically from poor
households and many were illiterate. Respondents indicated that they
viewed physical and psychological abuse as normal within the culture,
and suggested that a man has the right to beat a wife in order for
her to learn the correct behavior. At times, it was suggested that
mothers-in-law could be involved in the process, as was found in the

Chan et al. study described earlier. Women were expected to be sexu-
ally available to their husbands at all times, and were not expected to
use contraceptives as a means of preventing pregnancy. If a woman
began using contraceptives, that was seen as a precursor to domestic
violence. Once again, the authors took particular care to protect their
respondents from any adverse effects of participating in this study.
Prior to the focus groups convening, a discussion was held with the
entire village, and participants were recruited following this meeting.
Although the Wilson-Williams et al. investigation revealed several
interesting findings that fit within the framework of the effect of the
patriarchal culture on domestic violence, the authors mentioned that it
was difficult to get women to speak out on this sensitive topic. Since it
was self-selected, there clearly is a concern about the representativeness
of the sample. In addition, it is difficult to compare attitudes in a quali-
tative study using focus groups with more quantitative investigations.
However, this study was one of the first in this type of small commu-
nity, and the authors also attempted to connect the desire to use con-
traceptives with the consequences of subsequently becoming a victim
of IPV.
Another study conducted in a rural area of India (Jejeebhoy, 1998)
found that 40 percent of the sample of about 1,800 women reported hav-
ing experienced IPV. Many of the respondents again believed that IPV
was ‘‘justified’’ because she engaged in the wrong behaviors. However,
Jejeebhoy reiterated the point that we have been stating, that this figure
is most likely an underestimation of the actual level of IPV in India.
Turkey
Ozcakir, Bayram, Ergin, Selimoglu, and Bilget (2008) stated that
there were no large scale studies of the prevalence of IPV in Turkey. If
IPV occurs, it is supposed to be kept within the family, and even if
some women actually call the police, only a very few ever prepare a
complaint. Turkey is an unusual combination of eastern and western
influences, but according to the authors, ‘‘Turkish law endorses a patri-
archal family model in which the husband is named the head of the
family’’ (p. 636). Therefore, the patriarchal model would suggest that
men and women in Turkey might condone and accept physical punish-
ment of women by their partners.
In their study, the authors examined attitudes of men toward ‘‘wife
beating.’’ Almost 1,200 married men in the city of Bursa, Turkey, were
recruited at medical centers and interviewed in a face-to-face setting.
Several demographic questions were asked, along with a number of
questions about the conduct of marital partners and attitudes toward
wife beating. Respondents also were asked ‘‘have you ever beaten your
wife?’’ (p. 633) and ‘‘have you ever yelled, shouted or used abusive
language to your wife?’’ (p. 633). A relatively lower rate of physical
abuse (29 percent) than in previous regional Turkish studies was deter-
mined from respondents’ self-report, and close to 60 percent acknowl-
edged that they had verbally abused their spouses. Risk factors
included the wife’s lack of education or poor educational background,
the husband’s alcohol problems, and if the husband had been physi-
cally abused as a child. Economic issues played a role in marital con-
flict as well. In addition, close to 20 percent of the men surveyed
believed that men had the ‘‘right’’ to engage in IPV.
This study was a significant contribution to the literature because it
is important to ascertain what men believe is appropriate and accepta-
ble to be able to attempt to eliminate IPV in Turkey. Many studies only
sample women’s attitudes and experiences, but including men in these
studies will be useful in determining the extent of the problem. In
addition, the finding that childhood physical abuse was related to
whether or not men engaged in IPV suggested to the authors that men
began to see IPV as a normal part of family life. However, although
the sample was large and the response rate was over 80 percent in this
large Turkish city, only self-report data was obtained, and two of the
significant measures consisted of one question each concerning physi-
cal and verbal IPV. These factors, in addition to the issue of only sam-
pling men, possibly could have led to a considerable underreporting of
IPV. In fact, the authors reported several regional studies based on
women’s self-reports, which estimated very much higher levels of IPV.
Despite the patriarchal structure of the Turkish society, men may have
been reluctant to report engaging in IPV.
AFRICA
Nigeria
Antai and Antai (2008) examined rural women’s attitudes toward
domestic violence in Nigeria. The authors indicated that rural Nigerian
communities embody the ideals of the patriarchal culture. Men hold all
the power and women accept their subordinate position in the family
and the community. Once again, in accord with our contention, Antai
and Antai suggest that it is important to determine women’s attitudes
toward IPV because if ‘‘the victim perceives IPV to be an integral part
of male supremacy’’ (p. 2), and that the culture supports and condones
violence against marital partners, she is unlikely to report this behavior
and will see it as a normal part of the marriage. In support of this con-
tention, at a UN symposium in 2007 a woman from Africa asked how
she could report her husband’s violence against her when her marriage
vows ordered her to obey him?
In a manner similar to several other national studies, the authors uti-

lized data from the 2003 Demographic and Health Survey conducted in
Nigeria. An unusually high response rate of more than 90 percent
enabled the researchers to investigate attitudes toward IPV among
more than 3900 rural women. Data were collected in face-to-face inter-
views. More than 40 percent of the rural sample suggested that IPV
was acceptable under certain conditions, including arguing with the
husband, and not agreeing to sex. Interestingly, there were several var-
iations in condoning IPV related to the specific communities in various
geographical locations in the country. Similar to other studies, women
with poorer educational backgrounds, Muslim women, and women liv-
ing in economic hardship, were more likely to justify IPV. However,
the authors also found other risk factors. Of particular interest to this
chapter, women with little say in the family and those without the abil-
ity to read about the news or to be exposed to other media tended to
approve of IPV. Antai and Antai suggested that empowerment consists
of three components; ‘‘autonomy in domestic decisions,’’ ‘‘access to
media,’’ and ‘‘literacy level’’ (p. 4).
This study was important for a number of reasons. First, the meth-
odology employed a standardized national face-to-face interview pro-
cess which had a very high response rate. Second, the authors focused
on rural women, an often-overlooked type of sample. Third, the ques-
tions included significant categories including specification of empow-
erment, a concept very much associated with prevention and reduction
of IPV. Fourth, the authors identified variations among women
respondents that can lead to more complex and possibly more valid
interpretations of data. Finally, the interpretations were related to the
concept of a patriarchal society, which is support for one of the most
common explanations of IPV worldwide. Of course, Antai and Antai’s
study is subject to the limitations of self-report measures as well as the
focus only on women’s attitudes toward IPV.
Kenya and Zambia

A study similar to the Antai and Antai study described above was
conducted by Lawoko (2008) in Kenya and Zambia. Lawoko suggested
that there might be varied interpretations of a man’s positive attitude
toward IPV depending on conditions in the country. In general, he
indicated that Kenya has a more favorable economic and social climate
than Zambia. However, both countries embody the traditional gender
role approach suggesting that deviations from the female gender role
may have adverse consequences for the wife.
Prevalence of IPV in Kenya and Zambia appear to be comparable to
other African countries, and are somewhere between 20 and 30 percent.
Lawoko indicated that there are no comparative studies of attitudes
toward IPV among men in these two countries. In both countries, inter-
view data were obtained through a national Demographic and Health
Survey (DHS) of men in many households. High response rates (close
to 90 percent in each country) increased the validity of the study’s find-
ings. Scenarios were constructed to measure men’s attitudes toward
IPV following hypothetical transgressions by women. For example, if
the woman neglects her household duties or refuses to have sex with
her husband, men were asked if she ‘‘deserved to be punished.’’
In general, men from both countries demonstrated a high and simi-
lar rate of acceptance of wife beating ranging from 65 to 71 percent.
Most of the justifications for the IPV revolved around the wife’s deviat-
ing from normative gender-role expectations, but the correlations and
interpretations differed for the two countries. In Kenya, younger mar-
riage partners and living outside of cities predicted higher support for
wife beating, but that was not the case in Zambia. Conversely, lower
educational levels were associated with higher tolerance of IPV in
Kenya but not in Zambia. It was suggested by Lawoko that the educa-
tional material in each country might differ. Perhaps part of the educa-
tional information in Kenya might lead to a change in patriarchal
ideals but not in Zambia. Similarly, access to the media was associated
with a lower justification of IPV in Zambia but not in Kenya. Perhaps,
as Lawoko indicated, the media in Zambia may support empowering
women. Along the same lines of reasoning but in the opposite direc-
tion, Lawoko found that men’s positive attitudes toward sharing in
decision-making in the home predicted a lower acceptance of IPV in
Kenya but not in Zambia.
Once again, this comparative study of men’s attitudes toward IPV in
two African countries was illuminating and important in identifying
certain possible causes of IPV. In addition, by showing that predispos-
ing factors may work differently in various countries, Lawoko made
the case for developing culture and country-specific interventions.
However attitudes relating to IPV were examined only for men, and
both these countries were described as relatively peaceful. Therefore,
the results cannot be generalized to African countries experiencing a
great deal of conflict. Lawoko described other limitations of his study
including the questionable validity of the DHS measures, the plausibil-
ity of extensive underreporting because of the face-to-face interviews,
and the lack of consideration of alternative factors affecting men’s atti-
tudes toward IPV in addition to issues related to patriarchy.
MIDDLE EAST
Haj-Yahia (2002) conducted a study in Jordan investigating attitudes
of approximately 350 married Jordanian women toward IPV. This con-
venience sample of women (with a response rate of more than 80
percent) was recruited from several clinics in a variety of locations

including a city, a village, and a refugee encampment. Participants com-
pleted surveys in private, since interviews would be considered to be
difficult to conduct on such a sensitive subject. Several measures were
included such as the Beliefs about Wife Beating and Sex-Role Stereotyp-
ing, a measure of attitudes toward women, and the Familial Patriarchal
Beliefs scale. All measures were translated and adjusted for cultural
appropriateness. Haj-Yahia’s findings suggested that a high proportion
of the Jordanian respondents (ranging from about 35 percent to 65 per-
cent depending on the ‘‘offense’’) justified IPV, felt that wives would
become ‘‘better wives’’ as a result, blamed the women for their behavior,
did not think that violent partners should be punished (‘‘men will be
men’’) and thought that the problem should stay in the family and not
be dealt with by the government in any form. As in studies described
previously, factors associated with increased wife blaming included poor
educational levels, more traditional gender-role attitudes and patriarchal
beliefs. This study strongly supported our contention that patriarchal
belief structures will support and condone, and possibly even demand
punishment of ‘‘bad wives.’’ Haj-Yahia pointed out some difficulties
with his study including questions about the generalizability of his find-
ings to all women even in Jordan, the use of self-report questionnaires,
and the lack of a measure of whether or not the respondents had experi-
enced IPV. In addition, only women were surveyed in Haj-Yahia’s
research report. However, the study remains one of the few to examine
attitudes toward IPV in the Middle East. In fact, in a meta-analysis, by
Boy and Kulczycki (2008), the authors reported that only 21 studies con-
tained statistics on occurrence of IPV in the Middle East and North
Africa even though the abuse is known to be extensive and widely con-
doned and accepted both by men and women.
LATIN AMERICA
Peru
Flake’s study (2005) of IPV in Peru surveyed more than 15,000
women and revealed that about 40 percent had experienced physical
abuse. Several factors were related to the abuse, including poor educa-
tional background for the woman, forced early marriages, and alcoholic
excesses of the husband. Once again, effects of the woman’s status
were unpredictable. Under certain circumstances higher status pro-
tected the woman from IPV, but if her status was superior to her part-
ner, it exposed her to more IPV. Flake’s interpretation of these results
revolved around the concept of the frequency of patriarchal family
relationships in Peru. If a man feels threatened by a woman’s status or
achievements, he may use violence to emphasize his control over his
partner. Although this study supports our emphasis on the importance

of the effects of a patriarchal culture on IPV, and the large sample is
very positive, the measure of IPV was based on one question and self-
reports of the prevalence of IPV are questionable especially in cultures
where the issue is sensitive and is not discussed very much in public.
Another study in Latin America was conducted by Ceballo, Ramirez,
Castillo, Caballero, and Lozoff (2004) using the Conflict Tactics Scale
(Strauss, 1979). Thirty percent of the more than 200 poor women
sampled in Chile said they had been physically abused, and approxi-
mately 80 percent had been verbally abused by their partners. Ceballo
et al. identified Chile as a patriarchal society and indicated that IPV is
not discussed outside the family. The authors also revealed that until
1989 a husband was considered to ‘‘own his wife’’ and therefore he
could do anything he liked with his ‘‘property.’’ Although the Ceballo
et al. study surveyed an unusual sample of poor women, and used the
CTS which is a standardized measure of IPV, the authors indicated that
problems existed in their study including the use of self-report mea-
sures which most often underestimate the extent of IPV and the fact
that not all types of violence were measured. The advantage of an un-
usual sample of poor women also is undercut by the fact that the
results may not be representative of married women in Chile.
Both of these Latin American studies support our contention that
patriarchal societies are key elements in the perpetration of physical
and verbal abuse particularly in developing nations in Latin America,
the Middle East and Africa.
CANADA
Brownridge (2003) investigated the differences in prevalence in IPV
between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Canadian women. Brown-
ridge’s data were based on a large national study, Statistics Canada,
conducted in 1999. He analyzed the data from interviews conducted by
telephone, sampling close to 150 Aboriginal and close to 7,000 non-
Aboriginal women. The survey suggested that Aboriginal women were
likely to be abused at least three times as much as non-Aboriginal
women. On all risk markers, including younger age, living in rural
areas, having a partner with a strong belief in patriarchal power, and
having a partner abusing alcohol, Aboriginal women were more likely
to exhibit these markers than non-Aboriginal Canadian women. How-
ever, again illustrating the inconsistency of findings related to the edu-
cational level of women and the connection to IPV victimization, as
Aboriginal women became more highly educated their chances of
experiencing IPV actually increased. Brownridge suggested that
Aboriginal men may be reacting against their low status in Canadian
society, on the one hand, but also may be internalizing the negative
views of women characterizing some views of non-Aboriginal men. In

addition, if Aboriginal men have low status they may resent the higher
status and educational level of Aboriginal women which may lead to
increased levels of IPV.
Although this study utilized data from a representative Canadian
sample, it still is subject to the limitations of a self-reported interview
and a relatively small number of Aboriginal women participants. It
also is unclear as to how participants were protected from the conse-
quences of participating in this type of study. In addition, only women
respondents’ data were considered by Brownridge.
OUTCOMES FOR IPV VICTIMS

Cwikel, Lev-Weisel, and Al-Krenawi (2003) questioned Bedouin Arab
women living in Israel in the Negev area, about the physical and psy-
chological consequences of IPV victimization. The authors described the
Bedouin society as highly collectivistic and as exhibiting a patriarchal
structure, although there have been some changes as the Bedouins move
from a nomadic life to living in a more settled manner in towns. The so-
ciety also may be termed a ‘‘culture of honor’’ and women are punished
for ‘‘straying’’ in order to preserve the honor of the family. Based on a
revision of a national Israeli measure that was translated and back trans-
lated from the Hebrew, prevalence of physical abuse and consequences
of the abuse were investigated. The outcome measures included the
shortened form of the CES-D, the Center for Epidemiological Studies-
Depression Scale (Sherbourne, Dwight-Johnson, & Klap, 2001). About
200 Bedouin women visiting a medical center were interviewed in per-
son by an Arab nurse. Since the women knew the nurse and trusted her,
she obtained cooperation from all the women she approached.
Results indicated that Bedouin women were very fertile until about
age 40, and that they experienced increased IPV during their fertile
years. As a consequence, women who had experienced IPV exhibited
‘‘symptoms of depression, low self-esteem, hopelessness and/or help-
lessness, low social support . . .’’ (p. 250). One other finding that adds
to our discussion of the effect of educational level on IPV experiences,
showed that women with a higher educational attainment experienced
higher levels of IPV. The authors used an interpretation that we have
observed in other studies suggesting that women who have been edu-
cated apparently are more likely to challenge their partners’ dominance
and the restrictions placed on them by their husbands and the culture.
The authors acknowledge the limitations of self-report measures which
most probably underestimated the extent of the IPV problem. In addi-
tion, they suggested that it will be very difficult to develop culturally
appropriate interventions because IPV is closely connected to the heart
of patriarchal societies such as the Bedouin culture in Israel.
A study in Kenya utilizing the previously mentioned Demographic

and Health Survey of 2003, was conducted by Emenike, Lowoko, and
Dalal (2008). In examining the relationship between IPV and physical
consequences to women, the authors looked at data from more than
4,000 respondents. IPV was correlated with a higher rate of a preg-
nancy ending before term, and a greater chance of the baby not surviv-
ing. As indicated by the authors there obviously is no causal link but
just suggestions that IPV in Kenya might make women more suscepti-
ble to problems in childbirth and infants to possible death.
Another cross-cultural study by Weingourt et al. (2001), described in
an earlier section of the chapter, examined the consequences of IPV
using the General Health questionnaire which was translated into Japa-
nese. A higher percentage of women exposed to IPV expressed symp-
toms of depression and anxiety, and somatic symptoms, as well as sleep
problems, than women who had not experienced domestic violence.
Finally, in the previously discussed study by Ceballo et al., the
authors reported on the psychological symptoms experienced by their
relatively small sample of poor women in suburbs of Santiago, Chile.
The CES-D (Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale) and
a measure of women’s experiences of posttraumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) revealed severe levels of depression and PTSD-type symptoms.
All of these studies confirm predictions from researchers that victims
of both physical and emotional abuse will demonstrate high levels of
psychological distress as a result. Therefore, it is crucial for professionals
in countries worldwide to develop prevention and intervention pro-
grams to combat this prevalent physical and mental health problem.
TYPES OF PERPETRATORS
Recently, some attempts have been made to classify IPV perpetra-
tors. One of the most popular categorizations was developed by Holtz-
worth-Munroe and Stuart (1994). The different types of possible
perpetrators included:
1. ‘‘Family-only’’ batterers who have poor social and conflict resolution

skills, may belong to a peer group which is supportive of IPV, and tend
to be violent only toward their spouses;
2. ‘‘Dysphoric-borderline’’ batterers have severe psychological problems,
may exhibit borderline characteristics, may abuse substances and may be
violent toward people outside their family;
3. ‘‘Violent antisocial’’ batterers are violent in every setting, may be crimi-
nals and are characterized by antisocial personality disorder diagnoses.
Although these categories have proved useful in identifying which

types of perpetrators may respond to an intervention to reduce or
eliminate IPV in America, and possibly in other Westernized countries,

it is unclear how well the categories will apply cross-culturally. For
example, in a ‘‘culture of honor’’ country such as Jordan, if a patriarch
violently punishes his wife, or even engages in an ‘‘honor killing’’
according to westernized views, and the perpetrator categories
described above, he definitely would be classified at least as a family-
only batterer, or more likely as a spouse murderer. In his country,
however, this type of individual would be perceived as following the
dictates of the culture of the country, at least until recently. Therefore,
it is important to develop categories of abusers which would apply
cross-culturally to determine what types of interventions would work
best in different cultures.
RECOMMENDATIONS TO ELIMINATE
OR REDUCE IPV WORLDWIDE
WHO (2005) developed a series of recommendations to eliminate
IPV across the world. We will briefly review some of these recommen-
dations, suggest that there are issues and problems with implementing
these recommendations, and describe some intervention programs.
The first major recommendation in the WHO report was to enforce
adherence to international agreements protecting human rights of
women around the world. In particular, patriarchal cultures that subor-
dinate women and place women under men’s control must be
changed. If women are to be treated as equals, with the same rights as
men, and if these patriarchal cultures stop condoning and even
demanding that women be harshly punished for ‘‘straying’’ then vio-
lence may no longer be a viable means of gaining control over women
by men. Particularly if men and boys are punished for engaging in vio-
lence against women, then the behavior will decrease.
Although this recommendation is the most important suggestion, it
is also true that it will be the most difficult to implement. Individuals
in countries where patriarchy and ‘‘culture of honor’’ principles are
deeply ingrained will resist these changes even if the government
does sign onto international agreements. For example, in 2004 the UN
General Assembly passed a resolution prohibiting honor-related vio-
lence against women (Women’s UN Report Network, April 25, 2009).
However, in countries such as Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, as our previ-
ous examples illustrated, the practices still continue. Key government
officials as well as community and religious leaders, particularly men,
must be enlisted in the fight to change the violence-supportive patriar-
chal cultures. From a social psychological perspective, it is clear that
attitudes that are based on strongly held values are the most difficult
to change. Therefore, there must be a concerted effort by many individ-
uals, at the government, local, community and religious levels to
engage the populace in a discussion of the harm that is being done, to

the women who are victims, to the children who observe and possibly
imitate the violence, and to the male perpetrators themselves.
Even though many countries where violence is endemic espouse the
patriarchal structure of societies, it also is clear that there are other via-
ble explanations and models of IPV which may fit other societies. It is
important that researchers, as well as academic and community agents
of change recognize that IPV is a complex issue that may be related to
a number of different risk factors. It also is crucial to understand that
although some risk factors are common across the world, others are
specific to individual countries.
A related recommendation is that all countries begin to collect data
on the prevalence of all types of violence against women, including
IPV. These data should be available to international organizations, and
the UN should send a special rapporteur around the world to deter-
mine whether countries are adhering to the agreements and if in fact,
violence against women has decreased.
Creating safe environments for women is an essential part of the rec-
ommendations. Shelters for battered women should be established with
safeguards to prevent men from invading the shelters. Women in the
shelters should be provided with treatment for physical and psycholog-
ical injuries as well as skill-building to permit the women to reduce
their dependence on their abusive spouses. The WHO report suggests
that women may be identified as victims through clinics associated
with reproduction, since many women visit these clinics. Other venues
and professionals including primary health care workers should be
involved in identifying and protecting women.
Education for women and girls is emphasized all through the cross-
cultural research on IPV. However, since the findings are inconsistent,
unless the patriarchal culture is changed, if women receive a high level
of education and achieve a high status, it is possible that this situation
may become a risk factor for IPV.
Even if laws are changed to punish perpetrators of violence against
women, law enforcement officials’ attitudes must be changed as well.
Women must be encouraged to report IPV, and police and other
authorities must provide women with sympathetic and helpful officers
who do not identify with and embody patriarchal values.
Both primary and secondary prevention programs should be imple-
mented to reduce violence against women. In particular, the media
may be useful in primary prevention programs designed to reach
many individuals within the country. In Turkey for example, at one
point, all the media outlets in Istanbul were owned by women who
decided to begin a primary and secondary prevention effort to stop
violence against women. Television ads were produced including one
showing a young child dressing up in her mother’s clothes and shoes,
and putting a black eye on as well since she had seen her mother in
that condition so many times. In addition, ads stated that the ‘‘shame
is not yours’’ while showing an abused women. Other interventions,
including training individuals to engage couples in improving their
conflict resolution and communication skills, as well as instituting hot-
lines in the Istanbul area, were designed to attack the problem. There-
fore, the media can be used as a positive force to combat this
worldwide problem. What also should be included in any of these pro-
grams is an evaluation component. The WHO report stated that there
should be additional cross-cultural research on the causes of violence
and programs to prevent or eliminate violence against women.
The WHO report also emphasized the importance of involving men
and boys in the effort to eliminate violence against women. Until men
who do not engage in violence against women and oppose it speak out
and intervene when they see violence occurring, perpetrators will con-
tinue to engage in this behavior. Once again the media can act as a
forum for nonviolent men to speak out, and these men may become
good role models for spousal interactions.
Flood (2001) discussed three different ways in which men can
become involved in the efforts to stop violence against women.
1. Men can join groups which emphasize that ‘‘men must take responsibil-
ity for stopping men’s violence,’’ (p. 3) possibly though public action
such as protests. Flood describes the ‘‘White Ribbon campaign’’ in which
men wear white ribbons to show the world that not only will they avoid
violence but they will speak out and intervene if they observe violence.
Flood emphasized the importance of reaching out to boys and young
males to try and change fundamental attitudes which condone and sup-
port violence against women. These men also can act as proactive role
models to teach young men how to interact with women in a positive
way. However, Flood contends that men’s groups must work in coopera-
tion with women’s groups in the same effort.
2. Men can become involved in educational media campaigns based on the
same concept espoused by Ban Ki Moon: ‘‘Real men don’t bash or rape
women.’’ Flood described some programs in Australia which serve this
educational function. Sports figures were recruited for advertisements in
one of the Australian programs to target men who identify with athletes.
Once the athletes define violence against women as wrong, it is hoped
that men identifying with these athletes will internalize their new views.
However, it is difficult for these programs to succeed because of the
violence-supportive culture of many types of sports. Another type of
Australian program which targeted violent males found that one of the
most effective approaches was to connect men’s violence against women
to the negative effects on the children in their family.
3. Men can become directly involved in programs treating violent men, or
even men incarcerated for violence against women. However, Flood
argues that many of these programs have not been rigorously evaluated.
In addition, even if these programs were effective, unless the culture and
attitudes of members of society are changed to oppose violence against
women, single programs will not eradicate the problem.
As a conclusion to this section, we will present an overall program

that was instituted in Romania. Wimmer and Harrington (2008)
described a comprehensive program, ‘‘Floare de Colt,’’ (p. 623) devel-
oped to address IPV in Sighisoara, Romania. This grant-funded project
involved international partners who traveled to Sighisoara to hold a
three-day conference with community individuals, trained local partici-
pants, and provided social work students with the means to live in
the town for a brief period to assist in the program. Wimmer and Har-
rington emphasized that the first step was to achieve community
involvement and sensitize the community to the existence of IPV and
the need for services for victims. An overall evaluation of the program
indicated that as a result, a wide range of services for victims had been
established, and utilized by various types of individuals, not just IPV
victims. However, the authors reported that several years after the cre-
ation of the project, the need for shelters and programs which focus on
changing perpetrators’ behavior, as well as access to public funding,
still remains.
The article by Wimmer and Harrington was an important stage in
illuminating the complex nature of any type of IPV prevention and
intervention program. The emphasis on involving community leaders
and representatives from the beginning of the project, the role that out-
side international experts can play as partners, and the significance of
grants and funding to at least begin a program cannot be overesti-
mated. Despite the success of the initial program, this article also illus-
trated the difficulty of maintaining a program once the funding and
international partnerships are no longer involved.
One of the issues associated with this project was the viability of
the evaluation process. The authors defended the involvement of the
original international partners in the evaluation by suggesting that a
sufficient distance between these professionals and the on-site pro-
gram had been established to enable the researchers to maintain
their objectivity. That involvement still may be seen as a barrier to
an objective evaluation of the effectiveness of the project. In addi-
tion, the lack of direct interviews with victims and the lack of any
input of victims in the process of evaluation other than documenta-
tion of the use of the services, also may be viewed as a serious
drawback of the evaluation process. However, since many programs
do not include essential evaluations in their descriptions, the
Wimmer and Harrington article represents a significant contribution
to the literature.
COMPARISONS BETWEEN IPV AND

DATING VIOLENCE STUDIES
As we predicted in the opening section of this chapter, there is a
considerably larger volume of cross-cultural studies on IPV than on
dating violence. One of the issues is that IPV is more prevalent world-
wide, since in some cultures dating is not permitted. However, it also
seems clear that dating violence most often is subsumed under a more
general category of violence or sexual assault, whereas IPV is concep-
tualized as a separate form of violence. As a result, there are many
more studies on IPV and more estimates of the prevalence than there
are for dating violence.
Similarities still exist in terms of the estimates of both types of vio-
lence. As a result of underreporting which occurs even in countries
where these behaviors are discussed publicly, accurate prevalence fig-
ures are impossible to obtain. Women victims of IPV and dating vio-
lence are reluctant to report because of feelings of self-blame, shame
and fear of retaliation. Even in cross-cultural research where consider-
able efforts have been made to protect participants from retaliation
from partners, these individuals still are fearful to give accurate
responses. Another issue relates to the variations in methodology
among the different studies. Methods range from randomly sampling
women from large Demographic and Health Surveys, or WHO sur-
veys, where the response rate is quite high, to individual surveys
designed specifically for one country and which are completed by as
few as 25 percent of those sampled. As a result, it is impossible to com-
pare estimates of IPV and dating violence among countries when the
methods of obtaining these data are so diverse. The situation is even
more complex when investigating IPV and dating violence in countries
where these issues are ‘‘kept within the family’’ or ‘‘under the veil’’ (in
Arab countries). Even women in many of these countries condone IPV
and believe that women deserve the abuse to help them become
‘‘better wives’’ (Haj-Yahia, 2002).
We also hypothesized that the prevalence of both IPV and dating
violence would be more expected and would occur to a more extreme
degree in patriarchal and culture of honor societies than in countries
with higher gender equity. In addition to the strong support that our
contention received in our selective review of cross-cultural studies,
this pattern is relevant to our ongoing multicultural investigation of
undergraduate students’ perceptions of IPV. In our study, we con-
structed a scenario describing a domestic violence incident in which a
husband abused his wife either after finding out that she had been
unfaithful or had been visiting her friend rather than taking care of his
dinner. This scenario was followed by a series of measures based on
the domestic violence incident. The study has been conducted in Spain,
the United States, the United Kingdom, Croatia, Israel, Romania,

Greece, Georgia, Ghana, Malaysia, Lebanon, and India, and has been
translated into seven languages. Based on the Gender Equity Index of
2008 which ranks countries in terms of gender equity (the rankings are
a summary of the ‘‘Education Gap’’, Economic Activity Gap’’ and the
‘‘Empowerment Gap’’), students from countries higher in gender eq-
uity (the first six of the countries listed above) were more sympathetic
toward the wife and more negative toward the husband, whereas
undergraduate participants in the latter six countries showed the
reverse reactions to the scenario.
Since gender equity showed such a strong relationship with preva-
lence of violence against women worldwide, the recommendation of
the WHO that patriarchal attitudes and culture of honor norms be
changed is a reasonable approach to the issue. However, as we
described earlier, it will be extremely difficult to change such ingrained
attitudes and customs which have been characteristic of some cultures
for centuries. It is most important that the impetus for change ema-
nates from the top down: male leaders of these societies, both in gov-
ernment and in the religious community, must be at the forefront of
these efforts. Men and boys definitely must be involved in the change
approach. International organizations should act as models and also
pressure member nations to act according to international agreements
and eliminate this aversive behavior. The media also can play a role in
creating the image that wife-beating and dating violence is wrong and
has severe negative consequences. In addition, law enforcement offi-
cials also must be involved in the process.
Although the type of culture clearly has been implicated in IPV and
dating violence, patriarchy is not the sole reason or even the most
plausible explanation of these types of violence in all countries. Since
IPV and dating violence also occur in countries where gender equity is
high, other models and theories must be established to fully compre-
hend this complex behavior. One other point is important for us to
emphasize. In addition to involving men in the effort to eliminate vio-
lence against women worldwide, we must focus more attention on
types of perpetrators and treatment and punishment for violent men. If
we only propose treatment and shelters for women, we may be engag-
ing in an implicit type of ‘‘blaming the victim.’’
Different trends in reports of violence are noted in dating relation-
ships than what is seen in domestic disputes. These discrepancies can
be attributed to the following factors: teens generally do not cohabitate
with romantic partners, and therefore stereotypical relationship and
power dynamics that are seen in marriages have not yet had a chance
to develop; adolescent girls are more likely to report abuse and assault,
regardless of who the perpetrator was, whereas married women may
find such disclosure shameful; adolescent boys, on the other hand, may
be prone to underreporting or not be willing to accept the blame for

assault, and therefore the numbers are lower; and some cultures are in
fact changing and shifting, as was noted in the Wang and Ho article
(2007), which results in young women feeling more empowered and
able to stand up for themselves, even if their actions are not always
appropriate, or respected by their romantic counterparts.
In conclusion, IPV and dating violence are pervasive and complex
behaviors which adversely affect women all around the world. It is im-
portant to conduct more cross-cultural comparisons, using standar-
dized measures, in order to obtain accurate figures, as well as to
develop models to understand and eliminate the violent behaviors.
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Chapter 5
Intimate Partner Violence as a

Workplace Concern: Impact
on Women’s Emotional and Physical
Well-Being and Careers
Michele A. Paludi
Jessica Wilmot
Lindsey Speach
Barbara Cavalier had been married to her husband, Chris Cavalier, for
seven years. During the course of their marriage, Chris had been abusive
toward Barbara. When he put a gun to her head, she decided to leave
him. For six months her living arrangements were kept secret. One day
Chris walked into the Elmwood siding supply business and saw Barbara
where she was working as a data-entry clerk. Subsequently, Chris
walked into the store, armed with two guns, a .45 caliber automatic pistol
and a .357 caliber Magnum revolver. Chris killed Barbara and her co-
worker, Stephanie Revolta, who had tried to defuse the situation. Stephanie
had placed a 911 call, but by the time assistance arrived, Barbara and
Stephanie were dead. Chris also took his own life. Barbara’s coworkers
reported that Chris had been harassing Barbara all day, calling her at
work, and stealing her truck. Authorities had found a note in Chris’s
house in which he assigned power of attorney and listed valuables that
he wanted to give away. This behavior led police to believe that Chris
had planned the murders that day (cited in Paludi, Nydegger, & Paludi,
2006).
Ellen works for a small shipping company in the western Canada city
of Vancouver. She has been unhappily married to Paul for more than
20 years, and she and her two daughters bear the brunt of Paul’s verbal
taunts and controlling behavior. Though he has never physically abused
the children, he often beats Ellen so severely that vicious bruises cover
her arms and legs, and she regularly lies to her coworkers about their
origin, claiming clumsiness, embarrassed by their true cause. At least
once a month Ellen is so badly hurt that she must call out of work. In
the past two years alone, she has lost 22 days of work, and thousands of
dollars in wages.
One night, Paul angrily smacks Ellen’s younger daughter, and she
falls down the stairs, cutting open her knee. After years of abuse, Ellen
has finally had enough, and leaves. She moves in with a friend, and
changes her phone number and personal email address. For a while
things are fine. But soon Ellen begins receiving threatening prank phone
calls at the office, and nasty emails to her work email account. She thinks
it might be Paul, and her suspicions are confirmed when one evening
she discovers him waiting for her in the office parking lot. In a dark and
menacing tone Paul threatens to kill her—and their children—unless she
returns to him.
She doesn’t know who to turn to or where to go. For years she has
been hiding her abuse from her friends, family, coworkers and employ-
ers, and the threats continue to escalate . . . (cited in Soroptimist Interna-
tional of the Americas, 2007).
The experiences of Barbara and Ellen are not unique; approximately

2,600,000 women are victims of intimate partner violence each year
(Swanberg & Logan, 2005). Homicide is the leading cause of occupa-
tional death for women in the United States (National Institute for
Occupational Safety and Health, 2009; Reeves & O’Leary-Kelly, 2007;
Swanberg & Logan, 2007; Swanberg, Macke, & Logan, 2006). Further-
more, women who are victims perpetrated by their mates/spouses
account for one-fourth of all women who are murdered in a given year
(McHugh & Frieze, 2006; Rathus & Feindler, 2004). Swanberg et al.
(2005) reported that more women in the United States are victimized
by their spouses/mates than are harmed because of reported automo-
bile accidents, muggings, and rapes combined.
Straus, Gelles, and Steinmetz (1980) noted that one out of every six
couples engage in at least one violent act each year. Over the course of a
marriage, just over one-fourth of couples will experience intimate part-
ner violence. Intimate partner violence is not confined to marriage.
Research suggests that violence in dating relationships and among
unmarried couples who live together is even greater than among mar-
ried couples. Ryan, Frieze, and Sinclair (1999) noted that approximately
one-third of U.S. college students reported using or being victims of inti-
mate partner violence. Abuse in relationships includes intense criticisms
and put-downs, verbal harassment, sexual coercion and assault, pushing,
grabbing, shoving, physical attacks and intimidation, stalking, choking,
Intimate Partner Violence as a Workplace Concern 105
striking a partner with an object, restraint of normal activities and free-

doms, and denial of access to resources (Butts Stahly, 1999; McHugh,
Livingston, & Frieze, 2008; Ryan et al., 1999). Straus et al. (1980) con-
cluded: ‘‘The American family and American home are perhaps as or
more violent than any other American institution or setting (with the
exception of the military, and only then in time of war’’ (p. 4).
The Fourth United Nations (UN) International Conference on
Women concluded that ‘‘in all societies . . . women and girls are sub-
jected to physical, sexual and psychological abuse that cuts across lines
of income, class and culture’’ (Walker, 1999, p. 21). Tran and Des
Jardins (2000) reported that the incidence of intimate partner violence
experienced by Vietnamese and Korean communities is similar to U.S.
incidence rates. Horne (1999) noted that intimate partner violence rates
in Russia exceed United States rates by four to five times.
Intimate partner violence is prevalent in all races and ethnic groups
and among women in urban, rural, and suburban areas and in lesbian,
gay, and heterosexual relationships (Coleman, 1991; McHugh & Frieze,
2006; Paludi, Nydegger & Paludi, 2006; Potocziak, Murot, Crosbie-
Burnett, & Potoczni, 2003). In addition, while women are more likely
to be victims of intimate partner violence, men may be battered (Heise,
1998; McHugh & Frieze, 2006). Men batter because they want control
in the relationship. Women, however, batter in self-defense because of
fear of being murdered. Heise (1998) found that more women are seri-
ously injured and killed by male partners each year than men are by
female partners. Tjaden and Thoennes (2000) reported that over a life-
time, the prevalence of intimate partner violence for women is triple
the prevalence for men. In addition, research suggested that the
incidence of same-sex intimate partner violence is similar to that of het-
erosexual intimate partner violence (McHugh & Frieze, 2006; Potocziak
et al., 2003).
INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE SPILLS OVER INTO

WORKPLACES
Swanberg and Logan (2005) asked U.S. women about the ways in
which intimate partner violence spilled over into their workplace.
Women’s responses indicated that batterers interfered with women’s
employment before, during, and after work. Pre-work interference pre-
vented 56 percent of the women in this study from going to work,
including physical restraint, having clothes cut up, being beaten,
and being denied access to the car. Swanberg and Logan (2005) and
Wetterstein et al. (2004) noted that women reported experiencing pre-
work incidents of violence at least once a week. Interference with wom-
en’s employment at the workplace included the following behaviors:
phone harassment, harassment of the women’s supervisors, threatening

comments, stalking, and being physically forced to leave work.
Thus, the workplace is not a safe haven for women victims of inti-
mate partner violence; the violence spills over into the workplace. The
workplace provides a site where batterers, like Chris Cavalier, can find
their victims. And, as Swanberg et al. (2006) noted:
When partner violence traverses the boundaries of women’s jobs, the vic-
timized partner is no longer the only victim. Other people on the work-
place premises, including supervisors, other workers, and customers, are
at risk for injury or some other form of trauma. (p. 573)
Intimate partner violence costs employers more than $727.9 million

annually on costs related to lost productivity, including 7.9 million
paid workdays each year. In addition, there are additional costs related
to health care costs associated with intimate partner violence. Intimate
partner violence is thus a workplace issue.
In this chapter we review the empirical research on the impact of
intimate partner violence on women’s emotional and physical health,
self-concept, interpersonal relationships with coworkers and supervi-
sors, and career goals. We offer recommendations for employers in
exercising ‘‘reasonable care’’ in responding to women employees who
are victims of intimate partner violence, including developing and
enforcing an effective policy and investigatory procedures and training
programs on intimate partner violence awareness and the organiza-
tion’s policy.
IMPACT OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE ON EMPLOYEES

The biggest challenge is to convince a woman that it’s not her fault. My
daughter is 25; my stepdaughter is 22. As a mother, I want them to know
that if a boyfriend is abusive, you cannot ignore it—‘‘Oh, he’s been drink-
ing,’’ or ‘‘He had a bad day.’’ There is no excuse for a man hitting a
woman. Ever.
—Sen. Debbie Stabenow, Michigan
Research on intimate partner violence has documented impact on
several areas of functioning, including emotional/psychological, physi-
ological or health related, career, interpersonal, and self-perception
(Lundberg-Love & Marmion, 2006; McHugh et al., 2008; O’Leary &
Maiuro, 2001; Reeves & O’Leary, 2007; Swanberg et al., 2006). Exam-
ples of emotional/psychological effects of intimate partner violence
include, but are not limited to, guilt, denial, withdrawal from social
settings, shame, depression, fear, anger, anxiety, phobias, isolation, fear
of crime, helplessness, frustration, shock, and decreased self-esteem
(Cunradi, Ames, & Moore, 2008; Swanberg et al., 2006).
The following are reported physical/health-related effects of intimate

partner violence: headaches, tiredness, respiratory problems, substance
abuse, sleep disturbances, eating disorders, lethargy, gastrointestinal dis-
orders, post traumatic stress disorder, the hostage syndrome, and inabil-
ity to concentrate (Lundberg-Love & Wilkerson, 2006; McHugh & Frieze,
2006; Walker, 2006; Zorza, 2002). In addition, battered women experience
injuries including bruises, cuts, concussions, black eyes, broken bones,
scars from burns, knife wounds, loss of hearing and/or vision, and joint
damage (Felblinger, 2008; Lundberg-Love & Wilkerson, 2006). Pregnant
women who experience intimate partner violence face the risk of severe
outcomes for their fetus as well as themselves (Sagrestano, Carroll,
Rodriguez, & Nuwayhid, 2004).
The impact intimate partner violence has on social and interpersonal
relationships includes the following: withdrawal, fear of new people,
lack of trust, and changes in social network patterns at work (Lund-
berg-Love & Wilkerson, 2006; Swanberg et al., 2006).
Research by Swanberg (e.g., Swanberg et al., 2006; Swanberg &
Logan, 2007) suggested that the impact of intimate partner violence on
women employees contributed to women victims’ inability to (a) con-
centrate and solve problems at work, (b) perform their job, (c) go to
work, (d) stay at work, and (e) keep their jobs. In addition, women vic-
tims of intimate partner violence may receive threatening emails, calls,
and/or faxes at work. This has implications for women employee’s
mental state and contributes to their inability to concentrate and failure
to follow their job responsibilities and thus be fired.
Similar results were obtained by Lloyd and Taluc (1999), who found
that out of the 824 women in their sample, 18 percent indicated that
they had experienced intimate partner violence, 11.9 percent had
incurred more severe violence at the hand of their mate/spouse and
40.3 percent said they had been coerced and threatened by their mate/
spouse. In addition, 28.4 percent had experienced abuse at the criminal
assault level. These women reported experiencing unemployment,
emotional and physical health problems, and higher welfare rates than
women who did not experience intimate partner violence.
Ridley’s (2004) research with the Maine Department of Labor and
Family Crisis Services indicated that 74 percent of batterers reported
having easy access to their partner’s workplace. Twenty-one percent of
these men had contacted their partner at the company in violation of a
restraining order, and 48 percent indicated they could not concentrate
at their own job because of their preoccupation with their partner. Of
these men, 19 percent had a workplace accident; 42 percent were late
for work because of engaging in battering.
Intimate partner violence also has direct implications for a mother’s
effectiveness to parent. The dysfunction and disorganization of the
home offer little or no support, structure, nurturance, or supervision
for children (Walker, 1999). Children are often neglected by mothers

who are too emotionally and physically abused to care for them (Black
& Newman, 2000).
IMPACT OF INTIMATE PARTNER ABUSE ON CHILDREN

Furthermore, the impact of intimate partner violence on children is sig-
nificant. Children are in the middle of domestic violence in a number of
ways, including arguments about child rearing practices and children’s
behavior. Children blame themselves for the violence as a consequence of
their stage of cognitive development even though they are not the cause
(Paludi, 2002). Walker (1999) and Graham and Rawlings (1999) estimated
that each year approximately 3.3 million children in the United States
between the ages of 3 and 17 years are at risk of exposure to their mothers
being battered by a male spouse/mate. Children learn to become part of
a conspiracy of silence. They lie to prevent inappropriate behavior; they
learn to suspend fulfillment of their needs rather than risk a confrontation
with the batterer. Thus, as Paludi (2002) stated, ‘‘they live in a world of
make-believe’’ (p. 351). They themselves are at greater risk for physical
abuse than children whose mothers are not battered (Black & Newman,
2000). Homicide is currently one of the five leading causes of child mor-
tality in the United States (Paludi & Paludi, 2000).
WOMEN’S FEAR OF LEAVING THE VIOLENT RELATIONSHIP

According to Lundberg-Love and Wilkerson (2006):
Being a victim of domestic violence can result in serious and long-lasting

psychological consequences. The initial emotion reported after a battering
incident tends to be helplessness. Over time, most women become fear-
ful, anxious, angry, and depressed . . . many battered women develop
PTSD. The duration of the abuse and the victim’s history of prior abuse
impact the severity of the symptoms she may experience. (p. 40)
Most battered women remain in the violent relationship because they

believe their situation is inescapable. They feel helpless about changing
their lives and fear that any action they take will contribute to additional
violence, which is justified (Butts Stahly, 1999; Zorza, 2002). Further-
more, cultural factors contribute to remaining silent to protect the fam-
ily’s honor (Marmion & Faulkner, 2006). Battered women remain in
violent relationships for several well-founded reasons (McHugh &
Frieze, 2006; Paludi, 2002; Butts Stahly, 1996) including:
a. Threats to her life and the lives of her children if she leaves the home
b. Fear of not getting custody of her children
c. Financial dependence
d. Feeling of responsibility for keeping the relationship together
e. Love for the batterer
f. The batterer is not always violent
Grothues and Marmion (2006) noted that women victims of intimate

partner violence frequently attempt to leave the relationship; their
attempts are thwarted by their partners who exercise more control and
coercion with threats. Furthermore, it has been reported that economic
issues must be taken into consideration when understanding women
remaining in a violent relationship:
Women who leave their spouse often have no good alternatives for hous-
ing or support for themselves or their children. Because of the nature of
the abuse, which often involves increasing isolation from others, victims
tend to have a very small support system. Shelters are not readily avail-
able in all communities, and even this option has limitations and has an
impact on the children. It is not simply a case of not wanting to leave;
most women do wish to do so. However, the costs of leaving are signifi-
cant. (Grothues & Marmion, 2006, p. 11)
We note that Butts Stahly’s (1999) review of the National Crime

Survey of the Department of Justice indicated that 70 percent of inti-
mate partner violence occurs after the relationship has ended. Similar
findings were reported by Walker (1995) and Birns (1999), who
reported that women are at an increased risk for homicide following
the break up of a relationship, more so than women who remain in
the relationship.
EMPLOYEE ASSISTANCE PROGRAM (EAP) ASSISTING

WOMEN VICTIMS OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE
An EAP assists employees with dealing with non-work-related
issues that interfere with their ability to perform their job (Smith &
Mazin, 2004). EAPs provide short-term counseling on the telephone or
in-person, as well as refer employees for help in the community. An
EAP can be utilized to help women employees deal with the symptom-
atology of intimate partner violence reviewed above (Paludi & Paludi,
2000; Rothman, Hathaway, Stidsen, & deVries, 2007). Recommenda-
tions for EAPs include: (a) helping women to develop a sense of trust
and safety in the current environment, (b) helping women foster rela-
tionships with appropriate nonviolent male models, (c) understanding
women’s insecurity about their future, (d) countering any sense of guilt
about having caused the violence and/or not being able to prevent the
battering, and (e) increasing women’s self-esteem.
An EAP can also assist children of battered women through play

assessment and play therapy to encourage preschool children to
express feelings about the trauma, individual counseling for children,
and women-children support groups (Paludi & Paludi, 2000).
Most importantly, women who have left a battering relationship
often report that they had learned about intimate partner violence and
the impact of this violence on themselves and their children from lis-
tening to an EAP counselor discuss the issue at a noon-time seminar.
Such programs facilitated by an EAP should include information about
local domestic violence shelters, the importance of considering psy-
chological abuse as a form of intimate partner violence, emotional
responses to intimate partner violence, consequences of intimate part-
ner violence, religious beliefs and remaining in a battering relationship,
and cultural issues involved in reporting the abuse (e.g., Bostock, Plupton,
& Pratt, 2009; Mitchell et al., 2006; Watlington & Murphy, 2006).
We discuss subsequently in this chapter the role the EAP can play
in training supervisors to recognize changes in employees’ behavior as
a consequence of intimate partner violence and to refer them to the
EAP in a confidential manner (DeCenzo & Robbins, 2007; Paludi &
Paludi, 2000).
IMPACT OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE

ON THE WORKPLACE
As we have previously discussed, intimate partner violence impacts
the primary employed individual, coworkers, clients, vendors, and cus-
tomers. Intimate partner violence thus contributes to stress for all in
the workplace. This stress consequently results in lost productivity,
decreased morale, increased absenteeism, and increased employee
turnover. In addition, Gurchiek (2005) reported that intimate partner
violence has a ‘‘sweeping effect—on employee safety, work perform-
ance and even the employer’s bottom line’’ (p. 1). As we noted earlier,
intimate partner violence costs employers more than $727.9 million
annually on costs related to lost productivity.
The health-related costs of intimate partner violence, including stalk-
ing, rape, and murder, exceed $5.8 billion per year. In addition,
approximately $4.1 billion of this cost is for employees who require
physical and mental health care, both paid for by the employer. Direct
costs also include ambulance transport, paramedic assistance, physical
therapists’ assistance, and emergency department visits (Swanberg et
al., 2005). It is important to note that mental health care may continue
for several years after the victimization. Thus, the estimated costs of
intimate partner violence are an underestimate in any year (Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, 2009).
The American Institute on Domestic Violence (2009) reports that vic-

tims of intimate partner violence lose approximately 8 million days of
paid workdays each year. The average absenteeism rate of victims of
intimate partner violence is approximately 30 percent higher than the
average employee absenteeism rate (Urban, 2000). In addition, the Cen-
ters for Disease Control and Prevention (2009) measured expected
value of lost earnings that victims of intimate partner violence who
were murdered would have contributed to society if they had lived out
their full life expectancies. The Centers for Disease Control and Preven-
tion estimated this figure to be $892.7 million, approximately $713,000
per woman.
Willman’s (2007) review of Fortune 1000 companies indicated that
49 percent of corporate leaders indicated intimate partner violence had
harmful effects on the organization’s productivity. In addition, 47 per-
cent indicated the violence had a harmful impact on attendance. Forty-
four percent said the violence was harmful to their health care costs
and therefore, intimate partner violence impacts their bottom lines.
ORGANIZATIONS’ USE OF ‘‘REASONABLE CARE’’

IN DEALING WITH INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE AS A
WORKPLACE ISSUE
‘‘Reasonable care,’’ adapted from rulings in Burlington Industries, Inc.
v. Ellerth (1998) and Faragher v. City of Boca Raton (1998) includes the
following at a minimum:
1. Establish and enforce an effective policy.

2. Establish and enforce effective investigative procedures.
3. Facilitate training in intimate partner violence as a workplace issue in
general and in the organization’s policy and procedures specifically.
These cases focused on sexual harassment; however, the Equal

Employment Opportunity Commission (1999) has maintained that
these basic standards apply to ‘‘all types of prohibited harassment.’’
We pursue an institutional level of analysis to explain the prevalence
of intimate partner violence as a workplace issue. We thus focus on
educational, psychotherapeutic, legal, management, and sociocultural
factors in understanding intimate partner violence that spills over to
the workplace. We also discuss the importance of social science
research in helping organizations understand why intimate partner vio-
lence exists, including issues of power and control (also see McHugh &
Frieze, 2006). We thus integrate management theory, case law, and
social science research to effectively enforce policies and procedures in
an atmosphere of trust that encourages individuals to come forth with
their experiences of intimate partner violence.
EMPLOYERS BEING PUT ON NOTICE ABOUT

INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE
In Swanberg and Logan’s (2005) research, 46 percent of women in
their sample informed their supervisors or managers about the intimate
partner violence they were experiencing. Thus, 54 percent of the women
decided not to disclose the abuse. Furthermore, 43 percent of the women
informed one of their coworkers about the battering; 57 percent did not
do so. Swanberg and Logan also reported that those women who did
inform their coworkers or managers received support with having their
phone calls screened and physical protection from their batterer.
We note that women who did not disclose their victimization at
work did so because they feared losing their job, were ashamed of
being battered, wanted to deal with the battering themselves, were
ashamed of their appearance, and were frightened (Paludi & Paludi,
2000). In addition, women who received support from their employer
did eventually resign because they were forced by their mate/spouse
to stop working and/or because of the stress of fearing their mate/
spouse would come to their workplace (Swanberg & Logan, 2005).
We discuss the following prevention strategies to assist organiza-
tions in assisting employees who are victims of intimate partner vio-
lence: primary; secondary; and tertiary. Primary prevention strategies
include the development and enforcement of policies, investigatory
procedures, and training programs on intimate partner violence aware-
ness and the organization’s policy. Secondary prevention strategies
include facilitating individualized training with employees who are at
high risk for being victims. Finally, tertiary prevention includes work-
ing with victims of violence, providing counseling services for them.
Each of these strategies is addressed in the following sections.
PRIMARY PREVENTION STRATEGIES

Policies and Procedures
Policies that establish a zero-tolerance for workplace violence and inti-
mate partner violence in the workplace require more than a general
statement against the behavior (Barling, Rogers, & Kelloway, 2001;
Paludi, Nydegger, & Paludi, 2006; Swanberg, Macke, & Logan, 2007). They
require the efforts and support of management at all levels and contin-
ual training of all employees (to be discussed later in this chapter), as
well as procedures that encourage employees to disclose their victimiza-
tion to the organization (Kelly & Mullen, 2006). All employees would
benefit from a workplace climate of respect and cooperation.
COMPONENTS OF POLICIES AND PROCEDURES

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2009) and Society
for Human Resource Management (2009) recommend an explicit policy
statement and investigatory procedures for assisting victims of intimate

partner violence. Components of effective policy statements are the fol-
lowing (Paludi, Nydegger & Paludi, 2006):
a. Statement of Purpose
b. Legal Definition
c. Behavioral Examples
d. Statement Concerning Impact of Intimate Partner Violence on Individuals
and Workplace
e. Statement of Individual’s Responsibility in Notifying Employer
f. Statement of Workplace’s Responsibility in Assisting Employee
g. Statement Concerning Confidentiality of Complaint Procedures
h. Statement Concerning Sanctions Available
i. Statement Regarding Retaliation
j. Statement of Sanctions for Retaliation
k. Statement Concerning False Complaints
l. Identification and Background of Individual(s)
DEALING WITH INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE

IN THE WORKPLACE
An important consideration for the policy is whether it sets a tone of
appropriate seriousness and concern for employees’ rights. Thus, the
policy needs to specify the types of behaviors that are prohibited in the
workplace and the potential consequences of these behaviors should
they occur. Paludi, Nydegger and Paludi (2006) and Occupational Safety
and Health Association (OSHA; 2009) recommend the policy including a
Personalized Safety Plan for victims of intimate partner violence that
outlines the employers’ responsibility in assisting victims. Components
to include in this Personalized Safety Plan include the following:
a. Providing receptionists and the building’s security officer with a photograph

and description of the batterer.
b. Screening the employee’s visitors and phone calls.
c. Accompanying the employee to and from their cars.
d. Permitting the employee to park close to the office building.
e. Having a formal notification letter be sent to the batterer by the president
of the organization that indicates their presence on the company prem-
ises will result in an arrest since the employee has a restraining order on
the batterer.
f. Providing referrals for individual counseling.
A sample policy statement and personalized safety plan are pre-

sented in Appendix 1 and Appendix 2. Additional suggestions for
safety plans may be found in Lundberg-Love and Marmion (2006).
We caution employers however, to be careful in implementing these

procedures since they may put employees’ safety at risk. As Wilman
(2007) discussed:
Abusers, who have anger and control problems, often perceive such
efforts as a conspiracy between the employer and the victim. They
become frustrated, angry, and feel out of control when employers make
it difficult for them to access their victims. (p. 7)
Paludi, Nydegger, and Paludi (2006) have identified components

for effective complaint procedures for organizations. Empirical
research has indicated that employees will feel more encouraged to
discuss their experiences with intimate partner violence when they
understand what the process entails (Swanberg et al., 2006). Thus,
employees must be given accurate and adequate information about
disclosing their victimization, written in understandable language and
terms. Failure to provide such information makes the policy statement
inhibitive.
Components of effective procedures include all of the following at a
minimum:
a. Informing employees that the workplace will not ignore any disclosure
of intimate partner violence.
b. Informing employees that the employer will not make determinations
about the employee victim based on the reputations or organizational
status of the employee involved.
c. Informing employees that they will respond promptly to any incident of
intimate partner violence.
d. Informing employees that witnesses to incidents and/or to changes in
the employee’s behavior will be interviewed.
Paludi and Paludi also recommended that:
a. The policy statement should be made available in languages in addition

to English for individuals and their support systems for whom English
is not their first language.
b. The policy statement must be made available in Braille and in large type
as well as be made available on audio tape.
TRAINING PROGRAMS
For Managers
Paludi and Paludi recommended that human resource specialists
facilitate training programs for managers in two sections: (a) to
provide information on intimate partner violence awareness, e.g. defi-

nitions, incidence, impact on victims and the workplace and (b) the
organization’s policy and procedures so that managers know their
rights and responsibilities with respect to assisting employees who
are victims of intimate partner violence. Lee (cited in Gurchiek, 2005)
noted that ‘‘employers should provide an atmosphere for disclosure’’
since victims feel ashamed, embarrassed, and are fearful of losing
their job.
Results from research by Swanberg et al. (2006) indicated that
women who chose not to disclose the intimate partner violence to their
employer did so because of stigma associated with the violence (e.g.,
embarrassed, ashamed, fear of being judged), safety related (e.g.,
threatened by the abuser not to tell anyone about the violence, didn’t
want coworkers to become involved) and work-environment-related
(e.g., didn’t know anyone to tell about the violence, couldn’t trust co-
workers and supervisors with the disclosure, and the abuser also
worked for the same organization). We recommend these findings be
made part of the training for managers so they can understand reasons
for silence and reasons why the employer must be supportive to vic-
tims of intimate partner violence.
We also believe it is important to train managers about why victims
of intimate partner violence do disclose the abuse at work. Women in
Swanberg et al. (2006)’s research who did report the intimate partner
violence at work indicated doing so because they needed to talk about
the abuse and because their coworker in whom they confided was also
a friend. Women who disclosed at work also did so as a way to explain
absences and tardiness, to request time off from work to attend court
proceedings or to answer a supervisor or coworker who inquired about
any potential abuse. Furthermore, some women disclosed at work
because they feared for their lives and wanted a coworker or super-
visor to know about the abuse in case of their death. These findings
can assist managers in setting up a welcoming and safe environment
for all employees so they feel encouraged to report abuse.
Swanberg et al. (2006) noted that women victims of intimate partner
violence who disclosed the abuse at work fared better in terms of hav-
ing longer job tenure, low job-quitting rates, and higher wages. Thus, it
is important to inform managers (and employee victims) that disclosing
the intimate partner violence at work does not translate into employees
losing their jobs.
Paludi, Nydegger, and Paludi (2006) identified the following compo-
nents of effective training program for managers:
a. Ways to encourage employees to report problems.

b. Skills in behaving compassionately and supportively to employees who
disclose intimate partner violence.
c. Skills in handling crises.

d. Basic emergency procedures.
In addition, Paludi and Paludi (2000) recommended including a unit

in the training programs for managers that deal with stereotypes, what
Grothues and Marmion (2006) refer to as ‘‘dismantling the myths’’
about intimate partner violence, including blaming women for their
victimization, believing intimate partner violence is a rare occurrence,
that women are masochistic and ask for the victimization, that intimate
partner violence is about sex, not power, and that intimate partner vio-
lence only occurs among poor families.
Paludi and Paludi also recommended that training programs on inti-
mate partner violence be separate from training on workplace violence
in general. Examples of policies, procedures, and training programs
may be found in Paludi, Nydegger, and Paludi (2006) and on OSHA’s
Web page, www.osha.gov.
For Threat Assessment Team

OSHA (2009) has recommended the use of threat assessment teams
or crisis intervention teams that receive, evaluate, and respond to
threats in the workplace. Members of these teams include management
and labor as well as security, human resources, legal, and operations
personnel. The teams are trained to implement policies of the com-
pany. They must not intervene inappropriately or endanger employees
by their responses. As Paludi, Nydegger, and Paludi (2006) noted,
these teams may be feared by employees as ‘‘secret police’’ spying on
employees to try to get them fired:
The following steps can be implemented to insure that these teams are
effective and appropriate: (1) an inclusive group of employees to repre-
sent the organization should be selected and (2) training that offers legal,
management, and psychological perspectives should be provided to the
team on a periodic basis. (p. 92)
OSHA (2009) also recommends training for the company’s threat

assessment team to deal with situations as they emerge. These teams
must receive continuing training on issues related to intimate partner
violence. Their training is identical to the components identified for
managerial training. In addition, OSHA recommends that:
a. These teams need to be professionally competent and know what to do

and when to call for help.
b. All members need to know the other team members and their individual
jobs very well.
c. They should role-play and practice a wide variety of potential problem

situations.
d. They should have frequent meetings and ongoing training.
For Employees
Paludi and Paludi recommend the same components of the training
program for managers be provided to employees as well. In addition,
employee training should include a discussion about the personalized
safety plans and the role of the EAP in assisting victims of intimate
partner violence. Emphasis should be placed on ensuring the employer
will take each victim seriously and will provide assistance to the victi-
mized employee.
We also recommend including in the training program for employ-
ees a discussion on ways they can assist coworkers who are victims of
intimate partner violence, including being alerted to changes in the
individuals’ behavior. In addition, training in how to respond to a co-
worker who confides in employees should be provided, including
listening without judging, recognizing the difficulty it took for an indi-
vidual to discuss the topic of intimate partner violence, and being an
advocate for the employee by referring them to human resources, a
manager, or the EAP. We also advise that intimate partner violence be
part of all new employee orientations. As Swanberg et al. (2006) noted:
Educating employees about partner violence could help to demystify the

disgrace associated with this social problem and consequently help reduce
or eliminate the risk of partner violence entering into the workplace. (p. 574)
PEDAGOGICAL TECHNIQUES
The pedagogical techniques that have been recommended in the lit-
erature (e.g., Paludi & Paludi, 2000) for training programs are ones
that:
1. Empower employees.
2. Encourage employees to think strategically.
3. Assist employees in communicating effectively with employees.
4. Manage conflict in the workplace.
The interactive pedagogy encompasses adult learning principles.

Research in educational psychology (Slavin, 2008) has identified that
adults prefer learning situations that:
a. Are practical and problem-centered.

b. Promote their positive self esteem.
c. Integrate new ideas with existing knowledge.

d. Show respect for the individual learner.
e. Capitalize on their experience.
f. Allow choice and self-direction.
We recommend facilitating the training in the following ways:
a. Provide overviews, summaries, case studies, and behavioral rehearsals

to link research to practice.
b. Use collaborative, authentic problem-solving activities.
c. Assist individuals in becoming more effective and confident through
guided practice and establishing routines.
d. Ask individuals what they would like to know about the training topic.
e. Provide a quality, well-organized, differentiated experience that uses
time effectively and efficiently.
The major objective of the training modules and pedagogical techni-

ques is to facilitate transference to the workplace. We recommend
accomplishing this goal by:
a. Association: having participants associate the new information with

something with which they are already knowledgeable.
b. Similarity: presenting information that is similar to material that
participants already know; i.e., it revisits a logical framework or
pattern.
c. Degree of original learning: the degree of original learning for the partic-
ipants was high.
d. Critical attribute element: the information learned by the participants
contains elements that are extremely beneficial and/or critical on the
job.
We do not recommend Web-based training programs for teaching

employees about intimate partner violence. This pedagogy generates
high levels of employees’ acquisition and retention of the material pre-
sented (Frisbie, 2002; Goldstein & Ford, 2002) as well as offers fast-
paced learning. However, Web-based training can create frustration in
employees who are not computer literate, who would prefer learning
from an individual, not a computer, and because the issue is emotion-
ally laden and therefore sensitive (Dessler, 2009). We do recommend
the use of behavioral rehearsal with case studies with managers, asking
their input on how to handle an incident presented to them. Discussion
of their responses must include providing critical evaluation of their
behavior, including whether or not they are following the organiza-
tion’s policy.
NEEDS ASSESSMENTS
In keeping with the literature in human resource management (e.g.,
Barbazette, 2006; DeCenzo & Robbins, 2007) we recommend conducting a
needs assessment with employees to identify additional issues they expect
to be covered in a training session. Brown (2002) identified four reasons
why needs assessments must be conducted prior to facilitating training
programs: (1) identify problem areas in the company, (2) obtain manage-
ment support, (3) develop data for measuring the effectiveness of the
training program, and (4) determine the costs and benefits of the training
program. Needs assessments may be conducted through anonymous sur-
veys and/or focus groups (Lucier, 2008; Tyler, 2002). We recommend the
following process (also see Levy & Paludi, 2002):
1. Ask individuals to provide answers to questions regarding discrimina-

tion in the workplace via an anonymous mail survey.
2. Facilitate 2-hour focus groups with self-identified employees (no more
than 15-20 per session) to elicit in-depth responses. Structured interview
questions for individuals who participate in the focus groups center
around employees’ goals for training, including their needs with regard
to better understanding intimate partner violence and individuals with
viewpoints different from their own.
3. Analyze responses from the previous steps using qualitative and quanti-
tative analyses.
4. Prepare a written report that summarizes the needs assessment, includ-
ing suggestions for the following:
. How to increase awareness
. Ways to examine attitudes
. Alternatives to stereotyping
. Methods of supportive action
5. Make recommendations for post-training evaluations (to be discussed
subsequently in this chapter).
The main goal of the needs assessment therefore is to obtain informa-

tion concerning the manner in which intimate partner violence is
addressed in the organizational climate of the company, including topics
such as empowerment, the establishment of mutual trust and respect,
methods of inclusion or exclusion, and verbal and nonverbal communica-
tion. The process of the assessment will be consistent with the goal of the
training programs in which the employees will subsequently participate.
POSTTRAINING EVALUATIONS
In further keeping with the human resource management literature,
we highlight the necessity of conducting posttraining evaluations.
Measuring the effectiveness of training programs in intimate partner

violence as a workplace issue is an important aspect of the training
program so that the organization may determine if the training deliv-
ered or failed to deliver the expected organizational benefits. The mea-
sures of success for the training programs in intimate partner violence
are ones identified in the needs assessment phase. Issues in the mea-
surement phase can be discussed in two phases: types of information
about which to measure and ways to measure whether or not the train-
ing effort achieved its goals. It is not enough to merely assume that
any training an organization offers, even if it is legally mandated, is
effective. The transfer of knowledge from the training room to the
workplace is the most important measure of success.
The most wellknown model for determining the effectiveness of
training programs is the Kirkpatrick Model (1959, 1998) that is com-
prised of four levels: reaction, learning, behavior, and results. Results
concerns the benefits resulted from training. Behavior taps into what
extent trainees change their behavior, back in the workplace as a result
of this training. The learning level asks to what extent trainees
improved their knowledge and skills and changed their attitudes as a
result of the training programs. Finally, the reaction component deter-
mines trainees’ opinions about the structure of the training program,
location of the program, trainer effectiveness, and so on.
The most commonly used level of the Kirkpatrick Model is the reac-
tions level. However, this is the least valid evaluation technique (Tan,
Hall, & Boyce, 2003). Individuals’ opinions are heavily influenced by
factors that may have little to do with the training effectiveness. By
measuring reactions, organizations do not obtain information regarding
employees’ learning, how well they are integrating the new knowledge
and skills on their job, or whether there has been increased disclosure
of intimate partner violence posttraining.
Common performance-based evaluations that incorporate any of the
Kirkpatrick Model levels are posttraining, pre-post training, pre-post
training performance with control group, and the Solomon Four Group
Design. We encourage the reader to review Graziano and Raulin, 1996,
for additional information.
We recommend using an ‘‘ecological approach’’ for conducting
training programs on intimate partner violence (Paludi & Paludi, 2003).
This approach stresses that training be facilitated in a sequence that
ensures optimum assistance for all parties. The sequence is as follows:
Individuals hearing reports of intimate partner violence
Counselors in EAP
President and administrators
Managers and supervisors
Employees
We suggest report persons and counselors be trained initially so that

employees will have an outlet for disclosing intimate partner violence
and receiving emotional support. Typically flashbacks can occur during
training programs; we want to ensure employees have trained individ-
uals who can assist them with these experiences.
ADDITIONAL HUMAN RESOURCE RESPONSIBILITIES

We note the importance of ensuring that victims of intimate partner
violence not be retaliated against on other human resource functions
(Lemon, 2001; Randel & Wells, 2003). For example, employee victims
should not be identified as ‘‘tardy’’ or absent if they have to go to
counseling, court, physicians’ appointments, and so on. In addition,
performance appraisals should not penalize employee victims on time
management, absenteeism, and so on. While managers may not fully
be aware of the employees’ situation, the human resource department
must ensure protection for employee victims.
Furthermore, employers must abide by the General Duty Clause
of OSHA, which states that the employer has to provide a safe and
healthy workplace free from violence for all its employees. Employ-
ers should also provide family and medical leave to employee vic-
tims. Organizations that recognize the need and adapt work to
employees’ lives will assist employee victims as well as win all
employees’ loyalty and thus have a competitive edge (Eastman,
1998, Paludi, et al., volume 3 of this book set). Organizations with
family-friendly policies report less stress for employees, lower ab-
senteeism, higher morale, positive publicity, improved work satisfac-
tion, lower turnover rate, staffing over a wide range of hours, child
care hours that conform to work hours, and access to quality infant,
child, and elder care (Frone & Yardley, 1996; Paludi & Neidermeyer,
2006).
Examples of family friendly policies for victims of intimate partner
violence include flexible work hours, on-site health services, time off/
career break, and workplace relocation that provide employees with
the opportunity to continue working for their employer at a safer and
anonymous job site (Paludi, Vaccariello, Graham, Smith, Allen-Dicker,
& Kasprzak, 2006; Swanberg et al., 2006). Examples of such policies are
found in Paludi and Paludi (2006).
In addition, educational materials may be developed for distribution
and posting throughout the workplace, including posters with tear-off
tabs containing hotline phone numbers.
We also note that an intimate batterer may be a coworker of the em-
ployee victim. We recommend employers consider adopting a consen-
sual relationship policy (also see Paludi, Nydegger, & Paludi, 2006).
We recognize that consensual relationships are not illegal, but they do

cause difficulties for organizations because:
a. The situation involves one person exerting power over another.

b. The seduction of a much younger individual is usually involved.
c. Conflict of interest issues arise, e.g. how can a supervisor fairly
evaluate an employee with whom she/he is having a sexual relation-
ship?
d. The potential for exploitation and abuse is high.
e. The potential for retaliatory harassment is high when the sexual relation-
ship ceases.
f. Other individuals may be affected and make accusations of favoritism
(Paludi, Nydegger & Paludi, 2006, pp. 79-80).
Sample consensual relationship policies may be found in Paludi and

Barickman (1998).
We recommend the implementation of engineering solutions to
assist with intimate partner violence as well as workplace violence in
general (Middelkoop, Gilhooley, Ruepp, Polikoski, & Paludi, 2008).
Examples of engineering solutions include:
Controlling or limiting access to work areas after dark

Creating clear escape routes
Installing locks on doors that lead to ‘‘staff only’’ areas like break or lunch
rooms
Employee identification badges
Increased lighting
Video surveillance
Alarm systems
Buddy system
On-site guard services
Weapons policy
Coded card keys for access
Equip field staff with cellular phones and daily work plans
Providing a portable ‘‘panic button’’ for each employee
Providing handheld alarms.
Security staff are also important in prevention strategies, including:
a. Working with administrators to improve the security level of the build-

ings, grounds, and parking lots.
b. Serving as the liaison with local law enforcement.
c. Serving as the company’s security experts, providing administrators with
a risk management analysis.
d. Serving as the company’s technologies experts with respect to engineer-

ing solutions.
e. Assisting with conducting effective background checks as part of the
employment process.
f. Coordinate electronic surveillance, building security with global posi-
tioning, communications, etc. with local law enforcement to provide
quicker response times.
g. Install voice activated and Braille security call boxes.
h. Ensure a company-wide emergency notification system in the event of
violence on site, including the parking lot.
THE EAP
EAPs can offer the following services in primary prevention of inti-
mate partner violence as well as workplace violence in general (see
Paludi, Nydegger, & Paludi, 2006):
a. Providing short term counseling to managers and employees.

b. Providing referrals for counseling outside of the workplace.
c. Consulting with and training Threat Assessment Team.
d. Training managers to deal with employee victims without diagnosing
the employee.
e. Providing referrals for legal counseling.
f. Providing referrals for financial counseling.
g. Determining whether the employee has sought and/or obtained a pro-
tective order against the abusive partner.
h. Working closely with human resources to monitor the employee victim
in order to protect their safety.
Paludi, Nydegger, and Paludi (2006) outlined steps companies

should take for emergency action plans, including:
a. Procedures for getting help.

b. Emergency escape procedures and routes for every person and for every
place in the company.
c. Identification of personnel with training needed to perform medical
duties.
d. Training for employees on how to deal with violence and how to use
the emergency action plan.
e. Procedures for calling for medical assistance.
f. Procedures for notifying law enforcement.
g. Procedures for securing the area after a violent event.
h. Procedures for accounting for all employees after a violent event.
We thus take the approach that intimate partner violence that

spills over into the workplace is the responsibility of all members of an
organization.
SECONDARY AND TERTIARY PREVENTION

Relying on the symptomatology of victims of intimate partner vio-
lence reviewed in this chapter we can assist employees we believe are
at risk for violence as well as those who have disclosed the abuse.
The American Bar Association Commission on Domestic Violence
(1999) also noted the following observable behavior that may suggest
possible intimate partner abuse that may be helpful for secondary pre-
vention measures (p. 16). We recommend providing this listing to
managers as well during training on intimate partner violence as a
workplace issue:
a. Unexplained tardiness and absences.

b. Unplanned use of leave time.
c. Lack of concentration.
d. A tendency to remain isolated from coworkers or reluctance to partici-
pate in social events.
e. Discomfort when communicating with others.
f. Disruptive phone calls or e-mail.
g. Frequent financial problems indicating lack of access to money.
h. Unexplained bruises or injuries.
i. Noticeable change in use of makeup (to cover up injuries).
j. Inappropriate clothes (e.g., sunglasses worn inside the building, turtle-
neck worn in the summer).
k. Sudden changes of address or reluctance to divulge where she is
staying.
l. Court appearances.
The EAP counselor can assist employee victims with conflict

resolution, providing guidance about options and procedures, e.g.,
domestic violence shelter, providing emotional support for concerns
about disclosing victim status to the employer, short term counseling,
referral services, and countering myths about causes of violence with
realities.
We also recommend EAP counselors discussing the cycle of violence
with employee victims (Walker, 1979). The three phases of the cycle of
violence are as follows: In the tension-building phase, there are batter-
ing incidents. The victim attempts to avoid escalation of the battering
by calming her mate and by staying away from him. However, the
tension builds too high to be controlled by these efforts and the bat-
terer responds with an acute battering incident in the second phase of
the cycle. In the final phase, the tension from the first two phases has
ceased and the batterer becomes apologetic and charming toward the
victim. The level of violence increases both in frequency and severity
as the relationship continues.
CONCLUSION
Sexual, racial, gender violence and other forms of discrimination and vio-
lence in a culture cannot be eliminated without changing culture.
—Charlotte Bunch
The Partnership for Prevention (2002) reported that most employers
do not have a defined policy and procedures for dealing with intimate
partner violence that spills over into the workplace. Smaller companies
are less likely to include a policy on intimate partner violence than
larger ones. Services that are most commonly offered by companies
have included victim referral services, security precautions, and educa-
tional materials, e.g., posters, brochures. Roper’s (2002) study of the Liz
Claiborne survey of Fortune 1000 senior executives and managers indi-
cated that victim resources were the only focus of these employers’
attention to intimate partner violence, including emergency counseling
services, employee benefits that covered the costs of medical assistance,
and referrals to organizations that deal with intimate partner violence.
We have offered recommendations in this chapter to assist workplaces
in implementing effective interventions in intimate partner violence. We
borrow from the Higher Education Center’s (Langford, 2006, p. 5) sugges-
tions for campus violence in that workplace interventions must be:
Prevention-focused
Comprehensive
Planned and evaluated
Strategic and targeted, using results from a risk assessment of the vulner-
ability of the workplace
Research-based
Multicomponent
Coordinated and synergistic, ensuring all prevention and response efforts
complement and reinforce each other
Multisectoral and collaborative, involving campus stakeholders, including
counselors and advisors
Supported by infrastructure and institutional commitment
In order for these recommendations for primary, secondary, and

tertiary prevention strategies to be successful, there must be support
and initiative from the president of the organization. Without this
commitment, the prevention strategies will not be effectively imple-

mented, contributing to employees believing the organization is not
seriously committed to the issue of intimate partner violence and thus
being silenced about their experiences with this abuse. Furthermore, as
we have suggested in this chapter, dealing with intimate partner vio-
lence as a workplace issue must be based on a multidisciplinary team
approach, including human resources, EAP, security, managers, law
enforcement, attorneys, and employees themselves. Unions may also
assist by supporting the company’s intimate partner violence policy,
facilitating training on intimate partner violence for new stewards/del-
egates, and ensuring all employees have received the company’s policy
and have been trained on intimate partner violence.
We also recommend organizations conducting a safety audit to
determine whether the prevention strategies are working effectively
(Smith & Mazin, 2004), including conducting anonymous organization
climate surveys to inquire about employees’ perceptions of the com-
pany’s commitment to dealing with intimate partner violence. A safety
audit would include:
a. Building security (e.g., automatic locked doors? Security guards on duty

for all shifts?)
b. Visitors (e.g., sign in guests with guard?)
c. Health services (e.g., EAP, wellness center?)
The audit will uncover disconnects between the workplaces policies,

procedures, and practices and what the workplace wants to achieve in
terms of meeting the needs of victims of intimate partner violence.
Results from the audit and climate survey must be used to understand
the reason for employees’ perceptions and to correct the policies, proce-
dures, and training, and ensure employees feel safe disclosing the abuse.
Recommendations can be prioritized based upon the risk level assigned
to each item: high (required immediate attention), medium (required to
be dealt with in a short time frame), and low (suggestions to make the
practices more efficient). From this risk matrix, a workplace security
plan can be developed to address the most pressing issues first (Crouhy,
Galai, & Mark, 2005). We hope workplaces will find the recommenda-
tions in this chapter useful in meeting their goal of helping victims of
intimate partner violence so Jerry Moran’s sentiment becomes a reality:
Through education, improved funding and support, we can continue to

work together to provide safe environments for victims and end the cycle
of domestic violence.
Additional resources to assist organizations meeting this goal are

presented in Appendix 4.
APPENDIX 1: SAMPLE POLICY ON INTIMATE PARTNER

VIOLENCE AS A WORKPLACE CONCERN
Employees of _____ must be able to work in an atmosphere of mu-
tual respect and trust. As a place of work, _____ should be free of vio-
lence and all forms of intimidation and exploitation. _____ is
concerned and committed to our employees’ safety and health. The
Firm refuses to tolerate violence in our workplace.
_____ has issued a policy prohibiting violence in the workplace. We
have a zero tolerance for workplace violence.
_____ also will make every effort to prevent violent acts in this
workplace perpetrated by spouses, mates, or lovers. The Firm is com-
mitted to dealing with intimate partner violence as a workplace issue.
_____ has a zero tolerance for intimate partner violence.
Intimate Partner Violence: Definition

Intimate partner violence—also referred to as domestic violence, bat-
tering, spouse abuse, spousal assault, and intimate partner abuse—is a
global health problem. This victimization is defined as violence
between adults who are intimates, regardless of their marital status,
living arrangements, or sexual orientations. Such violence includes
throwing, shoving, and slapping as well as beatings, forced sex, threats
with a deadly weapon, and homicide.
Intimate Partner Violence: Myths and Realities

Myth: Intimate partner violence affects a small percentage of employees.
Reality: Approximately 5 million employees are battered each year
in the United States. Intimate partner violence is the leading cause of
injury and workplace death to women in the United States.
Myth: People must enjoy the battering since they rarely leave the
abusive relationship.
Reality: Very often victims of battering do leave the relationship.
Women and men remain in a battering relationship not because they
are masochistic, but for several well-founded reasons, e.g.,
. Threats to their lives and the lives of their children, especially after they
have tried to leave the batterer
. Fear of not getting custody of their children
. Financial dependence
. Feeling of responsibility for keeping the relationship together
. Lack of support from family and friends
. The batterer is not always violent
. They still love the batterer
Myth: Individuals who batter abuse their partners because they are
under a great deal of stress, including being unemployed.
Reality: Stress does not cause individuals to batter their partners. So-
ciety condones partner abuse. In addition, individuals who batter learn
they can achieve their goals through the use of force without facing
consequences.
Myth: Children are not affected by watching their parents in a bat-
tering relationship.
Reality: Children are often in the middle of domestic violence. They
may be abused by the violent parent. Children may also grow up to
repeat the same behavior patterns they witnessed in their parents.
Myth: There are no long-term consequences of battering.
Reality: There are significant long-term consequences of battering,
including depression, anger, fear, anxiety, irritability, loss of self-esteem,
feelings of humiliation and alienation, and a sense of vulnerability.
Myth: Intimate partner violence only occurs in poor and minority
families.
Reality: Intimate partner violence occurs among all socioeconomic
classes and all racial and ethnic groups.
Services Offered by _____ for Employees who are Victims of

Intimate Partner Violence
_____ will offer the following services for our employees who are
victims of intimate partner violence:
. Provide receptionists and building security officer with a photograph of

the batterer and a description of the batterer
. Screen employee’s calls
. Screen employee’s visitors
. Accompany the employee to her/his car, subway, bus stop
. Permit the employee to park close to the office building if required
. When there is a restraining order, _____ will send a formal notification to
the batterer that indicates that his/her presence on the Firm’s premises
will result in arrest
. Referrals for individual counseling
Training programs dealing with intimate partner violence will be

facilitated annually for managers and employees.
Members of the Threat Assessment Team you may contact to discuss
intimate partner violence are:
Name ____________________ Phone Number ____________________
APPENDIX 2: SAMPLE PERSONALIZED SAFETY PLAN

Name:
Date Completed:
1. I can inform my immediate supervisor, security, human resources and

_____ at work that I am a victim of intimate partner violence.
2. I can ask _____to help me screen my telephone calls at work.
3. When leaving work, I can walk with _____to my car or the bus stop. I
can park my car where I will feel safest getting in and out of the car.
4. If I have problems while driving home, I can__________.
5. If I use public transit, I can __________________.
6. I can go to different grocery stores and shopping malls to conduct my
business and shop at hours that are different from those I kept when
residing with my battering partner.
7. I can use a different bank and go at hours that are different from those I
kept when residing with my battering partner.
8. I can use _____ as my code word to alert my coworkers when I am in
danger so they will call for help.
Important Telephone Numbers

Police: 911 and _____
Domestic Violence Shelter:
District Attorney’s Office:
My Supervisor’s Home Phone Number:
My Clergy Contact’s Phone Number:
Human Resources:
Security:
Other:
____________________
____________________
APPENDIX 3: SAMPLE TRAINING PROGRAM FOR MANAGERS

Goals of Training
To:
a. Provide information about the incidence and psychological dimensions

of intimate partner violence.
b. Discuss the impact of intimate partner violence on individuals and the
workplace.
c. Distinguish between myths and realities regarding intimate partner vio-
lence.
d. Discuss reasons employees will disclose and not disclose intimate part-
ner violence at work.
e. Provide information on ways the workplace can encourage disclosure

regarding intimate partner violence.
f. Discuss workplace’s policy statement on intimate partner violence.
g. Discuss the role of the EAP, security, unions in assisting victims of
intimate partner violence.
h. Discuss characteristics of perpetrators of intimate partner violence.
At the conclusion of the training program, managers will be able to:
a. Assess their own stereotypes and hidden biases regarding intimate part-
ner violence.
b. Adequately label emotional, physical, interpersonal, and career impacts
of intimate partner violence on individuals and the workplace.
c. Identify employees’ rights and responsibilities to disclose intimate part-
ner violence at the workplace.
d. Adequately assist employees who wish to disclose intimate partner
violence.
Topics for Presentation and Discussion

Introduction to training session and goals of training
Case presented to managers, managers offer opinions related to case
Discussion of case
Myths related to intimate partner violence:
Intimate partner violence is a rare event.

Intimate partner violence is about sex.
Women are masochistic and ask to be abused.
Intimate partner violence only includes physical assault.
Intimate partner violence only occurs in poor families.
Intimate partner violence only occurs in heterosexual couples.
Myths vs. realities
Definition of intimate partner violence.

Incidence of intimate partner violence.
Sex vs. power in intimate partner violence.
Reasons why women remain in battering relationships.
Verbal and physical examples of intimate partner violence.
Sex, ethnic, racial, and socioeconomic status related to intimate partner
violence.
Sexual orientation and intimate partner violence.
Psychological issues in disclosing or not disclosing intimate partner

violence in the workplace.
Pre-work, during work and after work threats by perpetrators.

Impact of intimate partner violence on victims.
Emotional symptoms
Physical symptoms
Behavioral symptoms
Organizational symptoms
Impact of intimate partner violence on coworkers.

Impact of intimate partner violence on workplace.
Factors contributing to intimate partner violence.
Behavioral risk factors
Social and cultural factors
Personal and psychological factors
Characteristics of perpetrators of intimate partner violence.

Managing intimate partner violence in the workplace.
Workplace’s policy and procedures
Workplace’s role in responding to disclosure of intimate partner violence
Identifying security procedures
Personalized safety plans
Referring employees to the EAP
Ensuring victims are not discriminated against on performance appraisals, etc.
Encouraging disclosure: Keeping stereotypes and biases in check
Discussion of case
General discussion
APPENDIX 4: RESOURCES ON INTIMATE PARTNER

VIOLENCE AS A WORKPLACE ISSUE
Abusive Men Exploring New Directions
www.amendinc.org
American Bar Association Commission on Domestic Violence
www.abanet.org/domviol/home.html
American Domestic Violence Crisis Line
www.awoscentral.com
American Psychological Association
www.apa.org
Asian and Pacific Islander Institute on Domestic Violence
www.apiahf.org/apidvinstitute
Battered Women’s Justice Project
www.bwjp.org
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

www.cdc.gov
Department of Justice Violence Against Women Office
www.ojp.usdoj.gov/vawo
Domestic Violence Clearinghouse and Legal Hotline
www.stoptheviolence.org
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
www.eeoc.org
Family Violence Prevention Fund
Endabuse.org
Institute on Domestic Violence in the African American Community
www.dvinstitute.org
National Center for Victims of Crime
www.ncvc.org
National Center on Domestic and Sexual Violence
www.ncdsv.org
National Coalition Against Domestic Violence
www.ncadv.org
National Domestic Violence Hotline
www.ndvh.org
National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health
www.niosh.gov
National Latino Alliance for the Elimination of Domestic Violence
www.dvalianza.org
National Organization for Women
www.now.org
National Resource Center on Domestic Violence
www.nrcdv.org
Occupational Safety and Health Association
www.osha.gov
Safe at Work Coalition
www.safeatworkcoalition.org
Society for Human Resource Management
www.shrm.org
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
www.4woman.gov/violence/index.cfm
Violence Against Women Office
www.ovw.usdoj.gov
Violence Prevention
www.ama-assn.org/ama/pub/category/3242.html
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Chapter 6
From Victim to Empowered Survivor:

Feminist Therapy with Survivors of
Rape and Sexual Assault
Avigail Moor
Sexual violence against women is a widespread phenomenon affecting

a large percentage of women. According to available data, approxi-
mately 20 to 40 percent of all women will experience some form of sex-
ual assault during their lifetime (Casey & Nurius, 2006; Koss, 1983;
Koss & Harvey, 1991; Moor, 2009). Rape and other forms of sexual vio-
lence are traumatic experiences that commonly result in severe psycho-
logical sequelae. These include posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD),
depression, anxiety, loss of meaning, self-devaluation, shame, and
impaired sexual functioning (Angell, 1994; Burnam, Stein, Golding, &
Siegel, 1988; Foa & Rothbaum, 1998; Gilbert, 1994; Herman, 1992;
Jaycox, Zoellner, & Foa, 2002; Lebowitz & Roth, 1994).
While the posttraumatic aspects of the clinical presentation of rape
survivors are similar to those noted in the aftermath of other types of
trauma (Foa & Rothbaum, 1998; Jaycox et al, 2002; Meadows & Foa,
1998), many of the additional symptoms observed are rape-specific and
socially determined (Koss & Harvey, 1991; Lebowitz & Roth, 1994; Moor,
2007). Sexual violence against women occurs in a very particular social
context, characterized by prejudiced, victim-blaming attitudes toward
survivors that fault, shame, and isolate the victim of the assault. Thus,
rather than receiving social support and comfort, as is typical in the case
of most other forms of trauma, victims of sexual violence are often
scorned and abandoned. This can lead to extreme levels of self-blame,
guilt, and shame, which incessantly torment victims of sexual violence.
Although some form of self-blame is common to the experience of

trauma in general, the particularly insidious rape-specific self-disdain is
incremental to the more customary self-blame, and a serious complica-
tion to recovery. Yet this reality is frequently overlooked in therapies
uninformed by the social analysis of the aftermath of rape to the detri-
ment of survivors; hence the necessity for a therapeutic model that incor-
porates this understanding on a most fundamental level.
Feminist therapy is such an approach. Rooted in a contextual con-
ceptualization of female psychological distress, it is the optimal per-
spective from which to treat survivors of rape. This chapter is intended
to delineate the principles of feminist therapy that are expected to aug-
ment all forms of treatment for rape survivors, regardless of theoretical
orientation. It is a philosophy of treatment and shared principles that
are meant to accompany all theoretical orientations and approaches to
treatment. It should be stated that while the focus of this chapter is on
the treatment of rape and sexual assault survivors, much of its content
applies equally to victims of other forms of sexual violence such as sex-
ual harassment and child sexual abuse, although each of these has its
unique elements that must be addressed as well.
Having worked extensively with rape and sexual assault survivors
for more than two decades at two regional rape crisis centers and in
private practice, I have come to believe that it is the feminist aspects of
the treatment, particularly the social analysis and the egalitarian stance
of the therapist that benefit these clients most. This holds true in my
experience for the majority of victims. The population that I have
worked with over the years has been highly variable in age, ethnic
background, socioeconomic status, and preassault psychological func-
tioning, as well as in previous exposure to trauma. Their clinical pre-
sentations generally fit the typical rape survivors’ profile, with the
majority exhibiting PTSD symptoms along with rape-specific symptom-
atology. Yet all have responded favorably above all else to the feminist
tenets of the treatment.
This is not to negate the importance, and even the necessity, of spe-
cific trauma resolution interventions such as eye movement desensiti-
zation and reprocessing (EMDR; Power et al., 2002; Rogers & Silver,
2002; Shapiro & Maxfield, 2002), cognitive–behavioral therapy (CBT;
Foa & Rothbaum, 1998; Jaycox et al, 2002; Meadows & Foa, 1998), pro-
longed exposure (Foa, Zoellner, Feeny, Hembree, & Alvarez-Conrad,
2002; Lee, Gavriel, Drummond, & Greenwald, 2002; Pitman, Altman,
Greenwald, Longpre, Machlin, Poire, & Steketee, 1991), and other
modalities. All of these techniques are positively effective in treating
the PTSD aspects of the presenting problem. However, there is also
extensive evidence that these interventions alone may not suffice in
relieving survivors’ sense of disempowerment and guilt, which often
persist after PTSD symptoms have subsided if not targeted directly.
From Victim to Empowered Survivor 141
For example, Pitman et al. reported that while survivors treated with
flooding showed considerable decrease in anxiety, their feelings of
shame and blame did not respond to further exposure to the narrative.
A similar account is provided in Meadows and Foa’s case study of a
survivor whose anxiety symptoms responded well to prolonged expo-
sure, while her tendency to berate herself for having been at the bar
where she was assaulted actually increased. They report that these feel-
ings of guilt and shame were not alleviated by further exposure to the
assault narrative. The integration of feminist principles, with their con-
textual and egalitarian emphases, into the therapeutic process offers us
the chance to provide our clients with the ultimate empowerment
needed for recovery. These principles are outlined next.
FEMINIST PSYCHOTHERAPY
Feminist therapy is a philosophy of psychotherapy rather than a dis-
tinct orientation (Hill & Ballou, 1998; Moradi, Fischer, Hill, Jome, &
Blum, 2000; Rader & Gilbert, 2005). Being woman-centered, it under-
scores the social context of women’s distress, maintaining that
women’s pain cannot be fully understood outside of social context.
Social norms, values, and attitudes are seen as greatly contributing
to the creation and maintenance of many of the problems and issues
that are brought into therapy (Feminist Therapy Institute, 1990; Hill &
Ballou, 1998; Kaschak, 1992; Worell & Remer, 1992; Worell & Johnson,
2001). Each individual’s personal experiences and situations are viewed
as reflective of and influenced by society’s attitudes and values. There-
fore, one of the goals of therapy is to afford the clients an awareness of
these influences so as to bring about change in perspective and an
understanding of the interactions between the various social factors
and the client’s internal experiences (Brown & Brodsky, 1992; Hill &
Ballou, 1998; Rader & Gilbert, 2005). Although feminist therapists are
trained in a variety of disciplines and theoretical orientations, they are
united amid this diversity by their feminist analyses and perspectives
regarding the interactive effects of the client’s internal and external
worlds.
Another central tenet of feminist therapy stemming from feminist
philosophy is a commitment to the empowerment of women and the
validation and valuing of their experience and viewpoint. Caring, com-
passion and respect are, accordingly, the foundation of this approach
to treatment (Brown & Brodsky; 1992; Moradi et al., 2000; Rader &
Gilbert, 2005; Worell & Remer, 1992). It is a relationship in which cli-
ents are empowered to find their strengths and strivings, a practice in
which growth-promoting reframing of social realities allows for new
ways of thinking and being. It is a process of connectedness in which
each client is made to feel worthy of respect, affection, tenderness, and
judgment-free acceptance, an endeavor of caring that identifies each

client’s unique and positive qualities so as to enhance her self esteem.
In addition, the principles of feminist therapy call for an egalitarian
therapeutic relationship, which is considered a core tenet of this
approach to treatment. Recognizing the negative impact of the gender-
based power imbalance in the lives of most women, feminist therapy is
intent on maintaining an egalitarian structure within its bounds (Femi-
nist Therapy Institute, 1990; Hill & Ballou, 1998; Jordan, Kaplan, Miller,
Stiver, & Surrey, 1991; Rader & Gilbert, 2005). Accordingly, feminist
therapists are committed to maximizing the equality between therapist
and client by exercising power-sharing behaviors of various kinds.
These include refraining from placing themselves in the one-up posi-
tion, working collaboratively with the client, viewing the client as her
own expert, treating her with complete respect and belief in her
strengths and knowledge, informing the client of the therapy process,
allowing the client to guide the sessions, and so on (Hill, 1990; Gilbert,
1980; Hill & Ballou, 1998; Rader & Gilbert, 2005; Worell & Remer,
1992). Equalizing the relationship with the client is seen as a primary
responsibility of the therapist, who routinely evaluates her ongoing
interactions with her clients for any evidence of hierarchy, biases or
discriminatory attitudes and practices. Moreover, she accepts responsi-
bility for taking action to confront and change any interfering, oppress-
ing, or devaluing biases she may have.
Feminist therapy is also devoted to the creation of social change and
the valuing of the female perspective. Therapy from this perspective is
intended to bring about individual as well as social change through
raising awareness to the oppressive social forces impacting the client’s
wellbeing and offering new ways of being and perceiving. This process
reverberates beyond the bounds of therapy into ever-growing circles of
awareness and action. In order to increase the social impact of their
practice, feminist therapists attempt to reach out to large segments of
the population. They also may engage in broadly defined social activ-
ism in addition to their professional work.
It is suggested that the principles of feminist therapy offer the best
conceptual framework for understanding the myriad of symptoms
exhibited by survivors of sexual aggression. Treatment from this
perspective is likely to deliver optimally suited interventions to this
population, while providing the kind of empowering interpersonal
experiences that can counteract the utter disregard sustained in rape.
We therefore turn next to a discussion of the application of feminist
therapy to the treatment of survivors of rape and sexual assault. The
discussion begins with a feminist analysis of the social context of the
sexual victimization of women, so as to provide a conceptual founda-
tion for the therapy. Application to treatment of each tenet of feminist
therapy is considered thereafter.
APPLICATION OF FEMINIST THERAPY TO THE TREATMENT

OF SURVIVORS OF RAPE AND SEXUAL ASSAULT
Feminist Analysis of Sexual Violence against Women
In accordance with the focus of feminist therapy on the social con-
text of individual psychological distress, the treatment of victims of
sexual violence is rooted in an analysis of the interplay between social
factors and internal responses to the events. In this analysis, sexual vio-
lence against women is considered to be an integral part of the social
oppression of women. Similarly, societal attitudes toward the victims
of this aggression are viewed as constituting one of the central public
forces to negatively impact women’s lives and wellbeing subsequent to
rape. Following is an analysis of the social context of rape followed by
an application of feminist therapy guidelines to the treatment of its
aftermath.
Social Context of Rape

Rape and other forms of sexual violence epitomize the social oppres-
sion of women. In fact, from the feminist standpoint, sexual violence
against women is one of the primary means by which patriarchy aims
to keep women in their place (McKinnon, 2005). The astronomical
prevalence rates of all forms of sexual violence directed at women,
coupled with the utter failure of the system to combat this menace,
suggest that society is bent, at best, on regulating rather than eliminat-
ing it. Katherine McKinnon refers to this social order as the ‘‘Rape Cul-
ture.’’ According to her, sexual violence against women is rooted in a
discriminatory social hierarchy, which both mobilizes and perpetuates
the abuse of women. The ideology of this system amounts to an eroti-
cization of women’s oppression and domination, thereby turning this
type of violence into conceivable and even appealing for many individ-
ual males, while abandoning the victims in the process. Feminist ther-
apy, anchored in such a conceptualization of sexual violence against
women, can empower victims greatly by helping them to realize that
their victimization was not due to any contribution of their own, but
was rather part of the systematic victimization of women in patriarchy.
Consistent with the social function of sexual violence as a means of
keeping women in line, social attitudes toward victims of these crimes
are oppressive and damaging as well. In fact, the present social environ-
ment is extremely detrimental for rape survivors, with societal victim-
blaming and revictimization being rampant (Campbell, 1998; Campbell
& Raja, 1999; Campbell, Wasco, Ahrens, Sefl, & Barnes, 2001). As a con-
sequence, rape survivors are commonly burdened with an external, soci-
etal assault of prejudiced collective attitudes that blame and shame them
for being raped (Ardovini-Brooker & Caringella-MacDonald, 2002; Burt,
1980). These stereotyped attitudes, generally subsumed in the term ‘‘rape

myths’’ (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994), amount to a second victimization,
and are frequently internalized by survivors, often generating an array
of severe self-denigrating cognitions and emotional suffering.
VICTIM-BLAMING AND SECONDARY VICTIMIZATION

Present society is laden with a wide array of detrimental rape
myths. Typical myths revolve around the notion that victims somehow
contributed to their own victimization and are responsible for its occur-
rence (Koss & Harvey, 1991). Victim precipitation is the most common
and well-known rape myth, which directly holds the victim responsible
for the rape (Cowan, 2000). It is founded on a belief that the victim
in some way provoked the rape. It claims that she asked to be raped
by engaging in ‘‘unsafe’’ behavior, such as drinking or hitchhiking; by
placing herself in ‘‘unsafe’’ situations, such as bars or dark streets; by
wearing revealing clothes, or by behaving ‘‘promiscuously’’ (‘‘nice’’
girls don’t get raped). Rape myths further proclaim that women can
prevent rape if they truly want to, and that no woman can be forced to
have sex against her will. Hence, if a woman is raped, she obviously
did not mind it or worse yet, secretly desired it. She may also be
viewed as having been dishonored by the rape (e.g., rape is shameful,
it only happens to certain types of women), particularly, but not solely,
if she belongs to an ethnic minority or to a low SES (Alvidrez, 1999;
Wyatt, 1992).
Finally, there are two related rape myths regarding acquaintance
rape (the most prevalent form of rape); that victims of such rapes pre-
cipitate the event by leading the perpetrators on, and that women say
‘‘no’’ to sexual advances when they actually mean ‘‘yes,’’ and hence
there was no rape at all.
There are many indications that endorsement of rape myths is fairly
pervasive within the legal, law enforcement, and medical establishment
(Campbell, 1998; Ullman & Filipas, 2001). This has been referred to as
secondary victimization or second rape. There is also evidence that
responses of formal support providers may vary in relation to the vic-
tim’s ethnicity, such that minority women may encounter even harsher
reactions than do their majority counterparts (Ullman & Filipas, 2001;
Ullman & Brecklin, 2002; Wyatt, 1992).
Some evidence points to similar revictimization of rape victims
within the mental health profession (Campbell, 1998; Campbell, Wasco,
Ahrens, Sefl, & Barnes, 2001). In a survey of licensed mental health
professionals who work extensively with rape survivors, Campbell and
Raja (1999) found that 58 percent of the therapists surveyed expressed
the view that mental health professionals may carry out some harmful
counseling practices when treating this population. Entirely unaware at
times of their own prejudices regarding rape and rape survivors, some
clinicians may be inclined to view survivors as contributing in some
way to the occurrence of the rape. Consequently, they may engage
fairly regularly in the interpretation of survivors’ motives and behav-
iors in matters related to the assault. For example, analyzing a survi-
vor’s motives for accompanying a romantic partner to his place, where
she was then raped, is a case in point. This multitude of adverse social
factors can inflict serious psychological harm on survivors.
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL SEQUELAE OF THE SOCIAL

CONTEXT OF RAPE
The socially contextual elements of rape and other forms of sexual
violence seriously complicate the post-assault clinical presentation of
many survivors. This appears to hold true across varied cultural and
ethnic backgrounds. Not only must survivors deal with the aftereffects
of the humiliating violation that is rape, but also with the devastation
of the collective victim-blaming and its internalization. Together, these
factors inflict severe agony and pain upon survivors, causing them
unbearable levels of self-blame and shame (Koss & Harvey, 1991;
Moor, 2007; Ullman, 1996).
The all too common accusation that the rape victim precipitated the
assault can exacerbate her self-accusation and contempt, heightening her
already strong tendency to berate herself for her ‘‘carelessness’’ (e.g.,
‘‘How could I have been so stupid . . . putting myself in such a situation
and allowing this to happen’’). The belief that she is to blame for being
attacked can make the survivor doubt her own perceptions, invalidating
her lived experience. While hurting to the core, she may nonetheless
consequently feel that she got exactly what she deserved (e.g., ‘‘I
decided to hitchhike home so I deserve what I got. . . . there can be no
sympathy towards me’’). The pain and despair that result are massive.
The charge that the rape occurred because of the type of woman she is
coupled with the widespread notion that rape is dishonoring, routinely
leads to extreme shame and self-disdain (e.g., ‘‘I am so ashamed; no one
can ever know of this’’). The dehumanizing nature of rape, intended to
denigrate and demean, typically creates a sense of humiliation, desecra-
tion, and helplessness, all of which tend to lead to intolerable shame,
disgrace, and self-disgust (e.g., ‘‘I am utterly disgusting’’).
While the brunt of the post-assault self-blame is socially driven, it is im-
portant to keep in mind that blaming the self also has a function in dealing
with trauma (Koss & Harvey, 1991). It provides survivors with some
(albeit illusionary) sense of control over the traumatic events designed to
counteract the experience of helplessness. If a rape survivor believes that
her behavior contributed to the assault in some way, she can believe that
changing this particular behavior in the future will prevent a reoccurrence
of the event. It is important to be aware of this protective function of self-

blame and guilt when treating this population.
Encountering victim-blaming often discourages survivors from dis-
closing the incident, thereby reducing their likelihood of obtaining social
support that could facilitate their recovery (Botta & Pingree, 1997). For
example, some stereotypes may cause survivors to doubt that their expe-
rience qualifies as ‘‘real rape,’’ which may keep them, in turn, from seek-
ing help. This problem appears to be especially, although not uniquely,
common among survivors of date rape (Alvidrez, 1999; Ullman &
Brecklin, 2002).
Similarly, accusatory and demeaning social attitudes may drive a
sizeable proportion of survivors to isolate themselves from loved ones,
friends, and family for on many occasions rape myths are actually
accepted and believed by survivors’ close social and familial environ-
ment (Sheldon & Parent, 2002; Ullman, 1999). It is not uncommon to
encounter victim-blaming on the part of those closest to the victim, in
the form of dismay that she behaved in a certain way or failed to do
one thing or another. Shame among family members is also common.
It may take the form of urging the survivor to keep quiet about the
assault and pretend it never happened or of outright disgracing her for
having been violated. This can be devastating.
Survivors may be further harmed if upon turning to the system for
help they meet with second victimization and rape myth endorsement
by members of the helping professions. This can increase their feelings
of culpability and shame, as well as cause them to feel completely
invalidated, misunderstood, and judged. Moreover, survivors are likely
to become distrustful of others, making them reluctant to seek further
help (Campbell & Raja, 1999; Ullman & Filipas, 2001). In fact, a major-
ity of the therapists surveyed in Campbell & Raja’s (1999) study voiced
a concern that interaction with community professionals can actually,
at times, worsen the state of survivors’ mental health. In comparison,
less than half (48 percent) of the clinicians surveyed believed that con-
tacting community professionals had positive outcomes for rape vic-
tims. For this reason, 85 percent of therapists expressed a belief that
clinicians must be made more aware of the risks of secondary victim-
ization and its repercussions for the effectiveness of treatment, to avoid
inflicting further harm on survivors and to fully maximize the efficacy
of therapy. Feminist therapy incorporates such awareness, and in view
of that can offer specific treatment principles for working with rape
survivors as delineated next.
TREATMENT PRINCIPLES
In light of the socially contextual aspects of much of the pain experi-
enced by survivors of rape and other sexual assaults, there can be little
doubt that their treatment must be rooted in a feminist conceptualiza-

tion and analysis if the correction of the effects of the social factors is
to take place. In the absence of a thorough comprehension of the com-
bined impact of rape and related victim-blaming rape myths on survi-
vors’ wellbeing, therapy stands the risk of lacking in effectiveness.
Even the direct reprocessing of the traumatic events will be augmented
by approaching it from a socially contextual viewpoint. In this process,
each tenet of feminist therapy has a particularly healing function as
delineated next.
EGALITARIAN THERAPEUTIC RELATIONSHIP

Being predicated on nonjudgmental respect and genuine belief in
every woman’s innate value and strength, feminist therapy offers sur-
vivors the opportunity to restore their sense of dignity and self-worth
so brutally shattered by the sexual assault. At its core, this treatment
aims to counter the humiliation and dehumanization sustained in the
attack, while restoring a sense of dignity and self-worth. The type of
non-hierarchical, genuinely caring and compassionate empathy that
this approach to treatment is built upon plays a crucial, curative role in
the recovery from rape, as it imparts a sense of complete validation of
every aspect of each survivor’s experience. The kind of therapeutic
relationship in which each woman is made to feel worthy in all
respects, aims to foster a sense of trust, as it communicates a true
acceptance of all of her feelings and thoughts, her choices and needs.
Through these interventions, the therapist aims to convey an accurate
appraisal of the suffering endured by survivors, provide support, and
relief; and at the same time, affirm survivors’ emotional reality (Paivio
& Laurent, 2001; Ullman, 1999).
Out of respect for our clients who have been sexually victimized, we
aspire to gain comprehensive familiarity with all aspects of the reaction
to rape and sexual assault in order to be able to unequivocally validate
their experience and help them to put it into words. Imparting our
knowledge of what rape survivors have been known to experience pro-
vides each individual survivor with a sense of safety and trust, as well
as being understood. Her experience is normalized as she is assured
that it is a shared one, typical of other women who have been through
similar horror. This is usually highly comforting and reassuring, as it
gives survivors reassurance that their reactions are not unusual or
pathologic, as they often fear, but rather normal reactions to an abnor-
mal situation (Herman, 1992; Koss & Harvey, 1992). In essence we
strive to use our expertise and experience to benefit the client, without
taking control or power that rightfully belong to her (Feminist Therapy
Institute, 1990; Hill & Ballou, 1998; Rader & Gilbert, 2005). In the
process, the survivor begins to regain a sense of control that she was
robbed of during the assault.
By viewing the survivor as an equal, we approach therapy with the
idea that we are on this journey together, jointly aiming for her full
recovery. Our true and genuine presence gives her a sense that she mat-
ters, that she is not alone. It counteracts social isolation and loss of trust,
as it restores her self-dignity and worth. We give her strength to with-
stand the devastation, as we believe in her innate coping skills. We also
commit to standing by her every step of the way. A survivor expressed
the feelings that arise, ‘‘Even though the pain is unbearable almost all of
the time, knowing that you are truly with me, I don’t feel so alone and
actually am starting to believe that I might actually make it.’’
We believe in her strengths and her ability to help herself. As she
feels powerless, helpless, and despondent, we offer her hope by refram-
ing her position as survivor rather than victim. She may find this view
hard to accept at first, and so we stand by her with full respect, hoping
that as we gently point to those aspects of her experience that make her
a survivor in our mind, she joins us in this view before long.
The egalitarian position translates into genuine solidarity with the
survivors that we treat. While assisting them to process the traumatic
events, we share in their pain and permit ourselves to be touched by
it, without being overwhelmed or derailed from our therapeutic stance.
Recognizing how devastating the experience of sexual violence can be,
we validate all aspects of the emotional reality that ensues. We believe
in each survivor’s inner wisdom, and we let her know it. We guide her
to that place of authentic knowledge, so that she may come to believe
in herself and in her own perceptions and thoughts. Where she doubts
her own experience, we stand by her conveying our belief in her ability
to find all the answers within herself. We never doubt her account of
the assault, thus helping her to not question it herself. Nor do we
impose our conceptualization or formulation on her, but rather attune
ourselves most empathically to hers.
From our respectful view of survivors as blame-free in every way,
we never pass judgment on their conduct and do our utmost to help
ease their sense of blameworthiness and shame, so often contextually
heightened. In communicating nonjudgmental acceptance and respect,
we aim to counteract the widespread social judgment and reproach
(e.g., ‘‘It is so heartbreaking to hear you berating and devaluing your-
self so’’). This mirrors a different perspective on the self—that of the
one who has been wronged, not the one to be blamed—while convey-
ing supportive caring at the same time. Self-empathy and compassion
are expected to follow, and to give way, in turn, to affirming views of
self in place of the existing self-loathing and guilt.
As survivors deal with their sense of self-disgust and defilement,
desecration and shame, our genuine belief that they have not been
damaged in any way, can help survivors attend to and verbalize their
internal experience regarding the sense of self as defiled and shameful.
Empathetic mirroring of their feelings of violation and humiliation can
help contain these emotions. Insisting that they are shame-free (e.g., ‘‘It
sounds like your self-disgust is so impossible to bear . . . we will not
rest until we find a way to completely free you of it’’) can help allevi-
ate her shame and foster the emergence of a valued and worthy sense
of self.
Treating the survivor as an equal and endowing her with the right
to determine the pace and direction of the therapy, can also play a
major role in enabling the reprocessing of the traumatic memories.
While attuning to the survivor’s levels of arousal, voicing our genuine
confidence in her ability to sustain the process can afford her a sense
of safety, emotional modulation, reassurance, and support, all needed
to withstand the painful process of remembering and reliving the trau-
matic events (Moor, 2007; Paivio & Laurent, 2001). Moreover, experi-
encing our true caring for her through our soothing and containing
responses can help nurture the development of self-soothing capacities
and true hope.
As the process progresses, the therapist’s belief in the client’s
strengths is steadily internalized. We enthusiastically share her cautious
optimism, while validating and strengthening her new perceptions of
self (e.g., ‘‘Sounds like you’re not blaming yourself anymore . . . how
exciting’’). Feedback from many survivors allows us to view the egalitar-
ian stance as instrumental in consolidating a new outlook of the self and
the future.
EMPOWERMENT
The experience of rape and other forms of sexual violence can be
utterly disempowering to most victims, shattering their sense of self-
worth, control, and dignity (Herman, 1992; Koss & Harvey, 1991; Moor,
2007). It is the role of therapy to counter this devastating experience by
helping survivors to regain a sense of personal power and control. A
central goal of feminist therapy, empowerment of the client and advo-
cacy for women (Brown & Brodsky; 1992; Feminist Therapy Institute,
1990; Hill & Ballou, 1998; Moradi et al, 2000; Rader & Gilbert, 2005;
Worell & Remer, 1992), thus has a major role to play.
Beyond the empowerment inherent in the egalitarian nature of femi-
nist therapy, contextual reframing of various aspects of the ordeal and
reconstruction of self-devaluing cognitions based on the analysis of
their social roots are employed to bring about a corrective perceptual
shift. Feminist therapy aims to provide clients with novel ways of see-
ing, along with helpful information that can facilitate this shift (Rader
& Gilbert, 2005). Realizing the degree to which survivors’ self-loathing
cognitions are rooted in internalized societal victim-blaming myths, the

feminist therapist thus suggests new ways of perceiving intended to
bring about meaningful cognitive shifts. Any internalized prejudiced
attitudes that may underlie the demeaning perception of the self are
recognized and subject to reconstruction. Clearly, all unfounded cogni-
tions are fully processed, including those related to safety and ability
to tolerate stress (Foa & Rothbaum, 1998; Foa & Jaycox, 1999). How-
ever, rebuilding a positive and empowered sense of self is at the very
heart of the healing process.
Our main objective is restructuring the unfounded views of self as
culpable and shameful. The entire array of distorted cognitions regard-
ing precipitation of the assault is targeted. In this process, we encour-
age the survivor to assess the rationality of these beliefs, so that she
can recognize their false nature and their roots in societal victim-
blaming rape myths. To increase her sense of mastery, self-conviction,
and empowerment, we aim to help the survivor absolve herself of cul-
pability on her own, rather than through our insistence. Reaching this
conviction from within makes it more meaningful and lasting. A shift
to a more realistic blame-free viewpoint should ensue, allowing her to
appropriately place fault where it belongs, namely, with the assailant.
For example, a survivor who had held on to the notion that she was to
blame for being raped because she did not fight back was helped to
see that she stood no chance against her assailant who was consider-
ably bigger and stronger than herself. Gentle probes such as ‘‘How big
was he? How strong? Now consider your relative size and strength . . .
what could you have done?’’ should facilitate the hoped-for shift.
To further validate survivors, it is useful point to the contextual ori-
gin of much of their self-blame and shame, while letting them know
that their response is entirely typical of most rape survivors, who gen-
erally feel responsible for their plight (e.g., ‘‘Like you, almost every
rape survivor blames herself mercilessly for the ordeal she had
endured. . . . and all too often this is because of common, accusatory
social attitudes towards rape victims that absolutely cannot be
ignored’’). Survivors frequently experience great relief upon realizing
that their self-denigration is a characteristic response to the trauma of
rape, especially in the current social context.
At this stage it is also important to acknowledge and work through
the protective function of the self-blame. Following rape, many victims
worry that if none of what happened was due to their actions, they
may not have any control over future safety either (Koss & Harvey,
1991). Thus, they hold onto self-accusation and are reluctant to let go
of it in order to maintain the sense of control it provides. Helping them
to distinguish between liability and ill-advised behavior can promote
the complete relinquishment of this self-blame. For example, a survivor
raped while hitchhiking was unable to stop berating herself for her
‘‘stupid’’ behavior, which ‘‘caused’’ the rape until she could feel that
she would be able to keep herself safe in the future. Interventions such
as ‘‘while you now realize that hitchhiking isn’t safe for you, the fact
that you hitchhiked in the past in no way makes you guilty of precipi-
tating the rape’’ eventually enabled her to replace the self-accusation
with a more realistic appraisal of her ability to recognize and to mini-
mize danger in the future, while not having to hold herself responsible
for being raped.
Cognitive restructuring can also be used to target the shame and the
beliefs, common to many survivors, which they are disgraceful, dis-
gusting, and defiled for having been raped. These beliefs appear to
show up in one of two ways; a direct expression of shame in oneself
(i.e., ‘‘I am so disgusting and damaged’’) or an indirect, masked mani-
festation (i.e., ‘‘No one must ever know that I have been raped’’). Inter-
ventions aimed at this aspect of the injured self can gently encourage
survivors to examine the rationality of their shame (e.g., ‘‘Did you hurt
anyone or were you the one being hurt . . . Who should be ashamed,
then?’’), which should help them to realize that in reality, they have
nothing to be ashamed of, and that, in fact, it is the assailant, as well
as society and its prejudiced attitudes that are shameful. A positive
sense of self is the expected outcome.
Finally, much of the empowerment afforded to survivors stems sim-
ply from raising their awareness of the social roots of their distress.
The notion of the personal being political underlies all interventions
aimed at freeing the survivor from internalized victim-blaming and
shame. It also provides answers to the questions regarding the reasons
for the assault that trouble them so. ‘‘Why did it happen?’’ ‘‘Why to
me?’’ ‘‘If I am not to blame then how can I explain what happened?’’
Helping a survivor to realize that rape generally does not occur
because of any individual woman’s behavior, but rather is systemati-
cally embedded in patriarchal culture, offers her an alternative expla-
nation for her plight. Redefining male abusive behavior as
conformation to society’s promotion of male violence can help her
make further sense of the events. Along the way, the changed perspec-
tive of each individual survivor is quite likely to reverberate beyond
the therapeutic process, contributing in some way to social change in
line with this particular tenet of feminist therapy.
In essence, by presenting survivors with a social analysis of male
violence against women, by shifting much of what they endured from
the personal domain into the shared collective one, by reframing their
experience in growth-promoting terms, all coupled with trauma
reprocessing and cognitive restructuring, feminist therapy stands a
rather good chance of freeing rape victims from the agonizing seque-
lae of rape and sexual assault and turning them into empowered
survivors.
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Chapter 7
Gender Microaggressions: Implications

for Mental Health
Kevin L. Nadal
For the past 40 years, psychologists, educators, and other social scien-
tists have advocated for an increase in multicultural knowledge and
awareness in training, practice, and research. For example, the Ameri-
can Psychological Association (APA) has published the ‘‘Guidelines on
multicultural education, training, research, practice, and organizational
change for psychologists’’ (2003), which focus primarily on ways of
being culturally competent toward oppressed racial and ethnic minor-
ity groups, with minimal focus on other multicultural subgroups (e.g.,
gender, sexual orientation, etc.). So while such guidelines recognize the
intersections of other identities with race/ethnicity (e.g., the impacts of
gender on race and racial identity), the emphasis is primarily on race
and ethnicity. And while there is a definite need for the advocacy of
racial and ethnic minority issues, several other culturally oppressed
groups are often viewed as afterthoughts when discussing multicultur-
alism. Some of these groups include women, lesbian/gay/bisexual/
transgender (LGBT) persons, disabled persons, elderly, and religious
minority groups.
Research studies on multicultural competence models in psychology
tend to follow this pattern of emphasizing race and/or ethnicity exclu-
sively. Writings involving culturally competent counseling methods,
counselor biases, identity development, and other multicultural issues
are predisposed to concentrate primarily on race (and sometimes ethnic-
ity). This can be exemplified by the newest line of multicultural research
involving racial microaggressions, which are defined as ‘‘brief and com-
monplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether
intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory,

or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color’’ (Sue &
Capodilupo, 2007, p. 271). These authors cite that because the United
States is more ‘‘politically correct’’ today than it was twenty or thirty
years ago, racism takes more subtle and covert forms. However, because
of the cumulative nature of these subtle forms of discrimination, persons
of color may experience an array of emotions, including belittlement, an-
ger, rage, frustration, sadness, and alienation (Sue, Bucceri et al., 2007;
Sue, Nadal et al., 2008), which consequently may lead to depression,
anxiety, trauma, and other mental health problems.
While the introduction of microaggressions into the forefront of psy-
chology is necessary and eliciting a range of positive and negative reac-
tions in the field, it is important to recognize that previous research with
microaggressions focuses primarily on race, following the trend that other
social identity groups are ignored or minimized in multicultural dis-
courses. Accordingly, research on microaggressions fails to take into
account experiences involving gender, sexual orientation, ability, age, reli-
gion, and ethnicity. The purpose of this chapter is to advocate for the
expansion of research on microaggressions to encompass other cultural
groups. Specifically, this chapter will concentrate on microaggressions
involving gender, hypothesizing the various types of gender microaggres-
sions that may impact women in everyday life and in therapy settings. Uti-
lizing the major tenets in the taxonomy of racial microaggressions, this
chapter will define gender microaggressions and conjecture numerous
categories of gender microaggressions that women may experience.
DEFINITIONS OF MICROAGGRESSIONS
To understand microaggressions in general, it becomes important to
recognize the literature on racial microaggressions. Racial microaggres-
sions consist of brief statements or behaviors that send denigrating and
hurtful messages to people of color. By this definition, microaggressions
can occur between any two parties (individuals or groups or both), in
which the member(s) from a privileged/dominant group communicates
a denigrating and hurtful message toward the member(s) from an
oppressed group. For example, a man can commit a gender microag-
gression toward a woman; a heterosexual person can be responsible for
a sexual orientation microaggression toward a LGBT person; and an
able-bodied person can perpetrate an ability microaggression toward a
disabled person (Nadal, 2008).
Studies have also indicated there are three forms of racial micro-
aggressions: microassaults, microinsults, and microinvalidations. Micro-
assaults are what are closest to overt, ‘‘old-fashioned’’ racism, with
examples ranging from calling a black American the ‘‘N word’’ or yell-
ing at an Asian American or Latin American person to ‘‘go back where
Gender Microaggressions: Implications for Mental Health 157
you came from.’’ However, microinsults and microinvalidations are

less obvious, more subtle, and often well intentioned. Microinvalida-
tions are defined as actions that negate or nullify a person of color’s
experiences or realities, while microinsults refer to actions that convey
insensitivity and are belittling to a person’s racial identity. These are
the types of microaggressions that may be more harmful because the
perpetrator may not even realize that she/he is insulting or invalidat-
ing the individual. Unlike microassaults, that are often conscious and
purposefully hurtful, microinsults and microinvalidations may be more
unconscious and may have several potential impacts on the recipient.
For example, the experience of being treated as an intellectual infe-
rior is a common experience for African Americans, in which many
individuals are consistently told that they are ‘‘smart’’ or ‘‘articulate’’
(Sue, Nadal et al., 2008). This would be considered a microinsult
because the perpetrator is conveying that because the individual is
African American, she or he would not be expected to be smart or
would not be expected to speak well. While the statement may have
been well intentioned or meant to be a compliment, the recipient may
have a negative reaction, with subsequent emotions such as anger,
frustration, or hurt. An example of a racial microinsult that may occur
toward Asian Americans includes the experience of being exocitized,
which is demonstrated by a male individual telling an Asian that he
has an ‘‘Asian fetish’’ or that Asian women have ‘‘beautiful skin’’ or
‘‘silky hair’’ (Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). Again, while the statement
might be meant to be a compliment, the Asian American recipient may
feel objectified, hurt, and insulted by the comment. Because such a
statement might occur regularly for the recipient, the cumulative
impact of similar statements might lead to emotional distress.
Some racial microaggressions may be more intentional, in that the
perpetrator might be more conscious of her/his behavior. For example,
many African American individuals report being treated as criminals
on a regular basis; this message is conveyed in situations where store-
owners follow African American individuals around while they shop.
This microinsult sends the messages that black individuals are crimi-
nals who are likely to steal or damage their stores (Sue, Nadal, et al.,
2008). However, if the perpetrator in this case would be confronted
with her/his behavior, it is possible that the individual would deny
that race was involved in their decision making, because she/he is a
‘‘good person’’ who does not ‘‘see race’’ and treats people of all racial
groups the same (Sue, 2005). So even when perpetrators of microag-
gressions may be aware of their behaviors toward persons of color, it
is less likely that they would be able to admit to it.
A common form of a racial microinvalidation is one where an individual
is denied her/his racial reality, often occurring when a person of color is
told that her/his experience with racism is invalid and that she/he should
stop complaining about racial stressors (Sue, Bucceri et al., 2007). In this
case, the perpetrator may not realize the impact that such a statement may
have on the recipient; the individual may believe that she/he is simply stat-
ing one’s opinion and assumes that the recipient should be able to agree
with her or his statement. However, the recipient may instead feel mis-
understood because the perpetrator is not accounting for her/his experien-
ces with race, leading to potential distress at the clash of their ‘‘racial
realities’’ and feelings of belittling, frustration, or sadness.
Given these three categories of racial microaggressions, it is likely
that similar experiences can occur across different social identities. For
example, a sexual orientation microassault may include a heterosexual
person calling a gay man a ‘‘faggot’’ or calling a lesbian a ‘‘dyke.’’ An
ability microinsult might include an able-bodied person speaking to a
disabled person slowly and condescendingly, assuming that she/he
would not be able to understand the person. A religious microinvalida-
tion might include a Christian telling a Jewish person that ‘‘You com-
plain about the Holocaust too much’’ (Nadal, 2008). All of these types
of statements or behaviors convey a negative and derogatory message
toward the member of the oppressed group. And again, the cumulative
nature of these statements and behaviors may have lasting impacts on
the member(s) of the oppressed group.
Given the definitions of racial microaggressions and the ability to
apply the experiences of microaggressions to interactions between dif-
ferent social groups, it is now possible to define microaggressions that
may occur as a result of gender. Gender microaggressions are brief and
commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities
(whether intentional or unintentional) that communicate hostile, derog-
atory, or negative sexist slights and insults toward women. These
microaggressions are often unconscious in that the perpetrator of the
microaggressions may not realize that he is being hurtful in his state-
ments or behaviors. Gender microaggressions are different from other
forms of sexism in that they may manifest in various forms: micro-
assaults, microinvalidations, and microinsults; they may be subtle and
covert, in that the recipient may often question whether the micro-
aggression would even have a lasting impact on her psychological well
being. However, similar to racial microaggressions, the cumulative
nature of these gender microaggressions may lead to mental health prob-
lems, including depression, anxiety, trauma, or issues with self-esteem.
GENDER MICROAGGRESSIONS
Sexism in Everyday Life
Little research has been written on the term ‘‘gender microaggres-
sions’’ in psychology, education, and social sciences, but rather describes
sexism in different forms. The vast range of literature on sexism reveals

that sexism, much like racism, has become more concealed than it is
open and obvious (Sue & Capodilupo, 2008). Some authors contend that
sexism takes three major forms: overt, covert, and subtle (Swim &
Cohen, 1997). Overt sexism could be comparable to ‘‘old-fashioned’’ sex-
ism toward women, in which women are directly discriminated against
and/or treated unfairly and unequally than men. This can be exempli-
fied by a man blatantly telling a woman that he would not hire her for a
position because of her gender, or a man directly insulting a woman by
calling her a derogatory term. Covert sexism would include discrimina-
tion that is less direct and less revealed. This can be exemplified by
some men who might claim to be ‘‘liberal’’ and ‘‘gender-neutral,’’ yet
would never vote for women president of the United States. Finally,
subtle sexism is defined as ‘‘unequal and unfair treatment of women
that is not recognized by many people because it is perceived to be nor-
mative, and therefore does not appear unusual’’ (Swim, Mallett, &
Stagnor, 2004, p. 117). This can be exemplified by someone assuming
that an authority figure or professional (e.g., employer, author, professor,
or doctor) is a ‘‘he’’ without knowing the gender of the said person.
While covert and overt sexism might be conscious processes, it is likely
that subtle sexism is unconscious and/or not maliciously intended (Sue
& Capodilupo, 2008).
One study conducted on ‘‘everyday sexism’’ or the discriminatory
or prejudicial experiences with gender (Swim, Hyers, Cohen, & Ferguson,
2001) found that female participants encounter about one to two
impactful sexual incidents per week. Participants reported three major
categories of everyday sexism: (1) traditional gender role stereotypes
and prejudice, (2) demeaning and degrading comments and behaviors,
and (3) sexual objectification. Examples of traditional gender role ster-
eotypes and privilege include a man telling a woman to fold laundry
or do the dishes, while illustrations of demeaning and degrading com-
ments and behaviors include men using labels (e.g., ‘‘bitch,’’ ‘‘slut,’’ or
‘‘chick’’) to describe women. Examples of sexual objectification include
men making comments about women’s body parts, as well as behav-
iors like unwanted staring or touching. In these studies, women
reported psychological impacts, including a decrease in comfort and
self-esteem and feelings of anger and depression. Another study high-
lighted experiences with sexism with adolescent girls (Leaper & Brown,
2008). The authors found the majority of the participants reported sex-
ism related to academics (e.g., being discouraged about their computer,
math, or science abilities) and/or athletics (e.g., being teased about
their athletic ability). The majority of these female adolescents also
reported several incidents of gender harassment, namely receiving
unwanted romantic attention, being teased with an embarrassing or
mean joke or a demeaning name, and being teased about physical
appearance. These two studies on sexism exemplify types of gender

microaggressions and the negative psychological effects these experien-
ces may cause. While they may seem like trivial everyday occurrences,
these slights may influence a woman or girl’s self-esteem, worldview,
motivation to achieve, and mental health.
Understanding various measures that assess different types of sexist
slights can be helpful in understanding examples of everyday sexist
experiences. The Schedule of Sexist Events (SSE) is a measure that
assesses perceived frequencies of sexist discrimination (Klonoff &
Landrine, 1995). Recent studies have supported three subscales of the
SSE, including sexist degradation and its consequences (e.g., been
called a sexist name), unfair sexist events at work/school (e.g., denied
a raise, promotion, or tenure at work), and unfair treatment in distant
and close relationships (e.g., being treated unfairly by people in help-
ing jobs; Matteson & Moradi, 2005). In the initial use of the SSE, it was
found that 99 percent of a given sample of women (n = 633) experi-
enced sexism at some point in their life, while 97 percent of the sample
experienced sexism in the past year (Klonoff & Landrine, 1995). Since
then, the SSE has been used in several empirical studies which have
provided support that daily sexist experiences are prevalent in wom-
en’s lives (Matteson & Moradi, 2005). However, some research has
found that most women may not respond to these sexist events, with
majority ignoring the incident (Lott, Aquith, & Doyon2001), instead of
confronting the perpetrator. This experience of dealing with sexist inci-
dents is comparable to previous research on racial microaggressions,
which state that people of color often find themselves in a ‘‘catch 22’’
when they experience such racist events (Sue, Capodilupo et al., 2007).
If the recipient of the racist or sexist incident says something to the
perpetrator, she/he runs the risk of being invalidated, ridiculed, or
even physically assaulted; if she/he doesn’t say something, she/he
may become distressed and regret not standing up for oneself.
Sexual Harassment
The research on sexual harassment is also important to review when
discussing gender microaggressions, as it may explain the impacts of
sexist experiences at the workplace on individual mental health. There
has been much research in the field of psychology that has docu-
mented the psychological impact of sexual harassment on both women
and men (Schneider, Swann, & Fitzgerald, 1997). It is imperative to rec-
ognize how sexual harassment may relate to gender microaggressions,
but how it may also differ. Sexual harassment has been defined as:
‘‘unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other

verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature constitutes sexual
harassment when submission to or rejection of this conduct explicitly or

implicitly affects an individual’s employment, unreasonably interferes
with an individual’s work performance or creates an intimidating, hostile
or offensive work environment.’’ (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission, 2008)
It is reported that in 2007, that the Equal Employment Opportunity

Commission (EEOC) received 12,510 charges of sexual harassment
(with 16.0 percent of those charges filed by males), and that EEOC
resolved 11,592 of these sexual harassment charges (U.S. Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission, 2008). However, some experts
have reported that between 40 to 60 percent of all women in the
United States have experienced some form of harassing behavior at
work, but that many of these experiences did not meet the legal criteria
for sexual harassment and may often go unreported (Murray, 1998).
Understanding measurements for sexual harassment can be valuable
in recognizing specific examples of sexist experiences in the workplace,
leading to further understandings of gender microaggressions. The
Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ) was developed to examine
the experiences of women with sexual harassment in the workplace
(Fitzgerald, Gelfand, & Drasgow, 1995) and has been used frequently
over the past two decades. According to this measure, there are three
major components used to define sexual harassment: gender harass-
ment, unwanted sexual attention, and sexual coercion. Gender harass-
ment refers to verbal and nonverbal behaviors that convey insulting,
hostile, and degrading attitudes about women. Unwanted sexual atten-
tion includes a range of verbal and nonverbal behavior that is offen-
sive, unwanted, and unreciprocated. Sexual coercion refers to the
extortion of sexual cooperation for job-related considerations.
Given these three categories, one can observe the similarities
between different types of sexual harassment and gender microaggres-
sions. Gender harassment seems to be most parallel to unconscious
microaggressions, in which the perpetrator of these microaggressions
may not even be aware that his statements/behaviors convey a nega-
tive message to the recipient. Concurrently, unwanted sexual attention
and sexual coercion are likely to be more conscious processes, in which
the individual may be more aware of the intentions behind his state-
ments and/or behaviors. As a result, unwanted sexual attention and
sexual coercion can be compared to ‘‘microassaults,’’ in that these
behaviors are more obvious and noticeable by both the perpetrator and
recipient. These microassaults would likely represent the types of
behaviors that would qualify for sexual harassment charges. However,
it appears that gender harassment is less obvious and is likely to be in
line with ‘‘microinsults’’ and/or ‘‘microinvalidations.’’ These types of
unconscious statements/behaviors are likely not obvious enough to
meet the legal requirements for sexual harassment, yet send insulting
and invalidating messages to the women that receive them.
OBJECTIFICATION THEORY
The literature on objectification theory is also important to review in
order to further understand illustrations of gender microaggressions
and negative psychological effects. Objectification theory can be
defined as ‘‘a framework for understanding the experiential consequen-
ces of being female in a culture that sexually objectifies the female
body’’ (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997, p. 173). It further explains that
sexual objectification can occur through an array of interpersonal inter-
actions including romantic partners, family members, friends, acquain-
tances, strangers, and even media outlets that depict interpersonal and
social interactions. Accordingly, women and girls in an objectifying
society may experience various mental health risks, including depres-
sion, sexual dysfunction, eating disorders, and body image issues.
Through examining current measures of objectification, it can be
beneficial to understand how specific experiences of being objectified
are interrelated with gender microaggressions. The Interpersonal Sex-
ual Objectification Scale (ISOS) was created to understand how sexual
objectification occurred interpersonally and how it related to psycho-
logical distress (Kozee, Tylka, Augustus-Horvath, & Denchik, 2007). Ex-
ploratory and confirmatory factor analyses revealed two factors: body
evaluation and unwanted explicit sexual advances. Examples of body
evaluation include: ‘‘How often have you been whistled at while walk-
ing down a street?’’ or ‘‘How often have you noticed someone staring
at your breasts when you are talking to them?’’ Examples of unwanted
explicit sexual advances include ‘‘How often have you been touched or
fondled against your will?’’ or ‘‘How often has someone grabbed or
pinched one of your private body areas against your will?’’ Scores on
the ISOS were strongly related to sexist degradation and slightly to
moderately related to other sexist events, self-objectification (e.g., inter-
nalization of the thin-ideal) and body shame. These findings support
that the experiences of being interpersonally sexualized and/or feeling
judged about one’s body can lead to psychological distress, including a
lower self-esteem and an impaired body image. Similarly to previous
research on microaggressions, the cumulative nature of these events
increases psychological distress over time.
HOSTILE AND BENEVOLENT SEXISM

There has been some research that has conceptualized two addi-
tional forms of sexism: benevolent sexism and hostile sexism. Benevo-
lent sexism is defined as ‘‘a subjectively favorable, chivalrous ideology
that offers protection and affection to women who embrace conven-

tional roles’’ (Glick & Fiske, 2001, p. 109) while hostile sexism is
defined as ‘‘antipathy toward women who are viewed as usurping
men’s power’’ (Glick & Fiske, 2001, p. 109). With benevolent sexism,
men may believe that they are nonsexist and that they believe in gen-
der equality. However, in reality these men may endorse traditional
gender roles that actually promote female inferiority. For example, men
may believe that it is their responsibility to protect and provide for
women, which may seem favorable and innocuous, but demonstrates
the belief that women need to be taken care of. On the other hand,
men may exhibit hostile sexism and feel threatened by women who are
empowered, independent, and/or assertive. These men may be averse
to feminists or female authority figures and may express this discom-
fort or disgust in blatant and subtle ways. For example, a man may
belittle a female supervisor by referring to her with sexist labels when
talking to his male coworkers.
Benevolent and hostile sexism are unique to other forms of sexism
in that they are personal ideologies that promote male dominance and
female inferiority. At the same time, they are related to gender micro-
aggressions because they may be unconscious and may manifest in an
array of hurtful behaviors or statements. For example, when a man
desires for a woman to uphold traditional gender roles, his behaviors
may include asking a woman to cook or clean for him, or treating a
woman as if she was not intelligent. He may or may not be consciously
aware of the sexist message he is portraying, and he may not recognize
the impact such behaviors/statements may have on the recipient.
Depending on the consciousness and intent of his actions, these may
be considered microassaults or microinsults. Similarly hostile sexism
may also take microassaultive, microinsulting, or microinvalidating
forms. For example, a man calling a woman in power a ‘‘bitch’’ or
‘‘aggressive’’ may be considered a microassault. A man who uncon-
sciously ignores a woman’s ideas (because he feels threatened by
her power or intelligence) may be an example of a microinsult, and a
man who tells a woman (particularly an outspoken or assertive
woman) to stop playing the ‘‘gender card’’ would be an example of a
microinvalidation.
GENDER MICROAGGRESSIONS
Sue and Capodilupo discuss microaggressions that are related to
race, gender, and sexual orientation. Several categories of gender
microaggressions are introduced, citing the behaviors/statements and
the messages that are being communicated to the recipient. In the
theme of ‘‘sexual objectification,’’ men may conduct behaviors that
send the message that a woman’s body is a sexual object. Examples
may include a male stranger putting his hands on a woman’s hips to

pass her, or a man whistling or ‘‘catcalling’’ as a woman walks down
the street. The theme of ‘‘denial of individual racism/sexism/hetero-
sexism’’ occurs when an individual denies one’s own potential bias or
prejudice. An example can include a statement where a male says ‘‘I
always treat men and women equally,’’ sending the message that he is
incapable of gender bias or sexism. The theme of ‘‘traditional gender
role prejudicing and stereotyping’’ takes place when individuals
assume that others should hold traditional gender roles or stereotypes.
An example may include a person looking at a thirty-year-old woman’s
ring finger, sending the message that she should be married because
being a wife should be a woman’s main purpose in life. The theme of
‘‘second-class citizen’’ occurs when an oppressed group member
receives less preferential treatment than a dominant group member.
For example, if a woman is not invited to a social gathering by her
coworkers, when clearly all of the male coworkers are, she may feel left
out because of her gender. Finally, the theme of ‘‘use of sexist/hetero-
sexist language’’ speaks to the aforementioned subtle sexism (i.e., using
the pronoun ‘‘he’’ to refer to all people), but also includes other
degrading language (i.e., labeling a woman a ‘‘whore’’). The first of
these two examples communicates that the experience of men is uni-
versal, while the second imparts that women are meant to be passive
and/or are allowed to be sexualized. While these themes of gender
microaggressions illustrate the types of behaviors and statements that
can convey denigrating messages toward women, they are merely a
few samples of types of gender microaggressions that may occur.
Therefore, it is important for psychologists to be aware that gender
microaggressions exist, how they may impact the psychological pro-
cesses of women, how they affect women’s mental health, and how
they may occur in therapeutic settings.
On the basis of the previous literature involving microaggressions,
everyday sexism, objectification theory, hostile and benevolent sexism,
and sexual harassment, this chapter will provide a hypothesis to the
major types of gender microaggressions that may occur in everyday life
and in therapeutic settings. This hypothesis is based on several empiri-
cal studies that have revealed that women experience various forms of
gender discrimination in their everyday lives (see Swim et al., 2001, for
a review), in school systems (see Leaper & Brown, 2008, for a review)
and in the workplace (see Fitzgerald, Hulin, & Drasgow, 1994, for a
review). The hypothesis of these gender microaggression categories
is also based on several writings involving gender and experiences
of women from a feminist therapy perspective, which focuses on
providing culturally-competent therapy toward women (Brabeck &
Brown, 1997; Collins, 1998; Enns, 1992; Espin, 1993; McNamara &
Rickard, 1998). These empirical studies, theoretical models, social
justice movements, and personal narratives all provide evidence that

gender microaggressions do exist and may have a negative impact on
mental health.
In understanding these various types of gender microaggressions, it
is expected that individuals become aware of their own experiences as
perpetrators or recipients of these microaggressions, while understand-
ing the psychological impact that these microaggressions may have. It
is also expected that psychologists become more culturally competent
in understanding these microaggressions: gaining knowledge about the
impact of these microaggressions, increasing awareness of how they
may enact these microaggressions in psychological and therapeutic set-
tings, and learning the skills to be able to deal with these microaggres-
sions as they occur in their lives and in the lives of their clients.
FORMS OF GENDER MICROAGGRESSIONS

Based on the previous literature on microaggressions (Nadal, 2008;
Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007; Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007; Sue, Nadal,
et al., 2008), sexism (Klonoff & Landrine, 1995), gender harassment
(Fitzgerald et al., 1995), interpersonal objectification (Kozee et al., 2007),
and benevolent and hostile sexism (Glick & Fiske, 2001), there are eight
proposed themes of microaggressions that may occur toward women.
Five of these themes are originally conceived in Sue and Capodilupo
(2008) and include the following: sexual objectification, assumptions of in-
feriority, assumptions of traditional gender roles, use of sexist language, and
denial of individual sexism. One of the themes is a reconceptualization of
Sue and Capodilupo’s (2008) second-class citizen and is described as
invisibility. Two of these themes are new microaggression categories
that are derived from previous literature on microaggressions, and they
include denial of reality of sexism and environmental gender microaggres-
sions. Table 7.1 provides examples of situations involving these micro-
aggressions and the messages that are conveyed to the recipient.
These themes of gender microaggressions align with the previous lit-
erature with racial microaggressions, citing that (a) many of these
microaggressions may be unconscious, in that the perpetrator may not
realize the impact on the recipient, (b) these microaggressions (whether
conscious or not) communicate various oppressive messages to the
women who receive them, and (c) the various themes these micro-
aggressions represent a spectrum of microassaults, microinvalidations,
or microinsults. In fact, one of the main ways that gender microaggres-
sion is different than other forms of sexism (e.g., everyday sexism,
objectification theory, and hostile and benevolent sexism) is that they
are clearly categorized into these three subcategories. For example,
with the theme of sexual objectification, the example of a man ‘‘catcall-
ing’’ a woman as she walks down the street might be considered a
Table 7.1
Examples of Gender Microaggressions in Everyday Life
Theme Example Message
Sexual Objectification: Occurs when a A man glances at a woman’s breasts Your body is not yours; I have a right to
woman is treated as a sexual object. while he compliments her shirt. stare at you without your permission
A construction worker catcalls a woman You are a sexual object; you are meant to
while she walks down the street entertain men.
A male stranger places his hands on a Your body is not yours; I have a right to
woman’s hips or the small of her back touch you without your permission.
as he passes her
Invisibility: Occurs when a woman is A female employee is passed up for a job Your service is not as valuable as a
overlooked and/or when men are given promotion. man’s.
preferential treatment. A woman is waiting to order a drink at a You deserve to wait. Men are valued
bar; the bartender serves the male more than you.
166
customers before her.

The male head of a company does not You are not valuable.
know the names of his female
employees but knows the names of the
male employees.
Assumptions of Inferiority: Occurs A woman is carrying boxes; without You are not physically capable of doing
when a woman is assumed to be less permission, a man grabs the boxes and things.
competent than men (e.g., physically says ‘‘Let me do it.’’
or intellectually). A woman demonstrates leadership skills You are not expected to have intellectual
at her workplace; a man is surprised or leadership capacities.
and says ‘‘I didn’t know you had it in
you!’’
A female student is told ‘‘I didn’t know You are not expected to be smart in math
that women were good at math.’’ or sciences.
A man says ‘‘I don’t think a woman could Women should know their place.
ever be president because women are
too emotional.’’
Denial of Reality of Sexism: Occurs A man tells a woman that she is You complain too much.
when a woman is told that sexism does exaggerating about how many times a
not exist. day she gets ‘‘catcalled’’ on the street.
A woman is told that she didn’t get the You are to blame, not your gender.
job because she wasn’t qualified, not
because of her gender.
Assumptions of Traditional Gender A woman is put in charge of the office Women should know their place.
Roles: Occurs when an individual party (without volunteering), when there
assumes that a woman should maintain are other lower-ranking males at the
traditional gender roles. company.
A forty-year-old woman with a successful You are not serving your primary purpose
career is asked why she never had any in life.
children.
Denial of Individual Sexism: Occurs ‘‘I’m not sexist. I have a wife and I am incapable of sexism.
167
when a man denies his gender biases daughters!’’

or prejudice. ‘‘I treat men and women the same all the I have no gender biases.
time.’’
‘‘As a person of color, I’m offended that Because I belong to another oppressed
you would imply that I’m sexist.’’ group, I am allowed to have biases.
Use of sexist language: Occurs when A male coworker calls his female coworker You are inferior to men/I have a right to
language is used to degrade a woman. ‘‘sweetie,’’ ‘‘honey,’’ or ‘‘shorty.’’ patronize you.
A male news correspondent calls a Women should know their place.
female politician a ‘‘shrew’’ or a ‘‘bitch.’’
Environmental Invalidations: Macro- Women make less money than men. You are not as important or valuable as
level aggressions that occur on a men.
systemic and environmental level. Majority of university professors in a You are an outsider/You do not belong.
department are men.
A corporation has pictures of the ‘‘Board You as a woman will never break the
of Directors’’ of the company featuring ‘‘glass ceiling.’’
all men.
Adapted from Sue & Capodilupo (2008)
microassault in that the man is likely more conscious of how he is

demeaning the woman and making her feel uncomfortable. While he
may not realize the impact of his behavior on her, it is an experience
that both parties would be aware. In the same theme, a man may com-
pliment a woman on her shirt, while also glancing at her breasts. This
may be considered a microinsult in that the man is drawing attention
to a woman’s body, without her permission, and is objectifying her in
the process. At the same time, this microaggression may be more
unconscious or well intended by the man. He may be conscious that he
is looking at her breasts; yet, if he was confronted, he might be defen-
sive and say that he was simply paying her a compliment. However,
this ‘‘compliment’’ is actually insulting and objectifying to the woman
and may end up causing her distress, frustration, and feelings of
objectification.
There are also some themes of microaggressions that would be con-
sidered microinvalidations, which can also be conscious or uncon-
scious. For example, in the theme of use of sexist language, a male
individual may call his female coworker ‘‘honey’’ or ‘‘sweetie’’ when
he would never refer to a male coworker in the same way. This may
be well intended in that he may believe that he is trying to be persona-
ble and cordial with the female coworker, but he may not realize that
the recipient may feel dehumanized or belittled. This behavior may not
even be conscious by the perpetrator, in that this male individual may
call all women some form of a ‘‘pet name’’ and may not realize the
impact he has on others. Concurrently, in the same theme, the example
of a news correspondent calling a female politician a ‘‘bitch’’ or a
‘‘shrew’’ might be a behavior that is more conscious. However, despite
awareness of the comment, it is possible that the perpetrator would
deny the invalidating messages that are conveyed if/when he is con-
fronted. This may be supported through many anecdotes of news cor-
respondents who dismissed allegations of sexism when referring to
Senator Hillary Clinton with such sexist terms during the U.S. presi-
dential election of 2008.
INTERSECTIONS OF GENDER MICROAGGRESSIONS

WITH OTHER MICROAGGRESSIONS
It is important to recognize that gender microaggressions cannot
occur independently from other social identity groups (namely race,
ethnicity, social class, age, ability, or religion). In fact, previous authors
have written about the impact of identity and experiences based upon
the intersection of race and gender (Bowman et al., 2001). Accordingly,
the manifestation of these microaggressions is likely to be heavily influ-
enced by a woman’s other reference groups, especially her race and
age. For example, with the theme of invisibility, it is likely that a
woman of color would be viewed as more invisible than a white

woman and would likely receive substandard service or recognition.
Similarly, with the theme of inferiority, a woman of color (namely a
black American or Latina American) woman would likely be treated as
less intelligent than her white counterparts, which may even speak to
the notion that black and Latina women make significantly less money
than white women (National Women’s Law Center, 2008). Finally, with
the theme of sexual objectification, a woman’s race would influence
the type of microaggression that she receives. For example, black
women are stereotyped to be ‘‘independent, assertive, and aggressive’’
(Bowman et al., 2001), while Asian American women are stereotyped
to be ‘‘passive’’ and ‘‘exotic’’ (Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). As a result, it
is important to notice two trends: (1) the ways that women of different
racial groups are objectified sexually may be different because of their
race, and (2) a woman’s race may always have some impact on her
experiences with gender microaggressions. So while it is important to
not discount the experiences that white women may experience with
sexual objectification, it is necessary to recognize that women of all
racial groups may experience gender microaggressions differently.
Age may also impact gender microaggressions in many ways. This
can be demonstrated through the dehumanizing of women through
language. Perhaps women who are called ‘‘honey’’ or ‘‘dear’’ by their
male coworkers might be younger, which may contribute to such
patronizing language. At the same time, perhaps younger women may
struggle more with microaggressions dealing with assumptions of infe-
riority, in that the combination of their age and gender may contribute
to others’ perceptions that they would not be capable. This is not to
discount that women of all ages deal with microaggressions involving
inferiority, but rather to illuminate how the impact of age may influ-
ence one’s general experiences with microaggressions. Accordingly, it
is important for research to be conducted to understand these experien-
ces with gender microaggressions more empirically.
GENDER MICROAGGRESSIONS IN CLINICAL PRACTICE,

EDUCATION, AND OTHER SETTINGS
Given these proposed themes with gender microaggressions, there are
several implications for clinical practice (e.g., counseling/psychotherapy)
and education (e.g., training, classroom settings). First, it is important to
recognize that these microaggressions may be enacted in counseling/psy-
chotherapy settings, just as microaggressions may occur in everyday life.
As a result, it is important for psychologists, educators, and other practi-
tioners to recognize different ways that microaggressions may manifest
in their professional relationships and on different levels (e.g., counselor–
client, client–counselor, supervisor–supervisee, supervisee–supervisor,
professor–student, or student–professor). This type of awareness is one

that may be communicated directly (e.g., a client or supervisee points out
a microaggression to a therapist or supervisor); however, it is likely that
many microaggressions are unconscious and may go unnoticed. Therefore
by understanding different types of microaggressions that may exist, psy-
chologists and other clinicians can pay extra attention to their own behav-
iors and interpersonal dynamics. Table 7.2 describes various examples of
gender microaggressions that may occur in clinical and educational set-
tings, as well as other work environments.
For clinical settings specifically, there are many ways that microag-
gressions can be integrated into therapeutic relationships by utilizing
the two major principles of feminist psychology and feminist therapy:
(1) the personal is political and (2) relationships must be egalitarian
(Collins, 1998). In understanding that the personal is political, a coun-
selor/psychotherapist (either female or male) must recognize that she/
he is an agent of social change that can challenge the status quo and
advocate for the well-being of all women. Thus, this individual must
be aware that she/he has a responsibility to educate her/his clients
about gender microaggressions, while also encouraging the elimination
of gender microaggressions in everyday life. This would be an advo-
cacy that can be promoted toward both female and male clients who
may be either perpetrators or recipients of gender microaggressions.
For example, a feminist counselor/psychotherapist might gently point
out to a male client that his sexist behaviors send denigrating messages
to women, or a feminist counselor/psychotherapist might assist a
female client in understanding how her internalized sexism causes her
to enact gender microaggressions onto other women. In both of these
cases, the counselor/psychotherapist is confronting her/his clients and
pushing for individual change, while addressing the impact of micro-
aggressions on both individual and societal levels.
Furthermore, in understanding that all relationships are egalitarian,
the feminist therapist must be willing to accept client’s feedback about
her/his experiences with gender microaggressions (or any other type
of microaggression) that may occur in the therapeutic relationship. The
counselor/psychotherapist must not become defensive if she/he is pro-
vided feedback about enacting potential microaggressions in the room.
Rather the counselor/psychotherapist must be open-minded and
respect the client’s right for empowerment. This is an incident that can
give power to the client, in that she/he will have learned how to com-
municate her/his feelings with an authority figure, which can be sym-
bolic of a client’s ability to speak her/his voice in an oppressive world.
It is also important for psychologists and other practitioners to recog-
nize gender microaggressions, as a way of maintaining the APA Ethical
Guidelines and increasing their multicultural competence (Nadal, 2008).
In thoroughly understanding the proposed eight microaggressions (and
Table 7.2
Examples of Gender Microaggressions in Clinical Practice and Other Settings
Theme Example Message
Sexual Objectification: Occurs when a A male therapist tells a female that he Your body is not yours; I have a right to
woman is treated as a sexual object. likes her pants, while glancing at her stare at you without your permission
body.
Invisibility: Occurs when a woman is A male psychologist at a staff meeting is Women’s opinions are not as valuable as
overlooked and/or when men are given credited for a similar comment that a men’s opinions.
preferential treatment. female psychologist made earlier.
Assumptions of Inferiority: Occurs A male client challenges a female Women should know their place.
when a woman is assumed to be less therapist’s competence.
competent than men (e.g., physically or A female therapist is not hired for a posi- Women are not capable of defending
intellectually). tion working with male sex offenders. themselves.
Denial of Reality of Sexism: Occurs A therapist tells a client ‘‘I think you spend You are to blame, not your gender.
171
when a woman is told that sexism does too much time blaming your problem on
not exist. sexism.’’
Assumptions of Traditional Gender A career counselor encourages a student Women are not smart enough.
Roles: Occurs when an individual to pursue social sciences or humanities
assumes that a woman should maintain instead of math or sciences.
traditional gender roles. A therapist focuses sessions on why a Women should know their primary pur-
middle-aged woman is not married. pose in life is to be a wife and mother.
Denial of Individual Sexism: Occurs A male therapist says: ‘‘Your gender I have no gender biases and am
when a man denies his gender biases doesn’t affect the way that I view you.’’ incapable of sexism.
or prejudice.
Use of sexist language: Occurs when A male therapist calls his female client You are inferior to men/I have a right to
language is used to degrade a woman. ‘‘dear.’’ patronize you.
Environmental Invalidations: In the waiting room of a mental health Men are intellectually superior to women.
Macro-level aggressions that occur on clinic, there are all pictures of historical
a systemic and environmental level. male psychologists.
Adapted from Sue & Capodilupo (2008)
many other potential categories of gender microaggressions that may

exist), it is expected that therapists will enhance their multicultural
competence by increasing their (a) knowledge, (b) awareness, and
(c) skills, that are described in multicultural competence models (see
Sue & Sue, 2008). Knowledge of gender microaggressions can be
increased by understanding the presence and process of microaggres-
sions as well as the psychological impacts of microaggressions on both
perpetrators and recipients. Awareness of gender microaggressions can
be strengthened by learning how these microaggressions may occur in
therapeutic settings and how they as therapists might serve as perpe-
trators or recipients of microaggressions. Finally, therapists can gain
the skills to deal with gender microaggressions—learning how to con-
front microaggressions when they occur in therapy, assisting clients in
coping with microaggressions in their everyday lives, and healing from
microaggressions themselves.
It is important to recognize that while it has been discussed that
gender microaggressions occur from male perpetrators to female recipi-
ents that it is possible for microaggressions to occur from female perpe-
trator to female recipient and even male perpetrator to male recipient.
For example, a married woman may enact a microaggression involving
gender roles onto a single woman, by asking her why she is not mar-
ried or why she doesn’t have any children. An example of sexual
objectification that may occur between women is when a woman
makes demeaning, unwelcomed comments about another woman’s
body (i.e., commenting on her breasts) or if a lesbian woman catcalls
another woman as she walks down the street.
In addition, men may enact microaggressions onto other men as
well. For example, a man may use degrading language toward another
man, by referring to him as a ‘‘pussy,’’ a ‘‘queer,’’ or a ‘‘wimp’’
(regardless of the male recipient’s sexual orientation). Given this, it is
also important to recognize how sexual orientation microaggressions
may exist, how they may be very similar to gender microaggressions,
and how they may often be labeled interchangeably. For example, in
the aforementioned incident of the man calling another man a ‘‘queer,’’
it might be considered a gender microaggression because the perpetra-
tor is sending a hurtful, denigrating message to the recipient; however,
if the recipient identifies as gay, then it could also be considered a sex-
ual orientation microaggression because the man is receiving this hate-
ful message primarily because of his sexual orientation. Furthermore,
gender microaggressions in this context did not focus explicitly on
transgender persons and those who identify as non-gender-conforming.
Accordingly, it is important to recognize that microaggressions may
impact transgender women and men in unique ways, in which they
may receive denigrating messages about their transgender identity,
their gender presentation, or their transgender way of life.
Research may be beneficial in further exploring the psychological

impact of gender microaggressions, sexual orientation microaggressions,
transgender microaggressions, and other microaggressions involving re-
ligion, ability, age, or size. Future research involving the intersections of
these identities (as well as the experiences of microaggressions based on
these intersections) would have significant implications for counseling/
psychotherapy. While previous literature demonstrates that women may
cope with sexism in various ways (Lott et al., 2001) or that experiences
of sexism objectification may lead to various mental health problems
(Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Kozee et al., 2007), it is unclear how
women deal with gender microaggressions and how they may impact
one’s psychological health. What is clear is that microaggressions need
to be further studied and exposed in the field of psychology, in order to
improve the lives of women and of all oppressed and disenfranchised
individuals.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to acknowledge Kendra Brewster, Kate Krontris, and
Silvia Mazzula Roman for their assistance in conceptualizing and edit-
ing this paper. I also would like to acknowledge my mother, aunts,
cousins, and grandmothers, for being such amazing female role models
in my life.
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Chapter 8
Prejudice and Discrimination against

Sexual Minorities: A Brazilian
Perspective
Eros DeSouza
Elder Cerqueira-Santos
This chapter focuses on a neglected population—sexual minorities (les-

bian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning [LGBTQ] individuals)
in Brazil, a developing country, which is relevant to U.S. researchers,
clinicians, and policy makers interested in sexual minorities of color
who often face similar challenges. We begin by defining some basic
concepts concerning gender, sexual orientation, and transsexualism.
Next, we briefly discuss prejudice and discrimination, including subtle
discrimination toward LGBT individuals. We also discuss pertinent
material published in English or Portuguese concerning prejudice, dis-
crimination, and violence toward sexual minorities in Brazil. Moreover,
we give a voice to such population by inserting excerpts from inter-
views that we conducted during 2009 with Brazilian LGBTQ individu-
als from Porto Alegre (southern Brazil), S~ao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro (both
in southeastern Brazil), and Aracaju (northeastern Brazil).
Brazil is the largest Latin American country and is ranked eighth in
the world economy. It is slightly smaller than the United States, with a
population of about 200 million (54 percent white; Central Intelligence
Agency, 2009). Brazilian society differs greatly from region to region,
from rural to urban life, with industrialization and urbanization wide-
spread in some regions (e.g., south and southeast) and not as much in
others (e.g., north and the interior). Moreover, sexuality and gender
norms have been changing substantially in contemporary Brazil

(DeSouza, Baldwin, Koller, & Narvaz, 2004). According to Parker
(1999), Brazil has ‘‘the largest and most visible gay subculture . . . any-
where outside the fully industrialized West’’ (p. 45). Gay and lesbian
sexuality are increasingly visible in Brazil, with an emergent gay and
lesbian as well as mainstream press discussing gay and lesbian cultural
and political issues and a growing commercialization of the Brazilian
gay culture, which has been influenced by North American and West-
ern European gay cultures (Klein, 1999; Parker, 1999).
It is impossible to discuss homosexuality in Brazil without also dis-
cussing how Brazilian society views gender and sexuality in general.
Brazil is a machista society (DeSouza et al., 2004); thus, gender relations,
as well as relations across different sexual orientations must be viewed
in that context as well.
BASIC CONCEPTS
Sex versus Gender
These terms are often used interchangeably, but they carry different
connotations. Sex is a biological category used to differentiate human
males (individuals with XY chromosomes and male genitalia) from
human females (individuals with XX chromosomes and female genita-
lia). There is a small percentage of humans who are inter-sexed (her-
maphrodite), having ambiguous components of their biological sex;
however, the overwhelming majority of humans can be unambiguously
classified as male or female (Faust-Sterling, 2000). Gender is a socially
constructed term that describes social interpretations of what it means
to be a man or a woman in a given society; gender stereotypes are
beliefs shared by people in a given society about how men and women
differ or should differ (Larsen & Buss, 2008).
Sexual Identity versus Sexual Orientation

Sexual identity refers to one’s sexual attraction (wanting) and pat-
tern of sexual behavior (doing), having both personal and political
meanings (Starks, Gilbert, Fischer, Weston, & DiLalla, 2009). Such
meanings are interpersonally constructed; thus, they are fluid, changing
over time and throughout one’s life. Researchers often categorize sex-
ual identity based on one’s self-assessment (labeling) at a given time
(e.g., lesbian, gay, bisexual, heterosexual). One’s sexual identity (how
one views oneself as a sexual being) may not always coincide with
one’s sexual orientation, which includes one’s physical (sexual) and
affectional (emotional) attraction toward another person. Like sexual
identity, sexual orientation is fluid and is best conceptualized on a
Prejudice and Discrimination against Sexual Minorities 179
continuum, from exclusively homosexual to exclusively heterosexual;

it is also complex, including one’s sexual identity, desires, behaviors,
disclosures, and experiences (Horowitz & Newcomb, 2001). Research
suggests that women, compared to men, are more likely to show varia-
bility and transitions throughout their lifetimes for both sexual orienta-
tion and identity, probably due to women’s more fluid and less narrow
attractions than men’s (e.g., Diamond & Savin-Williams, 2000).
Transvestism versus Transsexualism

Transvestism refers to obtaining pleasure or sexual fulfillment by
adopting the clothes, mannerisms, or gender roles of the opposite
sex (e.g., during Brazilian Carnival, many men dress up as women;
Cardoso, 2005). According to Cardoso, transvestism is also related to
cross-dressing; for example, when gay men dress up as drag queens
for entertainment purposes. Cardoso explains transsexualism as a long-
ing to look, feel, and be like the opposite sex from the one with which
an individual was born. Some transsexuals opt for permanent sex reas-
signment through surgery. Transgender is the umbrella term that
encompasses both transvestites and transsexuals.
PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION

Although human sexuality is diverse, with same-sex attraction,
desire, and behavior being normal reflections of such diversity, there is
resistance in developed and developing countries alike to extend uni-
versal principles of equality, justice, freedom, and dignity to LGBTQ
individuals (Kitzinger & Wilkinson, 2004; Klein, 1999). Such resistance
may be related to sexual prejudice, which Herek (2000) defines as all
negative attitudes toward a person because of his or her homosexual-
ity. According to Herek, sexually prejudiced individuals are usually
male, report being exclusively heterosexual, and have limited contact
with LGBTQ individuals.
A recent Brazilian study conducted with 200 students from a public
university corroborates the above findings, including the contact hy-
pothesis, which states that heterosexuals who interact with LGBTQ
individuals seem to develop more positive attitudes toward sexual
minorities than those with limited contact with LGBTQ individuals
(Cerqueira-Santos, Winter, Salles, Longo, & Teodoro, 2007). However,
Cerqueira-Santos et al. found that the contact hypothesis worked better
among heterosexual women, who showed significantly less sexual pre-
judice, especially toward lesbians, than among heterosexual men. These
findings suggest that Brazilian men fear being perceived as not mascu-
line enough if they associate with sexual minorities, which is similar to
how U.S. masculinity is construed (e.g., Kimmel, 1997). Moreover, in
order for the contact hypothesis to work, others must know about one’s
sexual orientation.
Unlike women and ethnic/racial minorities who have visible phenotypic
characteristics, homosexuality is often invisible, dependent on revelation to
become known to others (Sedgwick, 1990); thus, Fassinger (1991) refers to
their status as an invisible minority in society. Sexual prejudice (i.e., antipa-
thy toward LGBTQ individuals) may lead to discrimination, which is an
act, either physical or verbal, as well as avoidance or social exclusion (i.e.,
not associating with LGBTQ individuals; Crocker, Major, & Steele, 1998).
DeSouza and Showalter (in press) recently examined micro-
aggressions (e.g., social exclusion and spreading malicious rumors)
directed at sexual minorities that are subtle, yet detrimental. DeSouza
and Showalter sampled 133 LGBTQ college students in the United
States. After controlling for negative affectivity, they found that LGBTQ
students who experienced at least one act of subtle sexual orientation
harassment during the past year were significantly more likely to state
intention to leave their institution and have a lower GPA than non-
harassed students. In addition, DeSouza and Showalter found that
LGBTQ students who were open about their sexual orientation
reported higher levels of self-esteem and life satisfaction and lower lev-
els of anxiety and depression than those less committed to their sexual
identity, suggesting significant benefits for coming out to others.
HOMOSEXUALITY IN BRAZIL
In the Brazilian sexual script, there is a hegemonic distinction
between masculine atividade (activity) and feminine passividade (passiv-
ity), in which sexuality is subjected to male desire, reflecting wide-
spread machismo (Parker, 1993). According to Parker, such a
distinction is reflected in the daily language Brazilians use to describe
sexual relations, in which the role of the macho is to comer (literally to
eat, but loosely translated as to fuck) and the role assigned to women,
effeminate gay men, and transvestites is to dar (to give). In the Brazil-
ian sexual universe, comer is synonymous with vencer (to win, to con-
quer) and possuir (to own, to possess). Such a vocabulary of sexual
meanings suggests that women, effeminate gay men, and transvestites
are socialized to be passive, receptive sexual partners, while macho
men are socialized to pursue, to penetrate, and to dominate. Thus, in
Brazil, a macho man continues to exercise the power of his virility with
any feminine individual, including a bicha or effeminate male homosex-
ual (Mendes-Leite, 1993). In other words, as long as the macho main-
tains his atividade (i.e., be the active person or penetrator, not the
penetrated), he is typically not viewed as a homosexual by society.
There is also an internalization of such sexual script by some gay men,
creating a sexual hierarchy in Brazil, with macho men at the top and
feminine individuals (i.e., heterosexual women, effeminate gay men,
and transgendered individuals) on the bottom.
Here I have to be macho. It does not matter what one does within four
walls; it is our secret. As long as you act like a macho in public, everything
is fine. Even among other gay men, the idea of being macho [active or pene-
trator] is strong. If a gay man wants to offend another, just call him a ‘‘pas-
sive’’ [or penetrated] queer.
—thirty-six-year-old gay man from Aracaju
People talk bad about transvestites . . . they say we are the scummiest sub-
group of all homosexuals, but nobody questions macho homosexual men who
go out with us and pay to have sex with us. They continue to be honorable
gentlemen in the eyes of society, because they live an anonymous life and of-
ten pass as heterosexual. They think they are the most macho men in the
world. They are macho because they eat [have sex with] anyone!
—twenty-four-year-old transvestite from Aracaju
According to Prado and Machado (2008), the distinction between
masculine atividade (activity) and feminine passividade (passivity) is
reflected in same-sex and other-sex relations throughout Latin America.
Thus, to be active during sexual intercourse is viewed as dominant,
aggressive, and masculine, whereas to be passive is viewed as weak,
submissive, and feminine.
In the Brazilian culture, the above distinction also applies to one’s
public image or persona and interfaces with one’s appearance and
socioeconomic status. Thus, certain terms (e.g., being called bofe or
macho gay man) carry a more positive connotation than others (e.g.,
being called frutinha or little fruit, which means to be a delicate or
effeminate gay man).
It is different to be gay in the wealthy parts of Rio than in the poor sec-
tions. There is prejudice everywhere, but in the wealthy areas we have some
protection. It is our beach! Besides, gays are a part of the social culture and
the way of life in Ipanema. If we are gone, half of the bars will close down!
—thirty-eight-year-old gay man from Rio de Janeiro
In public, people think I am a heterosexual. It is funny; women flirt with
me a lot. I think it is because I take care of myself . . . I am fit, well-dressed,
etc. I am sure that if I were a mal-nourished poor queer it would be another
story. They would laugh at me instead. One’s appearance makes a big differ-
ence, even among other gays who think I am a dominant top, but nobody
knows what people do in bed.
—twenty-five-year-old gay man from S~ ao Paulo
Moreover, homosexuals seem to be the most oppressed group in
Brazil—much more than women, racial minorities, and people with
disabilities (Almeida & Crillanovick, 1999)—even though open displays

of homosexuality are common and widely accepted. For example, for-
mer Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso was often photo-
graphed kissing drag queens; one of Brazil’s top female models was
once a man; and crowds cheer nearly naked gay men every year during
Carnival (Goering, 1997). Based on historical analyses of events in Rio de
Janeiro and S~ao Paulo, Green (1999) reported a growing male homosex-
ual appropriation and transformation of Carnival during the twentieth
century, which opened up a more accepting view of male homosexual-
ity, at least in large cities. Green documented a paradox of permissive
same-sex eroticism during the four days of Carnival with accounts of
intolerance toward homosexuals during the rest of the year.
Everybody thinks that being gay is fantastic in Rio, but only if you are
good-looking and rich. Poor gays only show up during Carnival or during
the LGBT [Pride] parade. Afterwards we should become invisible and quiet.
There are two worlds in this city. It is not easy to be a queer from the
slums.
—twenty-eight-year-old gay man from a favela (slum)
in Rio de Janeiro
When I am dressed up as a Drag Queen I am a goddess of Carnival, but
afterwards everything changes. In their eyes, I am a queer with AIDS whom
nobody wants to see or employ! The only path to survive is prostitution.
There are plenty of clients. Who are they? The same ones who deny me legal
employment and do not want to see me around.
—thirty-year-old transgendered person from Rio de Janeiro
A national poll revealed a similar ambivalence toward homosexual-

ity among a cross-section of Brazilian men and women. Fifty percent of
those surveyed indicated daily contact with homosexuals at work or in
the neighborhood; however, 56 percent said they would change their
behavior toward a colleague if they discovered he or she was a homo-
sexual, with 20 percent avoiding contact with such colleague and 36
percent indicating they would not hire a homosexual, even if he or she
were the best-qualified candidate for the position; 58 percent reported
being opposed to homosexual couples adopting a child even if they
had lived in a committed relationship for a long time; and 79 percent
said they would be disappointed if they had a homosexual child
(O mundo gay rasga as fantasias, 1993).
A survey study conducted in the city of S~
ao Paulo (Instituto de Pesquisa
e Cultura GLS, 2000) revealed that 67 percent of the LGBT sample
reported being discriminated against due to their sexual orientation by
family members, friends, and neighbors, as well as in work, school, pub-
lic, and health services settings. In addition, victims of such discrimina-
tion were re-victimized when filing complaints in police stations.
A study conducted with 220 college students in northeast Brazil

indicated that only 24 percent of those sampled were not prejudiced to-
ward homosexuals, with 38 percent being mildly prejudiced and an
additional 38 percent being blatantly so (Lacerda, Pereira, & Camino,
2002). As in the United States, Lacerda et al. found that heterosexual
Brazilian men had more negative attitudes toward gay men and les-
bians than heterosexual Brazilian women did.
In addition, a recent study with 891 U.S. and Brazilian college stu-
dents revealed that in both countries, bystanders often witnessed har-
assment of homosexuals (DeSouza & Scheinder, 2009). Overall, 77
percent of all respondents reported having experienced at least one act
of being a bystander verbal harassment of homosexuals, whereas only
25 percent of the participants reported having experienced at least one
act of bystander to exclusion of homosexuals during the past 12
months. Note that these types of bystander experiences are not mutu-
ally exclusive. Being a bystander to verbal harassment of homosexuals
had negative consequences to bystanders, especially in Brazil. Specifi-
cally, being a bystander to verbal harassment of homosexuals was a
significant predictor of multiple negative consequences (i.e., physical
illness and drug-alcohol use) in Brazil, but this may also be a source of
concern in the United States as well (via a link with drug and alcohol
use). These findings extend past research on the negative outcomes of
being a bystander to sexual (Glomb, Richman, Hulin, & Drasgow, 1997)
or ethnic (Low, Radhakrishnan, Schneider, & Rounds, 2007) harassment.
Violence against Sexual Minorities

As in the United States, violence against sexual minorities is not a
new problem in Brazil. In fact, transgendered individuals are the main
victims of discrimination and violence based on sexual orientation
(Carrara & Vianna, 2006). According to Carrara and Vianna, the police
are indifferent to crimes committed against poor transgendered indi-
viduals who turn to prostitution to survive. Even their murder is
viewed as a ‘‘normal’’ consequence of an illegal way of earning a liv-
ing. In fact, police officers often look the other way when confronted
with hate crimes against homosexuals (Goering, 1997).
According to Mott (2002), Brazil ranks number one in the world for
hate crimes based on sexual orientation. A recent study by Grupo Gay
da Bahia (2009) reports that 190 homosexuals were killed during 2008,
with gay men (96 percent) being by far more likely to be killed than
lesbians (4 percent). According to Grupo Gay da Bahia, northeastern
Brazil, which makes up 30 percent of the Brazilian population, has the
deepest anti-gay attitudes and the highest percentage (48 percent) of
homosexuals murdered compared to the south/southeast (28 percent),
midwest (14 percent), and north (10 percent).
A study conducted in 2001 in the state of Rio de Janeiro revealed

that during an eighteen-month period, the police received 500 reports
of violence against LGBT individuals. Of these, 6.3 percent consisted of
murder, 10.3 percent were extortion cases, 18.7 percent were of physi-
cal assault, and 20.2 percent were of discrimination based on sexual
orientation (cited in Conselho Nacional de Combate a Discriminaç~ao,
2004). Every three days a person is murdered in Brazil because of his or
her sexual orientation (Rios, 2002). Note that these statistics reflect crimes
that were reported, representing an underestimation of the true preva-
lence of crimes against LGBT individuals. Thus, it is important to conduct
survey studies that tap victimization, potentially revealing crimes com-
mitted against LGBT persons that may otherwise go unreported.
A survey study conducted in Rio de Janeiro with 416 gay men,
lesbians, and transgendered individuals revealed that 60 percent of
the respondents reported being victims of violence/discrimination
(Carrara, Ramos, & Caetano, 2002). Specifically, 16.6 percent reported
experiencing physical assault (the rate almost tripled for transgendered
individuals, with 42.3 percent), 18 percent bribery or extortion (the rate
almost doubled for transgendered individuals, with 30.8 percent), 56.3
percent experienced verbal insults or threats due to their sexual orien-
tation, and 58.5 percent were discriminated against because of their
sexual orientation. This study also revealed that 22.4 percent of the les-
bians surveyed were victimized by family members because they were
women and lesbian.
The above findings suggest that many Brazilian sexual minorities
live in silence, secrecy, threat of rejection, and marginality. In addition,
these somber statistics require consciousness of the violence against
sexual minorities that goes on in their own family of origin.
The Brazilian family usually does not accept a homosexual child,
especially a transgendered adolescent whose ‘‘inappropriate’’ gender
expression is used as an excuse for family-inflicted violence; such a
child is eventually expelled from home and often survives through
prostitution (Conselho Nacional de Combate a Discriminaç~ao, 2004).
There is a gendered violence in many Brazilian families that ‘‘submit
individuals, physically and/or emotionally, consciously and/or uncon-
sciously as a function of their sex’’ (Werba & Strey, 2001, p. 72).
According to DeFrancisco (1997), as gender roles play out in Brazilian
society and in the family, they are linked to violence, especially physi-
cal and sexual abuse; such abuse is aggravated by secrecy and denial
of family-inflicted violence. Machismo is often present in the typical
family scenery of abusive systems to the extent that these systems
reflect more rigid gender roles that correspond to patriarchal systems
that are institutionalized in society (DeSouza et al., 2004). Thus, it is
easy to see that transgendered people, like women, are often victims of
family and social violence.
Prejudice against homosexuals is everywhere, even inside us. I don’t feel

accepted by my family and cannot even mention my partner at work. What
is left is a [gay] ghetto. I only befriend other gay men and sometimes they
too show machismo. I have dated a transgendered individual and they spoke
badly of this relationship.
—thirty-one-year-old gay man from Porto Alegre
I ended up moving to the big city to escape. Here nobody knows me or my
life. I had to bury my past and my life began when I moved here. Now I am
myself!
—thirty-six-year-old lesbian from S~ao Paulo
When my father found out that I am a transvestite and do shows at night,
he told me not to return home. In order to see my mother, she has to come
to my house. I do not have a family anymore, you know. I had no choice. It
was me or them.
—thirty-five-year-old transgendered person from Porto Alegre
Recently, Rocha et al. (2009) interviewed eight transsexuals to find
out their perceptions of the Brazilian public health system, which pro-
vides universal and free health services to all Brazilian nationals. The
findings revealed stereotypes about transsexuals and sexual prejudice
by health providers at all levels (e.g., clerical staff, nurses, and doctors),
especially toward transgender sex workers. For instance, these partici-
pants experienced humiliation from health care providers when they
voiced a desire to be called by their chosen names rather than by their
birth names, even though by law transsexuals are allowed to have their
chosen names in all their medical files. One participant said, ‘‘When
they call me [in the health clinic] by my birth name . . . the name writ-
ten in the identification file, I stand up and go in order not to lose the
consultation with the doctor. I walk with my head down, cause I feel
embarrassed’’ (p. 14). Another participant recalled a similar experience:
‘‘They [health officials] don’t call you by your chosen name, you know.
They are not sensible. On top of that, you can hear the comments and
laughs as soon as you leave’’ (p. 14). Rocha et al. reported that staff
members simply refused to call transgendered individuals by their cho-
sen name even when explicitly asked to do so: ‘‘A receptionist treated
me really bad. She said simply, ‘I will call you R (masculine name)’.
I said I would really like to be called by my chosen name G (feminine).
The receptionist said, ‘No, I will call you R’ ’’ (p. 15).
The interviews also showed a lack of sensitivity and training to deal
with transgendered individuals. ‘‘I reckon there is no preparation
to deal with us, from those who work in the reception desk up to the
doctors. I believe they don’t have a minimum of training’’ (p. 16).
Another said: ‘‘How can you develop any rapport with your doctor if,
upon arrival, the doctor starts treating you as a ‘he.’ How can I de-
velop rapport with someone who calls me ‘sir’? How can I be open
enough to talk about my life, to expose myself or talk about intimate

stuff with the doctor? There is no rapport! I may need a doctor in the
future and not go’’ (pp. 16–17).
Another participant brings up the important topic of how public
stigma, stereotype, prejudice, and discrimination against transgendered
individuals negatively affect treatment seeking, yielding significant
harm to this population: ‘‘When they [transvestites] seek health serv-
ices, they face discrimination instead, and they no longer go back . . .
the public perceptions of prejudice and hatred don’t change. Many of
them get really bad [with their health] . . . only when their condition
worsens significantly, then they seek help’’ (p. 19). Another participant
described how physicians stereotype and prejudge transgendered indi-
viduals as automatically being HIV positive: ‘‘When you report any
health symptom, and they realize you’re a transvestite or transsexual,
most [health care professionals] believe that you are infected with HIV
straight away . . .’’ (p. 17).
Rocha et al.’s interviews support the notion that there is widespread
public stigma against sexual minorities, especially against transgen-
dered individuals, even by well-educated professionals. There is a
hopeful trend though: Whitam, Daskalos, Sobolewski, and Padilla
(1998) suggest that there is increasing public support for the civil rights
of sexual minorities in Brazil.
IMPORTANT LAWS AND RESOLUTIONS TOWARD EQUALITY

Historically, homosexuality has been viewed as pathological and
deviant both in the United States and Brazil. Though sodomy was
decriminalized in 1830 throughout Brazil (Rios, 2002), it remained a
crime in some states in the United States until the Supreme Court’s de-
cision in 2003, which overturned state same-sex sodomy laws (Lawrence
v. Texas, 2003).
It was only in 1985 that homosexuality was removed as a mental
disorder from the Brazilian Federal Association of Medicine (cited in
Conselho Nacional de Combate a Discriminaç~
ao, 2004), compared to its
removal from the second edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Man-
ual of Mental Disorders in 1973 in the United States (American Psychi-
atric Association, 1973). On March 22, 1999, the Brazilian Federal
Association of Psychology passed a resolution stating that no professio-
nal who provides therapeutic services to sexual minority clients can act
in a way that reinforces the notion of homoerotic behaviors or practices
as pathological (Resoluç~ao CFP # 001/99, 1999). Such resolution is simi-
lar to the U.S. resolution on appropriate therapeutic responses to sexual
orientation passed by the American Psychological Association council
of representatives on August 14, 1997 (American Psychological Associa-
tion, 1998). There is an important difference, however. In Brazil, such a
resolution refers to actual standards that are mandatory, whereas in

the United States it refers to guidelines or recommendations aimed at
motivating psychologists to act ethically toward sexual minority clients
without enforcement mechanisms.
On May 13, 2002, former Brazilian President Fernando Henrique
Cardoso proposed a program to amend the Brazilian Constitution of
1988—which does not include sexual orientation as a protected
group—that would explicitly make sexual orientation a human rights
issue, prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation (Leis,
2002). Such an amendment has not yet passed. Currently, Brazil has a
patchwork of legal protection, with three states protecting LGBT indi-
viduals from discrimination, whereas the remaining 24 states lack such
protection (Conselho Nacional de Combate a Discriminaç~ao, 2004).
Such a patchwork of legal protection parallels the situation found in
the U.S., where only 20 states ban discrimination based on sexual ori-
entation (National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, 2008).
Unlike in the United States, Brazilian federal laws have extended
many rights to same-sex domestic partners, including social security
and inheritance (Rios, 2002). In addition, legislation was passed on
December 3, 2003, extending immigration rights to foreign homosex-
uals who wish to join their Brazilian partners (Silva & Barbi, 2005).
Laws against sexual harassment are relatively recent in Brazil. The
first such law was enacted in the state of Rio de Janeiro in 1991, where
organizations could be fined and the perpetrator dismissed (Noviski,
Davoli, & Castro, 2000). On May 15, 2001, a national law passed that
criminalizes sexual harassment and provides for up to two years in jail
for perpetrators found guilty (C odigo Penal Brasileiro, 2001). Such law
defines sexual harassment only as sexual coercion by a superior in
order to obtain sexual favors; it does not include a hostile environment
created by peers or subordinates. It emphasizes an abuse of power by
a superior. These laws are gender neutral. Pastore and Robortella
(2003) found that 9 percent of reported cases involve same-sex sexual
harassment.
According to the Brazilian Health Ministry (Conselho Nacional de
Combate a Discriminaç~ ao, 2004), the government needs to take several
steps to reduce prejudice, discrimination, and violence based on sexual
orientation. We highlight the first four because they are of interest to
U.S. researchers, clinicians, and decision makers as well. First, there is
a need for action by disseminating among all levels of society the
notion that homosexual citizenship is a human rights issue. Second, the
constitution must be amended in order to protect sexual minorities
from discrimination in employment, education, housing, mental and
health care, and the military in all Brazilian states, territories, cities,
municipalities, and public institutions. Third, it is necessary to cooper-
ate with international organizations to ensure that human rights are
extended to all sexual minorities worldwide. Fourth, LGBTQ individu-

als have the right to live in a society free of violence; when crime based
on sexual orientation occurs, punishment needs to be swift and just.
SEXISM
The Brazilian Health Ministry (Conselho Nacional de Combate a
Discriminaç~ao, 2004) also suggested that prejudice based on sexual ori-
entation must be reduced alongside other types of prejudice, such as
sexism. Research has shown that sexism is related to negative attitudes
toward sexual minorities. Glick and Fiske (1996) differentiated between
two types of sexist ideologies. The first is a subjectively positive, but
patronizing, orientation of protection, idealization, and affection toward
women (benevolent sexism), whereas the second reflects men’s violence
against women and exploitation of women as sex objects (hostile sex-
ism). These two types of sexism are complementary. They reinforce
and justify patriarchy, including heterosexuals’ hostility toward women
who deviate from traditional gender roles (e.g., lesbians; Glick & Fiske,
1997). Research across six U.S. samples showed that men consistently
scored significantly higher than did women on both hostile and benev-
olent sexism; however, the gender gap was greater for hostile sexism
than for benevolent sexism (Glick & Fiske, 1996).
Moreover, benevolent and hostile sexism have been found to be
widespread across 19 nations, including Brazil, reflecting and maintain-
ing the oppression of women (Glick et al., 2000), including lesbians.
For instance, in a study across three British samples of high school stu-
dents, college students, and full-time employees, Masser and Abrams
(1999) found that benevolent sexism, hostile sexism, and neosexism
were negatively related to support for lesbians’ and gay men’s rights.
In addition, in a study of college students at a medium-sized Midwest-
ern U.S. public university, Whitley (2001) found that the best predictors
of attitudes toward homosexuality were gender, benevolent sexism,
endorsement of the traditional masculine role, and attitudes toward
women.
DeSouza, Solberg, and Elder (2007) examined the influence of one’s
attitudes toward women in general and lesbians in particular on per-
ceptions of woman-to-woman sexual harassment among 952 U.S. and
Brazilian college students. The authors found significant relationships
between negative attitudes toward lesbians with both benevolent and
hostile sexism. Thus, sexist individuals also have anti-lesbian attitudes.
The authors also found some support for the contact hypothesis, as
there was a significant relationship between associating with homosex-
uals and having positive attitudes toward lesbians. There were interest-
ing cross-cultural differences. Overall, college students in Brazil viewed
hypothetical cases involving woman-to-woman sexual harassment as
significantly more harassing and more likely to require an investigation

than did college students in the United States. There were significant
gender differences, but only between U.S. men and women, suggesting
that Brazilian men and women are alike in the perceptions of woman-
to-woman sexual harassment. Finally, hostile sexism and perceptions
of what behaviors constitute woman-to-woman sexual harassment sig-
nificantly predicted views of the hypothetical case as sexual harass-
ment and in need of an investigation. These findings generally
supported Fiske and Glick’s (1995) argument that sexist attitudes pre-
dict judgments about unwanted social-sexual behaviors.
CONCLUSION
The picture of Brazil portrayed by the media is of Carnival, where
nudity is the norm, but most Brazilians remain conservative under-
neath the mask of a sensual and seductive society, where there is no
sin below the equator or within four walls everything is permitted
(Parker, 1991, 1993, 1999). In fact, machismo is alive and well. How-
ever, like its views toward women, Brazilian society has been changing
its views toward LGBTQ individuals, with a significant shift toward
acceptance of sexual minorities.
There are many lenses to understand Brazil. On the one hand, sex-
ual minorities in Brazil experience dehumanization in the form of pub-
lic stigma, stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination, and violence. On the
other hand, Brazilians are discussing homosexuality more openly,
which is changing morality from a rigid hegemonic heterosexual view-
point toward a more accepting view of differences and diversity as de-
sirable. According to Prado and Machado (2008), homosexuality in
Brazil has been through a political transformation: from criminalizing
and pathologizing homosexuality toward fighting for human rights
and dignity of LGBTQ individuals.
Increasing numbers of sexual minority individuals in Brazil are com-
ing out of the closet and slowly are being accepted by family members,
friends, neighbors, and co-workers. For instance, on June 14, 2009, the
city of S~ao Paulo held its 13th Gay Pride parade, the largest in the
world with an estimated 3.5 million people in attendance (Parada Gay,
2009). The process is not uniform though. Acceptance is more common
in large urban centers, such as S~ ao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, than in
rural areas or in the northeast of Brazil. In addition, sexual minority
individuals who publicly conform to traditional gender role expecta-
tions are more easily accepted than their less gender-typical counter-
parts, especially transgendered individuals who totally break away
from traditional gender expressions and are the most marginalized and
the most victimized sexual minority subgroup in Brazil.
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Chapter 9
Frequency Rates and Consequences of

Peer Sexual Harassment: Comparing
U.S. and International Students1
Eros DeSouza
Joy Chien
Although sexual harassment is widespread on U.S. college campuses,

we know of no study that has examined the incidence of sexual harass-
ment among international students. Thus, the purpose of the current
study described in this chapter was to fill an important gap in the liter-
ature by comparing frequency rates and psychological consequences of
peer sexual harassment between U.S.-born and international college
students. The findings showed that female international students were
at the greatest risk of experiencing peer sexual harassment and were
the most bothered by these experiences. There was also a trend for sex-
ually harassed international students, regardless of gender, to have
lower self-esteem compared to sexually harassed U.S.-born students.
These findings have important practical implications for university
officials.
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Hill and Silva (2005) reported findings from a recent national survey
conducted by the American Association of University Women in which
62 percent of U.S. male and female college students indicated having
been sexually harassed, most often by peers (80 percent); the most
common form of sexual harassment was unwanted comments, jokes,
gestures, and looks (53 percent). In addition, many scholars suggest

that sexual harassment is about power rather than sexual desire (e.g.,
Cleveland & Kerst, 1993; Fineran & Bennett, 1999; Jones, 1996; Sandler,
1997). Power may rest on the harasser’s gender, size, race, ‘‘or any
number of other dominant characteristics the harasser possesses or is
perceived to possess by society’’ (Strauss, 2003, p. 114).
DEFINING SEXUAL HARASSMENT

From a psychological perspective, sexual harassment is defined as
‘‘unwanted sex-related behavior at work that is appraised by the recip-
ient as offensive, exceeding her resources, or threatening her well-
being’’ (Fitzgerald, Swan, & Magley, 1997, p. 15). Sexual harassment is,
then, a type of stressor that has deleterious effects on a target’s health
and psychological well-being. Although we are interested in psycholog-
ical sexual harassment, it is worthwhile noting that the definition of
sexual harassment varies cross culturally (DeSouza & Solberg, 2003)
and from one individual to another due to the subjective nature of sex-
ual harassment (i.e., sexual harassment is in the eye of the beholder).
According to Paludi (1997), sexual harassment in educational set-
tings can be defined in legal terms and in behavioral terms. As a legal
term, the U.S. Department of Education: Office for Civil Rights (2001)
defined sexual harassment as:
[u]nwelcome conduct of a sexual nature. Sexual harassment can include

unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal,
nonverbal, or physical conduct of a sexual nature. Sexual harassment of a
student can deny or limit, on the basis of sex, the student’s ability to par-
ticipate in or to receive benefits, services, or opportunities in the school’s
program. Sexual harassment of student is, therefore, a form of sex dis-
crimination prohibited by Title IX under circumstances described in this
guidance. (p. 2)
As a behavioral term, sexual harassment ‘‘can also occur where no

such formal differential exists, if the behavior is unwanted by or offen-
sive to the individual’’ (Fitzgerald & Ormerod, 1993, p. 556).
Sexual harassment is illegal (Equal Employment Opportunity Com-
mission, 2009; U.S. Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights,
2001). It can be classified into two categories: quid pro quo and hostile
environment. In quid pro quo sexual harassment, the harasser typically
has more organizational power than the target (Sandler & Shoop,
1997); that is, when the harasser is in a position to provide benefits for
the target in exchange for sexual favors or to punish the target for not
cooperating—for example, when a teacher gives an ‘‘A’’ grade to a stu-
dent who does not deserve it but is open to sexual interactions, or
Frequency Rates and Consequences of Peer Sexual Harassment 197
when a teacher fails a student because he or she is not willing to par-

ticipate in sexual behaviors.
The other type of sexual harassment is hostile environment, which is
defined as an environment being so hostile that it interferes with an
individual’s ability to perform her or his tasks, such as attending
classes (Sandler & Shoop, 1997). Examples of behaviors that fall under
this category include, but are not limited to, sexual innuendos, sexual
bantering, unwanted touching, grabbing and pinching, sexual obscen-
ities, computer harassment, exposure to pornographic materials, and
being asked out on a date repeatedly after having said no.
Often in situations of hostile environment, the harasser and the tar-
get are in an equal organizational position, such as both being
students. This form of hostile environment is called peer sexual harass-
ment. However, only a few studies focused directly on peer sexual
harassment in educational settings (e.g., DeSouza & Ribeiro, 2005;
DeSouza, Schneider, & Hubbard, 2005; Goldstein, Malanchuk, Davis-
Kean, & Eccles, 2007).
One of the reasons for the lack of attention on peer sexual harass-
ment in educational settings is that many sexual behaviors that match
the peer sexual harassment definition have become normalized in soci-
ety due to the culture’s perception of gender roles. According to
Woods (2007), one aspect for men to be masculine in the United States
is to be sexual; in other words, men should be interested in sex all the
time. For example, it is common to find a group of men judging wom-
en’s appearance and body parts when women simply pass by, and it
would be ‘‘naturally’’ argued that judging women is a way of ‘‘men
being men.’’
Peer sexual harassment occurs due to societal status bestowed upon
men (Fitzgerald & Ormerod, 1993). Thus, it is a form of gender-based
dominance and control (Fineran, Bennett, & Sacco, 2001), in which
young men show their masculinity by sexually coming on to women
(Woods, 2007). Fineran and Bennett (1999) reported that in the United
States, high school boys sexually harassed their peers more often than
high school girls did, and adolescents’ beliefs that men should be dom-
inant were correlated with engaging in sexually harassing behaviors
toward peers.
Although Hill and Silva’s study as well as other studies that use
their own behavioral checklists (e.g., American Association of Univer-
sity Women, 1993, 2001; Fineran & Bennet, 1999; Ivy & Hamlet, 1996)
are informative, these studies are largely atheoretical. They generally
use various definitions of sexual harassment and psychometric instru-
ments, making generalizations problematic (Raver & Gelfand, 2005).
In the late 1980s, Fitzgerald et al. created a behavioral measure of
sexual harassment called the Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ),
which has become the most widely used and rigorous assessment of
sexual harassment with content, construct, and criterion validity (Arvey

& Cavanaugh, 1995; Fitzgerald, Gelfand, & Drasgow, 1995; Stark,
Chernyshenko, Lancaster, Drasgow, & Fitzgerald, 2002). Fitzgerald et
al. defined sexual harassment as a behavioral construct, comprising
three related but distinct dimensions: gender harassment (insulting, hos-
tile, or degrading sexist behaviors), unwanted sexual attention (verbal or
nonverbal sexual behaviors that are offensive, unwanted, and unreci-
procated), and sexual coercion (when better treatment or rewards are
contingent on sexual cooperation, either subtly or explicitly). Note that
the term ‘‘sexual harassment’’ is never mentioned in the SEQ.
Moreover, gender harassment and unwanted sexual attention paral-
lel the legal definition of a hostile environment, whereas sexual coer-
cion parallels the legal definition of quid pro quo. Research suggests that
gender harassment is the most common type of sexual harassment, fol-
lowed by unwanted sexual attention, with sexual coercion being the
least common (Pryor & Fitzgerald, 2003).
DEMOGRAPHIC FACTORS RELATED TO THE

INCIDENCE OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT
Sexual harassers usually choose individuals who do not have the
power to reject behaviors that are unwelcome, degrading, offensive,
or intimidating, and that violate standards of interpersonal respect
(DeSouza, 2008). In addition, perpetrators of these acts are motivated
to maintain or enhance their social status (Berdahl, 2007).
Survey studies have shown that female workers are much more
likely to experience sexual harassment than male workers (e.g., U.S.
Merit Systems Protection Board, 1981, 1988, 1995). In educational set-
tings, although male students can and do become targets of peer sexual
harassment, those who seem most vulnerable to be sexually harassed
by their peers are female students (Goldstein et al., 2007; Hand &
Sanchez, 2000), students of color (Goldstein et al., 2007), and ‘‘effemi-
nate’’ male students. That is, women, sexual minorities, and racial/eth-
nic minorities have been traditionally viewed as being inferior in
compassion to heterosexual men and whites.
Factors such as gender, sexual orientation, race, and social economic
status reflect an individual’s power in society. Moreover, these factors
interface. For instance, sexism and racism have been historically
and experientially intertwined (Murrell, 1996). In fact, some researchers
concluded that racialized sexual harassment is a central factor in
the harassment experience of women of color (e.g., Berdahl &
Moore, 2006, 2005; Buchanan & Ormerod, 2002; Cortina, Fitzgerald, &
Drasgow, 2002; Schneider, Hitlan, & Radhakrishnan, 2000; Texeira,
2002; Yoder & Aniakudo, 1995).
Concerning social economic status, DeSouza and Cerqueira recently

examined frequency rates, as assessed by the SEQ, and consequences
of sexual harassment in a sample of 376 poor women, who were
employed as domestic workers in Brazil. Ninety-eight percent of these
women earned about US $200 or less a month and 89 percent had less
than a high school education. Twenty-six percent of this sample was
sexually harassed at work during the past 12 months. Live-in workers
(e.g., those residing at their employers’ residence) were at a signifi-
cantly greater risk of experiencing sexual harassment than those who
resided in their own homes after controlling for participants’ age, race,
and social class. Women who lived in their employers’ residence used
more alcohol/drugs than their counterparts. Harassed women had sig-
nificantly higher self-esteem impairment and anxiety-depression than
nonharassed women. Nonharassed women who resided in their own
homes had the best physical well-being. When asked about one’s worst
sexually harassing experience, respondents indicated that the perpetra-
tors were typically men (75 percent), who also engaged in more severe
types of sexual harassment than female perpetrators. The emotional
reaction to such incidents was significantly worse when perpetrated by
men than by women. Most sexually harassed domestic workers experi-
enced some form of retaliation (social or work-related) after asking
their harassers to stop.
DeSouza and Cerqueira concluded that the low social and economic
status of domestic workers in Brazil might allow the perpetration of
sexual harassment and other forms of mistreatment with impunity.
That is, these workers may refuse to file a formal complaint with the
police due to fear of being ridiculed by officials and not finding a new
job, putting themselves and their families at risk of not surviving (e.g.,
not being able to pay bills).
Another factor that researchers have paid little attention to is one’s
nationality/citizenship. Welsh, Carr, MacQuarrie, and Huntley (2006)
studied Filipina domestic female workers who emigrated to Canada
without full citizenship status. The authors argued that citizenship sta-
tus was one of the major components that put these women at risk of
experiencing sexual harassment and the way they defined sexual har-
assment. The Filipina domestic workers in their study usually kept
their sexual harassment experiences unreported, because they were
afraid that if they complained about it, they would lose their right to
stay in Canada.
Xie, Meng, and Yamagami (1995) investigated the experiences of
international students from China who studied in Japan. The student
visa of a Chinese student requires sponsorship by a Japanese organiza-
tion. These Chinese students did not report their experiences of sexual
assault to the police because they feared being deported. Welsh et al.
and Xie et al. concluded that individuals who do not have full
citizenship have less power in the host society. In addition, they are
fearful to report their experiences to authorities because they might
lose their legal right to stay in the host country.
According to Sandler, female international college students are more
likely to be harassed than college students born in the United States,
because the former are objectified as exotic and/or passive and, as
suggested above, they have less power in society due to their gender
and citizenship status. Unfortunately, none of the previous studies on
peer sexual harassment or any other form of sexual harassment have
investigated the experiences of international students enrolled in U.S.
colleges and universities. This is troublesome because 623,805 interna-
tional students studied in the United States during the 2007/2008
academic year, accounting for 3.5 percent of the student body (Insti-
tute of International Education, n.d.). Thus, it is important to inves-
tigate the experiences of international students with peer sexual
harassment.
Moreover, targets of peer sexual harassment may end up in self-
doubt, affecting their entire education experience and future career, as
they may become afraid of attending classes or joining social events in
order to avoid the harasser and may end up transferring to another
institution or dropping out of college altogether (Sandler, 1997). Fur-
thermore, sexual harassment is a stressor that can have negative psy-
chological outcomes on the targets (e.g., DeSouza & Cerqueira, in
press; Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007). In addition, even relatively mild
experiences with sexual harassment may lead to negative consequences
in one’s physical and psychological health (e.g., DeSouza & Cerqueira,
in press; DeSouza & Fansler, 2003; Goldstein et al., 2007).
THE CURRENT STUDY

The purpose of the current study was to examine frequency rates
and psychological consequences of peer sexual harassment in a sample
of international and U.S.-born students enrolled in a large midwestern
state university. We examined whether being female and an interna-
tional student moderated both the frequency of peer sexual harassment
and its consequences on the victims’ psychological well-being. Specifi-
cally, we predicted that female international students would experience
the most peer sexual harassment and would be most bothered by it
because they have the lowest power in society due to their gender and
citizenship status compared to both male and female students from the
United States and international male students. We also predicted that
female international students would fare worst psychologically (i.e.,
lower self-esteem and more anxiety-depression) compared to the other
groups.
All international students (n ¼ 429) enrolled in a large midwestern

state university and 426 randomly selected U.S.-born counterparts, who
were matched by age and gender, received an e-mail in the fall of 2007
asking them to participate in a Web survey about social-sexual behav-
iors between college students. Of these, 165 college students (69 inter-
national students and 96 U.S.-born students) completed the Web
survey, yielding a response rate of 19 percent.
The age of the total sample (N ¼ 165) ranged from 19 to 37, with
the average age being 26; 55 percent were women and 61 percent
were graduate students. Most U.S.-born students were European
American/white (88 percent), whereas most international students
were Asian (66 percent), followed by white (25 percent), black (6 per-
cent), and Latino (3 percent). The vast majority of international stu-
dents (90 percent) reported that English was their second language.
Also, most international students (64 percent) reported to be studying
in the United States for two years or less, with 36 percent studying in
the United States for three years or more. All students completed the
following measures in the order presented below. Items about psycho-
logical well-being preceded all sexual harassment items to minimize
response bias.
DEMOGRAPHIC AND PERSONAL INFORMATION

We asked all students their age, gender, race/ethnicity, student sta-
tus (undergraduate or graduate student), and whether or not they were
an international student. If they were an international student, they
were asked whether or not English was their native language and how
long they have been in the United States.
PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING
Students completed 15 items that assessed their psychological well-
being. First, they answered five items from the Mental Health Index
(MHI), developed by Veit and Ware (1983), that measured anxiety-
depression during the 12 months. These items are scored on a 6-point
scale from 1 (Never) to 6 (All the time). We reversed the scores of two
positively worded items. Then, we averaged all responses, so that
higher scores represent higher self-reported levels of anxiety and
depression. A sample item reads, ‘‘I have felt downhearted and blue.’’
In the current study the internal reliability (Cronbach’s alpha) of the
MHI was .83, which indicates that it is a reliable measure of anxiety-
depression.
Then, students completed the 10-item Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale
(RSES; 1986), which is scored on a 4-point scale from 1 (Strongly dis-
agree) to 4 (Strongly agree). A sample item reads, ‘‘I certainly feel useless
at times.’’ The RSES is a widely used measure of global self-esteem,

with sound construct validity and psychometric properties (Robins,
Hendin, & Trzesniewski, 2001). The Cronbach’s alphas for the RSES
across various samples ranged from .77 to .88 (Blascovich & Tomaka,
1993; Rosenberg, 1986). According to Rosenberg’s recommendation,
the scores of five negatively worded statements were reversed. Then,
all scores were averaged, so that higher scores represent higher
reported levels of self-esteem. In the current study the internal reliabil-
ity (Cronbach’s alpha) of the RSES was .87, which indicates that it is a
reliable measure of self-esteem.
Student-to-Student Hostile Sexual Harassment

Students completed a shortened version of the SEQ (Stark et al.,
2002), containing 12 behaviors initiated by either male or female college
students during the past 12 months that may constitute hostile sexually
harassing experiences (a sample item includes, ‘‘told sexual stories or
jokes that were offensive to you’’). That is, since hostile sexually har-
assing behaviors are far more common than coercive ones (Pryor &
Fitzgerald, 2003), and since we were interested in student-to-student
sexual harassment, we eliminated four items that measure sexual coer-
cion (e.g., ‘‘implied certain rewards or better treatment if you were sex-
ually cooperative’’), as these behaviors would be unlikely to be
initiated by students to other students. As stated earlier, the validity
of the SEQ has been well established (Arvey & Cavanaugh, 1995;
Fitzgerald et al., 1995). Stark et al. (2002) reported reliability estimates
(Cronbach’s alphas) of .91 men and .92 for women for the 16-item SEQ.
In the current study, each of the 12 SEQ items branches out into two
response sets. The first set measures incident frequency, whereas the
second set measures the emotional reaction to the experience (i.e., how
bothersome it was if it happened at least once). That is, for each item,
students first indicated how often it occurred on the following 5-point
scale: 1 (Never), 2 (Once or twice), 3 (Sometimes), 4 (Often), and 5 (Many
times). We averaged these responses, so that higher scores represent
higher reported frequency of sexually harassing experiences. The Cron-
bach’s alpha for the frequency measure was .86, which is comparable
to the 16-item SEQ described above.
Next, if students had experienced a sexually harassing behavior at
least once, they were asked how bothersome it was on the following
5-point scale: 1 (Not at all), 2 (Slightly), 3 (Somewhat), 4 (A lot), and
5 (Extremely). We averaged these responses, so that higher scores repre-
sent higher reported levels of feeling bothered by such incidents. The
Cronbach’s alpha for the bothersome measure was .81, which indicates
good reliability.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Eighty-six percent of the total sample reported having experienced
at least one sexually harassing behavior from peers during the past
12 months. This figure suggests that peer sexual harassment is wide-
spread, supporting Hill and Silva’s findings.
The data generally supported our predictions. First, female students
(M ¼1.78) experienced significant more peer sexual harassment than
male students (M ¼ 1.50; F(1, 151) ¼ 11.74, p < .01. These findings are
in keeping with past studies, which found that female students were
much more likely to be targets of sexual harassment than were male
students (e.g., Goldstein et al., 2007; Hand & Sanchez, 2000).
Second, female students (M ¼ 1.81) were more bothered by these
experiences than were male students (M ¼ 1.48; F(1, 151) ¼ 14.06, p <
.01. These findings are also in keeping with past studies, which found
that men perceived sexually harassing experiences as less severe, less
upsetting, less inappropriate, less bothersome, and less threatening than
did women (Berdahl, Magley, & Waldo, 1996; Cochran, Frazier, & Olson,
1997; Hurt, Maver, & Hoffman, 1999; LaRocca & Kromrey, 1999; Marks
& Nelson, 1993). Recent studies also found that female college students
were much more likely to perceive social-sexual behaviors between stu-
dents as constituting peer sexual harassment than did male college men
(DeSouza & Solberg, 2004; DeSouza, Solberg, & Elder, 2007).
Although the main effect for citizenship was not significant for
either the frequency or bothersome measure, we found significant
interactions between gender and citizenship for both the frequency
measure, F(1, 151) ¼ 4.12, p < .05, and the bothersome measure,
F(1, 151) ¼ 3.93, p < .05. These interactions were in the expected direc-
tion, which supported our predictions. That is, female international
students (M ¼ 1.80) experienced the most peer sexual harassment and
male international students the least (M ¼ 1.25), with female U.S. stu-
dents (M ¼ 1 .75) and male U.S. students (M ¼ 1.61) scoring in
between. A similar and significant pattern was found for the bother-
some measure: Female international students (M ¼ 1.83) were most
bothered by these experiences and male international students the
least (M ¼ 1.24), with female U.S. students (M ¼ 1.78) and male U.S.
students (M ¼ 1.60) scoring in between.
We did not find a significant interaction for either the self-esteem or
anxiety-depression measure. However, there was a trend for harassed
international students (M ¼ 3.19) to score lower on self-esteem than
did harassed U.S.-born students (M ¼ 3.37), F(1, 134) ¼ 2.93, p ¼ .089.
In addition, harassed women (M ¼ 2.61) scored significantly higher on
anxiety-depression than did harassed men (M ¼ 2.33), F(1, 134) ¼ 5.16,
p < .05. The latter is in keeping with past research (e.g., DeSouza &
Fansler, 2003).
CONCLUSION
The current study advances our understanding of sexual harassment
by comparing its incidence and psychological consequences between
U.S.-born students and international student. Female international stu-
dents experienced the most peer sexual harassment and were the ones
most bothered by these experiences, which seem to add to their accul-
turation stress in a new culture (Wadsworth, Hecht, & Jung, 2008).
Harassed international college students, regardless of gender, may
even blame themselves for their victimization. Thus, their lower self-
esteem, compared to harassed U.S.-born college students, evidenced in
our study is easy to understand, because being sexually harassed
implies low status, as noncitizens, and a sense of powerlessness, as
they may fear losing their student visa if they complain to university
officials and returning home in shame.
The above findings have important implications for university offi-
cials who are in a position to prevent sexual harassment in all its
forms. According to Hill and Silva, ‘‘[t]he ramifications of sexual har-
assment can be serious. Sexual harassment can damage the emotional
and academic well-being of students, provoke and exacerbate conflict
among students, and contribute to a hostile learning environment . . .
society as a whole is affected as graduating students bring their atti-
tudes about sexual harassment into the workplace and beyond’’ (p. 4).
University officials have a duty to protect international students
from sexual harassment. International students may need extra help
understanding how sexual harassment is defined in the United States
and what can be done to redress the situation. Residence hall assistants
(RAs) are often the first resource for international students residing on
campus. Thus, RAs may need additional training about how interna-
tional students may have a different conceptualization of sexual harass-
ment. For example, Brazilian laws define sexual harassment only as
sexual coercion by superiors, that is, quid pro quo sexual harassment
(Codigo Penal Brasileiro, 2001).
Limitations and Future Directions

One important limitation of our study is that our sample was from
one midwestern university, limiting the generalizability of our find-
ings. Another limitation is that our study was cross-sectional rather
than longitudinal, which precludes an examination of the consequences
of sexually harassing experiences over time. Thus, we cannot infer cau-
sality from our correlational study. Hence, future studies need to
include longitudinal designs to test the causality of the relationships
found in our study. Future research should also include qualitative
approaches, such as in-depth interviews and focus groups, in order to
contextualize the sexual harassment experiences of international stu-

dents. Researchers (e.g., Lim & Cortina, 2005) suggest that sexual har-
assment does not happen in isolation, but rather in an environment
permeated by generalized hostility. Hence, other types of mistreatment
(e.g., bullying and incivility) should be simultaneously investigated in
future studies.
NOTE
1. Preliminary findings were presented at 2008 meeting of the International
Coalition Against Sexual Harassment and at the Association for Psychological
Science.
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Chapter 10
In Women’s Voices
Janet Boyce
When I began writing this, I had to take a step back and think about
what feminism really means to me. I then began to ask female friends
and family members what feminism means to them. Surprisingly, I
don’t think that any two women had the same response. However,
there was one predominant underlying factor, and that was the right
to be given equal treatment. Women just want to be treated as equal to
their male counterparts. Although women have made great strides over
the last 50 years, there is still a ways to go before women are viewed
as equals to men.
Traditionally, women were expected to get married, have a family,
and stay home to take care of them. This changed, in a sense, when
women went to work outside of the home during wartime and began
to experience the freedom associated with earning a paycheck. Many
of these women were then replaced by men returning from war. It was
at this time that women noticed the inequalities in the workplace both
from an economic and social standpoint.
As the baby boomers came of age in the 1960s, many with college
educations did not accept the economic and social inequalities being
imposed on them. These are the women that paved the way for the
generations to come. These women mirrored the way activists were
able to lobby for equality with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 legally pro-
hibiting race discrimination and gender discrimination. This was later
amended by Title IX, which prohibited discrimination in education and
athletics. Although legislation made it illegal to discriminate against a
person based on their gender, the traditional biases were still there in
the workplace and in education.
As a woman born in the early 1960s, my own experiences in school

were proof of these lingering biases. One example of this was when I
entered my senior year of high school and met with my guidance
counselor to talk about college. I remember him asking me whether
I had thought about colleges and what I wanted to do after graduation.
I told him that I wanted to go to Penn State and major in accounting. I
will never forget his response, and perhaps it is still an underlying fac-
tor in what drives me today. He told me that accounting is not a wom-
an’s field, and that I should consider teaching or attending the local
community college to learn to be a secretary. I had never felt as
dejected in my life as when I walked out of his office that day. I am
sorry to say that I believed him and began to pursue a teaching degree.
I hated it, so I left school and did what was expected—got married
and raised a family. I did return to school more than 20 years later to
pursue a degree in a field of my choice.
Because of the courageous women who became activists and fought
for all women, I am glad that my daughter never had to feel that same
dejection as I did. I am thankful to say that my daughter’s guidance
counselor did everything he could to help her get into the college of
her choice and pursue the degree of her choice.
Although women have a come along way through the years, they still
have barriers to overcome in the workplace. One such barrier is that of
equal pay—where any two people doing the same job should earn the
same wage regardless of their gender. According to the Department of
Labor (2003), as of 2002, women earn, on average, 78 percent of the sal-
ary that their male counterparts do for the same job. This means that
white women earn on average 78 cents for every dollar a man makes,
while women of other races earn significantly less than that. Although
the wage gap is closing, there is still significant ground to cover.
Because women still tend to be the primary caregivers in the family
unit, if their workplaces offered more family-friendly programs and
policies, the gap could be offset. Many women today are faced with
the challenge of taking care of aging parents and their own children.
Many women in this position would opt to take advantage of a pro-
gram like this in exchange for a lower wage.
In conclusion, I am a realist and know that my daughter will prob-
ably still suffer from inequalities in the workplace. I do believe that the
millennial generation will continue to push forward and equality will
be attained. I am optimistic that by the time my granddaughter comes
of age the playing field will be more level in the workplace.
REFERENCE
Department of Labor. (2003, October 16). Women’s earnings 78 percent of
men’s in 2002. Retrieved June 12, 2009, from: http://www.bls.gov/opub/
ted/2003/oct/wk2/art03.htm
Chapter 11
Bullying and Sexual Harassment

of Adolescents
James Gruber
Susan Fineran
Interpersonal violence, whether defined as sexual harassment or bully-

ing, frequently occurs in schools and is both experienced and observed
by students and school personnel alike (Stein, 1999). Sexual harassment
is defined as discrimination and is illegal, while bullying, although
abhorrent, is not considered discriminatory. However, because sexual
harassment and bullying have emerged from two different paradigms
(employment law and criminal law), exploration of their impact on stu-
dents has been very different.
SEXUAL HARASSMENT AND BULLYING: DEFINITIONS

AND DIFFERENCES
Studies of bullying and sexual harassment have two different histor-
ical and theoretical roots. The problem of bullying was brought to
international attention most prominently by Dan Olweus, a Norwegian
researcher in the 1970s. Nansel et al. (2001) defined bullying in a man-
ner that reflects the perspective developed and subsequently modified
over the years by Olweus: ‘‘Aggression that is intentionally harmful,
that is repeated, and centers on an imbalance of power.’’ This asymme-
try of power ‘‘may be physical or psychological, and the aggressive
behavior may be verbal (e.g. name calling, threats), physical (e.g., hit-
ting), or psychological (e.g. rumors, shunning/exclusion)’’ (p., 2094).
School bullies have been described as children who use physical or
relational aggression in a systematic and calculated way with a group

of weaker peers (Crick, 1996; Olweus, 1993; Pellegrini, 2001; Schwartz,
Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 1997).
Formal theories and definitions of sexual harassment originated in
the United States in the 1970s with the work of Catharine MacKinnon,
who defined it as a form of sex discrimination (1979). While bullying
has often been characterized as inappropriate or aggressive interperso-
nal behavior (between individuals or between a group and an individ-
ual (‘‘mobbing’’), sexual harassment was originally defined as behavior
by males who used organizational power or cultural privilege to coerce
sexual favors from women (quid quo pro). This initial formulation
expanded both theoretically and legally over the decades to include
gender- or sexually focused behaviors by men that made it exceedingly
difficult for women to work (hostile environment), and more recently,
same-sex harassment involving the use of sexual threats, taunts, or
attacks (e.g., Oncale v. Sundowners, 1998). The definition of sexual har-
assment by the U.S. Department of Education parallels that of other
state and local governments and government agencies insofar as it
includes both unwelcome interpersonal behavior (e.g., date pressures,
sexual contact) ‘‘that is sufficiently severe, persistent, or pervasive . . .’’
and hostile environment (1997, p. 12,038).
While bullying focuses on aggressive behavior that occurs between
individuals or by a group against an individual, it does not acknowl-
edge differences in gender or sexuality as significant factors in perpe-
tration or victimization. Bullying research tends to focus on situational
and interpersonal dynamics. Sexual harassment, in contrast, is theoreti-
cally linked to hegemonic masculinity and consequently focused on
structural and culturally sanctioned roles and meanings (masculine-
feminine, heterosexual-homosexual) that are key aspects of social strati-
fication. The term ‘‘sexual bullying’’ has surfaced recently and has
muddled the definition of both sexual harassment and bullying. Some
researchers (Craig, Pepler, Connolly, & Henderson, 2001; Pellegrini,
2001) view school sexual harassment as an adolescent form of bullying.
This is an unfortunate development for two reasons. First, bullying is
constructed as an interpersonal problem, while sexual harassment is a
legal issue. Consequently, many students and their parents who per-
ceive sexual harassment as a form of bullying may not exercise their
rights to have schools address the issue as they are legally mandated to
do. Also, when sexually-based experiences are viewed as bullying and
not identified specifically as sexual harassment, problems of victimiza-
tion that stem from gender or sexuality may be interpreted as private
or interpersonal troubles experienced by unfortunate students who are
caught up in difficult situations. The fact that most bullies are male,
that girls experience more harm than boys from sexual harassment,
and that homophobic comments are used routinely (mostly by boys) to
Bullying and Sexual Harassment of Adolescents 213
humiliate and control others (primarily other boys) misses the point
about the power of culturally-based stereotypes (AAUW, 2001; McGuf-
fey & Rich, 1999; Kimmel & Mahler, 2003). Two recent studies by Jessie
Klein (2006a, 2006b) have highlighted the role that gender and sexual
stereotyping played in school shootings—a fact that has escaped public
scrutiny because of a focus on ‘‘bullying’’: Most of the school shooters
targeted girls primarily; and the shooters, who fell well outside the
range of acceptable masculine body types, had weathered attacks on
their masculinity, including homophobic taunts, for months—and in
some cases, years.
PREVALENCE OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT AND

BULLYING IN U.S. SCHOOLS
Four national studies of student victimization—two on sexual har-
assment and two on bullying—provide the broadest statistics regarding
these behaviors in U.S. schools in the last two decades. The earliest
study on bullying in the United States, conducted in 1998 by the
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (Nansel
et al., 2001) that used Olweus’s theoretical construction found that one-
third of early adolescent children were directly involved in bullying,
with 10 percent as bullies, 13 percent as victims, and 6 percent as
bully-victims. The U.S. Department of Education School Crime Supple-
ment to the National Crime Victimization Survey (2003) reported that
in 2001, 8 percent of middle and high school students were bullied
(9 percent males, 7 percent females). The American Association of Uni-
versity Women (AAUW) conducted both national studies on sexual
harassment, the first in 1993 and the second in 2001. The two studies
showed similar results: 81 percent of students experienced some form
of sexual harassment during their school years. Fifty-nine percent of
students were harassed occasionally and 27 percent were targeted often
(AAUW, 2001). In addition, 54 percent of students said they sexually
harassed someone during their school years. One interesting contrast
with bullying outcomes, which tend to decrease with age and grade
level was that sexual harassment frequency increases with grade level:
55 percent of eighth and ninth graders and 61 percent of tenth and
eleventh graders reported that they had been physically sexually har-
assed at school (Hand & Sanchez, 2000).
When these four national studies are compared, it appears that sex-
ual harassment is a national disaster that affects nearly all school chil-
dren. The statistical contrast is stark: Over 80 percent of students said
they had experienced sexual harassment, while fewer than one of six
reported being bullied. Even more interesting, more than half of stu-
dents said they perpetrated sexual harassment, while only 10 percent
reported bullying others; and students who reported being both
harasser and harassed constituted 55 percent (AAUW, 1993) while

those who were bullied or who bullied others were about a quarter of
that figure (Nansel et al., 2001). At first glance, then, it appears that
sexual harassment is much more common than bullying. But significant
differences in measurement are largely responsible for these discrepan-
cies. Because the issues of bullying and sexual harassment emerged
from different paradigms (bullying as a criminal offense and sexual
harassment as illegal discrimination), they have evolved with different
methodologies. Research conducted on peer sexual harassment in
schools uses a behavior scale that asks students to indicate the fre-
quency of each of 14 different sexually harassing behaviors they experi-
enced (AAUW, 1993, 2001). In contrast, bullying research inspired by
Olweus has for the most part used only one or two questionnaire items
which contained the word ‘‘bullying’’ along with a definition (e.g.,
Elsea, Menesini, Moore, & Morita, 2003; Nansel et al., 2001; Olweus,
1993; Williams, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2005). It is likely that asking
a single question (e.g., Have you ever been bullied?) that allows the re-
spondent to decide whether the behaviors they experienced were ‘‘bul-
lying’’ produces a significant underreporting of experiences that might
otherwise be construed as bullying. Sexual harassment research is in-
structive in this regard. The use of multiple survey items (checklists)
has been standard protocol since the mid-1980s and has allowed
researchers to tap different dimensions of sexual harassment (e.g.,
Fitzgerald and her colleagues identified three forms of sexual harass-
ment—gender harassment, unwanted sexual attention, and sexual coer-
cion). It was discovered early in research endeavors that using the
words ‘‘sexual harassment’’ resulted in significantly lowered estimates
of experiences that could otherwise be deemed ‘‘sexual harassment’’
according to theoretical or legal definitions (Fitzgerald & Shullman,
1993; Gruber, 1990). In addition, most harassment surveys since the
1980s have asked respondents if they experienced ‘‘uninvited and
unwanted sexual attention’’ with no mention of the term, ‘‘sexual har-
assment’’ (e.g., United States Merit System Protection Board [USMSPB],
1988, 1995). In line with that practice, the AAUW surveys ask adoles-
cents ‘‘How often has anyone done the following [14] things to you
when you did not want them to?’’
Compounding the measurement problem, researchers have also
used different time frames. Some researchers inquired whether
respondents’ experiences occurred during an entire school year, while
others asked about behaviors that occurred during a short time span
(e.g., past week or month. The AAUW (1993, 2001) surveys inquired
whether students had ever had one or more sexual harassment experi-
ences during their ‘‘school years’’, while the National Crime Victimiza-
tion Survey asked about bullying experiences that occurred ‘‘during
the last 6 months.’’ In some victimization studies different time frames
were used even when both phenomena were studied together.

DeSouza and Ribeiros (2005) used ‘‘last 30 days’’ for bullying and ‘‘last
12 months’’ for sexual harassment. Similarly, Williams et al. (2005)
framed bullying as experiences that occurred ‘‘during the last 2 months’’
and sexual harassment as ‘‘during the last 6 months.’’ Another study
comparing bullying and sexual harassment behaviors conducted by Holt
and Espelage (2007), utilized AAUW (2001) questions with a one-year
time frame (‘‘during the last twelve months’’) and then included a 30-
day time frame (‘‘last 30 days’’) for their own bullying scale items.
Perhaps not surprisingly, their results showed that 70 percent of the stu-
dents had been harassed while a little more than half (54 percent) had
been bullied. Based on this measurement conundrum, it would seem
that sexual harassment is rampant in schools compared to bullying.
In an attempt to address these measurement issues, Gruber and
Fineran (2008a) conducted a study comparing bullying and sexual har-
assment using experience checklists, one that asked students to indicate
the frequency of sexually harassing behaviors they experienced
(AAUW, 2001) and the second that inquired about the frequency of
bullying behaviors (Holt and Espelage, 2007). Using an identical time
frame and the same benchmark for determining whether or not victim-
ization has occurred, bullying was revealed as a much more common
experience than sexual harassment. More than half (52 percent) of stu-
dents had experienced bullying during the current school year while
approximately one-third (34 percent) were sexually harassed.
GLOBAL PREVALENCE OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT

AND BULLYING
Internationally, bullying and sexual harassment are shown to be
prevalent in many countries and reflect a wide range of incidence: 15
percent to 77 percent for bullying and 18 percent to 80 percent for sex-
ual harassment. The ensuing overview of research highlights, although
not exhaustive, shows the global prevalence of these issues and their
damaging impact on victims.
A 1999 study by Olweus found that 15 percent of 150,000 Norwegian
and Swedish students ages 7 to 16 were involved in bully-victim prob-
lems that occurred at least once a week (Olweus & Limber, 1999). A
much larger study of students in seven countries that used the same ques-
tion format and same time frame designed by Olweus in each country
found incidence rates that parallel those of the United States that use the
same methodology: Bullying perpetration did not exceed 17 percent,
bully-victim incidences were less than 20 percent and bullying victimiza-
tion rates were less than 25 percent (Elsea et al., 2003). Other European
studies find somewhat higher incidence rates. In Great Britain, Stephen-
sen and Smith (1989) estimated that 23 percent of children were involved
in bullying either as bullies or as victims, and O’Moore and Hillery

(1989) found that 34 percent of Irish students were occasionally bullied
and 8 percent were bullied frequently. A South African study (Holan,
Flisher, & Lombard, 2007) that used the Olweus model found that 8.2
percent were bullies, 19.3 percent were victims, and 8.7 percent were
bully-victims.
Research that does not use the Olweus paradigm finds much higher
rates of bullying or peer aggression. A national study on bullying in
Israel found that 53 percent of elementary and middle school students
and 30 percent of high school students reported being seized and
shoved by schoolmates at least once during the previous month (Zeira,
Astor, & Benbenishty, 2003). Other bullying behavior described by stu-
dents included having their personal belongings stolen. Specifically, 45
percent of elementary and middle school students and 34 percent of
those in high school reported being victimized in this manner. The
study used a checklist of nineteen behaviors and asked students to
indicate the frequency and severity of these. In other parts of the
world, Brazilian and Japanese research on bullying report similar
statistics.
DeSouza & Ribeiros (2005) used a bullying scale developed by
Bosworth and found that 60 percent of Brazilian high school students
bullied a classmate during the past month. Kobayoshi (1999) reports
that 77 percent of Japanese sixth graders and 62 percent of eighth
graders were involved in bullying incidents, either as a bully or as a
victim of bullying behavior.
Similar to the prevalence of bullying world wide, sexual harassment
also appears to be a major social problem for students, and unfortu-
nately is as widespread. Bullying has been researched much more
extensively than sexual harassment, but nonetheless there exists a num-
ber of studies showing that sexual harassment is rampant and affects
students negatively as well. Studies in Sweden, South Africa, Brazil,
and the Netherlands confirm that students consider a variety of behav-
iors in their schools to be problematic. A random sample of 540 female
high school students in Sweden were surveyed in 2005 by researchers
Witkowska and Menckel. They found that 49 percent of the female stu-
dents identified verbal behaviors such as sexualized conversations,
attractiveness rating, demeaning comments about gender, name-calling,
and sexual personal comments as a problem present in their schools.
Fineran, Bennett, and Sacco (2003) found that 78 percent of students in
four South African high schools in Johannesburg reported experiencing
sexual harassment. A survey of 2,808 Dutch students by Timmerman
(2005) revealed that 18 percent had experienced unwanted sexual
behavior. Boys reported more verbal incidents while girls reported sig-
nificantly more physical incidents. Most of these studies examined
only ’victimization, but DeSouza & Ribeiros (2005) inquired about
perpetration of sexual harassment as well. Results showed that 24

percent of 400 high school students admitted to sexually harassing a
classmate.
PEER SEXUAL HARASSMENT AND BULLYING PERPETRATION

The 1993 AAUW study inquired broadly about sexual harassment
perpetration and found that 54 percent of the students admitted sexu-
ally harassing another student during their school years.
However, only two studies have focused specifically on the perpe-
tration of bullying and sexual harassment (Pellegrini, 2001; Pepler
et al., 2002). Pellegrini’s (2001) longitudinal study of U.S. sixth- and
seventh-grade students found that ‘‘bullies (who tended to be boys)
also engaged in sexual harassment, and this relation was mediated by
self-reported dating frequency. . . . That is, bullies who also estimated
their frequency of dating to be high . . . tended to sexually harass their
peers’’ (p. 131). Thus, as bullies became interested in opposite-sex dat-
ing, their proclivity to become perpetrators of sexual harassment
increased as well. Pellegrini also found that sexual harassment behav-
iors at the end of seventh grade were predicted by bullying at the start
of sixth grade. Pepler et al. (2002) studied four cohorts of students in
Canadian schools grades five through eight and examined the relation-
ship between aggressive behavior and substance use. They found that
students who bullied others were at significant risk for substance abuse
before entering high school. Their results also indicated that girls or
boys who acknowledged sexually harassing others were between four
and six times more likely to use alcohol than those who did not sexu-
ally harass their peers.
PEER SEXUAL HARASSMENT AND BULLYING

VICTIMIZATION: GENDER
Nationwide, the AAUW 1993 and 2001 studies found that more than
50 percent of male and female students experienced sexual jokes, com-
ments, gestures, or looks. More than 30 percent of students also experi-
enced physical behaviors, such as being touched, grabbed, pinched, or
brushed up against in a sexual way from schoolmates. In addition to
physical and verbal harassment, Fineran and Bennett (1999) found that
43 percent of girls and 30 percent of boys reported unwanted sexual
attention in the form of pressure for dates and sex, while a Connecticut
study found a quarter of the girls and 5 percent of boys reported
unwanted sexual attention (Permanent Commission [CT] on the Status
of Women [PCSW], 1995). Gender differences in victimization are com-
mon with girls experiencing sexual harassment more frequently than
boys and boys perpetrating sexual harassment more frequently than
girls (AAUW, 1993, 2001; Fineran & Bennett, 1999; Hand & Sanchez,
2000; Lee, Croninger, Linn, & Chen, 1996; McMaster, Connolly,
Pepler, & Craig, 2002; PCSW, 1995; Stratton & Backes, 1997; Trigg &
Wittenstrom, 1996).
With regard to bullying, Nansel et al., (2001) found that males both
bullied others and were bullied significantly more often than females.
Results also showed that males reported being bullied by being hit,
slapped, or pushed, while females were bullied more frequently
through the use of rumors and sexual comments. A meta-analysis of
studies examining peer victimization that occurred over the past
twenty years, showed that bullied boys are four times, and girls eight
times, more likely to be suicidal than their non-bullied peers (Hawker
& Boulton, 2000).

VICTIMIZATION: SEXUAL ORIENTATION
An annual school survey, The Massachusetts Youth Risk Behavior
Survey (Commonwealth of Massachusetts, April 1998), compared gay,
lesbian, and bisexual students to their peers. Results showed that sex-
ual minority students were four times more likely to have attempted
suicide, and five times more likely to have missed school because of
feeling unsafe. Fineran (2002a) found that lesbian girls experienced
significantly more sexual harassment than heterosexual girls. A recent
follow-up to the Massachusetts Youth Risk Behavior Survey (Massa-
chusetts Department of Education, 2007) reiterated many of its finds
from their earlier study: Sexual minority students had higher suicide
rates, were more apt to skip school because they felt unsafe, had been
threatened with or injured by a weapon at school, and experienced
more dating violence and non-consensual sex. Fineran (2002a) found in
a study of 712 high school students that sexual minority students were
physically assaulted and sexually harassed more frequently than hetero-
sexual students. She also reported that heterosexual girls were signifi-
cantly more upset and threatened by peer sexual harassment than their
heterosexual male peers. According to Williams et al. (2005), gay and
lesbian students also experienced both bullying and sexual harassment
at higher levels than their heterosexual counterparts; and, according to
Poteat and Espelage (2007), being the target of homophobic victimiza-
tion had significant psychological and social consequences for students.
A report on Michigan schools by the Gay, Lesbian and Straight Educa-
tion Network [GLSEN], 2005) revealed that two-thirds of students in
their sample were harassed because they were, or appeared to be, gay
or lesbian, and more than 80 percent of these students reported hearing
derogatory homophobic comments. In a recent study (Gruber &
Fineran, 2008a), sexual minority adolescents not only had significantly
higher rates of sexual harassment and bullying victimization but they

also had poorer mental and physical health, more trauma symptoms,
and higher levels of substance abuse as a result of victimization than
did heterosexuals.
According to Thurlow (2004), however, most adolescents rate homo-
phobic slurs as both more common and less serious than racial slurs. It
appears, then, that homophobia may be a ‘‘normalized’’ means of cate-
gorizing and victimizing peers during adolescence that has devastating
consequences for some teens, in particular, sexual minorities.

VICTIMIZATION: CHILDREN WITH DISABILITIES
Most of the research on peer victimization and disability takes a bul-
lying perspective rather than a sexual harassment perspective. That is,
victimization is assessed in terms of aggression (hitting, kicking, etc.),
social isolation (having few friends or being shunned), or verbal abuse
(ridicule or parodying a disability). Only rarely is victimization deter-
mined by sexual behavior on the part of the perpetrators—for example,
sexual touching or grabbing, spreading sexual rumors, or sexual name-
calling (‘‘fag,’’ ‘‘queer,’’ ‘‘slut’’).
The research on peer victimization (‘‘bullying’’) suggests that dis-
abled children experience a number of problems in school. A meta-
analysis of research on children with learning disabilities found that
they were rated by their peers as unpopular, socially incompetent, and
socially isolated (Kavale & Forness, 1996). Learning disabled students
reported more aggression and teasing than other students (Martlew &
Hodson, 1991). A study in Great Britain found that almost two thirds
of children with special needs were bullied compared to only one quar-
ter of mainstreamed children (Thompson, Whitney, & Smith, 1994).
Though research presents evidence of higher levels of peer victimiza-
tion or bullying among disabled students, an unanswered issue is the
impact of victimization on health and school outcomes. Research indi-
cates that bullied children have more mental health problems (depres-
sion, psychosomatic symptoms) and school problems (problems
concentrating, poor grades) than other students (see Gruber & Fineran,
2009, for a review). There is overall, however, a dearth of research on
bullying outcomes among adolescents with disabilities.
There is even less research on sexual harassment experiences and
their impact on students with disabilities. A small pilot study consist-
ing of 26 disabled students conducted by Rousso (1996) showed that
girls were more likely to be sexually harassed by non-disabled male
peers, and both male and female students reported sexual harassment
from the adults who care for them. Fineran (2002b) found that students
with disabilities experienced significantly more sexual harassment in
school from classmates than non-disabled students did. Bullying

research on disabled students is also sparse. A study of eighth graders
by Fineran and Gruber (2004) found while disabled and able students
had similar levels of sexual harassment victimization, disabled students
experienced more negative mental health outcomes as a result of these
experiences. A more recent study (Gruber & Fineran, 2009) revealed
that adolescents with disabilities who were harassed or bullied
had lower self-esteem, weaker attachment to school, and lower satisfac-
tion with school. Students with disabilities were sexually harassed
more frequently than their peers, but their bullying experiences were
comparable.

VICTIMIZATION: RACE AND ETHNICITY
Research on differences in victimization among racial groups
reveals inconsistent findings. Several recent studies (Nansel et al., 2001;
Juvonen, Nishina, & Graham, 2006; Peskin, Tortolero, & Markham,
2006) found that black adolescents were bullied more frequently than
white or Hispanic students. However, it appears that there are few dif-
ferences in the types of bullying between race groups. Peskin and her
colleagues found that verbal bullying (teasing and name-calling) did
not vary between groups but physical bullying (hitting) did. In general,
it appears that specific types of bullying (e.g., name calling, teasing) do
not vary substantially in frequency across populations, whether racial,
regional, or international (Borg, 1999; Demaray & Malecki, 2003; Rigby,
2000).
While there are studies of race differences in bullying victimization,
research on adolescent sexual harassment victimization and race is
fairly sparse. The largest study to look at racial differences was con-
ducted by the AAUW (2001). Similar percentages of African Americans
and whites of both sexes said that their school had ‘‘a lot’’ or ‘‘some’’
sexual harassment. Some types of harassment were more prevalent
among blacks than whites: Having their clothes pulled off or down,
being touched or grabbed in a sexual manner, or being forced to kiss
someone (p. 24). The most common places where victimization occurred
did not vary by sex or by race: In halls, in classrooms, and in the gym or
on the playing field. In another study that looked at both bullying and
sexual harassment, there were no racial differences in frequency for the
former, but a small though statistically significant difference for the
latter—blacks were harassed more often (Gruber & Fineran, 2008b).
AAUW (2001) found that blacks reported less emotional and behav-
ioral impact than whites. This was true for both sexes. For example, a
substantially larger number of white girls said that harassment made
them feel self-conscious (49 percent), or made them feel less self
confident (35 percent) compared to black girls ( 25 percent and 17 per-

cent, respectively). The fact that peer sexual harassment victimization
may have less impact for blacks than whites may be due to the fact
that racism and racial discrimination play significant roles in the health
and well-being of African Americans. This point is made well by Afri-
can American focus group members in Welsh and her colleague’s
(2006) study of workplace harassment who said that sexual harassment
was easier to deal with and less pressing than racial harassment
(p. 98). In particular, they found that sexual harassment from black
males was not defined as such while similar treatment from whites
was (p. 99). Buchanan and Fitzgerald (in press) found that adverse job
and health outcomes for African American women that resulted from
workplace sexual harassment were exacerbated by racial harassment.

VICTIMIZATION: HEALTH AND SCHOOL OUTCOMES
There have been a number of studies on bullying and sexual harass-
ment that point to negative outcomes for mental and physical health
and school performance. Nansel et al., 2001 states that research on
bullies and those bullied has consistently found that ‘‘youth who are
bullied generally show higher levels of insecurity, anxiety, depression,
loneliness, unhappiness, physical and mental symptoms, and low self
esteem’’ (p. 2095). The National Institute of Child Health and Human
Development (Nansel, 2001) also reports that students who were bul-
lied experienced greater difficulty making friends, had poorer relation-
ships with classmates, and reported greater loneliness. In additional
studies, Espelage and Holt (2001) investigated depression among chil-
dren who were bullied and found that 20 percent of middle school vic-
tims scored within the clinical range on a standard depression and
anxiety measure, while Boulton and Hawker (2000) found that bullied
kids were five times more likely to be depressed. Hazler, Hoover, and
Oliver (1992) reported that 90 percent of bullied students experienced a
drop in school grades, while Kochenderfer and Ladd (1996) showed
that bullying victimization was related to school absenteeism or drop-
ping out.
When examining sexual harassment victimization, AAUW studies
(1993, 2001) revealed student reports of negative psychosocial effects
such as depression, loss of appetite, nightmares or disturbed sleep, low
self esteem, and feelings of being sad, afraid, scared, or embarrassed
(Hand & Sanchez, 2000; Lee et al., 1996). Similar to bullying victims,
students also reported loss of interest in regular activities, isolation
from friends and family, and loss of friends. School performance diffi-
culties included absenteeism, decreased quality of schoolwork, skip-
ping or dropping classes, poor grades, tardiness, and truancy (AAUW,
1993, 2001; Corbett, Gentry, & Pearson, 1993; Hand & Sanchez, 2000;
Lee et al., 1996; Loredo, Reid, & Deaux, 1995; PCSW, 1995; Roscoe,
Strouse, & Goodwin, 1994; Shakeshaft et al., 1995; Stein, Marshall, &
Tropp, 1993; Stratton & Backes, 1997; Trigg & Wittenstrom, 1996). In
addition, students also reported feeling afraid, upset, or threatened by
the sexual harassment (AAUW, 1993, 2001; Fineran & Bennett, 1999;
PCSW, 1995; Stein, Marshall, & Tropp, 1993).
SEXUAL HARASSMENT OF ADOLESCENTS AT WORK

An emerging area of litigation and policy development is sexual har-
assment of adolescents who hold jobs in the formal (wage) economy
while attending school. Over the past ten years, litigation filed against
employers by adolescents was uncommon. For example, during 2002,
sexual harassment complaints filed by teenagers comprised approxi-
mately 2 percent of more than 14,000 suits filed nationwide. By 2005
that number had quadrupled to 8 percent—and these rates have con-
tinued to rise (Drobac, 2007). In 2005 alone, for example, the United
States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) filed fif-
teen employment discrimination lawsuits on behalf of teenagers who
were sexually harassed at their jobs. The descriptions of their experien-
ces parallel those of many adults. The following lawsuits are recent
examples of sexual harassment in the workplace that have been filed
by teens. These cases reflect the extent of sexual violence that is, too
often, not associated with sexual harassment. These are not in any way
‘‘fringe cases’’ but are representative of sexual harassment occurring to
male and female teens who work.
A class action case filed in February 2005 by the EEOC involved
teenage female employees who were subjected to sexual harassment by
a male assistant manager. The girls described having their breasts
grabbed, being backed against walls while having their shoulders
rubbed, and being rubbed up against. The lawsuit states that although
the female employees complained to management, no appropriate
action was taken to correct the situation (EEOC vs. GLC, Inc., 2005).
A second class action suit involved young men who were subjected
to same-sex sexual harassment by a male supervisor. Behaviors experi-
enced by the men included requests for sex, sexual remarks, and
unwanted touching. One employee had his work hours cut in retalia-
tion for opposing the sexual harassment (EEOC v. Pand Enterprises, Inc.,
2005). In both of these suits the EEOC asks the courts in Arizona and
New Mexico (respectively) to order (both companies doing business as)
McDonald’s to provide the harassment victims with back wages, com-
pensatory damages, and punitive damages and stop McDonald’s from
engaging in any practice that discriminates based on sex or retaliation.
Other cases recently settled have involved sexual assault, stalking,

and verbal abuse. Successful lawsuit settlements have included pay-
ments of $150,000 to employees, along with letters of apology and a
requirement that stores train employees regarding sexual harassment
and post signs explaining employees’ right to a workplace free of
sexual harassment. Examples of teen work related sexual harassment
lawsuits are listed on the EEOC website: http://youth.eeoc.gov/
cases.html.
While there is much information known about the type of work
teens perform, including the number of hours they work and their
wages (e.g., Mortimer, 2005), the pervasiveness and impact of sexual
harassment has received only minimal attention (Fineran, 2002a). It is
quite apparent that research has not kept pace with growing legal and
social concerns over this issue. Numerous studies of adult sexual har-
assment have been conducted over the past 20 years, but few studies
have explored the problem among adolescents who work part time
while attending school. Five studies documenting adolescent workplace
sexual harassment have been conducted since 1981 (Fineran & Gruber,
in press; Fineran & Gruber, 2009; Fineran, 2002a; Stein, 1981; Strauss
and Espeland, 1992). Stein (1981) surveyed 22 female students attend-
ing a Massachusetts vocational high school. Eight students reported
experiencing workplace sexual harassment that occurred while
employed as babysitters, store clerks, or wait staff. Harassers were
reported to be employers, customers, managers, and coworkers. All of
the students eventually quit because of the harassment or were fired
from their jobs for non-compliance.
A second survey conducted by Strauss and Espeland (1992) found
that 30 percent of 250 female vocational students surveyed from four
Minnesota school districts had been sexually harassed at work. This
was similar to the findings by Fineran (2002a). In a sample of 712 high
school students, 35 percent of the 332 students who worked part-time
reported experiencing sexual harassment (63 percent girls; 37 percent
boys). Findings showed that students experienced harassment from
supervisors (19 percent), coworkers (61 percent), and unidentified
others at work (18 percent). Girls reported being significantly more
upset and threatened by the harassment than boys. None of these
studies examined the impact of harassment on adolescent health or
well-being.
Recently, research by Fineran and Gruber (in press) found that girls
experienced a rate of sexual harassment that was higher than those
typically found in samples of adult women. More than 52 percent of
the girls reported that they had experienced some form of sexual har-
assment during the past year at their jobs. Harassed teens also faced
problems similar to women in terms of work stress and alienation from
coworkers and supervisors. An analysis of their ‘‘most upsetting’’
harassment experience revealed that more than half (56 percent) of the
perpetrators were coworkers, while supervisors and vendors/customers
accounted equally for the remainder. A large majority of the perpetra-
tors were older than the girls, with nearly half (46 percent) described
as older than 30.
Another study by the same authors (Fineran & Gruber, 2009) found
that young adolescents (ages 13-15) were impacted significantly by sex-
ual harassment. In particular, girls’ health—self esteem, physical and
mental health, and post-traumatic symptoms—and work attitudes and
behavior were adversely affected more so than boys’.
CONCLUSIONS
Research conducted nationally and internationally on teen sexual
harassment and bullying describes a problem of victimization that per-
sists throughout adolescence and has a number of unhealthy effects.
Despite the varieties of sample sizes, theoretical definitions, measure-
ments, and time frames, several important generalizations can be
gleaned from the research.
It appears at first glance that sexual harassment occurs at a much
higher rate than bullying does. On closer inspection, it appears that a
significant amount of this difference may be attributed to the ways in
which these forms of victimization are measured. The only study to
date (Gruber & Fineran, 2008a) that used similar measures and time
frames found that bullying was more prevalent. A clearer understand-
ing of victimization rates across time and space—e.g., comparing vic-
timization in 2009 to 2001, or comparing rates between the United
States and European Union nations—would result from the use of
similarly-constructed measures (e.g., a listing of behaviors found in the
AAUW studies) and similar time frames.
Across the globe, regardless of culture and language it is clear that
victimization and perpetration are not random but are indeed highly
predictable events. Boys are perpetrators and frequently victims; girls
are victims but seldom perpetrators. Also, sexual minority children are
at risk for bullying and sexual harassment victimization. Though there
is less research on them, children with disabilities also seem to be fre-
quent targets of victimization. The research on racial and ethnic differ-
ences in bullying and harassment is mixed. Most studies find few
differences either in the overall incidence of victimization or in the spe-
cific types of victimization. Since most perpetration and victimization
is an in-group phenomenon (e.g., blacks bully and harass other blacks),
the dynamics of cross-race experiences remain a research issue for the
future.
Research from across the globe clearly shows that bullying and har-
assment victimization is not a trivial event in children’s lives. Despite
popular claims that victimization is ‘‘just part of growing up’’ that

most children experience and weather successfully, a plethora of stud-
ies suggest otherwise. There are clear health risks associated with vic-
timization to children’s psychological well-being (e.g., poor self esteem,
high anxiety, depression, trauma symptoms, suicidal behavior) as well
as to adjustment to and functioning within school. Victimized children
enjoy school less, perform poorly, and harbor negative attitudes toward
teachers. But these adverse health and school outcomes are not spread
evenly across the student population. Some types of students suffer
more. In particular, girls and sexual minorities experience significant
harm as a result of victimization. The gender difference in harm seems
to be the case whether the environment is school or a workplace.
We end our chapter on a cautionary note. Recently, bullying has
become the probleme de jour both in the United States and the European
Union. The number of research papers, articles in popular literature,
and television specials devoted to the problem is quite phenomenal.
The attention to bullying, while well-meaning and well-deserved, has
diminished the attention that sexual harassment is receiving. The
research we have conducted recently suggests that placing sexual har-
assment in the shadow of bullying does not serve our schools and our
children well. Specifically, we found that sexual harassment poses
greater health risks for boys and girls, and especially for sexual minor-
ities. Our research on school outcomes, which remains unfinished at
this point, suggests similar findings.
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Chapter 12
Great Is Our Sin: Pseudoscientific

Justifications for Oppression in
American Education
Jennifer L. Martin
If the misery of our poor be caused not by laws of nature, but by our insti-
tutions, great is our sin.
—Charles Darwin
The above quotation by Charles Darwin is still very relevant in con-
temporary American society. Not only the poor, but also those who ex-
perience disenfranchisement in a variety of forms, for example, gender,
race, ethnicity, and so on, are subject to inequity on multiple levels:
personal, interpersonal, institutional, and cultural. These levels of
oppression are interactive, and it is easy to see how the majority
viewpoint can subtly make its way into the cultural framework. For
example, one’s personal values, beliefs, and feelings can lead to inter-
personal interaction (behavior), which can then lead to the creation of
institutional rules and policies and then finally to cultural views
involving the nature of beauty, truth, and right. It is frightening to
examine our own history and the history of the American public edu-
cation system in this light, but the same is true for both: personal
values and beliefs were held that excluded and were detrimental to mi-
nority viewpoints. These racist and sexist beliefs were used to create a
sociopolitical agenda that separated people into racial categories and
promoted the ‘‘superiority’’ of the white race. In Inheriting Shame: The
Story of Eugenics and Racism in America (1999), Steven Selden discusses
how such personal values and beliefs led to institutional policy in the
American school system, the repercussions of which are still with us.
Although most people associated with American education were not
overtly radical racists, it is frightening when one considers that they
nonetheless attached their names to philosophical ideas that were the
basis for organizations that advocated for the segregation and steriliza-
tion of ‘‘undesirables.’’ For example, G. Stanley Hall, developer of Child
Study, which was highly influential on curriculum in the twentieth cen-
tury, was a firm believer in biological determinism. He felt that nature
defined ‘‘educability.’’ He also advocated for a wide range of curricula
to correspond to the wide range of abilities in individuals, which, not
surprisingly, were more often than not based on racial and gender dif-
ferences. Leta Hollingworth is still recognized today as a leading
researcher and advocate for gifted and talented education, despite her
alignment with the Eugenics Movement. As Selden states: ‘‘Educational
policy, in Hollingworth’s (1924) view, disregarded gifted children due to
a misguided social philosophy that denied ‘innate permanent, hereditary
superiority’’’ (p. 101). Dr. Helen Putnam’s eugenical ideas linked the
National Education Association (NEA) with biological determinism.
Dr. Putnam’s report at the 1916 NEA conference, entitled ‘‘The New
Ideal in Education—Better Parents of Better Children,’’ advocated for the
rationale that there was in fact a ‘‘superior’’ race: ‘‘‘If humanity is to sur-
vive,’ Putnam informed her audience of teachers and administrators,
‘individualism and nationalism must conform to the laws of racial well-
being’’’ (Putnam, quoted in Selden, p. 57). Putnam also expanded her
platform of eugenical ideas to include programs of teacher education.
Interestingly, knowledge about the existence of the notion of eugen-
ics and the Eugenics Movement in America is not widely known by
most modern educators, or by the general public for that matter.
Unfortunately, not having this knowledge allows similar ideas to reap-
pear in contemporary society in more covert forms, for example, in the
form of tracking students, having differential expectations based on
gender, socioeconomic class, and so on. More shocking is when such
racist notions appear quite overtly in society. For example, the racism
justified by biological determinism emerged again recently with the
publication of The Bell Curve (1994) by Charles Murray and Richard J.
Hernstein. The Bell Curve presents pseudoscientific ‘‘evidence’’ of the
genetic inferiority of blacks. As Macedo and Bartolome state:
This book has not only activated what had appeared to be a dormancy of
racism in the United States after the enactment of the civil rights laws,
but it also has resurrected an old form of intellectual lynching that,
unfortunately, has been embraced by ever more powerful representatives
of the far right and, with some exception, by liberals through a form of
silence. (1999, p. 85)
Great Is Our Sin 233
Despite the fact that knowledge of the Eugenics Movement in Amer-

ica is not well known by most modern educators, it is easy to trace
eugenical ideas in public education through science textbooks used
during the period between 1914 and 1948. There was little scientific
evidence to support eugenics in its infancy, but even when research
suggested that there was absolutely no scientific basis for eugenical
conclusions textbooks continued to promote individual differences
based on hierarchical notions of race and biological determinism. In
essence, textbook authors and publishers, such as George William
Hunter, believed what they wanted to believe, despite evidence to the
contrary. They used their beliefs to promote their own sociopolitical
agendas: agendas of exclusion that promoted the continued privilege
of whites. As Selden states:
Programs of selective breeding were most frequently recommended to

the high school reader: Positive eugenics, which called for the selective
matings of those judged as society’s best, was cited in 64.4% of the texts,
and negative eugenics, which demanded the restriction of child-bearing
by those judged socially inferior, appeared in 46.3% of the volumes. In
addition, 19.5% of the texts recommended immigration restriction and
14.6% suggested policies of segregation and sterilization. (p. 68)
The influence of the Eugenics Movement on American education

shows itself most clearly today in the form of the hierarchical system
of tracking students by ability. As Selden states: ‘‘Eugenics promoted a
concept of schooling as an open market in which individuals competed
by means of their inherited traits for high scores—a scarce commodity
indeed’’ (p. 37). ‘‘Compensatory education’’ has been a common prac-
tice in American public schools to deal with inequities in education.
Proponents of this philosophy argue that educational inequity results
from the failure of underachieving linguistic and ethnic minorities.
Compensatory education programs rely on remediation in an attempt
to get underachieving students up to the levels of their peers. The cur-
riculum in compensatory education programs is reduced in content
and in scope and is delivered at a slower pace. However, students
placed in remedial tracks, for the most part, do not catch up to their
peers. As Hugh Mehan states (1997): ‘‘Research has shown, however,
that the schools’ practices of tracking, ability grouping and testing con-
tribute to inequality (Rosenbaum, 1978; Cicourel & Mehan, 1983;
Oakes, 1985; Page & Valli, 1991; Mehan, 1992; Oakes et al., 1992)’’
(p. 116). Despite this research, the practice of tracking still continues, in
one form or another, in the majority of schools in America.
It is alarming to recognize the degree to which science has been mis-
used in the past and even today to justify existing social prejudices or
as Tavris states: ‘‘to confirm the prejudice that some groups are
assigned to their subordinate roles ‘by the harsh dictates of nature’’’

(p. 24). Supposed biological differences between the races were used
throughout history to justify oppression and maintain white privilege.
Perhaps more alarming, is the fact that many do not question such
studies because they are reported in academic publications and
through the media as ‘‘science.’’ Our sin is great, again as Darwin sug-
gests, for our institutions perpetuate the misery of the disenfranchised
and, to make matters worse, often pass this misery off as being caused
by the laws of nature—and thus our responsibility is (or should be)
greater. As educators we must promote awareness about our own past
and present in order to create a better future for all. We must look with
a questioning eye at policies and programs for their hidden biases and
agendas. Perhaps then Margaret Mead’s often quoted phrase would be
cause for celebration: ‘‘Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful,
committed citizens can change the world; indeed, it’s the only thing
that ever has.’’
REFERENCES
Macedo, D., & Bartolome, L. I. (1999). Dancing with bigotry: Beyond the politics of
tolerance. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
Mehan, H. (1997). Tracking untracking: The consequences of placing low-track
students in high-track classes. Race, ethnicity, and multiculturalism: Policy
and practice (pp. 115–150). New York: Garland Publishing, Inc.
Selden, S. (1999). Inheriting shame: The story of eugenics and racism in America.
New York: Teachers College, Columbia University.
Tavris, C. (1992). The mismeasure of woman. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Chapter 13
Discrimination, Harassment, and

Women’s Physical and Mental Health
Krystle C. Woods
NiCole T. Buchanan
Women’s health is inextricably linked to their status in society. It benefits

from equality and suffers from discrimination.
—World Health Report (World Health Organization, 1988, p. 6)
Women across the world bear the burdens of discrimination, harass-
ment, poverty, and maltreatment (United Nations Population Fund
[UNFPA], 2005). Unequal pay, lower workforce participation, and dis-
parate access to health care place women at a disadvantage relative to
men (Pratt, 1997; UNFPA, 2002), and contribute to women representing
more than 75 percent of the world’s poor (United Nations, 2005). Soci-
ety’s (mis)treatment of women contributes to their higher rates of cer-
tain forms of mental illness (e.g., depression, anxiety, and eating
disorders) and their increased incidence of physical disability relative
to men (Landrine & Klonoff, 1997; Nosek, Howland, Rintala, Young, &
Chanpong, 2004).
Women’s participation in paid employment determines their ability
to combat both poverty and financial dependence, both of which put
them at risk of being abused. Yet, for many women, the workplace is
fraught with additional hazards that can place their financial, physical,
and psychological well-being in peril. Specifically, gender discrimina-
tion and harassment are reported by approximately half of all working
women in the United States (Ilies, Hauserman, Schwochau, & Stibal,
2003), with damaging effects on their mental and physical health
(Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007). Given the high toll women pay as a
result of work-related gender discrimination and harassment, the spe-

cific negative mental and physical health outcomes associated with this
mistreatment should be well understood.
DEFINING GENDER DISCRIMINATION AND HARASSMENT

Title VII of the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1991 prohibits employ-
ment discrimination based on gender, race, color, religion, and national
origin. Gender discrimination is divided into two forms: disparate
treatment and disparate impact (Cleveland, Vescio, & Barnes-Farrell,
2005). Disparate treatment occurs when individuals are deliberately
treated differently because of their gender. Examples include offering
women lower starting salaries, posing different interview questions to
male and female applicants (e.g., querying their intent to have chil-
dren), or refusing to hire female applicants. Disparate impact, also
referred to as adverse impact, occurs when ostensibly neutral work-
place practices have an unnecessary negative effect on members of a
protected class (e.g., women), thereby limiting the opportunities of that
group. Gender-related examples of disparate impact frequently include
the use of height, weight, or strength requirements for physically
demanding jobs. For example, the Dial Corporation required a pre-
employment test of physical strength that rendered 60 percent of
female applicants, but only 3 percent of male applicants, ineligible for
employment, including women who had already been successfully
employed in the position. The ruling in EEOC v. The Dial Corporation
asserted that a fair test should not screen out employees who success-
fully worked in the same position, therefore, the strength test had an
unnecessary adverse effect on women.
Originally, the law protected against gender-based discrimination, but
did not address sexual harassment until 1976 when the ruling in
Williams v. Saxby legally recognized it as a form of sex discrimination
in violation of Title VII (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
[EEOC], 1980). The legal definition of sexual harassment separates it
into two categories: quid pro quo and hostile environment. Quid pro
quo includes any attempt to coerce sexual interactions via job-related
threats or promises of benefits based on one’s sexual compliance (e.g.,
threatening termination or promising a promotion). A hostile work envi-
ronment is created when an employee perceives the general workplace
milieu as hostile as a result of unwanted gender-based comments or
behaviors. Similarly, a hostile environment can be created when these
behaviors negatively affect an employee’s job performance, regardless
of whether or not there are tangible or economic job consequences
(Equal Employment Opportunity Commission [EEOC], 1980). As a
psychological construct, sexual harassment is defined as unwanted
gender-based or sexual comments and behavior that an individual
Discrimination, Harassment, and Women’s Physical and Mental Health 237
appraises as offensive and a threat to her/his well-being (Fitzgerald,

Swan, & Magley, 1997). There are three primary subtypes of sexual
harassment (Fitzgerald et al., 1988; Fitzgerald, Gelfand, & Drasgow,
1995): gender harassment (negative non-sexual, gender-based comments
and behaviors, such as sex-stratifying jobs as ‘‘men’s work’’); unwanted
sexual attention (verbal and nonverbal sexual comments, gestures, or
attempts at physical contact, such as asking someone on a date repeat-
edly or touching someone sexually); and sexual coercion (which is
equivalent to the legal construct of quid pro quo).
HOW DISCRIMINATION AND HARASSMENT HARM

PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING AND PHYSICAL HEALTH
Gender-based discrimination and sexual harassment exact a heavy
toll on the psychological and physical health of women targeted for
harassment.1 According to the Transactional Model of Stress (Lazarus
& Folkman, 1984), an experience becomes stressful when the individual
appraises a situation as ‘‘exceeding his or her resources and endanger-
ing his or her well-being’’ (p. 21). Both sexual harassment and gender
discrimination are frequently interpreted as such by targets and are
likely to result in psychological and physical sequelae common to
trauma (Avina & O’Donohue, 2002; Fitzgerald, Drasgow, Hulin,
Gelfand, & Magley, 1997). The transactional model of stress also out-
lines several different factors that increase the extent to which an event
will be perceived as stressful: the amount of harm done to the individ-
ual, the threat of negative outcomes in the future, the inability to pre-
dict and control the situation, the pervasiveness and frequency of the
stressor, and its occurrence in settings where mastery was previously
achieved. Gender discrimination and sexual harassment frequently
include these characteristics that increase the likelihood that they will
be stressful (Huerta, Cortina, Pang, Torges, & Magley, 2006; Langhout,
Bergman, Cortina, Fitzgerald, Drasgow, & Hunter Williams, 2005). For
example, gender discrimination and sexual harassment are often
chronic stressors defined by their insidious onsets and their extended,
unpredictable endpoint (Wheaton, 1997), which result in greater detri-
ment to one’s mental and physical health than single traumatic events
(Green et al., 2000; Krupnick, Green, Stockton, Goodman, Corcoran, &
Petty, 2004; McGonagle & Kessler, 1990). As these acts are perpetrated
against women in their place of work, school, or residence, targeted
women rarely feel that they have control over their occurrence, perva-
siveness, or frequency. Further, discrimination and harassment often
harm the individual’s well-being at the present and have the potential
for future negative consequences (e.g., being fired for refusing to com-
ply or creating a hostile work environment that inhibits professional
growth and learning). All of these factors increase the likelihood that
gender discrimination and sexual harassment will be traumatic events

that damage women’s mental and physical health.
In addition to the nature of the experiences themselves, some theo-
rize that experiences of gender-based discrimination and harassment
can be more stressful than generic stressors (e.g., moving or starting a
new job) because they are inherently personal and attack a social iden-
tity tied to an immutable personal characteristic (e.g., biological sex)
(Landrine & Klonoff, 1997; Zucker & Landry, 2007). Compared to privi-
leged group members, members of disadvantaged groups are more
likely to experience discrimination, view prejudice against their group
as pervasive and systemic, and perceive discrimination as uncontrol-
lable, unavoidable, and a devaluation of a core social identity (Major &
Crocker, 1993; Schmitt et al., 2002). Such experiences negatively impact
one’s perceptions of the views others have about their social group
(i.e., public regard; Allport, 1979; Cartwright, 1950), which results in
poorer physical and mental health. Further, these relationships are
stronger when one holds a meritocracy worldview—that people are
appropriately rewarded for their efforts and thus, can determine their
own success (Major, Kaiser, O’Brian, & McCoy, 2007)—perhaps
because recognition of maltreatment independent of one’s personal
efforts and abilities challenges one’s basic understanding of the world
and one’s opportunity structure.
MENTAL HEALTH OUTCOMES RELATED TO

DISCRIMINATION AND HARASSMENT
Meta-analytic reviews have found significant associations between
gender discrimination, sexual harassment, and indicators of psycholog-
ical well-being, such as depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disor-
der, disordered eating, nicotine use, and alcohol use (Cantisano,
Dominguez, & Depolo, 2008; Chan, Lam, Chow, & Cheung, 2008;
Willness et al., 2007). Moreover, studies have found that the negative
effects of harassment can persist for more than ten years after the har-
assment has ended (Glomb, Munson, Hulin, Bergman, & Drasgow,
1999; Street, Gradus, Stafford, & Kelly, 2007). These relationships have
been supported across a wide variety of populations, including former
military reservists (Street et al., 2007), women in the U.S. (Bergman &
Drasgow, 2003) and the Swedish (Estrada & Berggren, 2009) Armed
Forces, female employees of the U.S. federal judicial circuit (Lim &
Cortina, 2005), physicians (Shrier et al., 2007), police officers (Dowler &
Arai, 2008), college women (Schmitt et al., 2002), women seeking coun-
seling (Moradi & Funderburk, 2006), lesbian/bisexual women (Szyman-
ski, 2005), and Latina (Cortina, 2004), Asian (Patel, 2008), and black
women (Buchanan & Fitzgerald, 2008). Thus, the negative effects of
gender discrimination and sexual harassment appear to be universal.
The strength of the relationship between discrimination and psycho-

logical well-being is affected by several factors (Fineran & Gruber,
2008) reflecting individual (e.g., age, self-esteem, and feminist identity)
and experiential differences (e.g., appraisal, multiple forms of harass-
ment occurring simultaneously). For example, younger working
women appear to be more negatively impacted by harassment than
their older counterparts, perhaps because they do not have the same
job stability, seniority, and security (Chan et al., 2008). Collective self-
esteem or perceptions of women in general and personal self-esteem
both appear to moderate the relationship between discrimination, sex-
ual harassment, and psychological distress (Fischer & Holz, 2007). For
example, women with a strong and positive view of themselves may
be better equipped to dismiss discrimination experiences than women
who are unsure of their personal worth (Moradi & Subich, 2004) and
those with more positive views of women in general (higher collective
self-esteem) reported less depression and anxiety following harassment
(Fischer & Holz, 2007).
Feminist consciousness is theorized to provide a framework for
understanding gender discrimination, which can reduce self-blame
associated with these experiences (Landrine & Klonoff, 1997). Feminist
attitudes have been found to be protective against the negative effects
of gender discrimination and harassment (Moradi & Subich, 2002), sug-
gesting that women who endorse a more feminist consciousness may
avoid internalizing blame by recognizing harassment as a manifestation
of larger social injustices. Furthermore, feminist-identified women may
feel more empowered to actively cope with discrimination, making
them less vulnerable to negative outcomes (Sabik & Tylka, 2006). Nota-
bly, a feminist identity does not appear to be equally protective for all
women. Whereas a feminist identity may help white women label their
harassment experience as a social injustice instead of internalizing
blame, Rederstorff, Buchanan, and Settles (2007) found that a higher
feminist identity exacerbated the negative effects of harassment for
black women. The authors attributed these findings to the double con-
sciousness found among many multiply oppressed people where an
increased awareness of oppression based on one salient identity
increases awareness of one’s vulnerability based on other salient identi-
ties. As a result, black women who endorsed more feminist attitudes
were more likely to report higher levels of posttraumatic stress in the
face of sexual harassment and discrimination. Another study of pre-
dominantly white lesbian and bisexual women found that participation
in feminist activities (e.g., membership in feminist organizations, partic-
ipation in feminist boycotts, marches, or rallies) buffered against psy-
chological distress at low levels of harassment, but more severe sexual
harassment was associated with significant psychological distress,
regardless of feminist affiliation (Szymanski & Owens, 2009).
Women’s subjective appraisal of the harassment (e.g., how disturb-

ing, embarrassing, threatening, frightening, or offensive they perceived
it to be) and the coping strategies they use to deal with it can buffer or
exacerbate distress. According to cognitive theories of stress, the tar-
get’s subjective appraisal of a potentially stressful situation impacts the
level of distress they experience following a traumatic event (Lazarus
& Folkman, 1984). Consistent with this theory, appraisal has been
shown to mediate the relationship between sexual harassment and
mental health outcomes (Langhout et al., 2005). Similarly, women who
perceive harassment as pervasive in society or believe it is directed at
them personally experience heightened psychological distress as com-
pared to women who believed harassment was a relatively rare phe-
nomenon and directed at women as a group rather than a personal
attack (Dambrun, 2007; Foster & Dion, 2003; Schmitt, Branscombe, &
Postmes, 2003).
Women are frequently told they should respond directly and asser-
tively in the face of harassment, but such responses may run counter
to their well-being. Women who utilize direct forms of coping, such as
confronting the perpetrator or filing a complaint against the harasser
often find that the work environment worsens and their social support
from co-workers and peers wanes (Bergman, Langhout, Cortina,
Palmieri, & Fitzgerald, 2002; Cortina & Magley, 2003). For example,
sexual harassed black women in the U.S. Armed Forces who used
contemplative strategies to cope with harassment (e.g., thinking about
the event) reported significantly higher psychological well-being com-
pared to women who filed a formal complaint (Buchanan, Settles, &
Langhout, 2007).
Finally, the race of the target and the perpetrator can significantly
influence the harassment experience and the extent to which it harms a
woman’s well-being. For example, being sexually harassed while sepa-
rately experiencing racial harassment or experiencing racialized sexual
harassment has been associated with increased psychological distress
(Thomas, Witherspoon, & Speight, 2008). Black women report experi-
encing sexual racism and racialized sexual harassment (Buchanan,
2005; Texeira, 2002) as attacks that target their race and gender simulta-
neously (Buchanan & Ormerod, 2002; Mecca & Rubin, 1999; Yoder &
Aniakudo, 1995, 1996, 1997). These behaviors call upon sexualized
stereotypes of the black woman (i.e., being called a ‘‘black whore’’)
and physical features thought to vary by race (i.e., commenting on her
‘‘large black behind’’). Harassment that simultaneously attacks one’s
gender and race is perceived as more severe by victims (King, 2003)
and may exacerbate harm because it targets two central and salient
identities (Settles, 2006).
The relationship between racialized sexual harassment and psycho-
logical well-being is also mediated by avoidant coping, whereby black
women who try to avoid and distract themselves from the negative
harassment experience report worse psychological outcomes (Thomas
et al., 2008). The use of an avoidant coping style is very prevalent
among black women (Utsey, Ponterotto, Reynolds, & Cancelli, 2000),
perhaps because of the pressure to uphold a facade of strength pro-
scripted by gender role norms of black women (e.g., the Strong Black
Woman archetype; Thomas et al., 2008). In addition, the race of the
perpetrator mediates the relationship between sexual harassment and
resulting distress. Among black college and working women, sexual
harassment from an out-group (e.g., non-black) male was associated
with more symptoms of posttraumatic stress than harassment from an
in-group (i.e., black) male, because it was appraised more negatively
by victims (Woods, Buchanan, & Settles, 2009).
DISCRIMINATION, HARASSMENT AND SPECIFIC

FORMS OF MENTAL ILLNESS
Both daily records of sexist experiences and retrospective reports from
harassed women indicate that depression, anxiety, eating disorders, and
substance abuse are common sequelae following gender discrimination
and sexual harassment (see Avina & O’Donohue, 2002; DeSouza & Fans-
ler, 2003; Harned, 2000; Richman, Rospenda, Flaherty, Freels, & Zlatoper,
2004; Swim, Hyers, Cohen, & Ferguson, 2001; Zucker & Landry, 2007). In
fact, some researchers suggest that the gender differences in conditions
such as depression (women’s rates are twice those of men; Kessler, 2003)
are due in part to women’s higher rates of discrimination and harassment
(Klonoff, Landrine, & Campbell, 2000; Swim et al., 2001).
Some have also argued that because gender discrimination and
harassment are often pervasive, chronic stressors, they can be catego-
rized as traumatic events that result in posttraumatic stress (PTS) symp-
toms (Avina & O’Donohue, 2002; Berg, 2006; Fitzgerald, Buchanan,
Collinsworth, Magley, & Ramos, 1999). Both lifetime accounts and recent
events of sexist discrimination perpetrated at work, school, and by
strangers on the street are associated with posttraumatic stress (Berg,
2006). Researchers have argued that sexual harassment meets the criteria
for a diagnosable trauma as defined by the Diagnostic and Statistical Man-
ual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV; American Psychiatric
Association, 1994; Avina & O’Donohue, 2002; Murdoch, Polusny,
Hodges, & Cowper, 2006). As evidence for this argument, sexual harass-
ment experiences are associated with symptoms of posttraumatic stress
in college women (Rederstorff et al., 2007), women in the U.S. Marines
(Shipherd, Pineles, Gradus, & Resick, 2009), military reservists (Street
et al., 2007), and female veterans of the Gulf War (Vogt, Pless, King, &
King, 2005) and posttraumatic stress symptom severity increases as
sexual harassment severity increases (Murdoch et al., 2006).
Sexual harassment is associated with eating pathology and distorted

body image as a result of multiple processes. First, sexual harassment
is associated with decreased self-esteem, particularly body-based self-
esteem, which concomitantly increases the likelihood that the target
will develop pathological eating behaviors (sexual harassment syn-
drome; Backhouse & Cohen, 1978; Larkin, Rice, & Russell, 1996).
Another model proposes that sexual harassment increases anxiety,
heightens bodily discomfort and scrutiny, and distorts one’s body
image, culminating in a heightened risk for disordered eating (Barker &
Galambos, 2003; Frederickson & Roberts, 1997; Hofschire & Greenberg,
2002; Larkin & Rice, 2005; Larkin, Rice, & Russell, 1996). Finally, self-
objectification theory proposes that when women’s bodies are looked
at, evaluated, and potentially objectified through experiences like sex-
ual harassment, women may internalize these images (self-objectification),
and engage in increased body monitoring (Frederickson & Roberts,
1997). Excessive body scrutiny can lead to shame, anxiety, and body
image distortion, all of which negatively affect psychological well-being
(Frederickson & Roberts, 1997). Further, research has demonstrated a
direct relationship between self-objectification and restrictive eating,
bulimic, and depressive symptoms (Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn,
& Twenge, 1998; Noll & Fredrickson, 1998; Joiner, Wonderlich, Metalsky,
& Schmidt, 1995; McKinley, 1998; Stice, Hayward, Cameron, Killen, &
Taylor, 2000).
Health-damaging behaviors, such as drug and alcohol use, take a
significant toll on one’s health (Centers for Disease Control and Preven-
tion, 2004; National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2002). Sexual harassment
has been associated with the use of alcohol and prescription drugs
(e.g., sedatives, antidepressants; Zucker & Landry, 2005) and cigarettes
(Richman et al., 1999). This may indicate that some women may use
these substances to reduce stress, depression, anxiety, hostility, and a
perceived lack of control associated with experiences of discrimination
and harassment (Grunberg, Moore, & Greenber, 1998; Ragland &
Ames, 1996; Richman & Rospenda, 2005). Longitudinal analyses and
national samples of working adults (Rospenda, Richman, & Shannon,
2009) and female college students (Zucker & Landry, 2007) also demon-
strated a relationship between harassment and alcohol misuse (Freels,
Richman, & Rospenda, 2005; Rospenda, Richman, Wislar, & Flaherty,
2000).
PHYSICAL HEALTH OUTCOMES RELATED TO

DISCRIMINATION AND HARASSMENT
In addition to psychological distress, gender discrimination and
sexual harassment are sufficiently stressful to result in detriment to
one’s physical health, such as stress-induced physiological changes,
suppressed immune system functioning, inflammation, gastrointestinal

problems, fatigue, headaches, sleep problems, and back pain (Cleary,
Schmieler, Parscenzo, & Ambrosio, 1994; Dansky & Kilpatrick, 1997;
Smith, 2006; van Roosmalen & McDaniel, 1998). Meta-analyses indicate
that a perceived lack of control, chronic stress, and threats tied to social
identity are important in increasing levels of cortisol, which is an indi-
cation of stress (Dickerson & Kemeny, 2004; Michaud, Matheson, Kelly,
& Anisman, 2008; Miller, Chen, & Zhou, 2007). Bodily systems that
usually serve to adaptively cope with isolated stressors, like the hypo-
thalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis and the sympathetic arousal system
(Goldstein & McEwen, 2002; Sapolsky, Romero, & Munck, 2000), may
become overtaxed with chronic stressors like discrimination, resulting
in negative health outcomes (McEwen, 2000, 2003). In addition, perva-
sive discrimination and harassment may also lead one to engage in
behaviors that are counter to positive health outcomes, such as neglect-
ing self-care and health sustaining behaviors (e.g., exercise, healthy eat-
ing, and regular sleeping patterns), which may result in a plethora of
health problems (Zucker & Landry, 2007).
Meta-analyses specific to harassment outcomes also support the
association between harassment and negative physical health indicators
(Cantisano et al., 2008; Chan et al., 2008). Similar to mental health, the
relationship between sexual harassment and physical health is
mediated by one’s appraisal of the event and general psychological
well-being (Langhout et al., 2005). Namely, sexual harassment and
gender discrimination are associated with medical symptoms like gas-
trointestinal (stomach-ache, flatulence, diarrhea, heartburn, stomach
pains), musculoskeletal (headaches, pain in joints, muscles, back, and
neck), irritability, sleeping problems (fatigue, restlessness, sleep distur-
bances), cardiovascular symptoms (chest pain, tachycardia), headache,
eye strain, skin problems, itching, and worry about health hazards
(Bergman, 2003; Bildt, 2005; Estrada & Berggren, 2009; Langhout et al.,
2005; Shipherd et al., 2009). These experiences are also associate
with persistent and chronic diseases, such as hypertension, neurologi-
cal disorders, diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, gastritis, cataracts, etc.
(Keskinoglu, Ucuncu, Yildirim, Gurbuz, Ur, & Ergor, 2007).
Discrimination experiences and mood also influence stress-reactive
physiological systems. As an example, women primed to feel angry or
sad during a lab-induced discrimination event experienced changes in
salivary cortisol levels (Matheson, Gill, Kelly, & Anisman, 2008). In
particular, when primed to feel angry, they experienced sustained
arousal levels throughout the discrimination experience and increases
in systolic and diastolic blood pressure and heart rate persisted after
the discrimination event ended. Extrapolating these findings to real
world harassment and discrimination would suggest that negative,
repeated and unpredictable discrimination events raise cortisol levels
and arousal for extended periods of time, leading to negative health

consequences (McEwen, 2003). Particularly, those discrimination events
that evoke anger are associated with increases in heart rate and cardio-
vascular problems over time (Matheson et al., 2008). Thus, women’s
experiences of discrimination and harassment can result in significant
detriment to their overall physical health and well-being over time.
CONCLUSION
Across the globe, working women are subjected to gender discrimi-
nation and sexual harassment at work, and an abundance of evidence
supports that such experiences result in significant negative consequen-
ces for a woman’s psychological well-being and physical health. With
more than 40 percent of women reporting at least one such experience
annually (DeSouza & Solberg, 2003), gender discrimination and sexual
harassment may be the most common occupational hazard faced by
working women today. The focus of this chapter has been on the nega-
tive effects of gender discrimination and sexual harassment on targeted
women; however, the financial toll on companies is also extensive
(Sims, Drasgow, & Fitzgerald, 2005). Increased awareness of these neg-
ative outcomes is necessary to encourage organizations to improve pre-
vention efforts and promote anti-discrimination legislation, resulting in
a more equitable work environment for all employees.
NOTE
1. Gender-based discrimination and sexual harassment are both perpetrated
against men and women, however behavioral assessments of harassment and
formal reports alleging both forms of discrimination and harassment are more
commonly reported by women than by men (EEOC, 2009); as such, we will
commonly refer to targets of harassment as women.
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Appendix: Feminist and Women’s
Rights Organizations Worldwide
Susan Strauss
Michelle Strand
Michele A. Paludi
We have compiled a listing of resources dealing with feminism and

women’s rights internationally. We believe this listing is a good start-
ing point for seeking additional information about women’s issues and
support groups on issues including women and mental health, physical
health, employed women, legal rights, political advocacy groups, repro-
ductive health and rights, violence against women, and women and edu-
cation. Please recognize that this listing is neither complete nor exhaustive.
GENERAL ORGANIZATIONS
African Feminist Forum
http://www.africanfeministforum.org
Association for Women’s Rights in Development
http://www.awid.org
Center for Global Justice
http://www.globaljusticecenter.org
Centre for Development and Population Activities
http://www.cedpa.org
Equality Now
http://www.equalitynow.org
254 Appendix
Feminist Activist Resources on the Net

http://www.women.it
Feminist Majority Foundation: Global Feminism
http://feminist.org/global
Global Fund for Women
http://www.globalfundforwomen.org
Global List of Women’s Organizations
http://www.distel.ca/womlist/womlist.html
International Alliance of Women
http://www.womenalliance.org/
International Women’s Organizations
http://www.africa/upenn.edu/burundiwomen/international.htm
MADRE
http://www.madre.org
Ms. Foundation for Women
http://www.ms.foundation.org
National Council for Research on Women
http://www.ncrw.org
National Council of Women’s Organizations
http://www.womensorganizations.org
http://www.now.org
PDHRE
http://www.pdhre.org/rights/women.html
Regional Network on Arab Women
http://www.aucegypt.edu/src
Sudan Women’s Alliance
http://www.sarah@acs.aucegypt.edu
Third Wave Foundation
http://www.thirdwavefoundation.org
United Nations Commission on the Status of Women
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw
United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/
United Nations Population Fund; Gender Equality
http://www.unfpa.org/public/publications/pubs_gender
Appendix 255
Women and Gender Studies Web Sites

http://libr.org/wss/wsslinks/
Women for Women International
http://www.womenforwomen.org
Women Peace and Security Network, Africa
http://www.ajws.org
Women’s Human Rights Resources Programme
http://www.law-lib.utoronto.ca/diana
EMPLOYED WOMEN
All Business Network
http://www.all-biz.com
Association for Women in Science
http://www.awis.org
Business and Professional Women’s Organization
http://www.bpwusa.org
Center for Leadership and Change Management
http://leadership.wharton.upenn.edu
Center for Women and Work, Rutgers University
http://www.cww.rutgers.edu
Center for Women and Work, University of Massachusetts, Lowell
http://www.uml.edu/centers/women-work
Centre for Families, Work and Well-Being
http://www.worklifecanada.ca
Center for Stress Management
http://www.managingstress.com
Employee Assistance Professional Association
http://www.eapassn.org
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
http://www.eeoc.gov
Families and Work Institute
http://www.familiesandwork.org
Feminist Majority Foundation
http://www.feminist.org
International Network of Women Engineers and Scientists
http://www.inwes.org
256 Appendix
National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health

http://www.cdc.gov/niosh
National Institute of Mental Health
http://www.nimh.nih.gov
National Partnership for Women and Families
http://www.nationalpartnership.org
Occupational Safety and Health Administration
http://www.osha.gov
Office Politics
http://www.officepolitics.co.uk/frame.html
The Coaching and Mentoring Network
http://www.coachingnetwork.org.uk/
Third World Organization for Women in Science
http://www.twows.org
Work and Family Connection
http://www.workfamily.com
HEALTH
American Association of People with Disabilities
http://www.aapd-dc/org
American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities
http://www.aamr.org
http://www.apa.org
Black Women’s Health
http://www.blackwomenshealth.com
Breast Cancer Information Network
http://www.cancernetwork.com
Canadian Women’s Health Network
http://www.cwhn.ca
Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund
http://www.dredf.org
Disabled Peoples’ International
http://v1.dpi.org
EngenderHealth
http://www.engenderhealth.org
Appendix 257
Feminist Women’s Health Center

http://www.fwhc.org
International Women’s Health Coalition
http://www.iwhc.org
World Association of Persons with Disabilities
http://www.wapd.org
World Health Organization
http://www.who.int
World Institute on Disability
http://www.wid.org
LEGAL RIGHTS
The Legal Research and Resource Center for Human Rights
lrrc@frco.eun.eg
Women in International Law
http://www2lib.uchicago.edu/llou/women.html
POLITICAL ADVOCACY GROUPS

Center for American Women and Politics
http://www.cawp.rutgers.edu
Center for Asia-Pacific Women in Politics
http://www.capwip.org
Centre for Advancement of Women in Politics
http://www.qub.ac.uk/cawp/
Council of Women World Leaders
http://www.womenworldleaders.org
Emily’s List
http://www.emilyslist.org
European Women’s Lobby
http://www.womenlobby.org
International Women’s Democracy Center
http://www.lwdc.org
League of Women Voters
http://www.lwv.org
National Foundation for Women Legislators
http://www.womenlegislators.org
258 Appendix
National Women’s Council of Ireland

http://www.nwci.ie
National Women’s Political Caucus
http://www.nwpc.org
Political Parties in Africa
http://www.idea.int/africa/pp.cfm
Women in Politics
http://www.ipu.org
REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS

American Pregnancy Association
http://www.americanpregnancy.org
Australian Reproductive Health Alliance
http://www.arha.org.au
Center for Reproductive Rights
http://www.reproductiverights.org
EC/UNFPA Initiative for Reproductive Rights in Asia
http://www.asia-initiative.org
Family Care International
http://www.familycareitl.org
Federation of Family Planning Associations Malaysia
http://www.ffpam.org.my
Fertility Awareness and Natural Family Planning
http://www.FertilityUK.org
Global Action Network
http://www.globalactionnetwork.org
Health Action Information Network
http://www.hain.org
Interact Worldwide
http://www.interactworldwide.org
International Women’s Health Coalition
http://www.iwhc.org
MySistahs
http://www.mysistahs.org
National Healthy Mothers, Healthy Babies Coalition
http://www.hmhb.org
Appendix 259
National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health

http://www.latinainstitute.org
http://www.now.org
Pathfinder International
http://www.pathfind.org
World Health Organization
http://www.who.int/reproductive-health/
VIOLENCE
American Bar Association Commission on Domestic Violence
http://www.abanet.org/domviol/home.html
American Domestic Violence Crisis Line
http://www.awoscentral.com
Antistalking Web Site
http://www.antistalking.com
A Safe Passage
http://www.asafepassage.info
Asian and Pacific Islander Institute on Domestic Violence
http://www.apiahf.org/apidvinstitute
Battered Women’s Justice Project
http://www.bwjp.org
British Columbia Institute Against Family Violence
http://www.bcifv.org
Canadian Association of Rape Crisis Centres
http://www.casac.ca/english/avcentres/avcentres.htm
Canadian National Clearinghouse on Family Violence
http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/hpb/family violence
Clearinghouse on Abuse and Neglect of the Elderly
http://db.rdms.udel.edu:8080/CANE/index.jsp
Coalition Against Trafficking of Women
http://www.catwinternational.org
College Violence
http://youthviolence.edschool.virginia.edu/violence-in-schools/college
campus.html
Communities Against Violence Network
http://www.cavnet2.org
260 Appendix
Domestic Violence Clearinghouse and Legal Hotline

http://www.stoptheviolence.org
Family Violence Prevention Fund
http://www.endabuse.org
HPP Earth: International Domestic Violence Information
http://www.hotpeachpages.net
International Society for Research on Aggression
http://www.israsociety.com
Management of Imminent Violence
http://www.psychiatry.ox.ac.uk/cebmh/guidelines/violence/violence_
full.html
Men Can Stop Rape
http://www.mencanstoprape.org
Nation to Nation: Promoting the Safety of Native Women
http://toolkit.ncjrs.org/default.htm
National Center for Missing and Exploited Children
http://www.missingkids.com
National Center for Victims of Crime
http://www.ncvc.org/ncvc/Main.aspx
National Center on Domestic and Sexual Violence
http://www.ncdsv.org
National Center on Elder Abuse
http://www.elderabusecenter.org
National Coalition Against Domestic Violence
http://www.ncadv.org
National Domestic Violence Hotline
http://www.ndvh.org
National Latino Alliance for the Elimination of Domestic Violence
http://www.dvalianza.org
National Network to End Domestic Violence
http://www.nnedv.org
National Organization for Men Against Sexism
http://www.nomas.org
http://www.now.org/index.html
Appendix 261
National Resource Center on Domestic Violence

http://www.nrcdv.org
National Sexual Violence Resource Center
http://www.nsvrc.org
New York Model for Batterer Programs
http://www.nymbp.org
Nursing Network on Violence Against Women International
http://www.nnvawi.org
Office of Violence Against Women, U.S. Department of Justice
http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/vawo
Partnerships Against Violence Network
http://www.pavnet.org
Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network
http://www.rainn.org
Security on Campus
http://www.securityoncampus.org
Stop Family Violence
http://www.stopfamilyviolence.org
Tibet Justice Center
http://www.tibetjustice.org
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
http://www.4women.gov/violence/index.cfm
U.S. Department of Justice’s Victims of Crime
http://www.usdoj.gov/crimevictims.htm
Violence Against Women
http://www.vaw.umn.edu
Violence Against Women in American Indian/Native American and
Alaska Native Communities
http://www.vawn.edu
Womenslaw
http://www.womenslaw.org
WOMEN AND EDUCATION

American Association of University Women
http://www.aauw.org
262 Appendix
Canadian Congress for Learning Opportunities for Women

http://www.nald.ca/litweb/other/cclow
Central European Centre for Women and Youth in Science
http://www.cec-wys.org
International Federation of University Women
http://www.ifuw.org/index.shtml
Michele A. Paludi, PhD, is the Series Editor for Women’s Psychology for
Praeger Publishers. She is the author/editor of 33 college textbooks and
more than 160 scholarly articles and conference presentations on sexual
harassment, campus violence, psychology of women, gender, and sexual
harassment and victimization. Her book, Ivory Power: Sexual Harassment
on Campus (1990) received the 1992 Myers Center Award for Outstanding
Book on Human Rights in the United States. Dr. Paludi served as Chair of
the U.S. Department of Education’s Subpanel on the Prevention of Vio-
lence, Sexual Harassment, and Alcohol and Other Drug Problems in
Higher Education. She was one of six scholars in the United States to be
selected for this Subpanel. She also was a consultant to and a member of
former New York State Governor Mario Cuomo’s Task Force on Sexual
Harassment. Dr. Paludi serves as an expert witness for court proceedings
and administrative hearings on sexual harassment. She has had extensive
experience in conducting training programs and investigations of sexual
harassment and other EEO issues for businesses and educational institu-
tions. In addition, Dr. Paludi has held faculty positions at Franklin & Mar-
shall College, Kent State University, Hunter College, Union College, and
Union Graduate College, where she directs the human resource manage-
ment certificate program. She teaches in the School of Management.
Janet Boyce graduated from Adirondack Community College in August

2006 with an Associate in Applied Science Degree in Business Adminis-
tration. In May 2008 she graduated from SUNY Plattsburgh State Univer-
sity with a Bachelor of Science Degree in Management. She is currently
enrolled in the MBA and Human Resource Management Certificate pro-
grams at Union Graduate College, with an anticipated graduation date of
spring 2010.
NiCole T. Buchanan, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of

Psychology at Michigan State University (MSU) and a core faculty affili-
ate in MSU’s Center for Multicultural Psychology Research, Center for
Gender in Global Context, and the Violence against Women Research &
Outreach Initiative. Her research examines the intersection of race and
gender in harassment, racialized sexual harassment, health, coping, and
resilience among women of color. Dr. Buchanan received the 2008 Inter-
national Coalition Against Sexual Harassment Researcher Award; the
2008 Carolyn Payton Early Career Award for research making ‘‘a signifi-
cant contribution to the understanding of the role of gender in the lives of
black women;’’ the Association of Women in Psychology’s 2007 Women
of Color Award for empirical research contributions; Michigan State Uni-
versity’s 2007 Excellence in Diversity Award in the category of ‘‘Individ-
ual Emerging Progress’’ for outstanding research and teaching
accomplishments in the areas of diversity, pluralism, and social justice;
and two Clinical Faculty Awards from the National Institutes of Health
(NIH). Representative publications include: The effects of racial and sex-
ual harassment on work and the psychological well-being of African
American women, Journal of Occupational Health Psychology; Comparing
sexual harassment subtypes for Black and White women: Double jeop-
ardy, the Jezebel, and the cult of true womanhood, Psychology of Women
Quarterly; Sexual harassment across the color line: Experiences and out-
comes of cross- vs. intra-racial sexual harassment among Black women,
Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology; and Racialized sexual
harassment in the lives of African American Women, Women & Therapy.
Elder Cerqueira-Santos, PhD, received his PhD in psychology from Fed-

eral University of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. He is currently adjunct pro-
fessor at the Federal University of Sergipe, Brazil; consultant for the
World Childhood Foundation; and a member of the Center for at Risk
Children in Brazil. His main research interest is the relationship between
risk-taking behavior and religiosity among youth in Brazil. He is also
interested in sexual harassment and sexual development (gender and sex-
ual orientation identity). As of August 2009, he has written six book chap-
ters and 13 scholarly articles; he has also co-authored 72 papers presented
at conferences.
Joy Chien received her Bachelor of Science degree from Illinois State Uni-
versity.
Lillian Comas-Diaz, PhD, is the Executive Director of the Transcultural

Mental Health Institute, a clinical psychologist in private practice in
Washington, DC, and a Clinical Professor at George Washington Univer-
sity School of Medicine. The former director of the American Psychologi-
cal Association’s Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs, Dr. Comas-Diaz also
directed the Yale University Department of Psychiatry Hispanic Clinic.

The author of more than a hundred publications, Dr. Comas-Diaz’s writ-
ings focus on women’s issues, culture, ethnicity, social class, spirituality,
and creativity. She is the co-editor of the textbooks Clinical Guidelines in
Cross Cultural Mental Health; Women of Color: Integrating Ethnic and Gender
Identities in Psychotherapy; and WomanSoul: The Inner Life of Women’s Spiri-
tuality. She currently serves as an Associate Editor of the American Psy-
chologist.
Eros DeSouza, PhD, is currently a professor of psychology at Illinois State

University. He earned his PhD in community psychology from the Uni-
versity of Missouri at Kansas City. He has carried out qualitative and
quantitative research on sexuality and gender issues, including sexual ori-
entation and sexual harassment from a cross-cultural perspective. As of
August 2009, he has written nine book chapters and more than 40 schol-
arly articles; he has also co-authored 115 papers presented at conferences.
Nancy Felipe Russo, PhD, is Regents Professor of Psychology and Wom-

en’s Studies at Arizona State University. Founding director of the Wom-
en’s Programs office of the American Psychological Association, she is
author or editor of more than 200 publications related to the psychology
of women and women’s issues; current editor of the American Journal of
Orthopsychiatry; and a former editor of the Psychology of Women Quarterly.
Dr. Russo is a Fellow of the New York Academy of Sciences, the American
Psychological Association (including divisions: 1-General, 9-Social Issues,
26-History, 34-Population and Environment, 35-Psychology of Women,
38-Health, 45-Ethnic Minority Issues, and 52-International Psychology),
and the American Psychological Society. Dr. Russo’s involvement in
international issues as a leader, researcher, and policy advocate has
spanned four decades. In these roles she has worked to increase and
apply psychological knowledge related to women’s lives and circumstan-
ces, and to forge links between scientists, policy makers, and the public
concerned with diverse women’s mental health. In doing so she has been
a pioneer in the development of a multicultural feminist psychology of
women. She has been awarded the Distinguished International Psycholo-
gist Award by APA’s Division of International Psychology, the Denmark-
Gunvald Award for significant contributions to the psychology of women
and gender by the International Council of Psychologists, and the Ameri-
can Psychological Association’s Award for Distinguished Contributions
to Psychology in the Public Interest. Other honors include a Carolyn
Wood Sherif Award and a Heritage Award for Contributions to Public
Policy from APA’s Division 35. She has been identified among ‘‘Trailblaz-
ing Women in Community Psychology’’ by APA Division 27’s Committee
on Women, received a Distinguished Career Award from the Association
for Women in Psychology, and was recognized by APA’s Board of Ethnic
Minority Affairs for contributions to ethnic minority issues.
Susan Fineran, PhD, is an associate professor at the University of South-

ern Maine School of Social Work and Women and Gender Studies. Her
professional career includes clinical experience in the areas of aging, sub-
stance abuse, child and family treatment, sex discrimination, and wom-
en’s issues. Her research interests include peer sexual harassment and
bullying in schools and the mental health implications for children and
adolescents. Dr. Fineran joined the University of Southern Maine School
of Social Work in 2002 after teaching on the social work faculties of Boston
University and the University of Illinois at Chicago. Her education
includes an MSW (1981) from the Catholic University of America, and a
PhD (1996) from the University of Illinois at Chicago.
James Gruber, PhD, has published research on sexual harassment for 25

years. He was among the first researchers to conduct studies of workplace
sexual harassment in the early 1980s and cross-national studies in the
1990s. His work on the experiences of women in male-dominated occupa-
tions resulted in a recent book, In The Company of Men: Male Dominance
and Sexual Harassment (2005), co-edited with Phoebe Morgan. Since 2002,
Drs. Gruber and Susan Fineran have presented conference papers and
published journal articles on bullying and sexual harassment among ado-
lescents in schools. Two recent publications with Dr. Fineran studied that
the effects of bullying and sexual harassment at school: ‘‘The Impact of
Bullying and Sexual Harassment on Health Outcomes of Middle and
High School Girls,’’ published in Violence Against Women (2007), and
‘‘Comparing the Impact of Bullying and Sexual Harassment Victimization
on the Mental and Physical Health of Adolescents’’ (Sex Roles, 2008). He
has also co-authored a publication in Child Abuse & Neglect (in press) that
examines the effects of workplace sexual harassment on adolescent girls.
Paula Lundberg-Love, PhD, is a professor of psychology at the Univer-

sity of Texas at Tyler (UTT) and the Ben R. Fisch Endowed Professor in
Humanitarian Affairs for 2001–2004. Her undergraduate degree was in
chemistry, and she worked as a chemist at a pharmaceutical company for
five years prior to earning her doctorate in physiological psychology with
an emphasis in psychopharmacology. After a three-year postdoctoral fel-
lowship in nutrition and behavior in the Department of Preventive Medi-
cine at Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis, she
assumed her academic position at UTT where she teaches classes in psy-
chopharmacology, behavioral neuroscience, physiological psychology,
sexual victimization, and family violence. Subsequent to her academic
appointment, Dr. Lundberg-Love pursued postgraduate training and is a
licensed professional counselor. She is a member of Tyler Counseling and
Assessment Center, where she provides therapeutic services for victims
of sexual assault, child sexual abuse, and domestic violence. She has
conducted a long-term research study on women who were victims of

childhood incestuous abuse, constructed a therapeutic program for their
recovery, and documented its effectiveness upon their recovery. She is
the author of nearly 100 publications and presentations and is co-editor of
Violence and Sexual Abuse at Home: Current Issues in Spousal Battering and
Child Maltreatment as well as Intimate Violence Against Women: When
Spouses, Partners, or Lovers Attack. As a result of her training in psycho-
pharmacology and child maltreatment, her expertise has been sought as a
consultant on various death penalty appellate cases in the state of Texas.

University where she teaches graduate research methods in the depart-
ment of Educational Leadership, Feminist Methods and Introduction to
Women and Gender Studies in the Department of Women and Gender
Studies. She is not only a feminist teacher, but a feminist activist. She has
volunteered as an assault responder and engaged in political action for
feminist causes. Currently, she is the Title IX Education Task Force Chair
for the Michigan National Organization for Women to advocate for Title
IX compliance in Michigan’s schools. She has conducted research and
written articles on the topics of peer sexual harassment, teaching for social
justice, service learning, and the at-risk student.
Avigail Moor, PhD, is a feminist clinical psychologist who specializes in

the treatment of women in general and survivors of sexual violence in
particular. She heads the Women Studies program at Tel Hai College in
Israel and is also on the faculty of the Psychology and Social Work pro-
grams. In addition, she serves as a psychological consultant to several
rape crisis centers in Northern Israel. Her past and present research
focuses primarily on the social context of sexual violence against women
and its psychological sequelae. She has also written articles on treatment
issues with survivors of this type of violence. Other research interests con-
cern the psychology of women and the effects of gender-based power
imbalances on women’s mental health.
Kevin L. Nadal, PhD, is a professor, psychologist, performer, activist,

and author, who received his doctorate in counseling psychology from
Columbia University in 2008. As an assistant professor of mental health
counseling and psychology at John Jay College of Criminal Justice–City
University of New York, he has published several works focusing on Fili-
pino American, ethnic minority, and LGBTQ issues in the fields of psy-
chology and education. He is the author of the book Filipino American
Psychology: A Handbook of Theory, Research, and Clinical Practice, and his
current research on microaggressions, or subtle forms of discrimination
towards oppressed groups, has been published in the American Psycholo-

gist and other journals. He was named one of People Magazine’s hottest
bachelors in 2006, he was a guest on Fox News Channel’s ‘‘The O’Reilly
Factor,’’ and he has been featured on The Filipino Channel, the History
Channel, Philippine News, and Filipinas Magazine
Dorota Wnuk Novitskie is a third-year doctoral student in the Clinical

PhD program at Fairleigh Dickinson University. Her research interests
include cross-cultural studies, domestic violence/interpersonal violence,
and family violence.
Joy Rice, PhD, Clinical Professor of Psychiatry and Emerita professor of

Educational Policy Studies and Women Studies at the University of Wis-
consin–Madison, received the Woman of the Year Award from the Ameri-
can Psychological Association (APA), Section for the Advancement of
Women in Counseling Psychology at the annual APA meeting in Boston
in August 2008, for ‘‘significant contributions and promotion of the status
of women in psychology, leadership and activism on behalf of women,
and research that has significantly advanced knowledge of women’s con-
cerns in counseling psychology.’’ Dr. Rice’s pioneering work on gender
issues in psychotherapy dates from the early 1970s when she began the
first women’s studies course on women and therapy at the University of
Wisconsin. Her 1973 paper in the American Journal of Psychiatry was one of
the first articles to address key issues of gender discrimination in psycho-
therapeutic theory and practice. She was co-chair of the task force that
worked for seven years in developing the APA Guidelines for Psychological
Practice with Girls and Women. It was passed by APA and published in the
American Psychologist in 2007. Dr. Rice also co-chaired the APA Resolution
on Gender and Cultural Awareness in International Psychology passed by
APA in 2004. Active in state, federal, and international advocacy for men-
tal health parity, she currently serves as co-chair of the Wisconsin Lieu-
tenant Governor’s Task Force on Women and Depression and is the
International Council of Psychologists representative to the World Feder-
ation of Mental Health. Her most recent book, Women and Leadership:
Transforming Visions and Diverse Voices (John Wiley, 2007), explores femi-
nist models of leadership that embrace collaboration, inclusion, and social
action. Dr. Rice is a recipient of the Educational Press Association Distin-
guished Achievement Award and an APA Fellow of four divisions.
Janet Sigal, PhD, is a Professor of Psychology at Fairleigh Dickinson

University. She received her PhD in Social Psychology from Northwest-
ern University. She has more than 100 presentations, and several articles
and chapters primarily in the area of women’s issues, including intimate
partner violence and sexual harassment. She is currently conducting a
12-country study on perceptions of intimate partner violence (IPV). She

is a Fellow of the American Psychological Association and a member of
the APA UN Team.
Lindsey Speach graduated from Siena College in May 2007 with a BS in

Marketing Management and a minor in Sociology. She is enrolled in the
Certificate of Human Resources program at Union Graduate College and
plans to join the MBA program. Lindsey is currently the Recruiting Coor-
dinator for the Northeast region of KeyBank N.A.
Michelle Strand received her Bachelor of Arts degree in Psychology and

Criminology in 2006 from Wilkes University in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylva-
nia. While at Wilkes, she also minored in Business Administration and
Sociology. Michelle was a student in Union Graduate College’s Masters
in Business Administration program and graduated in June 2009. Her
specialization being Human Resources (HR), Michelle has been a co-op at
General Electric in the HR department since November 2007. It was there
that she was able to put her studies to real life situations, and became
more acquainted with a variety of aspects in the field of business. Michel-
le’s co-op experience takes place within GE’s manufacturing plant for
steam turbines and generators in Schenectady, New York. While there,
she has planned, designed, and implemented a salaried new hire orienta-
tion, assisted in interviewing and on-boarding 300þ production positions,
coordinated work/life balance on-site seminars, along with many other
experiences in Human Resources. Michelle is a member of the Society for
Human Resources Management and the Capital Region Human Resour-
ces Association. She has attended several conferences around the country
to improve her business knowledge, including the National Association
for Women in MBA, and the International Coalition Against Sexual Har-
assment. She also took a 10-day tour of Shanghai, China, in December
2008 to learn about the country’s distinctive business strategies and devel-
opments. Michelle is also an avid volunteer in her local community. She
has helped build a house for the Habitat for Humanity, taught at an ele-
mentary school for Junior Achievement, and walked dogs at the Society
for the Prevention and Cruelty of Animals, including several other volun-
teering activities.
Susan Strauss, RN, EdD, is a national and international speaker, trainer,

and consultant. Her specialty areas include harassment and workplace
bullying, organization development, and management/leadership devel-
opment. Her clients are from business, education, health care, law, and
government organizations from both the public and private sector. Dr.
Strauss has authored book chapters, articles in professional journals, writ-
ten curriculum and training manuals, as well as authored the book, Sexual
Harassment and Teens: A Program for Positive Change. Susan has been fea-
tured on The Donahue Show, CBS Evening News, and other television and
radio programs as well as interviewed for newspaper and journal articles
such as the Times of London, Lawyers Weekly, and Harvard Education News-
letter. Susan has presented at international conferences in Botswana,
Egypt, Thailand, Israel, and the United States, and conducted sex discrim-
ination research in Poland. She has consulted with professionals from
other countries such as England, Australia, Canada, and St. Maarten.
Bethany Waits is a graduate student in clinical psychology at the Univer-

sity of Texas at Tyler. She anticipates graduation in May of 2010 and plans
to pursue the Licensed Professional Counselor designation upon comple-
tion of her degree. Ultimately, she would like to work as a therapist for a
nonprofit community organization, such as a crisis center. In May 2007,
she obtained her BA in psychology from UT-Tyler, graduating Summa
Cum Laude. She was accepted as a lifetime member of Psi Chi, the
national honor society in psychology, and Alpha Chi, a national college
honor society. While an undergraduate, she participated in a student
panel addressing issues related to sexual assault on campus. In addition,
she has worked with several professors on various research projects.
Jessica Wilmot earned her BS in Business Administration from Le Moyne

College in Syracuse, New York, in 2007. Afterward she took some time
away from school and traveled to Europe to spend a few months volun-
teering in England at a Surrey Women’s Aid, a not-for-profit women’s
shelter. She then returned home to continue her education and is cur-
rently a MBA student at Union Graduate College in Schenectady, New
York. As well as her MBA, she is working on her HR Certificate with Dr.
Paludi and will be graduating June 2010. Currently Jessica is an intern at
General Electric on the Pension Team and has enjoyed learning about cor-
porate America.
Krystle C. Woods’s research examines the influence of perpetrator race

on sexual harassment outcomes, racialized sexual harassment, and
depression in African American women. Ms. Woods is a clinical doctoral
candidate in the Department of Psychology at Michigan State University.
She was the 2005 recipient of the Michigan State University Enrichment
Fellowship ‘‘recognizing academic achievement, research goals, contribu-
tion to a diverse educational community and a record of overcoming
obstacles.’’
Index
Abusive behavior, 67 interdisciplinary social–cultural

Acquaintance rape, 144 perspective, 12; respect for
‘‘Act’’ scales, 68 pluralism based on differences, 11
Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI), Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent
78 Medicine, 67
American Association of University Assessment, ethnocultural, 31;
Women (AAUW), 195–96, 213, 217, heritage stage, 29; niche stage, 30;
220 saga stage, 29; self-adjustment
American Bar Association stage, 30; women’s relations
Commission on Domestic and, 30
Violence, 124 Association for Women in
American Institute on Domestic Psychology, 2
Violence, 111 Atividade (activity), 180, 181
(APA), 2, 155, 186; guidelines for Baby boomers, 209
psychological practice with Ban Ki Moon, 65, 66–67, 94
women, 12–13, diversity, social Beijing Conference, 2
context and power, 12–13, practice Behavioral responses of sexual
applications, 13, professional violence, 55–57
responsibility, 13 The Bell Curve, 232
American public education system, Benevolent sexism, 162–63, 188
231; compensatory education in, Bicha, 180
233; influence of the Eugenics Bofe, 181
Movement, 232–33 Boyce, Janet view’s on feminism,
APA Resolution on Cultural and 209–10
Gender Awareness in International Brazil, 177; homosexuality in, 178,
Psychology, 10–12, 14; awareness 180–83; laws and resolution
and analysis of power, 11; critical against sexual harassment in, 186–88;
analysis of western perspective, sexism in, 188–89; sexual
11–12; experience of individuals harassment in, 199; sexual script in,
in diverse cultures, 11; 180; stereotypes about transsexuals,
272 Index
185–86; violence against sexual Convention on the Elimination of

minorities in, 183–86 Discrimination against Women
Brazilian Federal Association of (CEDAW), 77
Medicine, 186 Covert sexism, 159
Brazilian Federal Association of Critical consciousness, 27
Psychology, 186 Cultural empathy, 32
Brazilian Health Ministry, 187–88 Cultural genogram, 35
Bullying, 224–5; definition, 211;
differences between sexual Dar, 180
harassment and, 212; global Dating violence, 65, 66; anger
prevalence of, 215–17; response, 75; classic models of
perpetration of, 217; in U.S. teen, 68–69; comparison between
schools, 213–15 IPV and, 96–98; definitions, 67–68;
Bullying: victimization and peer ethic enforcement, 75–76; factors
sexual harassment: children with affecting, 69, gender power
disabilities, 219–20; gender, 217–18; differential, 69–70, influence of
health and school outcomes, 221–2; peers, 70–71, lack of experience,
race and ethnicity, 220–1; sexual 70; first-time aggression response,
orientation, 218–19 75, 76; international studies on,
Bureau of Justice Special Report on 71–73; outcomes, 74, effect of
Intimate Partner Violence, 67 abusive and neglectful childhood,
Burlington Industries, Inc. v. Ellerth, 111 74–75, mental health effects, 74;
patriarchal terrorism, 75;
Canada, IPV in, 89–90 perpetrators of, 75; recommendations
Canadian Psychological Association and programs for, 76–77; theoretical
(CPA), 13–14 model of, 69; in United States, 67
Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, 182, Declaration on the Elimination of
187 Violence Against Women, 77
Center for Epidemiological Department of Labor, 210
Studies-Depression Scale Depression and women, 7–9
(CES-D), 90, 91 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Centers for Disease Control and Mental Disorders (1973), 44, 186, 241
Prevention, 111, 112–13 Dial Corporation, 236
Child sexual abuse (CSA), 46 Discrimination and harassment, 244;
Chile, IPV in, 89 harming psychological and
China, IPV in, 81–83 physical health, 237–38; mental
Civil Rights Act of 1964, 209, 236 health outcomes related to, 238–41;
Cognitive empathy, 31 physical health outcomes related
Cognitive theories of stress, 240 to, 242–44; specific forms of mental
Collective self-esteem, 239 illness, 241–42
Comer, 180 Disparate impact, 236
Commission on the Status of Disparate treatment, 236
Women, 65
Comorbidity of mental disorders, 6 EEOC v. Pand Enterprises, Inc., 222
Conflict Tactics Scale, 89 EEOC v. The Dial Corporation, 236
Consensual relationship policy, 121–3 Empathy, 31
Continuous Performance Test (CPT), Employees Assistance Program
53 (EAP): intimate partner violence
Index 273
and, 123–4; recommendations for, Gender: definition, 4, 178;

109 discrimination, 236–37, 238;
Empowerment and ethnocultural international perspective of, 4–5;
psychotherapy, 27–8 versus sex, 178
Engaged couples, violence in, 73–74 Gendered ethnicity, 26
Equal Employment Opportunity Gender Equity Index, 78, 97
Commission (EEOC), 111, 161, 222, 223 Gender harassment, 161, 198, 237
Ethnocultural consciousness, 36–37 Gender microaggressions, 163–65; age
Ethnocultural occupational inventory, and, 169; awareness of, 172; in
35–36 clinical practice, 169–73; definition,
Ethnocultural psychotherapy, 25, 38; 158; examples of, 166–67; forms of,
applications, 28–9; assessment, 165–68, assumptions of inferiority,
29–31; case studies, 25–6; concepts, 165, 166, denial of individual
26–7; empowerment as aim of, sexism, 165, 167, denial of reality
27–8; ethnogender consciousness of sexism, 165, 167, environmental
and, 36–37; identity reformulation gender microaggressions, 165, 167,
and, 28; phases in process of, invisibility, 165, 166, sexual
33–34; therapeutic relationship and, objectification, 165, 166, traditional
31–32; tools, 34–36; transference gender roles, assumptions of, 165,
and countertransference, 32–33 167, use of sexist language, 165,
Ethnocultural transference, 32 167; intersections of, 168–69;
Eugenics Movement, 232, 233 research on, 173; sexual
Everyday sexism, 159 harassment and, 160–62; sexism in
everyday life and, 158–60;
Family Crisis Services, 107 understanding types of, 165
Faragher v. City of Boca Raton, 111 Grupo Gay da Bahia, 183
Feminist consciousness, 239 Guidelines for Ethical Psychological
Feminist movement, 2 practice with Women, 13–14
Feminist psychotherapy, 14–17; APA Guidelines on multicultural
guidelines and, 16–17; CPA education, training, research,
principle and, 16–17; empowerment practice, and organizational
and language of empowerment, 15; change for psychologists, 155
goals of psychotherapy for women,
15; principles of feminist therapy, Hall, Stanley G., 232
141–42; psychological practice for Hernstein, Richard J., 232
women, 15 Hollingworth, Leta, 232
Feminist therapy, 3, 140; definition, Homicide, 104
141; tenets of, 141–42; for treating Homosexuality in Brazil, 180–83
survivors of rape and sexual Hong Kong, IPV in, 81–83
assault, 143–44 Hostile environment sexual
Feminization of poverty, 9 harassment, 197, 212, 236
Filipina domestic female worker, Hostile sexism, 162, 163, 188
sexual harassment and, 199 Hunter, George William, 233
‘‘Floare de Colt,’’ 95 Hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal
Frutinha, 181 (HPA), 52, 54
Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Identity reformulation and

Network (GLSEN), 218 ethnocultural psychotherapy, 28
274 Index
India, IPV in, 83–84 evaluations, 119–1, threat

Inheriting Shame: The Story of Eugenics assessment plan, training program
and Racism in America, 231–32 for, 116–17; recommendations to
International Consensus Statement on eliminate, 92–95, efforts to stop
Women’s Mental Health, 2 violence against women, 94–95,
International Counseling Psychology international agreements for rights
Conference, 14 of women, 92–93, safe
International Dating Violence Study, environment for women, creating,
72, 74 93; resources on, 131–32;
international studies on IPV, 80; in secondary and tertiary prevention,
Canada, 89–90; in China, 81–83; in 124–5; women fear of leaving
Hong Kong, 81–83; in India, 83–84; violent relationship, 108–9; in
in Japan, 83; in Kenya, 86–87; in workplace, 105–6
Middle East, 87–88; in Nigeria, Intra-ethnic transference, 32–33
85–86; in Peru, 88–89; in Turkey, IPV. See intimate partner violence
84–85; in Zambia, 86–87 (IPV)
International women’s movement, 3
Interpersonal physical violence, 71 Japan, IPV in, 83
Interpersonal Sexual Objectification Jordan, IPV in, 87–88
Scale (ISOS), 162
Interpersonal violence, 211 Kenya, IPV in, 86–87, 91
Intimate partner violence (IPV), 41, Kirkpatrick Model, 120
54, 65, 66; comparison between
dating violence and, 96–98; Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender,
definition, 42, 77–78, 127; EAP and questioning (LGBTQ),
assisting women victims of, 177, 179; prejudice and
109–10; employers notice of, 112; determination, 179–80; violence
examples of, 103–4; impact of, against, 183–86
abuse on children, 108, on
employees, 106–8, on the Machismo, 184
workplace, 110–11; international MacKinnon, Catharine (Katherine
studies on, 80–81; models of, McKinnon), 143, 212
78–80, culture of honor, 79–80, Maine Department of Labor, 107
feminist power, 78, Massachusetts Youth Risk Behavior
hypermasculinity, 78, patriarchal Survey, 218
culture, 79; myths and realities, Mental health: definition, 2; issues
127–8; outcomes for victims of, and women, 5–7; outcomes related
90–91; perpetrators of, 91–92; to discrimination and harassment,
prevalence of, 105; primary 238–41
prevention strategies: additional Mental Health Index (MHI), 201
human resource responsibilities, Microagressions: definitions of, 156;
121–3, EAP and, 123–4, employees, racial, 156–58; research on, 156
training program for, 117, intimate Microassaults, 156–57, 161, 166, 168
partner violence in workplace, Microinsults, 156, 157, 158, 161, 168
113–14, managers, training Microinvalidations, 156, 157–58, 161,
program for, 114–16, needs 168
assessment, 119, pedagogical Middle East, IPV in, 87–88
techniques, 117–19, policies and Mujerismo, 37
procedures, 112–13, posttraining Murray, Charles, 232
Index 275
National Co-morbidity Survey, 6, 51 Peer victimization and disabled

National Crime Survey of the children, 219–20
Department of Justice, 109 Perceived past control, 48
National Crime Victimization Survey, Personalized Safety Plan for victims
213, 214 of IPV, 113–14, 129
National Education Association Peru, IPV in, 88–89
(NEA), 232 Physical responses of sexual violence,
National Institute of Child Health 49; gastro intestinal problems,
and Human Development, 213, 221 50; gynecological disorders,
Nationality/citizenship as cause for 50; physical injuries, 49;
sexual harassment, 199–200 sexually transmitted diseases
National Women Study, 49, 56 (STDs), 49; sleep disorders,
Neurological responses of sexual 50–51
violence, 52–55 Possuir, 180
‘‘The New Ideal in Education—Better Post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD),
Parents of Better Children,’’ 232 43, 44, 47, 52, 53, 139, 140
Nigeria, IPV in, 85–86 Psychological responses of sexual
violence, 42, 48; child sexual
Objectification theory, 162 abuse (CSA), 46; coping strategies,
Obsessive compulsive disorder 46–47; depressive disorder,
(OCD), 45 43–44; fear and anxiety, 43;
Occupational Safety and Health mental pollution and, 44–45;
Association (OSHA), 113, 116–17 negative social reactions
Olweus, Dan, 211 and, 47
Oorganizational responses of sexual Putnam, Helen, 232
violence, 58, 61; legal system,
58–59; medical services, 59–60; Quid pro quo sexual harassment,
mental health services, 60 196–97, 212, 236
Overt sexism, 159
Racial microggressions, 156;
Paced Auditory Serial Addition Task microassaults, 156–57;
(PASAT), 53 microinsults, 156, 157, 158;
Partnership for Prevention, 125 microinvalidations, 156,
Passividade (passivity), 180, 181 157–58
Peer sexual harassment, 217; bullying Rape, social context of, 143;
victimization and: children with psychological sequelae of, 145–46;
disabilities, 219–20, gender, survivors: cognitive restructuring,
217–18, health and school 151, egalitarian therapeutic
outcomes, 221–2, race and relationship, 147–49,
ethnicity, 220–1, sexual orientation, empowerment, 149–51,
218–19; definition, 197; in treatment principles, 146–47
international students and Rape crisis centers, 42
U.S.-born students, study on, ‘‘Rape Culture,’’ 143
200–201; conclusion from the study, Rape myths, 143–44
204; hostile sexual harassment, 202; Revised Conflict Tactics Scale, 82
limitations and future directions, Rio de Janeiro, 182, 184,
204–5; psychological well-being of 187, 189
students, 201–2; results and Rosenberg Self-esteem Scale (RSES),
discussion, 203 201–2
276 Index
Sample personalized safety plan, 129 Society for Human Resource

Sample policy on intimate partner Management, 112–13
violence as a workplace concern, Sodomy, 186
127–8 Substance abuse and sexual violence,
Sample training program for 56
managers, 129–31 Subtle sexism, 159
S~ao Paulo, 182, 189 Suicidal ideation, 74
Schedule of Sexist Events (SSE), 160
School bullies, 211 Teen dating violence, 68–69
Secondary victimization rape, 144 Title IX, 209
Selden, Steven, 231–32 Trail Making Test, 53
Self-blame, 139–40 Training programs, to prevent
Self-objectification theory, 242 intimate partner violence: for
Sex, definition, 178 employees, 117; human resource
Sexism in brazil, 188–89 responsibilities, 121–3; for
Sexual coercion, 161, 198, 237 managers, 114–16, 129; needs
Sexual Experiences Questionnaire assessment in, 119; pedagogical
(SEQ), 161, 197–98, 202 techniques, 117–18; for threat
Sexual harassment, 224–5; of assessment team, 116–17
adolescent at work, 222–4; Transactional Model of Stress,
definition, 160–61, 196, 211, 212, 237
236–37; demographics related to Transsexualism, 179
incidence of, 198–200; differences Transvestism, 179
between bullying and, 212; Traumatic brain injury (TBI),
dimensions of, 198; eating 52–53, 55
pathology and, 242; gender Turkey, IPV in, 84–85, 93
microaggressions and, 161–62;
global prevalence of, 215–17; Uganda, mental illness in, 18
hostile environment, 197; negative United Arab Emirates, mental health
effects of, 238; peer, 197; quid pro care in, 18
quo, 196–97; substance abuse and, United Nations Fourth World
242; types of, 196–97; in U.S. Conference on Women, 1
schools, 213–15 United Nations International
Sexual identity, 178 Conference on Women, 105
Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), United States: dating abuse in, 67;
49 feminist psychologists in, 2–3;
Sexual orientation, 178–79 peer sexual harassment in, 197,
Sexual violence: definition, 41; 200; prevalence of bullying in
feminist analysis of, 143; social schools of, 213–15; prevalence
context of rape, 143–44; women of sexual harassment in
and, 41, behavioral responses, schools of, 213–15;
55–57, neurological responses, sexual harassment in, 195
52–55, organizational responses, Unwanted sexual attention, 161, 198,
57–60, physical responses, 237
49–52, psychological responses, U.S. Armed Forces, 240
42–48 U.S. Department of Education: Office
Social Dysfunction Rating Scale, 57 for Civil Rights, 196
Social economic status as cause for U.S. Department of Education School
sexual harassment, 198, 199 Crime Supplement, 213
Index 277
Vencer, 180 sexual violence and, 41, 61,

Victim precipitation as rape myth, 144 behavioral responses, 55–57,
neurological responses, 52–55,
Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-III organizational responses, 57–60,
(WAIS-III), 53 physical responses, 49–52,
psychological responses, 42–48
Where there is no psychiatrist: A mental
World Federation of Mental
health care manual, 18 Health, 2
‘‘White Ribbon Campaign,’’ 94 World Health Organization (WHO),
Williams v. Saxby, 236 1, 6, 66, 78, 92, 94
Women: depression and, 7–9; mental World Psychiatric Association
disorder and, 5–7; psychological (WPA), 2
practice guidelines for, 9–14;
psychological risk factors for, 8, 9; Zambia, IPV in, 86–87
Rights Worldwide
Recent Titles in

Susan Nathiel


Workforce
Rights Worldwide
Volume 3
Feminism as Human Rights
PRAEGER


HQ1180.F424 2010
305.42—dc22 2009035343
ISBN: 978-0-313-37596-5
EISBN: 978-0-313-37597-2
14 13 12 11 10 1 2 3 4 5
Praeger
ABC-CLIO, LLC

—Judy Chicago
Contents
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction
Chapter 1: Global Feminism
Anne Sisson Runyan 1
Chapter 2: Women’s Human Rights and Empowerment in a
Transnational, Globalized Context: What’s
Psychology Got To Do with It?
Shelly Grabe 17
Chapter 3: Missing Children and Child Abductions: An
International Human Rights Issue
Michele A. Paludi and Katie L. Kelly 47
Chapter 4: Women and Sexuality: An International Perspective
Donna Castaneda and Monica Ulibarri 81
Chapter 5: Arranged and Forced Marriage
Noorfarah Merali 101
Chapter 6: Women’s Reproductive Rights: An
International Perspective
Joan C. Chrisler and Cynthia Garrett 129
Chapter 7: Pay Equity as Justice: United States and International
Perspectives
Michele A. Paludi, Jennifer L. Martin, Carmen
Paludi, Jr., Sarah Metzgar Boggess, Kristina Hicks,
and Lindsey Speach 147
viii Contents
Chapter 8: Rape: A Global Perspective

Michelle McKenzie and Patricia Rozee 177
Chapter 9: Sexual Harassment Laws’ Impact on Women
Joseph Solberg 209
Chapter 10: Preventing Abuse of Young Girls and Women
Ayelet Giladi 239
Chapter 11: In Women’s Voices
Lindsay Baker 251
Index 259
Series Introduction



Michele A. Paludi
Series Editor
REFERENCE
Prentice Hall.
Acknowledgments
—Naomi Shihab Nye

xii Acknowledgments

Denmark.
that voice.
Introduction
Michele A. Paludi
—Gertrude Stein
xiv Introduction
opment.
Introduction xv


xvi Introduction

itself.


them.

psychotherapy.

Introduction xvii

ali stated:


stories.
xviii Introduction

REFERENCES
Roxbury.
Prentice Hall.
Quarterly, 23, 247–266.
Chapter 1
Global Feminism
Anne Sisson Runyan
‘‘Global feminism’’ has increasingly been associated with contemporary

international feminist nongovernmental (NGO) campaigns to make gen-
der policymaking inroads into intergovernmental organization (IGO)
policymaking with impacts on national policymaking. Although the
United Nations (UN) Decade for Women (1975–1985) laid the ground-
work for these initiatives, they have accelerated since the Fourth World
Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995 that produced the Beijing Plat-
form for Action (BPA). Also responsible for the increase in gender
policymaking at international and national levels is the rise of ‘‘global
governance,’’ particularly in the post-Cold War era at a time when eco-
nomic globalization, or the spread of global capital, was surging. Global
governance has come to refer to a constellation of global actors including
states; IGOs such as the UN bodies and agencies and such international
financial institutions (IFIs) as the World Bank, the International Mone-
tary Fund (IMF), and the World Trade Organization (WTO); regional
governments such as the European Union (EU) and regional IGOs such
as organizations of African, American, and Asian states and free-trade
regimes like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA);
global market actors such as transnational corporations (TNCs); and
global civil society actors such as transnational NGOs (Rai, 2008). States
make up IGOs, and the wealthiest and most militarily powerful states
hold primacy in them. At the same time, states are variously subordi-
nated to IGO rules made by state representatives with increasing input
by NGO and other non-state actors, which range from international laws
and regulations to agreed-upon norms. The greater openings for non-
state actors and the seeming diffusion of power that global governance
signifies has created a political opportunity structure that ‘‘seems open
2 Feminism as Human Rights
for feminism, particularly as it takes up the discourses of human rights

and development’’ (Ferree, 2006, p. 10).
However, the rise of global governance that has engendered global
feminist campaigns for gender policymaking is also associated with
the rise of neoliberalism, a ‘‘free market’’ ideology that subsumes all
life activities and life forms under the dictates of market efficiency.
It has also provided openings for a variety of neoconservative non-state
actors hostile to feminism, particularly in relation to reproduction and
sexuality issues, but also in relation to feminist critiques of racism, neo-
colonialism, militarism, and capitalism. The twin forces of neoliberal-
ism and neoconservativism have produced significant concerns about
global feminism’s entanglement with and cooptation by these forces
among those who have developed and/or identified with the alterna-
tive conceptualization of ‘‘transnational feminism,’’ which refers to
feminisms resistant to the colonizing and imperializing moves of neo-
liberal and neoconservative forces, including those feminisms co-opted
by or allied with them.
Thus, this treatment of global feminism not only provides a discus-
sion of the some of the impact it has had on global policymaking,
which, in turn, has affected national policymaking, but also raises some
transnational feminist critiques of the relationship between global femi-
nism and the imperialist priorities of neoliberal and neoconservative
forces. It will conclude with some thoughts on how this relationship is
being resisted and how it can be minimized.
GLOBAL FEMINISM AND GENDER POLICYMAKING

Although the 2008–2009 report of on the world’s women issued by
the UN Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) shows only modest
gains on most measures of women’s status worldwide, as well as
serious setbacks in some regions of the world in terms of women’s
well-being due to war, economic policies and instabilities, and neo- or
religiously conservative regimes, setbacks that are no doubt being exa-
cerbated and spread more widely by the current worldwide financial
and economic crisis, much has changed in terms of the attention
brought to the issue of gender in the international community, espe-
cially over the past two decades. As IGOs became more significant
actors in terms of affecting state behavior with the rise of global gover-
nance, global feminist attention began to focus on women’s representa-
tion in these bodies. In 1990, the UN Economic and Social Council
(ECOSOC) supported the goal lobbied for by women’s movements to
have 30 percent of world decision-making positions held by women by
1995 (Dahlerup, 2006). In 1995, the UN committed itself to increasing
the number of women on its professional staff to 30 percent by 1990,
which it achieved in 1991. In 1998, the General Assembly further
Global Feminism 3
committed to the 50/50 goal of gender parity in all posts in the

UN system (UN, 2000), but this is far from being achieved, despite a
global 50/50 campaign launched by a U.S.-based, global NGO, Wom-
en’s Environment and Development Organization (WEDO), to gain
gender parity in national and international decision-making bodies
by 2020. According to UNIFEM, as of 2006, women remain concen-
trated in the lowest levels of the UN professional staff (2008), and it is
primarily UN agencies with social welfare portfolios and/or that
have been headed by women that have reached the ‘‘parity zone’’ of
40 percent women on professional staffs (UNIFEM, 2008, p. 105).
Although progress toward gender decision-making parity, especially
at the highest levels of IGOs, is slow and uneven, the UN has devel-
oped a substantial gender equality architecture, which includes the
Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues (OSAGI), the UNIFEM,
the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women
(UNDAW), and the International Institute for Research and Training of
Women (UN-INSTRAW) along with gender units within many UN
agencies. However, these tend to be comparatively weak in terms of
staff and resources. For example, in 2003, UNIFEM had only 47 core
staff compared with UNICEF with 2,794 (UNIFEM, 2008). To attempt
to remedy this, WEDO and the U.S.-based Center for Women’s Global
Leadership, in conjunction with 90 other global and regional feminist
NGOs headquartered in the global North and global South, spear-
headed the Gender Equality Architecture Reform or GEAR campaign
to call for a consolidated UN agency for women that would combine
the OSAGI, UNDAW, and UNIFEM offices, be headed by a new
under-secretary general, and garner significantly more resources in
terms of staff and budget as a result of the increased status of such an
agency. In September 2008, the UN General Assembly adopted a reso-
lution instructing the UN secretary-general to develop a paper outlin-
ing the options and making recommendations for best enhancing the
UN gender equality architecture.
Such IGO norm-setting in terms of women’s formal and structural
representation brought about by global feminist NGO campaigns has
also influenced member states in terms of the adoption of gender quo-
tas (to get more women into elective office) and gender mainstreaming
(designed to avoid building gender discrimination into any govern-
ment policy). Various forms of gender quotas to get women into
national public office have been instituted in at least 90 countries
(Dahlerup, 2006). As of 2005, only 16 percent of the world’s parliamen-
tarians were women; however, 17 countries had reached or exceeded
the 30 percent target, with post-genocide Rwanda topping the list at
48.5 percent (and in 2008 becoming the first country with more female
than male legislators), followed by the Nordic countries, and a mix of
Latin American and other northern European and African states
(Dahlerup, 2006). Almost all of these had legal or party gender quota
systems in combination with proportional representation systems.
Although quota systems vary in form and efficacy, they were specifi-
cally promoted in the BPA, which was unanimously supported by
the world’s governments, as the fast-track way to increase women’s po-
litical representation. Following that conference, in Latin America
alone, 11 out of 19 governments had adopted either constitutional or
legal gender quotas by 2000 (Ara ujo and Garcia, 2006). According to
UNIFEM’s Progress of the World’s Women Report 2008/2009, ‘‘the
proportion of women in national assemblies has accelerated over the
past decade from 11.6 percent in 1995 to 18.4 percent as of May 2008,’’
compared with only a one percentage point gain between 1975 and
1995 (2008, p. 21). UNIFEM accounts for this relatively dramatic rise by
pointing primarily to the increased use of legally required or voluntary
quota systems and proportional representation electoral systems, prac-
tices which in some cases were stimulated by gender equality advo-
cates working at international and national levels who have used the
BPA for leverage and by the adoption in 2000 of the UN Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs), which include Goal 3 that promotes
gender equality and women’s empowerment (UNIFEM, 2008).
There are many reasons for this recent ‘‘contagion’’ of gender quo-
tas, but among them is a growing international consensus or norm,
advocated by women’s movements worldwide and supported by
feminist scholarship, that gender equality in the form of women’s
greater political representation, ideally to the point of parity with
men, is necessary for policies claiming or aspiring to be modern and
democratic.
Gender mainstreaming also gained momentum and increasing ac-
ceptance during the same period that gender quotas were advancing.
Although definitions vary somewhat, gender mainstreaming refers gen-
erally to integrating the principle of gender equality into any (inter)
governmental policy (not just those associated with so-called women’s
issues, such as family and violence against women) to ensure that in
practice it does not, wittingly or unwittingly, increase or sustain
inequalities between women and men (Squires, 2007). It was first advo-
cated in the context of economic development policies where it was
found by feminist research from the 1970s onward that approaches
taken by bodies like the World Bank, such as the promotion of capital-
intensive agriculture for export, tended to privilege men who had or
were given more access to capital, agricultural inputs and machinery,
and land ownership. Women, although heavily involved in subsistence
agriculture that is the main source of family food consumption, were
not seen as farmers or landowners and, thus, did not benefit from this
kind of World Bank funding. This disparity not only increased men’s
power over women in agricultural work and families, but also
Global Feminism 5
contributed to producing more hunger and malnutrition when wom-

en’s work of subsistence farming was increasingly so devalued and
unsupported. The World Bank and a number of other supranational
institutions, ranging from the UN and the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) to the European Union (EU), as
well as many development agencies within states in the North, have
been convinced by such findings to adopt gender mainstreaming, also
called for in the BPA, to try to avoid such outcomes (Squires, 2007).
There have been numerous downsides to this approach, but its institu-
tionalization represents a sea change in its recognition that gender is
infused in all (world) political issues and legitimizes the need for ‘‘gen-
der experts’’ in global governance and in national governments, often
taking the form of ‘‘femocrats’’ who have headed up women’s policy
agencies that sprang up during the UN Decade for Women in many
countries and who are often charged with implementing gender main-
streaming at national and international levels.
No less than the UN Security Council has also been pressured by
global feminists to give some attention to gender. For example, Security
Council Resolution 1325, passed in 2000, calls for women to be present
at peace negotiating tables, a goal long advocated by women’s peace
movements that have claimed women have greater interests and differ-
ent stakes in ending war. It is not that women are inherently more
peaceful, but rather their predominantly civilian status means that they
are increasingly bearing the high structural costs of modern warfare.
With the rise of ‘‘total’’ wars in the twentieth century, wherein there is
little separation between the battlefront and the home front, civilians
are an increasing proportion of those left homeless, diseased, and
hungry, turned into refugees, and made victims of sexual and domestic
assault (by enemy and ‘‘friendly’’ combatants). Although combatants
still die in greater numbers from direct violence, civilian deaths
from direct violence and more often indirect violence continue to rise
(Goldstein, 2001). The majority of civilians are women and children
(both female and male), despite some increases in women in state and
non-state militaries and in child soldiers (both male and female)
pressed into combat. Women, as can be seen in the case of post-geno-
cide Rwanda, also are critical to the mending of post-conflict societies,
as they tend to be the backbone of civil society, most centrally recreat-
ing households and communities.
Although part of a longer and wider struggle for women’s security
from militarized violence, an NGO Working Group on Women and
International Peace and Security, consisting of the century-old Wom-
en’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), the Wom-
en’s Caucus for Gender Justice, Amnesty International, International
Alert, the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children,
and the Hague Appeal for Peace in collaboration with UNIFEM, is
credited with the final push to have the UN Security Council pass
Resolution 1325 in 2000 (Cohn, 2008). Although nonbinding, 1325
‘‘calls on’’ the UN and member countries to do the following: protect
women from gender-based violence in war zones and include women
(and gender perspectives) in peace negotiations, support their peace-
making initiatives in addition to providing gender-sensitive training to
peacekeepers, and engage in gender mainstreaming through UN moni-
toring of and reporting on the gender dimensions of conflict and con-
flict resolution, including the impact of armed conflict on women and
girls and the roles of women in peacemaking.
Although 1325 was hailed as a breakthrough document, its effects
were muted at best. Widespread rapes, such as in the Democratic
Republic of Congo conflict as well as in the Darfur genocide in Sudan,
and increased reports of rape by peacekeeping forces were featured in
subsequent UN secretary-general studies and reports on women, peace,
and security that were mandated by 1325. This acknowledgment of
worsening gender violence in war led to the passage of UN Security
Council Resolution 1820 in 2008. Although also nonbinding, the text of
1820 reaffirms the principles of 1325, but ‘‘stresses’’ sexual violence as
a war crime, ‘‘demands’’ its cessation and no amnesty for its perpetra-
tors, ‘‘requests’’ a policy of ‘‘zero tolerance’’ for sexual violence by UN
peacekeepers and in UN refugee camps, and ‘‘requests’’ consultation
with women and women’s organizations to find solutions to sexual vi-
olence.
Predating these Security Council resolutions was a significant recog-
nition and prosecution of rape as a war crime and crime against
humanity, now codified in the Rome Statute of the International Crimi-
nal Court, following the highly visible use of systematic rape in the
early 1990s in the wars in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda. Sys-
tematic wartime rape not only neutralizes women as threats, but also
seeks to weaken men’s resolve to fight by ‘‘soiling their women’’ while
also trying to wipe out an enemy culture or ethnicity by impregnating
women with ‘‘alien’’ seed or keeping them from reproducing alto-
gether. The assumption that rape was merely a natural ‘‘spoil of war’’
(for men) had kept it from being fully recognized as an international
war crime until feminist activists and events in Bosnia and Rwanda
made it clear that rape was a direct violation of women’s human
rights, rising to the level of torture as an instrument of warfare.
The ideas that women have human rights and that women’s human
rights expand traditional definitions of human rights were significantly
advanced by the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), initially adopted in 1979 fol-
lowing the UN Decade for Women and going into force in 1981. By
2000, only 25 countries (including most glaringly the United States, as
well as a smattering of Muslim and least-developed countries) had
Global Feminism 7
failed to ratify CEDAW, making it the second most widely ratified

human rights convention (UN, 2000). As of 2009, only eight countries,
including the United States, remain non-signatories, although the
Obama administration supports CEDAW and is seeking Congressional
approval for it. Through CEDAW and subsequent UN conferences on
human rights, particularly throughout the 1990s, women’s movements
and NGOs made the case that ‘‘women’s rights are human rights,’’
achieving international recognition that reproductive and, to some
degree, sexual rights were just as important as and connected to politi-
cal and economic rights. As long as women are denied choices about
if, when, and under what conditions they bear children or terminate
pregnancies; are subject to sexual and domestic abuse; and are limited
in their sexual expressions and orientations, they will not be able to
exercise their political and economic rights. Although women’s and
other human rights continue to be violated on a massive scale, the
widespread ratification of CEDAW has given women’s movements
throughout much of the world a major tool through which to hold
their governments accountable for continued abuses.
TRANSNATIONAL FEMINIST CRITIQUES OF GLOBAL

FEMINISM
Although these global feminist gains are significant and even aston-
ishing given the relative speed with which they have been taken up
over the past few decades by powerful institutions, global feminism is
not without problem. Postcolonial feminist cultural theorists, in partic-
ular, have critiqued ‘‘global’’ feminism for what, they argue, is its
implication in a Western radical feminist notion of shared, worldwide
gender oppression, mostly in the form of assaults on women’s bodies,
as its basis. This is productive of a ‘‘missionary’’ model of feminism,
with its emphasis on cataloguing violence against women’s bodies and
situating the most ‘‘barbaric’’ forms of it in the ‘‘Third World’’ from
which women, particularly there, must be saved. Grewal and Kaplan
(1994) posited instead the idea of ‘‘transnational feminist practices’’
that resist ‘‘scattered hegemonies,’’ which are not reducible to an over-
arching conception of gender oppression and take multiple forms at
multiple levels and in multiple contexts, and result from multiple sour-
ces. Most importantly, transnational practices, they argue, should resist
imperializing forces that sustain ‘‘center and periphery’’ relations of
any kind, and recommend, for example, that a truly transnational femi-
nist practice for Western feminists would be to protest their own gov-
ernments’ imperial actions that sustain repressive political regimes in
the global South rather than seeking to save ‘‘Third World’’ women
from ‘‘their’’ patriarchal cultures.
They further use the term, ‘‘transnational,’’ to signal that there has
been a shift from ‘‘international’’ relations between states and between
social movements when national boundaries were assumed to be less
permeable to an environment in which transnational capital and insti-
tutions and their global hegemonies are ascendant. In this sense, they
argue, transnational feminism is different from earlier forms of interna-
tional feminism as relations among national feminisms in that it
seeks to counter these global hegemonies while at the same time seek-
ing not to reproduce exclusivist national or other identities in resist-
ance to them.
While they and others (see, for example, Hesford and Kozol, 2005)
recognize that the moniker ‘‘transnational’’ also carries baggage to the
degree that it, too, is associated with transnational corporations and
capital, they and others have also distinguished transnational feminism
from global feminism. A flashpoint that particularly set up a debate
structured as transnational feminism versus global feminism was the
Women’s Rights are Human Rights campaign. As Hesford and Kozol
(2005, p. 19) frame the debate, it is between the ‘‘political efficacy’’ of
claiming, codifying, and enforcing the observance of the universality of
women’s human rights as advocated by global feminists and the politi-
cal costs of feeding into imperial moves and re-colonizing processes
under the banner of women’s human rights as argued by transnational
feminists.
Originally promulgated, primarily by feminists in the West, as a
concept and strategy to create a more inclusive notion of rights that
would particularly take into account both public and private forms of
violence against women engaged in not just by the state, but actors
below and above the state, women’s human rights was assumed to be
a mechanism that had leverage in international law and could have
universal appeal to women, cutting across their differing social loca-
tions and priorities through an ever-expanding ‘‘list’’ of rights. How-
ever, the most common critiques of women’s human rights practices
and discourses (and global feminisms more generally) focus on the fol-
lowing: the eliteness of globe-trotting NGO actors in both the North
and South who can attend a bevy of international conferences and
forums and lobby IGOs, thereby separating them from more grass-
roots, ‘‘local’’ actors; the dependence on IGO, and particularly Western,
funding that makes NGOs more beholden to funders than to social
movements, thereby de-radicalizing their demands; the Western lib-
eral-inscribed notion of ‘‘rights’’ that privileges individualism and
civil and political rights over social and economic rights; the appropria-
tion by the West of the universal that is set up against the particular
outside the West; and the tendency to single out a reductive notion of
Third World ‘‘cultural’’ oppression of women as the target for wom-
en’s human rights enforcement, re-instating discourses of rescue and
Global Feminism 9
deflecting attention away from the ongoing violence of neoliberal capi-

talism and militarism purveyed by the West.
Nevertheless, critiques of women’s human rights have been taken
further by arguing that human rights generally, far from being anti-
statist, actually are used to enhance the disciplinary power of neocolo-
nial and postcolonial states who claim they are ‘‘friendly’’ to them by
providing the cover of progressivism and modernity to engage in
selective punitive action at home and abroad against proscribed ‘‘ene-
mies’’ of the state in the name of protecting (women’s) human rights
(Grewal, 2005). While critics and proponents of realpolitik in interna-
tional relations have long observed that human rights have always
been used selectively for the deployment of state power, women’s
human rights has particularly constituted an instrument of U.S. foreign
policy in the post-9/11 period, making it particularly contested terri-
tory among feminists. One reading of this is the cooptation of women’s
human rights discourse by U.S. neoconservatives and their ‘‘front’’
women ranging from Laura Bush and Karen Hughes to Condoleezza
Rice. Feminist political theorist Zillah Eisenstein (2007) referred to
women as the seemingly ‘‘diverse’’ ‘‘sexual decoys’’ of the Bush
Administration ‘‘who embrace militarism and its masculinist construc-
tions while supposedly constructing a compassionate female face for
their conservativism’’ to ‘‘camouflage war’’ (p. 98). Another even more
critical reading of this is that not just far-from-feminist right wing
women, but the women’s human rights regime itself, particularly as
embodied by the U.S. Feminist Majority’s campaign to ‘‘free’’ women
from the Taliban itself goaded Gulf War II, constitute imperial femi-
nism. As Amy Farrell and Patrice MacDermott (2005) argue, the main-
stream U.S. women’s movement’s turn to ‘‘international activism’’
served ‘‘a strategic function,’’ namely ‘‘to mobilize their constituencies,
attract new and younger members, gain resources, and, perhaps most
importantly, legitimate their existence in the United States in a ‘post-
feminist’ era’’ marked by anti-feminist conservative backlashes and rise
of ‘‘commercial’’ feminism, or ‘‘the claiming of feminism by corpora-
tions and ad agencies’’ that ‘‘overpowered the work of feminists
engaged in prison reform, economic justice, and anti-racist activism’’
(pp. 46–47). In this climate, ‘‘the activism and emphasis on the victim
status of Third World women’’ were not only ‘‘key to keeping the U.S.
movement alive,’’ but also ‘‘central to the very construction of Ameri-
can feminism in the late twentieth century’’ (Farrell & MacDermott,
2005, p. 47).
While postcolonial feminists would argue that this has always been
central to the construction of mainstream Western, white feminism,
Farrell and MacDermott also point out that the Feminist Majority was
further motivated by a desire ‘‘to be recognized as a ‘player’ in foreign
policy’’ (2005, p. 47), an arena in which feminists, and women more
generally, have been historically denied any legitimacy, as long argued

by feminist international relations scholars. As Susan Faludi chronicles
in her recent book, The Terror Dream (2007), women were completely
disappeared as commentators in the U.S. national press post-9/11 and
feminism was declared dead in that press for its soft-headedness that
endangered national security through either its anti-militarist stance or
its gender equity in the military stance, both of which emasculated the
state in a dangerous world. Not surprisingly, the net effect of pursuing
a feminist legitimation project under a neoconservative regime and
without recognition of how central racism and colonization have been
to the construction of the U.S. state and how these are reproduced in
mainstream social movements that act as its agents even as they may
contest it in some ways, the ‘‘female voice which gained most attention
after September 11 was not Robin Morgan’s or Eleanor Smeal’s but that
of First Lady Laura Bush’’ (Faludi, 2007, p. 49). Indeed, as Faludi notes,
the Feminist Majority remained vilified by U.S. neoconservative com-
mentators who claimed to be the true saviors of Afghan women, while
particularly postcolonial feminists of color (including some outside the
United States), who dared to question the value of going to war to
‘‘save’’ women, were subjected to death threats from members of ‘‘civil
society.’’
GLOBAL FEMINISM AND NEOLIBERAL GOVERNMENTALITY

Although the women’s human rights movement is more varied and
cannot be reduced to this particular case of its extreme dangers, per-
haps the most serious critique of it, and indeed all gender mainstream-
ing efforts associated with global feminism, is the charge of feminism
becoming ‘‘governmentalized’’ under neoliberalism (see, for example,
Grewal, 2005). Just as women were gaining voice and ground in
international forums and policymaking arenas, particularly in the first
decade of the post–Cold War period, a series of political, economic,
cultural, and environmental shocks heightened both direct and struc-
tural violence in world politics. Undergirding globalization is the
economic philosophy or ideology of neoliberalism that was developed
by economists in the global North and imposed there and on the global
South. Critics refer to this as a form of economic or market ‘‘fundamen-
talism’’ (Klein, 2007), as it represents a total faith in the market, unfet-
tered by state regulation and protections for citizens, and a total belief
in the dismantling of the welfare state through the privatization for
profit of public services, leaving no accountability or universal access
to satisfaction of basic needs. The ensuing economic insecurities have
also unleashed a variety of other fundamentalisms, including political,
religious, ethnic, and other cultural ones. Neoconservativism combines
Global Feminism 11
a neoliberal faith in the market with the view that the only role for the
state is a coercive one: first, to control other states through strong
national defense and offense (which is part and parcel of a militarist
ideology), and second, to control populations through the imposition
of laws that limit civil liberties and human rights, insisting that people
conform to a particular set of behaviors deemed ‘‘moral.’’
Long before the current economic crisis, evidence had been piling
up that most women were bearing the brunt of the new global econ-
omy (Marchand & Runyan, 2000). For example, as reproductive work-
ers in the voluntaristic economy, or household members given by
gender ideology the most responsibility for the creation and care of
family and community members on an unpaid basis, women—who are
also the largest consumers and providers of social services because of
their reproductive roles—have lost the most with the reduction or pri-
vatization of social services. The retreat of the welfare state has meant
that women have had to take on additional roles in the private or
domestic sphere that used to be public services for which women
also used to be paid or paid better. As productive workers in the
cash economy, women, who have been rendered as ‘‘cheap’’ labor by
gender ideology, became the preferred labor force in low-wage serv-
ice and light-industrial assembly work created by offshore production.
Some women have benefited to a degree from this newfound employ-
ment, but their working conditions—including low wages, lack of
union protections, poor health and safety regulations, sexual harass-
ment, and polluted and dangerous workplaces and living spaces—
have kept them in subordinate and precarious positions. Subordinate
men, such as those in the working classes, have suffered as well, hav-
ing their skills, wages, and jobs ‘‘feminized’’ (devalued or eliminated).
But this effect, too, boomerangs on women in such forms as enduring
higher incidences of domestic violence, taking full responsibility for
both wage and reproductive work, and/or being left behind to sus-
tain the household alone when men migrate for jobs elsewhere or
having to migrate themselves to find work, thus leaving their families
behind.
The generalized response by IGOs to these gendered downsides of
neoliberal globalization that feminist academics and NGOs have docu-
mented can be characterized as neoliberal governmentality, in which
global feminist NGOs have also been implicated. Postmodern theorist
Michel Foucault (1991) coined the term ‘‘governmentality’’ to refer to
how individuals and populations ‘‘could now be controlled, adminis-
trated, empowered, or disciplined through certain governmental tech-
niques’’ (Woehl, 2008, p. 69). Governmentality pertains not only to
state and suprastate bureaucratic apparatuses and policies but also to
civil society institutions (including NGOs) that enable governing on the
basis of rational, scientific, and statistical calculations and produce
subjectivities that are amenable to being managed or regulated

and even participate in self-management or self-regulation in conform-
ance with rationalized approaches to ‘‘problem-solving’’ (Woehl, 2008,
pp. 65–66), now associated with ‘‘good governance.’’ Power in this
sense is more diffuse and both repressive and enabling, but rests upon
hegemony, or the inculcation of ‘‘the right order’’ that brooks no devia-
tion. Neoliberal governmentality refers to the ascendance of the global
capitalist economy and ‘‘economic rationality’’ as ‘‘the sole criteria for
governance’’ (Woehl, 2008, p. 69). Under neoliberal governmentality,
the state is reduced primarily to the promotion of the ‘‘free market,’’
leading to the privatization of social welfare and the marketization of
political and social life, whereby populations are to be ‘‘free, self-man-
aging, and self-enterprising individuals in different spheres of life—
health, education, bureaucracy, the professions, and so on. The neolib-
eral subject is therefore not a citizen with claims on the state but a
self-enterprising citizen-subject who is obligated to become an ‘entre-
preneur of himself or herself’ ’’ (Ong, 2006, p. 14).
In this scenario, gender equality becomes the technique to ‘‘free’’
women to be these free market actors, taking care of their own needs
without resort to the state for their welfare. The male (and class-based)
norm of ‘‘free market’’ actors, devoid of dependents and interdepen-
dencies, and an androcentric construction of states as not responsible
for the welfare of their citizenries are strengthened by this reduction of
gender equality to the production of ‘‘economic woman’’ in the form
of ‘‘economic man.’’
The UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), largely the prod-
uct of IGOs, and especially IFIs, but which are often touted as central
to achieving gender equality, are particularly visible features of neolib-
eral governmentality. The eight MDGs include (1) eradicate extreme
poverty and hunger; (2) achieve universal primary education; (3)
promote gender equality and empower women: (4) reduce child mor-
tality; (5) improve maternal health; (6) combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, and
other diseases; (7) ensure environmental sustainability; and (8) create a
global partnership for development (UNIFEM, 2008). Progress on these
goals is measured and monitored by the UN (based on statistics pro-
vided by states) in relation to particular quantitative targets set over
time within each of the goals, such as cutting in half by 2015 the pro-
portion of people with incomes of less than one dollar per day and suf-
fering from hunger, as well as the more recent target of achieving full
employment in decent work for all people by that date to reach Goal 1
(UNIFEM, 2008). Various indicators are used and periodically added to
measure these targets, such as the proportions of the population living
on one dollar per day, dietary consumption rates of the poor, and
numbers of underweight children (UNIFEM, 2008). Goal 3 is the one
goal that specifically targets women in general (not just mothers as in
Global Feminism 13
the case of maternal health) and promotes gender equality even though
all the other goals relate to the multiple conditions that (dis)empower
women.
On the face of it, the MDGs do represent a seeming shift in global
priorities. The dominant approach to development since World War II
and through most of the twentieth century was one focused on eco-
nomic development to the exclusion of social or human development.
Large scale, capital-intensive, and high-technology projects that privi-
leged male actors, from decision-makers to workers, were systemati-
cally promoted and funded by the World Bank to ‘‘modernize’’ (read,
Westernize) the infrastructure and economies of the so-called develop-
ing countries. Gross Domestic Product (GDP)—a measurement of the
output of domestic goods and services by a nation—does not measure
human well-being and in fact externalizes (or does not take into
account) the costs of human misery and environmental destruction, yet
it became the central indicator of ‘‘growth’’ and economic growth was
to be pursued at any human and environmental cost. The shift to de-
velopment initiatives with a more human, and even female, face, how-
ever, is accomplished through neoliberal ‘‘problem-solving’’ techniques
that frame human immiseration and gender inequality not as products
of unjust global capitalism, but rather as drags on it that must be
addressed to enhance market efficiency through the production of
more market ready actors. Moreover, aside from the weaknesses of
Goal 3 in terms of its singular target to end educational disparities
between males and females at all levels of education by 2015 (which is
far from being reached in the case of higher education), it shares with
all the other goals the technique of using bureaucratic methods and
quantitative indicators as reductionist tools to manage populations in
order to depoliticize social justice issues and demobilize social move-
ments critical of neoliberal globalization.
Thus, the traction that gender equality has gained in the context of
global governance can be read more critically and most cynically as
just another neoliberal strategy, with global feminist NGOs and femo-
crats being turned into agents of neoliberal governmentality. Indeed,
the very proliferation of global feminist NGOs can be seen as a feature
of neoliberal governmentality, taking on roles of states to ‘‘manage’’
(depoliticize) populations and their problems and even providing serv-
ices, albeit in far more under-resourced ways, that states used to pro-
vide. This has implications as well for women gaining public office in
states, for if the reigning ideology is that states are to withhold public
service in favor of privatization that makes individuals solely responsi-
ble for their own welfare, then it is difficult to mount more expansive
public commitments and garner more public resources for changing
negative conditions for women (as well as children, nonelite men, and
even the planet).
GLOBAL FEMINIST POLITICS VERSUS NEOLIBERAL

GOVERNMENTALITY
There is little question that IGOs, and especially the more powerful
IFIs, frame gender equality as a matter of modern economic efficiency.
States have been most responsive to this framing, and global feminist
NGOs have often made their own arguments in relation to it. How-
ever, it is also the case that local, grassroots, and national women’s
movements have drawn on these instruments of neoliberal governmen-
tality to make claims on states, although NGOs and femocrats, to vary-
ing degrees, continue to critique the insufficiencies of governmental
responses. Thus, there are contradictions in this process that open up
opportunities for resistance to neoliberal governmentality and for more
radical demands than it typically allows. However, just as neoliberal
governmentality circumscribes how (global) gender issues are framed,
the presence of women in global governance is no guarantee that they
will be acted upon or reframed in social justice terms.
Still, as Mary Hawkesworth (2006, p. 148) argues, even though
global feminism and ‘‘neoliberal globalism’’ have pursued similar ave-
nues ‘‘to leverage change’’ through global policymaking to impact state
behavior, global feminism, particularly as transnational feminist cri-
tiques and perspectives are brought to bear on NGO work and cam-
paigns, retains and cultivates a still oppositional stance to neoliberal
globalism. As she puts it, global feminism ‘‘envisions an expanded
state provision to create adequate health care, education, welfare,
employment, personal security, and a range of equity policies that
redress gender- and race-based injustices,’’ whereas neoliberal global-
ism ‘‘seeks to cut back the very aspects of the state that feminist acti-
vists seek to build up’’ (p. 149). At the same time, global feminism
‘‘envisions transformations in consciousness that would make visible,
actionable, and intolerable gender- and race-based inequities that per-
meate interpersonal relations, social organizations, economic and politi-
cal structures, and symbol systems,’’ whereas neoliberal globalism
seeks a ‘‘transformation of consciousness’’ that produces an ‘‘‘export
mentality’ and ‘market mentality,’ while whittling away ‘protest men-
talities’’’ (p. 149).
Similarly, as Val Moghadam (2006) points out, ‘‘if globalization is
understood as a complex process of economic, political, and cultural
change on a world scale that entails integration, marginalization, ex-
ploitation, and resistance, then global feminism may be seen as both an
outcome of global integration and a form of resistance to domination’’
constituting ‘‘the specter that haunts the global economy and its impe-
rial center’’ (p. 71). True, Moghadam argues, the discourse of women’s
human rights can be and is co-opted, but it still can retain its meaning
when used by feminists ‘‘who fight to end sexual violence, poverty,
Global Feminism 15
militarism, and all inequalities and call for state provisioning, demo-
cratic participation, and an end to discriminations, exploitations, and
violence’’ (p. 71).
To better actualize these oppositional politics, however, Aili Tripp
(2006) insists that global feminists, particularly from privileged spaces
in the North (and South), must engage far better in the following trans-
national feminist practices: first, ‘‘paying attention to what has already
been done by local actors and taking cues from them’’ is a necessity
for devising any global solidarity campaign; second, global campaigns
‘‘should reflect local priorities’’ and not expropriate the issues of
women in particular parts of the world to aggrandize and sensational-
ize the campaigns of global or other national NGOs; third, Northern
feminist NGOs should use their greater influence to pressure their own
most powerful governments and the IGOs those governments control
to redirect policies away from militarism and neoliberal globalization;
and fourth, Northern feminists should engage in global feminist actions
not just to help change the conditions of women elsewhere, but to
change their own oppressive conditions by both learning from activists
elsewhere and making use of the global gender instruments that they
have worked to institute. Only through such noncolonizing practices
can global feminism not be haunted itself by imperialist forces and
motivations.
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Chapter 2
Women’s Human Rights and

Empowerment in a Transnational,
Globalized Context: What’s
Psychology Got To Do with It?
Shelly Grabe
As the field of transnational feminism grows in response to globaliza-

tion, the discussion of women’s human rights becomes ever more
relevant. However, the very premise of transnational feminism that
distinguishes it from international feminism or global sisterhood—that
is, favoring a diversity of women’s agency rather than universalized
notions of Western feminism (Naples & Desai, 2002)—makes it seem-
ingly impossible to advocate for universal recommendations regarding
women’s human rights that can cross borders in the same manner that
the resources and labor that define the modern globalized economy
cross borders. Nevertheless, the development field has begun a con-
certed effort to broadly address women’s human rights and empower-
ment with organizations ranging from the World Bank, to grassroots
nongovernmental organizations, to the United Nations (UN), all advo-
cating for women’s human rights and empowerment in an effort to
address UN Millennium Development Goal 3—‘‘to promote gender
equality and empower women’’ (UN, 2000). This chapter will discuss
why women’s human rights warrant increased focus in the context of
globalization and how psychology can provide the currently missing,
but necessary, links between transnational feminism, the discourse on
women’s human rights and globalization, and the international atten-
tion given to women’s empowerment, to effectively fill in gaps in our
understanding, and to contribute to systematic change in women’s

well-being worldwide. As such, this chapter integrates theories of
women’s human rights and capabilities with current understandings of
empowerment from both academic and development approaches and
concludes with a case example that draws together theory, interven-
tion, and assessment to evaluate a program that has enormous implica-
tions for women’s well-being in a globalized, international context.
GLOBALIZATION AND ITS IMPACTS ON WOMEN’S RIGHTS

One major consequence of the restructuring of the world economy
of the 1980s and 1990s—or globalization—is that it exacerbates or
maintains violations of human rights. As such, several transnational
social movements and advocacy networks have emerged in response
to globalization to highlight its impact on human rights and justice
(Moghadam, 2005). Transnational feminism, in particular, is one move-
ment that argues that women bear a disproportionate burden of the
economic and social dislocation that result from the neoliberal eco-
nomic policies that characterize the global economy (Naples & Desai,
2002). For example, it is well documented that the structural adjust-
ment of social welfare policies, the increased international activity by
multinational corporations, and the deregulation of markets and free
trade agreements that characterized the 1980s and ’90s has had unique
outcomes for women (Naples & Desai, 2002; Moghadam, 2005). Some
of the consequences of this economic and social restructuring include
the following: (1) the feminization of labor and/or poverty whereby
women have expanded their unpaid labor in the home and community
to compensate for the increase in poverty and loss of local resources,
(2) biases in economic policies favoring men, (3) an increase in the
number of women trafficked for what is often involuntary sex work,
and (4) an exacerbated sexual division of labor (e.g., Acosta-Belen, &
Bose, 1990; Moghadam, 2005).
Such trends continue unabated, despite widespread international
commitments to draw increased attention to women’s rights. For exam-
ple, at a UN conference in 1995, 189 governments adopted the Beijing
Platform for Action, an international agenda for women’s empower-
ment and a statement of women’s rights as human rights (UN, 1995).
Importantly, the mission statement of the Beijing Platform for Action
explicitly states:
The Platform for Action is an agenda for women’s empowerment. It aims

at accelerating the implementation of the Nairobi Forward-looking Strat-
egies for the Advancement of Women and at removing all the obstacles
to women’s active participation in all spheres of public and private life
through a full and equal share in economic, social, cultural and political
Women’s Human Rights and Empowerment 19
decision-making. This means that the principle of shared power and

responsibility should be established between women and men at home,
in the workplace and in the wider national and international commun-
ities. Equality between women and men is a matter of human rights and
a condition for social justice and is also a necessary and fundamental
prerequisite for equality, development and peace. A transformed partner-
ship based on equality between women and men is a condition for
people-centered sustainable development. A sustained and long-term
commitment is essential, so that women and men can work together for
themselves, for their children and for society to meet the challenges of
the twenty-first century.
Indeed, the 1990s was a period of monumental political transforma-

tion that witnessed a growing international women’s movement linked
through subregional, regional, and international networks to collaborate
on efforts calling attention to unequal rights and mechanisms through
which female subordination is sustained and reproduced (Kabeer, 1994;
Razavi, 2003). Therefore, not surprisingly, in the midst of international
attention to women’s rights from advocacy groups and the United
Nations alike, there has been growing awareness and interest in the
empowerment of women among development programs and policies
(Narayan, 2005). Yet, what remains unclear in this growing global
awareness is whether or not a universal set of human rights exists and,
if they do, how empowerment is related to them. Furthermore, what does
the development community—and the economists who have staked a
claim in this area of research—mean by women’s empowerment? Stron-
ger conceptualization and assessment of empowerment, which I will
demonstrate is an inarguably psychological process, as well as how it
relates to human rights, can greatly contribute to and fuel efforts aimed
at enhancing women’s well-being. This chapter aims to establish that if
we are to have a better understanding of women’s psychological
empowerment, contributions from psychology are necessary to inte-
grate feminist scholarship, debates regarding human rights, and the
increasing attention given by the development community to women’s
rights.
HUMAN RIGHTS AND EMPOWERMENT IN DEVELOPMENT

Discussions of human rights often imply a universal language of
rights and equality, suggesting that norms of justice can be applied
across societies. However, such simple notions of universalism raise
concern. First, in many countries, ‘‘universal’’ discourse is taken to
mean that defined by the West. As such, even when universal catego-
ries are introduced by women who live and work within the country
in question, they are commonly accused of pandering to a Western
political agenda (Nussbaum, 2000; Tripp, 2002). This area is therefore

fraught with intellectual and political complexity. For example, one
could argue that holding standards of human rights is another example
of colonial domination—an imposition on people who are capable of
determining their own definitions of justice (Phillips, 2002). Certainly
this is consistent with the tenants of Transnational Feminism, which
argue precisely against universal definitions of feminism in favor of a
feminism that is relative to the society in which it was formed reflect-
ing the values and practices unique to the culture.
In contrast to universalism, a culturally relativistic approach argues
that norms of justice are always relative to the society in which they
are formed, reflecting values and practices that vary enormously from
one society to another, and that it is therefore inappropriate to take the
norms that emerge within one society as the standard against which to
assess the norms of another (Phillips, 2002). The value of this position
is that it captures the situated nature of any principles of justice. How-
ever, while cultural relativism addresses the contextual nature of jus-
tice, it carries its own set of concerns. For example, cultural relativism
does not take into consideration that norms of justice are not con-
structed under the principles of gender equity. Those who defend prac-
tices that are harmful to women, in the name of preserving ‘‘culture,’’
are often the same individuals or leaders who make decisions and
allow change that serves to protect their own political and/or economic
interests (Phillips, 2002; Tripp, 2002). Indeed, many of the structural
adjustments and development interventions stemming from neoliberal
policies have produced substantial cultural changes; however, because
these changes are often advantageous to those already in positions of
power, concerns of cultural relativism are not often invoked. What this
suggests is that cultural practices and change are tied to broader politi-
cal and economic contexts that extend beyond gender and, in this way,
the suppression of women’s rights is not essential to the uniqueness of
any particular culture (Tripp, 2002).
It therefore seems that when evaluating women’s rights, both
approaches (i.e., universal principles that fail to adequately address
differences, and those ignoring women’s rights for fear of cultural
imperialism) should be suspect in the context of this discussion. If one
follows the principles of universalism, strict equality in rights may
perpetuate inequality if no attention to differences in background or
demographics is paid. In other words, ignoring differences in gender
tends to equate equality with sameness, thereby leaving untouched sys-
tematic differences in power (Phillips, 2002). For example, equal rights
to hold property or to have access to clean water are not realized when
traditional gender roles prevent many women from ownership or con-
trol over these resources, despite their legal rights (Deere & Leon, 2001;
Lastarria, 2001, 2008; Molyneux & Razavi, 2002). This concern is
becomingly increasingly relevant, as many countries have revised their

constitutions or laws to legalize women’s rights in the past several
decades. However, although legal rights are an important first step,
customary law or cultural practices still largely prohibit women from
taking advantage of their rights and essentially render women incapable
of realizing rights they might otherwise choose. As a result, universal-
ism, in extending equal rights to everyone regardless of background,
may have the unintended consequence of perpetuating or exaggerating
inequalities. The political implication here is that some groups may
need different interventions to achieve the same kind of outcomes.
Therefore, it appears that some combination of universalism and rela-
tivism is needed. In other words, it must be possible to be both equal
and different.
In an approximate combination of these approaches, Martha Nuss-
baum proposes a universal approach to human capabilities, rather than
human rights (2000). She suggests that there are central elements of
truly human functioning that are particularly essential to human worth
and dignity, and that each person should be capable of having these ba-
sic elements in their lives. She proposes a list of basic elements and
suggests that they might serve as the moral basis of constitutional
guarantees cross-culturally. Among the eight proposed capabilities or
essential human elements, ‘‘having control over one’s environment’’ is
most relevant to the current discussion. She defines this capability in
two primary ways: (a) political: being able to participate effectively in
political choices that govern one’s life; having the right to political par-
ticipation, protections of free speech and association, and (b) material:
being able to hold property (both land and movable goods), not just
formally but in terms of real opportunity; having property rights on an
equal basis with others; and having the right to seek employment on
an equal basis with others. In this way, being capable means that in
addition to having the legal right to, for example, political participation,
a person should be free to pursue the right, presumably without conse-
quence or undue obstacle. Thus, capabilities may require not only ma-
terial and institutional resources, but legal and social acceptance of the
legitimacy of women’s claims or participation.
Importantly, and consistent with the aims of this chapter, Nussbaum
also argues that the structure of social and political institutions should
be established, in part, to promote at least a threshold level of these
human capabilities, that basic rights become institutionalized such that
everyone has the opportunity—or is capable—of realizing their rights.
In the past two decades, this view has become incorporated into the
development community, and it has become accepted to evaluate de-
velopment in terms of human capabilities and enhanced well-being
(Nussbaum & Sen, 1993; Sen, 1999). In particular, the increasing recog-
nition in the development discourse regarding women’s rights has led
to a proliferation of programs aimed at women’s empowerment. How-

ever, the inclusion of women in development programs has largely
come through the focus of income-generating programs—most notably
microcredit loaning (Goetz & Sen Gupta, 1996). However, while income
generation that stems from microcredit loans may improve a house-
hold’s economic status, women’s receipt of the loan, or the labor asso-
ciated with the loan, does not contest gender relations in the same
manner that structural or institutional interventions might. Although
research suggests that loans may increase women’s economic activity,
they do little to diversify women’s labor, resulting in an adherence to
a traditional occupational structure that sustains male dominance
(Kabeer, 2001). For example, it is not uncommon that a woman’s labor
does not belong to the woman, but falls under the control of her male
partner (Bartky, 1990). Thus, male control of the economic or material
output that may stem from women’s microcredit borrowing may main-
tain and support the domination and control of women and their work.
Indeed, in a review of credit programs in Bangladesh, 63 percent of
female loan holders reported having only partial, very limited, or no
control over the loans they had procured (Goetz & Sen Gupta, 1996). In
support of the argument that economic activity does not increase wom-
en’s power and control, Panda and Agarwal (2005) found that levels of
employment status (unemployed, seasonally employed, and regularly
employed) did not affect women’s receipt of physical violence, whereas
land ownership did, suggesting that economic activity did little to alter
the gender dynamics that predict patterns of violence against women.
Effectively targeting poverty may ensure that short-term, material
needs are met but may not alter women’s status or effectively give
them voice in their relationships or their community. In sum, although
there has been a proliferation of gender-focused programs among de-
velopment organizations, there is limited investigation into the role of
structural interventions in addressing women’s rights, capabilities, or
empowerment.
The influence of the capabilities approach on the development com-
munity is also witnessed through assessments such as the Human De-
velopment Reports of the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), which now includes quality of life in assessments for govern-
ments and international agencies in addition to the previously narrow
focus on gross domestic product. Moreover, two gender measures were
introduced in the 1990s to assess the status of women in human devel-
opment (UNDP, 1995). However, neither assesses empowerment in
ways that will be conceptualized in this chapter. Specifically, the
Gender Related Development Index was created to assess inequalities
between women and men on factors such as life expectancy, educa-
tional attainment, and income. The Gender Empowerment Measure
(GEM) was introduced to address the noted gap in assessment
measures and is widely acknowledged as a measure of women’s

agency. However, it assesses gender equality in economic and political
participation and decision making, reporting factors such as the
percentage of women in governmental positions and the ratio of
female- to male-earned income. Thus, while the GEM is currently held
as a model for assessing levels of women’s empowerment, I argue that
it does not adequately measure empowerment or agency; rather, it
measures the outcomes of women’s empowerment. Thus, while there
has been considerable theoretical interest within the development com-
munity regarding questions of empowerment, agency, and well-being,
there has been little empirical investigation into these exact processes.
What has resulted is a full-fledged, albeit much needed, internationally
coordinated effort to enhance women’s empowerment in the absence
of a sound understanding of what disempowers—or subordinates—
women, a clear conceptualization of women’s psychological empower-
ment, and virtually no adequate assessment or evaluation of progress
aimed at enhancing women’s well-being. In other words, despite the
proliferation of empowerment rhetoric in championing of social inter-
ventions, the explicit connections between policy or program develop-
ment and empowerment theory and research are in most cases tenuous
(Perkins, 1995). The empirical gap in the literature surrounding how
women’s empowerment processes operate may largely reflect a lack of
clear-cut definitions and appropriate assessment tools (Goetz & Sen
Gupta, 1996; Holvoet, 2005). Psychology can substantially contribute to
this area of investigation by (a) conceptualizing and defining women’s
empowerment as it relates to women’s human rights, and (b) assessing
and analyzing the processes of empowerment in a development context.
CONCEPTUALIZING EMPOWERMENT
In an attempt to address development’s shortcomings, many have
turned to an ‘‘empowerment’’ approach, which has become popular,
and largely unquestioned, in part because the lack of a clear definition
lends to a ‘‘common sense’’ acceptance of it (Sharp, Briggs, Yacoub, &
Hamed, 2003). Therefore, it is not quite clear what practitioners or
scholars mean by using the term empowerment, nor how it is
achieved. Yet, empowerment has become a vital construct for under-
standing women’s well-being and a central focus across disciplines and
fields, despite that it remains loosely defined and inadequately concep-
tualized (Hill, 2003; Narayan, 2005; Perkins, 1995). To date, empower-
ment has been discussed by economists as a process of ‘‘undoing
internalized oppression,’’ and therefore, when focused on women, it
involves changing the social and cultural norms inherent in patriarchy
that sustain women’s subordination (e.g., Agarwal, 1994). It has been
similarly argued that empowerment increases women’s sense of agency
or what has been termed ‘‘power within’’ (Deere & Leon, 2001; Kabeer,
1994). Kabeer (1994) argues that while agency has been operationalized
in the social science literature as decision making or negotiation, it is a
broader construct reflecting one’s ability to define goals and act upon
them. She defines empowerment as a process related to resources,
agency, and achievement (Kabeer, 2005). In this way, agency is central
to empowerment because through agency choices are made and put
into effect. Sen (1985, 1999) similarly defines agency as freedom to
achieve whatever goals or values a person regards as important.
He argues that traditional gender roles curtail women’s agency by
assuming their interests lie within the home and not within their per-
son (Sen, 1995). As related to empowerment, agency includes not only
exercising choice, but doing so in a way that challenges existing power
relations. Importantly, it also has been highlighted that issues of
empowerment are distinct from psychological well-being but that each
are important when assessing change (Sen, 1985). While collectively
there appears to emerge a working understanding of empowerment,
there are notable limitations present in this literature. First, the authors
addressing women’s empowerment in the context of development are
largely economists and, while they have pioneered this field and great
strides have been made with tremendous attention being paid to wom-
en’s rights, because empowerment is an inherently psychological proc-
ess, understanding in this area can only be advanced by the conceptual
and methodological tools offered from within the discipline of psychol-
ogy. Second, despite increasing attention to issues of empowerment and
capabilities in the development literature, current evaluative assessments
do not adequately reflect the processes surrounding women’s empower-
ment (Hill, 2003). Finally, limitations posed by multiple nonoverlapping
disciplines have not adequately connected human rights or capabilities
to empowerment. Thus, as it stands, there is a divide between the theo-
retical or philosophical approaches to human rights and capabilities and
the interventions evaluated by development practitioners and scholars.
The discipline of psychology is well positioned to address these gaps
with both theoretical and methodological contributions.
Psychologists define empowerment as a process by which people
gain control and mastery over issues of concern to them (Rappaport,
1987; Zimmerman, 1995). Within psychology, empowerment theory
links subjective (personal) well-being with larger social and political
contexts (Perkins & Zimmerman, 1995; Zimmerman, 1995). Impor-
tantly, empowerment research focuses on identifying capabilities and
exploring environmental influences on social problems such that
empowerment-oriented interventions enhance well-being, while they
also aim to ameliorate problems (Perkins & Zimmerman, 1995). In fact,
within psychology, empowerment has been described as a process
‘‘through which people lacking an equal share of valued resources gain
greater access to and control over those resources’’ (Cornell Empower-

ment Group, 1989). Psychological empowerment, in particular, refers to
empowerment at the individual level of analysis and integrates percep-
tions of personal control, a proactive approach to life, and a critical
understanding of the sociopolitical environment. Although the study of
empowerment among psychologists has focused on U.S. community
groups, organizations, and neighborhood associations (e.g., Perkins,
1995; Zimmerman, 1990), and there has been very little attention inter-
nationally despite that empowerment has become the premier para-
digm for development programs and policies, there are some obvious
and important applications for the understanding and study of wom-
en’s international rights and well-being. First, the overlap between
Nussbuam’s definition of capabilities (i.e., having control over one’s
environment) and psychology’s definition of empowerment (i.e.,
a process by which people gain mastery over issues that concern them)
is striking. Both articulate that a sense of personal control and freedom
for self-chosen activity is fundamentally linked to well-being, and that
individuals’ capabilities can be supported by access to and control over
resources. With these clear and overlapping definitions, we can begin
to more adequately conceptualize empowerment in the context of
human rights.
Given the complexity involved in empowerment processes, accurate
conceptualization cannot be captured by a single operationalization or
measurement, nor divorced from context (Zimmerman, 1995). For
example, because powerlessness is embedded in cultural practices and
unequal institutional relations, adequate conceptualization and assess-
ment involves investigation of the formal and informal institutional
barriers that prevent women from taking effective action to improve
their well-being within the household and society at large. Similarly,
notions of self-efficacy, competency, and control are key to measuring
empowerment, as are processes by which people engage in democratic
participation and shared leadership within communities (Perkins &
Zimmerman, 1995). Furthermore, because conceptualizations may differ
across levels of analysis, measurement of empowerment must assess
when individuals believe they have the capability to influence a given
context (e.g., perceived agency), have perceived control in various sit-
uations (e.g., marital power/control, individual mastery over environ-
ment), have an understanding of their sociopolitical environment (e.g.,
gender ideology), interact with others to successfully master social or
political systems (e.g., marital control or power), and engage in actions
to directly influence outcomes (e.g., participation in decision making).
A thorough assessment would therefore require an interdisciplinary,
culturally relevant approach that incorporates individual, relational,
and societal aspects of empowerment that are sensitive to sociopolitical
contexts.
While there is a great deal of attention given to empowerment in de-

velopment policies and interventions, there is little to no empirical
investigation into these processes (Perkins, 1995). In fact, despite the
complexity involved in empowerment processes, the majority of
investigations into women’s empowerment conducted among scholars
employ a rather narrow conceptualization by routinely assessing
household decision making as the primary indicator of women’s
empowerment (Hill, 2003; Holvoet, 2005; Kabeer, 1999). A more thor-
ough and accurate conceptualization and assessment of empowerment
would include not only intra-household decision making, but also indi-
cators of status and traditional gender ideology; women’s power and
control within the marital relationship; women’s levels of agency,
autonomy, and mastery; psychological well-being; and outcomes that
may reflect empowerment such as freedom from domestic violence or
agency in reproductive health choices. What follows is a focused dis-
cussion of structural factors (i.e., the formal and informal institutional
barriers), specific to the context of globalization, that contribute to gen-
dered power imbalances and women’s subordination.
GENDERED POWER, NATURAL RESOURCES, AND

DEVELOPMENT
The disruptive consequences of the new economic policies of the
1980s and ’90s introduced or exacerbated several structural factors that
have contributed to rising levels of gender inequity and marginaliza-
tion. This has been particularly visible within the area of natural
resources (Razavi, 2003; Rocheleau & Edmunds, 1997). In fact, perva-
sive gender inequities in access to resources, land in particular, has
been recognized by a large body of international work (e.g., Food Agri-
culture Organization [FAO], UN Convention of the Elimination of Dis-
crimination Against Women [CEDAW]) and postulated as a necessary
human right (Ikdahl, 2008). Thus, not surprisingly, feminist scholars in
the area of globalization and development argue that women’s empow-
erment and well-being can be enhanced by expanding women’s man-
agement of resources (Deere & Leon, 2001; Razavi, 1999). This is
consistent with the tenants of empowerment theory, which argued that
control over resources was central to empowerment. However, that
lack of secure access to and control over natural resources contributes
to a system in which female subordination is sustained and repro-
duced, prohibiting women from exercising control over their environ-
ment—or, in other words, limiting human capability or empowerment.
Many scholars argue that most development interventions have been
formulated from the ideological and economic interests of the industri-
alized countries that are promoting projects to ‘‘modernize’’ the ‘‘Third
World’’ (e.g., Acosta-Belen & Bose, 1990). Among those interventions
has been the tendency to shift from customary tenure systems, or coop-
erative arrangements in which natural resources such as water, for-
estry, and land that were traditionally viewed as community resources
have become privatized systems of individual ownership (Agarwal,
2001; Lastarria-Cornheil, 1997; Zwarteveen, 1997). Therefore, the struc-
tural adjustments of privatization have created a context whereby natu-
ral resources have become commodities, and markets have developed
for rights or titles to these resources (Zwarteveen, 1997). Moreover, in
many countries, this is occurring at the same time that population pres-
sures have begun to affect availability of natural resources, resulting in
scarcity, even in remote areas where resources were once considered
part of the commons (e.g., Lastarria-Cornheil, 1997; Shiva, 2002). As
a result, natural resources such as water, firewood, and land for
grazing—which are all vital resources necessary to sustain livelihood
in rural areas—are being bought up and controlled in private, for-profit
scenarios. This has obvious and dangerous implications for poor peo-
ple worldwide, but it has specific implications for gendered imbalances
in power and therefore women’s capabilities and empowerment.
As argued earlier, the international focus on interventions such as
microcredit lending, which fit perfectly into the globalized, neoliberal
market-driven economy, do not adequately address the structural
obstacles that determine women’s status and, ultimately, their well-
being. In the context of addressing violations of women’s rights, it is
imperative to distinguish between those programs that seek to reduce
poverty or enhance productivity from those that seek to empower
women. Although gender scholars have been making a case for using a
gender analysis of natural resource management in the context of
global changes for nearly a decade (e.g., Rocheleau & Edmunds, 1997),
the literature on natural resource control and gender remains scarce.
The Theory of Gender and Power (Connell, 1987) postulates that
gender-based inequalities are pervasive societal characteristics, which
result in men’s disproportionate power in society and control over a
number of areas, including women and their bodies. Wingood and
DiClemente (2000) extended this theory to the areas of public health
and psychology. They argued that unequal control over resources leads
to power imbalances and gender-based norms that create risk environ-
ments that adversely influence women’s health and safety. There are
clear structural components that contribute to the construction of
dominance and thereby legitimize and perpetuate women’s subordi-
nate status. Although limited, the following review will demonstrate
that in the context of globalization, the unequal gendered distribution
of control over natural resources, in particular water, trees, and land, is
one structural component that contributes to dominance and therefore
places women in a subordinate position within both the household and
the larger society. Because violations of women’s human rights often
reflect a societal problem requiring changes in sex-role ideologies and

social structures that perpetuate gender hierarchy (Ozner & Bandura,
1990), examining the structure of resource ownership and control pro-
vides a compelling area of investigation into one potential structure by
which violations against women are supported and sustained. More
specifically, this review will demonstrate that entrenched inequalities
in the distribution of power and resources between women and men
create a risk environment that perpetuates women’s disempowerment
and that a redirection in the development approach to a more inclusive
position on gender would greatly facilitate the empowerment agenda
that is promoted by international agencies.
WATER
The 1990s witnessed large changes in water policy generated by a
number of different development trends driven largely by the neolib-
eral economic agenda of large donors (Coles & Wallace, 2005; Shiva,
2002; World Bank, 1993). Among these trends was the tremendous shift
toward irrigation to support large monocropped commodities grown
for export. Water development projects in line with export agriculture
often involve privatization of water sources and massive damming to
accommodate newly irrigated agricultural landscapes (Khagram, 2004).
Importantly, rights to water use in irrigation systems are granted to
farmers or landowners, with the assumption that women will indirectly
benefit from their husband’s access to water. As such, water rights are
intimately linked to the existing social and cultural organization and
relations of authority and power (Shiva, 2002). Within this new eco-
nomic structure, access to water has taken on a new meaning—one that
involves gender (Zwarteveen, 1997).
However, the limited attention to gender and water in the literature
and development discourse may be due to the notion that women’s
involvement with water mainly occurs in the domestic sphere, in
implicit opposition to men’s water use, which is assumed to be mainly
market-oriented (Zwarteveen, 1997). Additionally, it has been argued
that women’s involvement in water development projects has been
promoted for largely economic reasons assuming that women’s partici-
pation improves efficiency of water projects because of their interest in
responsibly managing reliable supplies of water (Coles & Wallace,
2005). The limited analysis of gender in the management of water effec-
tively hides that the most important aspect concerning water resources
lies not so much in gender differences of water use but in differences
with respect to access and control of water sources.
Recently, geographers have highlighted how changes in water
use and control over water resources can alter gender relations and
further divide men and women’s power balance by exacerbating the
marginalization of women. For example, in a study of water irrigation

and gender in the Anatolia region of southeastern Turkey, Harris
(2006) documented how water management became important in the
maintenance and exacerbation of gender inequalities. First, among the
consequences of irrigation projects are the construction of water man-
agement committees that create new patterns of inequality in relation
to access and power associated with the management of water as a
vital resource. Specifically, in the sample studied in Anatolia, member-
ship in water committees or organizations is often restricted to heads
of household, which, in most countries, are traditionally husbands or
fathers. Similarly, the formal procedures for identification and selection
of water beneficiaries implicitly or explicitly exclude women. For exam-
ple, common mechanisms for obtaining water rights in the large or
newly developed irrigation systems in southeastern Turkey include the
following: (1) through owning land in the area being serviced,
(2) through participation in construction of the dams, and (3) by being
a member of the water management committee. In most countries
throughout the world, those with the most power have the most possi-
bility to own land and be part of committees that allow access to water
(i.e., men; Lastarria-Cornheil, 1997). Therefore, women are effectively
excluded from realizing their own right to water and instead obtain
access to water by making use of the water rights of their husbands, or
other male relatives. In this manner, unequal control of water resources
exacerbates women’s subordinate status.
In addition to the exclusion of women from access to water or par-
ticipation in the decision-making water committees, Harris (2006) docu-
ments how daily practices of water use and water management further
widened the gender division of labor among men and women in
southeastern Turkey. For example, prior to irrigation, women were the
predominant actors in animal husbandry and sold products from ani-
mals that had been herded on open fields to earn income and provide
sustenance for their families. Women were also able to meet many sub-
sistence needs by growing and consuming food directly from the land.
However, the introduction of large, irrigated export crops into the area
resulted in land scarcity, and the lack of land largely extinguished the
practice of animal husbandry. As such, families in many places now
purchase the produce and animal products that once determined wom-
en’s limited livelihood. Thus, in effect, women’s work roles were
usurped by the need to engage in unpaid, labor-intensive tasks such as
weeding and picking in their husbands’ crops. In contrast, their hus-
bands were engaged in decision making regarding the uses of water
and products of the land. These changes enhanced men’s relative con-
tributions to the household and further divided the gendered power
imbalance. In this context, irrigation and control of water—regardless
of domestic use—has meant an increased work burden for women,
greater difficulty meeting the family’s subsistence needs, and an exclu-

sion from decision making. Moreover, this new labor economy has led
to a higher desirability for wives’ unpaid labor, and therefore, has
altered the politics of bride prices in the Anatolia region, leaving young
women dreading the heavy work burdens that come with their inevita-
ble marriage. Finally, the changing conditions of market consumption,
driven by the introduction of irrigated export crops, have also meant
that men now travel to the market (for purchase and sale of food com-
modities their wives once produced) and develop social networks,
whereas, in contrast, women remain largely prohibited from traveling
to urban areas. This further exacerbates the social differences between
women and men by increasing both women’s isolation and men’s
socializing. The example of water use and management and gender
offered by Harris demonstrates that new water-management institu-
tions in line with globalization serve to ‘‘solidify, cement, and rigidify
social-power differentials’’ (2006, p. 194). A stronger security of wom-
en’s water tenure could significantly alter women’s participation in the
new economy and serve to empower rather than disempower them in
the context of the increasingly limited availability of water.
FORESTRY
Similarly to the development practices in water resource manage-
ment, several countries (e.g., Mexico, Nepal) have privatized forests or,
more recently, organized Community Forestry Groups (CFGs) to man-
age forest resources in response to diminishing availability of fallen
timber for firewood collection due, in part, to conversion of forestland
for agricultural purposes (Taylor & Zabin, 2000; Varughese & Ostrom,
2001). Interestingly, the formation of CFGs was a focused attempt to
move toward establishing greater local participation and community
control among citizens in the promotion of sustainable forests (McCarthy,
2001). However, similar to water management, while major donor
agencies give token gestures to participation, a large focus remains on
economic aspects of resource management that include rigid exclusion
of nonmembers from resource use (e.g., Magrath, Grandalski, Stuckey,
Vikanes, & Wilkinson, 2007).
Although gender is typically excluded from community forestry dis-
cussions, based on extensive fieldwork among CFGs in India and Ne-
pal, Agarwal (2001) documents how gender constrains participation in
CFGs and how participatory exclusion over control of timber products
has implications for gender inequity. First, not unlike water commit-
tees, both formal and informal rules for CFGs membership exclude
women. Specifically, only one member per household, the head of
household (i.e., typically the male), is allowed membership. Moreover,
long-standing conventions in South Asia exclude women from public
decision making forums and, thereby, deny women access to CFGs, de-
spite that women are predominately responsible for gathering their
households’ firewood. Among the additional obstacles for women’s
participation in the CFGs is included the fact that women’s responsibil-
ity for housework restricts them from attending meetings held at
inconvenient times, aggressive male behavior prohibits women who
can and do attend from speaking at meetings, and social hierarchies
position women on the floor at meetings where men are seated in
chairs. As such, women’s voices were not considered in the decision
making regarding the use of forest products or the discussions sur-
rounding the use of the community funds raised from the management
of the forest. Moreover, because many CFGs invest access rights to
single ‘‘owners,’’ women’s access to firewood timber, a once communal
resource, is severely restricted. Therefore, the customary exclusion of
women from village decision making bodies regarding the management
of forestry perpetuates or exacerbates gendered imbalances in power.
In the same study conducted in South Asia, Agarwal (2001) also
demonstrated how these imbalances in power are evidenced in
increased gendered divisions in labor. First, simply restricting/privatiz-
ing forestry areas means that women, who could previously meet some
of their timber collection needs in that area, are now forced to travel to
neighboring sites adding sometimes between several hours or as much
as a day’s time to the chore. In some areas, women’s collection time
and distances traveled for a headload of firewood increased sevenfold
(from 0.5 hours to 3–4 hours in Vena; from 0.5 km to 8–9 km in
Karapara; Agarwal, 2001). In addition, women substitute fuel sources
and burn twigs or agricultural waste with detrimental consequences.
For example, the fumes from inferior fuels have negative health affects
and the additional time it takes to keep them lit prevents women from
doing simultaneous work. In sum, limiting women’s access to and con-
trol over forest resources has resulted in a substantial increase in wom-
en’s workload. By excluding women from control and decision making
regarding timber, the community forestry efforts are perpetuating sta-
tus differences and further marginalizing women and thereby prohibit-
ing women’s capabilities and empowerment.
LAND
Issues of agrarian change and land tenure systems also have been
impacted by the imposition of a neoliberal agenda and donor agencies
that have influenced developing countries to move from customary (of-
ten communal) systems toward private land ownership (Lastarria-
Cornheil, 1997; Razavi, 2003). In many countries, structural adjustment
came with land reform guided by policies that favored large-scale
export agriculture, and male control over land became the dominant
discourse supplanting previously customary laws that had provisions

regarding women’s interests in land (e.g., Tsikata, 2003). Thus, one of
the imposed difficulties in the transfer to privatized systems in regard
to women’s rights is that there has been an erosion of the few rights
that were previously held under customary systems. In many coun-
tries, social constructions of gender, combined with cultural practices
of restricting women’s access to land, have contributed to the contin-
ued abuse of women’s rights to land ownership (Lastaria-Cornheil,
2001). Therefore, although many countries have legislation that declares
that men and women have equal rights to hold property, in most places
customary law dictates that men are owners of land and that women
have access to land through a male relative (Lastarria-Cornheil, 1997).
Feminist scholars suggest that restrictions on women to land owner-
ship share core ideologies that are embedded within constructions of
masculinity and femininity and the ‘‘proper’’ roles that men and
women should assume in public spheres (Deere & Leon, 2001). For
example, women are not only marginalized from ownership of and
access to what was previously communal land, but their ability to ben-
efit fully or equitably from their labor on the land is threatened
because the landowner determines not only how the land will be used,
but also manages the products and labor of the land (Lastarria-
Cornheil, 1997). As a result, there has been an intensification of wom-
en’s unpaid agricultural labor (Razavi, 2003). In addition, property
ownership affords the landowner the opportunity to participate in a
market-based system by renting the land, using it as collateral to bor-
row money, and/or selling it or giving it as an inheritance to children
(Deere & Leon, 2001; Lastarria-Cornheil, 2001). As such, privatization
of land and exclusion of women as owners in patriarchal societies has
enforced and strengthened male’s dominant position while exacerbat-
ing women’s dependent position on their husbands.
Despite slow progress, women’s property rights in some countries
have improved, with land titling efforts in several Latin American and
Asian countries recognizing women’s rights as beneficiaries (FAO,
2004). Moreover, since the structural adjustments of the 1980s and ’90s
in the agricultural sector, there has been a great deal of attention to
women’s property rights from scholars in developing regions across
Africa (Lastarria-Cornheil, 1997), Latin America (Deere & Leon, 2001),
and South Asia (Agarwal, 1994). Nevertheless, global data on women’s
land ownership is lacking. For example, halfway through the time-
frame for achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), a pro-
gress report reviewing the security of women’s property rights
concluded that, despite the international call for attention to these
rights, there was insufficient data to track progress on women’s prop-
erty ownership (Grown, Rao Gupta, & Kes, 2008). Data collected
regarding assets and property ownership continue to be gathered at
the household level, rather than at the individual level, prohibiting an

accurate understanding of women’s position as owners.
In summary, the limited review on natural resource management, in
particular water, forestry, and land suggests that strong gender biases,
and assumptions based on gender roles (e.g., decisions should fall
largely to male community leaders), exclude women, for the most part,
from decision making processes when it comes to access to and control
over vital resources. This suggests that unequal abilities to exercise
control over resources may lay the foundation for power imbalances.
In the context of development, this is a missed opportunity to restruc-
ture gender and alter women’s status. Development should build insti-
tutions that manage common resources in a way that empowers all
members of the community, as opposed to further dividing existing
power structures. Moreover, while there is growing, albeit limited,
attention to the role of resource control in further marginalizing
women, there is virtually no empirical investigation into how a renego-
tiation of women’s roles may impact their empowerment. In the context
of rising threats to women’s human rights and the continued opportu-
nity for a gender analysis in the expansion of development interven-
tions, this work is imperative. What follows is a detailed discussion
and case study of how and why land ownership, in particular, may
impact these processes and ultimately lead to women’s empowerment,
well-being, and physical safety.
LAND OWNERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT: A

PSYCHOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION
Based on the literature reviewed, ownership and control over natu-
ral resources among women should substantially challenge traditional
gender roles, increase women’s power and influence within the house-
hold and, in turn, provide a stronger base for women’s empowerment.
In other words, ideologically shifting how women are viewed in the
household and on a societal level—through the process of resource
management—can reposition women and provide structural or institu-
tional support for human capabilities. I argue that land ownership, in
particular, is a material basis, or structural inequality, that contributes
to the subordination of women.
Central to this argument, however, is that, as landowners, women
need to effectively administer control over their property. In other
words, it is not merely possessing the title to a plot of land, but the
control or administration of it that contributes to change (Agarwal,
1994). Moreover, while benefits to several forms of land use are possi-
ble and do exist (e.g., cooperative arrangements), it is important to note
that women’s power regarding land occurs when they function
independently as decision makers with control over the land. While
economic security may be attached to property ownership, it is the

psychological process that emerges from ownership that empowers a
woman to assert control over her life and her body. In other words,
the processes involved in owning and controlling land can transform
the conditions in which women exercise agency and, in turn, become
empowered to confront aspects of their subordination—as reflected, for
example, by violence against women. Indeed, violence against women
is considered the most pervasive human rights violation in the world
and entrenched inequalities in the distribution of power and resources
between men and women create environments that support high levels
of gender-based violence (UNIFEM, 2006). Because land ownership
repositions women, and is a form of political and symbolic status, it
puts women in a privileged and empowered position. By empirically
examining the processes linking land ownership and control to broader
cultural ideologies, and to gender relations, a greater understanding of
the relationships between structural inequities, power/dominance,
women’s empowerment and well-being can be gained.
In 1994, a link between property rights and women’s rights was
introduced in the literature with the suggestion that formalizing prop-
erty in a woman’s name could lead to beneficial transformations in
gender relations and, in particular, a decline in violence against women
(Agarwal, 1994). However, it was nearly a decade later that the first
and only published survey in this area found that in Kerala, India, as
many as 49 percent of women who did not own property suffered
long-term physical violence, compared with 18 and 10 percent, respec-
tively, of those who owned either their land or house, and 7 percent of
those who owned both assets (Panda & Agarwal, 2005). The authors
suggest that owning land provides women with economic security and
a tangible exit option to escape violent partners. However, a wealth of
research in psychology suggests that a number of factors unrelated to
economic status prevent women from leaving violent relationships
(e.g., fear of retaliation; Hendy et al., 2003). In fact, the Kerala study
reported that levels of violence did not differ between women who
were regularly employed, seasonally employed, or unemployed, sug-
gesting that land ownership provided a different kind of empower-
ment than did employment. These findings support the notion that it
was not solely economic freedom that resulted in reduced receipt of
domestic violence. On the contrary, the findings suggest that eliminat-
ing the practice of violence against women requires structural and ide-
ological changes that extend beyond economic opportunity and are
focused, rather, on structural factors such as land ownership.
In 2006, the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW)
expanded on Panda and Agarwal’s (2005) research through qualitative
interviews with women landowners in Kerala and West Bengal to
examine the role of land in women’s empowerment. They suggested
that property ownership extended women’s negotiating power with-

in the marital relationships and their ability to confront subordination,
thereby decreasing levels of domestic violence. However, a major limi-
tation of these investigations in South Asia is that they were in com-
munities where bilateral property ownership was the norm. Female
ownership of land did not necessarily challenge existing gender atti-
tudes and roles. Nevertheless, these studies put forth a framework for
investigating the links between land ownership, women’s empower-
ment, and violence.
Despite these groundbreaking findings, this line of inquiry remains
underexplored. Moreover, there has been no investigation into this
topic in other developing regions, such as Latin America or East Africa
where land reform has received a great deal of attention. Furthermore,
virtually no attention has been given to these processes by psycholo-
gists. However, empirical examination of land ownership among
women may contribute to the discussion of women’s empowerment in
the context of development, in general, and, in particular, to discus-
sions surrounding property ownership and control. What follows sets
the context for replicating the Panda and Agarwal findings and
expanding this investigation and examining these processes in another
region.
NICARAGUA
Of the Latin American countries that have implemented gender-
progressive agrarian reform policies, Nicaragua stands out in terms of
female participation (Deere, 1985). For example, the Agrarian Reform
Laws of the 1980s and ’90s that recognized equal rights for both sexes
were acknowledged as one of the most forward-looking reforms in
Latin America because, in theory, it made it possible for women to
become direct beneficiaries of land allocation. Indeed, the women-
specific measures adopted in Nicaragua have benefited a greater pro-
portion of the female population than in countries where the titling
programs are gender neutral (Deere, 1985). Although data from the ru-
ral titling office indicate that between 1979 and 1989, women accounted
for 8 to 10 percent of beneficiaries under the agrarian reform, these low
numbers reflect that land was still being allocated primarily to male
‘‘heads of household,’’ whereas titled women were likely widowed or
unmarried women living alone.
In 1995, a major legislative leap was taken by the Nicaraguan Wom-
en’s Institute by introducing provisions in agrarian legislation that
encouraged joint titling of land to couples, thereby recognizing married
women’s rights to land (Act 209/95, Article 32). Subsequently, joint
titling became compulsory for married couples and for those living
in stable relationships (Act 278/97). However, as evidence of the
customary or cultural norms, the term ‘‘joint’’ in the Joint Titling Act
was interpreted literally as ‘‘two persons’’ within the family unit.
Hence, this act did more to promote joint titling for men (fathers and
sons) than for women. Thus, despite considerable legislation that posi-
tions Nicaragua as cutting-edge in mainstreaming gender in agricul-
tural policy, the relatively low percentage of women landowners
reflects the reality that women’s access remains restricted by cultural
practices that prevent the recognition of their role in property owner-
ship and control. Nevertheless, in contrast to many other countries,
Nicaragua has the political framework for implementing development
interventions aimed at land resource distribution. However, to date,
there has been shockingly little data collected to examine the effects of
women’s land ownership among women who have benefited from
some level of reform or intervention. The following study is aimed at
providing the empirical support necessary for state and development
interventions to implement more equitable policies aimed at land
ownership.
THE STUDY1
A two-group study was designed to examine whether owning land
was related to women’s status and power within the marital relation-
ship and to their overall empowerment and psychological well-being,
each of which was hypothesized to explain how and why owning land
contributed to lower levels of domestic violence. As such, a household
survey was administered to two different groups of women—one pre-
dominantly landowners and the other predominantly non-landowners.
The two groups were chosen from the same geographical location
within Nicaragua in order to most closely match them on a number of
variables. Because customary practices still largely prohibit women
from owning land, our research team collaborated with a women’s or-
ganization that had a program specifically aimed at facilitating wom-
en’s ownership of and titling to land (‘‘intervention’’ group). The
second group of women was selected from neighboring communities
in the same municipality and was not actively involved in the organi-
zation with which we collaborated (‘‘control’’ group). As such, the pri-
mary difference between the two groups of women is that the majority
of women in the first group own land, whereas the majority in the sec-
ond group do not. This design allows for direct comparison of women
involved in land resource allocation aimed at empowerment and
women who were not.
Data were collected from 314 women following the guidelines on
ethics and safety developed by the World Health Organization for the
Multi-Country Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence
Against Women that were adapted for this study (WHO, 2005). The
household surveys included the following: (1) demographic characteris-

tics; (2) questions assessing land acquisition and land ownership
adapted from assessments used by the ICRW; (3) gender ideology as
measured by the Attitudes toward Women Scale (Spence, Helmreich, &
Stapp, 1973); (4) power in the marital relationship from the Relation-
ship Control Subscale of the Sexual Relationship Power Scale (Puler-
witz, Gortmaker, & DeJong, 2000); (5) partner control indexed by
asking women whether their partners generally prohibited or con-
trolled their possibilities to carry out everyday activities, or exhibited
controlling behavior or jealousy using items from the WHO (2005);
(6) empowerment as indexed by mastery over one’s environment and
individual autonomy from two of the six subscales from Ryff’s Scales
of Psychological Well-Being (Ryff, 1989); (7) psychological well-being
as assessed by the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Ba~ nos & Guillen, 2000)
and the Center for Epidemiologic Studies–Depression Scale (Grzywacz,
Hovey, Seligman, Arcury, & Quandt, 2006); and (8) intrahousehold de-
cision making from two subscales that were designed by ICRW (2004)
to measure decision making within the marital relationship. Finally, to
assess women’s control over their bodies—an outcome of empower-
ment—history of women’s violent experiences were measured with the
Conflict Tactics Scale (Straus et al., 1996).
The average age of the respondents was in the early- to mid-forties
(M ¼ 45.33 intervention group, M ¼ 42.13 control group), although the
majority of the women fell between 25 and 34 years old. Approxi-
mately three-quarters of the sample were in partnered relationships
between six and ten years in duration. Most of the women respondents
were literate, although approximately a quarter of the sample never
received formal schooling.
MAIN FINDINGS2
Before proceeding to test the potential links between land owner-
ship, women’s empowerment, and receipt of violence, a series of one-
way analyses of variance tests (ANOVAs) were conducted to examine
differences in levels of empowerment and violence between the two
groups. The intervention and control groups differed on several
markers of empowerment in the expected directions, suggesting that
women in the intervention group reported higher levels of empower-
ment and well-being than their counterparts. Specifically, ANOVAs
revealed that the two groups were significantly or marginally different
on several markers of women’s empowerment: gender ideology
F (1, 308) ¼ 69.60, p < 0.00; relationship power F (1, 308) ¼ 14.72, p <
0.00; partner control/mobility F (1, 308) ¼ 2.76, p < 0.10; household de-
cision making F (1, 308) ¼ 5.99, p < 0.02; financial decision making
F (1, 308) ¼ 2.79, p < 0.10; autonomy F (1, 308) ¼ 3.62, p < 0.06; and
self-esteem F (1, 308) ¼ 5.40, p < 0.03—indicating that women in the

land-owning group reported higher levels of empowerment than their
counterparts. Similarly, women from the intervention group reported
marginally less violence in the past 12 months than women in the con-
trol group: F (1, 308) ¼ 2.13, p < 0.15. Finally, and importantly, main
effects from an ANOVA with employment status (employed vs. non-
employed) predicting receipt of current violence were not significant.
A number of sociodemographic variables related to the empower-
ment outcomes in one or both groups of women—age, education, and
partner alcohol use—were controlled in the subsequent analyses exam-
ining the relationships between variables. To establish that land owner-
ship was indirectly related to decreases in receipt of violence via
women’s empowerment, both the Baron and Kenny (1986) criteria for
mediating conditions and a product of coefficients test were used
(MacKinnon, 2000; Sobel, 1990). Variables in the proposed model were
conceptualized in the following order: ownership status; empowerment
and psychological well-being; and violence. Specifically, we hypothe-
sized that land ownership would directly predict levels of empower-
ment and psychological well-being, which in turn were hypothesized
to directly predict women’s receipt of violence in the past 12 months.
To test for the first condition, several regressions were run to examine
the effect of land ownership on women’s empowerment. As expected,
land ownership was marginally or significantly related to gender ideol-
ogy, relationship power, partner control/mobility, financial decision
making, autonomy, mastery, self-esteem, and depression.
To test for the second condition, several regressions were run to
examine the effects of women’s empowerment on receipt of physical
violence in the past 12 months. Relationship power, partner control/
mobility, autonomy, mastery, self-esteem, and depression were all
related to violence. Finally, to test whether land ownership was signifi-
cantly indirectly related to violence via empowerment, we calculated a
products of coefficients test for each pathway that met the first two cri-
teria (i.e., that the pathway from the independent variable to the proc-
ess variable and the pathway from the process variable to the
dependent variable were both significant). Results from this test pro-
vide marginal to significant support for the indirect relation of land
ownership via: relationship power t ¼ 2.78 (p < 0.01); partner control/
mobility t ¼ 1.87 (p < 0.10); autonomy t ¼ 1.33 (p < 0.20); mastery t ¼
1.88 (p < 0.10); self-esteem t ¼ 1.65 (p < 0.10); and depression t ¼ 1.69
(p < 0.10)—suggesting that land ownership leads to decreased domestic
violence via several indicators of women’s empowerment.
Given that the current study was the first comprehensive investiga-
tion of empowerment processes in the context of natural resource
management, I examined the relations between the empowerment indi-
cators, women’s psychological well-being, and the standard indicator
of empowerment used in the social science literature—decision making

(see Table 2.1). In addition, I hypothesized that (a) the empowerment
process would effectively alter women’s subordination such that higher
levels of empowerment would predict less traditional gender roles,
and/or (b) shifts in traditional gender ideology would enhance wom-
en’s power within the relationship, which would be reflected in higher
levels of empowerment and psychological well-being. Only longitudi-
nal or experimental designs can answer in which order these processes
occur; however, data from the current study indicate a pattern of sig-
nificant findings that support a significant relationship between less
traditional gender roles and women’s empowerment. Specifically, the
results suggest that less traditional gender ideology is significantly
related to greater relationship power, less partner control, and higher
levels of autonomy, self-esteem, and household decision making. Fur-
thermore, as expected, psychological well-being (both self-esteem and
depression) was significantly related to all of the indicators of empow-
erment (relationship power, partner control, autonomy, and mastery).
Although the data do not allow us to discern the directional nature of
these findings, the pattern of results lend support to Sen’s suggestion
that well-being is often influenced by agency or autonomy (1985).
Finally, the relative lack of significant relations between decision mak-
ing and the other indicators of empowerment lends evidence to our
argument that current assessment strategies do not adequately measure
empowerment or agency, and that researchers need to begin to more
accurately assess the psychological mechanisms involved in the process
of empowerment.
The findings from the current study therefore suggest that increasing
women’s ownership of and control over land may be an important
component in addressing gender inequities, empowering women, and
curbing high levels of violence against women. Indeed, the data sug-
gest that land ownership can alter an risk environment that supports
high levels of gender-based violence. Thus, at a minimum, state and
development policies should alter the structural barriers that prohibit
women from owning and controlling vital resources such as land.
CONCLUSION
Drawing together a very interdisciplinary literature and proposing a
novel application of psychology in this chapter allows for several im-
portant conclusions and areas of future direction in the investigation of
women’s empowerment. First, the preceding review suggests that
empowerment, as it has been approached to date, is more vaguely
defined and confusing than could be useful for policy and program
implementation. Indeed, it appears that if empowerment policies and
programs continue with ambiguity and possible ineffectiveness,
Table 2.1
Correlations between empowerment, psychological well-being, and decision making variables
Gender Relationship Partner Household Financial

Ideology Power Control/Mobility Autonomy Mastery Self-esteem Depression Decisions Decisions
Gender Ideology – 0.24*** 0.12* 0.29*** 0.09 0.21*** 0.10t 0.23*** 0.00
Relationship – 0.64*** 0.34*** 0.32*** 0.37*** 0.38*** 0.12* 0.18**
Power
Partner Control/ – 0.23*** 0.29*** 0.35*** 0.41*** 0.04 0.09
Mobility
Autonomy – 0.51*** 0.35*** 0.41*** 0.04 0.16**
Mastery – 0.39*** 0.49*** 0.04 0.22**
Self-esteem – 0.55*** 0.06 0.05
Depression – 0.02 0.16**
Household – 0.17**
Decisions
Financial –
Decisions
* ¼ p < 0.05, ** ¼ p < 0.01, *** ¼ p < 0.001, t ¼ p < 0.10.
international development interventions aimed at empowering women

should be suspect. Therefore, the need for empowerment researchers
who can empirically evaluate empowerment-focused programs is criti-
cal in creating political change and influencing organizations and poli-
cymakers who address women’s human rights and capabilities
especially with regard to globalization. Perhaps more than most, this
area is ripe for interdisciplinary efforts and cooperative collaboration
between interventionists, activists, and researchers working for women’s
human rights and social justice in an increasingly globalized context.
The findings have implications for gender and development theory,
but more applicably for initiatives that aim to improve women’s well-
being and lead to more equitable policies for women. In particular, it
was suggested that micro-credit loaning in the international develop-
ment community may be misguided and that an evaluation of natural
resource control should move to the forefront of our analysis of wom-
en’s empowerment. The limited review suggests that projects and pro-
grams aimed at development in areas involving natural resources
could better improve women’s rights by guaranteeing women’s rights
to use of resources as well as ensuring positions in decision making in
regards to natural resource management. Indeed, the findings from the
Nicaragua study suggest that ideologically shifting how women are
viewed on a societal level—through the process of land ownership and
control—repositioned women and led to increased levels of empower-
ment, thereby reducing their levels of violence. In sum, this review high-
lights that there is an alarming need to view gender as a variable in
policy changes and that projects should ensure that appropriate infra-
structures exist to support women’s capabilities to exercise their rights.
The findings also shed light on the mechanisms surrounding wom-
en’s empowerment. The development literature is replete with atten-
tion to women’s empowerment, although this has been in absence of
an approach that adequately defines, conceptualizes, or assesses the
complexity involved in empowerment processes. The Nicaragua study
presented is a first attempt to apply empowerment theory, as concep-
tualized by psychology, to an understanding of the process by which
structural changes in status can alter women’s positions and allow
them the capabilities to exert control and mastery over their own lives
and bodies. The findings from this study provide robust data suggest-
ing that land ownership plays an important role in (1) altering wom-
en’s power and status within the household; (2) increasing women’s
empowerment and psychological well-being; and (3) decreasing wom-
en’s receipt of domestic violence. As such, the findings suggest that
land ownership substantially challenges traditional gender roles and
increases women’s power and influence within the household, in turn
providing a stronger base for women’s empowerment. This study
also importantly demonstrates that the conceptualization and
methodological approach to empowerment from within the discipline

of psychology bridged the theoretical arguments surrounding human
rights with the practical implementation of development interventions,
and provided empirical support that has yet to be demonstrated
elsewhere. These groundbreaking findings uncover the psychological
mechanisms surrounding women’s empowerment and suggest that if
we are to continue putting women’s empowerment at the forefront of
international attention, there is great need for psychologists in this area
of investigation. Indeed, there is great need for social interventions that
have the capacity to alter risk environments for women, particularly in
countries or regions where rates of gender-based violence are high
(Garcia-Moreno, 2002) and women are disproportionately affected by
HIV/AIDS (Dunkle et al., 2004). Through collaborative efforts, I believe
the protection of human rights by development interventions, coupled
with legislation that more broadly grants women rights, could effec-
tively lead to the very notions of empowerment that are conceptualized
by psychologists.
NOTES
1. This was a collaborative project bringing together distinct expertise of
both science and grass roots community advocacy. It was the researchers’ ex-
pertise that ensured a study design that had theoretically grounded research
questions and an evaluation that used sound methodology and appropriate
assessment. It was the collaborators and program implementers’ expertise that
brought gender and cultural sensitivity to all aspects of the project and main-
tained the community relevance. Each member of the research team served an
absolutely critical role. Unique and invaluable contributions were made by (in
no particular order) the women, effort, leaders, work, dedication, and change
that make up the Xochilt-Acalt women’s center; the CIERUNIC S.A. research
team led by Ver onica Aguilera Carri
on; the suggestions, tireless translation,
and support provided by Anne McSweeney; the dedicated driving, assistance,
and support of Juan Pastor Solis Rojas; the translation and diligent commit-
ment to women’s well-being of Helen Dixon; the professional support and
coordination from Sonia Arguto at FIDEG; and the encouragement, advice, and
training provided by the Red de Mujeres Contra la Violencia.
2. For study details, analyses, and findings, please refer to the original
manuscript Grabe & Arenas, 2009).
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Chapter 3
Missing Children and Child Abductions:

An International Human Rights Issue
Michele A. Paludi
Katie L. Kelly
One missing child is one too many.

—John Walsh
Child abduction and missing children are problems that affect families
around the world. The National Center for Missing and Exploited Chil-
dren (2009) reported that each day, an average of 2,185 children are
missing. This means during the course of writing this chapter, more
than 131,100 children were reported missing. Child Find of America
(2009) and Boudreaux, Lord, and Etter (2000) reported that approxi-
mately 203,900 children each year are abducted by a parent or family
member in violation of a court decree, custody order, or other custodial
rights. Thus, during the course of co-editing and publishing this three-
volume book set, more than 407,800 children were abducted by a non-
custodial parent, and 1,595,050 children were missing in general.
Furthermore, the incidence of international child abduction increases
each year as a consequence of the ease of international travel and
increase in bicultural relationships (Moskowitz, 2005). The Report on
Compliance with the Hague Convention (2008) indicated that in the
2007 fiscal year, the U.S. Central Authority assisted ‘‘left-behind’’
parents in the United States in responding to 575 cases of international
parental child abductions involving 821 children. In addition, the
Department of State assisted in the return to the United States in 2007
of 341 children abducted to or wrongfully retained in other countries.
Of these 341 children, 217 returned from countries that are Hague
Convention (to be discussed subsequently in this chapter) partners

with the United States. Two hundred sixty-two children that were
abducted to or wrongfully retained in the United States were returned
to their country of origin in 2007. Convention countries with the high-
est incidence of reported abductions to the United States in 2007 were
Mexico, United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, and Australia. Recovery
rates for Hague Convention countries vary by how well the courts
implement the treaty (Report on Compliance with the Hague Conven-
tion, 2008). Rates of recovery of abducted children in countries not part
of the Hague Convention are extremely low.
More than 1.5 million children experience a runaway or throwaway
episode during a given year in the United States. The National Center
for Missing and Exploited Children (2009) reported that one in seven
children aged 10 to 17 received a sexual solicitation over the Internet.
In addition, 34 percent of these children experienced an unwanted ex-
posure to sexually related material, including pictures of naked indi-
viduals or people engaging in sex. The National Center for Missing
and Exploited Children (2009) further reported that one in five girls
and one in ten boys will be sexually victimized before they reach adult-
hood. When names and faces are attached to these statistics, the enor-
mity of the problem is sobering. As Stanley (2003) noted: ‘‘The names
of the missing are as common as those of the children who live next
door. . . . ’’ (p. 16).
The abduction of a child or adolescent has a radiating impact and
can thus impact the life experiences of all individuals in the child’s
community and country, transforming parents, siblings, grandparents,
friends, clergy, and teachers into victims as well (Boudreaux et al.,
2000; Fravel & Boss, 1992; Penner, Dovidio, & Albrecht, 2000; Plass,
2007; Report on Compliance with the Hague Convention, 2008;
Spilman, 2006; Tedisco & Paludi, 1996). Most children and adolescents
experience an immediate postvictimized generalized distress response
that is characterized as a state of psychological shock, including intru-
sive waking images or dreams, depression, and emotional numbing.
Thus, they repeatedly reexperience the victimization. The extent of the
psychological and physical damage that is experienced by missing chil-
dren and adolescents is severe and may not surface for several years
(Finkelhor & Browne, 1988; Report on Compliance with the Hague
Convention, 2008; Tedisco & Paludi, 1996).
In this chapter we discuss types of abductions and missing children,
including runaways, throwaways, stranger abductions, and noncusto-
dial parental abductions (Finkelhor, Hotaling, & Sedlak, 1992; Gullotta,
2005). We also discuss the empirical research on the impact of abduc-
tions on children and adolescents, including the effects on their
psychological and physical well-being, achievement and career devel-
opment, interpersonal relationships, and self-concept. Furthermore, we
Missing Children and Child Abductions 49
review the psychological research on perpetrators of abductors, includ-

ing repeat offenses; the impact of power, not sex, on their modus oper-
andi; and their manipulation process. We review the legislation
concerning missing children and child abductions. We offer recommen-
dations for future research and responsibilities of educators, including
curriculum integration projects for children and adolescents. Finally,
we discuss a feminist restructuring of the legislation for international
abductions.
John Walsh, whose son, Adam, was abducted and murdered, once
stated that he wished that he and his wife spent more time encourag-
ing Adam to respect his safety rather than respecting adults’ authority:
‘‘If I had taught him to scream, he might be alive now’’ (quoted in Gel-
man, 1984, p. 86).
Personal statements help break the silence surrounding child abduc-
tions and missing children. As Tedisco and Paludi (1996) noted,
‘‘silence enhances our illusion of the invulnerability for non victims. It
is because none of our children and adolescents are safe that the
silence must be broken’’ (p. 20).
Tedisco and Paludi used the ‘‘just world hypothesis’’ (Lerner, 1980)
to help explain why individuals are reluctant to accept the reality of
child abductions. Individuals believe that bad things occur only to
those people who bring on or deserve the consequences of their
actions. We tend to find a personal reason to explain the abduction:
something the child said, did, wore, and so on. This is a coping mecha-
nism for them since the alternative realization is frightening: ‘‘It could
happen to me or to someone I love.’’ It is our goal is to have this chap-
ter contribute to break the silence surrounding child abductions, espe-
cially those abductions occurring within the context of intimate partner
violence.
TYPES OF MISSING CHILDREN AND CHILD ABDUCTIONS

Stranger Abduction
A stranger or nonfamily abduction is defined as an incident in
which a nonfamilial acquaintance or stranger detains or takes a child
without lawful authority or permission from the child’s parents or
legal guardians primarily for the purposes of ransom, sadistic, or
sexual assault or murder (Boudreaux, Lord, & Dutra, 1999; Finkelhor,
Hammer, & Sedlak, 2002; Gallagher, Bradford, & Pease, 2002).
Boudreaux et al. (1999) defined a ‘‘stranger’’ as an individual the vic-
tim has never met before the abduction and who is not part of the
child’s immediate family. Stereotypical abduction refers to abduction
that occurs in conjunction with ransom, murder, or the abductor’s
intent to keep the child permanently (Asdigian, Finkelhor, & Hotaling,
1995; Finkelhor et al., 2002). Findings from the National Incidence Stud-
ies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway and Thrownaway Children (NIS-
MAET) (Sedlak, Finkelhor, Hammer, & Schultz, 2002) estimated that
stranger abductions account for approximately 2 percent of all abduc-
tions. The following categories of stranger abductors have been identi-
fied in the literature (Tedisco & Paludi, 1996): pedophiles, serial killers,
profiteers, and childless psychotics. Each of these categories are sum-
marized below.
Pedophiles
Pedophilia is defined by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Men-
tal Disorders of the American Psychiatric Association (2000) as:
recurrent, intense, sexual urges and sexually arousing fantasies, of at

least six month’s duration, involving sexual activity with a prepubescent
child. The age of the child is generally 13 or younger. The age of the per-
son is arbitrarily set at age 16 years or older and at least five years older
than the child.
A pedophile is thus a significantly older individual who prefers to

have sex with persons legally considered children and whose sexual
fantasies and erotic imagery focus on children (Stevens, 2001). We note
that not all pedophiles abduct children (Greenberg, Bradford, & Curry,
1993; Lanning, 1994; Salter, 2004). Pedophiles are more commonly sexu-
ally molested at a younger age than individuals who were not sexually
molested and are not pedophiles (Greenberg et al., 1993; Lang &
Langevin, 1991; Levant & Bass, 1991; Stevens, 2001). Individuals who
are pedophiles have experienced abuse and other forms of ineffectual
parenting and disciplining, characterized by anger, hostility, and lais-
sez-faire parenting (Stevens, 2001).
Individuals who are pedophiles thus identify with children better
than with adults (Bahroo, 2005; Levant & Bass, 1991; Salter, 2004;
Spilman, 2006). This identification with children allows them to seduce
children; they ‘‘understand’’ their problems at home or at school (Tedi-
sco & Paludi, 1996). The majority of pedophiles use child pornography
for sexual arousal and gratification. This pornography is a prelude to
sexual activity with children (Salter, 2004). Furthermore, pedophiles use
pornography to lower children’s inhibitions (Lanning, 1994; Stevens,
2001).
Serial Killers
Stranger abductors who are serial killers use domination, power,
and control as motivational themes (Beasley, 2004; Drukteinis, 1992).
They frequently move from state to state abducting and murdering

their victims.
Profiteers
Profiteers are defined as individuals who are criminal exploiters
who sell children to pornographers, traffickers, or adoptive parents
(Chase & Statham, 2005; Hunt & Baird, 1990; Rafferty, 2007, 2008;
Simkhada, 2008). Trafficking is characterized by physical and emotional
trauma, humiliation, degradation, and violence associated with treat-
ment of children as a commodity (Ireland, 2006; Rafferty, 2008).
Childless Psychotics
Children, especially infants (children under two years of age), may
be abducted by individuals who have not been able to give birth to
children of their own or have recently miscarried a child or had a child
that was stillborn (Shogan, 2006; Strohman, 2005).
CHARACTERISTICS OF STRANGER ABDUCTORS

Most child abductors are male who are motivated by power, domi-
nance, and control, not sex (Doyle & Paludi, 1997). Abductors may
fuse aggression with sexuality. Malamuth and Check (1981), for exam-
ple, reported that some men have a heightened sexual arousal as
stimulated by graphic scenes of sexual violence. Abductors target vic-
tims within their own race or ethnic group. Hanfland, Keppel, and
Weis (1997) reported that abductors’ average age is 27 years old. Most
abductors are unmarried. Hanfland et al. (1997) further found that half
of the abductors studied live alone or with their parents, and half are
unemployed and have a history of sexual, alcohol, drug, and mental
problems. Two-thirds of the abductors have been arrested for violent
crimes. When women abduct children, they do so for emotional satis-
faction (e.g., childless psychotics).
Girls are more likely to be abducted by strangers as well as family
members; boys are more likely to be abducted by family members. In
addition, older children are more likely to be victimized than younger
children since they are independent of the supervision of parents and
other adults (Finkelhor, 1995).
Apparent Normalcy
Salter (2004) reported that stranger abductors appear to be ‘‘nor-
mal.’’ This apparent normalcy creates the opportunity for children to
accompany a stranger or noncustodial parent. There is no research to
date that suggests that an abductor can be easily identified by his or

her blatant mistreatment of children or adolescents (Tedisco & Paludi,
1996; Quina & Carlson, 1989). Children, especially young children, do
not know who strangers really are. Thus, potential abductors may not
be labeled by children as ‘‘strangers’’ because they do not meet the
child’s own definition of the term.
Modus Operandi
Research has identified that abductors are repeat offenders with a
modus operandi (Freeman-Longo & Wall, 1986; Quina & Carlson,
1989). The majority of abductors have committed hundreds of abuses
for 10 to 15 years or more prior to their first arrests. According to
Courtois (1988), the child is
manipulated by the unequal power in the relationship that is by the rela-

tionship with the perpetrator on whom she is dependent. The child is
further coerced by the perpetrator’s strong desire to keep the activity a
secret, which has the purpose of minimizing intervention and allowing
repetition. (p. 6)
Burgess and Holmstrom (1974) identified two kinds of modus oper-

andi that apply to child abductors: ‘‘blitz attack’’ and ‘‘confidence
assault.’’ In the blitz attack, a stranger appears suddenly, for example,
jumps out of a car in front of a child walking on a street. Children are
in shock at this occurrence and this shock interferes with any defen-
sive action they may take. In addition, the shock of this individual’s
behavior precludes the child from seeing or remembering facts about
the individuals’ appearance, comments, and so forth at a later time.
The confidence assault is an elaborate scheme set up by the abduc-
tor. Lanning (1994) refers to this confidence assault as a psychological
assault rather than a physical one. There are stages to the confidence
assault. It first starts with gaining the confidence or trust of the tar-
geted victim. This trust is then used to manipulate the child into physi-
cal and psychological vulnerability. By the time the child realizes the
individual is violent, the child’s options for escape are limited by the
abductor. The abductor continues the confidence assault by convincing
the child that he or she is a participant in the crime or caused the
crime (Quina & Carlson, 1989).
LURES USED BY STRANGER ABDUCTORS

Research has outlined several lures used by stranger abductors
(Boudreaux et al., 2000; Burgess & Holmstrom, 1974; Tedisco & Paludi,
1996): asking children for directions, asking children to help locate a
missing pet, informing the child that their parent has been injured in
an accident and is hurt, ringing the doorbell when the child is home
alone to gain entry into the house, and offering to give children a ride
home.
In addition, these lures are used with vulnerable children, such as
children who are quiet, who appear to have an intense need for adult
affection and approval, are withdrawn, have poor social skills with
children their own age, or are from divorced homes. Other examples of
vulnerability were outlined by Huttinger (1984), including children
who walk alone to or from school, wait for a school bus by themselves,
ride a bicycle alone or at night, wait for rides in parking lots after dark,
or are wearing articles of clothing that prominently display their names
(permits abductors to portray familiarity). Boudreaux et al. (2000)
reported that abductors select victims from areas where they feel safe
and where their risks in abducting children are minimized.
ABDUCTION HOMICIDE
According to the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Preven-
tion (Boudreaux, Lord, & Jarvis, 2001), one in four abducted children is
murdered by their abductor. Hanfland et al. (1997) reported that
abductors who murder children are more likely to conceal the body
than murderers in general. The murder of children by abductors is
caused by one of three factors (Lanning, 1994): (1) inadvertent, where
the abductor may not have intended to murder the child; (2) indis-
criminate, where the abductor may or may not have chosen the victim;
and (3) most commonly, murder to avoid detection. Most victims of
stranger abductions are likely to be murdered immediately or within
24 hours (Boudreaux et al., 1999; Brown & Keppel, 2006; Hanfland
et al., 1997). Sex-related murders of abducted children are common
(Heide, Beauregard, & Myers, 2009). Finkelhor et al. (2002) reported
that in 40 percent of stranger kidnappings, the child is murdered. Chil-
dren younger than four years and adolescents between 13 and 17 years
are at highest risk for murder (Dalley, 2000).
Abductors’ Explanations for Abductions

Strangers who abduct children have predictable reactions (Lanning,
1994), including denial of engaging in the abduction, minimizing their
actions, justifying the abduction, fabrication of the reason for the abduc-
tion (e.g., conducting research on missing children), having a mental ill-
ness, and pleading nolo contendere to avoid civil liability. Research by
Quina and Carlson (1989) and Russell (1975) has addressed the follow-
ing psychological profiles of child abductors. They
1. express little or no concern, trust, or empathy for others, especially their

victims;
2. cannot express anger in ways that are not violent, and express their an-
ger toward children because the latter are less likely to confront their
power;
3. typically view sexual victimization as an element of the masculine gen-
der role in American culture;
4. may have been sexually abused themselves;
5. believe that the abduction does not have serious consequences for their
victims;
6. are likely to be repeat offenders since the underlying psychological prob-
lems are not resolved by the abduction.
RUNAWAYS AND THROWAWAYS

According to Hammer, Finkelhor, and Sedlak (2002), runaway and
throwaway youth constitute the largest component of missing children
each year. These youth make up approximately 45 percent of all chil-
dren reported missing during each year. Approximately 1.6 and 2.8
million children and adolescents run away or are thrown out of their
homes in a year (Hammer et al., 2002; National Runaway Switchboard,
2009; Sanchez, Waller, & Greene, 2006). Child Find of America (2009)
found that approximately 5,000 runaways die on the streets of this
country each year.
Runaways are defined as children of 14 years or younger who leave
home without permission from a parent or guardian for at least one
night. For older adolescents, runaways are defined as individuals who
stay away from home without permission for at least two nights. Situa-
tional runaways are comprised of youth who leave home for a day or
two following a disagreement with their parent(s). This is the largest
group of runaways (Denoff, 1991; Pennbridge, Yates, David, & Mackenzie,
1990; Sanchez et al., 2006). Chronic runaways do not return to their
home but rather live in transitory housing, shelters, abandoned build-
ings, or underneath highway bridges (Giffords, Alonso, & Bell, 2007;
Sanchez et al., 2006).
Throwaways are defined as youth who leave home because their
parent(s) abandoned them, told them to leave, or subjected them to
extreme abuse or neglect. Throwaways (or thrownaways) are linked
with runaways; for example, it is common for youth to run away
after parents threaten them with throwing them out of their homes
(Gullotta, 2005).
Child Find of America (2009) and Kempf-Leonard and Johansson
(2007) reported that the majority of youth who run away or are thrown
away are between 15 and 17 years old, with the gender ratio equal.
Reasons for children and adolescents running away include family
problems, physical abuse, peer pressure, alcohol and other drug abuse,
and sexual abuse. (Child Find of America, 2009; Khong, 2008; Peled &
Muzicant, 2008; Thompson & Pillai, 2006). Youth who run away
because of sexually abusive homes are referred to as ‘‘terrified run-
ners’’ (Finkelhor & Dziuba-Leatherman, 1974; Greene & Esselstyn,
1972; Quina & Carlson, 1989).
Palenski and Launer (1987) identified a process of running away that
involves the following stages: family disengagement, effects of friends
as role models, recognizing the ‘‘right’’ situation, shrinking alternatives,
and managing the residuals. Runaway youth report their involvement
with their families was at a minimum (family disengagement). As their
involvement with their family becomes less frequent, peers become
more attractive. They witness friends running away from their family
to deal with the disengagement. Palenski and Launer (1987) noted in
their research that youth did not perceive running away as a feasible
solution until they saw peers with similar family problems leave home.
Palenski and Launer (1987) also found that youth decide to run
away when they are in a state of extreme turmoil or in one of extreme
passivity (recognizing the right situation). Furthermore, youth who run
away do so when other alternatives to dealing with family problems
no longer seem viable (shrinking alternatives). If the difficulties the
youth was facing did not necessitate bringing in authorities, for exam-
ple, law enforcement, then an alternative to running away was seen as
likely. However, once a third party becomes involved, youth believe
that running away is the best way to protect themselves (Tedisco &
Paludi, 1996).
Palenski and Launer (1987) also found that youth had misgivings
about running away (managing the residuals). Youth have to consider
the realities of street life, including food, shelter, and school. There are
some runaway programs that can assist youth with these realities
(Franks & Goswami, 2009; Thompson & Pillai, 2006). However, most
youth receive assistance from abductors and abusers they encounter on
the street. Runaway youth are the people most vulnerable to further
abuse (Gullotta, 2005; Molino, 2007; Terrell, 1997).
Huttinger (1984), for example, noted that ‘‘local and national call
services and ‘buy-a-kid’ rings sell runaway children for a night or per-
manently’’ (p. 112). Furthermore, abductors use runaways as accompli-
ces to their own crimes (Tedisco & Paludi, 1996). In addition, runaway
youth do not have health insurance nor access to medical care. Conse-
quently, they are prone to diseases (Millstein, 1989). Runaway youth
are considered to be in the highest groups for human immunodefi-
ciency virus (HIV) infection (Millstein, 1989); many engage in prostitu-
tion to obtain money for their food, shelter, and drugs (Flowers, 2001).
The life of a runaway or throwaway is not the romantic, idealized

life once considered by adolescents who, because of their stage of cog-
nitive development, believe nothing bad could ever happen to them
because of their uniqueness (Elkind, 1967). What may have been seen
to be an improvement for runaways’ problems with their families is in
reality an intolerable burden. As Tedisco and Paludi (1996) stated:
Runaway teens are not prepared for the callousness and indifference of
individuals they encounter on the street, let alone the cruelty of some
individuals who are waiting for the opportunity to abuse them even
more. . . . These adolescents as well as those who appear alone and
frightened are easily spotted and are quickly identifiable as ‘‘the new
kids.’’ (Huttinger, 1984)
NONCUSTODIAL PARENTAL ABDUCTION

The U.S. Department of Justice reported that approximately 203,900
children were victims of a family abduction, as indicated in the
national NISMART study (2002). Noncustodial parental abduction is
defined as taking and keeping a child in violation of the custodial
parent’s rights. Child Find of America (2009) noted that 35 percent of
children abducted by a noncustodial parent are between six and eleven
years of age. Children younger than three years of age are typically not
abducted by a noncustodial parent because they create unique prob-
lems for the abductor: the children need constant supervision and care.
Older children and adolescents are likely to telephone home, run away,
and alert law enforcement agencies, and are thus are not likely to be
abducted by a noncustodial parent (Hyde & Hyde, 1985). Approxi-
mately 24 percent of the abductions last between one week and one
month. Included in this category of abductions are relatives of the child
who take the child on behalf of the noncustodial parent. Child Find of
America (2009) reported that 21 percent of noncustodial abductions are
committed by relatives.
The reasons why noncustodial parents and other relatives abduct
children are varied, including dissatisfaction with the court’s custody
decision, denial of visitation for not paying child support, anger with
the end of their relationship and using the children as pawns in this
argument, and anger with the custodial parent’s new partner or life-
style (Abrams, 1983; Allender, 2007; Child Find of America, 2009;
Donner, 2006; Johnston, Girdner, & Sagatun-Edwards, 1999). Abrams
(1983) found that malice and revenge are the most common motives
for noncustodial parental abductors who have a ‘‘get-even mentality’’
(p. 126). In addition, a parent may fear their child is or will be abused
by the other parent and thus abduct the child to protect her or him
(Humphreys, 1995; Levendosky, Lynch, & Graham-Bermann, 2000). We

will discuss this further subsequently in the chapter when we review
the literature on abductions occurring in the context of intimate partner
violence.
Hegar and Greif (1991) surveyed 371 parents who requested assis-
tance from missing children’s organizations in order to profile families
where abduction by a noncustodial parent or relative occurred. Hegar
and Greif noted that abductors were less educated and less likely to be
employed than searching parents. The majority of noncustodial abduc-
tions involved a single child, and 55 percent of the abducting parents
were male. In addition, Hegar and Greif found that mothers who
children were abducted by their fathers reported more intimate partner
violence in their marriage, more fault-related reasons for divorce,
and more force used in abducting the children than did fathers whose
children were kidnapped by their mothers. Similarly, Cole and Brad-
ford (1992) found abducting parents were more likely to be male, not
born in America, and had previous psychiatric histories and previous
criminal charges.
Noncustodial parental abductors tell the children that the custodial
parent is unfit, ill, dead, or will kill them if they return. Furthermore,
these abductors tell children that the custodial parent has a new rela-
tionship and a new family and is not interested in having them
returned (Tedisco & Paludi, 1996). Many of these children are also
physically and/or sexually abused by the abducting parent (Faller,
1991; Hegar & Greif, 1991; Johnston et al., 1999). Consequently, noncus-
todial parental abductors move frequently and change their names and
the names of their children. Children describe themselves as pawns
between their feuding parents. They thus have little opportunity to de-
velop a sense of trust, which is an important part of developing an
identity (Donner, 2006).
The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (2009) iden-
tified conditions under which the likelihood of an international abduc-
tion of a child is great: previous abduction, friends and/or family
living in another country, financially independent or can work any-
where, recently sold a home, closed a bank account, liquidated assets,
no strong ties to the child’s home state, instability in relationships,
and/or a prior criminal record. The Report on Compliance with the
Hague Convention (2008) noted that parents who abduct their children
to other countries are similar to those who abduct their children to
other states within the United States:
They often have young children. They usually have support from family
or other individuals for what they are doing. They generally do not value
the other parent’s relationship with the child. Some are convinced their
actions are justified because they believe they rescued their child from
the hands of an abusive parent. Many feel disenfranchised from American

society, and separation and divorce have intensified their sense of aliena-
tion. Some are fleeing domestic violence, whereas others are controlling
and abusive themselves. (p. 1)
As a consequence of abducting parents returning to their country of

birth, the physical distance makes locating, recovering, and returning
children who were internationally abducted difficult (Girdner, 1994). In
addition, lack of sufficient funds to help locate the abducted child
makes locating the child complex, as do difficulties with foreign laws
and U.S. laws.
IMPACT OF ABDUCTIONS ON CHILDREN AND FAMILIES

Research in child abductions, including international abductions, has
documented impact on several areas of functioning, including emo-
tional/psychological, physiological or health-related, academic, inter-
personal, and self-perception (Finkelhor, Hotaling, & Sedlak, 1990;
Forehand, Long, Zogg, & Parrish, 1989). Psychological problems stem-
ming from abductions are subtle and may not surface for several years.
In addition, young children who have been abducted and abused may
not be able to verbalize the impact of this victimization until they are
older (Tedisco & Paludi, 1996).
Examples of emotional/psychological effects of abductions include,
but are not limited to, guilt, denial, withdrawal from social settings,
shame, depression, fear, anger, anxiety, phobias, isolation, fear of
crime, helplessness, frustration, shock, and decreased self-esteem
(Hatcher, Barton, & Brooks, 1992; Terr, 1983).
The following are reported physical/health-related effects of abduc-
tions: headaches, tiredness, respiratory problems, substance abuse,
sleep disturbances, eating disorders, lethargy, gastrointestinal disor-
ders, and inability to concentrate (Finkelhor et al., 1990).
The impact of abductions on social and interpersonal relationships
has included the following: withdrawal, fear of new people, lack of
trust, changes in social network patterns, and relationship difficulties
(Forehand, Long, Zogg, & Parrish, 1989; Schetky & Haller, 1983). Chil-
dren victims of international abductions have difficulty making friends
and thus forming this aspect of their identity (Report on Compliance
with the Hague Convention, 2008).
Koss (1990) and Lundberg-Love and Marmion (2006) noted that
adult women who were victims of child sexual abuse had identifiable
degrees of impairment when compared with nonvictims, including
clinical depression, drug abuse, panic, obsessive-compulsive symptoms,
suicidal ideation, or deliberate attempts at self-harm. Plass (2007) noted
that in addition to symptoms stemming from the abduction per se,
children and adolescents experience secondary victimization; that is,

boys are likely to be physically assaulted, and girls are likely to be sex-
ually assaulted.
Children and adolescents who try to escape the abductor frequently
experience increased violence and the threat of death, blame for the
abduction and abuse, and/or death of their family members. In addi-
tion they respond to the victimization by developing a dissociative dis-
order as a psychological protection. Walker (1992) noted that in
children younger than five years, multiple personalities may develop
from the dissociation. Bryant (1992) found that children may become
preverbal and may continue in a state of chronic shock if not permitted
to express feelings related to the trauma. Greif and Hegar (1993), in
their longitudinal study of the impact of abductions on children and
their parents, reported: ‘‘those children who were doing the most
poorly had been missing longer, had been reunited with their families
for a shorter period of time, had no contact with the abductor, and
reportedly had a worse abduction experience’’ (p. 54).
In addition, the U.S. Department of Justice (cited in Report on Com-
pliance with the Hague Convention, 2008) noted that children who are
victims of international abductions suffer greater effects associated with
adapting to new cultural norms and values. Furthermore, they may miss
months or years of education. Their names are frequently changed, as
are their birthdates and physical appearance so as to conceal their iden-
tity (Report on Compliance with the Hague Convention, 2008). Accord-
ing to the Report on Compliance with the Hague Convention (2008):
If and when the child is reunited with the left-behind parent, they may find
that they no longer have a relationship with that parent or even a language
in common. They may be distrustful of the left-behind parent and question
why that parent did not try harder to get them back. They may find that the
left-behind parent has remarried and that they have a new, unfamiliar step-
parent and siblings. Children who were abducted while very young may
not even remember life with the left-behind parent. (p. 48)
Spilman (2006) and Janvier, McCormick, and Donaldson (1990)

noted that parents experience trauma vicariously with their children.
Greif and Hegar (1991) also reported parents of abducted children
experienced feelings of rage, loss, loss of appetite, impaired sleep, and
depression. Forehand, Long, Zogg, and Parrish (1989) reported that the
trauma for parents did not end when the child was recovered. Hatcher
et al. (1993) noted that the majority of the parents they studied had
concerns that their child would be reabducted. When an international
child abduction occurs, left-behind parents may have to deal with
unfamiliar cultural, legal, and linguistic barriers while searching for
their child (Report on Compliance with the Hague Convention, 2008).
Certainly financial pressures of dealing with child abductions, both

domestic and international, make the emotional symptoms more pro-
nounced. Left-behind parents of children who have been internation-
ally abducted may have insufficient funds to travel to another country
and may not have an attorney who is familiar with legal issues of
abduction in that country.
Fravel and Boss (1992) noted that siblings of abducted children
develop symptoms of developmental regression and phobias. In addi-
tion, parents of abducted children overprotect the remaining children
(Forehand, Long, Zogg, & Parrish, 1989).
EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS ON CHILD ABDUCTIONS AND

MISSING CHILDREN
Research with children (and adults) suggests that child abductions
are not well understood (e.g., Bromberg, 1997; Finkelhor & Dziuba-
Leatherman, 1995; Newman, 1985). Tedisco and Paludi (1996) identified
myths commonly believed by individuals that are used to ‘‘explain
away’’ child abductions or diminish the impact of abductions to vic-
tims and their families. These myths include:
. An abductor is a psychotic human being, easily identifiable by children

and adults.
. There are no long-term affereffects of abductions for those who are found.
. It is only young, helpless children who are the prey of abductors.
. Runaway children and adolescents are not targeted for abductions.
. Parental abduction is not a serious matter and is not a form of child
abuse.
. Abductions do not happen here to the people I know—they happen
somewhere else.
Tedisco and Paludi (1996) noted that these myths contribute to keep-
ing the issue of child abductions hidden. Curriculum training pro-
grams disclose the hidden issue and create an empowering learning
environment for children and adolescents. Training programs in gen-
eral include three major components: (1) needs assessment, (2) facilitat-
ing the training programs, and (3) posttraining evaluations (Badhesha,
Schmidtke, Cummings, & Moore, 2008). Poorly conceptualized and
poorly facilitated training programs on child abductions and missing
children cause more harm than good (Bromberg, 1997; Johnson et al.,
2006). Despite the fact that children and adolescents may like learning
about safety education, the impact of such training may not translate
into sustained, positive results that are transferred out of the training
program. We hope that the approach identified in this next section will
assist schools in measuring student behaviors and school outcomes,

not solely changes in student attitudes and perceptions.
NEEDS ASSESSMENT
There are several topics to be discussed in any training program on
abductions (e.g., legal definitions, behavioral examples, the school’s
policy, common lures). In keeping with the literature in human
resource management (e.g., DeCenzo & Robbins, 2007; Dessler, 2009),
we recommend conducting a needs assessment with children and ado-
lescents as well as school personnel to identify additional issues they
expect to be covered in a training session. Examples of additional
topics include how to tell parents about a potential abduction and how
to discuss feeling uncomfortable with a family member touching them.
Brown (2002) identified four reasons why needs assessments must
be conducted prior to facilitating training programs: to (1) identify
problem areas in the school’s training, policy, and procedures;
(2) obtain school administrators’ support; (3) develop data for meas-
uring the effectiveness of the training program; and (4) determine the
costs and benefits of the training program. Needs assessments may be
conducted through anonymous surveys and/or focus groups (Lucier,
2008). The main goal of the needs assessment, therefore, is the estab-
lishment of mutual trust and respect, methods of inclusion, and verbal
and nonverbal communication. The process of the assessment will be
consistent with the goal of the training programs in which the children
and adolescents will subsequently participate (Tyler, 2002).
During the needs assessment, several factors must be addressed by
schools to establish an effective training program for children and ado-
lescents on abductions (Tedisco & Paludi, 1996):
1. Parental notification and permission to teach about child abductions and

missing children.
2. Contacts with law enforcement who can assist with children’s reports of
experiences prompted by the training program.
3. A policy and procedure for children to use to report a potential abduction.
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATIONS OF TRAINERS

The following qualifications of trainers of children and adolescents
on the topic of abductions have been noted in the literature (e.g., Tedi-
sco & Paludi, 1996):
1. Knowledge of child and adolescent development, including cognitive,

emotional personality, peer, and physical development.
2. Knowledge of research on sexual victimization, including intimate part-

ner violence, child abuse, and child sexual abuse.
3. Expertise in explaining psychological terms in nontechnical language.
4. Knowledge of case law, legislation, and pending legislation at the state
and federal levels.
5. Fluency in languages in addition to English or have a co-trainer who can
meet this need.
TRAINING PROGRAM
Training Goals
Goals for training programs that have been identified in the child
abduction literature (Bromberg, 1997; Newman, 1985; Tedisco & Paludi,
1996) include:
1. Define ‘‘missing,’’ including nonparental abductions, runaways, throw-

aways and stranger abductions.
2. Educate students about the legal definitions and behavioral examples of
abductions.
3. Define ‘‘stranger’’ for children and adolescents to include family
acquaintances, neighbors, and individuals with whom families have
brief contact, e.g., letter carriers, television repairperson.
4. Discuss ‘‘unsafe’’ places.
5. Discuss the impact of being abducted on children’s and adolescents’
emotional and physical well being.
6. Discuss the effects of abductions on parents, siblings, friends, and
school mates.
7. Tell children and adolescents what their rights and responsibilities are
with respect to abductions.
8. Empower children and adolescents to take control of their bodies.
9. Discuss children’s and adolescents’ fears and anxieties about abduc-
tions.
10. Discuss common lures of abductors.
11. Assist in making the child and adolescent knowledgeable about safety
strategies to make the abductor’s job of luring them more difficult.
12. To create an environment that is free of the fear of retaliation for speak-
ing out about child abductions.
Once the goals have been established, the school’s policies and pro-
cedures regarding reporting potential child abductions must be revised,
taking into account new case law and research from the behavioral sci-
ences (see Tedisco & Paludi, 1996). Because the policy statements and
procedures are part of the training session content, they must be com-
pleted prior to the training.
Training programs on child abduction awareness involve more than
a recitation of individuals’ rights and responsibilities and what the
law and school policy requires. Training also requires dealing with
children’s and adolescents’ assumptions and misconceptions, as well
as the anxieties about the training itself. Thus, training sessions must
devote ample time to dealing with the children’s and adolescents’
feelings, misconceptions, and questions. Children and adolescents may
want to discuss topics related to abductions and abuse following the
training program with the trainer without hearing any comments from
peers. Because child abduction and abuse are intimate for children
and adolescents, they are unlikely to ask questions in public.
COGNITIVE MATURITY OF CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS

Effective curriculum projects take into account the cognitive stage of
development of children and adolescents. For example, children and
some young adolescents need to be provided with concrete examples,
not hypothetical situations, for them to understand concepts (Elkind,
1967). Therefore, behavioral rehearsal or behavioral skills training
(Poche, Brouwer, & Swearingen, 1981) would be recommended for chil-
dren; having them role play positive solutions to conflict situations that
are presented to them. Research by Fryer, Kraizer, and Miyoshi (1987)
with children in kindergarten, first, and second grades found that
children’s susceptibility to a child lure as measured by a paper-and-
pencil method indicated their knowledge about what to do increased
as a result of training. However, the children were easily lured by an
adult posing as an abductor and luring them to accompany him. Thus,
cognitive-only approaches will not by themselves be effective for chil-
dren and adolescents.
Geonie (cited in Tedisco & Paludi, 1996) uses behavioral rehearsal
with puppets for teaching young children about abductions that can
take place walking home from school, answering the door when chil-
dren are home alone, and so on. Newman (1985) uses photographs of
each step of a scenario depicting a potential abduction. A story line
accompanies the photographs; questions and alternative answers are
posed to children to help them learn about abductions. Research by
Poche, Yoder, and Miltenberger (1988) using videotapes and behavior
rehearsal found children could learn to resist potential abductors.
Johnson et al. (2006) reported that behavioral skills training in con-
junction with in situ training proved effective for teaching abduction
prevention to young children.
Older children and adolescents may be taught about abductions

using case studies and scenarios about children who are confronted
with a potential abduction and strategies for reporting an abduction to
school officials, parents, law enforcement, and so on. Examples of these
case studies may be found in Tedisco and Paludi (1996).
In addition, adolescents live in the immediate present; they rarely
consider how their behavior in the present could be beneficial or harm-
ful to them in the future. They rely on a ‘‘personal fable’’ (Elkind,
1967, 1988); that is, a subjective story they tell themselves about their
uniqueness; how they are not subject to the dangers suffered by others.
Thus, they may not believe that they could be a victim of an abduction
out of the conviction that ‘‘nothing bad will happen to me—I’m spe-
cial.’’ Curriculum projects must take into account this egocentrism and
help adolescents to understand their own vulnerability to abductions.
We note that since most of the abductions are committed by noncus-
todial parents, teaching children and adolescents about ‘‘stranger dan-
ger’’ may be misguided (Finkelhoret al., 1992). In addition, programs
that encourage children to ‘‘Run, Yell and Tell’’ may not be reasonable
if the potential abduction occurs in a remote area. Furthermore, as
Bromberg (1997) noted: ‘‘ . . . it is likely that screaming will infuriate
the would-be captor and that the adult is likely to attempt to render
the child unconscious to prevent him or her from drawing the attention
of individuals who might eventually pass within earshot of the scream-
ing child victim’’ (p. 5). This strategy also may not work with interna-
tional child abductions.
Tedisco and Paludi (1996) also recommend the following issues to
be taken into account in designing a training program on abductions:
assistance from school psychologists during and following the training
program to assist children and adolescents who may have flashbacks,
are visibly upset, and/or are expressing anger toward the trainer
because they are angry at a parent or perpetrator.
POSTTRAINING EVALUATIONS
While there are several training programs on abductions for children
and adolescents, there have been few attempts to determine the extent
to which children can transfer the information learned to potential real
life situations (Bromberg, 1997). Measuring the effectiveness of training
programs is an important aspect of the training program so that the
school may determine if the training delivered or failed to deliver the
expected benefits. The measures of success for the training programs in
abductions are ones identified in the needs assessment phase. Issues in
the measurement phase can be discussed in two phases: types of infor-
mation about which to measure and ways to measure whether or not
the training effort achieved its goals. It is not enough to merely
assume that any training is effective (Roberts, Alexander, & Fanurik,

1990).
The most well-known model for determining the effectiveness of
training programs is the Kirkpatrick Model (Kirkpatrick, 1959, 1998)
that is comprised of four levels: reaction, learning, behavior, and
results. Results concerns the benefits resulted from training. Behavior
taps into to what extent trainees change their behavior as a result of
this training. The learning level asks to what extent trainees improved
their knowledge and skills and changed their attitudes as a result of
the training programs. Finally, the reaction component determines
trainees’ opinions about the structure of the training program, location
of the program, trainer effectiveness, and so on. The most commonly
used level of the Kirkpatrick Model is the reactions level. However,
this is the least valid evaluation technique (Tan, Hall, & Boyce, 2003).
Individuals’ opinions are heavily influenced by factors that may have
little to do with the training effectiveness. By measuring reactions,
schools do not obtain information regarding children’s and adolescents’
learning, how well they are integrating the new knowledge and skills,
or whether there has been increased reporting of problems post train-
ing. Trainers must assist children and adolescents in practicing their
knowledge to determine whether they are able to translate the knowl-
edge into appropriate behaviors.
Bromberg (1997) recommended the following training programs
with children and adolescents that incorporate empirically validated
principles of learning: modeling new behaviors, drill and reinforce-
ment, maintenance of behaviors, training in neutral environments to
promote generalization across settings and teaching novel problems
to ensure transfer of training to new situations. As Bromberg (1997)
concluded:
Presenting children with an abduction prevention program is insufficient;

children must receive the right kind of program. Such programming
includes frequent opportunities for rehearsal of skills and receiving
corrective feedback to shape appropriate responses to potential abduc-
tors. (p. 8)
Common performance-based evaluations that incorporate any of the

Kirkpatrick Model levels are posttraining, pre-post training, and pre-
post training performance with control group. In a posttraining evalua-
tion, students’ knowledge of information presented in the training is
measured after they have attended the training program to determine
whether they have increased their knowledge of this information. How-
ever, some trainees may have known this information prior to participat-
ing in the training program. Thus, to simply provide a ‘‘posttraining
survey or test’’ may overstate the benefits of the training program.
Pre-post training evaluations can assist with this concern (Sadri &
Snyder, 1995). The trainer administers a test or quiz prior to the begin-
ning of the training program. Such a quiz may ask questions regarding
the types of abductions, how to tell school officials, and so on. Follow-
ing the training program, the trainer readministers the quiz and then
determines whether scores on the post-test quiz are higher than those
on the pretest version. This method can provide more reliable informa-
tion about whether the training program contributed to increased
scores on the posttest quizzes, which is what one would expect if the
training program was effective.
To further answer the question regarding training effectiveness, a
pre-post training with a control group can be used. In this method,
two groups of children or adolescents are established and evaluated on
their knowledge, attitudes, behavior, and so on. The control group,
however, is given no training. The other group does receive training.
Both groups are given a posttest. This method corrects for factors other
than training that influenced students’ performance. The group that
received training should have higher posttest scores that those in the
control group.
Sample curricula are presented in Tedisco and Paludi (1996). Legis-
lation must be made part of the training, including training programs
for educators, school personnel, and parents.
THE PROTECT ACT OF 2003: AMBER ALERT

The Protect Act of 2003, referred to as the AMBER Alert program
(America’s Missing: Broadcast Emergency Response), was established
in 2003 as a voluntary partnership between law enforcement agencies,
transportation agencies, and media broadcasters in order to activate an
urgent bulletin in child abduction cases. AMBER Alert has as its goal
to immediately bring together an entire community to assist in the
search for and recovery of a missing child (Griffin & Miller, 2008; Zgoba,
2004). There are five components that must be met in order for an AMBER
Alert to be issued (Miller & Clinkinbeard, 2006; Zgoba, 2004).
1. Confirmation by law enforcement that the child has been abducted;

2. Belief by law enforcement that the child is facing imminent danger;
3. Substantial information regarding the victim, offender, and vehicle;
4. The abduction is of a child 17 years or younger;
5. The child’s name and other critical identification information have been
entered into the National Crime Information Center computer.
AMBER alert information is assembled for public dissemination.

Such information includes photos of the missing child, suspected
abductor, and suspected vehicle. This data is faxed to radio stations

designated as primary stations under the Federal Communications
Commission’s Emergency Alert System. These stations interrupt pro-
gramming to announce the AMBER alert and notify television stations
and cable stations of the alert.
The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children is also
alerted by law enforcement. This center transmits the information to
authorized secondary distributors; that is, companies, businesses, and
organizations that can deliver geographically targeted messages to cus-
tomers. In some states, electronic highway billboards are used in their
AMBER alert system. In addition, wireless AMBER alerts are available
for users who wish to receive such alerts.
AMBER plan statistics (2009) indicated that there have been 443 suc-
cessful recoveries of missing children. International AMBER Alert plans
exist in the following countries: Australia, Canada, France, Germany,
Greece, Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. In 1999, the Interna-
tional Center for Missing and Exploited Children was established to
assist with international child abductions. Information about AMBER
Alert programs in the United States and internationally may be
obtained from http://www.amberalert.gov and the National Center for
Missing and Exploited Children: http://www.missingkids.com.
HAGUE CONVENTION OF THE CIVIL ASPECTS OF

INTERNATIONAL CHILD ABDUCTION
The Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child
Abduction is a treaty developed by the Hague Conference on Private
International Law. This treaty aims to provide a quick method to
return a child younger than 16 years of age who is taken from one
member nation to another. The Preamble to this treaty states its mis-
sion: ‘‘to insure the prompt return of children who have been abducted
from their country of habitual residence or wrongfully retained in a
contracting state not their country of habitual residence.’’
This agreement thus seeks to return abducted children to the coun-
try where they normally live so that courts of that country may decide
on issues of custody and visitation rights (Reynolds, 2006). A Hague
Convention case is not about deciding what is in the child’s best inter-
est. Rather, it concerns the return of the child to the jurisdiction that
will hear the custody matter.
The Hague Convention defines ‘‘wrongful’’ removal or retention of
a child under the following conditions:
a. It is in breach of rights of custody attributed to a person, an institution or

any other body, either jointly or alone, under the law of the State in
which the child was habitually resident immediately before the removal
or retention; and
b. at the time of removal or retention those rights were actually exercised,
either jointly or alone, or would have been so exercised but for the re-
moval or retention. These rights of custody may arise by operation of
law or by reason of a judicial or administrative decision, or by reason
of an agreement having legal effect under the law of the country of
habitual residence.
The Hague Convention applies only between countries that are both
parties to the Convention (Report on Compliance with the Hague Con-
vention, 2008). In the United States, the implementing legislation
enacted in 1988 is the International Child Abduction Remedies Act.
Convention parties are listed in Appendix 1.
THE CHILDREN’S PASSPORT ISSUANCE ALERT PROGRAM

The U.S. Central Authority began the Children’s Passport Issuance
Alert Program in 2007. This program gives parents the opportunity to
request their U.S. citizen children be registered in the Department’s
Passport Lookout System. Any passport application for a child who is
registered in this program will alert the Department who, in turn, will
alert the parent(s). Parents will be notified in advance of a potential
abduction should a passport be requested for a child registered in this
program. To date, foreign embassies do not have to adhere to U.S. reg-
ulations for children with dual nationality (Report on Compliance with
the Hague Convention, 2008).
STATE CLEARINGHOUSES
A clearinghouse is a central point for law enforcement personnel,
education programs, prevention programs, and legislators to coordinate
their efforts in locating abducted and missing children. Clearinghouses
exist in each of the 50 states, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, U.S.
Virgin Islands, Canada, and the Netherlands. The National Center for
Missing and Exploited Children (2009) recommends the following func-
tions of clearinghouses:
1. Collecting and maintaining computerized data and investigative informa-

tion on missing persons in the states.
2. Compiling statistics on the missing children’s cases handled and the
number resolved by the clearinghouse each year.
3. Assisting in the training of law enforcement and other professionals on
issues relating to missing and unidentified persons.
4. Operating a clearinghouse of information regarding methods of locating

and recovering missing persons.
5. Keeping and distributing information regarding methods of locating and
recovering missing persons.
6. Assisting in the preparation and dissemination of flyers of missing per-
sons and their abductors.
7. Publishing, on a regular basis, a directory of missing persons for dissemi-
nation to state and local public and nonprofit agencies and to the public.
8. Establishing and operating a statewide, toll-free telephone line for reports
of missing persons and reports of sightings of missing persons.
Information about clearinghouses may be obtained from The National

Center for Missing and Exploited Children: http://www.missing
kids.com.
CONCLUSION: FEMINIST CRITIQUE OF CHILD ABDUCTION

RESEARCH AND THE HAGUE TREATY
Nobody believes that domestic violence kills and nobody believes it is detri-
mental to children. This world has got to wake up. To me, if there is domes-
tic violence, if the children see it or hear it, that to me is detrimental.
Batterers should not have rights to children.
—Denise Brown
Weiner (2000) reported that the Hague Convention has a masculine
bias: it was initially drafted in response to abductions of children by
fathers or other male relatives. Weiner (2000) has offered a feminist
corrective to this bias: to include in the definition abductor mothers
who are battered and are fleeing for their safety and the safety of their
children.
Estimates indicate that male partners assault a minimum of 4 million
women each year in the United States. Abuse in couples’ relationships
include intense criticisms, put downs, verbal harassment, sexual coer-
cion and assault, physical attacks, intimidation, restraint of normal
activities and freedoms, and denial of access to resources (Butts Stahly,
1999). Straus, Gelles, and Steinmetz (1980) once concluded that ‘‘The
American family and the American home are perhaps as or more vio-
lent than any other American institution or setting (with the exception
of the military, and only then in time of war)’’ (p. 4).
Walker (1999) noted that the Fourth United Nations International
Conference on Women in 1996 identified no country that had an ab-
sence of domestic violence. Women around the world are more at risk
of homicide as a result of battering than from all other categories of
causes (Lundberg-Love & Marmion, 2006).
Children are often in the middle of domestic violence (Graham &
Rawlings, 1999; Lundberg-Love & Marmion, 2006). Walker (1999)
found that each year, at least 3.3 million children in the United States
between the ages of three and seventeen years are at risk of exposure
to their mothers’ being battered by their fathers. Children may be
abused by the violent parent. Homicide is currently one of the five
leading causes of child mortality in the United States. In addition, chil-
dren may grow up to repeat the same behavior patterns they witnessed
in their parents (Fantuzzo & Mohr, 1999; McGuigan & Pratt, 2001).
Weiner (2003) noted that seven of nine Hague Convention cases that
reached an appeals court in late 2000 involved a mother who abducted
her child to escape a battering mate. As Shetty and Edelson (2005) noted:
Approximately one third of all published and unpublished Convention

cases we have identified using online legal databases include a reference
to some type of family violence, and 70% of these include details of adult
domestic violence. (p. 120)
Research by Johnston, Sagatun-Edwards, Bloomquist, and Girdner

(2000) concerning 634 abductions in California found that ‘‘mothers
who abducted were more likely to take the children when they or the
children were victims of abuse, and fathers who abducted were more
likely to take the children when they were the abusers’’ (pp. 2–3).
Shetty and Edleson (2005) reported that intimate partner violence is not
seen as a legitimate concern in international abductions but rather as
an unsubstantiated allegation’’ (p. 119).
Weiner (2003) has noted the common victim-blaming question of
women who are being battered; that is, ‘‘Why does she stay with the
batterer?’’ (e.g., Graham & Rawlings, 1999) is reversed in international
child abduction cases to ‘‘Why didn’t she stay in the child’s country of
habitual residence to litigate with the child’s father?’’ As Shetty and
Edleson (2005) noted, having children of battered women return to
their county of habitual residence will expose them to the batterer
while custody decisions take place:
Mothers who abduct their children and flee to find a safe haven are
not perpetrators, as the Hague Convention implies, but are victims of
their partner’s violence. They are also victims of an international
treaty, written with good intentions, but, when implemented, has unin-
tended negative consequences for their safety and that of their chil-
dren. (p. 135)
Thus, ‘‘habitual residence’’ for children in all countries must be re-

defined to include a residence in which the child’s well being is
secured and not violence-prone. In addition, domestic and international
laws must not work against the psychology of the victimization process
of intimate partner violence. As Riane Eisler is quoted as saying:
For most of recorded history, parental violence against children and

men’s violence against wives was explicitly or implicitly condoned.
Those who had the power to prevent and/or punish this violence
through religion, law, or custom, openly or tacitly approved it. . . .The
reason violence against women and children is finally out in the open is
that activists have brought it to global attention.
And, as Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stated in 1999 at the for-

mation of the International Center for Missing and Exploited Children:
. . . ultimately these matters are not just about individual children and
the pain of victim parents, but they really are a question of human rights
and whether or not we will enforce our laws evenly and fairly to anyone
who comes within our jurisdictions.
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APPENDIX 1: PARTNERS OF THE HAGUE CONVENTION OF

THE CIVIL ASPECTS OF INTERNATIONAL CHILD ABDUCTION
Argentina
Australia
Austria
Bahamas
Belgium
Belize
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Brazil
Bulgaria
Burkina Faso
Canada
Chile
China (Hong Kong and Macau only)
Columbia
Costa Rica
Croatia
Cyprus
Czech Republic
Denmark
Dominican Republic
Ecuador
El Salvador
Estonia
Finland
France
Germany
Honduras
Hungary
Iceland
Ireland
Israel
Italy
Latvia
Lithuania
Luxembourg
Macedonia
Malta
Mauritius
Mexico
Monaco
Montenegro
Netherlands
New Zealand
Norway
Panama
Paraguay
Peru
Poland
Portugal
Romania
Saint Kitts and Nevis
San Marino
Serbia
Slovakia
Slovenia
South Africa
Sweden
Switzerland
Turkey
Ukraine
United Kingdom (Bermuda, Cayman Islands, Falkland Islands,
Isle of Man, Montserrat)
Uruguay
Venezuela
Zimbabwe
APPENDIX 2: RESOURCES ON CHILD ABDUCTIONS

AND MISSING CHILDREN
AMBER Alert
http://www.amberalert.gov
American Bar Association
http://www.abanet.org
Committee for Missing Children, Inc.
http://www.findthekids.org
Child Abduction Resource Center
http://www.globalmissing.com
Child Find of America
http://www.childfindofamerica.org
Child Focus (Belgium)
http://www.childfocus.org
Childfind Canada (Canada)
http://www.childfind.ca/
Find the Children
http://www.findthechildren.com
Hague Conference Permanent Bureau–Child Abduction Section
Hcch.e-vision.nl/index_en.php?
Inter-American Bar Association
http://www.iaba.org
Lost Children’s Network
http://www.lostchildren.org
Missing Children Society of Canada
http://www.mcsc.ca
National Association for the Education of Homeless Children and Youth
http://www.naehcy.org
National Center for Missing Adults
http://www.missingadults.org
National Center for Missing and Exploited Children
http://www.missingkids.com
National Center for Prosecution of Child Abuse
http://www.ndaa-apri.org
National Runaway Switchboard

http://www.1800runaway.org/
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention
http://www.ojjdp.ncjrs.org
Polly Klaas Foundation
http://www.pollyklaas.org/
Prevent Child Abuse–America
http://www.preventchildabuse.org
Team HOPE-Support for Families with Missing Children
http://www.teamhope.org
U.S. Department of State, Office of Children’s Issues
http://www.travel.state.gov
Vanished Children’s Alliance
http://www.vca.org
WomensLaw.org
http://www.womenslaw.org
Chapter 4
Women and Sexuality: An

International Perspective
Donna Castaneda
Monica Ulibarri
Sexuality is a fundamental aspect of human experience, but the study

of sex at a global level has been minimal. Some countries have large
research databases on sexual behavior, but almost none of these are in
the developing countries, and basic sexuality information is lacking for
whole regions of the world. No worldwide organization is charged
with collecting and archiving information on sexuality, in contrast
to organizations such as the World Health Organization or the Pan
American Health Organization, which maintain health statistics world-
wide or across large geographic regions (Mackay, 2001). In particular,
women’s experience of sexuality, except as it relates to fertility and
childbirth, has received little attention at the international level. Even
basic information on women’s sexual experience, such as average age
at first intercourse or average number of sexual encounters with a
partner per week, is unclear except in a relatively small number of
countries, primarily those in the Western world. More nuanced and
detailed knowledge of women’s sexuality—how women in diverse cul-
tures navigate sexual identity, desire, and pleasure in differing social,
political, and cultural contexts, for example, is difficult to find.
This situation notwithstanding, our effort here is to present and dis-
cuss the available information on various aspects of women’s sexuality,
such as sexual desire, sexual behavior, sexual problems, and the con-
cept of women’s sexual rights and its relationship to human rights.
Our goal is to present, as much as possible given the incredible
diversity of societies in the world, the differences as well as commonal-

ities in women’s sexual lives across the above themes in women’s
sexuality.
DEFINITION OF WOMEN’S SEXUALITY

While no universal definition of sexuality exists, and how sexuality
is constructed, managed, and acted out by women varies historically
and cross-culturally, an important premise in any understanding of
women’s sexuality is that it is very much embedded within and grows
out of political struggles, gender relations, cultural meanings surround-
ing femininity, and legal and social definitions of human rights. Sexual-
ity is a personal psychological, emotional, and physical experience, but
how women learn about, understand, and approach their sexuality can-
not be separated from the larger sociocultural context of their lives.
This contextualized approach to the study of women’s sexuality has
not always existed and only relatively recently (the last 15 to 20 years)
has a fuller understanding of the social and cultural embeddedness of
sexuality been articulated (for examples see Blackwood & Wieringa,
1999a; Correa & Parker, 2004; Parker et al., 2004). Sexuality has been
primarily viewed as a natural and immutable aspect of life, and the
biomedical model, along with studies of specific sexual behaviors, has
been the prevailing framework governing the study of women’s sexual-
ity (see Amaro, Navarro, Conron, & Raj, 2002 for a discussion). On the
other hand, globalization, whether through economic, technological, or
cultural processes, has led to exposure to and engagement with a much
wider array of cultural constructions surrounding sexual and relational
intimacy, thus highlighting the limitations of the standard sexuality
frameworks (Obermeyer, 2000; Padilla, Hirsch, Mu~ noz-Laboy, Sember,
& Parker, 2007; Parker et al., 2004). Out of these larger globalization
processes, the definitions of sexuality have expanded to include not
only behavioral and biological aspects, but also recognition of the mul-
tiplicity of factors that may influence sexuality (Promotion of Sexual
Health: Recommendations for Action, 2000). This change can be seen in
the working definition of sexuality developed by the Pan American
Health Organization, World Health Organization, and World Associa-
tion of Sexology that is useful to present here:
Sexuality is a central aspect of being human throughout life and encom-

passes sex, gender identities and roles, sexual orientation, eroticism,
pleasure, intimacy and reproduction. Sexuality is experienced and
expressed in thoughts, fantasies, desires, beliefs, attitudes, values, behav-
iours, practices, roles and relationships. While sexuality can include all of
these dimensions, not all of them are always experienced or expressed.
Sexuality is influenced by the interaction of biological, psychological,
Women and Sexuality: An International Perspective 83
social, economic, political, cultural, ethical, legal, historical, religious and

spiritual factors. (Promotion of Sexual Health: Recommendations for
Action, 2000)
This definition does not overtly incorporate a gendered perspective,

such as, compared to men, the greater subordination of women and
efforts at control of women’s sexuality that are seen worldwide. It
includes the suggestion of diversity in gender identity and sexual ori-
entation, but it does not include the notion of compulsory heterosexual-
ity (Rich, 1983) that constrains many women’s sexual options, even in
what are considered sexually liberal countries and societies. Neverthe-
less, the above definition represents a broadened perspective on sexual-
ity that stems from greater global and cross cultural engagement, not
just by researchers, corporations, and government entities, but also by
ordinary women as they traverse geographic, cultural, and political
boundaries due to a myriad of reasons such as economic necessity,
family reasons, or political conflict and oppression.
Along with the expansion in the concept of sexuality, another critical
and related change has been the increased acceptance of love as the ba-
sis for entering marriage. The past 100 years, particularly since the
1950s, have seen changes in ideals and purposes of marriage. Duty,
defined gender roles and responsibilities, and procreation were the pri-
mary basis for entering a marriage relationship. Sexuality was of course
part of these relationships, but the purpose of sexuality was procrea-
tion rather than pleasure. Love and emotional intimacy might occur in
a marital relationship, but it was not necessarily the impetus or goal of
marriage. As Jennifer Hirsch states (2007, p. 94), ‘‘Marriage was a sys-
tem for organizing social reproduction, not a project for personal satis-
faction.’’ At this juncture in time, the modern marital ideal in many
very diverse cultures has come to mean a companionate relationship
that emphasizes pleasure, intimacy, and personal satisfaction of the
relationship partners. A key component of these companionate relation-
ships is sexual enjoyment and the fulfillment of mutual sexual needs
(D’Emilio & Freedman, 1988; Hirsch, 2007). Researchers point to the
role of ‘‘literacy, fertility decline, the media, the intertwining of sexual-
ity, modernity, desire, and commodification’’ (Hirsch, 2007, p. 101) as
important forces for social change in the definition of ideal marital rela-
tionships at a global level and, in fact, it is affective processes and
adult love relationships that have increasingly become strategies for
defining oneself as modern.
Another term that has emerged within the global sexuality dis-
course, particularly in response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and that
must be distinguished from sexuality, is sexual health. It is related to
the concept of sexuality—in fact, sexuality and health always intersect
in numerous direct and indirect ways—but cannot be conflated with or
substituted for it. Sexual health for women refers not just to the ab-
sence of sexual dysfunction and sexual diseases, such as HIV/AIDS or
other sexually transmitted diseases, nor does it refer narrowly to posi-
tive reproductive health such as healthy pregnancy, childbirth, and
contraceptive use. It includes these dimensions, but it also incorporates
the notion of an overarching well being experienced when a person
has the ability to freely, responsibly, and safely express their sexual
desires without the fear of coercion, discrimination, or violence (Pro-
motion of Sexual Health: Recommendations for Action, 2000; Sexual
Health—A New Focus for WHO, 2004). The sexual health concept is
situated within the larger domain of public health and, as such, a con-
sequence and necessary component of the notion of sexual health is
education services about sexuality, reproductive biology, how to con-
trol fertility, and protection against sexually transmitted diseases.
Because of the growing understanding among social scientists, pro-
gram planners, and international health advocates that gender inequal-
ity is at the heart of women’s vulnerability to sexual health problems
(Raimondo, 2005), such as their risk for HIV/AIDS and sexual victim-
ization, these services must be provided in a manner that increases
women’s autonomy and freedom of choice, and supports and empow-
ers them to confront hostile, oppressive, or demeaning gender arrange-
ments and ideologies in their social and personal environments
(Ruklos Hampton, McWatters, Jeffery, & Smith, 2006; Undie, Crichton,
& Zulu, 2007).
SEXUAL RIGHTS AS HUMAN RIGHTS

For women to participate in a sexual life of their own choice and to
achieve and maintain sexual health, their sexual rights, as a component
of basic human rights, must be recognized (Promotion of Sexual
Health: Recommendations for Action, 2000). As Palesa Beverley Ditsie
eloquently stated in 1995 at the UN’s Fourth World Conference
on Women, ‘‘. . . no woman can determine the direction of her own
life without the ability to determine her sexuality . . .’’ (as cited in
Wieringa & Blackwood, 1999b, p. 26). Addressing sexuality within the
context of human rights means addressing complex issues for women,
such as the integrity of the body, the role and value of sexual pleasure
and nonprocreative sex, sexual choice and sexual agency, sexual
diversity that includes same-gender sexual relationships, and finally,
determining how do these relate to the rights of the individual and
her humanity (Weeks, 2007). Thus, in examining women’s sexuality
internationally, the connection of sexuality to broader issues of
human rights is a theme that emerges prominently.
The awareness of the connection between sexual rights and human
rights has grown in the last 20 or so years and is due to the
intersection of multiple streams of separate and interwoven social

change activities and events, such as the feminist, lesbian and gay,
women’s health, and civil rights movements that began in the 1960s
and ‘70s in Western countries; the transnational women’s health and
reproductive rights movements and development work that emerged
in the 1980s and 1990s, and the concomitant advocacy to prioritize
women’s reproductive rights, particularly by international women’s
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs); the activism to incorporate
into human rights convention reports language supporting sexual
health, sexual rights, and gender equality; and the HIV/AIDS pan-
demic, the focus on sexual diversity that grew out of it, and the result-
ing women’s and lesbian, bisexual, gay, transgender, and queer
movements that grew in developing countries in the wake of HIV/
AIDS (Mongrovejo, 1999; Parker, 2007; Parker et al., 2004; Petchesky,
2003; Tiefer, 2002a; Weeks, 2007). It is also due to the rapid pace of
globalization in the last quarter century that has led to fundamental
changes in national and international economies, political systems and
institutions, media, work, family life, and most importantly, in concep-
tualizations of gender relations, identity, and sexualities (Carnoy &
Castells, 2001; Hirsch, 2007; Weeks, 2007).
Taken together, these events and activities have provided new
vocabularies, concepts, and spaces for a larger, more informed, analysis
of sexual life (Parker, 2007). For instance, in development work, sexual-
ity has often been seen as peripheral to the important issues of inequal-
ity and poverty. However, a focus on sexual rights makes apparent the
false dichotomy between sexuality and human rights by making visible
the linkages between women’s sexuality on the one hand, and poverty
and poverty-related problems such as lack of educational access for
girls, sexual violence and victimization, homophobia and compulsory
heterosexuality, and the legal and economic structures countries put
into place to regulate and control women’s daily life, on the other hand
(Correa & Jolly, 2008; Petchescky, 2003).
Not surprisingly, placing women’s sexuality at the cornerstone of
human rights has also stimulated resistance to change and, despite im-
portant global changes and the increased understanding of the link
between sexuality, women’s rights, and social justice, the promise of
a transformed approach to women’s sexuality is still unevenly
achieved. Progressive language contained in international human rights
documents is nonbinding and has not necessarily been translated into
policies at the level of individual countries (Tiefer, 2002a). Political, cor-
porate, and conservative religious interests that are served by maintain-
ing gender inequality, sometimes in the guise of allowing individual
countries to maintain oppressive cultural traditions and norms sur-
rounding gender and sexuality, are still powerful. This can be seen in
policies, and consequently funding, that promote abstinence only as a
strategy to reduce HIV/AIDS infection and other sexually transmitted

diseases, provide contraception only to married women, restrict or out-
law access to safe abortion services, or that outlaw and severely punish
the expression of women’s sexuality outside marriage or with other
women (Dabash & Roudi-Fahimi, 2008; Goldberg, 2009; Petchesky,
2003). Despite oppressive responses to the growing discourse on wom-
en’s sexual rights, or possibly because of them, a key realization is that
sexuality can no longer be viewed as a private, personal process,
unconnected to domestic or international politics and policies, but has
‘‘taken shape on a global level . . . as a key contested domain or field
of struggle’’ (Correa & Parker, 2004, p. 19).
SEXUAL BEHAVIOR
With publication of the Kinsey et al. work on women’s sexual
behavior in 1953 and the work of Masters and Johnson in 1966, the
thinking on human sexuality moved into its modern forms. With their
clearly empirical emphasis on documenting actual sexual practices and
behaviors, these works were a leap forward in sexuality research. Most
importantly for women, their sexual experiences and priorities were
given a prominence previously absent in the sexuality literature. How-
ever, the study of women’s sexual behavior has progressed little
beyond this focus on acts or even sequences of behaviors, or sexual
scripts, and further illumination of women’s sexual lives is still needed.
International studies of women’s sexual behavior from across a spec-
trum of social class origins are difficult to find and research that does
exist focuses heavily on potential for disease or health problems, partic-
ularly those that may affect reproduction and fertility. This has led to
important information about which sexual behaviors put women
most at risk for sexual health problems, but it has not necessarily led
to an increased understanding of women’s sexual practices, needs, or
experiences.
One of the few cross-national surveys of sexual behavior, the Durex
Sexual Well-being Survey (2007), included samples from 26 countries
in Europe (e.g., United Kingdom, Poland, France), Asia (e.g., India,
China, Malaysia), Latin America (e.g., Brazil, Mexico), North America
(e.g., Canada, United States), Australia, and Africa (e.g., South Africa,
Nigeria). It was conducted over the Internet except in Nigeria where
face-to-face or self-completed surveys were used due to low Internet
and telephone use. Certainly, the sample is one that has access to com-
puter technology and is likely more comfortable with sexuality in gen-
eral, thus, findings reflect the experiences of a possibly small
demographic subset within each of these countries. However, the study
provides interesting insights into sexual behavior of women from a
large number of countries, particularly when differences by sexual
orientation are presented. For instance, bisexual women report an aver-

age of 13 male, and three female sexual partners, homosexual women
report an average of 11 female partners, and heterosexual women
reporting an average of seven male sexual partners. Austrian women
report the highest average number of sexual partners, 29, while Chi-
nese women report the lowest average number of sexual partners, at
only two. The number of sexual partners was higher for men in every
country except New Zealand, where women reported an average of 20
sexual partners, while men reported an average of 17 sexual partners.
With regard to sexual behaviors, bisexual women show the highest
rate of vaginal sex (94 percent), followed by heterosexual women
(84 percent), and homosexual women (77 percent). Regarding anal sex,
again bisexual women are most likely to give (23 percent) and receive
(39 percent) anal sex, compared to 18 percent of heterosexual and
15 percent of homosexual women receiving anal sex, and 8 percent of
heterosexual and 10 percent of homosexual women giving anal sex.
Use of sexual devices by women giving anal sex was not clarified. Both
bisexual and homosexual women report higher rates of giving oral
sex, 71 and 77 percent respectively, than heterosexual women, 56 per-
cent. Bisexual and homosexual women also report higher rates of
receiving oral sex, 75 and 74 percent, respectively, than heterosexual
women, 55 percent. Finally, for more unusual sexual activities, such as
bondage/S&M and telephone sex, bisexual and homosexual women
report higher rates than heterosexual women. Twenty-three percent
of bisexual women and 28 percent of homosexual women report
bondage/S&M activities, compared to only 5 percent of heterosexual
women; 24 percent of bisexual women and 48 percent of homosexual
women report telephone sex, while only 9 percent of heterosexual women
report engaging in telephone sex. Finally, 22 percent of women report
masturbation once a week, compared to 43 percent of men.
Other results in the Durex survey show that the weekly rate of sex-
ual activity and satisfaction with that activity varies considerably
worldwide. Respondents in Japan reported the lowest weekly rate of
sexual activity, 34 percent, and they also reported the lowest satisfac-
tion with that activity, 15 percent. Greece had the highest percentage of
respondents who reported having sex weekly, 87 percent, but only
51 percent reported being satisfied with that activity; on the other
hand, in Nigeria, while 53 percent of respondents reported having sex
weekly, 67 percent of them were satisfied with this activity.
Not enough information about the conduct of the Durex survey is
available to determine the validity of these results for women. Never-
theless, where results are presented by gender, they provide an intrigu-
ing picture of women’s sexual behavior worldwide. First, bisexual
women, and to a lesser extent homosexual women, appear to engage
in a wider range of sexual activities than heterosexual women and to
do so with both women and men. They also report more sexual part-
ners than heterosexual women. These results are consistent with other
research that shows that women who have sex with both women and
men tend to engage in a wider range of sexual behaviors and to
have more sexual partners than women who have sex with men only
(Casta~neda & G omez Bastidas, 2005; Lemp et al., 1995; Reinisch,
Sanders, & Ziemba-Davis, 1995; Richters, Bergin, Lubowitz, & Prestage,
2002). They also demonstrate that sexual identity labels (bisexual,
homosexual, heterosexual) do not necessarily indicate the gender of
one’s sexual partners or the behaviors in which one is most likely to
engage. They are also similar to research that shows that women
engage in masturbation to a lesser extent than men (Oliver & Shibley
Hyde, 1993) and that persons from certain Asian countries, such as
Japan, report less satisfaction with sex (Laumann et al., 2006).
In addition to simply understanding what sexual behaviors women
engage in with their partners, investigating women’s sexual behavior
cross-culturally highlights several related issues important to mention.
First, labels for sexual acts cannot be applied uncritically across cul-
tures and sexual acts have meanings that vary depending on the soci-
ety one is examining. The relatively few cross-national studies of
sexual behavior tend to have a predetermined set of sexual behaviors
to be investigated, such as heterosexual intercourse, oral sex, and so on
(e.g., Durex Sexual Well-being Survey, 2007; Nicolosi et al., 2004), but
this should not preclude the possibility of other sexual behaviors that
may be more common among women. Sexual behavior is not finite or
standardized, and how it is carried out can be variable and highly de-
pendent on the situational and relational context. That being said, how-
ever, sexual acts, in whatever context they occur, have a materiality
and physicality that cannot be overlooked by researchers and theoreti-
cians, just as the women involved do not overlook them. These behav-
iors exist in time and space, they involve the body, as well as
emotional and cognitive processes.
Second, anthropological work demonstrates that the connection
between sexual behavior and sexual identity is conceived differently in
different cultures. In the West, sexual identity is much more strongly
categorical and compartmentalized, and it is also more highly linked to
sexual acts and to the gender of one’s sexual partner. But in other cul-
tures conceptualizations of sexual identity are more fluid, and the
notion of sexual behavior as a signifier of a static and categorical sexual
identity may not be applicable. For instance, among Creole women in
Suriname, South America, mati work, or erotic attachments among
women, is common. But mati women do not identify themselves as les-
bian and they continue to have relationships with men through mar-
riage, concubinage, or visiting relationships. In this case, sex with both
women and men is part of women’s sexuality. Mati work reflects an
ideology of sexuality for Surinamese women that is fluid and multiply

defined, rather than a component of a fixed identity. Reflective of this
is that when asked women themselves say ‘‘I mati’’ instead of ‘‘I am
mati’’ (Wekker, 1999, p. 126). Another example of the differing relation-
ship between sexual behavior and sexual identity is in Guatemala. Les-
bian organizing in Guatemala did not begin until the 1990s, and it
grew out of the civil war that lasted throughout the 1970s and 1980s
and the resulting national emphasis on human and citizen rights. In
this Guatemala is similar to other countries in Latin America where les-
bian and gay rights movements developed out of internal liberation
struggles (Sarda, 2008). This contrasts with the identity politics that
dominates the discourse in the lesbian movement in the United States
and the West generally. For many lesbians in Guatemala, lesbianism is
defined as sexual behaviors and practices, not as an inherent identity
(Berger, 2006).
Lastly, in any discussion of sexual behavior the notion of social power
is critical to address, as only an incomplete understanding of women’s
sexuality is possible without doing so. Most societies are stratified in
terms of social power, and the ability to carry out sexual behavior is very
much influenced by where one stands in terms of the particular power
hierarchy in a society. Gender and sexual orientation are key elements
that determine social power. For example, in most societies heterosexual
women and men, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individu-
als do not have the same freedom to choose their sexual partners, marry
whom they want or stay single, have or not have children, or even
receive sex-related education or information because they typically
do not have the same status, power, and privilege in a given society
(Reinfelder, 1996a). In fact, the ability to have safe and nonabusive
sexual experiences is differentially distributed depending on gender and
sexual orientation (along with other factors such as wealth, kinship, and
ethnicity/cultural group, etc.) (Grieg, 2008).
SEXUAL DESIRE
At its most basic, sexual desire refers to the interest one has in seek-
ing out and engaging in sexual activity, but even this simple definition
belies a great deal of complexity, especially as it applies to women
(Bailey, 2009; Basson, 2005; Wood, Barthalow Koch, & Kernoff Mansfield,
2006). While it is often assumed to be natural and universal and to operate
similarly in women and men, research has shown that sexual desire does
not operate in the same manner for women as for men and that it may
not even be understood in similar ways. For instance, instead of a linear
progression through the sexual response cycle that is initiated by sexual
desire, researchers have found that sexual desire for women may some-
times precede or follow sexual arousal (Graham, Saunders, Milhausen,
& McBride, 2004; Laan & Both, 2008); despite low sexual desire being
one of the most commonly reported sexual problems among women,
only a small percentage of these women report being unhappy with their
sexual experiences; and unlike men, where a strong correlation exists
between genital vasocongestion and subjective report of sexual arousal,
studies of women’s response to erotic stimuli, usually in the form of vid-
eos, show that while they may show signs of physiological sexual
arousal, such as vasocongestion, they do not necessarily report subjective
sexual arousal (Laan, Everaerd, van Bellen, & Hanewald, 1994; Laan &
Janssen, 2007).
As a concept sexual desire is sometimes confused with the need for
intimacy or to be loved, sexual arousal, sex drive, and overt sexual
behavior (Wood, Barthalow Koch, & Kernoff Mansfield, 2006). How-
ever, when heterosexual women and men are asked to define sexual
desire, they tend to come up with a similar definition—that it is pri-
marily a psychological experience characterized by a sense of longing,
urge, yearning, need, want, and so forth, but they differ in what
they consider to be the goals and objects of sexual desire (Regan &
Berscheid, 1996). Women emphasize love, emotional intimacy, and
commitment as the goals of sexual desire more than men, while men
are more likely than women to specify a physically and/or sexually
attractive other as the object of sexual desire.
Most of the above research has been done with samples from the
West and how women from around the world conceive, define, and act
upon sexual desire has not received as much research attention. Never-
theless, discourses on women’s sexual desire outside Western or
European context do exist. For example, Bennett (2005), in her work on
single Muslim women in contemporary Indonesia, shows that these
young women are very aware of their embodied sexual desire—even
young women who do not have a sexual relationship are able to speak
about their sexual desires. Despite living in a social context where
openly sexually active women are stigmatized and where young single
women must carefully navigate their sexual desires, the needs of their
male partners, and social obligations, they can readily articulate their
sexual desires and they courageously and actively seek out their own
sexual autonomy.
The practice of female genital cutting (FGC), which can range from a
slight cutting of the clitoral hood to removal of the clitoris, the labia
major and minora, and in its most extreme version includes infibula-
tion, the sewing together of the two sides of the remaining tissue with
only a small opening left for urination and menstruation, is common in
some parts of Africa, particularly, although not exclusively, among
Muslim cultures in Africa. Much international controversy surrounds
the practice of FGC due to its perceived negative health effects on
women and that it is often performed on girls before they reach
menarche. Among feminists in the West, FGC has been considered one
of the most dramatic and harmful symbols of women’s subordination
(see Hernlund & Shell-Duncan, 2007, for a discussion), although over
time a more complex approach to this topic has evolved that takes into
consideration voices, experiences, and agency of African women them-
selves. One of the reoccurring questions with regard to FGC is whether
the various forms of FGC influence sexual functioning or even sexual
desire. Although FGC is presumed to negatively affect women’s ability
to experience sexual pleasure, available evidence demonstrates that
sexual desire, sexual pleasure, erotic feelings, and orgasm are experi-
enced even among women with the most extreme forms of FGC
(Ahmadu, 2007; Dopico, 2007). In fact, qualitative interviews with
women who have experienced FGC demonstrate that many have satis-
factory and pleasurable sexual relationships with men and they affirm
that sexual pleasure is equally important for women as for men.
When they note problems, they attribute them to the quality of their
relationships with partners, presence of children, stress from work, and
difficult economic circumstances—factors that influence the sexual
enjoyment of women who have not experienced FGC. Furthermore, as
Ahmadu (2007) notes, while chastity and modesty are typically part of
the cultural underpinnings for FGC, these ‘‘do not condition women to
repress their sexuality in Islamic or African ‘traditional’ societies’’
(pp. 294–295). She contends that sexual passivity and repression for
women in the West stem from psychoanalytic models that are then
applied to understanding African women’s sexual relationships (also
see Obermeyer, 2000, for a discussion). The uncritical application of
Western constructions of women’s sexuality and sexual desire to
African women, particularly those who have experienced FGC, negates
the possibility of emergence of counter narratives surrounding sexuality
and they may also make difficult the work to address the sexual and
health problems such women may actually experience. Unequivocal
application of understandings, values, and priorities surrounding
women’s sexual desire from Western ‘‘centres to non-Western margins’’
(Phillips, 2007, p. 148) can, as in the case of sexuality among women
who experience FGC, obscure sexual meanings rather than clarify them.
Clearly, despite societal restrictions and cultural control, women across
the world can and do practice a sexual agency and it is not simply a
form of resistance, but also an assertion of their own erotic desires
(Blackwood & Wieringa, 1999b).
Another example of how cultural constructions of women’s sexual
desire differ and how these constructions may organize and define
women’s own behavior and understanding of their sexual selves, is
that in many cultures where FGC occurs, women’s sexual desire is
seen as stronger than that of men (Obermeyer, 2000). FGC, along with
other cultural controls on women’s autonomy, such as veiling and
restrictions on movements, are thought to be necessary to reign in this

powerful drive. This view is in contrast with the perception in the
United States, where women are believed to have lower sexual desire
than men and men’s desire for sex is believed to be harder to control
(Baumeister, Catanese, & Vohs, 2001). Despite the apparent differences
in how sexual desire is believed to operate among women and men,
what is similar in both cases is that women from very different parts
of the world continue to have less freedom than men to openly express
and carry out their sexual desires. Desire and the search for sexual
pleasure are certainly part of women’s sexuality everywhere, but
women’s sexuality has always contained elements of both pleasure
and danger and the consequences for women who transgress ‘‘tradi-
tional’’ sexual customs, norms, and ideologies, whatever those may
be in a particular social and cultural context, can be quite serious
(Vance, 1985).
SEXUAL PROBLEMS
Both qualitative and quantitative research with international samples
of women demonstrates that the experience of sexual problems by
women, such as deficient or absent sexual desire, insufficient lubrica-
tion, dyspareunia, and so forth, is not uncommon (Dopico, 2007;
Laumann, Paik, & Rosen, 1999; Parish, Luo, Laumann, Kew, & Yu,
2007; Shokrollahi, Mirmohamadi, Mehrabi, & Babei, 1999). Over the last
eight years, there has been a lively debate in the academic literature
over the definition, categorization, and diagnosis of women’s sexual
health problems. On the one side is the medical model which focuses
on physiological processes and physical causes of women’s sexual dys-
functions, on the other is the ‘‘New View of Female Sexual Problems’’
which takes a more bio-psycho-social perspective on women’s sexual
problems (Tiefer, 2002b). As is suggested in the labeling alone, the new
view of women’s sexual problems sees the medical model’s use of the
term ‘‘dysfunction’’ as limiting, distorting, and pathologizing women’s
experiences (McHugh, 2006). Its emphasis on sexual physiology and
performance reinforces narrow definitions of sexuality, ignores possible
contextual, social, and psychological factors, limits styles of sexuality to
genital arousal and orgasm only, and leads to the likelihood of treat-
ment of sexual problems with pharmaceutical solutions rather than
counseling (Bancroft, 2002; Bancroft, Graham, & McCord, 2001; Moyni-
han, 2003; Moynihan, 2005; Tiefer, 2002b; McHugh, 2006; Nicholls,
2008). In response to the medical model, in 2000 a multidisciplinary
group of scholars, therapists, and researchers convened to conceptual-
ize and design an alternative classification system for women’s sexual
concerns taking into account social, political, emotional, relational, and
physical aspects of women’s sexual experiences (Tiefer, 2001, 2002b).
Their work culminated in the production of a manifesto/document,

classification scheme, and numerous commentaries and research
articles promoting their ‘‘New View’’ of female sexual problems
(Wood, Barthalow Koch, & Kernoff Mansfield, 2006).
The New View work group prefers the term ‘‘sexual problems’’ to
‘‘sexual dysfunction.’’ They define sexual problems as ‘‘discontent or
dissatisfaction with any emotional, physical, or relational aspect of sex-
ual experience (Kaschak & Tiefer, 2002). Their classification system,
based upon psychological, biological, and social causes of women’s
sexual problems, has four categories that women can use to identify
their own sexual problems (Kaschak & Tiefer, 2002). The four catego-
ries that encompass issues such as lack of sexual information, cultural
attitudes and messages, family and work stress, partner and relation-
ship issues, and psychological factors like depression and anxiety
are as follows: (1) sociocultural, political, or economic factors; (2)
partner and relationship factors; (3) psychological factors; and (4)
medical factors.
The New View perspective on women’s sexual problems fits well
with the more contextualized approach to women’s sexuality taken by
global researchers, however, almost no research is available that tests
the utility of the New View classification system or compares it to the
medical model with actual samples of women from diverse cultures
and societies experiencing sexual problems. Nicholls (2008) has pro-
vided one of the first studies documenting the validity of the New
View categorization system. Nichols surveyed 49 British heterosexual
women about their sexual problems to see whether they could classify
the problems using the New View classification scheme. Overall, 98 per-
cent of the reported problems were categorized using the New View
scheme; 65 percent were attributed to relational factors, 20 percent to
contextual/external, 8 percent to individual psychological, and 7 per-
cent to medical factors. Interestingly, medical factors accounted for the
least amount of sexual problems, whereas relational and contextual
factors accounted for the most. These results demonstrate the impor-
tance of taking into consideration women’s social and environmental
contexts, as well as their relationships when assessing their sexual
problems. Likewise, medical research is beginning to acknowledge the
importance of partner- and contextual-related factors on women’s sex-
ual functioning (Chedraui, Perez-Lopez, San Miguel, & Avila, 2009;
Domoney, 2009).
The new view of women’s sexual problems is predicated upon a
Western ideal of the companionate heterosexual relationship, rather
than the variety of relationship forms and customs outside the West
where marriage is primarily a system of organizing social reproduction
and where the sexual needs and problems of non-married women may
not even be acknowledged. However, anthropological research points
to the extensive existence and valuing of both passionate and compan-

ionate love in many societies around the world, even in those societies
where women’s choice of marriage partner is made for them by
the family (see Inhorn, 2007, for a discussion; Jankowiak & Fischer,
1992). As globalization processes further expand the discourse on
women’s sexuality and relationship options, hopefully, we will see in
the upcoming decade the emergence of more empirical studies demon-
strating the strengths of the New View perspective at an international
level which may help to expand our knowledge of and treatment for
women’s sexual problems everywhere.
CONCLUSION
At the beginning of this new millennium, sexuality is undergoing a
revolution, one that is maybe less apparent, but no less real, than those
that occurred in the 1920s and 1960s. While the changes in sexual
behavior and attitudes seen in those previous periods were geographi-
cally focused on the United States and Western Europe, the current
sexual revolution is seen across Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and
Latin America (Francoeur & Noonan, 2004; Mahdavi, 2007; Reinfelder,
1996b), as well as in North America and Europe. The changes may be
small in any given community, uneven across different worldwide
societies and cultures, but they are most clearly seen in the slow but
incremental changes in sexual behavior and attitudes among women
and men. As Weeks (2007) states ‘‘we are living in a time of transition,
in the midst of a long, convoluted, messy, unfinished but profound
revolution that has transformed the possibilities of living our sexual di-
versity and creating intimate lives’’ (p. 3).
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Chapter 5
Arranged and Forced Marriage

Noorfarah Merali
The family is the cornerstone of society, making marriage a highly val-

ued social institution in every part of the world. Marriage is a legally
and socially recognized union that entails sexual, economic, and social
rights and obligations for the partners, with the expectation of a life-
long relationship (Bachrach, Hindin, & Thompson, 2000). The United
Nations branding of 1994 as the International Year of the Family led to
the explication of the basic human rights of individuals within marital
relationships, and to increased attention being paid to their protection
and preservation (Levesque, 2001). Sexual rights in marital relation-
ships involve individuals having autonomous input in sexual and
reproductive decision making (Levesque, 2001). Economic rights
comprise a broad category that asserts each individual’s entitlement
to material sustenance in terms of food, shelter, health care, and any
other requirements to satisfy one’s basic needs (Hellsten, 2005;
Levesque, 2001; Texier, 2005). This category of rights also emphasizes
each family member’s access to and decision-making power over per-
sonally acquired resources (Gilbert, 2005a), such as employment income.
The right to education, employment, and access to community resources
and opportunities for one’s betterment is also an economic right, as well
as a developmental right accorded to youth (United Nations, 1990;
Wilson, 2005). Social rights address both family relations and interac-
tions within the surrounding cultural milieu. This category of rights
emphasizes freedom of association (Eide, 2005; McBride, 2005), and free-
dom in forming and exiting marital and family relationships (Probert,
2005). Cultural social rights include each person’s right to cultural preser-
vation, cultural participation, and some level of cultural self-determination
(Gilbert, 2005b; Levesque, 2001).
The protection of all of these basic human rights in marital relation-

ships is predicated on accepting the equality in status and worth of
marital partners and on upholding each person’s overarching right to
personal security in family life (Levesque, 2001; MacPherson, 2004).
Levesque postulates that women are often reliant upon their families to
protect their rights and well-being. Therefore, the above rights intersect
with women’s rights to gender equality and freedom from domestic vi-
olence (Cook & Cusack, 2005; Guichon, 2005).
While Western societies have emphasized personal initiation of
the mate selection and marriage process, many other societies around
the world have historically practiced arranged marriages. These
include China (Xiaohe & Whyte, 1990; Zang, 2008), Japan (Blood, 1967;
Langen, Streltzer, & Kai, 1997), Vietnam (Wisensale, 1999), Israel
(Rockman, 1994), Romania (Oprea, 2005), Nepal (Ghimire, Axinn,
Yabiku, & Thornton, 2006), Pakistan (Zaidi & Shuraydi, 2002), Kenya
(Cattell, 1992), India (Madathil & Benshoff, 2008), Bangladesh and Sri
Lanka (Kurian, 1991), and various societies in the Middle East (Bhopal,
1999). These societies vary in the ethnic, cultural, and religious compo-
sition of their resident populations, attesting to the widespread practice
of arranged marriages across diverse groups. For the purpose of this
chapter, an arranged marriage is defined as a marriage that is formed
through third-party intervention. Arranged marriages usually involve
parents or relatives identifying potential mates for their sons or daugh-
ters and planning the marriage ceremony. However, some arranged
marriages involve religious figures or matchmakers that families enlist
to facilitate the joining of two parties who have compatible spiritual,
astrological, or cultural profiles. The use of religious or cultural media-
tors by families arranging the marriages of their sons or daughters
has occurred across various groups, such as some Orthodox Jews
(Rockman, 1994) and families of Japanese descent (Blood, 1967).
Marriages that are arranged by parents tend to have the goal of unit-
ing two families to fulfill various obligations to each other rather than
to bond two autonomous individuals. They are based on cultural val-
ues that emphasize collectivism or family and group-centered living,
rather than the rugged individualism of Western society. Family-
arranged marriages tend to be perceived as sacramental unions that
are based on perceived compatibility between the couple in family
background, education, culture, and religious beliefs and values
(Bhopal, 1999). The assumption that often lies behind family-arranged
marriages is that love is not sufficient to sustain a lifelong relationship;
it may actually lead individuals to make erroneous decisions in the
mate selection process due to idealization of their desired mate (Xiaohe
& Whyte, 1990). In contrast, similarity in background and fundamental
values is viewed to facilitate a secure bond that can endure the chal-
lenges of childrearing, aging, and the passage of time. It is also
Arranged and Forced Marriage 103
assumed that love and passion will eventually develop in arranged

marriages after a true friendship and partnership is formed. Xiaohe
and Whyte (1990) state this common assumption frankly: ‘‘Love
matches start out hot and grow cold, while arranged marriages start
out cold and grow hot’’ (p. 709).
Arranged marriages may occur at any point during the lifespan,
from childhood through widowhood (Cattell, 1992; Levesque, 2001)
and involve varying levels of choice and active participation among
the parties whose lives are being joined. Some arranged marriages
occur with the assumption of a monogamous relationship, whereas
others involve entering a specific rank order in pre-existing polyga-
mous family systems (Catell, 1992). The level of gender equity
or inequity in family relations may be affected by the nature of
the arranged marriage process, such as negotiation of a bride price
(Rastogi & Therly, 2006), or by cultural norms related to family life in
the surrounding society (Wisensale, 1999).
This chapter discusses the variability in arranged marriage practices,
considering issues of consent and coercion as they relate to basic
human rights of freedom of association, personal security, and oppor-
tunities for personal development. The influence of state laws, immi-
gration policies, modernization, acculturation, and sociodemographic
variables on arranged marriage practices is also examined. The chapter
subsequently reviews research on the interpersonal and personal out-
comes of arranged marriages with and without coercion. These out-
comes include marital satisfaction, domestic violence, mental health
status, self-harm/suicide attempts, and criminality. Where comparative
data is available for arranged marriages versus self-initiated unions,
these alternative family formation strategies are evaluated in terms of
their outcomes. The chapter concludes with a critical analysis of exist-
ing laws, policies, and arranged marriage outcomes to outline future
directions that respect cultural differences in structuring family life and
fundamental human rights of individuals within family relationships.
SUBTYPES OF ARRANGED MARRIAGE

Three subtypes of arranged marriage have been described in the lit-
erature. They involve different levels of women’s participation and
choice in the process. The first subtype is the traditional or planned
pattern. In this form of arranged marriage, parents identify, screen,
and select a mate for their daughter through contact with relatives,
family friends, or religious mediators. There may be little or no interac-
tion between the woman and her potential husband. In cases where
the woman does not have the opportunity to see the selected man prior
to her wedding day, this is referred to as a ‘‘blind marriage.’’ In other
cases, she may only see a photograph and then meet him for the first
time at the marriage ceremony. Alternatively, she may have one or two
face-to-face meetings with him, and the meetings may be supervised
by family members (Qureshi, 1991; Stopes-Roe & Cochrane, 1990).
The second subtype of arranged marriage is the modified traditional
or delegation pattern. In this form of arranged marriage, the daughter
has some input in the type of mate she is seeking, and parents take
into account this input in identifying a suitable mate for her. Upon the
identification of a potential husband, the woman is then given the op-
portunity to say yes or no. If she declines the identified candidate, the
parents continue their search for another suitable person for her con-
sideration.
The last subtype of arranged marriage is the cooperative or joint-
venture pattern. Both parents and their daughter may be involved in
the identification, screening, and marriage planning process, but paren-
tal consent is an essential prerequisite for the marriage. Some dating
and courtship may occur prior to the marriage, and this may be super-
vised or unsupervised (Qureshi, 1991; Stopes-Roe & Cochrane, 1990).
CONSENT AND COERCION

It is important to note that although all three subtypes of arranged
marriage emphasize parental choice and consent for the daughter’s
marriage, the daughter’s level of choice and consent may vary across
the subtypes. A forced marriage occurs when parties are coerced into
marriage against their will with both physical and emotional pressure
that results in significant duress (Dostrovsky, Cook, & Gagnon, 2007).
Forced marriages violate both the basic human right to freedom of
association in entering marital relationships and the right to personal
security in the application of physical consequences for declining the
proposed union.
A daughter who sincerely believes that her parents are acting on her
best interests and will identify the best marriage partner for her may
voluntarily submit to a blind marriage. This willingness to participate
in such an arrangement would make it consensual, and there would be
no violation of the woman’s human rights. In contrast, a daughter who
has a desire to have personal input into the process may perceive the
traditional or planned pattern of arranged marriage as coercive if she
has voiced this desire and her desire has been disregarded. Similarly, it
is possible that a daughter whose family is practicing the modified tra-
ditional pattern, where the parents are presenting potential mates for
her to consider, may still feel coerced into the process out of obligation
to her parents. This is particularly likely if she wishes to independently
seek and join with her potential husband (Zaidi & Shuraydi, 2002). If a
daughter desires a mate that her parents are not likely to approve
(for example, a male from outside of her cultural group), even the
cooperative or joint venture arranged marriage pattern may be experi-

enced as a forced marriage process. Therefore, any of the three sub-
types of arranged marriage may occur without any coercion or with
the application of varying levels of emotional or physical pressure.
Because arranged marriages occur at various stages in the lifespan
across different cultural groups and world societies, the level of choice
and consent that a person has in the process may vary with the indi-
vidual’s age and developmental stage at the time of the marriage. The
power to exercise personal decision-making may further be affected by
a woman’s economic and social resources. In many parts of the world,
parents have arranged the marriages of young girls to adolescent or
adult males (Cattell, 1992; Levesque, 2001; Oprea, 2005; Tariq & Tariq,
1993). This practice is referred to as child marriage. It represents a vio-
lation of children’s rights to experiences and opportunities to facilitate
their optimal cognitive, emotional, educational, and social development
as stipulated in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the
Child (United Nations, 1990). These rights of children and youth paral-
lel adult economic and social rights. Child marriage may also violate
children’s right to personal security, as they most often occur through
the application of force and can represent cases of sexual assault of
minors (Cattell, 1992; Levesque, 2001; Tariq & Tariq, 1993).
The most common form of arranged marriage occurs among young
adult daughters and sons. Although there may still be application of
some coercion in these cases, adults may have some options for resist-
ing the marriage attempt. Nevertheless, they may face serious conse-
quences for their resistance, such as a loss of family honor, being
socially ostracized by the cultural community, abuse, and in the worst
case scenario, honor killings (Werbner, 2007; Wilson, 2007).
In some cultures, such as some African subcultures, the marriages of
widows are also arranged (Potash, 1986). These second marriages may
occur in childhood among girls who have had child marriages, during
middle adulthood, or in later life. Cultural practices surrounding the
arranged marriage of widows initially stemmed from the benevolent
intent to ensure that women and their children were taken care of and
provided material sustenance after the death of their husbands. To
ensure adequate caretaking, widow marriages were most often
arranged to other immediate family members, such as the deceased
husband’s brother or cousin (Cattell, 1992). However, such marriages
do not take into account widows’ desires or intentions and tend to be
forced by family members. Many women do not consent to unite with
their husbands’ kin and instead want to pursue an independent exis-
tence (Cattell, 1992). Some actively protest or resist consummating a
marriage with their husbands’ relatives, but limitations in their eco-
nomic and social resources may make them vulnerable to coercion
(Potash, 1986). In some of the African cultures practicing arrangement
of widow marriages, the widow is married into a polygamous family,

and may occupy the lowest status among other co-wives, leading to a
potential for collective maltreatment (Cattell, 1992). Coerced widow
marriages represent a violation of women’s right to freedom in enter-
ing and exiting marital and family relationships in international human
rights statutes (Probert, 2005).
LAWS RELATED TO ARRANGED MARRIAGE

Bachrach et al.’s (2000) definition of marriage emphasized both legal
and social recognition of the union between marriage partners.
Although some cultural groups may desire to practice arranged mar-
riage, making it a socially sanctioned strategy for mate selection, appli-
cable laws in their jurisdictions may not recognize some or all types of
arranged marriages. Lack of legal recognition of arranged marriages
would present a major barrier to the utilization of this family formation
strategy. Laws related to marriage and family life vary greatly across
countries, despite the existence of international statutes on human
rights, women’s rights, and children’s rights that have direct bearing
on marriage practices (Levesque, 2001). Existing laws reflect cultural
and political changes that have occurred in various societies over time.
They address multiple aspects of the marriage and family establish-
ment process, such as choice of a marriage partner (Dostrovsky et al.,
2007; Xiaohe & Whyte, 1990; Zang, 2008), the minimum age at the time
of marriage (Dostrovsky et al., 1007; Wisensale, 1999), monetary
exchange in the marriage process (Rastogi & Therly, 2006), living
arrangements of the marriage partners (Wisensale, 1999), and gender
equality in the marital relationship (Wisensale, 1999). Examples of state
laws that cover each of these areas and their impacts are provided in
this section.
In North America, legislation on marriage and family life empha-
sizes personal initiative and choice in mate selection (Levesque, 2001;
MacPherson, 2004). Other societies in the world have attempted to en-
courage personal choice and initiative in the mate selection and mar-
riage process as a result of Western cultural influence, or in response
to an influx of immigrant and refugee groups practicing arranged mar-
riage. For example, for centuries, blind marriages were the most com-
mon form of marriage in China across all social classes. Chinese young
adults would typically not even meet until their wedding day and the
entire marriage process was strictly controlled and coerced by their
parents (Xiaohe & Whyte, 1990). With increasing Western influence in
the Republican era and the subsequent victory of the Chinese Commu-
nists, there was a major movement toward increasing personal choice
in mate selection. Under the Communist government, the Marriage
Law of the People’s Republic of China was adopted in 1950, ‘‘denouncing
the arbitrary and feudal marriage system . . . which ignores the children’s
interests and proclaiming that marriage shall be based upon the complete
willingness of the two parties. Neither party shall use compulsion, and no
third party shall be allowed to interfere’’ (Yang, 1959, p. 221, as cited in
Xiaohe & Whyte, 1990).
The new Marriage Law withdrew legal recognition for any type of
arranged marriage, in attempt to abolish forced marriage. This major
legislative change dramatically reduced the frequency of the practice of
arranged marriage in Chinese society. In a multiple cohort study of
marriages that took place in China from the 1930s to the 1980s, Xiaohe
and Whyte (1990) found a consistent decline in arranged marriages
over each decade. Close to 70 percent of marriages that took place in
the 1930s were arranged or forced, whereas only 10 percent of mar-
riages that occurred in the 1980s were arranged or forced according to
the reports of married Chinese women.
Zang (2008) obtained similar findings of increased personal choice
and initiative in mate selection and marriage across recent decades in
another multiple cohort study of a large-scale sample in China. Zang’s
(2008) study is particularly important because it included not only
Chinese participants, but also Turkish Muslim immigrants residing in
China over the same decades. Therefore, the findings of the study
attested to the effectiveness of laws in reducing marriage arrangement
across a multi-ethnic sample. In response to the influx of immigrants
and refugees who practice arranged marriage with varying levels of
force into many world societies, a number of countries have also
introduced laws that criminalize forced marriage. These countries
include Britain, Norway, Belgium, Australia, Denmark, and Germany
(Dostrovsky et al., 2007). However, these pluralistic societies have not
criminalized third-party intervention in family formation, as marriage
arrangement can also occur without emotional or physical pressure
and distress. Allowing for noncoercive third-party intervention in fam-
ily formation would serve to protect and uphold basic human rights
related to cultural preservation and cultural self-determination.
Political changes in Vietnamese society over time also led to the
introduction of new laws related to marriage and family life
(Wisensale, 1999). In addition to banning arranged and forced mar-
riages, these laws increased the minimum age of marriage to prevent
child and adolescent marriages. This step would serve to protect and
promote youth’s rights to educational and social opportunities and
experiences critical for their optimal development in accordance with
the United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of the Child (United
Nations, 1990). Acknowledging women’s assistance in defeating French
colonists in Vietnam during the mid-1950s, the Marriage and Family
Law, which took effect in 1960, set a number of parameters to protect
and promote women’s rights, as well as the rights of men and children.
The law abolished arranged marriages, aiming to guarantee men and

women equal freedom in the choice of a marriage partner. It also made
polygamy illegal in Vietnamese society, enforcing monogamous rela-
tionships as the state norm. Similar to the effect of Chinese legislation,
this change led to a decrease in the proportion of arranged marriages
from 60 percent to less than 20 percent over only a single decade after
the passage of the law, as well as to subsequent reductions in the fol-
lowing decades. Monogamy also became the only surviving form of
marriage and family life (Wisensale, 1999). The law raised the mini-
mum age of marriage for women to 18, and the minimum age for mar-
riage was raised to age 21 for men (Wisensale, 1999). Therefore, there
would be no legal recognition of child or adolescent marriages, making
them subject to being nullified. Following suit, a number of nations
hosting cultural groups that have traditionally promoted early mar-
riage have raised the minimum age of marriage in matrimonial laws,
including Great Britain, France, Gabon, and Indonesia (Dostrovsky
et al., 2007).
It is important to note that Vietnam’s Marriage and Family Law of
1960 was particularly unique from other state laws undergoing reform
at that time in developing countries in two ways. First, the law
included provisions emphasizing women’s freedom of living arrange-
ments after the marriage takes place. It specified that women ‘‘shall not
be forced to follow customary rules under which the wife usually
moved in with her husband’s parents’’ (Law on Marriage and the Fam-
ily as cited in Wisensale, 1999, p. 607). This aspect of the law is revolu-
tionary. Extended family living arrangements are common across a
number of cultures and societies, and may provide extra social support
and assistance during the childrearing process. However, newly mar-
ried women living in such arrangements have been found to be vulner-
able to collective maltreatment by the husband, in-laws, and husband’s
siblings, due to the inherent power imbalance in the marital relation-
ship in this context (Dasgupta, 2000; Levesque, 2001; Raj & Silverman,
2002). The new Vietnamese marriage law allowed newly married cou-
ples the option of nuclear family living if this was the desire of the
woman and/or man in the relationship.
Second, the Vietnamese law attempted to institute gender equality
in marital relations, specifying men and women’s equal rights in their
interactions and relationships in all spheres, including property owner-
ship (Wisensale, 1999). Wisensale (1999) points out, however, that it is
difficult to enforce the laws related to gender equality and to assess
their impact given the privacy of the domestic sphere. His research
found that substantial gender inequality still persists in male-female
relationships in Vietnamese society.
Another aspect of arranged marriages that has been addressed
through legislation is the exchange of money or goods in the marriage
process. In some cultures and countries, such as some South Asian

nations, there has historically been a ‘‘bride price’’ or dowry that the
family of the female has to provide to the family of the groom to
accept their daughter into the new family she is joining. The amount of
the dowry tends to depend on the man’s qualities, in terms of his soci-
oeconomic status, education, family background, and appearance. The
greater the man’s perceived worth, the greater the dowry that is
demanded for acceptance of a particular bride as his wife. The dowry
is usually given at the time of the marriage (Rastogi & Therly, 2006). In
other cultures, such as some African cultures, a similar exchange
may take the form of goods, such as cattle that a specific family owns
(Cattell, 1992).
Arranged marriages that are for the profit of one party or family in
the relationship have clear implications for the power balance in the
resulting marriage and for the perceived value of the man and woman
in the union. Also, as Rastogi and Therly (2006) explain, the exchange
of money or goods at the time of marriage often sets the stage for con-
tinuing demands placed on one family by the other, that may culmi-
nate in severe maltreatment or even murder of the new bride if they
are not met. In a review of studies related to dowry-related deaths in
India, Rastogi and Therly (2006) discovered that dowry-related violence
and deaths accounted for more fatalities among women than any other
causes of death. They also indicated that the range of annual deaths
due to dowries in specific parts of the country was between 421 and
5,582. These numbers are clearly alarming.
Rastogi and Therly (2006) describe the new marriage law that was
introduced in India in 1961 that criminalized the act of giving or
receiving a dowry on the part of either family in the marriage process.
Despite the development of this law, the practice of dowry and related
violence against women has continued to occur under the guise of
‘‘wedding gifts’’ being given to the groom’s family based on their
requests. These gifts may take the form of a down payment for a fam-
ily home, a car, and so on. Demands for such so-called gifts have still
tended to continue after arranged marriages, jeopardizing the welfare
of the new bride if her family’s financial resources have already been
depleted. Since the demand for dowry is no longer publicly acknowl-
edged, it makes it difficult for law enforcement officials to become
aware of dowry-related marital problems until after violence occurs. In
fact, many of the studies Rastogi and Therly (2006) reviewed attesting
to a disturbingly high prevalence of dowry-related deaths were con-
ducted after the passage of the 1961 law. The involvement of dowry in
the fatalities was most often identified in investigating the women’s
cause of death.
The findings of the various studies reviewed above elucidate the
variable impact of legislation surrounding arranged marriages. Laws in
various parts of the world have been successful in increasing personal

choice in mate selection and protecting and promoting children’s rights.
However, legislation appears to be substantially less effective in promot-
ing gender equality and in controlling marriages for profit. Therefore,
women remain vulnerable to violations of their basic rights to equality
and personal security.
INDIVIDUAL-LEVEL VARIABLES AFFECTING ARRANGED

MARRIAGE PRACTICES
Laws exercise their influence on marriage practices at the macro
level of societies or cultural groups within specific societies. Existing
research suggests that a number of microlevel individual variables also
affect the frequency of arranged marriages and the forms that they take.
These include Western cultural exposure through media influence,
opportunities for interaction with peers, non-family living arrangements,
education, employment, gender, and acculturation.
The first few variables emerged as important in a large-scale study
conducted across four different ethnic groups residing in Nepal
(Hindus, Tibetan Burmese, Hill Burmese, and Newar groups). Nepal
is another example of a country that had a widespread practice of
arranged marriage. In contrast to other developing nations that had
new legislation introduced related to marriage and family life between
the 1930s and 1960s, Nepal had a new king who began to encourage
more open interaction and exchange with non-Hindu nations starting
in the 1950s (Ghirmire, Axinn, Yaiku, & Thornton, 2006). This led to
increased exposure to Western culture and practices among the resi-
dents of Nepal, as well as advances in educational and social opportu-
nities. Since that time, the frequency of arranged marriages among
residents of Nepal has dropped to 50 percent of all marriages
(Ghirmire et al., 2006). Ghirmire et al. (2006) found that the amount of
TV viewing, listening to Western radio, and reading of popular maga-
zines was a significant predictor of participation and choice in the
selection of a marriage partner among Nepal residents, regardless of
their cultural group membership. These types of media consumption
exposed young people in Nepal to Western ideals relating to romantic
love and autonomous decision making. Similarly, involvement in youth
clubs or activities that provided opportunities for peer interaction sig-
nificantly increased study participants’ involvement in decision making
related to their marriages. Other factors that were related to personal
initiative in the marriage process versus arranged marriage were edu-
cational attainment, moving away from the home to pursue education
in another city (non-family living arrangements), and employment out-
side of the home (Ghirmire et al., 2006). These variables would also
provide youth with some independence from their families, which may
have been reinforced by their exposure to Western media.
Zang (2008) was interested in examining whether relationships
between increased education, employment status, and power in marital
decision making hold across both genders. The author hypothesized
that these relationships will not be evidenced among females from cul-
tural groups that consider women as the main bearers and protectors
of family honor, emphasizing their purity and chastity. Zang (2008)
examined differences in arranged marriage rates between Han Chinese
and Turkish Uyghur Muslims residing in China after the changes to
marriage and family laws were instituted. Zang (2008) found that
arranged marriage rates declined steadily among both cultural groups
in each decade cohort. Education and employment status were clear
predictors of personal involvement in mate selection rather than fam-
ily-arranged marriages; when these variables were controlled, there
was no difference between Han Chinese males and Turkish Uyghur
Muslim males in the rate of arranged marriages. However, even when
female educational level and occupational status was controlled, the
Uyghur Muslim women experienced higher levels of arranged mar-
riages than the Han Chinese women. They also experienced higher lev-
els of arranged marriage than the males from both cultural groups. The
findings supported the researcher’s hypothesis: Cultural beliefs related
to female honor may lead women to be more frequently subject to pa-
rental intervention in mate selection and marriage than their male
counterparts, even if they are educated and employed.
A final important individual-level variable affecting arranged mar-
riage practices is acculturation. Berry (2006) describes acculturation as
a process of sociocultural transition resulting from intercultural contact
that produces attitudinal or behavioral change. In pluralistic societies,
immigrants from countries and cultures that have historically practiced
specific forms of arranged marriage may be exposed to different ways
of engaging in mate selection. They may also be exposed to cultural
ideals related to love and romance. This cross-cultural exposure
may change their expectations about the marriage process and their
preferences for how traditional practices should be adapted in their
new societies of residence. Zaidi and Shuraydi’s (2002) research serves
as a case example. These researchers investigated the marital attitudes
of second-generation young adult Pakistani Muslim females residing in
Canada and the United States. The females were part of a culture that
has a long history of practicing arranged marriages of the traditional
or planned subtype. Due to their experiences growing up in North
American society, the majority of their study participants expressed the
desire for shifting to the modified traditional pattern of arranged mar-
riage where they have some choice in mate selection. Alternatively,
some expressed the desire to be free to self-initiate a ‘‘love marriage.’’
Many of the participants expressed strong statements about various

forms of resistance or rebellion they would engage in if their parents
were not willing to adapt the arranged marriage practice to allow them
greater choice and participation.
ARRANGED MARRIAGE OUTCOMES

It is critical that further legislative actions, policies, and human
rights advocacy in relation to arranged marriage be based on a solid
understanding of the interpersonal and personal outcomes of these
marriages, rather than on value judgments about how particular
cultures establish and structure family life. The following sections
review the emerging research in this area. Two interpersonal outcomes
of arranged marriages have been studied: marital satisfaction and
spousal abuse. In terms of personal outcomes, existing research has
examined personal well-being, mental health problems, self-harm/
suicide attempts, and criminality among individuals in arranged mar-
riage situations.
Interpersonal Outcomes
Marital Satisfaction
Four studies have compared levels of marital satisfaction among
individuals in arranged versus self-initiated marriages. The findings of
these studies have been inconsistent. However, the nature of the stud-
ies and the research samples employed shed light on how the specific
nature of arranged marriage practices and the match between personal
expectations of marriage and the reality of married life relate to marital
satisfaction.
Blood (1967) was the first researcher to compare the outcomes of
arranged and self-initiated marriages. He wanted to empirically assess
the assumption of proponents of arranged marriage that ‘‘love matches
start out hot and grow cold, while arranged marriages start out cold
and grow hot’’ (Xiaohe & Whyte, 1990, p. 709). He administered a mar-
ital satisfaction survey to a sample of 444 couples living in various dis-
tricts in Tokyo, Japan, who experienced either type of marriage.
Blood’s study was a longitudinal study examining marital satisfaction
across various lengths of time during the first decade after marriage
(i.e., less than two years, two to four years, five to eight years, and nine
or more years). Blood’s (1967) findings challenged the assumption he
was testing. Overall, he discovered a significant decline in self-reported
marital satisfaction over time among both arranged and self-initiated
marriages. However, there were important gender differences. Men in
arranged marriages appeared to show a significantly smaller decline in
marital satisfaction over time than men in self-initiated marriages. The

men with arranged marriages maintained higher levels of satisfaction
over longer periods of married life. This trend was reversed for
women, with women in arranged marriages showing a significantly
greater decline in marital satisfaction with longer lengths of marriage
than their counterparts in self-initiated unions. Based on these findings,
Blood (1967) concluded that the advantages of arranged marriages for
the maintenance of marital satisfaction and strong family bonds only
hold for husbands.
It is important to understand the findings of Blood’s (1967) study in
the context of Japanese arranged marriage customs and life in Tokyo
at the time of the research. Arranged marriage customs tended to
involve the young couple having a ritualized meeting. They also had
some opportunities to express an opinion about the family-chosen part-
ner prior to entering the marriage (Blood, 1967). This suggests that
their arranged marriages were not necessarily coerced. Also, it is essen-
tial to take into account the fact that the time period during which
Blood’s study was done was marked by increasing contact with West-
ern culture and society. This contact may have led Japanese couples to
be exposed to ideals of romantic love that could have affected the
levels of marital satisfaction of those who perceived themselves as less
traditional, even if they were in traditional marriage arrangements.
Existing research on acculturation suggests that women from other cul-
tures often find greater liberation in Western culture than their male
counterparts (Dion & Dion, 2001), possibly accounting for the decline
in women’s marital satisfaction over the time of Blood’s (1967) study.
Xiaohe and Whyte (1990) attempted to replicate Blood’s (1967) study
in China, but they focused their study exclusively on women. They
compared the self-reported levels of marital satisfaction of more than
500 Chinese women who had arranged versus self-initiated marriages
using a general questionnaire on marital quality. To allow for a simul-
taneous examination of changes in marital quality over time across
these two marriage methods, the researchers compared women who
got married in various decades prior to and after the change in Chinese
marriage and family laws. This included women who got married in
1933–1948, 1949–1957 and so on, up to the 1977–1987 decade. There-
fore, their study utilized a multiple cohort, cross-sectional design.
In contrast to Blood’s findings, Xiaohe and Whyte (1990) found a
statistically significant increase in women’s levels of marital satisfaction
over time in both arranged and self-initiated marriages. Women who
had been married for 20 or more years reported the highest levels of
marital satisfaction across both marriage methods. In comparing satis-
faction levels between women in arranged and self-initiated unions
across women married for different lengths of time, Chinese women in
self-initiated marriages reported higher satisfaction levels at each stage
of married life. It is important to reiterate that the primary form of

arranged marriage practiced in China was blind marriage involving
significant coercion (Xiaohe & Whyte, 1990). Therefore, the lower satis-
faction of women in arranged marriages may simply reflect longstand-
ing discontent over forced marriage. It may not accurately reflect the
effects of marriage arrangement per se. As was discussed in previous
sections, any of the three subtypes of arranged marriage may also
occur without coercion.
Madathil and Benshoff (2008) wanted to take into account expecta-
tions of marriage and their relationship to marital satisfaction in the
process of comparing arranged and self-initiated marriages. Their
study involved the best and most rigorous methodology out of all the
studies discussed so far, because (a) it conducted both a within-culture
comparison and a cross-cultural comparison to examine the possible
effects of Western exposure and acculturation on marital satisfaction;
(b) it included participants of both genders; (c) rather than using a gen-
eral measure of marital satisfaction, it assessed multiple components of
satisfaction independently and in combination; and (d) the demo-
graphic data collected addressed participants’ level of interaction with
their spouse prior to marriage and whether their opinions about their
prospective partner were considered in the arranged marriage process.
Their study aimed to compare the perceived importance of various
marital characteristics and marital satisfaction among couples from
three groups: Asian Indians in arranged marriages residing in India,
Asian Indians in arranged marriages residing in the United States, and
Caucasian Americans in marriages of their own initiative. Their study
included approximately 100 couples from each of these groups.
It is important to highlight that 95 percent of the Asian Indian cou-
ples in the study who were residing in the United States reported that
they had met their partners prior to marriage and their opinions were
taken into account. Similarly, 82 percent of the Asian Indian couples
residing in India reported that they had seen their partners prior to the
arranged marriage and that their family considered their opinions. This
suggests that the forms of arranged marriages they experienced were
likely the modified traditional pattern or the cooperative pattern, and
there was no coercion involved. The mean age of the study participants
was fairly similar across the three groups. Their average ages ranged
from 39 to 45. The average length of time the couples had been mar-
ried was also relatively similar across the three groups. They were all
in their second decade of married life, having been married between 12
and 18 years (Madathil & Benshoff, 2008).
Madathil and Benshoff administered the Characteristics of Marriage
Inventory (CHARISMA; Rosen-Grandon, 1998) to the couples across all
three groups. Respondents are asked to rate the level of importance
they attach to the marital issues addressed in each of the 18 items, as
well as to rate their satisfaction with each marital issue. The 18 items
on the scale assess three core characteristics of marriage. The first is
loving, which involves open communication, demonstration of affec-
tion, mutual respect, forgiveness, and interpersonal sensitivity. The
second is loyalty, which involves strong commitment to the marriage,
a high degree of sexual activity, and strong moral values in the
marital relationship. The final characteristic is shared values,
which emphasizes high priorities placed on religiosity and childrear-
ing, traditional gender roles, and management of conflicts (Rosen-
Grandon, 1998).
The Asian Indian couples in Madathil and Benshoff’s study scored
significantly higher than their American counterparts in relation to the
perceived importance of all three core marital characteristics across
both genders. More specifically, the Asian Indian couples residing in
the United States most firmly endorsed all three dimensions as
extremely important to them. The most pronounced difference among
these core marital characteristics among the three groups was in
relation to shared values. American couples in marriages of their own
initiation rated shared values as substantially less important to them
than they were for Asian Indians in arranged marriages.
A comparison of total levels of marital satisfaction and satisfaction
in relation to each of the three core marital characteristics across
the three groups using factorial analysis of variance revealed some
very interesting results. First, there was no significant difference in the
overall level of marital satisfaction between Asian Indians in arranged
marriages who were residing in India and Americans in self-initiated
marital relationships. An earlier study that also used the CHARISMA
scale, comparing marital satisfaction between Asian Indians in arranged
marriages living in India and Americans in self-initiated marriages,
obtained similar results (Myers, Madathil, & Tingle, 2005). Second, there
were no significant gender differences in marital satisfaction. Third,
Asian Indians in arranged marriages who were living in the United
States had a significantly higher level of overall marital satisfaction than
the other two groups. This finding occurred across almost every one of
the three core characteristics of marriage, which they had endorsed most
highly. The researchers concluded that the match between expectations
of marriage and the reality of arranged marriages can likely account for
the high satisfaction rates among this group. They specifically empha-
sized how U.S. living may allow Asian Indian couples some independ-
ence from their families and freedom to acculturate, enabling them to
mold their arranged marriages in a way that meets their ideals
and maximizes personal satisfaction (Madathil & Benshoff, 2008).
Madathil and Benshoff emphasized that their results support the idea
that arranged marriages are a viable form of establishing a satisfying
family life.
Spousal Abuse
Besides examining possible variance in positive outcomes of married
life in the form of marital satisfaction across arranged and self-initiated
marriages, researchers have investigated negative interpersonal out-
comes, specifically spousal maltreatment. In their extensive review of
existing research, Raj and Silverman (2002) report that there is no dif-
ference in domestic violence rates across arranged and self-initiated
marriages that occur in the same locality. However, international
arranged marriages have been found to increase women’s risk for vari-
ous forms of spousal abuse, including physical battering, sexual abuse,
and emotional abuse. Unique forms of immigration abuse have also
been reported among women who have had international arranged
marriages, such as threats of deportation and husbands imposing bar-
riers to women’s English language learning and cultural integration
(Bui & Morash, 1999; Chin, 1994; Cote, Kerisit, & Cote, 2001; Dasgupta,
2000; Raj & Silverman, 2002; Shirwadkar, 2004).
International arranged marriages most often occur when families
who have immigrated to Western countries collaborate with relatives
from abroad to identify wives for their sons from their home countries.
The desire of many immigrants to retain their cultural heritage
and ensure a traditional family life leads to the application of arranged
marriages across national borders. Women of the same cultural herit-
age who are already living in Western nations may be seen as accultu-
rated rather than traditional (Raj and Silverman, 2002). In international
arranged marriages, the marriage usually takes place in the family’s
country of origin. Subsequently, the male returns to his country of
current permanent residence or citizenship and files a sponsorship
application on behalf of his new bride to facilitate her immigration
(Merali, 2008).
The escalation in women’s risk of being subjected to spousal abuse
in international arranged marriages is attributed to shortcomings
in family immigration policies in Western nations (Dasgupta, 2000;
Merali, 2008; Raj & Silverman, 2002). Since most female marriage
migrants are sponsored by husbands living in North America, the
spousal immigration policies of Canada and the United States will
be presented here as case examples. To be eligible to sponsor a wife,
the Canadian or American spouse must provide documentation sup-
porting his citizenship or status as a permanent resident. He must also
provide financial statements, such as copies of bank account balances
and paychecks, to demonstrate his ability to financially support his
wife for a period of three years after her arrival. Financial capability to
sponsor is based on having an income and savings level that would
enable the couple to live significantly above the national poverty line.
The husband signs a contract with the national government taking full
responsibility for the sponsored bride’s basic needs (including food,

shelter, health, and dental care) and integration needs (training in
English/French as a second language, social programs, etc.) for this
three-year period (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2002; U.S.
Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2007).
Once the application is approved and the foreign wife receives a
visa number, she is able to immigrate to North America to be with her
husband. In the first three years after her arrival, the wife has no inde-
pendent access to resources and is not eligible to receive any social se-
curity benefits. Unlike immigrants who come to North America
independently, she is not connected to any immigration agencies or
social supports apart from her husband (Citizenship and Immigration
Canada, 2002; U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2007). It is
expected that with the husband’s support, over time, she will develop
the skills to support herself and to integrate; she will learn English or
French, seek employment, socially integrate with others, and adapt to
North American ways. In Canada, once a sponsorship application is
approved, the woman is granted the opportunity to become a perma-
nent resident of Canada upon her own initiation of a permanent
residence application (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2002).
However, in the United States, the woman can only gain permanent
residence status if her husband files an application on her behalf dur-
ing the first two years after her arrival. If the husband does not file this
application, she may be subject to deportation (U.S. Citizenship and
Immigration Services, 2007).
The immigration policies reviewed enforce women’s economic and
social dependence on their husbands and husbands’ exclusive control
of all resources that women may need to access. Existing international
and cross-cultural research has implicated economic dependence and
exclusive male control of resources in the etiology of gender-based vio-
lence. These conditions amplify any existing gender inequality in the
marital relationship (Heise, 1998; Michalski, 2004). Social isolation of
women has also been found to be a contributing factor for spousal mal-
treatment, especially when combined with other stressors in family
relationships, such as marital conflict and financial strain (Heise, 1998;
Michalski, 2004; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005). A failure to connect female
marriage migrants to immigration and settlement agencies for even a
single visit prevents them from having any safety net in the event of
experiencing marital or integration challenges. As their sponsors, their
husbands would also be aware that the women do not have any con-
nections to social resources in the host society. Furthermore, a signifi-
cant proportion of male immigrants in North America experience
unemployment and underemployment due to a lack of recognition of
their foreign educational credentials. Therefore, although they can
demonstrate financial capability to provide for their new brides, they
may still experience financial hardship. This may lead them to perceive
their responsibility for the wife as an added financial burden (Raj &
Silverman, 2002). For example, some sponsored women in Merali’s
(2009) study reported that their husbands were providing them with
only a single meal a day or only buying them spring coats despite
extreme winter weather.
The fact that many brides entering North America through interna-
tional arranged marriages are not proficient in English exacerbates their
vulnerability to spousal maltreatment. The nature of their immigration
status is often communicated to them only through their husbands or
in-laws, leaving room for miscommunication of their status in the host
society. For example, women who do not know English are often not
aware that Canadian immigration policy grants them permanent resi-
dent status upon their own initiation of the application process. Exist-
ing studies have uncovered their tendency to helplessly resign to
threats of deportation made by their husbands (Cote et al., 2001;
Merali, 2009; Shirwadkar, 2004).
Given the aforementioned shortcomings of family immigration poli-
cies in North America, some women who immigrate for international
arranged marriages have become subject to violations of four basic
human rights categories, as discussed by Merali (2009). Women’s right
to personal security may be compromised through physical battering.
Women’s economic right to material subsistence may be violated by
sponsors’ failure to provide adequate food and clothing, in direct
breach of the sponsorship agreement with the government of Canada
or United States. Violation of women’s right to cultural participation
may occur as a result of sponsor-imposed barriers to learning English
as a second language. Finally, a violation of women’s right to freedom
of association may occur when sponsors prohibit their interaction with
other members of the host society (Merali, 2009). One or more of these
violations have been reported across a number of studies of interna-
tional marriages (Bui & Morash, 1999; Chin, 1994; Cote et al., 2001;
Dasgupta, 2000; Raj & Silverman, 2002; Shirwadkar, 2004).
PERSONAL OUTCOMES
Well-being
Similar to research on interpersonal outcomes of arranged marriages,
studies on personal outcomes have addressed both positive and nega-
tive consequences. Myers et al. (2005) are the only researchers to exam-
ine positive outcomes to date, and are also the only researchers to have
conducted a study on personal outcomes of arranged marriages that
has included a control group. In their study of couples in arranged
marriages living in India and American couples in self-initiated
marriages, Myers et al. compared perceived levels of personal wellness

among the couples. They utilized the Wellness Evaluation of Lifestyle
survey (WEL; Myers, Sweeney, Hattie, & Witmer, 1998). This 120-item
self-report inventory addresses multiple components of personal well-
being, including sense of self-worth, sense of control, emotional aware-
ness, physical health care (i.e., nutrition and exercise), problem-solving
ability, feeling loved, and strength of spirituality and cultural identity.
It therefore considers positive functioning as a state of emotional, phys-
ical, spiritual, and cultural well-being.
Myers et al. did not find any difference in total wellness scores on
this measure between couples in arranged versus self-initiated mar-
riages. Similarly, in examining subscale scores, there were no signifi-
cant differences in the perceived self-worth of couples from the
two groups, or in the areas of management of emotions, level of feel-
ing loved, and problem-solving ability. There were some differences
between the subscale scores of the couples from each group in the
areas of spirituality, cultural identity, and nutrition, where the couples
in arranged marriages scored higher than their counterparts. In con-
trast, in the areas of feeling a sense of control over their lives, couples
in marriages of their own initiation had higher mean scores. These
findings make sense given the individualism of American society ver-
sus the family orientation of Indian society.
Mental Health Problems and Self-harm

The remainder of studies on personal outcomes of arranged mar-
riage has focused on negative outcomes, such as mental health prob-
lems, self-harm, and criminality. The preponderance of studies on
negative outcomes likely reflects Western cultural biases against
arranged marriage practices. It is also important to note that the studies
that will be reviewed in the following sections are either descriptive
studies or post-de-facto investigations identifying causes of mental
health problems, suicide attempts, or criminality among samples
experiencing these outcomes. None of the studies have utilized quasi-
experimental designs.
Langen et al. (1997) described the phenomenon of ‘‘Honeymoon
Psychosis’’ (p. 171) among Japanese couples in arranged marriages
vacationing in Hawaii. Their research was instigated by a dispropor-
tionately large number of Japanese individuals coming to the attention
of the hospital emergency department in Honolulu, compared to their
representation among visitors to Hawaii. The cases tended to involve
severe psychological distress and delusions and hallucinations. It
was determined through the assessment process that many of the
Japanese patients coming through the hospital with psychosis were on
their honeymoons in Hawaii. Langen et al. (1997) examined the
hospital emergency and treatment records of 16 Japanese patients diag-

nosed with psychosis while on their honeymoons. They also inter-
viewed the psychiatrists who had worked with these patients. The
study was conducted over a two-year period, and the hospital record
data was obtained after the patients’ treatment and discharge from the
Honolulu hospital.
The majority of the Japanese honeymooner patients had arranged
marriages and had little or no premarital relationship experience. Their
case records and psychiatrist interviews attested to them being over-
whelmed with the marriage process and with their first sexual experi-
ences. The sample included both men and women, with the mean age
of men being 30 and the mean age of women being 27. The most im-
portant fact to note about this study is that 10 of the 16 patients had
some level of pre-existing mental health problems, such as depression
or anxiety, although many had concealed them from their spouse and/
or family. Therefore, it appears that rather than being precipitated by
arranged marriages per se, honeymoon psychosis may simply be an
extreme reaction to the stressful life event of marriage among individu-
als with pre-existing emotional vulnerabilities (Langen et al., 1997).
Self-harm is a common outcome of the occurrence of severe emo-
tional distress. Two studies have identified arranged marriages as a
contributing factor in attempts to harm oneself and completed suicides.
Konradsen, van der Hock, and Peiris (2006) studied the reasons for
self-inflicted pesticide poisoning among 159 male and female patients
who were hospitalized for these self-harm attempts in Sri Lanka within
a single year. Konradsen et al. noted that the most common form of
suicide attempts in Sri Lanka is through ingestion of pesticides, since
the agricultural economy of the country has led to pesticides being
readily available in local corner stores. The researchers interviewed the
patients directly after their discharge from the hospital and/or inter-
viewed family members through home visits. Their results indicated
that 22 percent of the self-inflicted poisonings could be attributed to
marital problems, with forced marriages being one of the major marital
problems identified. Their study therefore links coercion in marriage
arrangement to an adverse personal outcome, rather than arranged
marriage without coercion.
Vijayakumar and Thilothammal (1993) analyzed police records of
suicide pacts that were part of investigations related to the self-harm
attempts and completed deaths of 324 males and females in India dur-
ing the five-year period from 1982 to 1987. Marriage related issues,
including arranged marriages and dowry problems and demands, were
among the most frequently occurring reasons for suicide attempts
stated in the suicide pacts. The previously discussed statistics on homi-
cides of new brides in arranged marriages involving dowries in India
suggested that the pairing of arranged marriages with a bride price
increases the likelihood that women will be maltreated. Vijayakumar

and Thilothammal’s findings suggest that the phenomenon of bride
price in arranged marriages may also jeopardize women’s livelihood
by contributing to their likelihood of self-harm when they are unable
to cope with dowry demands or maltreatment by others.
Criminality
Another negative personal outcome of arranged marriages that has
been studied after the fact is criminality. Tariq and Tariq (1993) inter-
viewed female convicts who were interned in prisons across four prov-
inces in Pakistan. The convicts’ ages ranged from 15 to 51, with
the majority of them falling in the 28 to 35 age group. Sixty percent
were convicted for murder (42 of the study participants). The majority
of the participants who had committed murder killed their husbands
or in-laws. Tariq and Tariq conducted a content analysis of the charac-
teristics of their marriages based on their interview data to identify the
contributing factors for the marital problems that led to their criminal-
ity. Thirty-four percent of the female convicts had forced marriages,
and 49 percent had marriages that occurred in childhood or adoles-
cence. In 64 percent of their marriages, there was a sharp disparity
between their ages at the time of marriage and the ages of the hus-
bands they were married to, with the men being significantly older.
Eighty-eight percent of the women also reported problems with their
in-laws in the form of maltreatment. The results of this study highlight
the types of marriage characteristics that may pose significant chal-
lenges to women’s coping ability. However, outbreaks of violence by
women may represent acts of self-defense when they have no other
options for escaping their plight. In reality, women are much more
likely to be killed by others than to kill others (Rastogi & Therly, 2006).
Rastogi and Therly’s work on dowry-related deaths in arranged mar-
riages discussed in the previous section on laws illustrates this fact.
IMPLICATIONS FOR LAW, POLICY, AND HUMAN RIGHTS

ADVOCACY
Although arranged marriages have often been considered to repre-
sent an atypical and inappropriate way of establishing family life from
the Western perspective, the literature reviewed in this chapter sug-
gests that they have been practiced across multiple countries, cultures,
and religious groups (Bhopal, 1999; Blood, 1967; Cattell, 1992; Ghimire
et al., 2006; Kurian, 1991; Langen et al., 1997; Madathil & Benshoff,
2008; Oprea, 2005; Rockman, 1994; Xiaohe & Whyte, 1990; Wisensale,
1999; Zaidi & Shuraydi, 2002; Zang, 2008). The diversity in arranged
marriage practices likely reflects the plurality among the groups
utilizing this family formation strategy. When marriages are arranged

through third-party initiative rather than personal initiative, it may be
assumed that there is no personal choice or consent in the process.
However, each of the subtypes of arranged marriage may occur with-
out any coercion and full consent of the partners, or through the appli-
cation of various forms of emotional and physical pressure. When such
pressure results in significant duress on the part of either of the pro-
spective marriage partners, the arranged marriage becomes a forced
marriage from a legal standpoint (Dostrovsky et al., 2007).
The research reviewed in this chapter suggests that multiple varia-
bles may affect individuals’ desire for and likelihood of entering an
arranged marriage, such as exposure to Western media, level of educa-
tion, employment status, and non-family living arrangements (Ghirmire
et al., 2006). Gender and acculturation have also been found to relate to
the likelihood of third-party intervention in marriage and personal mar-
riage preferences (Zang, 2008; Zaidi & Shuraydi, 2002). Even when other
sociodemographic variables are controlled, women from cultures that
view females as the bearers of family honor are more likely to have their
marriages arranged than men (Zang, 2008).
An examination of the outcomes of arranged marriages occurring
within a particular nation suggests that when there is some level of
choice in the marriage process, they may lead to the development of
relationships that are as satisfying or more satisfying than self-initiated
marital relations (Madathil & Benshoff, 2008). This may be especially
the case when the individuals joined together in marriage have similar
expectations of the marriage and shared cultural values (Madathil &
Benshoff, 2008). In contrast, forced marriages have been found to yield
lower marital satisfaction than marriages formed through personal ini-
tiative and personal choice, particularly among women (Xiaohe &
Whyte, 1990). Research on personal outcomes of arranged marriages
occurring within a specific nation identified a similar dichotomy in out-
comes based on whether marriages are volitional or forced. No differ-
ence in overall levels of well-being among individuals in these
marriages and personally-initiated unions has been found when some
choice has been exercised (Myers et al., 2005). The exception occurs in
cases where individuals have pre-existing mental health problems. The
stress of adjusting to married life with an unfamiliar person may precipi-
tate additional mental health challenges in those with pre-existing vulner-
abilities, even in the absence of force (Langen et al., 1997). When arranged
marriages are forced and occur in childhood or adolescence to older
males, they have been found to be associated with negative outcomes, such
as self-harm/suicide attempts (Konradsen et al., 2006; Vijayakumar &
Thilothammal, 1993) and criminality (Tariq & Tariq, 1993).
Laws related to arranged marriage have covered a wide range of
issues, such as third-party intervention, the minimum age of marriage,
family living arrangements, the negotiation of a bride price, and gender

equality. Laws that have attempted to abolish arranged marriages alto-
gether have been successful in dramatically reducing arranged mar-
riage rates in nations where these laws were implemented (Wisensale,
1999; Xiaohe & Whyte, 1990; Zang, 2008). An examination of the ration-
ale for the introduction of such laws suggests a misunderstanding of
arranged marriages. The laws seem to be based on the assumption that
all arranged marriages are forced marriages and ignore diversity
among arranged marriage practices. Taking into account the research
on arranged marriage outcomes, such laws are misguided. More
importantly, in attempting to protect individual human rights related
to freedom of association and autonomous decision-making, such laws
may contravene essential cultural rights and freedoms, such as freedom
of belief, expression, religion, and cultural tradition that are embedded
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations, 1948).
These culturally based rights and freedoms are also addressed to vary-
ing degrees in national policies related to diversity and pluralism
(Levesque, 2001). However, this category of rights and freedoms
may have received limited attention and respect among some of the
political regimes operating when laws abolishing arranged marriages
were introduced. In international law, cultural rights and freedoms
can only be legitimately challenged when they violate other basic
human rights (Levesque, 2001). In the case of noncoerced arranged
marriages within a specific nation, the research evidence suggests
positive personal and interpersonal outcomes. It does not provide any
evidence of higher rates of human rights violations in the form of
domestic violence.
In contrast to laws aiming to abolish arranged marriage altogether,
those attempting to criminalize forced marriage and to raise the mini-
mum age of marriage are more well informed. Laws focusing on forced
marriage sanctions can serve to protect the human right to freedom of
a marriage partner and also reduce the likelihood of negative personal
and interpersonal outcomes of arranged marriage processes. Laws
increasing age at the time of marriage can increase children’s likelihood
of having access to educational, developmental, and social opportuni-
ties that they are accorded in the United Nations Convention on the
Rights of the Child (United Nations, 1990). Despite the fact that laws
banning the negotiation or exchange of a bride price in arranged mar-
riages also appear well informed, the introduction of such a law in
India has led the practice to occur implicitly rather than explicitly. This
change has made it harder for law enforcers to detect dowry processes
until after serious violence or dowry-related deaths have occurred.
Therefore, there has been a consistent and startling rise in dowry-
related deaths since the introduction of this law in 1961 (Rastogi &
Therly, 2006).
Rastogi and Therly postulate the need to initiate public education

for male and female members of communities practicing the exchange
and negotiation of bride price to inform them of the risks to the wel-
fare of daughters, sisters, and wives in the community as a whole.
They also emphasize the need for community outreach efforts to help
concerned family members, neighbors, and friends recognize signs of
maltreatment and violence and learn how to intervene. It is surmised
that community engagement can contribute to pro-active rather
than reactive law enforcement. It is important to note that although
legislative actions and community engagement can help guard against
negative outcomes, such steps cannot guarantee gender equality in
communities where substantial inequality has existed in family rela-
tionships (Wisensale, 1999).
The conclusions reached so far focus on arranged marriages per-
formed within a specific nation or locality. A review of existing studies
suggested that when arranged marriages occur across international bor-
ders, women’s risk of being subjected to multiple forms of human
rights violations is heightened (Raj & Silverman, 2002). These violations
include various forms of abuse and neglect, as well as barriers to their
social and cultural integration in the surrounding society. This eleva-
tion in risk is attributed to family immigration policies in immigrant-
receiving nations, which tend to enforce new brides’ economic, social,
and cultural dependence on their husbands and promote their aliena-
tion (Raj & Silverman, 2002).
Raj and Silverman (2002) and Merali (2009) outline a number of
changes that are needed to family sponsorship policies to reduce wom-
en’s vulnerability to maltreatment. One of these steps is translating im-
migration documents into their first languages to ensure that female
marriage migrants have direct access to information that relates to their
status as sponsored persons in the host country. This would eliminate
the need for non-English-proficient women to rely on their husbands
or in-laws for translation assistance, leaving no room for miscommuni-
cation. First-language education about human rights and their protec-
tion in the country they are entering would also empower the women
to recognize and respond to any violations. Rights-based education
could occur at the foreign embassies in their countries of origin prior
to migration as a proactive step. Connecting women to immigration
and settlement agencies for at least a single visit to ensure they have a
safety net in the event of encountering abuse or sponsor-imposed
barriers to cultural or social integration is also recommended (Raj &
Silverman, 2002; Merali, 2008). To prevent neglect of women’s basic
human right to material subsistence, family immigration policies may
further consider the creation of a spousal allowance for sponsored
brides that is based on the same proportion of their sponsors’ incomes
that governments expect that sponsors will devote to their new brides
(Merali, 2008). It is only if arranged marriages are understood in light

of their intentions, diverse forms, actual outcomes, and local or interna-
tional contexts that laws, policies, and human rights advocacy can be
appropriately channeled to protect and preserve women’s
well-being.
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Chapter 6
Women’s Reproductive Rights:

An International Perspective
Joan C. Chrisler
Cynthia Garrett
One woman somewhere in the world dies every minute of every day
from pregnancy- and childbirth-related complications. The United
Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) has estimated that
3 million girls worldwide are at risk of female genital cutting annually
(Wakabi, 2007). Each year, tens of thousands of women die, more than
5 million are admitted to a hospital, and a considerable number
become infertile as a result of unsafe abortions; 200 million women still
have an unmet need for family planning and contraceptives of any
kind (Hindin, 2007). Only 16 of 68 countries identified by the United
Nations (UN) are on target to meet the Millennium Development Goals
for reducing rates of maternal and child deaths by 2015 (Countdown
Coverage Writing Group, 2008).
Acceptance of women’s reproductive rights as basic human rights
has grown in recent years. In 1994, at the International Conference on
Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo, official international rec-
ognition of reproductive rights as human rights began as representa-
tives of more than 180 nations agreed on basic protections for women’s
ability to control their reproductive lives. The UN and other regional
bodies have urged governments around the world to safeguard repro-
ductive rights for all women (Center for Reproductive Rights, n.d.).
These are promising signs, yet, as evidenced by the facts expressed
above, we have a long way to go to guarantee reproductive justice for
the world’s women, as reproductive rights are not universally main-
tained around the globe.
What do we mean by the term ‘‘reproductive rights’’? According to

the World Health Organization, reproductive rights are ‘‘the basic rights
of all couples and individuals to decide freely and responsibly the num-
ber, spacing, and timing of their children and to have the information
and means to do so, and the right to attain the highest standard of sex-
ual and reproductive health. They also include the right of all to make
decisions concerning reproduction free of discrimination, coercion, and
violence’’ (ICPD Programme of Action, 1994, para 7.3). ‘‘Reproductive
justice’’ is a more recent term that is used by some feminist activists to
underscore the fact that, although in some countries (e.g., the United
States) reproductive rights (e.g., abortion) are legal, many women are
not able to access the services they need to exercise those rights (e.g.,
there may be no services available where they live, those services are
not covered by health insurance). If women are not able to exercise
their rights, it does them little good to know that the government guar-
antees their right to make their own ‘‘choices.’’ Rights þ resources þ
accessibility ¼ justice.
POLITICS AND CULTURE INFLUENCE

REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE
The factors that influence the degree to which reproductive rights
are upheld are broad and interwoven. The political context of a region
is one such factor. For example, during the Cold War modern contra-
ceptive methods (manufactured in the West) were simply not available
in the Soviet Union (Barrett & Buckley, 2007). Abortion was the pri-
mary method of preventing births in the Soviet Socialist Republics until
the mid to late 1980s. Currently, in Uzbekistan, the IUD (intra-uterine
device) is the most prevalent contraceptive method; 73 percent of mar-
ried Uzbeck women report having used this method (Barrett & Buckley,
2007). The results of Barrett and Buckley’s study of contraceptive
patterns in Uzbekistan suggest that women’s contraceptive choice is
constrained. One factor in the high utilization of IUDs may be the
pressure put on medical clinics by government agencies that link IUD
insertion quotas and clinic funding.
Historical events, such as civil wars and other armed conflicts, can
severely restrict assess to reproductive health care, especially for politi-
cal refugees. In one study (McGinn, Casey, Purdin, & Marsh, 2004), the
researchers found that, during intense phases of armed conflict, rates
of unsafe abortion and maternal mortality rise. The crisis management
mentality of refugee camp personnel can also restrict reproductive
choices. The risk of gender-based violence is always present during
armed conflicts, as is the threat of becoming widowed and being forced
to trade sex to meet basic needs (Petchesky, 2008). In recent wars
around the globe (e.g., Bosnia, Darfur, Democratic Republic of the
Women’s Reproductive Rights: An International Perspective 131
Congo) rapes have been widespread as a method of terrifying people

and diluting ethnic solidarity. Thus, in times when women might be
most in need of reproductive health care, its accessibility is especially
likely to be curtailed.
Palestinian refugees, for example, have struggled for access to repro-
ductive health services since the beginning of the second Intifada in
September 2000. According to interviews with health care providers
(Bosmans, Nasser, Khammash, Claeys, & Temmerman, 2008), women
have requested that physicians induce labor because they are afraid of
being trapped at home by curfews when their contractions begin. There
are reports of births, stillbirths, and even women dying during labor
at military checkpoints. Although they live in an environment with
unsafe access to prenatal and other reproductive health care, Palestin-
ian women are under intense social pressure to bear more children as
their contribution to the Intifada (Bosmans et al., 2008).
On the other hand, some populations have increased access to
reproductive health care due to political circumstances. In Israel, for
example, women have state-funded access to assisted reproductive tech-
nologies including in vitro fertilization (IVF) (Birenbaum-Carmeli &
Dimfeld, 2008). These technologies typically are offered free of charge
to any Israeli woman up to the age of 45. She is eligible for such
services up to the age of 51 if she uses donor eggs. Marital status and
sexual orientation are not barriers to these services. State funding for
such technologies is limited to two children with the woman’s present
partner, but there have been exceptions to this rule. In contrast, contra-
ceptives and abortion are only partially covered by the Israeli public
health system (Birenbaum-Carmeli & Dirnfeld, 2008). Israel’s pronatal
stance has been linked to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a component
of nation building. Israeli leaders have expressed fear that Jews will
become a minority population, a situation commonly referred to as the
‘‘demographic time bomb.’’ Civil servants keep a close watch on demo-
graphic projections.
Beyond the impact of governments at the national level, policies in
one country can have a ripple effect on access to reproductive options
in other parts of the world. For example, in 1984 U.S. President Ronald
Reagan’s administration established a policy known as the ‘‘Global
Gag Rule,’’ which prevents performing abortions, providing counseling
about reproductive options, referring patients to services, or even lob-
bying for abortion in developing nations that receive funds for health
clinics from the United States (Sullivan, 2009). This particular policy
has been a hotbed of controversy throughout the years. It was repealed
during the Clinton administration, reinstated by the second Bush
administration, and then repealed again by President Obama (Sullivan,
2009). The Global Gag Rule has had far-reaching implications for at
least 20 developing countries. It has led to the disruption of delivery of
contraceptives overseas, left many women with only unsafe options to

abort, and increased instances of maternal mortality (Kort, 2008). This
cruel policy interferes with the practice of medicine, health education,
and counseling, and its cycle of repeal and reinstatement makes it very
difficult for public health authorities in developing nations to plan and
finance reproductive health services for their citizens.
On a more positive note, international human rights bodies are
attempting to persuade governments to change their laws to ease abor-
tion restrictions (Boland & Katzive, 2008). In 2003, for example, the
African Union adopted the Protocol to the African Charter on Human
and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. In brief, this
protocol states that all appropriate measures to protect reproductive
rights must be taken and that medical abortion must be allowed in case
of rape, incest, or threats to a woman’s physical or mental health. As
of 2007, 21 countries had ratified this protocol (Boland & Katzive,
2008). The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimina-
tion against Women (CEDAW) was adopted by the UN General As-
sembly in 1979. It affirms women’s reproductive rights as necessary for
women’s equality in political, economic, social, cultural, and civil are-
nas. As we write this, the only UN member nations that have not rati-
fied CEDAW are Iran, Nauru, Palau, Qatar, Somalia, Sudan, Tonga,
and the United States. Furthermore, international courts of human
rights are now holding governments accountable for their violations of
women’s reproductive rights. K. L. v. Peru, Paulina Ramirez v. Mexico,
and Tysiac v. Poland1 are examples of cases that have been won in the
interest of reproductive justice (Center for Reproductive Rights, n.d.).
Closely intertwined with historical events and politics is the influ-
ence of culture on women’s reproductive rights. The historical events
associated with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have served to create a
culture of pronatalism on both sides that can reduce a woman’s choice
regarding birth spacing and, consequently, might impact her health.
Until recently, therapeutic abortions were available in Nicaragua if
three physicians agreed that the procedure was necessary for the wom-
an’s health, but this right, however limited, was eliminated for the sake
of politics. Daniel Ortega, the former Sandinista leader, decided to run
for the presidency of Nicaragua in 2006. His past as a guerilla leader
hurt his popularity, and he decided to court Catholic and Evangelical
Protestant leaders and their congregations to increase his political base.
He announced that he had ‘‘found’’ Jesus, began to practice his religion
with public devotion, and mentioned God frequently in his speeches
(Goldberg, 2009). After his election, he thanked the religious leaders
for their support by pushing to outlaw all abortions. The new policy
was tied to cultural values such as marianismo,2 and the idea that moth-
erhood is woman’s highest calling. Maternal mortality doubled after
the new law was enacted; women died not only because they had
sought unsafe abortions outside of hospitals and clinics, but because

the new law is so draconian that physicians are afraid to intervene,
even in medical situations where the woman’s life is in imminent dan-
ger, unless they can prove that the fetus is dead (Goldberg, 2009). For
example, women with ectopic pregnancies have died as doctors waited
for the fallopian tube to burst. Thus, Nicaraguan politics has killed
women and forced physicians to choose between malpractice and jail.
The opposite situation can also occur: Culture can impact politics.
Such is the case in Ghana where marital rape was removed from the
Domestic Violence Act passed on February 22, 2007, due to public
pressure. Public opposition to the inclusion of the protection against
marital rape stems from the belief in Ghanian custom that consent to
marriage is equivalent to consent to sex (Stafford, 2008). A similar case
occurred in early 2009 when the Afghan Parliament passed a bill that
gave the minority Shia the right to enforce Sharia Law, which includes
the right of men to demand sex from their wives except under a few
circumstances (e.g., advanced pregnancy, temporary illness); in effect,
it legalizes marital rape, as saying ‘‘no’’ is not recognized as a legal
reason to avoid sexual intercourse. After an international outcry, Presi-
dent Karzai announced that Ministry of Justice officials would ‘‘study’’
the new law to be sure that it does not violate that national constitu-
tion, which established equal rights for women and men (Afghanistan
‘‘rape’’ law, 2009).
Culture also plays a role in another form of violence against women.
Female genital cutting remains a widespread practice in Africa despite
the fact that 16 African countries have passed laws to ban it. UNFPA
has estimated that 120 to 140 million women have been subjected to
the procedure. For some African communities, the practice represents a
passage from girlhood to womanhood. Some also believe that genital
cutting will prevent girls from being unfaithful to their future hus-
bands and preserve their chastity. UNFPA has reported that the most
successful initiatives to eliminate this practice involve providing alter-
nate rites of passage—an attempt to establish a new cultural tradition
(Wakabi, 2007).
Misunderstandings of culture can prevent outside support for wom-
en’s reproductive rights from being effective. For example, reproduc-
tive rights activists typically assume that the body belongs to the
individual. In Nigeria, members of the Ngwa-Igbo and Ubang com-
munities differ in their beliefs regarding body ownership. In Ngwa
Igbo culture, the body belongs to the entire Ngwa society (Izugbara &
Undie, 2008). This means that individuals have limited control over the
uses of their bodies. In the instance of rape, the offense is against
the larger community, not simply against the individual woman. The
Ubang people’s body notions involve a splitting of the ownership
rights of the married woman. In marriage, her ‘‘underneath’’ (which
symbolize the sexual and reproductive organs that bring new life) are
given to her in-laws, whereas the rights to her ‘‘head’’ (which symbol-
izes her own life) are retained by her birth community (Izugbara &
Undie, 2008). Interventions built upon this belief will be less effective in
cultures where the body is not believed to be owned by the individual.
China’s one child per family policy has its cultural roots in collecti-
vism. The value of the nation at large is considered to be more impor-
tant than the choices of individual citizens (Greenhalgh, 2001). This
policy, an effort to reverse China’s population boom, has relaxed some-
what since its initial implementation. There are currently exceptions
where two children may be approved by the state. In addition, pilot
projects are underway to increase birth control options for women.
Women typically use an IUD after their first child and are sterilized af-
ter their second (if they are approved for a second) (Hardee, Xie, &
Gu, 2004).
Some groups within society are marginalized, and their reproductive
rights limited, because of cultural beliefs. Examples of these groups
include single women, lesbians, disabled and chronically ill women,
poor women, and those who wish to exercise reproductive choice at an
age considered inappropriate by cultural norms. Members of marginal-
ized groups who pursue reproductive options may face additional bar-
riers as individuals.
In Australia, as of 2007, 70 percent of same-sex couples had con-
ceived via informal ‘‘self-insemination’’ methods (Burstin, 2007).
Although the Australian government has lessened restrictions on fertil-
ity treatments to include single women and same-sex couples, public
funding for such expensive treatment is not allowed because it is
argued that such persons are not medically infertile (Nader, 2007). In
the United Kingdom, as of April 2009, support for reproductive free-
dom is better; lesbians and single heterosexual women can now name
almost any adult as a second parent, which effectively removed some
of the barriers to fertility treatment (Jones, 2009).
Older women may also face cultural backlash if they seek mother-
hood, as societies struggle with the question of individual women’s
freedom versus the best interest of the child. Quotes from medical per-
sonnel capture these sentiments: ‘‘Nature sends out a good message
that we reach a certain age when we are too old to have children’’
(Sawer, 2008, p. 6); ‘‘Just because we can do something doesn’t mean
we should’’ (Schafer, 2009, p. A13). Medical ethics and cultural beliefs
tend to change slowly, and they have not caught up to the rapid pace
of the development of reproductive technologies. In Western countries,
postmenopausal women have successfully carried pregnancies to term
with the assistance of donor eggs and IVF procedures.
Persons with disabilities may face a host of limitations on their
reproductive rights due to cultural denial that these individuals have
sexual desires and engage in sexual activities (Henderson, 2007). In

addition, women with cognitive impairments are at greater than aver-
age risk of sexual assault (Wacker, Parish, & Macy, 2008), which viola-
tes a basic form of human rights and increases their need for sensitive
reproductive health care. Women with developmental disabilities are
often thought to be incapable of raising children, yet adequate educa-
tion regarding birth control may not be provided to them (Dotson,
Stinson, & Christian, 2003).
Religion is a powerful cultural factor that can influence women’s
reproductive rights. Members of each religion report a diverse range of
opinions on these matters, yet specific examples of the stances of reli-
gious leaders illustrate the ways in which religion directly impacts
women internationally. The Roman Catholic Church is a strong advo-
cate of natural family planning and rejects any artificial contraceptive
methods. As recently as March 2009, Pope Benedict XVI remarked that
condoms are not the answer to Africa’s AIDS problem and could make
the problem worse (Butt, 2009). His remarks clearly suggest that
women must limit their range of contraceptives and methods to protect
themselves from this life-threatening disease. In other moves, bishops
of three Roman Catholic dioceses in the United States in 2004
announced that they would deny the sacrament of communion to poli-
ticians who support reproductive rights (More Catholic bishops deny
communion, 2004), a direct move to influence political action in a coun-
try that prides itself on the separation of church and state.
In the United States, health care expenses have led to downsizing
and combining of services; in some cases secular hospitals have
merged with Catholic hospitals. Catholic hospitals are governed by the
guidelines set forth in the Church’s Ethical and Religious Directives,
which prohibit certain medical procedures, such as abortion, tubal liga-
tions, emergency contraception, vasectomies, and counseling discus-
sions about condoms and fertility treatments (Gelb & Shogan, 2005). As
a result of these mergers, women have lost access to reproductive
options previously available.
In other countries, the separation of church and state is less clearly
defined than in the United States. In the Philippines, for example,
80 percent of the population is Catholic, and many laws clearly demon-
strate the influence of Catholicism. President Arroyo openly backs the
Vatican’s anticontraception stance (Austria, 2004). Natural family plan-
ning is the government’s espoused method of family planning accord-
ing to the Department of Health’s Web site (Department of Health,
Philippines, n.d.). Although first-trimester abortion is ‘‘virtually unre-
stricted’’ in most countries in the European Union, it remains a crime
in Ireland. Spain, which has some of the most progressive policies in
Europe (including gay marriage), is in turmoil as we write this chapter
because Prime Minister Zapatero and his political party are attempting
to liberalize abortion laws (Burnett, 2009). Portugal only recently (2007)

legalized abortion during the first 10 weeks of pregnancy, and Italy’s
law (established in 1978) allows legal abortion only during the first 90
days (Burnett, 2009). All of these are countries where the Roman Cath-
olic Church has traditionally exercised a great deal of influence. On a
more positive note, there are feminist Catholic groups (e.g., Catholics
for a Free Choice) attempting to find a place for reproductive rights
within the traditional moral framework (Hunt, 1996). These groups of-
ten work together with the Religious Coalition for Reproductive
Choice, which includes representative groups within all the major reli-
gions practiced in the United States. Members of mainline Protestant
churches and Jewish congregations tend to be more liberal in their per-
spectives regarding reproductive rights (Schenker, 2005).
Islam also represents a wide range of beliefs about reproductive
rights. Positions on family planning and abortion, for example, vary
across the Muslim world. Generally speaking, family planning is
allowed in Muslim countries of the Middle East and north Africa de-
spite a high value placed on fertility. Although abortion is typically for-
bidden once the fetus achieves ensoulment (the timing of which varies
based on the beliefs of specific Islamic sects), the one exception com-
monly allowed is in the case of saving a woman’s life (Hessini, 2007).
Rape is increasingly considered a reason for abortion, although Kuwati
muftis have decided that it does not justify the need. Groups such as
the Indonesian Society for Pesantren3 and Community Development
(P3M) have been working to reinterpret Islamic texts to explore wom-
en’s reproductive rights. P3M advocates for women’s health and safety
with regard to reproduction, economic compensation for women’s
reproductive role, and the right of women to make reproductive deci-
sions (Sciortino, Matsir, & Mas’udi, 1996).
Opinions on what is considered acceptable with regard to assistive
reproductive techniques also vary by religion. Judaism supports artifi-
cial insemination with the husband’s sperm, but most rabbis do not
support the use of donor sperm. Catholicism and some Evangelical
Protestant churches do not accept assisted reproduction. Mainline Prot-
estantism generally accepts all forms of assisted reproduction including
IVF. Islam encourages treatment as long as husband and wife are the
only parties involved; use cannot be made of donor eggs, sperm, or
uterus (Schenker, 2005).
Factors such as culture and religion typically influence the accept-
ability of services related to reproductive rights, but poverty can pre-
vent access to them. In both sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia,
economic status significantly influences the likelihood that a mother
would have a skilled birth attendant present during labor and birthing
(Merrick, 2002). In the United States, 5 percent of women experience an
unintentional pregnancy each year, and the rate disproportionately
represents low-income women among disadvantaged groups (Finer &

Henchshaw, 2006). The World Bank has estimated that ensuring skilled
care during birthing could reduce maternal deaths by 74 percent (Obaid,
2007). Contraceptive use is also impacted by economic status, although
to a lesser degree, in sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia (Merrick, 2002).
Voluntary access to family planning methods for all women would
reduce maternal deaths by an estimated 20 to 35 percent (Obaid, 2007).
Family planning initiatives have been misused at times, usually in
ways that victimize low-income women. For example, in Peru, between
1996 and 1998, state-run family planning organizations favored sterili-
zation over other forms of contraception, and the government’s cam-
paigns targeted poor women. Sterilizations were often carried out in
low-quality conditions and frequently did not require informed consent
(Ewig, 2006). Between 2000 and 2004, use of modern family planning
methods declined among the poorest segments of the Peruvian popula-
tion, although the reasons remain unclear (Gribble, Sharma, & Menotti,
2007). Distrust is likely to be among them.
When basic reproductive health care and access to family planning
methods are a struggle, access to assisted reproductive technologies
may seem like a luxury. One article (Papreen et al., 2000) documents
the psychological pain of infertility among urban low-income residents
of Bangladesh. In a culture where having children is highly valued,
unwanted childlessness can result in a number of negative consequen-
ces. Respondents interviewed by Papreen and colleagues reported emo-
tional problems, perceived role failure, social stigmatization from
members of the community, and physical and psychological abuse
within the home. In the United States, most private health insurance
plans do not cover assisted reproductive techniques, nor does Medic-
aid, the government’s program for the poor uninsured. In many states,
Medicaid does not cover abortion either. Thus, in counties around the
world, poor women are left on their own to grieve for children they
want, but cannot have, and to struggle to raise children they have, but
did not want.
Another important factor in the status of women’s reproductive
rights is gender equality. According to one study (Pillai & Wang, 1999)
of 101 developing nations, gender equality is the single most important
factor that impacts the achievement of women’s reproductive rights.
Male dominance is associated with increased fertility rates (Keyfitz,
1986). In South Africa, one study (Pettifor, Measham, Reev, & Padian,
2004) with a relatively large sample size of 4,066 participants showed
that women who reported low relationship control were more likely to
use condoms inconsistently than were those who reported high rela-
tionship control. When women have less control over sexual activity,
they also have less ability to protect themselves from unwanted preg-
nancy and sexually transmitted diseases (Roth, 2003).
In Egypt, a study (Diop-Sidibe, Campbell, & Becker, 2005) showed

that wives who are subject to domestic violence are less likely to use
prenatal care or contraceptives. Specifically, women who reported three
or more instances of abuse were significantly less likely currently to
use contraceptives than were those women who reported one or two
incidents. In addition, women who had ever been beaten by their hus-
bands were at significantly greater risk of having gone without prena-
tal care during their most recent pregnancy.
Progress is being made in some countries. In Honduras, for exam-
ple, in a recent study (Speizer, Whittle, & Carter, 2005), more than half
of the men and women surveyed supported shared reproductive deci-
sion making. Women who lived in less urban areas, had less education,
and were of low to middle socioeconomic class were more likely than
other women to believe that men should make all of the reproductive
decisions and to live in a household where the man did make those
decisions. Despite the fact that more than one-half of households sup-
ported shared reproductive decision-making, a higher proportion of
women than men reported that they had more children than they
wanted. This finding indicates that at least some women in Honduras
have less control over their reproductive choices than they would like
to have, but cultural changes in favor of gender equality and shared
responsibility could pave the way to empower women to exert control
over their reproductive lives.
REPRODUCTIVE JUSTICE IS IMPORTANT FOR

WOMEN AND THEIR CHILDREN
The decision of whether and when to bear children is a crucial one
that has long-term consequences for women’s lives (Chrisler & John-
ston-Robledo, 2000), and women cannot make those decisions unless
they are able to control their own bodies and exercise their reproduc-
tive rights. Women’s ability to make reproductive decisions begins
with the ability to determine whether, when, and with whom to
engage in sexual activity; depends on the availability of various, acces-
sible, safe, effective, and inexpensive methods of contraception, includ-
ing emergency contraceptives (i.e., the ‘‘morning after’’ pill); requires
safe, legal abortion as a back-up to contraceptive failure, in cases of
rape or incest, and in cases of ectopic pregnancy, miscarriage, and
other threats to women’s health; benefits from affordable infertility
treatments; depends on prenatal and postnatal health care for women
and their children; and requires safe and sensitive birthing assistance
that is as responsive as possible to women’s preferences.
Reproductive justice is important for women’s physical health. Con-
traception gives women the ability to control the number, and the
space between, childbirths. Spacing is important for women’s health, as
it allows them to recover fully from the previous pregnancy and birth
before becoming pregnant again. Large numbers of children, and chil-
dren born close together in time, are hard on women’s bodies, and can
result in medical problems, chronic strain, and fatigue (Hawkins,
Matteson, & Tabeek, 1995). Millions of women die each year from
pregnancy- and birth-related complications and from unsafe abortions
(UN, 2008; Wakabi, 2007). The UN estimates that a woman’s risk of
dying from preventable or treatable pregnancy- and birth-related com-
plications is 1 in 22 in underdeveloped nations (sub-Saharan African
countries have the highest maternal mortality rates); in developed
nations that risk is 1 in 7,300. Skilled medical personnel, sanitary
equipment, and the ability to transport patients to hospitals and clinics
with proper facilities should emergencies arise are critical to reducing
maternal mortality (UN, 2008). Accessible contraception, liberalization
of abortion laws (at a minimum, abortion should be safe and available
to preserve women’s physical and mental health), and proper training
and certification of abortion providers would save the lives of many
women. Female genital cutting has no health benefits and many health
hazards for women who undergo it. The procedures are often carried
out in unsafe circumstances, which can lead to hemorrhaging and infec-
tions; the procedures are also associated with urinary tract ailments, dys-
menorrhea, and childbirth complications (World Health Organization,
2008). Rape can result in physical injuries, potential unwanted preg-
nancy, and sexually transmitted diseases. Women who have been raped
have been shown to increase their health care visits by as much as 56
percent in the year following the assault (Koss, 1994), and untreated
STDs can results in cervical cancer, urinary tract infections, pelvic
inflammatory disease, infertility, and even death (Chrisler, 2001). Laws
against rape (including marital and acquaintance rape) and genital muti-
lation should be enforced to protect women’s health. Any sexual activity
or body-altering procedure must require free consent.
Reproductive justice is important for women’s mental health. The
ability of individuals to exercise control over their bodies and their cir-
cumstances is important to mental health (Chrisler, 2008). Mentally
healthy people not only have a greater sense of personal control than
mentally ill people do, but they often overestimate the amount of con-
trol they have over events in their lives, which leads them to maintain
a sense of optimism for the future (Taylor & Brown, 1988; Weinstein,
1984). Rape, unwanted pregnancy, and unwanted genital cutting are
extreme examples of loss of control, and they often result in shame,
depression, anxiety, and trauma (Chrisler & Ferguson, 2006). In coun-
tries where women’s bodies are considered to belong to the family or
to the community, shame associated with rape is likely to be especially
acute. Women who have been raped also complain of low self-esteem,
body image concerns, self-perceived poor health, fear of intimacy, and
an inability to trust men (Fanslow & Robinson, 2004). Higher than

average rates of drug and alcohol abuse and eating disorders are
often seen in victims (West, 2002), and suicidal thoughts are more com-
mon among victims than among the general population (Fanslow &
Robinson, 2004). Depression is also associated with unwanted preg-
nancy (Rubin & Russo, 2004), miscarriage and stillbirth (Cosgrove,
2004), and seeking abortion when the decision is not supported by the
women’s family and friends (Rubin & Russo, 2004). Even a well-
planned childbirth can be associated with disappointment and depres-
sion when a woman’s wishes for how to give birth are ignored or over-
ruled by medical personnel due to complications (Johnston-Robledo &
Barnack, 2004). Postpartum depression, or the milder ‘‘baby blues,’’ is
not uncommon, especially after a first birth, a difficult birth, in circum-
stances where the woman lacks childcare assistance and social support
as she recovers from birthing, or when the woman has had previous
episodes of depression (Chrisler & Johnston-Robledo, 2002). Women’s
reactions to infertility can range from disappointment in not being able
to achieve a life goal to more serious complaints of stress, anxiety,
depression, shame, low self-esteem, body image concerns, and marital
strife (Spector, 2004). In pronatal cultures where motherhood is consid-
ered to be women’s purpose and highest achievement in life, infertility
is particularly likely to damage women’s mental health and cause them
to question their self-worth.
Reproductive justice is important for children’s health and develop-
ment. Infant mortality is lower in smaller families. Fewer children,
whose births are spaced a few years apart, generally means healthier
children. Parents can take better care of them and spend more time
with each one, interacting with the children in ways that facilitate their
development. Fewer children in poor families means more food, cloth-
ing, and room to play for each child. Parents with fewer children are
more likely to be able to pay for their schooling, medical care, and lei-
sure activities. Finally, children whose parents wanted them are more
likely to feel loved and secure.
Reproductive justice is essential to secure equal rights for women in
both the public and the private sphere. As Michelle Goldberg (2009,
p. 11) put it: ‘‘reproductive rights are intimately related to women’s
economic freedom. Having smaller families allows women to work.
When they bring financial resources into the family, their power tends
to increase and their daughters’ welfare improves.’’ Without the ability
to decide whether and when to bear children women cannot make
plans, strive to meet personal goals, seek higher education, succeed in
a career, or even manage to work outside the home. Women who have
fewer children and greater financial resources are better able to negoti-
ate with their partners and to exert some control over their own, and
their children’s, future.
FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES ON WOMEN’S

REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS
As we wrote this chapter, many slogans from the second wave of
feminism came to mind: The personal is political; Sisterhood is global;
Keep your laws off my body; Not the Church, not the state, women
shall decide our fate; Every child a wanted child; Motherhood by
choice, not chance; No means no. The slogans we chanted at rallies
decades ago remain relevant today for women all over the world,
including in Western democracies, when reproductive justice is not
guaranteed. The radical feminists of the 1960s warned that reproduc-
tive rights are the essential underpinning of women’s liberation: If we
lack the ability to control our own bodies, how can we expect to con-
trol anything else? Reproductive justice ¼ women’s empowerment.
This is no less true today, as ‘‘a global culture war is raging, and it’s
all about who controls women’s fertility—and, more broadly, women
themselves’’ (Goldberg, 2009, p. 4).
We must not give up the fight for reproductive justice. Significant
progress has been made in many countries, and the groundwork has
been laid for future success. As we noted earlier in this chapter, many
international organizations and agencies now accept the once radical
notion that women’s rights are human rights. The UN, the Organiza-
tion of American States, the European Union, and the African Union
all have ratified protocols in support of reproductive rights, although
their member states do not necessarily live up to their agreements. The
international courts have forced some countries to comply or to com-
pensate victims, and international organizations, such as Human Rights
Watch, collect data about violations of women’s reproductive rights
and use the data to embarrass the leaders of those countries. The
UN is pressuring its member nations to take steps to meet the Millen-
nium Development Goals, which include the reduction of maternal
and infant mortality. Planned Parenthood International, the Population
Council, the Guttmacher Institute, and other organizations are provid-
ing advice and financial support to feminist groups and medical associ-
ations in countries around the globe who are working to secure
reproductive justice. Concerned individuals can donate money and
time to organizations that help women to help themselves.
International pressure on countries whose laws oppress women’s
rights (e.g., Afghanistan, Nicaragua) can be helpful, but it also can
backfire. Planned Parenthood and the Population Council have their
roots in the eugenics movement and Malthusian theory (Goldberg,
2009). Although the organizations repudiated that movement long ago,
people who are aware of their history might continue to view their
efforts with distrust. Political and religious leaders, who want to main-
tain the patriarchal social order, often accuse international
organizations and agencies of neocolonialism when they advocate for

women’s rights in underdeveloped countries (Goldberg, 2009). These
leaders maintain that their cultural traditions (e.g., genital cutting, mar-
ital rape) are more important than women’s rights or that they should
not have to change their culture to please outsiders. Thus, we can often
be most effective by supporting local groups who advocate for change
from within rather than appearing to force change from without.
It is important to remember that cultures and societies are dynamic.
They influence each other, and they are influenced by individuals and
groups within. Politicians come and go; new religious groups arise,
and old ones decline; artists and technologies change the way people
think. We have seen an enormous amount of cultural and social
changes during our lifetimes, and such changes will continue to occur
despite some leaders’ attempts to maintain the status quo. We believe
that the momentum is in women’s favor, as the international protocols
indicate. Reproductive justice is on the way. The global culture war
can eventually be won by the world’s women. Sisterhood is powerful!
NOTES
1. K. L. v. Peru concerned a 17-year-old girl denied an abortion even though
her fetus was determined to be anencephalic, and doctors knew the baby
would live only a few days after birth. Paulina Ramirez v. Mexico concerned a
13-year-old rape victim who was denied an abortion when even Mexico’s law
allows abortion in rape cases. Tysiac v. Poland concerned a woman denied an
abortion even though doctors warned that the continued pregnancy would
worsen her medical condition and lead to blindness (Goldberg, 2009).
2. Marianismo, which is based on Catholic principles and the idealization of
the Virgin Mary, encourages women to strive to display characteristics associ-
ated with Mary and other female saints, such as virginity, virtue, self-abnegation,
and self-sacrifice (Yeager, 1994).
3. Pesantren are Islamic boarding schools.
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Chapter 7
Pay Equity as Justice: United States and

International Perspectives
Michele A. Paludi
Jennifer L. Martin
Carmen Paludi, Jr.
Sarah Metzgar Boggess
Kristina Hicks
Lindsey Speach
Women should have equal pay for equal work and they should be considered
equally eligible to the offices of principal and superintendent, professor and
president. So you must insist that qualifications, not sex, shall govern
appointments and salaries.
—Susan B. Anthony
This statement by Susan B. Anthony was made in 1903. However, the

fact is that in the United States, women still do not earn the same sal-
ary as men for identical work. Since the passage of the Equal Pay Act
into law in 1963, the pay gap between women’s and men’s wages is
still a major issue (Gibelman, 2003; Graddy & Pistaferri, 2000; Ostroff
& Atwater, 2003; Petersen & Saporta, 2004; Rudin & Byrd, 2003). When
the Equal Pay Act was passed in 1963, full-time employed women
earned an average of 59 cents for every dollar paid to men. Census sta-
tistics released on August 26, 2008, Women’s Equality Day, indicated
that average, full-time employed women earn 77.8 cents to every dollar
earned by full-time employed men (National Committee on Pay Equity,
2009). This gap only changed by less than 1 percent from 2006 to 2007.
Women’s average earnings for full-time employment were $35,102; men’s

were $45,113. Dey and Hill (2007) reported that wage differences begin
directly after college graduation: women who earned a bachelor’s degree
in 1999–2000 were paid 80 percent of their male colleagues’ wages one
year after graduation. However, 10 years after college graduation, women
lag further behind and earn approximately 69 percent of men’s salaries.
Gattiker and Cohen (1997) reported that men earn higher wages
than women in general but also earn more than women in occupations
populated by women, e.g., nurse, biochemist). Reilly and Wirjanto
(1999) also reported that the proportion of women in the discipline had
an impact on wages. They found a negative wage premium associated
with the proportion of women in the discipline even after controlling
for experience, education, tenure, industry, and so forth. As Ostroff
and Atwater concluded, in their review of the literature:
These consistent significant negative effects of female representation on

pay or rewards can be taken as evidence that the work done by women
is valued and rewarded at lower rates than that done by men. (p. 728)
Furthermore, this wage gap is more severe for women of color

(Browne & Askew, 2006; Gee, 2006; Kim, 2006). For example, the earn-
ings for African American women were $31,009; for Asian women,
$40,374; and for Latinas, $26,612. African American women with
undergraduate degrees make only $1,545 more per year than white
men who have only completed high school (Richardson & Sandoval,
2007). This is more startling when we take into account the fact that
African American women account for approximately 30 percent of all
female-headed families in the United States. Their median income is
$18,244 annually. Single families in the United States headed by white
men have a median income of $39,240. In addition, when we consider
the annual income of Latinas working full time ($17,837) with white
men’s income over a 30-year career span, Latinas earn $510,000 less
than white men (Barbezat, 2002; Gee, 2006; Kim, 2006; National Com-
mittee on Pay Equity, 2009). Women of color in the United States suffer
from both sex and race wage inequalities (Richardson & Sandoval,
2007). Men of color do not earn as much as white men earn (Browne &
Askew, 2006; Coleman, 2003).
Thus, salary discrimination reduces total career lifespan earnings,
reduces benefits from Social Security and pension plans, and inhibits
the ability to save money for retirement, to purchase a home, to pay
for college education for children and/or for themselves, and to cover
medical expenses throughout their lives, especially during their elderly
years (Greene, 2006).
In this chapter, we review the legal issues involved in wage dis-
crimination, including the Equal Pay Act and more recent legislation
Pay Equity as Justice: United States and International Perspectives 149
aimed at guaranteeing closure of the wage gap. In addition, we offer

an overview of pay equity issues in countries throughout the world.
We also address contributing factors from research in the social scien-
ces to the continued disparity in wages by sex and race. Finally, we
provide recommendations for workplaces in ensuring they are commit-
ted to equal pay for equal work for both sexes and all races and ethnic
groups.
LEGISLATION: EQUAL PAY FOR EQUAL WORK

If you say, ‘‘I’m for equal pay,’’ that’s a reform. But if you say, ‘‘I’m a fem-
inist,’’ that’s . . . a transformation of society.
—Gloria Steinem
A girl should not expect special privileges because of her sex but neither should
she adjust to prejudice and discrimination.
—Betty Friedan
The struggle for equal pay for equal work has a long history in the
United States. A chronology of pay equity legislation in the United
States is summarized below (also see Barbezat, 2002). We address equal
pay legislation in the European Union in the subsequent section.
FEDERAL ECONOMIC ACT

The Federal Economic Act was passed in 1932 to prohibit wives of
federal employee from working in government positions. This act also
declared that women with husbands also employed shall be the first
on the list for firing.
NATIONAL RECOVERY ACT

The National Recovery Act of 1935 demanded that women who
worked in government jobs receive 25 percent less pay than men in the
identical job. In 1942, the War Labor Board ruled women must be paid
the identical job rate as men (who were serving in the War) were paid.
However, the war ended before this rule could be enforced. In fact,
women had to leave the workplaces so returning veterans could re-
sume work.
EQUAL PAY LEGISLATION: 1950s

Legislation requiring equal pay for women was introduced in the
1950s by Senator Wayne Morse (D-OR) and Rep. Edith Green (D-OR).
Versions of this legislation by Republican members Katherine St.
George and Jessica Weis (both of New York) also were introduced. The
legislation was not passed.
In addition, prior to the 1960s in the United States, separate job list-
ings were published for each sex, for example, ‘‘Help Wanted Female’’
and ‘‘Help Wanted Male.’’ Occasionally, the identical job advertise-
ments were listed under both categories with one difference: the pay
scales were not identical (Brunner, 2009).
EQUAL PAY ACT OF 1963

However, in 1961 when labor activist Esther Peterson directed the
Women’s Bureau, the Equal Pay Bill was introduced. With President
Kennedy’s initiative and support, the Equal Pay Act was passed in
1963 (effective June 11, 1964), giving women equal pay for equal work.
The Equal Pay Act of 1963 requires that women and men doing essen-
tially identical work requiring substantially equal skill, responsibility,
and effort must initially be paid the same wage. Differences in wages
later on may be due to performance, merit systems, seniority, and so
on. Thus, the focus of equal work is on the duties performed. Job
descriptions, job classifications, and job titles are not all that should be
considered in assigning wages.
According to the Equal Pay Act, equal skill, responsibility, and effort
are defined as follows (EEOC, 2009):
. Skill—Measured by factors such as the experience, ability, education, and

training required to perform the job. The key issue is what skills are
required for the job, not what skills the individual employees may have.
. Effort—The amount of physical or mental exertion needed to perform the job.
. Responsibility—The degree of accountability required in performing the job.
The Equal Pay Act applies to all employers covered by the Fair
Labor Standards Act of 1938. Employers must prove they are using
valid, not discriminatory criteria, in paying wages.
In addition, the Equal Pay Act bans employers from reducing the
wages of men or women in order to comply with this legislation. This
legislation also covers professional employees and includes professio-
nals and teachers in elementary and secondary schools. This legislation
was the first federal law to ban discrimination by private employers on
the basis of sex.
TITLE VII OF THE 1964 CIVIL RIGHTS ACT

In 1964, the Civil Rights Act passed Congress. Title VII of this legis-
lation also bans employment discrimination against women and men.
According to Title VII:
It shall be an unlawful employment practice for an employer
1. to fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual, or otherwise to

discriminate against any individual with respect to his [sic] compensa-
tion, terms or conditions, or privileges of employment, because of such
individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin; or
2. to limit, segregate, or classify his employees or applicants for employ-
ment in any way which would deprive or tend to deprive any individual
of employment opportunities or otherwise adversely affect his [sic] status
as an employee, because of such individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or
national origin.
EQUAL EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITY COMMISSION

With the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Equal Employ-
ment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) was established to enforce
equal employment opportunity legislation. The EEOC investigates job
discrimination charges related to disability, race, national origin, color,
religion, sex, pregnancy, age, sexual harassment, and retaliation (EEOC,
2009). In 2007, the EEOC received 818 complaints of pay inequity, 796
of which were resolved and totaled 9.3 million in monetary benefits to
complainants (EEOC, 2009).
AGE DISCRIMINATION IN EMPLOYMENT ACT

The right of employees to be free of wage discrimination is also pro-
tected under the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) of
1967, which stated:
It shall be unlawful for an employer
(1) to fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual or otherwise discrim-

inate against any individual with respect to his [sic] compensation, terms,
conditions, or privileges of employment, because of such individual’s age;
(2) to limit, segregate, or classify his employees in any way which would
deprive or tend to deprive any individual of employment opportunities
or otherwise adversely affect his [sic] status as an employee, because of
such individual’s age; or
(3) to reduce the wage rate of any employee in order to comply with this
chapter.
NATIONAL COMMITTEE ON PAY EQUITY

In 1979, the National Committee on Pay Equity was founded. This
Committee is a coalition of women’s and civil rights organizations,
professional organizations, labor unions, educational associations, and

individuals working to eliminate sex- and race-based salary discrimina-
tion (National Committee on Pay Equity, 2009). This coalition includes
International Union of Electronic, Electrical, Salaried, Machine, and
Furniture Workers (IUE), Business and Professional Women, League of
Women Voters, Women’s Legal Defense Fund, National Organization
for Women, Coalition of Labor Union Women, American Library Asso-
ciation, and the National Commission on Working Women. The Equal
Pay Day began in 1996 by the National Committee on Pay Equity as a
public awareness event to highlight wage disparities between women
and men. The event is held annually on a Tuesday in April. Tuesday
was selected since it is the day of the week on which women’s wages
are equal to men’s wages from the previous week.
AMERICANS WITH DISABILITIES ACT

Another federal law bans wage discrimination of employees: the
Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990. According to Title I of
this legislation:
General rule: No covered entity shall discriminate against a qualified

individual with a disability because of the disability of such individual in
regard to job application procedures, the hiring, advancement, or dis-
charge of employees, employee compensation, job training, and other
terms, conditions, and privileges of employment.
PAYCHECK FAIRNESS ACT

Senator Hillary Clinton and Representative Rosa DeLauro intro-
duced the Paycheck Fairness Act in March 2007. The goal of this act
was to strengthen the Equal Pay Act of 1963. This act also proposes
voluntary guidelines to show employers how to evaluate jobs and elim-
inate wage discrimination. Furthermore, this act would prohibit
employers from retaliating against employees for sharing salary infor-
mation with coworkers. This bill was passed by the House of Repre-
sentatives in July 2008 on a 256 to 163 vote. The bill is awaiting
passage in the Senate at the time of this writing.
LILLY LEDBETTER FAIR PAY ACT OF 2009

I am deeply heartened by the Senate passage of the bill that bears my name.
It is an enormous victory for the women across the country who are victims
of pay discrimination.
—Lily Ledbetter
The Lily Ledbetter Fair Pay Act of 2009 was designed to overrule a
2007 United States Supreme Court decision in Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire
and Rubber Company (550 U.S. 618), which removed individuals’ rights
to use the protections of civil rights laws to remedy pay discrimination.
This Fair Pay Act passed the United States Senate on January 22 by a
vote of 61 to 36. The United States House of Representatives passed
the Fair Pay Act by a vote of 225 to 199. Senator Barbara Mikulski
(D-MD), Dean of the Senate Women, stated the following at the pas-
sage of this legislation:
We say to women today who earn only 77 cents for every dollar her
male counterpart makes, it’s time for a new day. We say to women of
color who make even less it’s time for a new law. And we say to all who
have suffered wage discrimination, it’s truly time for a change.
President Obama signed this bill on January 29, 2009. The Supreme
Court ruled in 2007 that Ledbetter should have filed her claim within
180 days after the discriminatory decision was made, which in her case
was 20 years previous. The new legislation will allow employees 180
days to sue every time they are paid.
COMPARABLE WORTH
As we subsequently discuss in more detail, social science research
has suggested for some time that individuals view occupations as
being female-oriented or male-oriented (Mednick & Thomas, 1993,
2008; Steinberg, True, & Russo, 2008). For example, occupations that
are helping-oriented, for example, secretary, teacher, nurse, social
worker, and librarian are typically associated with women, whereas
occupations such as police officer, truck driver, and manager are asso-
ciated with men (Betz, 1993, 2008). In fact, research has indicated that
an awareness of occupational stereotypes related to gender begins in
the preschool years and is well developed by first grade (Betz, 2008;
Heyman & Legare, 2004; Liben, Bigler, & Krogh, 2001; Raag & Rackliff,
1998). Children’s ranges of occupations are difficult to change once
they are set (Betz, 2008).
Furthermore, research has found that as the percentage of women
entering a field becomes larger, fewer men enter this field four to seven
years later (England et al., 2004). England (1992) has interpreted this
result in the following way: as men perceive an occupation to be ‘‘fem-
inine’’ they avoid majoring in the field and applying for positions since
they believe the pay associated with this field will decline. Glen and
Feldberg (1977) noted that during the nineteenth century, clerical work
was primarily a male-populated occupation that earned men good sal-
aries and high status. However, during the twentieth century, women
were dominant as clerical workers, and the status accruing from this
work has dropped significantly, as have the wages. This research has
supported Bergmann’s (1974) theory of ‘‘overcrowding.’’ In general,
there are more trained women employees than there are jobs available,
especially in segregated occupations. Furthermore, occupations popu-
lated by women have lower pay scales than those populated by men.
Thus, traditional female-populated occupations tend to garner signif-
icantly less compensation than occupations that are male-populated.
This finding has created concern about ‘‘comparable worth,’’ that is,
gender-based pay systems. Two occupations may be comparable in
terms of skill needed, stress associated with the job, education required
for the position, and training for the position. However, the jobs are
not paid equally because of the belief that male-populated occupations
should pay more than female-populated occupations, for example, fire-
fighter and nurse.
Comparable worth proponents want to take into account certain fac-
tors present in each occupation, that is, skills, working conditions,
effort, and responsibilities so that jobs equivalent in these factors are
paid identically (McArthur & Obrant, 2006). As Bernstein and Russo
(2008) conclude:
We have gone beyond the time when gender stereotyping and discrimi-
nation were merely lamentable. We have a body of law that makes overt
discrimination, sexual harassment, and hostile working environments
illegal. However, overt discrimination, documentable in courts of law,
has mutated into more subtle forms of discrimination—with their dam-
age just as potent. (p. 24)
In President Carter’s administration, enforcement regulations related to

comparable worth were proposed. These regulations would have man-
dated comparable worth for federal contractors. However, these regulations
were identified as too controversial under President Reagan’s administra-
tion. Thus, they were removed from the agenda (Gibelman, 2003).
PAY EQUITY: INTERNATIONAL COMPARISONS

Many countries have taken legislative action to reduce discrimina-
tion and pay inequity. Despite widespread attention to the issue, there
are disparities across countries—even though those countries may
appear to be equally committed to eradicating inequities. For example,
Maata (2008), in a study of nine countries that all had ratified the Inter-
national Labor Organization Equal Renumeration Convention, found
wide disparities when reviewing their progress in equal pay between
1919 and 2000. She studied four developing countries (i.e., Ghana,
India, the Philippines, and Zambia) and five developed countries
(Australia, Canada, Finland, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom).

She found that although all of the countries had ratified the Convention,
their progress on equal pay was quite varied. For example, during the
time period under study, the developed countries had broadened the
scope of equal pay to include the principle to work of equal value, but
most of the developing countries had not. In addition, the developing
countries were much slower to achieve a ‘‘dual breadwinner’’ mindset
and continued to embrace a male-dominated mindset even in 2000.
Maata (2008) concluded that that most of the countries, while
expressing support for equal pay in theory, did not invest enough in
the implementation of equal pay and had inadequate systems in place
for enforcement to ensure compliance. Countries that ratify the ILO
Convention are not legally bound to enact and enforce laws that are
consistent with the principles of the Convention, she points out, so that
the actual behavior of some countries was not consistent with the Con-
vention principles.
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(2002), an organization of 30 countries committed to democracy and
healthy market economies, conducted a 19-country study in 2002 in
which it found that the United States had one of the largest gender
earnings gap, behind only Austria and Switzerland.
Equal treatment between women and men is a fundamental princi-
ple of the European Union. In fact, unlike the United States, the Euro-
pean Union considers comparable worth in its legislation. According to
the Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affairs and Equal
Opportunities, adopted in 1975:
The principle of equal pay for men and women . . . hereinafter called
‘‘principle of equal pay,’’ means, for the same work or for work to
which equal value is attributed, the elimination of all discrimination on
grounds of sex with regard to all aspects and conditions of remunera-
tion. In particular, where a job classification system is used for deter-
mining pay, it must be based on the same criteria for both men and
women and so drawn up as to exclude any discrimination on grounds
of sex.
The Treaty of Amsterdam adopted in 1997, states that:
Each Member State shall ensure that the principle of equal pay for male
and female workers for equal work or work of equal value is applied.
Equal pay without discrimination based on sex means:
(a) that pay for the same work at piece rates shall be calculated on the ba-
sis of the same unit of measurement;
(b) that pay for work at time rates shall be the same for the same job.
Austria 67 percent
Belgium 79.4 percent for blue-collar workers
70.1 percent for white-collar workers
Denmark 82 percent
Finland 82 percent
France 75.8 percent
Germany 75.8 percent for blue-collar workers
70.4 percent for white-collar workers
Greece 80 percent
Ireland 84.5 percent
Italy 81.7 percent
Luxembourg 85 percent
Netherlands 77 percent
Portugal 76.5 percent
Spain 76.9 percent
Sweden 82 percent
United Kingdom 80.6 percent
However, wage differentials still exist between men and women in

the Member States of the European Union. For example, women’s aver-
age pay as a percentage of men’s is the following for some of the mem-
ber states of the European Union (European Industrial Relations
Observatory On Line, 2002).
In the 2002 Employment Guidelines of the European Union, equal
pay is stressed. These guidelines state:
The significant level of the pay gap between women and men in many
Member States has been identified as a potential disincentive for women
to take up work or to remain at work. . . . The Member States, where
appropriate with the social partners, are thus called on to ‘‘adopt a multi-
faceted strategy to achieve gender pay equality in both the public and pri-
vate sectors, and consider the setting of targets to tackle the pay gap. Such
a strategy could include inter alla a review of job classification and pay sys-
tems to eliminate gender bias, improving statistical and monitoring sys-
tems, and awareness training and transparency as regards pay gaps.
However, comparable to the United States, legislation does not mean

pay equity will occur.
As Soumeli and Nergaard (2002) stated:
. . . at least in theory, employers are bound by law to comply with the rele-
vant legislation and not to conclude contracts that constitute direct or indi-
rect discrimination against women. However, in practice we have seen that
the legislation has still not achieved the necessary impact. (p. 16)
To achieve pay equity, some countries in the European Union have

adopted legislation of their own. But these initiatives have been met
with opposition from employers (Soumeli & Nergaard, 2002). In
France, for example, according to Article L.432.3.1 of their Labour
Code, all employers are required to submit an annual report indicating
wages of women and men and how employers have ensured equality
at work. In May 2001, a law on gender equality at work was passed
that requires employers to negotiate at the organization and sector lev-
els the objectives of occupational gender equality.
Sweden passed the Act of Equality between Men and Women,
which mandates employers to produce yearly plans and reviews of the
wages for women and men. This act states that the main purpose of
the annual plans is to identify and correct wage discrimination.
Pay inequities tend to be more pronounced in Asia than Europe. In
a 2008 study of eight countries in East Asia (i.e., China and the Hong
Kong Special Administrative Region [SAR], Japan, the Republic of
Korea, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam),
researchers found a pronounced gender pay gap. The researchers
found that women earned less than or just half of men’s rates of pay in
Japan, Malaysia, the Republic of Korea, and Singapore; approximately
60 percent in Hong Kong SAR, the Philippines and Thailand; and
about two-thirds in China and Vietnam. The level of pay inequity was
found to be unrelated to the country’s level of economic development,
but was tied to age—specifically, the pay gap was wider between older
women and their male peers (Haspels & Majurin, 2008).
In East Asia, gender inequality is entrenched and high numbers of
women work as unpaid family workers and in agriculture. Many
women in East Asia are discriminated against through inadequate ma-
ternity protection; laws that are in place to protect women against jobs
that are believed to be unsuitable or hazardous to them; and laws that
require women to retire at an earlier age than men (Haspels & Majurin,
2008).
Blau and Kahn (2000) noted that decentralized pay-setting practices
in America contribute to wage disparities between women and men.
Furthermore, Blau and Kahn (2000) noted that among the member
nations of the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Develop-
ment, ‘‘the United States stands at an extreme with an especially low
rate of collective bargaining coverage’’ (p. 22). Countries with more
heavily unionized economies, such as many in Western Europe, have
centralized collective bargaining processes and enjoy lower overall
wage dispersion.
Indeed, in many countries, labor unions have been a driving force in
demanding pay equity. According to Public Services International
(2009), an organization that represents public sector unions globally,
public-sector unions in Norway, Germany, Finland, France, the United
States, Canada and Ecuador, the Philippines, and New Zealand have
been instrumental in recent years in successfully campaigning for equal
pay for their members.
We discuss additional institutional factors to account for wage dis-
parities in the next section.
EXPLANATION FOR WAGE DISCRIMINATION: THE VIEW

FROM SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH
I know we can’t abolish prejudice through laws, but we can set up guide-
lines for our actions by legislation.
—Belva Ann Lockwood
Women experience wage discrepancies for several reasons, accord-
ing to research in management including (1) being viewed by employ-
ers as having less leverage, (2) the fact that men are more likely to
change jobs more frequently than women, enabling them to be pro-
moted to higher level jobs over women with more seniority, (3) salary
increases for women in professional positions do not reflect their
above-average performance while men with equal performance receive
larger raises, and (4) women in blue-collar jobs are placed in depart-
ments with lower-paying jobs (DeCenzo & Robbins, 2007; Mock, 2004;
National Committee on Pay Equity, 2009; Society for Human Resource
Management, 2009; Woo & Khoo, 2006).
However, research has indicated that wage discrepancies between
men and women are not only explained by these factors related to
educational level or job (Acker, 1989; Agars, 2004; Ostroff & Atwater,
2003; National Committee on Pay Equity, 1995; Rynes, Gerhart, &
Parks, 2005). As Fields and Wolff (1993) noted, ‘‘. . . even after adjust-
ing for productivity related characteristics of workers . . . there still
remains a substantial wage gap at the industry level between genders’’
(p. 118).
Rather, discrimination in wages can be explained by bias toward
female employees (Rudin & Byrd, 2003). According to Steinberg et al.,
(2008):
Gender stereotyping has long been linked to distinct employment issues

for women, who must deal with evaluation bias, greater pressure on
their performance, exclusion from certain jobs and promotional opportu-
nities, incivility and harassment, unequal employment rewards, and gen-
der segregation between and within occupations. (p. 657)
Soumeli and Nergaard (2002) noted that while many factors have
been offered to explain wage differentials in Member States of the Eu-
ropean Union, ‘‘. . . there is an unexplained difference in wages, which
is presumed to be due to discrimination’’ (p. 1). Similar findings were

reported by The European Commission (2007):
According to the 2007 ‘‘Annual report on equality between women and

men,’’ women are driving EU job growth, but still face barriers to equal-
ity. The majority of these barriers are generated by the discrimination of
women on the grounds of sex based on gender stereotypes (p. 1).
In this section we address several research areas in the social scien-

ces that have helped us to understand the devaluation of women’s
work: gender stereotyping, performance evaluation, causal attribution
for success and failure, and job segregation. While we address each of
these issues individually, we note they are interrelated in explaining
women’s wage disparity.
GENDER STEREOTYPING
The emotional, sexual, and psychological stereotyping of females begins
when the doctor says, ‘‘It’s a girl.’’
—Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm
In 2005, Harvard president Lawrence Summers argued that innate
differences between women and men explain women’s inability to suc-
ceed in math and science. In 1984, Clarence Pendleton, Chair, U.S.
Commission on Civil Rights, referred to pay equity as ‘‘the looniest
idea since Looney Tunes’’ (National Committee on Pay Equity, 2009).
Stereotypes such as these statements refer to individuals’ thoughts/
cognitions that typically do not correspond with reality. Stereotypes
occur when individuals are classified by others as having something in
common because they are members of a particular group or category
of people (e.g., women employees, women CEOs). Psychological
research has identified that stereotypes have the following characteris-
tics (Fiske & Stevens, 1993):
1. Groups that are targeted for stereotypes are easily identified and rela-
tively powerless.
2. There is little agreement between the composite picture of the group and
the actual characteristics of that group.
3. This misperception is difficult to modify even though individuals who
hold stereotypes have interacted with individuals of the group who dis-
confirm the stereotypes.
4. This misperception is the product of a bias in individuals’ information-
processing mechanisms.
Gender stereotyping is a psychological process that describes indi-

viduals’ structured set of beliefs about the personal attributes of men
and women (e.g., nurturant, aggressive, independent, lacking leader-

ship qualities). Psychologists have identified an emotional component
to stereotypic cognitions: prejudice as well as behavioral component to
individuals’ cognitions, that is, discrimination. Thus, individuals’ state-
ments and nonverbal gestures toward women and men provide insight
into their structured set of beliefs and emotions about each sex (Kite,
Deaux, & Haines, 2008; Paludi, 2002; Steinberg et al., 2008).
In the United States, much of the discrimination against women
earning the same as men can be traced to stereotypes about women,
women and work, and the meaning of money for women (Crampton &
Mishra, 1999; Doyle & Paludi, 1998; Konrad, Goldberg, Sullivan, &
Yang, 2005; Martin, 2008). Betz (2008) noted that stereotypes have
existed concerning the reasons why women work outside the home:
. . . it was assumed that when women ‘‘worked’’ . . . it was because their

labor was needed by the economy, as was the case with Rosie the Riv-
eters of World War II . . . that they were working until they could ‘‘land’’
a husband, or that they were the most pitiable of characters—the spin-
ster. (p. 716)
In addition, ‘‘pin money’’ is the euphemism for a small amount of

money that a woman earned to be used for ‘‘extras’’ for her family. It
has always been considered nonessential money because it is the hus-
band’s salary that provides for the family financially. As Doyle and
Paludi (1998) noted:
The idea of pin money devalued a woman’s financial contribution to the

family’s economic well-being and soothed a husband’s pride that rested
to a large degree on the knowledge that his salary was the family’s pri-
mary income. (p. 185)
Thus, part of the inequity in salaries is due to the cultural stereotype

that men must earn more than women because men are the primary
‘‘breadwinners’’ of the family (Lepak & Gowan, in press).
However, the reality is that more than 50 percent of all married
women whose husbands are present in the home are employed. In
addition, the largest category of employed women in the United States
are single women, who have only one income (Doyle & Paludi, 1998;
Paludi et al., 2007).
Furthermore, there has been a substantial increase in maternal
employment in the United States (Gilbert & Kearney, 2006; Hill, Wald-
fogel, Brooks-Gunn, & Han, 2005; Paludi et al., 2007; Strassel, Cogan, &
Goodman, 2006). In fact, women are now as likely to be employed
when they have infants as they are when they have preschool-aged
children. Strassel et al. (2006) reported that of women who put in
overtime work, 40 percent have children under six years of age. As

Hyde (1985) commented more than 20 years ago: ‘‘The working
woman then is not a variation from the norm, she is the norm’’
(p. 169).
Stereotypes depict men, but not women, as having the requisite
skills and characteristics for managerial and leadership positions (Cejka
& Eagly, 1999; Kite et al., 2008). Business professionals indicate a strong
preference for male applicants for a stereotypically masculine job, even
when similar information on the resumes of women and men appli-
cants had led to perceptions of similar personality traits (Betz, 1993,
2008). These stereotypes persist even though gender differences are not
found in leadership ability or job performance (Duff-McCall &
Schweinle, 2008; Frank & Belasen, 2008; Sinangil & Ones, 2003; Wer-
hane et al., 2006). These stereotypes get expressed behaviorally in dis-
criminatory treatment of women in terms of wages, pay increases, and
promotions (Bem, 1981; Cleveland, Stockdale, & Murphy, 2000; Fiske,
1998; Heilman, Wallen, Fuchs, & Tamkins, 2004; Paludi, Martin, Stern,
& DeFour, 2009; Powell, Butterfield, & Parent, 2002; see Martin, volume
1 of this book set).
In addition, Heilman, Wallen, Fuchs, and Tamkins (2004) reported
that women who do not maintain gender role stereotypes are socially
censured and experience personally directed negativity. As they stated:
‘‘. . . the mere recognition that a woman has achieved success on a tra-
ditionally male task produces inferences that she has engaged in coun-
ternormative behavior and therefore causes similarly negative
consequences’’ (p. 3). Furthermore, successful achievement for women
is costly. Wiley and Eskilson (1985) found that successful women are
described as ‘‘cold’’ vis-a-vis men. Research (e.g., Heilman, Block, Mar-
tell, & Simon, 1989) also reported successful women managers to be
depicted as ‘‘bitter,’’ ‘‘quarrelsome,’’ ‘‘deceitful,’’ and ‘‘devious’’ vis-a-
vis successful men managers.
PERFORMANCE EVALUATION
Gender stereotypes have also been found to be operating in research
on evaluations of identical performance by men and women by Gold-
berg (1968). In the original study, college students evaluated (in terms
of persuasiveness, writing style, intellectual depth of article, compe-
tence of author) supposedly published journal articles on linguistics,
law, art history, education, dietetics, and city planning. For each article,
half of the research participants saw a woman author’s name; half saw
a man’s. Results indicated that individuals rated the article more favor-
ably when it was attributed to a man than a woman (even in fields
considered sex-appropriate for women).
Subsequent research used this research paradigm with noncollege

students as well and indicated a promale bias for paintings, job appli-
cants, magazine articles, and scientific journal articles (e.g., Deaux &
Taynor, 1973; Judiesch & Lyness, 1999; Martel, 1996; Nieva & Gutek,
1980; Swim, Borgida, Maruyama, & Myers, 1989; Ward, 1979). Nieva
and Gutek’s (1980) meta-analysis indicated a promale bias occurs when
men are rated more favorably than women given identical perform-
ance. Adolescents and young children were also found to have evalua-
tion biases against women (Etaugh & Brown, 1975).
Research has also noted that women are as likely to be evaluated as
being as competent as men when their performance is acknowledged
by authoritative individuals (Issacs, 1981; Jacobson & Effertz, 1974; Tay-
nor & Deaux, 1975; Ward, 1981).
CAUSAL ATTRIBUTIONS FOR SUCCESS AND FAILURE

The only way to solve the problem of women’s subordination is to change
people’s mindset and to plant the new idea of gender equality into every
mind.
—Qingrong Ma
Weiner, Frieze, Kukla, Reed, Rest, and Rosenbaum (1971) proposed
a cognitive attribution theory of achievement motivation to explain dif-
ferences between high- and low-achievement individuals. High-
achievement oriented individuals believe themselves to be the cause of
their successes because of their ability and hard work. On the other
hand, low-achievement oriented individuals attribute their successes to
external causes (e.g., ease of task, luck) and attribute their failures to
internal ones (e.g., lack of ability).
Gender comparisons have been observed in causal attributions for
success and failure. For example, Deaux and Emswiller (1974) noted
that equivalent performances by women and men are explained by dif-
ferent attributions. Performance by a man on a ‘‘masculine’’ task is typ-
ically attributed to his skill, whereas an equivalent performance by a
woman on the same task is attributed to her being lucky. In addition,
Feldman-Summers and Kiesler’s (1974) research indicated that men
attributed more ability to a male physician than to a female physician.
They also attributed a female physician’s success to the ease of her
coursework and a large amount of effort. Betz (1993, 2008), for exam-
ple, reported that women were more likely to attribute their success to
luck and their failures to low ability. Men’s successes and women’s
failures were attributed to personal dispositions; men’s failures and
women’s successes were attributed to environmental factors.
Betz (1993, 2008) noted that in work settings, men are rated higher
than equivalent women in performing certain tasks and in job
qualifications. Women receive lower recognition and economic rewards

for their work than men, and lower prestige, knowledge, and expertise
are attributed to them as well (Martell, 1996; Seta & Seta, 1993; Swim &
Sanna, 1996).
JOB SEGREGATION
When we talk about equal pay for equal work, women in the workplace are
beginning to catch up. If we keep going at this current rate, we will achieve
full equality in about 475 years. I don’t know about you, but I can’t wait
that long.
—Lya Sorano
Blau (1975) and Doyle and Paludi (1998) noted that job segregation
is one of the major causes for women’s lower wages. Certain occupa-
tions (e.g., elementary school teacher, server, household worker) are
nearly totally female-populated and account for the majority of
employed women in the United States. These occupations represent an
occupational ghetto for women and are referred to as the ‘‘pink collar’’
ghetto (Doyle & Paludi, 1998). Three explanations have been offered to
account for job segregation:
(1) the belief that women’s biology prevents them from competing in the
work force for higher-paying jobs,
(2) the socialization of young girls to avoid higher status positions, and
(3) the various social or institutional forces that build barriers to prevent
women from entering high-paying and high-status occupations.
We will discuss two of these explanations in more detail: the socializa-

tion of women out of the marketplace and social and institutional bar-
riers to women in higher paying occupations.
SOCIALIZATION OF WOMEN TO AVOID HIGH-STATUS

OCCUPATIONS
Kerr’s research with gifted girls (e.g., Kerr, Foley-Nicpon, & Zapata,
2005) showed that although the girls’ career aspirations are as high as
their male peers, gifted girls are pressured to do an ‘‘about face’’ dur-
ing adolescence, that is, to shift their goals from academic achievement
to romance. As Betz (2008) stated:
. . . by the sophomore year of college, gifted young women have likely

changed their majors to less challenging areas, by their senior year they
have reduced the level of their career goals, and by college graduation
they have given up their former career dreams altogether, all because of
the pervasive ‘‘culture of romance.’’ (p. 719)
Kerr’s research supports earlier studies, for example, by Golombok

and Fivush (1994). These researchers reported that by fourth or fifth
grade, approximately 90 percent of positive feedback boys receive from
their teachers concerns their academic performance; less than 80
percent of positive feedback for girls is for their academic excellence.
In addition, Golombok and Fivush (1994) found that less than 33
percent of the negative feedback boys receive from their teachers is
related to their academic performance. However, more than 66 percent
of the negative feedback for girls is related to their academic perform-
ance. Golombok and Fivush interpreted these results as follows:
From this pattern of praise and criticism, boys may be learning that they
are smart, even if they are not very well behaved. Girls, on the other
hand, are learning that they may not be very smart, but that they can get
rewards by being ‘‘good.’’ (p. 173)
The American Association of University Women (2009; Haag, 1999)

found that secondary school systems direct girls and boys into different
courses by a differential ‘‘tracking system’’ whereby girls are taught to
think in terms of becoming nurses, secretaries, and mothers while boys
are taught to think about becoming physicians and engineers. Levy,
Sadovsky, and Troseth (2000) reported that a stereotypic view of the
world reinforces many of the common gender-role stereotypes and is a
major factor in prompting young boys’ interest in more than twice as
many occupations as that of young girls. Girls restrict their occupa-
tional aspirations. Furthermore, girls have a more limited concept than
boys do of the career possibilities available to them in STEM careers
(i.e., science, technology, engineering, and mathematics; Bernstein &
Russo, 2008). They focus on careers that are associated with less status,
less satisfaction, and less pay than careers considered by boys
(Heymann, 2000; Richardson & Sandoval, 2007).
Hall and Sandler (1982) referred to this tracking as a ‘‘chilly climate’’
for girls and women. Chilling behaviors include:
Undermining girls’ and women’s confidence.

Discouraging girls’ and women’s participation in class discussions.
Interrupting girls and women in class.
Dampening career aspirations of girls and women.
Preventing girls and women from seeking help outside of class.
Since the passage of Title IX, the gender gap at all grade levels has
decreased significantly since 1970 in nationwide assessments of science
and math performance (Feminist Majority Foundation, 2009). In addi-
tion, women’s share of undergraduate degrees in natural sciences and
engineering has more than doubled. Women’s share of doctoral
degrees in these fields has more than quadrupled. However, women

still earn 20 to 25 percent of degrees in physics, computer sciences, and
engineering (Bernstein & Russo, 2007, 2008).
The culture of STEM fields still isolates and excludes girls and
women, which is directly related to women’s lack of access to eco-
nomic opportunity compared to men (Bernstein & Russo, 2007; 2008).
Women represent less than one in five faculty members in STEM fields.
In engineering in particular, women account for just over one in ten
faculty members (Bernstein & Russo, 2007, 2008).
SOCIAL AND INSTITUTIONAL BARRIERS

Women are typically excluded from informal networks that are cru-
cial to career advancement within the organizational culture. In addi-
tion, women tend to be viewed stereotypically within such
organizations, making it difficult for them to obtain important assign-
ments that are required for advancement (Bagilhole & White, 2003).
Thus, male managers select men over comparably qualified women for
upper-level managerial positions (Hitt & Barr, 1989). Women are per-
ceived as less valuable than men as a consequence of greater power,
status, and authority attributed to men (Kanter, 1977). Some (e.g.,
Keefe, 2003; Shakeshaft, Brown, Irby, Grogan, & Ballenger, 2007) argue
there is disparity about who receives mentoring; mentors tend to men-
tor those most like them: ‘‘In a department dominated by white males,
white men get most of the mentoring. Women and minorities too often
fall through the cracks’’ (p. 34).
Furthermore, advancement inequity exists between women and
men. Women in academics and business are underrepresented in sen-
ior positions and are promoted and tenured more slowly than men. In
the medical field, only 12 percent of women have achieved the rank of
full professor; this figure has increased only 2 percent in the last 20
years. The figure for men is 30 percent (Mayer, Files, Ko, & Blair,
2008). In engineering, the figure is even lower; one percent. Mayer
et al. (2008) reported that, according to Harvard Business Review, women
make up only 6 percent of high ranking positions in Fortune 500 com-
panies.
As Martin (2008) stated:
It is easier for men, with their informal informational networks, to suc-

cessfully acclimate themselves. Women often have to compensate simply
for being women. . . . Women often face tremendous obstacles to gain ac-
ceptance in an organizational culture, especially in non-traditional fields.
They must deal with negative expectations, gender-role stereotypes, and
doing more than is expected to be seen as competent. They must try to
find a mentor or a way into the informal networks that are often closed
to them so that they can learn to navigate the hostile waters of organiza-
tional culture. (p. 172)
In addition, women may find it difficult to secure a male mentor

because they find them difficult to approach. Women also fear the
presumption of a sexual relationship by others in the organization.
Potential male mentors, on the other hand, may be hesitant to seek
out or accept a female protege because of the fear of a presumption
of a sexual relationship and/or the belief that women are not capable
of advancing on par with their male counterparts. If women are in
fact deemed as capable and worthy of mentoring, male mentors may
still choose men to mentor because it is simply more comfortable
and easier (Paludi, Martin, Stern, & DeFour, 2009). More difficulties
may ensue when racialized gendered stereotypes interact with race
and gender roles and add additional barriers for women of color
(Buchanan, 2005).
As Ostroff and Atwater (2003) concluded:
. . . individuals prefer to associate with and identify with ‘‘winners’’. . . .

the winners are those with status, power and higher salaries (i.e., men).
As such, those who find themselves surrounded by women are not
among the winners and thus may be seen as less valuable. (p. 727)
ENFORCING PAY EQUITY LEGISLATION IN THE WORKPLACE:

HUMAN RESOURCE RESPONSES
I was told Indian women don’t think like that about equality. But I would
like to argue that if they don’t think like that they should be given a real op-
portunity to think like that.
—Amartya Sen
The only way to solve the problem of women’s subordination is to change peo-
ple’s mindset and to plant the new idea of gender equality into every mind.
—Qingrong Ma
As this review of research from the social sciences suggests, the exis-
tence of a wage gap between women and men exists even when con-
trolling for demographics, performance, and other human capital
factors (Ostroff & Atwater, 2003). Empirical support is overwhelming
for gender and occupational stereotypes being expressed in managers’
behavior, including beliefs that women should not earn as much as
men because men are the primary breadwinners, that women are not
as committed to their careers as are men and women are less produc-
tive than are men. In addition, women are viewed as laissez faire with
respect to negotiating salaries and wages (Holzer & Neumark, 2000).
Furthermore, Ostroff and Atwater’s (2003) research found that individ-

uals who work with women have lower wages. Thus managers who
supervise more women than men have lower wages than managers
who supervise more men than women. As Kim (2006) questioned:
Title VII has had an enormous impact in providing employment opportu-

nities for women and allowing them to advance. Now, four decades after
Title VII, gender inequality in the U.S. labor market persists across racial
and ethnic groups, raising the question of whether true gender-based
workplace equality is possible. (p. 284)
However, the empirical findings we discussed highlight the neces-

sity for training programs for administrators and employees regarding
these stereotypes and the realities of women employees’ careers and
life responsibilities. Such training programs, identified as ‘‘culture
change strategies’’ (Brewer, 2000) would include several issues related
to exhibiting behaviors toward both sexes and to eradicating stereo-
types about women and work.
In addition, administrators must take into consideration the items
discussed here.
PAY INEQUITY AND POVERTY ERADICATION

It is important to train employees and managers in understanding
that pay equity is a family issue. Research indicates that working fami-
lies lose approximately 200 billion dollars in income each year due to
the wage gap between the sexes. In addition, if married women were
paid identically to men for identical work, they would have a 6 percent
increase in their family’s income. Family poverty rates would fall from
2.1 percent to 0.8 percent (American Association of University Women,
2009).
Furthermore, single employed women would gain an increase in
family income; their families would have 17 percent more income
annually. The poverty rate for single employed women would
therefore be cut in half. Thus, pay equity is associated with poverty
eradication.
PAY EQUITY AND ENGAGED WORKFORCE

An engaged employee is an individual who is fully involved in and
enthusiastic about their work (Lockwood, 2007). Engaged employees
care about the growth of the organization and invest in assisting this
growth (Konrad, 2006). Employees who are engaged are those who
believe they have choices, and consequently they will act in a way that
furthers their organization’s goals and values. Pay equity helps ensure
a highly engaged and motivated workforce. The National Committee

on Pay Equity (2000) noted that organizations where women’s wages
match their value creates a positive work environment. A positive
work environment is associated with increased morale, increased pro-
ductivity, reduced absenteeism, decreased turnover rate, and reduced
sick leave.
WORK/LIFE INTEGRATION
Organizations that recognize the need and adapt work to employees’
lives will win employees’ loyalty and thus have a competitive edge
(Eastman, 1998). Organizations with family-friendly policies report less
stress for employees, lower absenteeism, higher morale, positive pub-
licity, improved work satisfaction, lower turnover rate, staffing over a
wide range of hours, child care hours that conform to work hours, and
access to quality infant, child, and elder care (Frone & Yardley, 1996;
Paludi & Neidermeyer, 2006).
Examples of family-friendly policies include flextime, job sharing,
part-time work, telecommuting, intranet work, on-site child care, on-
site health services, time off/career break, compressed work week, and
eldercare referral services. Examples of such policies are found in
Paludi and Paludi (2006). A relatively new program to assisting
employees with dealing with integrating work and life roles is total life
planning (Lockwood, 2003); that is, to assess their relationships, emo-
tional health, careers, religiosity, financial situation, and parenting
skills. Both Lockwood (2003) and Martinez (1997) have found that total
life planning is related to increased employee energy, enthusiasm for
work, and increased productivity. Miller (2005) identified that the top
work/life programs utilized by employees in the United States compa-
nies include the following: employee assistance programs, leave for
school functions, wellness programs, flu shot programs, and fitness
facilities. Miller (2005) also noted that the following work/life pro-
grams are rated highest by human resource specialists for reducing
unscheduled absences:
Alternative work arrangements

Flu shot programs
Leave for school functions
Telecommuting
Compressed workweek
On-site child care
Emergency child care
Employee assistance programs
Wellness programs
On-site health services
Fitness facility
Satellite workplaces
Job sharing
Eldercare services
HUMAN RESOURCE RECOMMENDATIONS

Recommendations have been offered to assist organizations in
enforcing equal pay legislation (e.g., Cornell University School of
Industrial and Labor Relations, Glass Ceiling Commission, 2000;
DeCenzo & Robbins, 2007; Mock, 2004; National Committee on Pay Eq-
uity, 2009; Society for Human Resource Management, 2009; Woo &
Khoo, 2006) including having organizations:
a. Examine their compensation system to ensure that women and people

of color are paid identically to men and white employees for identical
work. According to the Equal Pay Act, employers are required to
establish salaries based on skill, responsibility, effort, and working con-
ditions.
b. Examine job grades to ensure that all employees have equal opportunity
for advancement.
c. Compare the compensation system with market values, taking into
account the market has undercompensated several occupations. Verify
that the data is accurate and match the data to the specific job descrip-
tions to appropriately value each position.
d. Conduct job evaluations to determine the value of a position within an
organization with the goal of creating a more defined wage structure.
e. Develop job descriptions and position titles.
f. Post job openings with salary ranges within the workplace.
g. Encourage employees to openly discuss compensation issues with co-
workers rather than fostering an organizational culture that intimidates
employees by making it taboo to discuss salaries.
h. Frequently conduct organizational cultural climate surveys in which
employees are anonymously asked to describe their perceptions and
experiences of discriminatory treatment with respect to compensation.
i. Conduct audits of all aspects of the organization, including compliance
with Equal Employment Opportunity, Americans with disabilities, and
Equal Pay Act regulations.
j. Dissemination of policies and procedures related to Equal Pay Act, ADA
and EEO regulations.
k. Facilitation of training on Equal Pay, EEO, and ADA policies and proce-
dures.
l. Compliance with compensation practices for effectiveness and consis-

tency.
m. Compliance with an established grievance channel for employee con-
cerns or complaints.
The audit will provide information for administrators on ways dis-

crimination is operating in the organization. The next step is to under-
stand the reason for the discriminatory treatment and to correct the
injustices (Ostroff & Atwater, 2003). In his review of gender and justice
with respect to pay equity, William Gaedert (2004) concluded that
‘‘Although continued research on gender, racial and ethnic biases is
warranted, meaningful solutions are most likely to be based on politi-
cal action’’ (p. 216). And as Mary Anderson once stated: ‘‘Equal pay
for women is a matter of simple justice.’’
NOTE
1. The authors would like to acknowledge Eros DeSouza, Michelle Strand,
and Anthony Ferrari, Jr., who provided comments on earlier drafts of this
chapter.
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Chapter 8
Rape: A Global Perspective

Michelle McKenzie
Patricia Rozee
Rape is a global pandemic, existing in every culture around the world

(Rozee, 1993). Many social structures continue a pattern of rape and of-
ten excuse the practices as normative sexual behaviors. Rape is a mani-
festation of women’s subordinate status to men. When communities
strictly define gender roles in which masculinity is associated with domi-
nance, toughness, and male honor, sexual assault is reinforced (Heise,
Ellsberg, & Gottemoeller, 2002). In cultures where men have ‘‘ownership’’
of women, and men must control their environment, rape is often con-
doned (Heise et al., 2002; Sanday, 1981). Other factors associated with vio-
lence against women include economic inequality, physical violence to
resolve conflicts, male authority over decision making in the home, and
divorce restrictions on women (Heise et al., 2002; Levinson, 1989). Cul-
tures with lower rates of rape and acceptance of rape exhibit more equality
between the sexes, where the sexes are complementary and dependant on
each other (Sanday, 1981). When women are considered subservient to
men, rape continues its pervasive pattern of psychologically, economi-
cally, and physically injuring women and their families.
In an international effort to combat rape and other forms of violence
against women, legal reform and funding for community prevention
has been implemented within the past 15 years. In 1993, The United
Nations (UN) Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women
defined violence against women as:
Physical, sexual and psychological violence occurring in the family,

including battering, sexual abuse of female children in the household,
dowry-related violence, marital rape, female genital mutilation and other

traditional practices harmful to women, non-spousal violence and vio-
lence related to exploitation; physical, sexual and psychological violence
occurring within the general community, including rape, sexual abuse,
sexual harassment and intimidation at work, in education institutions
and elsewhere, trafficking in women and forced prostitution; physical,
sexual and psychological violence perpetrated or condoned by the State,
wherever it occurs. (UN, 1993, Article 3)
More recently, in June 2008, the UN Security Council officially stated

that sexual violence is a threat to international peace and security. Even
though many definitions of sexual violence exist, a comprehensive defi-
nition would incorporate all forms of sexual assault:
Any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual com-
ments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a per-
son’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their
relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to
home and work. (Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi, & Lozano, 2002)
This chapter explores the prevalence of sexual assault worldwide

and is organized according to an ecological model that forces us to
consider the dynamic interplay between the individual and the envi-
ronment. Ahrens and Rozee (2007) stress that social issues such as rape
cannot be accurately examined without considering how the context of
individual, family and small group, organizational, community, and
societal levels impact on both etiology and intervention. Thus, the
chapter is divided into sections that address violence based on the
three levels that maintain a culture of rape. Individual, organizational,
and cultural factors that maintain a culture of rape will be addressed,
including topics such as rape in the military, armed conflict, and sex
trafficking. The main objective of this chapter is to raise awareness of
the widespread human rights issue of rape and discuss prevention
measures involving community, social, and global solutions. This chap-
ter will not discuss children as victims of sexual assault or the psycho-
logical, social, or physical impact on rape survivors, which is
addressed by Waits and Lundberg Love in Volume II.
PREVALENCE
Rape prevalence varies among countries and cultures. No commun-
ities are completely rape free, but some have significantly higher rates
than others. Specific types of rape can have higher incidence depend-
ing on the cultural ideology, economic disparity, or current political sit-
uation. Certain regions may have high rates of rape by strangers due
Rape: A Global Perspective 179
to armed conflict, while others have higher rates of marital rape due to
cultural structures.
Garcia-Moreno, Jansen, Ellsberg, Heise, and Watts (2005) conducted
a cross-cultural study of 10 countries to determine the prevalence of vi-
olence against women. They found a vast difference among the coun-
tries based on the percentage of women who had experienced sexual
abuse by an intimate partner: Ethiopia (59 percent), Bangladesh (50 per-
cent), the United Republic of Tanzania (31 percent), Thailand (30 per-
cent), Peru (23 percent), Samoa (20 percent), Namibia (16 percent),
Brazil (14 percent), Serbia and Montenegro (6 percent), and Japan
(6 percent). Sexual violence by nonpartners was reported at a much
lower rate: Peru, Samoa, and the United Republic of Tanzania ranged
from 10 to 12 percent, but levels as low as 1 percent were reported in
Bangladesh and Ethiopia (Garcia et al., 2005). Common nonintimate
perpetrators were male family members, teachers, boyfriends, strang-
ers, and male friends of the family (Garcia et al., 2005).
Ethnographic studies of nonindustrial societies show different preva-
lence rates depending on how rape is defined, ranging from 42 to 90
percent of cultures (Rozee, 1993; Rozee-Koker, 1987). Rozee (1993)
defines non-normative rape as rape that is illicit, not condoned, against
the will of the woman, and in violation of social norms. Most studies
have used Western common law definitions of rape, which tend to
underestimate rapes that do not fit that legal definition. Most studies
do not include normative rape, which are rapes that are not defined as
rape because they are accepted within the normative practices of the
culture.
The first study to use a broadened definition of rape so as to rate
the behavior independently of social sanctions found a prevalence rate
of 90 percent (Minturn, Grosse, & Haider, 1969). The most comprehen-
sive cross-cultural study to expand previous definitions by including
rapes that occur in the context of ceremonies (such as ritual deflora-
tion) and rape of enemy women found rape in 53 percent of the sam-
ple societies (Sanday, 1981). Sanday’s rate was lower partly because
she coded societies where rape was reported as rare, as ‘‘rape-free’’
cultures. Rozee studied rape in 35 world cultures and found that rape
occurred in all cultures when normative rape was included in the sta-
tistics. She also found that in a majority of cultures normative and non-
normative rape occur concurrently, concluding that rape is therefore
regulated, not prohibited, in most cultures.
One form of normative rape is rape as a form of punishment for
social transgression or as used in a disciplinary manner. Punitive rape
generally occurs as a male response to females who behave in ways
considered solely the prerogative of males, for violations of male
authority, for rejecting a male who has legitimate sexual access to her
(such as a husband), or sometimes as the instrument of punishment for
a husband’s transgressions (Rozee, 1993). Rozee reports punitive rape

as present in 14 percent of cultures. Punitive rape is also used as pun-
ishment for crimes such as adultery, public drunkenness, or political
affiliation (Amnesty International, 2004; Krug et al., 2002). In Peru,
women who were believed to be affiliated with the opposition armed
group, Sendero Luminoso, were sexually assaulted by their opposer
and then encountered further incidents of sexual assault in jail (Am-
nesty International, 2004). In Zimbabwe, certain cultures allow a man
who has committed a crime against a family or raped a woman to ei-
ther pay compensation or marry the woman instead of receiving pun-
ishment for the crimes (Equality Now, 1998).
Rape is often practiced as a part of various cultural ceremonies, such
as ritual deflorations or virginity rituals. Virginity tests often contain
an element of force and may entail hasty and painful penetration of a
virgin to meet the requirement of public demonstration of the hymenal
blood as proof of virginity (Olson, 1981).
Rape as a form of exchange is another ritualized form of rape prac-
ticed in many world cultures. In this case sexual access to females is
granted as a bargaining tool, gesture of solidarity, or conciliation.
Among the Kaska of Canada, a man would often offer his wife if he
lost in betting and she would be required to stay with the winner until
the debt was repaid (Honigman, 1954). Collier and Rosaldo (1981)
report the common practice of according sexual access to women as a
gesture of goodwill or solidarity.
Normative rapes are rarely reported as rape. Even within the rela-
tively narrow (non-normative) Western legal definition of rape, sexual
assault remains one of the most underreported crimes globally. Studies
in South Africa show that only 15 percent of women report their
assault to the police (Jewkes & Abrahams, 2002). This percentage tends
to be much lower in cultures that ascribe strictly to patriarchal struc-
tures. Other factors are also involved in whether women report rape.
Jewkes and Abrahams (2002) also found that women with post-school
education were eight times more likely to report rape to the police,
and younger women were more likely to report their assault to the
police. Since underreporting is the norm and many women still do not
disclose in research interviews, statistics given in this report are likely
to be underrepresented.
INDIVIDUAL FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH RAPE

Women’s Vulnerability to Rape
Rape can happen to women of all ages, racial backgrounds, and
socioeconomic statuses. It is important to note that the main predictor
of being a rape victim is gender—being a woman (Rozee & Koss,
2001). However, research has identified several factors that can increase
a woman’s vulnerability to sexual assault, such as youth, poverty, pre-
vious sexual abuse, multiple sexual partners, or alcohol use. Under-
standing that rape prevalence is higher among certain groups of
women can assist in focusing prevention programs and resistance
training.
Although women can be raped at any age, young women are at a
higher risk of rape in countries around the world (Garcia-Moreno et
al., 2005). Statistics from Chile, Malaysia, Mexico, New Guinea, Peru,
and the United States show that anywhere from one-third to two-thirds
of sexual assaults are committed against women under 17 years old
(Heise, Pitanguy, & Germain, 1994). In the United States, Pazzani
(2007) found that younger women were more likely to be sexually
assaulted than older women by both strangers and acquaintances.
Although marital rape is a considerable problem, sexual assault survi-
vors in the United States are less likely to be married, which may also
correspond with age (Avakame, 1999; Golding, Wilsnack, & Cooper,
2002). Young women are also at particular risk for certain types of sex-
ual violence, including sex trafficking, female genital mutilation, and
school related sexual assault.
Poverty has been linked to many rape situations. Women with lower
economic status are more likely to be coerced in sex trafficking, victi-
mized in armed conflict and refugee camps, and raped by their part-
ners (Krug et al., 2002; U.S. Department of State, 2005). Yodanis (2004)
found that rates of sexual assault were significantly higher in countries
where women had lower educational and occupational status than in
countries where women had higher status. Byrne, Resnick, Kilpatrick,
Best, and Saunders (1999) reported that American women living at or
below the poverty level were at heightened risk for victimization.
Additionally, they observed that women living above the poverty level
were more likely to drop below the poverty level after revictimization.
Education seems to be a good economic buffer from rape. Garcia-
Moreno et al. (2005) found that in many countries, women with higher
education confronted less violence, and in certain countries, such as
urban Brazil, Namibia, Peru, Thailand, and the United Republic of
Tanzania, the lowered risk of sexual violence is evident for women
who continue their education beyond secondary school. In the United
States, working women and women with higher income are also less
likely to be sexually assaulted by a stranger or an acquaintance
(Avakame, 1999; Pazzani, 2007).
Survivors of sexual assault are also at a greater risk of revictimiza-
tion. Studies in the United States reported that childhood physical or
sexual assault could lead to adult sexual assault (Cloitre, Tardiff,
Marzuk, & Leon, 1996; Maker, Kemmelmeier, & Peterson, 2001; Mess-
man-Moore & Long, 2000). Pazzani (2007) found that the relationship
between revictimization and previous childhood or adulthood sexual

assault was primarily present when women were raped by acquaintan-
ces. In an experiment on prevention education, American college
women with a history of sexual assault had substantially more reports
of rape at three months follow-up, whether they received prevention
education or not (Gidycz et al., 2001). Many factors may contribute to
this cycle of revictimization, including self-blame (Miller, Markman, &
Handley, 2007), delayed response to danger cues (Messman-Moore &
Brown, 2006), acceptance of rape myths (Messman-Moore & Long,
2000), low self-esteem, and learned helplessness (Finkelhor & Browne,
1985). Survivors also report less frequent contact with friends and
family, as well as less emotional support (Golding et al., 2002), which
may make them more vulnerable to repeated sexual coercion. Preven-
tion efforts should be aware of this pattern in order to reach women
who may not be seeking help but nonetheless may need it.
Finally, alcohol consumption is a major situational factor that has
been identified in U.S. studies to be connected to rape. Norris and Cub-
bins (1992) found that women were less likely to believe stories of rape
if both parties involved were intoxicated. Yet, if the woman only was
intoxicated, participants’ perceptions of the incident shifted toward
rape. In a study by Cue, George, and Norris (1996), women did not
perceive alcohol to increase their risk or other women’s risk for rape.
However, approximately half of sexual assaults include alcohol con-
sumption by the survivor, perpetrator, or both (Abbey, Zawacki, Buck,
Clinton, & McAuslan, 2004). In a study by Harrington and Leitenberg
(1994), 55 percent of women reported being somewhat intoxicated
when sexually assaulted, and many of the women engaged in consen-
sual sexual activities prior to the rape. More than 20 percent of Ameri-
can college women reported that they were raped while under the
influence of alcohol or drugs (Kalof, 1993). In the same study, 47 per-
cent of sorority women reported rape while under the influence of
alcohol, although many factors, such as attending more drinking events
or affiliating with fraternity men who hold rape-congruent attitudes,
may be related to this large difference.
The effects of alcohol can create an environment where perpetrators
can take advantage of women’s alcohol-induced passivity and loss of
control. Survivors who were raped while heavily intoxicated report
lower levels of assertive and cautious responses to sexual advances
(Macy, Nurius, & Norris, 2007). In a study by Norris et al. (2006),
intoxicated female participants were asked to project their behaviors
into a rape scenario. Alcohol consumption increased their level of con-
sent and passivity to a sexually aggressive man. Furthermore, when
women were perceived to be in a relationship, they were more likely to
be passive at the onset of rape, as opposed to those who were perceived
to be in initial stages of dating. With the inhibiting qualities of alcohol
consumption, women may be at a higher risk of rape because they react

more slowly and men can use this vulnerability to commit rape.
Characteristics of Male Perpetrators

Men rape for many different reasons, influenced by their attitudes,
personality characteristics, and life experiences (Abbey et al., 2004).
Internationally, sexual assault is linked to men and communities that
strictly define and enforce gender roles that associate masculinity with
dominance, honor, and toughness (Heise, 1998). A shocking 35 percent
of U.S. college men revealed they would rape if there was no fear of
punishment, which indicates that a lot of men have an attraction to
sexual aggression (Malamuth, 1981; Malamuth, 1989), but men also
may be able to act on these aggressive attitudes more often in com-
munities where men are rarely accountable for raping women.
False beliefs about rape or about rape victims seem to contribute to
rape acceptance. ‘‘Rape myths are attitudes or beliefs that are generally
false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and
justify male sexual aggression against women’’ (Lonsway & Fitzgerald,
1994, p. 134). Many different measurement scales have been used to
evaluate rape myth acceptance. Some myths imply that women deserve
rape, such as, ‘‘A woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man
on the first date is implying that she wants to have sex’’ (Payne, Lons-
way, & Fitzgerald, 1999, p. 50). Other myths support the claim that
men are unable to control themselves, for instance, ‘‘When a man is
very sexually aroused, he may not even realize that the woman is
resisting’’ (p. 49). Finally, myths may blame women for rape, like in
this statement, ‘‘Usually, it is only women who do things like hang out
in bars and sleep around that are raped’’ (p. 49). Men with greater ac-
ceptance of rape myths are more likely to engage in sexually coercive
behaviors (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, & Wood, 2000). Studies of rape
myths have delved into the attitudes related to sexual aggression, yet
personality characteristics help to further understand these attitudes.
Factors that increase the proclivity of men to rape include life expe-
riences (childhood sexual abuse, witnessing family violence, or having
a rejecting father), preference for impersonal sex, hostility toward
women, antisocial tendencies, coercive sexual fantasies, and alcohol or
drug use (Heise et al., 2002; Krug et al., 2002; Malamuth, Linz, Heavey,
Barnes, & Acker, 1995; Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, & Tanaka, 1991).
In the United States, Malamuth and his colleagues (Malamuth et al.,
1991; Malamuth et al., 1995) demonstrated an additive effect, which
reveals that each factor alone may not influence a man to rape, but sev-
eral factors together can increase the likeliness of rape. The Confluence
Model of sexual aggression identifies two major paths that influence
sexual aggression (Malamuth et al., 1991; Malamuth et al., 1995). The
first, ‘‘hostile masculinity’’ path is defined as an ‘‘insecure, defensive,

hypersensitive, and hostile-distrustful orientation, particularly toward
women, and gratification from controlling or dominating women’’
(Malamuth et al., 1995, pp. 353–354). This path assesses personality
characteristics related to coercion of women, such as negative mascu-
linity, hostility toward women, and adversarial sexual beliefs. The sec-
ond path, ‘‘impersonal sex’’ is a ‘‘noncommittal, game-playing
orientation in sexual relations’’ (p. 354), including variables such as
early sexual experiences, number of sexual partners, extramarital
affairs, and sexual fantasies. When men were characterized by both of
these paths, they expressed the highest levels of sexual aggression in
cross-sectional (Malamuth et al., 1991) and longitudinal studies (Mala-
muth et al., 1995).
Similar studies in Spain show results in support of the Confluence
Model (Martin, Vergeles, de la Orden Acevedo, del Campo Sanchez, &
Visa, 2005). Their study also found that men who were low in empathy
reported more sexually coercive behaviors. Yost and Zurbriggen (2006)
found that men with many sexual partners who endorsed casual sex
were more likely to hold negative and stereotypical attitudes about
women. As these coercive and stereotypical attitudes increased, men
were more likely to perpetrate sexual aggression. In a longitudinal
study, American men who perpetrated at two time points had more
hostility toward women, past sexual experiences, adolescent delin-
quency, and drinking in sexual situations (Abbey & McAuslan, 2004).
Abbey and McAuslan also found that perpetrators only at the initial
time point showed more remorse about what they did, claimed that
they learned from the experience and blamed the women less than the
repeat offenders. Although the attitudes and personalities of perpetra-
tors have been examined, changing their mindset is a daunting task.
ACTIONS FOR MEN

Although the majority of men are not perpetrators of sexual vio-
lence, their role in eliminating rape is fundamental. Men act as role
models for other men and boys through their many responsibilities
such as father, teacher, friend, coworker, or boss. They can have a
strong impact on ending gender inequality through their words and
actions, particularly social scripts that endorse sexual violence, but also
through direct dialogue with other men about the detrimental effects
of violence against women. Although these themes should resonate in
community organizations, the focus on stopping men from sexual vio-
lence should not be fear of punishment, but the desire for women and
men to have healthy relationships and mutual respect.
Prevention programs need to include men’s organizations, churches,
male community representatives, and governments, institutions where
men tend to have dominating roles. Many different male-focused

groups have formed around the world concentrating on changing gen-
der norms, including attitudes related to masculinity, hostility toward
women, and interpersonal violence. In Latin America, especially men’s
associations in Nicaragua, men work to reduce violence against women
by confronting issues of masculinity and aggression (Ward, 2002).
In Uganda, the Be a Man Campaign has many forums to connect men
with other men to discuss violence against women (Widyono, 2006).
They facilitate discussion meetings within communities, hold public
debates, and sponsor television, radio, and other media events to de-
velop positive male attitudes, and encourage healthy relationships, re-
sponsible fatherhood, and nonviolent means for resolving conflict.
These organizations make men allies with women in the fight for gen-
der equality and can have major impact within communities.
ORGANIZATIONAL SUPPORTS OF RAPE

Organizational supports for rape add to the complexity of identify-
ing and eliminating rape in all societies. In this section, we discuss sex
trafficking, military rape, rape of enemy women in wartime, and rape
of refugees. Each presents organizational challenges that will require
organization-wide commitments to prevent and eliminate.
Sex Trafficking
Sex trafficking involves cooperation among various segments of soci-
ety and across cultures, each with financial incentives that make it par-
ticularly difficult to eradicate. The trafficking of women and children
for sexual exploitation is a form of exchange rape. It is the third most
lucrative criminal activity in the world, following illegal drugs and
arms, generating approximately $7 to $32 billion annually (U.S. Depart-
ment of State, 2009). These widespread human rights violations are a
form of modern-day slavery. It is difficult to accurately assess the num-
ber of women being trafficked internationally or within their own
countries, but government agencies and field workers estimate any-
where between 700,000 and 2 million women and children annually
(Richard, 2000).
The UN’s human trafficking definition states:
‘‘Trafficking in persons’’ shall mean the recruitment, transportation,

transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use
of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception,
of the abuse of power or of the position of vulnerability or of the giving
or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person
having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.
Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitu-

tion of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or serv-
ices, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of
organs. (UN, 2000, Annex II, Article 3)
The extent of involvement varies between countries, but in 2006, the

UN Office on Drugs and Crime Database (UNODC) reported traffick-
ing from 127 source countries to 137 destination countries. Source
countries with the highest rates of trafficking include Albania, Bulgaria,
China, Lithuania, Nigeria, Romania, Russia, Thailand, and Ukraine
(UNODC, 2006). These source countries tend to be economically or
politically unstable, where women have few employment opportuni-
ties. Through many different recruiting practices, women are trans-
ported to the wealthiest countries in the world. The highest reported
destination countries are Belgium, Germany, Greece, Israel, Italy, Japan,
Netherlands, Thailand, Turkey, and the United States of America
(UNODC, 2006). Women are also trafficked within their own countries,
from rural areas to cities. Trafficking within the country is common in
Argentina, China, Cote d’Ivoire, Cuba, Guinea, India, Republic of
Congo, Russian, South Africa, and Zimbabwe (Central Intelligence
Agency, 2008). The different trafficking routes are numerous and
continuously changing. The only consistency is that women from
poverty-stricken countries are most at risk of being trafficked to pri-
marily wealthy Western countries.
Traffickers use different means for coercing their victims, usually
abusing women’s economic vulnerability. Steven Galster, of Global Sur-
vival Network, reports in a hearing before the Commission on Security
and Cooperation in Europe (1999) that he witnessed three types of
women being trafficked for sex.
Some women are completely unaware that they were being traf-
ficked for sexual exploitation; others thought they would be doing
something related to the industry, such as stripping; and others knew
that they were going to be prostitutes. None of the women had any
idea of the impeding abuse or that slavery would be imposed on them.
Influences that make women more susceptible to trafficking are pov-
erty and lack of education, but also the desire for a better life for them-
selves and their families (U.S. Department of State, 2005). Most women
believe the promises of good paying jobs, such as nannies, models, sec-
retaries, dancers, and maids, while some families believe they are mar-
rying their daughter to a wealthy, honest man (Farr, 2005). Farr (2005)
describes how structural closeness of the recruiter to the woman
encourages her trust in his promises (e.g., the recruiter is a relative or
family friend). Other forceful means of obtaining women are used,
such as kidnapping or drugging (Farr, 2005). A study in China showed
the main methods for trafficking recruitment were through fraud and
deception, 37 percent; kidnapping, 26 percent; abuse of power or a

position of vulnerability, 17 percent; and physical violence, 5 percent
(UN Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking, 2008).
Once women are recruited, captors utilize many means to psycho-
logically and physically detain their victims. Since most captors have
the same cultural background as their victims, this puts them at an
advantage to exploit their vulnerabilities. In Italy, Nigerian women
believing they are being sponsored for work are trafficked into prosti-
tution. Their exploiters are their countrymen who use their knowledge
of Nigerian culture to psychologically trap them. These Nigerian
women are forced to perform black magic rites referred to as juju rites
where different bodily fluids or pieces of clothing are placed before an
altar, while the women make vows to never reveal their captors and
pay off their debts without any problems (Aghatise, 2004). The way
that their captors use these juju rites enforce major psychological con-
trol over these women, who believe that great harm will come to them
or their families if they dishonor their vows (Aghatise, 2004).
In other cultures where psychological control will not work, violence
and threats become the main tactic for keeping women in fear. Vio-
lence used against these women includes the following: severe verbal
and physical abuse, rape, burning, forced prostitution even when ill,
menstruating, or pregnant, and murder (Aghatise, 2004; Farr, 2005).
Since most trafficked women originate from underdeveloped or poor
countries, where corruption can be rampant among government offi-
cials, many of these women distrust law enforcement officials. Their
captors will often withhold passports, and with little or no knowledge
of the laws and customs of their destination, they fear being caught by
the authorities and imprisoned for prostitution. They also believe that
their families will be in danger of retaliation by their captors if they
run away.
Many solutions are underway to prevent sex trafficking. Numerous
laws have been passed by the UN in the past decade in a collaborative
effort between countries to not only become aware of this human rights
violation but to assure women’s protection when rescued. The main
goal of recent legislation is to work together in order to support victims
and convict traffickers. Since the pressure of keeping up with other
types of criminal activity is burdensome for certain governmental sec-
tors, specialized task forces for sexual trafficking would give the issue
more direct attention. Training courses for police officers, immigration
authorities, customs officers, government officials, and media personnel
are also necessary to educate workers who come into contact with sur-
vivors of trafficking.
Besides legislation and trafficking detection, community efforts are
being made to prevent sex trafficking. Mu Sochua, Cambodia’s former
Minister of Women’s and Veterans’ Affairs, has made crucial efforts to
fight against sex trafficking in Cambodia. Since many trafficked women

in Cambodia come from rural areas, she visited these regions to dis-
cuss with poverty-stricken families the problems of selling their teen-
age daughters (Mithers, 2004). Sochua put together a major media
campaign to change the way people view gender equality by changing
a Cambodian proverb from ‘‘A man is gold, a woman is a white piece of
cloth’’ to ‘‘Men are gold, women are precious gems’’ (Mithers, 2004).
When women were referred to as white pieces of cloth, a metaphor that
promotes virginity, men defined their status. Changing the proverb pro-
motes gender equality and reduces the importance of female virgin status.
When Mu Sochua visits rural areas, she says to the villagers:
‘‘Your children are precious. If you let your daughters go, your family
heritage is gone. They are your gems. Love them. Educate them. Protect
them.’’ Everywhere I go, women come up to me and say, ‘‘Now I realize
what you mean. Find my daughter!’’ When that happens, we try to get
word out. Maybe 10 percent of those girls we find. (Mithers, 2004)
This type of education is necessary to inform women and their fami-

lies about sex trafficking. Prevention campaigns need to target the cul-
tural values that reinforce sexual exploitation. The media can play an
important role in graphically depicting the reality of the ‘‘dream jobs’’
that women find and giving access to resources to protect themselves.
MILITARY RAPE
In this section we discuss the rape of women serving in the military,
rape of civilian women in warring countries, the rape of civilian
women to enforce group cohesion, and the use of women to provide
comfort for soldiers. In each case women seem to be the pawns of wars
caused and carried out by men.
Women have served in militaries around the world for centuries.
Their historical roles, which were confined to medical or administrative
support, have extended to active duty in the past 50 years. Even
though most countries have regulations regarding tasks women can
hold, such as not engaging in active combat positions, women are still
alongside men in dangerous combat zones. Women have continually
increased their representation in military forces globally. Within the
military dynamic, rape is commonplace and survivors are pressured to
remain silent, principally to protect group morale and cohesion. De-
spite this compelling force, women in the military have spoken out
about sexual assault by their fellow soldiers and commanders.
In most countries, rape prevalence rates are difficult to ascertain for
women active in the military. Research is limited, with most available
data coming from the U.S. military. In 2008, the Chair of the Homeland
Security Intelligence Subcommittee, Jane Harman said, ‘‘Women serv-

ing in the U.S. military are more likely to be raped by a fellow soldier
than killed by enemy fire in Iraq’’ (Harman, 2008). In the U.S. military,
rape prevalence is higher than in the general population, yet reporting
and prosecution of perpetrators is lower (Harman, 2008). The West Los
Angeles Veterans Association Health Center informed Harman that 41
percent of women soldiers receiving health care at their facilities were
survivors of sexual assault, and 29 percent were raped during their
military service (Harman, 2008). Study results range from 23 to 30 per-
cent of women in the military reporting rape by other military mem-
bers, including 5 percent of women experiencing repeated rapes and 5
percent experiencing gang rapes (Hankin et al., 1999; Sadler, Booth, &
Doebbeling, 2005; Sadler, Booth, Nielson, & Doebbeling, 2000; Skinner
et al., 2000). In the U.S. Air Force, military perpetrators accounted for
14 percent of first-time rapes and 26 percent of most recent rapes
(Bostock & Daley, 2007).
These statistics are higher than the general population, yet the actual
numbers are probably much higher. Underreporting rape is a common
trend in society but is even more likely in the military. Female soldiers
have many concerns that prevent them from reporting, including lack
of trust for the criminal justice system, fear of reprisal from their of-
fender, fear that the chain of command will not believe their complaint
or act upon it, and reports will have a negative impact on their reputa-
tion and career advancement (Embrey et al., 2004). Militaries promote
collective attitudes, comradeship, and group cohesion. Ironically,
reporting rape may be viewed as undermining the group morale or
failing the group (Jeffreys, 2007) yet the rape itself is not!
Most of these women’s fears represent the reality of military
responses to rape. Reported sexual assaults increased to 2,908 in 2008,
an 8 percent rise from 2007, and almost half of reports that were
referred to commanders to take action on behalf of the survivor
resulted in no responses by the commanders (Department of Defense,
2008, 2009). Only 15 percent of reported rapes were referred to Court
Martial in which a judge or committee would hear survivors’ cases
and perpetrators could receive adequate punishment. However, instead
of referring rape reports to Court Martial, commanders have the
authority to administer other forms of punishment directly. Of the total
reports of rape, 11 percent resulted in nonjudicial punishment includ-
ing extra duty, restrictions of freedom, or loss of a portion of their pay,
and 12 percent resulted in administrative action including a letter of
admonition. Half of reported cases were excused because of insufficient
evidence, recanted allegations, or death of the survivor or perpetrator
before investigation commenced (Department of Defense, 2009). When
survivors’ reports of rape are devalued to the point where rapist’s pun-
ishment involves a small fine or a letter of admonition, the atmosphere
in the military continues to perpetuate sexual assault and force women

to remain silent. Skinner et al. (2000) found that survivors of military
rape reported more problems during active duty, including stronger
feelings of isolation, loneliness, and group exclusion than other female
soldiers.
As a means to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of sexual
assault in the military, Jane Harman proposed a bill for the Department
of Defense to implement several measures. All military factions would
have to uphold the following:
Commanders to be held accountable for assaults that occur in their units

and provide justification for disposing of sexual assault cases through
non-judicial punishment and other administrative actions; The Secretary
of Defense to review current training methods for all military investiga-
tions staff, including Judge Advocates, and implement any improvements
that are necessary; Notification of local civilian law enforcement officials
of any military protective order issued on base to provide for continuity
of protection of victims; An opportunity for a base transfer once a service
member has notified her or his command that she or he has been sexu-
ally assaulted or raped. (Harman, 2008)
These modifications to the military procedures will not be enough to

eliminate rape in the military, but they would help set precedence for
authority figures. They would also allow survivors to receive support
and protection when speaking out about rape.
In addition to raping women serving in the military, soldiers also
rape civilian women in warring countries as well as civilians they are
charged with protecting. Van Woudenberg (2005) cites cases of sexual
assaults perpetrated by UN peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic
of Congo, Bosnia, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and other countries. Among
different types of sexual assault that are inflicted, coercive rape as a
means for survival for the victim is common. Survival rape involves a
transfer of food, money, protection, documentation, or another com-
modity in exchange for sex. Even though the UN has a zero-tolerance
policy for these actions, they have done little to prevent or prosecute
perpetrators (Van Woudenberg, 2005).
Pornography and prostitution have long been associated with the
military. Aggressive masculinity is enhanced with the use of pornogra-
phy, and in wartime can help male soldiers distinguish themselves
from women. The Pakistani army used pornography to enhance their
soldiers’ masculinity before the attack on Bangladesh in 1971, in which
soldiers subsequently committed thousands of rapes against Banglade-
shi women (Jeffreys, 2007).
Another way to enhance sexual aggression is through the thousands
of brothels located near military bases around the world. The U.S.
government makes agreements with foreign countries, such as Aus-

tralia, Singapore, Malaysia, Korea, Philippines, and Japan for R&R
services for soldiers (Farr, 2007). These bases draw in thousands of
prostitutes; some women are poverty stricken locals while the majority
of women are specifically trafficked into these brothels. With the arrival
of UN peacekeeping forces in Cambodia in 1993, the number of prosti-
tutes increased from an estimated 1,500 to 20,000 (Farr, 2007). Similar
situations have occurred in Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Liberia, Guinea, Sierra
Leone, and East Timor (Farr, 2007). Women from neighboring countries
and locals were reported to be kidnapped or coerced into sexual slav-
ery in the brothels near peacekeeping forces (Farr, 2007). During World
War II, an estimated 200,000 Asian women, so called ‘‘comfort
women,’’ primarily from Korea, were trafficked into Japan by the Japa-
nese Imperial Army to work as sex slaves in ‘‘comfort stations’’ set up
for soldiers (Amnesty International, 2004). Holtzman (1994) reports that
Southeast Asian women are often sexually exploited and victimized by
sexual tourism and so-called ‘‘R&R’’ for male U.S. military personnel
and the female sex slave trade is flourishing in that region. Further vio-
lence continues as soldiers who frequent military base brothels demand
that women submit to their desires. Farr (2007) explains how women
who refuse to have anal sex, oral sex, or insert objects into their vagina
are often subject to physical abuse and rape by soldiers.
The UN made rape a war crime by passing The Military Domestic
and Sexual Violence Response Act, including implementation of UN
Security Council 1325 and The Committee on the Elimination of Dis-
crimination Against Women, as well as utilization of the International
Criminal Court. Many countries, including the United States, have not
signed these acts, nor do they participate in the International Criminal
Court. These countries claim that they can better punish the actions of
their soldiers, which as previously stated, amounts to little or no pun-
ishment when dealing with rape. Attitudes by the military that pro-
mote masculinity and the degradation of women encourage rape of
military women and trafficking of women for soldiers’ pleasures as
well as the rape of ‘‘enemy’’ women. Military organizations, starting
from the top authorities, need to deconstruct their demeaning views of
women in order to diminish rape by soldiers.
RAPE DURING ARMED CONFLICT

Rape is used in warfare as the ultimate weapon to destroy cultures.
In fact rape has frequently been called ‘‘the spoils of war.’’ The system-
atic sexual violence during armed conflict can serve many functions,
such as destabilizing populations, destroying bonds within commun-
ities and families, advancing ethnic cleansing, expressing hatred for the
enemy, or supplying combatants with sexual services (Ward, 2002).

Serbian soldiers reported that they were ordered to rape so that the
military morale would be higher and they would fight better (Stigl-
mayer, 1993).
Former UN Ambassador, Stephen Lewis, spoke about the growing
practice of rape during armed conflict:
Sexual violence was escalated from a battle tactic to a systematic strategy

of war. Where from the outset, it’s understood by military commanders,
by military factions, by military marauders, the cheapest and easiest way
to destabilize and dismember a village, a community, a province, is to
rape the women and girls. Sexual torture eviscerates the women and it
terrorizes and traumatizes their children as well, and their partners and
their extended families, the communities themselves. It’s the ultimate
sabotage of human health. In the darkness and depth of the trauma,
physical and emotional, the women are rendered incapable of playing
the roles that society has assigned to them. They are lost as parents who
take their children to health clinics and schools. Lost as the mainstays of
family life, as the gathers of wood, the drawers of water, the providers of
meals, as the farmers who maintain agricultural productivity, as the
bearers of children, because in so many instances, they can no longer
bear children. (Lewis, 2008)
The explanation by Lewis expresses the goal that many raping

armies seek: the ethnic cleaning of populations. Rape is used in war to
express many power dynamics, but the massive onset of rape as a
means for ethnic cleansing has become rampant in past decades.
Women become the focal point of attack in order to eliminate the next
generation of the ‘‘enemy,’’ oftentimes by enhanced violence including
vaginal mutilation, cutting out fetuses, or forced pregnancy by the
enemy (Amnesty International, 2004). In several countries, including
Sudan, mutilated genitals were flaunted as trophies of war (Amnesty
International, 2004). Rape as a form of genocide has become a normal
means of warfare and rhetoric among militaries.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, between 30,000 and 50,000 women were
raped during the conflict (Stiglmayer, 1993). Serbian soldiers fre-
quented rape camps where Muslim and Croat women were held as sex
slaves (Stiglmayer, 1993). The underlying mission of these rapes was
ethnic cleansing. Serbians would also impregnate Muslim women and
detain them until they gave birth to Serbian babies. Other atrocities
included brutal gang rapes and the rape of young women in front of
their families (Stiglmayer, 1993). In Bangladesh, the 1971 war for inde-
pendence led to the rape of 250,000 to 400,000 women in nine months,
resulting in an estimated 25,000 pregnancies (Swiss & Giller, 1993).
During the 1994 Rwanda genocide, soldiers raped 250,000 to 500,000
women, one third of whom were gang raped (Amnesty International,
2004). In certain villages in Uganda, more than 70 percent of the

women are rape survivors (Swiss & Giller, 1993). In Sierra Leone, as
many as 90 percent of women are believed to be rape survivors, some
with additional brutalization, including amputation (Amnesty Interna-
tional, 2004).
The horrific suffering being inflicted on women during armed con-
flicts is devastating. Major General Patrick Cammart, the former Com-
mander of Congo’s peacekeeping force said, ‘‘It has probably become
more dangerous to be a woman than a soldier in an armed conflict’’
(Lewis, 2008). Women have little means of protecting themselves and
men are ill-equipped for fighting back. The shame of rape is height-
ened when husbands abandon their families, partially from cultural
stigmas associated with rape, but also due to their personal blame for
failing to protect their wives. Therefore, the militias accomplish their
task of tearing apart families and communities, successful at ethnic
cleansing and clearing lands of all inhabitants.
After being raped or having their family members sexually
assaulted, women have no choice but to leave their homes to seek
safety and medical assistance. As they travel to refugee camps or hide
out in remote areas, they are once again at risk of rape. Often, their
own military or bandits scavenging through the lands will assault
women, and the threat of attack from militias is still present. Once
women find security in refugee camps, they will soon realize that pro-
tection during an armed conflict does little to safeguard women from
the atrocities of war.
RAPE OF REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED WOMEN

Women who are internally displaced, refugees, or living in post-
conflict settings are at high risk of sexual assault. Refugees are also at a
greater risk for rape related to domestic violence, survival sex, involun-
tary prostitution, sex trafficking, and forced marriage (Human Rights
Watch, 2009; Ward, 2002). The vast range of perpetrators includes mili-
tary soldiers, insurgents, border guards, host communities, peacekeep-
ing forces, humanitarian workers, husbands, and other refugees (Ward,
2002). Of the 40 million people displaced from their homes due to
armed conflict or natural disaster, an estimated 80 percent are women
and children (Amnesty International, 2004). Similar to conflict regions,
sexual assault is prevalent in refugee camps. Rates of reporting rape to
authorities remains low, which is more indicative of inadequate sys-
tems for reporting or documenting incidents, as well as cultural norms
that degrade survivors (UN Refugee Agency, 2006). The UN Refugee
Agency (UNHCR, 2006) reported 7,600 cases of sexual assault in 104
refugee camps during 2006, an increase of 77 percent from 2005. These
increases are believed to be the outcome of procedural implementation
for reporting sexual violence, as well as increased training of refugee

personnel (UNHCR, 2006).
However, the reality of sexual assault incidence in refugee camps is
much higher. In 2003, the Ministry for Social Protection in Colombia
reported that 36 percent of the internally displaced Colombian women
were sexually assaulted (Amnesty International, 2004). A survey by the
International Rescue Committee found that 27 percent of Burundi refu-
gees experienced sexual violence after they became refugees (Hynes &
Cordozo, 2000). Another study in West Timor found there was a signif-
icant correlation between sexual violence and moving to a refugee
camp compared to women who did not displace to a camp (Hynes,
Ward, Robertson, & Koss, 2003). Richard Mollica (1986) reports that 95
percent of the Cambodian refugee women he interviewed as clients
had experienced some type of sexual assault, but it took the trust
gained through three years of therapy before they would speak of it.
Cambodian women escaping the Pol Pot regime by crossing the border
to Thai refugee camps found that their lives were defined by forced
labor, torture, starvation, beatings, and rape. In the camps it was said
that rape was ‘‘as common as the night’’ (Rozee & Van Boemel, 1989;
Van Boemel & Rozee, 1992).
Accurate statistics for refugee sexual violence are difficult to estab-
lish, since many cultures not only blame survivors of rape, but the
social stigma and societal blame pressures husbands to leave their
wives, or families disowning their daughters, if it is revealed that
they’ve been raped. In many traditional cultures a woman who loses
her virginity, even by rape, is considered used goods, soiled, and a
matter of shame to her family (Rozee & Van Boemel, 1989).
To encourage a culture of speaking out against sexual violence, sev-
eral UN resolutions were initiated. The UNHCR Executive Committee
Conclusion on Refugee Protection and Sexual Violence No. 73 (XLIV)
of 1993 and the Executive Committee Conclusion on Women and Girls
at Risk No. 105 (LVII) of 2006 require that sexual assault survivors in
refugee environments receive adequate medical and psychosocial care,
including culturally appropriate counseling facilities (UNHCR, 2006).
In 2005, of the camps that reported data, 62 percent met UNHCR
requirements, including legal, psychosocial, health or safety, and secu-
rity, increasing to 88 percent in 2006 (UNHCR, 2006).
The International Rescue Committee launched a project on sexual vi-
olence among Burundian refugee women housed in camps in Tanzania
(Heise et al., 1999). The project opened four drop-in centers that offered
counseling, 24-hour medical services, and emergency contraception
(Heise et al., 1999). These centers are vital to survivors, especially those
who are no longer allowed to live with their families and become at
heightened risk for revictimization. Along with opening support cen-
ters for survivors, an emphasis needs to be made on informing women
of their rights and services available. Multi-media campaigns within

refugee communities, involving television, radio, and print, are necessary
to inform survivors about the availability of health, social services, and
legal aid, as well as conducting prevention campaigns (Ward, 2002).
The psychological and physical impact of sexual assault is extensive,
and women who have not been raped also live in constant fear of the
repercussions of rape (Rozee, 1993). This fear of rape prevents women
from collecting firewood for cooking, which has aggravated malnutri-
tion among Ethiopian refugee families living in Sudanese refugee
camps (Heise et al., 1994). In fact, this phenomenon is evident in refu-
gee camps worldwide. Studies in Kenya and Tanzania also found that
the majority of rapes were committed after women leave their camps
to collect firewood, vegetables, or seek employment from local villages
(Human Rights Watch, 2000; UN, 2006). For men, leaving the camps
means capture or death, so the responsibility falls on the women. With
few opportunities for income generation in the camps and no fuel to
cook their food, women have no option but to put themselves in dan-
ger for the survival of their families.
The Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children (Wom-
an’s Commission, 2006) conducted a comparison study between two
refugee camps with significantly different rates of sexual assault out-
side of the camp:
. . . one camp in Darfur with high rates of sexual assault and one camp
in Nepal with low rates of sexual assault. They found that in Nepal, the
women used kerosene instead of firewood, so they did not have to
endanger their lives by leaving the camp for firewood collection (Wom-
an’s Commission, 2006). The Women’s Commission reported several
ways to supply women in refugee camps worldwide with alternative
means of fueling their stoves, including sources that could simultane-
ously create jobs for both women and men in the camps. (Woman’s Com-
mission, 2006)
Revictimization is a constant threat to survivors in refugee camps.

Survivors are deemed disgraced or dishonored by their communities,
oftentimes unable to get married or keep their husband. Their victim
status exposes them to revictimization by other refugee men and police
officers who coerce them to have sex for protection or force them to
become their unofficial wives (Human Rights Watch, 2005). Isolation
can also put women in a position of forced prostitution or sex traffick-
ing. Some male refugees and humanitarian workers are connected with
trafficking rings, which place women in refugee settings at increased
vulnerability.
In 2000, UN Resolution 1325 specifically stressed the importance of
women’s participation in post-war reconstruction efforts (Amnesty
International, 2004). Areas of involvement include decision-making

role, UN field-based operations, military observers, civilian police, hu-
manitarian personnel, design of refugee camps, processes of repatria-
tion and resettlement, mine-clearance, and disarmament (Amnesty
International, 2004).
The UNHCR and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have
banded together to find prevention solutions to rape in refugee-like set-
tings. They encourage women refugee involvement in leadership struc-
tures at the camps and decision-making positions in order to better
address the needs of women (UNHCR, 2000). Women holding these
positions can help produce an environment within the refugee camp
that is safe for women, as well as increase gender equality in the com-
munity. Affirmative action measures were implemented in Tanzania
refugee camps, leading to women holding 50 percent of the decision-
making roles (UNHCR, 2001). Other solutions for reducing rape by
men with power would promote female recruitment into peacekeeping
and police forces (Ward, 2002). Currently, most peacekeeping forces
are almost entirely men. By creating a gender balance within these
forces, women’s needs will be better served.
CULTURAL SUPPORTS OF RAPE

Many cultures worldwide support rape through patriarchal struc-
tures and gender inequality. Communities are defined by gender ideol-
ogies, which endorse what is appropriate and accepted within that
culture. The attitudes and behaviors of criminal justice systems, reli-
gions, and the media hold women as subordinate citizens and perpetu-
ate rape within societies.
Criminal Justice System

To end violence against women, governmental policy must severely
admonish rape. If laws do not take a firm stance to protect its citizens,
a pattern of inequality and rape justification will continue. International
policy frameworks were put in place to set precedence with concern to
sexual assault. The UN (Tananta, 2008) outlined a framework for devel-
oping or amending legislation that emphasized prevention of violence
against women, punishment of perpetrators, and protection and sup-
port of survivors. Unfortunately, as of 2006, only about half of UN
Member States had laws addressing violence against women and many
of those laws were still limited: defining rape by the use of force, sex-
ual violence as a crime against family honor, impunity from punish-
ment if the perpetrator marries the victim, and lacking laws that
address marital rape, forced marriage, and sex trafficking (Tananta,
2008). Without a framework that specifically protects women from
sexual assault, criminal justice systems will not be able to deter and
punish these crimes.
In countries where laws exist, women still express low levels of sat-
isfaction when dealing with criminal justice systems. Survivors of part-
ner violence reported less satisfaction with police officers, prosecutors,
judges, and victim assistance workers than survivors of nonpartner vio-
lence (Byrne, Kilpatrick, Howley, & Beatty, 1999). Perpetrators of inti-
mate partner violence were significantly more likely to be allowed to
plead guilty to a lesser crime (Byrne, Kilpatrick, Howley, & Beatty,
1999). Of these women, only 37 percent of partner violence survivors
and 52 percent of nonpartner violence survivors were satisfied with the
criminal justice system.
To assure sexual assault survivors the ability to seek legal retribu-
tion, criminal justice systems must be set up to hold men accountable
for sexual assault. This includes governmental laws that cover specific
crimes related to various forms of sexual violence, implementation of
those laws by police and judicial authorities, and women’s awareness
of their rights.
Some countries have begun special educational campaigns focused
on the beliefs and values of the people. Violence against women is a
serious problem in Nigeria, including many forms of violence such as
female genital mutilation, marital rape, sex trafficking, and state-
endorsed rape. To pass their Violence against Women Bill, which aimed
at criminalizing the many condoned practices related to gender vio-
lence in Nigeria, a collaborated tribunal was organized in 2001
(Nwankwo, 2008). Thirty-three women and girls spoke about their
experiences with violence, including rape and trafficking, to hundreds
of attendants including government officials, police officers, religious
leaders, schools, judges, and media personnel (Nwankwo, 2008). This
mock trial broke the silence and shame often associated with sexual
assault and other forms of violence, helping create public awareness of
this major problem (Nwankwo, 2008). The use of public forums such
as those in Nigeria where women, leaders, and citizens can come to-
gether to learn about the widespread problems of sexual assault is a
dynamic way to help people form a personal connection and responsi-
bility for the problem, as well as encourage legal and social change.
Implementation of specific laws against all forms of sexual assault is
vital, but they will not be enough to convict perpetrators or prevent
rape. Laws are important to create equality in the framework of
nations. Implementing these laws will be an even larger task. Since
men are in positions of power to apply new laws or maintain old ones,
specific training for personnel working in the criminal justice system
must focus on attitude and awareness training. It is also essential to
inform women of their rights, so they will be able to feel safe in look-
ing to the criminal justice system for help.
Religion
Religion has been used to justify many actions, including sexual
assault. Many world religions hold beliefs that are misogynistic, there-
fore holding women at a lesser status than men. They may directly
support violence against women through doctrine that condones it, or
indirectly through the ways in which religious organizations are struc-
tured, placing men in power and women in subservient roles. These
patriarchal traditions maintain oppressive control over women and
promote violence against women (Farr, 2005).
In the Koran, rape is condoned in war through the following pas-
sage, ‘‘We have made lawful to you your wives whom you have given
their dowries, and those whom your right hand possesses out of those
whom Allah has given to you as prisoners of war’’ (33:50). The Old
Testament also accepts similar behaviors. After plundering many
towns that disobeyed God, Moses is angry that his officers allowed
unrighteous women to live, and said, ‘‘Kill every woman who has
slept with a man, but save for yourselves every girl who has never
slept with a man’’ (Numbers 31:7-18). These statements support the
rape of women during armed conflict. With the ever-present use of
rape in war today, this type of ideology appears to remain a part of
our culture.
The Old Testament also explains rules for rape by fellow neighbors.
If there is a young woman, a virgin already engaged to be married, and

a man meets her in the town and lies with her, you shall bring both of
them to the gate of that town and stone them to death, the young woman
because she did not cry for help in the town and the man because he vio-
lated his neighbor’s wife. (Deuteronomy 22:23)
This statement blames women for rape if they do not put up enough
resistance to rape that it could be witnessed by people living nearby.
This corresponds with many rape myths that suggest if a woman can-
not prevent rape, then she is to blame. Furthermore, the man is only
punished for violating another man’s property and not for the violation
of a woman. It continues,
If a man meets a virgin who is not engaged, and seizes her and lies with
her, and they are caught in the act, the man who lay with her shall give
fifty shekels of silver to the young woman’s father, and she shall become
his wife. (Deuteronomy 22:28)
The woman once again is not the subject of victimization; it is the

father who must be paid. This similar tradition of impunity for men
who rape if they marry their victim is still present in many countries
globally.
Hindu text also makes astonishing statements on the way in which

a husband should initiate sex with his wife. In the Brhadrankyaki Upa-
nishad scripture, it reads:
When she has changed her clothes at the end of her menstrual period,
therefore, one should approach that splendid woman and invite her to
have sex. Should she refuse to consent, he should bribe her. If she still
refuses, he should beat her with a stick or with his fists and overpower
her, saying: I take away the splendor from you with my virility and
splendor.
Religious texts, especially those dating back hundreds or thousands

of years, can be interpreted in different ways. Not all believers take
each doctrine as a guide or law for their lives to follow, while others
who consider themselves fundamentalists, may be more inclined to
take each doctrine as the official word of God. Religious fundamental-
ism may encourage misogynist values and blame women for rape. In a
study of Israeli high school students, Geiger, Fischer, and Eshet (2004)
found that students with more conservative religious orientation were
more likely to believe in stereotypes justifying sexual coercion and
attributing sexual coercion to a woman’s behavior on a date. Sheldon
and Parent (2002) had similar findings with Christian clergy. Clergy
with fundamentalist religious beliefs blamed rape survivors more often
and had more negative attitudes toward rape survivors than clergy
that did not characterize themselves as fundamentalists (Sheldon &
Parent, 2002). Women attending churches that are considered funda-
mentalist may need additional outreach support, since they are more
inclined to seek support within their church and be exposed to more
victim blaming reactions. In addition, Aosved and Long (2006) found
that American college students with higher religious intolerance had
greater rape myth acceptance.
In southern India, girls and women of poor, low-caste families are
offered to deities of Brahmanic temples (Chattoraj, 2002). These
women, known as devadasi, are married to a deity or temple, therefore
cannot enter into marriage of their choice, and are subjected to lifetime
prostitution to upper-caste men, often times being sold in sex traffick-
ing (Chattoraj, 2002). Prevention programs and economic empower-
ment programs now offer women susceptible to devadasi to work as
weavers, basket makers, and vegetable vendors (Dadian, 1997). Yet,
regulation of these practices is still difficult, since the men in power
are the men continuing the devadasi practice.
The Trokosi tradition in Ghana requires families to give virgin girls
to priests to appease the gods for crimes committed by family members
(Equality Now, 2002). Girls become slaves for the priest, as well as
having forced intercourse (Equality Now, 2002). This practice was

made illegal in 1998, but the government has not prosecuted anyone
under the law and many women are still in servitude (Equality Now,
2002).
The Trokosi tradition dates back more than 300 years, but many emerg-
ing religions promote female subordination and sexual abuse. The Chil-
dren of God/The Family, a religious movement founded in the 1960s in
the United States, reached a height of more than 10,000 followers world-
wide where sexual assault was an accepted practice (Boeri, 2002). Any
male member of this group was allowed to have sex with any female, de-
spite her age, marital status, or desire (Boeri, 2002). Many other religious
groups have victimized women in the name of God or spiritual fulfillment.
Fortune (2000) expresses how religious institutions can act as either
‘‘resources’’ or ‘‘roadblocks’’ for women healing from violence. Since
religious organizations are important support systems for women and
possibly the only support for some women, clergy and other religious
personnel need to be educated on rape myths and the best practices
for supporting survivors. When religious organizations fail to support
survivors, their repercussions can be damaging. As Fortune stated,
‘‘Many women have been abandoned by their faith communities, left
to experience shame or guilt, whereas their perpetrators have had
license to continue their abusive behavior’’ (Fortune, 2000, p. 372). By
holding a firm stance against sexual assault, religious organizations can
be in a position to prevent violence against women.
Media
The public media, including television, Internet, film, video games,
radio, and print media, has widespread range and powerful impact of
cultural ideology. International research supports claims that the media
can encourage rape in communities through the depiction of gender in-
equality, male-dominated sexual relationships, and the eroticism of
rape. In an Indian study, Derne (1999) found that the male interview-
ees, from regions in India known for dowry deaths and sexual harass-
ment, had similar beliefs to the gender relationships depicted in Hindu
films. Almost all of these films depicted scenes of rape or attempted
rape, often between married couples (Derne, 1999).
In a U.S. study by Apanovitch, Hobfoll, and Salovey (2002), partici-
pants watched a film about gang rape and were then asked to rate the
men in the film for their responsibility of the rape. Men and women
who had dialogue about the film before giving their ratings put more
responsibility on the men than participants who did not discuss the
video. The video ‘‘challenged a number of popular rape myths’’
(Apanovitch et al., 2002, p. 456), which seemed to make it difficult for
participants to evaluate. Considering that most viewers do not discuss
material from different media portals, depictions of violence against

women can endorse already preexisting rape myths.
Educating media personnel, including journalists, broadcasters, and
advertisers, of the root causes of violence against women can encour-
age acceptable representations of men and women in the media. This
is also a valuable resource for extending survivor rights and aware-
ness directly to women. In Spain, as part of their Integral Protection
Measures against Gender Violence, the media are encouraged to pro-
mote gender equality and remove stereotyped images, messages, and
content from all media portals (Mendez, 2008). Even though media
materials will be monitored during a transition process, their goal is
for media personnel to maintain self-regulation of these issues
(Mendez, 2008).
CONCLUSION
Sexual assault is a pervasive and deep-rooted problem, established
as it is within the very cultural structures charged with preventing it.
Effective prevention needs to challenge cultural beliefs and social struc-
tures that perpetuate rape. They must fight against sexist views that
underlie male violence. Both women and men are needed to change
gender dynamics and promote rape prevention.
Even though sexual assault pervades cultures throughout the world,
social stigmas keep women from discussing the issue. Public awareness
campaigns should counter stereotypical viewpoints of sexual assault
and direct blame toward the perpetrator. If the responsibility is put on
perpetrators, women will be more inclined to speak out. In addition,
rape crisis centers need to be set up as safe establishments for women
to speak about rape and those in need of physical, psychological, and
legal support.
Medical personnel are often in useful positions to help survivors of
violence. Women may not report their assaults to police but can still
seek medical attention. In some countries, medical personnel are man-
dated to report sexual violence. This can endanger the lives of women
and force women in those countries to remain silent even in the care of
their doctor. With appropriate training and confidentiality rights, medi-
cal personnel can be sensitive to these issues and assist women with
necessary referrals that could help them financially, psychologically, or
emotionally.
Rape is one of the biggest human rights violations that the global
community faces today. Efforts to fight against the ideology that per-
petuates rape have begun in communities worldwide. For this process
to function, painstaking efforts must be made at all organizational and
societal levels that influence gender equality. As men stand up to end
violence against women and women become equal partners in their
communities, work environments, and families, we can expect to see

rape diminish across the globe.
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Chapter 9
Sexual Harassment Laws’

Impact on Women
Joseph Solberg
This chapter explores court decisions related to sexual harassment and

the impact those decisions have had or may have on women in the
workplace. It will first set out the component of the Civil Rights Act of
1964 that made workplace discrimination based on gender unlawful.
Next, it will discuss federal appellate court decisions that followed pas-
sage of the act leading up to the U.S. Supreme Court’s first decision
related to sex harassment in the workplace. It will explore in some
detail that first decision, Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, which was
decided by the Court in 1986, 22 years after the passage of the Civil
Rights Act. The chapter will then detail the case of Harris v. Forklift Sys-
tems, a 1993 Supreme Court decision that will provide the backdrop for
a discussion of an issue that still affects women today: whether courts
should utilize a reasonable person or a reasonable woman/victim test
in deciding sexual harassment cases. Following the Harris discussion,
the impact of two other Supreme Court decisions on working women
will be analyzed. In the companion cases of Faragher v. City of Boca
Raton (1998) and Burlington Industries v. Ellerth (1998), the Court, in
addressing a company’s liability for sex harassment committed by a
supervisor, set out an affirmative defense that generally requires the
victim to report the harassment to be successful in a sex harassment
claim. The impact on women due to this requirement will be discussed.
Finally, the chapter will discuss the degree of sexual conduct required
before courts are likely to label the behavior sexually harassing under
the law.
TITLE VII BACKGROUND

Congress passed the Civil Rights Act in 1964. One element of the act
was Title VII, which prohibits discrimination in the workplace based
on race, color, religion, sex, and national origin. In 1980, the federal
agency that oversees the enforcement of Title VII, the Equal Employ-
ment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), promulgated rules that define
sex harassment as follows:
Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal
or physical conduct of a sexual nature constitutes sexual harassment
when (1) submission to such conduct is made either explicitly or implic-
itly a term or condition of an individual’s employment, (2) submission to
or rejection of such conduct by an individual is used as the basis for
employment decisions affecting such individuals, or (3) such conduct has
the purpose or effect of interfering with an individual’s work perform-
ance or creating an intimidating, hostile, or offensive work environment.
(Code of Federal Regulations, 2000, p. 186)
Sections one and two of the definition describe a type of sexual har-
assment commonly known as quid pro quo. The third describes what is
most often referred to as hostile environment harassment.
The first federal court decision to recognize the concept of sexual
harassment in the workplace was Williams v. Saxbe (1976). Williams, a
Washington, DC, Circuit case, involved a female employee who alleged
that she was terminated after refusing the sexual advances of her
supervisor. It was followed by Bundy v. Jackson, a 1981 case that held that
an employer could be liable for sexual harassment based on sexual insults
and propositions, even if the employee suffered no tangible loss of a job
benefit. Building on Bundy and its acceptance of a hostile environment
theory of recovery, the DC Circuit, in Henson v. City of Dundee (1982),
expanded the concept of hostile environment sex harassment, writing:
Sexual harassment which creates a hostile or offensive environment for

members of one sex is every bit the arbitrary barrier to sexual equality in
the workplace that racial harassment is to racial equality. Surely, a
requirement that a man or a woman run a gauntlet of sexual abuse in
return for the privilege of being allowed to work and make a living can
be as demeaning and disconcerting as the harshest of racial epithets.
(p. 902)
Finally, in yet another case decided by the DC federal court, it was

ruled that workplace violence that is not sexual in nature may still be
considered to be sex-based harassment if it can be demonstrated that
the conduct would not have taken place but for the victim’s sex
(McKinney v. Dole, 1985).
Sexual Harassment Laws’ Impact on Women 211
McKinney (1985) was followed by the Supreme Court’s decision in

Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson (1986). In Meritor, the victim, Michelle
Vinson, filed a sex harassment claim against her supervisor and the
bank where she worked after having been terminated from her job as
an assistant branch manager. Her claim alleged that her supervisor
fondled her, had intercourse with her (she refused at first but testified
that she eventually agreed out of fear of losing her job), exposed him-
self to her, and forcibly raped her on several occasions. The Court
ruled that sex harassment was a type of sex discrimination and there-
fore in violation of Title VII.
The Meritor case is important for several reasons, in addition to its
determination that sex harassment is a Title VII (1964) violation. First,
the Court ruled that voluntariness is not a defense to a claim of sex
harassment. The more appropriate question is whether the conduct
was unwelcome. In addition, the Court noted that not all offensive con-
duct, for example, a single epithet, is sex harassment. Finally, the Court
determined that for harassment to be actionable it must be ‘‘sufficiently
severe or pervasive to alter the conditions of the victim’s employment
and create an abusive working environment’’ (p. 67).
The Meritor decision is also of significant relevance for what it did
not decide. It did not precisely describe what types of behaviors might
constitute actionable harassment. Nor did it provide guidelines through
which to analyze alleged conduct. Finally, it did not set out a clear
objective standard by which to judge conduct such as a reasonable per-
son or reasonable victim. The chapter will now address this issue.
REASONABLE PERSON/VICTIM ISSUE

To be successful in a hostile environment sexual harassment claim it
is incumbent upon the victim to prove various elements. As set out in
McWilliams v. Fairfax County Board of Supervisors (1996), they include
the following:
(1) The conduct in question was unwelcome.

(2) The harassment was because of sex.
(3) The harassment was sufficiently severe or pervasive enough to create an
abusive working environment.
(4) Some basis for imputing liability to the employer. (p. 1195)
The third element, which is the focus of this discussion, involves

subjective and objective components. To establish the subjective ele-
ment the victim must prove that the conduct in question offended him
or herself (Harris v. Forklift Systems, 1994). Next, the plaintiff must
demonstrate that the behavior would have affected a reasonable
person/victim (Andrews v. City of Philadelphia, 1990). This is referred to

as the objective component. The question of which objective standard
to utilize, person or victim, has received much comment (Almony,
1992; Ashraf, 1993; Bennet-Alexander & Hartman, 2009; Cahn, 1992;
Epstein, 2004; Gettle, 1993; Glidden, 1992; Newman, 2007) and U.S.
courts are split on the issue. Because of its historical and current im-
portance, the chapter will now discuss the issue at length.
According to official EEOC statistics, women filed approximately 85
percent of the sexual harassment cases brought before the agency in
2008 (EEOC, 2009). In addition, it has been demonstrated that women
generally view sexual conduct through a different lens than men (Ehir-
enreich, 1990; Glidden, 1992). This combination has led some to con-
clude that workplace harassment of women by men is unlikely to be
curtailed to any great degree if women are required to prove that the
conduct in question would have offended a reasonable ‘‘person’’
(Ellison V. Brady, 1991). Some suggest that the behavior should be ana-
lyzed from the point of view of a reasonable ‘‘victim,’’ who in the vast
majority of cases will be a woman, rather than from that of a reasona-
ble person (Abrams, 1989; Glidden, 1992). This would serve to compel
management, which is often dominated by males, to consider harass-
ment from the viewpoint of the victim (Glidden, 1992) or risk increased
liability. It would, therefore, help women achieve greater workplace
equality.
Currently, two of the 12 federal circuits, the Ninth and the Third,
have clearly adopted the reasonable victim standard. Four circuits, the
Fifth, Sixth, Eighth, and Eleventh, have rejected the standard. The
Supreme Court has not issued a definitive ruling (Newman, 2007).
There are a number of reasons why some courts have failed to follow
the lead of the Third and the Ninth circuit courts. Some question
whether it is appropriate to have separate standards based solely on
the sex of the plaintiff (Glidden, 1992; Johnson, 1993). Under identical
factual situations, should it be easier for a woman to prevail in a sex
harassment case than a man? There is also a concern that the use of
separate standards in sex harassment cases will lead to their use in har-
assment cases based on race, religion, national origin, disability, and so
forth (Radtke v. Everett, 1993). Yet another concern is related to the
makeup of jury pools. Can a gender-conscious standard realistically be
enforced by a jury made up of members of both sexes (Gettle, 1993)?
Finally, will the use of a separate, lesser standard serve to make
women seeking equality appear unable to survive in the workplace
without special help (Radtke v. Everett, 1993)? The chapter will now
move to a detailed discussion of arguments in favor and against the
reasonable victim standard.
A Note published in the Harvard Law Review in 1984, two years
before Meritor, endorsed the reasonable victim standard as follows:
Such a standard would protect women from the offensive behavior that
results from the divergence of male and female perceptions of appropri-
ate conduct, but it would not penalize defendants whose victims were
unusually sensitive. Courts could further protect sensitive employees by
finding liability whenever a defendant persisted in sexually related con-
duct after the plaintiff had notified him that she found it offensive. (Note:
Harvard Law Review, 1984, p. 1459)
This standard would ideally accomplish two purposes. First, by allow-

ing jurors to evaluate behavior from a gender-conscious perspective, it
would make it easier for women to prove sexual harassment claims. Sec-
ond, it would maintain the needed protections afforded to defendants in
cases involving a ‘‘supersensitive’’ plaintiff by still requiring plaintiffs to
overcome a reasonableness threshold (Solberg, a&b, 1995).
A number of articles have been written in support of the reasonable
victim standard. Kathryn Abrams (1989) citing a study that concluded
that 53 percent of working women believed they had experienced har-
assing behavior, reasons, ‘‘(o)ne principal reason for the pervasiveness
of sexual harassment in the workplace is that men regard conduct,
ranging from sexual demands to sexual innuendo, differently than
women do’’ (p. 1202). One well known survey determined that 67 per-
cent of women find sexual propositions at work to be insulting, while
the same percentage of men receiving similar propositions would be
flattered (Gutek, 1985). Elizabeth Glidden, writing in the Iowa Law
Review, also believes that men and women perceive sexual behaviors
differently (Glidden, 1992). She favors the use of the reasonable victim
standard because the gender neutral standard fails to address psycho-
logical problems faced by working women and ‘‘(i)f courts continue to
use the reasonable person standard . . ., sexually harassing environ-
ments might not be changed or challenged precisely because men in
male-dominated workplaces find such environments normal and ac-
ceptable’’ (p. 1839). Finally, Patricia J. Almony, in a 1992 Villanova
Law Review article, argues that the reasonable victim standard reflects
reality and therefore, can address the problem of sexual harassment
most accurately, writing:
(t)he standard recognizes the different perspectives of men and women

and attempts to reconcile them with legal reality. It also deals fairly with
the complainant and the alleged harasser by ensuring that valid, reasona-
ble claims are redressed. And regardless of whether the standard can be
practically applied, it has the preventive impact of encouraging employ-
ers to implement a harassment policy and educate their employees about
what conduct is appropriate in the workplace. (p. 221)
After the Harvard Law Review Note (1984), some courts began to con-
sider using the reasonable victim standard in sex harassment cases. In
a 1986 case, Rabidue v. Osceola Refining Co., Judge Damon J. Keith, in

his dissenting opinion, disagreed with the reasonable person test
employed by the majority. He referenced the Harvard Law Review (1984)
article and argued that the standard used by the majority did not fairly
consider the differences between men and women regarding their per-
ceptions of sexual conduct. He agreed with the Note’s thesis that a rea-
sonable victim standard would maintain employer protection against
overly sensitive employees yet permit courts to consider the differences
between men and women with respect to their perceptions of sexual
behavior. He concluded with a word of caution, writing, ‘‘(m)oreover,
unless the outlook of the reasonable woman is adopted, the defendants
as well as the courts are permitted to sustain ingrained notions of reason-
able behavior fashioned by the offenders, in this case, men’’ (p. 626).
The Sixth Circuit adopted Judge Keith’s reasoning in Yates v. AVCO
Corp. (1987). The case involved constructive discharge based on sex
harassment. In acknowledging the argument set out by Judge Keith in
his dissent one year earlier, the court wrote:
In a sexual harassment case involving a male supervisor’s harassment of

a female subordinate, it seems only reasonable that the person standing
in the shoes of the employee should be ‘‘the reasonable woman’’ since
the plaintiff in this type of case is required to be a member of a protected
class and is by definition female (p. 637).
In a reference to Judge Keith’s Rabidue dissent, the court acknowl-

edged that ‘‘men and women are vulnerable in different ways and
offended by different behavior’’ (p. 637).
The Third Circuit followed the Sixth in adopting the reasonable vic-
tim standard in Andrews v. City of Philadelphia, decided in 1990. The
plaintiffs in Andrews, Pricilla Kelsey Andrews and Debra Ann Conn,
worked for the Philadelphia Police Department. They claimed that they
were the victims of harassment involving abusive language, property
destruction, and anonymous phone calls. Andrews also claimed that
she was physically harmed. The court focused on the objective element
of proof and determined that to be successful a plaintiff must establish
that ‘‘the discrimination would detrimentally affect a reasonable person of
the same sex (emphasis added)’’ (pp. 1482–1483). The court justified its
position by noting that the purpose of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964 was, at least in part, to permit women to become part of the
workforce more freely. To do this, they must be able to work without
fear of harassment. The court concluded that the reasonable victim
standard was the appropriate method of alleviating those fears.
The Ninth Circuit became the last to adopt the reasonable victim
standard. In Ellison v. Brady (1991), the plaintiff, Kerry Ellison, was
employed by the Internal Revenue Service as a revenue agent. She
accepted a date with a coworker, Sterling Gray, and afterward she

alleged that he began to hang around her desk and ask her for dates,
which she declined. He also gave her a note that troubled her to the
extent that she showed it to her supervisor, who also happened to be
Gray’s supervisor. Eventually, Ellison filed a sex harassment claim
and her case reached the appellate level. The appellate court first ana-
lyzed Gray’s behavior, which it determined was more severe than an
inappropriate comment but not as egregious as rape. The former
would not amount to harassment under the law (Meritor, 1986), while
the latter surely would be considered to violate Title VII. To analyze
Gray’s conduct the court adopted the reasonable victim test because
‘‘a sex-blind reasonable person standard tends to be male-biased
and tends to systematically ignore the experiences of women’’
(p. 879). Viewed through this gender-conscious perspective, the court
concluded that ‘‘(a) reasonable woman could consider Gray’s conduct,
as alleged by Ellison, sufficiently severe and pervasive to alter a
condition of employment and create an abusive work environment’’
(p. 880).
Not all commentators and judges favor a gender-conscious objective
standard. Several arguments have been provided in favor of the rea-
sonable person standard and against the use of the reasonable person
model. One proponent of the reasonable person standard (Cahn, 1992)
writes that it ‘‘appears to provide a neutral and abstract standard so
that the law is not interpreted according to the whims of individual
judges or juries, but instead on a societal consensus’’ (p. 1431). Cahn
raises a second argument, noting that even among women, behaviors
may be perceived differently, writing ‘‘(s)ome women accept as normal
operating behavior actions that other women would equate with har-
assment’’ (p. 1416). Concerns have also been raised regarding the pos-
sibility that a gender-based standard may lead to other groups desiring
their own standard based on race (Ashraf, 1993), national origin, reli-
gion, or whatever protected category they belong to (Radtke v. Everett,
1993). These and other arguments are fleshed out below. Glidden, in
her 1992 article in favor of the reasonable victim standard, acknowl-
edged some of the issues inherent in its adoption. She noted that it
may seem to be a lesser standard than the gender neutral standard.
She understood that it might ‘‘perpetuate the stereotype of an overly
sensitive female who cannot survive in the workplace without the aid
of special treatment’’ (pp. 1848, 1849). Despite these concerns, she
defended the reasonable victim standard because she believed that hos-
tile environments would not change without it.
Others are not as certain as Glidden and raise additional concerns.
One problem with a gender-conscious standard, alluded to earlier,
relates to the difficulty that would ensue with requiring male jurors to
analyze behavior as a reasonable woman (Gettle, 1993). Johnson (1993)
elaborates; stating that under such a standard men would need to rely
on stereotypes of women in trying to think like one. He continues:
(t) he reasonable woman standard . . . falls short because it demands the

impossible: that male triers of fact understand and apply the perspective
of a reasonable woman, even though men are, by definition, presumed
unable to do so because of the allegedly characteristic male view that
sexual harassment is harmless amusement and the supposed male bias
that systematically ignores the experiences of women. (p. 642)
Johnson also noted that reliance on expert testimony regarding the

perceptions of a reasonable woman would be inappropriate.
In 1993, the Michigan Supreme Court provided perhaps the most
detailed judicial argument against the use of the reasonable victim
standard. In Radtke v. Everett, Tamra Radtke, the plaintiff, began work-
ing in 1984 as a veterinary technician for Clark-Everett Dog and Cat
Hospital. On May 29, 1988, a Sunday, she was working alone with
Dr. Stuart Everett. It was not uncommon to have such a short staff on
weekends, when only emergency care was provided. While taking a
break in the lounge at the end of the day Ms. Radtke alleged that
Dr. Everett engaged in inappropriate behavior and made inappropriate
comments. She resigned the next day and began psychological counsel-
ing a short time later. In December of 1988, Ms. Radtke filed a lawsuit
against the hospital and Dr. Everett alleging in part that she had been
sexually harassed by Dr. Everett in violation of Michigan’s Civil Rights
Act (Elliott-Larsen Civil Rights Act, 1976). Eventually, the case reached
the Michigan Supreme Court.
In an opinion written by Justice Dorothy Riley, the Michigan
Supreme Court ruled that the reasonable person standard was the
appropriate legal test for the objective component of a sexual harass-
ment claim. The Justice first noted the parallels between the Michigan
Civil Rights Act and Title VII. Next, she acknowledged the necessity of
an objective reasonableness test to protect employers from overly sensi-
tive employees in sexual harassment cases. Once she had established
that some type of objective test was necessary she began her discussion
of what that test should be.
The opinion approached the issue from several perspectives. It first
pointed to the act’s legislative history. The act was passed in 1976 at a
time when the only objective standards of conduct existing in Michigan
were those of the reasonable person as had been the case for more than
a century. Justice Riley wrote that if the legislature in 1976 intended to
adopt a new standard of reasonableness, it would have done so explic-
itly. The fact that it had done indicated they never intended to adopt
the standard. The court then considered the use of the reasonable per-
son standard in the context of sexual harassment claims and concluded
that it is ‘‘sufficiently flexible to incorporate gender differences’’

(p. 166). Next, the court quoted from Prosser and Keeton on Torts
(1984), which stresses the importance of uniform rather than specific
norms of conduct:
The standard of conduct which the community demands must be an

external and objective one, rather than the individual judgment, good or
bad, of the particular actor and it must be, so far as possible, the same
for all persons, since the law can have no favorites. (p. 173)
After concluding its discussion of the legislative intent and extolling

the virtues of the reasonable person standard, Judge Riley considered
the merits of the reasonable victim, or woman, standard. She echoed
Prosser and Keeton (1984) with her concern that a gender-conscious
standard places ‘‘Undue emphasis on gender . . . while it inappropri-
ately deemphasizes society’s need for uniform standards of conduct’’
(p. 166). She also felt that if the logic behind the reasonable victim
standard were extended that it would ‘‘inexorably lead to the fragmen-
tation of legal standards to the detriment of society’’ (p. 166). The
Justice concluded with strong language related to the idea that a gender-
conscious standard, while intending to help women in the workplace,
would do just the opposite by ‘‘reintrench(ing) the very sexist attitudes
it is attempting to counter’’ (p. 167). She summed up as follows:
Courts utilizing the reasonable woman standard pour into the stereotypic
assumptions of women which infer women are sensitive, fragile, and in
need of a more protective standard. Such paternalism degrades women
and is repugnant to the very ideals of equality that the act is intended to
protect. (p. 167)
Justice Riley’s opinion also explored the concern that the use of a
gender-conscious standard will lead to a legal slippery slope, with
other groups desiring their own standard (Radtke, 1993). These fears
proved to be warranted. In Harris v. International Paper (1991), a federal
court ruled in a racial harassment case that the proper objective stand-
ard was that of a ‘‘reasonable black person’’ (p. 1516). Also cited by
Justice Riley was Stingley v. State of Arizona (1992), which referred to
Ellison v. Brady (1991) and held that its rationale in favor of the reason-
able victim standard could easily be applied to racial harassment cases.
Finally, she noted a 1993 case, Duplessis v. Training Development Corp.,
which involved allegations of discrimination based on national ancestry
made by a man of Franco-Canadian ancestry. In Duplessis, the district
court ruled that ‘‘the appropriate standard to be applied in determin-
ing whether Mr. Duplessis was subjected to hostile environment har-
assment is that of a ‘reasonable Franco-American’ ’’ (p. 677).
Interesting perspectives on the reasonable person/victim issue are

provided by feminist theorists. Some feminists oppose the gender-
conscious reasonable victim standard because it reinforces the stereo-
type that women are not as capable as men in the workplace (Cahn,
1992; Newman, 2007). They believe that women are the equal of men
in all ways and that the use of the reasonable person standard best
reflects that reality (Epstein, 2004). They also note that all women do
not perceive the same conduct as harassment and that a gender-specific
standard would ignore these differences (Cahn, 1992).
The U.S. Supreme Court has not definitively ruled on the reasonable
victim standard (Newman, 2007), though it initially appeared to be
leaning against its use in sex harassment cases. This is illustrated in
Harris v. Forklift Systems (1993), in which the Court dealt with the issue
of whether the plaintiff in a sexual harassment case needed to establish
psychological harm as an element of proof. The Court, in an opinion
written by Justice O’Connor, decided that such a showing was not nec-
essary, but in the context of doing so it laid the groundwork for what
is still a matter of dispute among the federal circuits: which objective
standard to use.
The plaintiff, Teresa Harris, worked for Forklift Systems. The presi-
dent of the company was Charles Hardy. She filed a sexual harassment
claim alleging that Mr. Hardy engaged in numerous behaviors that she
found unwelcome. The conduct included calling her a derogatory
name in front of her coworkers, requesting that she retrieve coins from
the front pocket of his pants, asking her to pick up items off of the
floor that he had thrown in front of her, and suggesting that the two of
them go to a hotel to discuss her raise. She eventually complained to
him, and he apologized. After the behavior began again, she sued. The
case eventually reached the Supreme Court on the psychological harm
issue.
The Supreme Court determined that victims do not need to establish
psychological harm in a sex harassment claim with Justice O’Connor
writing, ‘‘Title VII comes into play before the harassing conduct leads
to a nervous breakdown’’ (p. 22). The Court then set out factors that
lower courts should consider in deciding whether conduct caused an
abusive or hostile environment. They include ‘‘the frequency of the
conduct; its severity; whether it is physically threatening or humiliat-
ing, or a mere offensive utterance; and whether it unreasonably inter-
feres with an employee’s work performance’’ (p. 23).
Even though the question of which objective standard to use was
not before the justices, Justice O’Connor’s opinion and the dissenting
opinions of Justices Scalia and Ginsburg used language that seemed to
indicate that the reasonable person standard would prevail over that of
the reasonable victim (Solberg, a&b, 1995). In her discussion of Title
VII (1964) Justice O’Connor wrote, ‘‘(c)onduct that is not severe enough
to create an objectively hostile or abusive work environment—an envi-

ronment that a reasonable person would find hostile or abusive—is
beyond Title VII’s purview’’ (emphasis added; p. 21). She then added
that the act ‘‘(c)ertainly . . . bars conduct that would seriously affect a
reasonable person’s well-being’’ (emphasis added; p. 22). Justices Scalia
and Ginsburg, in separate concurring opinions, both make reference to
the reasonable person.
At first blush, it would appear that the references to the reasonable
person by the three justices would decide the issue of which standard
to utilize in sexual harassment cases. And, a short time later, the Sev-
enth Circuit Court of Appeals did follow the language from Harris
(1993). In Dey v. Colt Construction & Development Company (1994), that
court, in a sex harassment case involving a female victim, quoted the
reasonable person language from Justice O’Connor’s opinion in reach-
ing its decision. A district court case out of New York, however, Currie
v. Kowalewski (1994), illustrates the lack of clarity in Harris (1993). Dor-
ris Currie’s sexual harassment claim against the defendant alleged that
she was the victim of unwelcomed hugging and sexual talk, along with
improper touching and advances. The court ruled in her favor, but made
note of the uncertainty left in the wake of Harris with respect to which
objective test to follow. Ultimately, the court decided that it was irrelevant
to the case at hand because ‘‘(a)lthough the Harris case did not explicitly
decide whether a reasonable person or reasonable woman (or victim)
standard applies, certainly any reasonable woman or person would have
found the defendant’s behavior to be offensive and repulsive’’ (p. 63).
The Supreme Court further added to the confusion in Oncale v. Sun-
downer Offshore Services, Inc., (1998). Oncale dealt with the issue of
whether same-sex harassment was actionable under Title VII. In decid-
ing that question affirmatively the Court used language that once again
left unclear what objective standard should be followed in sex harass-
ment cases. The Court first quoted the reasonable person language
from Justice O’Connor’s Harris opinion (1993). Shortly thereafter, how-
ever, the opinion states ‘‘the objective severity of harassment should be
judged from the perspective of a reasonable person in the plaintiff’s posi-
tion, considering all of the circumstances’’ (emphasis added; p. 81). The
juxtaposition of the above has some scholars arguing that the Court is
implicitly encouraging the gender/victim conscious standard (New-
man, 2007; Hill, 2005). The federal circuits remain divided on the issue.
In conclusion, while there are good arguments on both sides of the
reasonable person/reasonable victim debate, if the goal is to eliminate
sexual harassment in the workplace, courts should adopt the reasona-
ble victim standard. If 85 percent of victims are women (EEOC, 2009),
it makes sense, despite legitimate concerns to the contrary, to use a
standard more likely to curtail the conduct that society wants to
reduce.
AFFIRMATIVE DEFENSE REQUIREMENT TO REPORT ISSUE

A second issue that has had a major impact on women in sexual
harassment cases is concerned with the ability of an employer to
escape liability for harassment between a supervisor and an employee
due to the employee’s failure to report the behavior (Burlington Indus-
tries v. Ellerth, 1998; Faragher v. City of Boca Raton, 1998). This section
will discuss the Supreme Court’s opinions in both cases and then focus
on the impact they have had on the sexual harassment landscape. It
will address the difficulty inherent in victims, more particularly female
victims, with respect to reporting harassment (De Souza & Solberg,
2004; Fitzgerald, Swan, & Fischer, 1995; Gruber, 1989; Gruber & Smith,
1995; Hebert, 2007) and discuss cases in which courts have determined
whether proffered reasons provided by plaintiffs as to why they failed
to report harassment passed judicial muster.
Kimberly Ellerth worked for Burlington Industries for fifteen months
as a salesperson, beginning in March 1993. She alleged that during the
course of her employment her supervisor, Ted Slowik, subjected her to
constant sexual harassment, mostly involving offensive threats and ges-
tures. Ellerth refused all of Slowik’s advances and faced no tangible
retaliation from him, even though he did have the authority to make
hiring and promotion decisions with the approval of his supervisor. In
May 1994 Ellerth quit. In her letter of resignation, which she faxed to
the company, she made no mention of Slowik’s behavior. Three weeks
later, however, she sent a second letter that indicated that her resigna-
tion was related to Slowik’s harassment. While employed by Burling-
ton, Ellerth was aware that the company had a sexual harassment
policy, but she never reported Slowik’s behavior to anyone in authority
while she was employed there.
Faragher v. City of Boca Raton (1998) involved Beth Ann Faragher,
who worked part-time as a lifeguard for the Marine Safety Section of
the City of Boca Raton between 1985 and 1990. In 1992, she filed a sex
harassment action against her former supervisors, Bill Terry and David
Silverman, and also against the city. She alleged in part that Terry and
Silverman violated Title VII by creating a sexually hostile environment
by engaging in behaviors with her and other women that included
uninvited and offensive touching, lewd remarks, and speaking of
women in offensive terms. Faragher never reported the behavior to
higher management. The city had a sexual harassment policy in place
during Faragher’s term of employment but failed to disseminate it
among employees working in the Marine Safety Section.
Burlington (1998) and Faragher (1998) were decided by the Supreme
Court on the same day in 1998. In both cases, the Court addressed the
issue of whether companies should be strictly liable in hostile environ-
ment cases involving a supervisor and an employee when no tangible
action was taken against the employee as a result (Faragher, 1998: Bur-
lington, 1998). Companies had long been subject to strict, or automatic
liability, in quid pro quo cases, those involving ‘‘some type of sexual ac-
tivity from the harassee as a condition of employment or workplace
benefits’’ (Bennet-Alexander & Hartman, 2009, p. 408). In hostile envi-
ronment cases, however, along with establishing that the behavior was
unwelcome, based on sex, and created a hostile or abusive work envi-
ronment (McWilliams, 1996), the plaintiff had to prove that the com-
pany knew of the harassment, or at least should have known about it
and failed to take appropriate remedial action (Katz v. Dole, 1983).
Because plaintiffs were more likely to prevail in quid pro quo cases,
courts slowly began to expand the definition to include more and more
cases (Burlington). Part of the Supreme Court’s rationale for hearing the
cases was to help define the ‘‘relevant standards of employer liability’’
(Burlington, p. 751).
The Court first considered the differences between quid pro quo and
hostile environment sexual harassment. It did not find the distinction
to be significant except for the different proof required for the respec-
tive causes of action. In quid pro quo cases it must be established that a
tangible aspect of the plaintiff’s job was affected due to his/her reac-
tion to the harassment (Lindemann & Kadue, 1992). In a hostile envi-
ronment case, it must only be established that the defendant company
was aware of the conduct or should have been aware and failed to act
appropriately (Katz, 1983). In Burlington, the Court wrote that ‘‘the
issue of real concern is whether Burlington has vicarious liability for
Slowik’s alleged misconduct, rather than liability limited to its own
negligence’’ (p. 753). If liability attached under a negligence theory, it
would be incumbent upon a plaintiff to establish that the defendant
acted unreasonably (Katz, 1983). For vicarious, or strict liability to
attach, it would be enough that the supervisor was acting in his official
capacity (Lindemann & Kadue, 1992).
The Supreme Court looked to its Meritor (1986) opinion when con-
sidering the extent to which employers should be held liable in harass-
ment cases involving supervisors. Meritor held that agency principles
should guide courts in determining whether companies should be held
liable for harassment. This made it rather easy for courts to attach
liability in cases involving a tangible job benefit loss. In such cases, the
supervisor was acting for the company and liability attached to the
employer (Burlington). The more difficult question, which the Court
addressed in Burlington and Faragher, concerned employer liability
when no tangible benefits are involved. This is because supervisors
harassing employees without attempting to attach a benefit to it are
most often acting beyond the scope of their employment (Burlington).
This makes it more difficult to attach their behavior to the company for
liability purposes.
In its Burlington decision, the Court set out a detailed analysis of

agency law principle and concluded that there are qualitative differen-
ces between coworker harassment and harassment instigated by a
supervisor, even without the threat of a tangible loss of a job benefit.
Therefore, the Court reasoned, the two harassment types should be
treated differently with respect to potential employer liability. In reach-
ing its conclusion the Court first reiterated that a company is strictly
liable when tangible employment action is taken by a supervisor
against a subordinate in a harassment case. Justice Souter’s majority
opinion in Faragher (1998) then fully explained why supervisor harass-
ment is different in kind from co-worker harassment, even without tan-
gible threats. Two of the three reasons relate to the power difference
between supervisors and subordinates. First, employees may find it
more difficult to report supervisor misconduct than that instigated by a
coworker. Second, it is more difficult for a subordinate to walk away
from or tell off a supervisor than it typically would be an equal. Justice
Souter’s third argument is that employers have a greater opportunity
to screen, educate, and monitor supervisors than they do traditional
employees, thereby allowing them to better guard against harassment
(Faragher, 1998).
After determining that the use of vicarious liability in supervisor sex
harassment cases was appropriate, the Court turned its attention to the
Meritor’s agency requirements. It resolved that it would be inappropri-
ate to hold companies strictly liable for harassment committed by a
supervisor with anything less than the loss of a tangible job benefit.
The Court then formulated a middle ground in such cases, one with
the potential of holding companies strictly liable, yet also permitting
them to avoid liability altogether through an affirmative defense. The
Court set out the test as follows:
An employer is subject to vicarious liability to a victimized employee for

an actionable hostile environment created by a supervisor with immedi-
ate (or successively higher) authority over the employee. When no tangi-
ble employment action is taken, a defendant employer may raise an
affirmative defense to liability or damages, subject to proof by a prepon-
derance of the evidence. The defense comprises two necessary elements:
(a) that the employer exercised reasonable care to prevent and correct
promptly any sexually harassing behavior, and
(b) that the plaintiff employee unreasonably failed to take advantage of any
preventive or corrective opportunities provided by the employee or
provide harm otherwise (Burlington, 775; Faragher, p. 807).
The goals of the Court were to provide companies with an incentive

to adopt measures likely to prevent sexual harassment from occurring
and to encourage employees to report harassment prior to it becoming

overly pervasive or severe (Burlington). In applying the law to the facts
of Burlington (1998) and Faragher (1998), the Court ruled that the com-
pany should be permitted to raise the affirmative defense in Burlington,
but that the City of Boca Raton failed to demonstrate reasonableness in
its actions, which was demonstrated in part by its failure to dissemi-
nate its sex harassment policy (Faragher, 1998). Due to this failure to
pass the first prong of the affirmative defense, the Court ruled that the
defendant could not raise the affirmative defense.
The Court’s two-pronged affirmative defense seems to make good
sense. Companies wishing to avoid liability will no doubt, if they have
not already done so, develop antiharassment policies, train their
employees, promptly and thoroughly investigate claims, and take
appropriate remedial action. Likewise, harassed employees will hope-
fully report harassment early on so as to protect their legal rights (De
Souza & Solberg, 2004). Any unreasonable failure to report may lead to
their losing all hope of recovering damages from their employer.
The difficulty with the affirmative defense, which will likely impact
female victims of harassment, lies in the requirement that employees
must report the harassment. It is not typically the first response of
a victim (Fitzgerald et al., 1995). Gruber (1989) reports that as few as
10 percent to 15 percent of women respond assertively or report har-
assment. Gruber and Smith (1995) elaborate in a 1995 study, reporting
that the responses by victims that the public finds most appropriate,
directly confronting the harasser or reporting the harassment, are
unlikely to occur in reality. A number of reasons are proffered as to
why victims of harassment are reluctant to report the behavior. Those
cited by Fitzgerald et al. (1995) include fear of retaliation, a belief that
nothing will be done, a desire to not harm the harasser, a fear of not
being believed and thus labeled a liar, embarrassment, and possible
harm to one’s own career. In addition to these concerns, Fitzgerald
et al. (1995), discuss internal coping mechanisms as well, such as
denial, self-blame, reattribution, endurance, and detachment. Victims
also resort to avoidance, appeasement, requests to stop, and threats to
expose the harasser (Fitzgerald et al., 1995). In direct opposition to
the reporting requirement of Burlington (1995) and Faragher, (1995),
Fischer et al. state that ‘‘by far the most infrequent response is to seek
institutional/organizational relief (i.e., notifying a supervisor, bringing a
formal complaint, and filing a lawsuit). Victims apparently turn to
such strategies only as a last resort when all other efforts have failed’’
(p. 121).
Hebert (2007) reviewed the literature related to the likelihood that
victims would report harassment and concluded that women are less
likely to report harassment than men. She commented on the impact
this would have on females in the workplace, writing:
The different ways in which women and men react to sexual harassment
are particularly problematic for the legal rights of women because
women are more likely to invoke informal means of trying to resolve
problems of sexual harassment, while judges considering the reasonable-
ness of the victim’s reaction to harassing conduct place a premium on
formal means of resolving sexual harassment claims. (p. 733)
Because relatively few women report harassment in the manner that

would be satisfactory to the courts, Hebert (2007) suggests that courts
deciding whether a failure to report or delay in reporting was reasona-
ble, should apply the reasonable women/victim standard when
addressing the issue.
The studies noted indicate that a victim will typically not report har-
assment. Since the vast majority of victims are likely to be female
(EEOC, 2009), the impact of the reporting requirement is likely to have
a greater impact on female victims than male victims of harassment. In
essence, assuming that the purpose of Title VII is in part to protect
women in the workplace, the Supreme Court’s Burlington (1998) and
Faragher (1998) rulings may have harmed the very victims Title VII is
attempting to protect (De Souza & Solberg, 2004).
Federal courts have attempted to determine what it means for an
employee to unreasonably take advantage of opportunities provided by
an employer to prevent or correct harassment as required by the Court
in Burlington (1998) and Faragher (1998). A number of cases are illustra-
tive. First, if an employer has an appropriate policy in place, it is in-
cumbent upon the plaintiff to follow it. In Madray v. Publix (2000), the
victim, Connie Lynn Madray, informed mid-level managers of alleged
harassment. Publix’s policy required that employees should report har-
assment to the store manager, district manager, or divisional personal
managers. Since Madray reported the alleged harassment to the wrong
party and because once the employer was made aware of the harass-
ment it took appropriate corrective actions, she lost her case.
The Madray (2000) decision may be considered a mere technical
defeat for the plaintiff. Other cases, however, dealt more directly with
the juxtaposition of the requirement that employees need to report har-
assment with the psychological difficulty in doing so. The first set of
such cases relates to the timeliness of the plaintiffs reporting of the har-
assment to the appropriate parties. In Watts v. Kroger (1999) the alleged
supervisor harassment began near the end of 1993 and escalated in
1994. Watts did not complain of the harassment when it first occurred,
but did complain to a store manager within three months of the escala-
tion in 1994. The court concluded that her reporting as she did was
timely and thus not unreasonable.
On the other hand, in Jackson v. Arkansas (2001), the plaintiff waited
nine months to make a report of harassment and offered no
explanation as to why she delayed. The Eighth Circuit Court of

Appeals ruled that the inexplicable nine-month delay in reporting was
unreasonable and her harassment claim was defeated. Similarly, in
Gawley v. Indiana University (2001), the victim waited seven months to
report a pattern of alleged harassment, which included inappropriate
comments and touching directed at her by her supervisor. The Seventh
Circuit ruled against Gawley, writing that her ‘‘neglect of the univer-
sity’s formal procedures during seven months of escalating harassment
. . . constitute an unreasonable failure to take advantage of the univer-
sity’s corrective procedures’’ (p. 312). The court also noted that she
failed to report even though her numerous attempts to directly con-
front her supervisor had not stopped the behavior.
The above cases illustrate one of the difficulties women face in their
desire to not be harassed. As indicated above (Fitzgerald et al., 1995;
Gruber, 1989; Gruber & Smith, 1995; Hebert, 2007; Swan & Fischer,
1995) victims of harassment are reluctant to report and will engage in a
number of behaviors that stop well short of reporting harassment to
the proper parties at work. These behaviors take time, and time, as the
above cases indicate, is the enemy of a successful sexual harassment
claim.
Victims of harassment who fail to report the conduct have attempted
to explain their reticence in several ways, all of which make sense in
light of the psychological literature, but which often fail to convince
courts that the delay was reasonable. One telling example is Mativa v.
Bald Head Island (2001). When Mativa was allegedly harassed by her
supervisor, she adopted a number of delaying tactics and did not
report the harassment. First, she attempted to collect evidence to sup-
port her claims because she was concerned that she might not prevail
in a he said/she said type of situation. Second, she wanted to be cer-
tain that her supervisor was acting inappropriately and was not simply
a person who was interested in her. After determining that his motiva-
tion was improper, Mativa still did not report the behavior due to a
general fear of retaliation by her co-workers. Based on the psychologi-
cal literature, Mativa acted as one might expect her to under the cir-
cumstances (De Souza & Solberg, 2004; Fitzgerald et al., 1995; Gruber,
1989; Gruber & Smith, 1995; Hebert, 2007). In essence, she struggled
with dealing with the behavior directed toward her, perhaps in the
hope it would cease without her having to go forward. The Fourth Cir-
cuit appellate court, however, easily concluded that her delay was
unreasonable, and the defendant successfully established the affirma-
tive defense to her harassment claim. In discussing her fear of retalia-
tion and the discomfort victims may have incoming forward, the court
wrote ‘‘(w)hile such events might cause an employee stress, the
unpleasantness cannot override the duty to report sexual harassment’’
(p. 270).
In Barrett v. Applied Radiant Technology (2001) and Leopold v. Baccarat

(2001) courts reached the same conclusion as Mativa (2001). The victim
in Leopold was afraid to tell anyone about the alleged harassment. De-
spite no evidence indicating that she would be mistreated for filing a
report she still feared potential negative repercussions. The court ruled
that her general fear was not a sufficient excuse for not reporting, writ-
ing ‘‘a credible fear must be based on more than the employee’s subjec-
tive belief. Evidence must be produced that to the effect that the
employer has ignored or resisted similar complaints or has taken
adverse actions against employees in response to such complaints’’ (p.
246). In Barrett the victim had a more understandable reason for not
reporting harassment. She feared retaliation and doubted that she
would be taken seriously because all of the managers were friends
with the alleged harasser. The employer had a harassment policy that
allowed employees to report harassment to any manager with whom
they felt comfortable. The Court, in ruling against Barrett, reasoned
that allowing a complainant’s subjective fears to control whether a fail-
ure to report was reasonable would undermine Title VII’s (1964) policy
of encouraging both employers and employees to act to eliminate sex-
ual harassment.
One case decided in 1999 (Shaw v. AutoZone, Inc.) and two more cur-
rent cases decided in 2003 (Reed v. MBNA Marketing Systems, Inc.) and
2009 (Monteagudo v. Asociacion de Empleados), respectively, provide good
examples of the difficulty in deciding whether a victim’s failure to
report is reasonable. Shaw is demonstrative of just what a plaintiff
should not do under the law. Tiffany Shaw worked for AutoZone as
an assistant manager from February until June of 1995. Her manager
was Donald Noble. After being hired, Shaw was provided with the
AutoZone Handbook and Safety Booklet, which she was required to
read and learn. The booklet discussed the company’s sex harassment
policy that emphasized that all harassment should be reported. In
addition to the policy, managers at AutoZone also received periodic
training sessions related to sex harassment and other company policies.
Shaw alleged that during her first week at AutoZone, Noble began
making comments about her physical attributes. Later, his comments
became more explicit as he would ask her questions about porno-
graphic movies and her sex life. While employed at AutoZone, Shaw
never complained about Noble’s behavior, nor did she ever ask him to
stop. She claimed that she never made a formal report because she did
not feel comfortable with anyone at the company. The court ruled
against her. While it appreciated the understandable discomfort that
people in Shaw’s situation no doubt feel, it concluded ‘‘. . . an employ-
ee’s subjective fears of confrontation, unpleasantness or retaliation do
not alleviate the employee’s duty under Ellerth to alert the employer to
the allegedly hostile environment’’ (p. 813).
Reed (2003) involved the alleged harassment of a young woman,

Bobbi-Lyn Reed, by her supervisor, William Appel. Ms. Reed began
working for the defendant company in June of 1999 as a telemarketer.
She was 17 years old at the time. According to Reed, Appel almost im-
mediately began making comments to her of a sexual nature, although
none were too severe. In August 1999, however, Reed alleged that
Appel’s behavior turned more aggressive. She claimed that after baby-
sitting his two-year-old at Appell’s house, he pressured her into per-
forming oral sex on him. He told her to not tell anyone because they
would both be fired. He also told her that his family had influence
with the head of the company. Reed did not report the incident. She
ignored him at work for a few days, but the sexual comments began
anew as did a request to babysit. Reed left the company during the fall
of 1999. At the time she left, she had yet to tell anyone about the
behavior. Reed returned to MBNA in May 2000 and was reassigned to
Appel’s team. In August 2000, Appel asked Reed to babysit and told
her she looked like she needed to wrestle. She refused. On August 28,
2000, Reed complained to MBNA officials about Appel’s behavior,
including the 1999 assault. Eventually, she filed a Title VII (1964) claim.
The First Circuit Court of Appeals focused on the second prong of
the affirmative defense. It pointed out that there is no bright-line rule
regarding when a failure to file a complaint becomes unreasonable. It
cited Mativa v. Bald Head Island (2001) for the proposition that more
than ordinary fear and embarrassment is needed to justify a delay in
reporting harassment. The court concluded that ‘‘where there is a truly
credible threat of retaliation that the complaint mechanism will not
prevent, the employee’s position is more hazardous and inaction more
easily explained’’ (p. 36). The appellate court then focused on the two
incidents in which Reed failed to report harassment. It first addressed
the minor comments made by Appel prior to the August 1999 incident.
It concluded that the comments and behavior exhibited up to that
point may not have triggered Title VII (1964) liability, and therefore it
was not unreasonable for Reed to fail to make a report. The court
found the failure to report the August 1999 incident a more difficult
issue to resolve, especially since it would arguably have put an end to
all future misconduct. It felt that Appel’s statement that they would
both be fired in conjunction with his comment that his family had
influence with the head of the company did not clearly indicate a
direct threat to Reed’s job. Nonetheless, the court held that ‘‘we cannot
say that a jury would be acting irrationally if (as the record stands) it
resolved factual doubts in her favor and concluded that Reed was
actually cowed by the threat and reasonably so’’ (p. 37). This case con-
tains much of what has been discussed thus far. It initially involved
moderately bad behavior, which may or may not trigger the second
prong’s reporting requirement. It then escalated into egregious
behavior, which should be reported right away under most circumstan-

ces. Finally, the victim was understandably scared to take action
because of her age and her uncertainty as to whether the comments
made by her supervisor regarding losing her job and his family’s rela-
tionship to the owner of the company were truly threats. Can the
Supreme Court in Burlington (1998) and Faragher (1998) have possibly
intended this personal and judicial uncertainty? It appears that the
appellate court could have decided this case either way with respect to
the affirmative defense. Would the result have been different, for exam-
ple, if the plaintiff had been twenty-five rather than seventeen? And, if
so, is that a desirable outcome? (Henkels & Solberg, 2005).
Monteagudo v. Asociacion de Empleados del Estado Libre Asociado de
Puerto Rico (AEELA), decided by the First Circuit Court of Appeals in
2009, provides an interesting fact pattern. Michelle Monteagudo began
working as a substitute secretary in the human resources department
at AEELA in 1999. She was supervised by Juan Francisco Arce-Diaz
(Arce). During her initial term of employment as a substitute at
AEELA, Ms. Monteagudo felt that Arce was looking at her in a way
that made her feel she was being appraised. She did not, however,
view the behavior as overly serious. Monteagudo left the position she
was in for a time when the woman she was substituting for returned
from maternity leave. In October 2000, she returned to the human
resources department as a permanent employee.
Upon beginning her second term at AEELO in the human resources
department, Ms. Monteagudo alleged that Arce started to act inap-
propriately toward her at work. She claimed that he would stop by her
work station every day and touch her on the shoulder (which she
rebuffed). She also complained that he repeatedly asked her to go out
on double dates with coworkers. On one occasion an AEELA messen-
ger, Jose Francisco Figueroa-Cana, witnessed Arce place his hands on
one of Ms. Monteagudo’s hips. He said that Arce was always trying to
touch Monteagudo. Monteagudo testified that the behavior continued
up to the time when Arce pulled her toward him and tried to kiss her
during a group outing at a local bar. She pushed him away, but testi-
fied that she was treated harshly at work following the incident. She
received an excessive amount of work and was told by the Director of
AEELO0 S Human Resources and Labor Relations Department, that she
would be fired if she complained. She quit and filed a sexual harass-
ment claim against AEELO.
Monteagudo did not report the conduct while working for AEELO
even though AEELO’s sexual harassment policy required her to do so.
Due to this omission, AEELO raised the affirmative defense set out in
Burlington (1998) and Faragher (1998). She testified that her reasons for
not reporting the behavior was because all the parties to whom she
was supposed to report to were friends with each other and Arce. The
court also noted that witnesses to the harassment did not report it ei-
ther and that she was 22 at the time of the alleged harassment and
Arce was 45. The court acknowledged that even though she was not a
minor as was the victim in Reed (2003), the age difference had some
relevance with respect to her failure to report. The court concluded that
while her case was not strong, ‘‘a reasonable jury could conclude that
her failure was based on ‘more than ordinary fear or embarrassment’
and was therefore reasonable’’ (p. 172).
Two final cases illustrate the extreme difficulties facing women who
are the victims of possible sexual harassment at work in light of the af-
firmative defense requirements (Burlington, 1998 & Faragher, 1998).
First, in Conatzer v. Medical Professional Building Services, Inc. (2003) the
plaintiff failed to report a possible incident that occurred on September
28. She did, however, file a report a few days after a subsequent inci-
dent that took place on October 11 or 12. Nonetheless, the District
Court ruled in favor of the defendant company, determining that the
plaintiff’s 17-day delay in reporting the initial incident was unreason-
able. Also surprising was a court’s ruling in favor of the defendant in
Philips v. Taco Bell Corp. (2000). In Phillips the plaintiff, Rita Phillips, tes-
tified in a deposition that she was sexually harassed by her supervisor,
Duane Sonntag, on five separate occasions, which the court detailed as
follows:
On March 13, 1995, Sonntag squeezed plaintiff’s breasts. On June 12,

Sonntag grabbed the front of plaintiff’s pants. On June 13, 1995, Sonntag
grabbed plaintiff’s hand and placed it on the front of his pants. On June
17, 1995, Sonntag rubbed his hands across plaintiff’s buttocks. On June
18, 1995, Sonntag rubbed his hands across and down plaintiff’s back.
(p. 1033)
Ms. Phillips did not report the March 13 incident, though she was
aware of the company’s sexual harassment policy. She did file a report
on June 20, 1995, two days after the series of incidents that occurred in
June. The court determined that the March 13 incident was sexually
harassing and ruled that her failure to report until three months later
was unreasonable.
The Phillips case highlights a major problem facing women who are
harassed at work. For example, the behavior in Jones v. Clinton (1998),
which included alleged indecent exposure (discussed subsequently in
more detail) was determined to be insufficient to create a hostile envi-
ronment. It is likely in Phillips that the March 12, 1995, incident, even
though it involved a sexual touching of Ms. Phillips, standing alone,
did not create a hostile environment either. This would place Ms. Phil-
lips and similarly situated victims of harassment in a situation in
which they would in all likelihood lose a sexual harassment claim if
they report too soon and also lose if they refrain from filing a report
immediately upon receiving unwelcomed sexual attention at work
(White, 2006).
The impact on women of the affirmative defense created by the
Supreme Court in Burlington (1998) and Faragher (1998) has the poten-
tial to be significant in light of the psychological realities faced by
female victims. It is difficult to argue that the Supreme Court’s deci-
sions are totally unreasonable. The goal of decreasing incidents of har-
assment in the workplace is probably best served when such incidents
are reported sooner rather than later. But several difficulties arise in
attempting to reach that goal. First, some behaviors may be inappropri-
ate, yet not rise to the level of sexual harassment. Newer employees
may have special concerns about the impact making a complaint may
have on their careers (Hebert, 2007). Yet to not report them is to invite
the affirmative defense and risk losing a sex harassment claim (Hebert).
Additionally, the decision to report behavior is, as discussed above, as
much a psychological one as a legal one for many victims. The law
requires them to do precisely what they are unlikely to . . . report the
harassment. There may be no perfect way to protect victims of harass-
ment and at the same time treat companies that truly are working to
eliminate harassment fairly, yet the affirmative defense, and court
interpretations of it, certainly works against women choosing to file a
claim.
LEVELS OF BEHAVIOR
In Jones v. Clinton (1998), Paula Jones alleged that then Arkansas
Governor Bill Clinton engaged in inappropriate behavior toward her in
a hotel room in Little Rock. Jones, a state employee, claimed in her
lawsuit against him that he first made comments about her physical
appearance and put his hand on her leg and started moving it toward
her pelvic area. After she moved away, he approached her, exposed
his penis, and told her to kiss it. The District Court ruled against her,
writing that the ‘‘plaintiff certainly has not shown under the totality of
circumstances that the alleged incident in the hotel . . . with the Gover-
nor were so severe or pervasive that it created an abusive working
environment’’ (p. 675). The court acknowledged that there are situa-
tions that might be considered so severe that a single incident could
create a hostile environment, but concluded, ‘‘while the alleged inci-
dent, if true, was certainly boorish and offensive . . . this is not one of
those exceptional cases in which a single incident of sexual harassment,
such as an assault, was deemed sufficient to state a claim of hostile
work environment sexual harassment’’ (p. 675).
Though this result may seem surprising, Courts are often required
to distinguish between inappropriate behavior and behavior that is
legally considered to be sexually harassing and would subject the

employer to liability under Title VII (1964) or other similar state stat-
utes. Solberg (a&b, 1995) analyzed post Harris (1993) cases in an effort
to determine if a bright line exists that would enable employers and
employees to predict what types of conduct would cross the line from
inappropriate to illegal. Though no clear line exists, it appears that
some general notions can be drawn with respect to degrees of miscon-
duct and the likelihood that particular actions will be considered sexu-
ally harassing. This section of the chapter will review several of those
cases to determine where the behavior exhibited might fall along the
continuum set out.
In light of the factors set out in Harris (1993): frequency, severity,
whether the conduct was physically threatening or humiliating (or
merely just an offensive utterance), and whether the behavior unrea-
sonably interfered with the plaintiff’s work performance, Solberg (a&b,
1995) felt that behavior could be put into three categories on a contin-
uum that would be indicative, if not conclusive, of whether the con-
duct in question was in violation of Title VII. The most severe
behaviors, clearly sexually harassing, were exhibited in the cases of
Dey v. Colt Construction and Development Company (1994) and Carr v.
Allison Gas Turbine (1994). The behavior in Dey, which occurred over a
two and one-half year period allegedly included Dey’s supervisor re-
ferring to her in explicitly derogatory terms, offering to perform a sex-
ual act upon her, unzipping his slacks while they were on an elevator
together and suggesting that the reason she did not have a tan after
returning from a vacation was because she had spent the week in bed
on her back. Dey also testified that she was subjected to comments,
gestures, and sexual innuendoes on a daily basis. The Seventh Circuit
Court of Appeals had little trouble in determining that these types of
behaviors over that length of time were harassing under the law.
Carr (1994) involved coworker harassment. Mary Carr alleged that
while working as a tinsmith apprentice she was subjected to outra-
geous behavior by her all male coworkers. Among the behaviors she
claimed to be subject to were referring to her by explicitly derogatory
terms, painting such a term on her toolbox, hanging nude pin-ups
around the shop where she worked, stripping to their underwear in
front of her when changing clothes at work and cutting the seat of her
work overalls. She also claimed that one worker indecently exposed
himself to her. The Court of Appeals agreed that the ‘‘words and deeds
of Mary Carr’s coworkers crossed the line that separates the merely
vulgar and mildly offensive from the deeply offensive and sexually
harassing’’ (p. 1010). The court also felt it relevant that she was specifi-
cally targeted by her coworkers and that defacing her property and
mutilating her clothing were ‘‘more ominous, more aggressive affronts
than mere words’’ (p. 1010).
The above behaviors were clearly sexually harassing. Less severe,

though inappropriate behaviors were exhibited in Doe v. R. R. Donnelly
and Sons Company (1994). The behavior alleged to have occurred in this
case, while frequent, was less severe than that discussed above. The
victim, Jane Doe, worked at R. R. Donnelley in a bindery facility. She
claims that her supervisor, Charles Stewart, commented on her cloth-
ing, asked her what clothing she wore at home or at the gym, told her
that she looked attractive because she lost weight, patted her on the
buttocks on two occasions, and told her during her yearly evaluation
that she should never have an affair at work. In her subsequent sexual
harassment case against the company, the trial court ruled against her
because the behavior was not egregious enough to violate Title VII.
The appellate court, though concerned that the behavior had taken
place over a lengthy period of time, ruled against her because her com-
plaint was untimely. Noteworthy from this case is the appellate court’s
stating that even though the behavior standing alone was probably not
severe enough to be sexually harassing in the legal sense, the fact that
it continued for a long time, might have put it in the sexual harassment
category.
Milder behavior in the view of the Seventh Circuit was displayed in
Saxton v. American Telephone and Telegraph Company (1993) and Basker-
ville v. Culligan International Company (1995). Saxton involved behavior
that, though unprofessional and inappropriate, was not pervasive
enough to convince the court that it created a hostile work environ-
ment under the Harris (1993) rubric. The conduct alleged to have taken
place between Marcia Saxton and her group leader, Jerome Richardson,
occurred one night when the two met for drinks to discuss workplace
issues. During the course of the evening, Richardson placed his hand
on her leg above her knee on more than one occasion, rubbed her
upper thigh with his hand, pulled her into a doorway and kissed her
for a few seconds and put his hand on her leg as he drove her home.
He later apologized and said he would not act like that again. Ms. Sax-
ton eventually filed a claim which reached the Court of Appeals, which
held ‘‘(a)lthough Richardson’s conduct was undoubtedly inappropriate,
it was not so severe as to create an objectively hostile work environ-
ment (p. 534). Noteworthy in this case, as in Doe (1994), is that the
court considered the length of time over which the behavior continued.
Baskerville (1995) is illustrative of how juries and courts differ at
times in their view of what behaviors are sexually harassing under the
law. Valerie Baskerville began working for Culligan in 1991 as a secre-
tary. A short time later she was assigned to work for Michael Hall.
During the next seven months she alleged that he acted improperly by
engaging in a variety of unwelcome behaviors, none overly severe.
They included calling her ‘‘pretty girl’’ (p. 430), making a grunting
sound as she left his office when she was wearing a leather skirt,
telling her that he left a Christmas party early because he did not want
to lose control because of all the pretty girls there, and once in her
presence looking at his hand in a way that suggested masturbation.
She also claimed that he called her a ‘‘tilly’’ (p. 430) and that his wife
had told him to clean up his act. At trial, the jury awarded Ms. Basker-
ville $25,000 in damages. The Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, in an
opinion written by Justice Posner, reversed, writing ‘‘We do not think
that these incidents, spread over seven months, could reasonably be
thought to add up to sexual harassment’’ (p. 430). In commenting upon
the purpose of sexual harassment law, the Justice wrote ‘‘The concept
of sexual harassment is designed to protect working women from the
kind of male attention that can make the workplace hellish for women’’
(p. 430) and that ‘‘It is not designed to purge the workplace of vulgar-
ity’’ (p. 430). In a statement indicative of what the court might consider
harassing, as opposed to merely inappropriate, Justice Posner wrote in
reference to Michael Hall’s conduct:
(h)e never touched the plaintiff. He did not invite her explicitly or by
implication to have sex with him, or to go out on a date with him. He
made no threats. He did not expose himself, or show her dirty pictures.
He never said anything to her that could not be repeated on primetime
television. (p. 431)
An analysis of the behaviors exhibited in the above and other cases

indicates that it is possible in many instances to determine what type
of conduct is likely to be considered sexually harassing under the law.
That more likely to be considered a Title VII violation includes extreme
physical conduct, intimidating behavior, vulgar derogatory terms,
graphic sexual talk, graphic photos, and pervasive behavior (Solberg,
a&b, 1995). Conduct less likely to be harassing under the law includes
sexual banter, occasional vulgar expressions, moderate physical con-
tact, and non-repetitive behavior, unless it involves a high level of se-
verity (Jones v. Clinton, 1998; Solberg, 1995). It must be kept in mind
that courts need to determine that a hostile environment was created,
not merely an inappropriate moment.
To conclude this section, it is instructive to consider the facts of the
Harris (1993) case, which first set out the objective guidelines for courts
to consider in analyzing sexual harassment cases. Based on the cases
just discussed and the decisions reached in each, it would appear that
Harris presents a close case. Though she was the victim of several types
of inappropriate behavior, there was no physical contact, graphic sex-
ual talk, invitations to have sex, or overly vulgar derogatory terms. On
the other hand, the behavior was directed at Ms. Harris and most
importantly, went on for a long period of time, even after she had
requested that it stop. Therefore, despite the probable closeness of the
case, a good argument may be made that Ms. Harris would prevail in
a federal appellate court (Solberg, 1995).
CONCLUSION
This chapter has attempted to address the potential impact on
women in the workplace as a result of judicial interpretations of Title
VII’s (1964) prohibition against sex discrimination in the workplace. It
has addressed three areas. First, it reviewed the literature and case law
related to whether alleged sexual harassment in the workplace should
be judged from the perspective of a reasonable person or from that of
a reasonable victim/woman. There are strong arguments for both, with
perhaps the better arguments tending to favor the gender-specific
standard. This is due in part because even though more than twenty-
years has passed since the Supreme Court’s Meritor (1986) decision and
women have made great strides in the workplace, women are still
overwhelmingly the victims of sexual harassment as compared to men
(EEOC, 2009). Because of this fact, it makes sense to adopt a standard
designed in theory to help the majority of victims.
The next topic discussed is the requirement that victims of sexual
harassment committed by a supervisor report the harassment.
Although this has the goal of reducing harassment through early
reporting, it places perhaps an undue burden on victims as the litera-
ture discussed indicates that victims, particularly female victims, most
often do not report harassment early on. This puts women in a situa-
tion in which they risk losing a claim due to their failure to report,
while essentially having to guess if the behavior was serious enough to
support a claim should they choose to report. It has been suggested by
one researcher that the courts adopt the reasonable women standard to
determine whether the failure to report was unreasonable in light of
the psychological reality related to making the decision whether to
report (Hebert, 2007).
Finally, the chapter detailed a series of cases in an effort to deter-
mine how egregious behavior needed to be before it could comfortably
be termed sexual harassment under the law. Though there is no bright
line, certain types of conduct were observed to be more harassing
under the law than others. The difficulty with respect to the impact on
women is that many inappropriate behaviors do not quite create the
abusive or hostile environment that the law requires. This is com-
pounded by the requirement discussed above that harassment be
reported. Since this problem will be faced by many more women than
men (EEOC, 2009), once again the major impact is on them and not
male victims.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I would like to thank Tamara Henkels, a former student, for her
help in researching some of the cases referenced in the chapter.
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Chapter 10
Preventing Abuse of Young

Girls and Women
Ayelet Giladi
This chapter offers a sociological/feminist perspective regarding pro-

grams for preventing sexual harassment (SH) among young children.
SH is one of many forms of abuse among young girls and women. It
also presents an alternative approach for teaching young children
human rights and includes program content and methodology. The
program aims to empower young girls, providing them with practical
tools for understanding their bodies, protecting themselves, setting
boundaries, and raising self-esteem. It outlines what they needs to
know and tells where to turn for help in making their environment
safe and secure.
This program is expected to contribute to the field of early child-
hood (EC) education by giving guidance to the staff on how to teach
young children to avoid violence and foster gender equality, challeng-
ing the accepted gender power relations in our society.
The chapter is divided into two parts:
1. A theoretical review of the relationship between gender and EC educa-

tion. The development of gender concepts in EC is followed and their
educational influence on gender stereotypes and power relationships
among young children evaluated. The feminist viewpoint is described,
emphasizing the importance of educating women along these lines.
The roots of injustice and abuse of girls are traced back to early gender
relations.
2. The Israeli Ministry of Education training programs for teaching young
children equality between the sexes are outlined: ‘‘Getting Along
Together,’’ ‘‘Getting Along Together 10,’’ and ‘‘Getting Along Together

in Big Time.’’ A fourth program for seventh to ninth grades is now being
developed.
Violence against women may be physical, psychological, sexual,

spiritual, emotional, and/or structural. It may leave visible marks and
injuries, but also covers situations in which there are no physical
wounds. While violence may be a one-time incident, there may be life-
long overt or concealed damage. Abusive behavior may also be carried
out over long periods by individuals and/or institutions seeking to
control, limit, and humiliate women.
All forms of violence against women, which occur in all cultures
and societies, are major violations of human rights. Words, pictures,
stories, and images presenting unrealistic and degrading portrayals of
women and their everyday lives are universal. Rigid conventions and
myths about the nature, appearance, and appropriate behavior of
women are used for sales purposes, and to control or limit the freedom
of women. They lock us—men and women—into stereotypes that are
constricting, damaging, and, ultimately, death-dealing. Sexual domina-
tion and violence is increasingly portrayed—in films, videos, maga-
zines, and books—as acceptable mass entertainment. Violent
humiliation and abuse of women provides erotic sources of excitement
and pleasure.
According to research conducted by the World Bank in 35 countries,
between 25 and 50 percent of all women suffer significant physical,
sexual, and/or psychological abuse from their partners. Abuse is not
confined to the home, but occurs on the streets, at work, in the neigh-
borhood, in hospitals, in wars and armed conflicts, and in religious
institutions (Cec, 1999).
SH is among the most common forms of gender violence experi-
enced by young girls and women. Young girls are often abused by
their peers, the adults around them, and strangers. They do not always
understand what is going on or realize that it is wrong. Child SH vic-
tims are expected to accept violation and not to speak up.
Research carried out over the last two decades has shown that SH of
women by men is widespread in business (Fitzgerald, Drasgow, Hulin,
Gelfand, & Magley, 1997), academia (Fitzgerald et al., 1988), and in
government and military settings (Bastian, Lancaster, & Reyst, 1996).
Since males are considered the power brokers in organizations (Farely,
1978), SH in workplaces and institutions of higher education often
involve a formal power differential (McKinney, 1994; Rospenda,
Richman, & Nawyn, 1998).
While SH also occurs among young children (Stein, 1999; Strauss,
1994), it is not much discussed because it is difficult to describe the
problem in sociological and/or psychological terms and conduct solid,
Preventing Abuse of Young Girls and Women 241
reliable research in this area (Barak, 1995; Welsh, 1999). This is particu-
larly so among young children. In addition, most adults tend to inter-
pret SH as an act of play (Strauss, 1994). Giladi’s pioneering research
in Israel revealed that young children are aware of their own and the
opposite sex, which helps them maintain gender borders. SH at young
ages apparently does not stem from sexual urges but rather from
desires related to social and cultural gender concepts, primarily the
desire to demonstrate power and gain social capital within their age
group. Considering the links between gender and sexuality is a
dynamic approach to thinking about SH among young children (Giladi,
2004).
Influenced by post-modernism and -structuralism, including feminist
post-structuralism (i.e., post-structuralist critiques of modernist dis-
courses, inducing pedagogical discourses in academia), there is an
increasing demand for reform in theory and practice in EC education
based on a developmentally appropriate approach (Silin, 1995; Yelland,
1998). Feminist post-structuralist voices are particularly emphatic in
this context. Inspired by the work of Valerie Walkerdine (1989, 1990)
and Bronwyn Davies (1989), these studies highlight the gendered na-
ture of EC traditions and ‘‘truths’’ and how these affect children and
their developmental possibilities. They claim that childhood innocence
and ‘‘naturalness’’ is a myth, whereas EC practices in fact ‘‘naturalize’’
gendered violence and aggression between boys and girls. Davies
maintains that feminist post-structuralism provides a powerful theoreti-
cal basis for understanding how children are gendered, re-evaluating
gender in EC education, and for building improved feminist pedago-
gies. Nevertheless, gender equity approaches applied to other areas of
education have barely affected, let alone reformed, EC education.
EC education theory considers whether small children should be
exposed to sexuality (Sears & Williams, 1999). As Bickmore (Sears and
Williams, 1999) notes, sexuality features in elementary school children’s
lives. Assumptions about children’s ‘‘innocence’’ regarding sexuality
are outdated. The (mis)information about gender relations and sexual-
ity that flows freely today in the public-space media, from public fig-
ures, in television shows, comic strips, and billboard advertising
presents powerful implicit models of what it means to be a valued
member of society (Epstein & Johnson, 1998). Gender identities, includ-
ing the discomfort that arises from breaching implicit gender bounda-
ries, are learned early in life. Garvey (1984) observes that the practice
of mislabeling gender to upset another child is common by the age of
three to four years.
As Epstein (1998) observed, considering the continuities in the mod-
ern history of ethnic and SH: ‘‘Children are both threatened and dan-
gerous. They know and probably do too much, too soon, too young.
Sexually, they are not childish enough’’ (p. 36). Epstein uses the terms
‘‘schooling’’ and ‘‘sexuality,’’ while realizing that this may be disturbing

because schooling is thought of as a public activity, whereas sexuality
is defined as a private one. Nevertheless, schooling is associated with
sexuality in rich and complex ways. In schools as well as kindergartens
(from age four), sexual and other identities are practiced and devel-
oped (e.g., via doctor and nurse and chasing games, kiss/chase play,
teasing, and bullying). This occurs in the context of the cultural reper-
toires and institutional conditions to which children are exposed in
their schooling. As feminist and other sex educators have long claimed,
the notion of childhood innocence is little more than a harmful excuse
for keeping young children ignorant (Epstein, 2001; Silin, 1995). Chil-
dren are vulnerable because of their small size and lack of power, and
relative lack of knowledge. As Jackson (1982) points out, if children are
kept ignorant, the notion of childhood serves to deny them access to
power and justifies their powerlessness. As they grow up, children ac-
quire the capacity to protect themselves by learning to obtain and eval-
uate knowledge. In other words, kindergarten children are capable of
understanding SH only if they are given the tools required to so.
To explain to young children the difference between men and
women, start with identifying sex by nature and then, according to
gender, that is, how a woman or girl or man or boy define herself or
himself and experience her/his worlds. Differentiation according to
gender, based on appearance, behaviors, chosen professions, and
choice of clothing colors, is transmitted to young children starting at
age four. The use of the term ‘‘gender’’ aims to reduce or blur the
implications of ‘‘biological sex’’ on ‘‘social sex.’’
Gender plays a major role in the way people define themselves. The
same gender group determines how to react to a baby girl or boy, and
determines what will be expected from them as they grow up. Young
children learn cultural stereotypes referring to boys’ and girls’ behav-
iors, as reflected in activities, social style, and preferences, in EC
(Giladi, 2004). Children in kindergarten direct their activities in terms
of gender, which they use a basis for organizing information, from the
age of four.
Martin (1998) claims that kindergartens do not create the gender dif-
ferences, but reinforce and create further gender-based differences. In
addition, in her view, children come to kindergarten bearing gender
concepts created by the family and the environment, and much is
learnt from the media, and commercials on television, newspapers,
magazines, and through the Internet. It is also impossible to ignore all
the classical stories and movies for children, such as Little Red Riding
Hood, and Sleeping Beauty. As Martin notes, all these sources ‘‘gender
the body.’’ Therefore, the kindergarten teachers fill a crucial role in set-
ting expectations by the way they react to the children’s clothes and
behaviors.
From my experience as a college professor and SH prevention pro-

gram trainer, the blindness of educational teachers and their assistants
toward gender and gender stereotypes is clear. The goal is to give
them ‘‘gender filters’’ to make them see their own and their children’s
realities from a different perspective. Most of them think that are prac-
ticing equality, but analyzing their actions, they clearly feel that more
than 50 percent of women’s tasks correspond with the ‘‘Ministry of In-
terior’’ (cooking, cleaning, education, etc.), while their husbands are the
‘‘Foreign Ministry’’ (manage the finances and activities outside the
home). They claim they are doing these tasks with love, devoting them-
selves to their children. In effect, they are transferring society’s expecta-
tions to their sons or daughters. At this point, the power struggle comes
into play. Our program shows that these stereotypes allow boys and men
to behave unjustly and abusively toward young girls and women. New
concepts to counter these stereotypes should be introduced in EC educa-
tion in order to reduce sex- and gender-based abuse and injustice.
Researchers probing the meaning of this gender blindness in educa-
tional staff claim that women should be aware of ‘‘gender indoctrina-
tion’’ in children’s daily life and routine. Maher, Ryan, Griesshaber,
MacNaughton, and others are critical of child-centered developmental
theories, based on the child getting all the attention needed. However,
the patriarchal structure of society should also be discussed. They
claim that this blindness involves educating women not to be aware of
the gender situation and intervene in extreme cases or power struggles.
In effect, the educational staff ‘‘designing’’ the next generation should
be provided with the tools for critical thinking and gender pedagogy.
This is easier said than done. Our gender training course leads to critical
thinking among educators, children, and their parents, focusing particu-
larly on SH prevention among the children at early ages. Young children
from age six are trained in this way at school. Several educational pro-
grams in Israel are concerned with how to deal with sexual injury.
Psychological teams take care of injustices and abuse among chil-
dren and adults who have gone through such experiences. In social
behavior terms, raising awareness to prevent violence among children
with a focus on violent sexual behavior, was found to be important.
Our program gives guidance to both educational staff and children.
From a sociological point of view, many SH incidents are associated
with inappropriate behavior norms, whether they involve harassment
or encouraging it, either knowingly or unknowingly. In Israel, which is
not the only country where SH is the norm, those not engaging in it
are considered geeks or outsiders. Our society is ‘‘sick,’’ because no
distinction is made between right and wrong, and inequality reigns. A
combination of power behavior and gender roles or stereotypes creates
the conditions for injustice and abuse. Our research indicates (Giladi,
2004) that children behave in this way not to gain sexual profit but to
get power over their friends and improve their position in their peer
group. Teachers should understand the connection between power
behavior and gender. They need to learn to recognize, understand, and
put on special ‘‘gender filters.’’
At the start of my career, Dr. Susan Strauss, who was among the
first to report on SH in young children, offered me moral support and
I followed in her footsteps. My PhD thesis, ‘‘Perceptions and Observa-
tions of Young Children’s Experiences in Kindergarten and Early
Schooling in Israel,’’ (2004), dealt with SH theory and empirical data.
There was clearly also a need to develop SH prevention tools to com-
bat injustice and abusive behavior suffered by girls, who would
become the women of the future.
Four prevention programs have been or are being developed for
young children:
1. Getting Along Together–Preventing Sexual Harassment in Young Children (for

children aged between four and seven, from kindergarten up to second
grade).
2. Getting Along Together 10–Preventing Sexual Harassment in Young Children
(for children aged between 8 and 10).
3. Getting Along Together in Big Time–Preventing Sexual Harassment in Young
Children (for children aged between 11 and 13).
4. A program for seventh to ninth grades is now being developed.
These SH prevention programs, based on sociological perspectives,

deal with important values, such as respect, dignity, and equality. The
teachers appreciated the attempt to bring back ‘‘old’’ values, first men-
tioned in the Bible (Leviticus, chapter 9), and were pleased to use them
in daily interactions with the children and their parents. For example,
teachers were asked to introduce these tools when presenting the Ha-
nukkah and Passover stories, and when discussing verbal violence,
physical or bullying incidents, and so on. Equality between boys and
girls was the most important value presented and injustice and abuse
were defined. Everyone has the right to feel protected in their homes
and schools, on school buses, and in the parks. The children were
taught that no one, including their fathers, mothers, relatives, best
friends, and strangers, should act toward their bodies without respect
and dignity. The teachers felt that the children understood and
believed in the program. The concepts in the SH prevention program
may be connected with feminist pedagogy, which emphasizes relation-
ships and influences on construction of knowledge, and subjectivism
over objectivism, and working together. The children are made aware
of the role of subjective connection to the individual voice, and the
effect of meaning construction. Feminist pedagogy is based on a variety
of perspectives and many voices: Which stories should children be told
in SH prevention programs, and how should they be told? How can an

atmosphere be created to empower mixed audience of boys and girls
to learn, think, and be critical of their environment: To distinguish
between right or wrong on social issues, define SH in particular, create
a feeling of openness among the girls enabling them to speak freely
without been afraid of what the boys think or the teacher would think?
How can they feel protected/shielded? How can the patriarchal para-
digm in society be changed by the children or by their teachers?
This particular story occurred with a group of kindergarten children
taking part in the Getting Along Together—Preventing Sexual Harassment
in Young Children. One of the mothers came to speak in private to a
kindergarten teacher named Ilana. She asked whether her daughter
was being exposed to SH in any way. Ilana answered that the children
were learning how to protect their bodies in the Getting Along
Together—Preventing Sexual Harassment in Young Children program. The
mother then told her that she had to leave the house to take one of her
joint children with her second husband to hospital. When she returned,
her six-year-old daughter told her that her nine-year-old stepbrother
had suggested showing her his penis and then wanted them to touch
each another. Her daughter told him that she did not want to do this
and went into her room, which she only came out of when her mother
came back very late at night. When asked where she learned to say
‘‘No,’’ she said that Ilana told her that no one can force this kind of
behavior on her and that she should report it. The mother was very
proud of her daughter and thought that it was very important that her
child had learned about these issues because she herself had been
abused by adults when she was young and still carried the trauma
with her but had never told anyone about it until now. In tears, she
thanked Ilana for saving her daughter from having similar experiences.
In this case, the program changed the patriarchal paradigm for that
particular little girl and seems to have saved her from being abused, as
well as protecting her rights as a child.
How can teachers be given the tools to use after the end of the pro-
gram? To answer these questions, it is clear that this kind of pedagogy
has to change the basic patriarchal view. The SH prevention programs
were built to include children’s real-life stories, which were used as the
basis for discussions on sexual liberation and injustice. These stories
highlight how lack of respect and equality leads to violence between
groups of boys and girls who might think they are only playing but, in
fact, are engaging in SH, for example, pulling down pants or under-
wear, lifting up skirts, kissing and touching without consent, or touch-
ing each others’ sexual organs. Throughout the program, teachers refer
to such behavior as SH, and discuss and share their feelings about it,
as an alternative to traditional pedagogies, which focus on the trans-
mission of knowledge. Teachers now learn how to work with the
students and be empowered by the learning process (Curtis & Rasool,

1997). In this way, feminist pedagogy has managed to change the basic
construction of the patriarchal paradigm, which is unjust and leads to
abusive behaviors, most of the victims of which are girls.
Another aspect of feminist pedagogy (Maher, 1999, 2001) is the ‘‘pro-
gressive’’ education and ‘‘child in the center’’ approach, in which chil-
dren develop in a supportive, secure environment. These pedagogies
ignore power relationships among children and with their teachers.
Maher claims that the teacher’s role is passive in progressive education.
While teachers are expected to encourage the students to express them-
selves, their authority is problematic since they want to avoid tradi-
tional education systems. According to Maher, post-modernism makes
an important contribution to feminism by challenging subjective iden-
tity and the authority of teachers and educators, and the dynamic and
changing power relationships. Getting Along Together 10–Preventing Sex-
ual Harassment in Young Children for Third to Fifth Grades and Getting
Along Together in Big Time–Preventing Sexual Harassment in Young Chil-
dren for Fifth and Sixth Grades deal with this issue by discussing nega-
tive and positive power: Violent behavior is a form of negative power,
while the leader of the class or other children may use positive power
to prevent violence, bullying, or boycotting. The teacher’s authority can
be explained as using positive power to lead the class to a better
place—to be good citizens who respect others and treat them as equals.
The teacher uses authority as a dynamic force she hopes the students
will take with them. In this framework, the teachers present themselves
as knowledgeable and willing to learn at the same time. In this way,
teachers gain respect, and the students learn how to be responsible.
The result should be construction of knowledge that does not come in
a hierarchical mode, but in a developmental context. To demonstrate
this point, the program teaches how to avoid sexual violence and not
only the children but also the teachers gain from this process.
In the SH prevention program, children and their teachers are
offered an approach to both human rights and gender and alternative
feminism dialogues. Discussions are held to distinguish among various
gender and power relationships both inside and outside the classroom.
According to MacNaughton (2000), the ‘‘the post-structuralism assump-
tion’’ claims that there are only a few forms of dialogues in society,
while our programs initiate new forms of gender relationships during
play and in the children’s relationships. After discussing various forms
of disrespect, indignity, and inequality, the connection is made
between SH and gender. Teachers are also taught how to talk to chil-
dren about subjects that were previously taboo. Children learn how to
refer to their sexual organs in a respectful way in Hebrew and are told
that they will eventually get used to these words and respect them-
selves more. After 10 weeks of work with the children in the sixth
grade, one teacher thanked our team for the ‘‘. . . special way of teach-
ing the children such a sensitive subject in such a perceptive way,
without getting complaints from the parents.’’ Since the children are
addressed as adults and with respect, this generates a very straightfor-
ward, honest, down-to-earth dialogue.
While presenting the teachers and the children with a feminist peda-
gogy (Maher, 1999, 2001), dynamic and changing power relationships
are discussed. Teachers and children are taught that power is in their
hands and they should use it in a positive way to protect their rights
over their bodies, and, when necessary, to say ‘‘No,’’ to children and
adults around them.
Such alternative dialogue needs to be adopted throughout the year
and in the entire curriculum. In Bible lessons, the values in the texts
should be used to understand what happened and re-evaluate child-
ren’s behavior in violent fights. These values should serve as a good
basis for preventing violence, particularly SH and sexual abuse, as
forms of gender-power injustice.
As MacNaughton (2000) suggested, the way teachers regard their
students should be changed by using a curriculum suited to their de-
velopmental stage, and they should be responsible for satisfying indi-
vidual children’s needs while, at the same time, acting according to
gender perspectives—with the help of new ‘‘gender filters.’’ Therefore,
educators and teachers equipped with the tools for feminist and
human-rights discussions should understand children’s actions in
terms of gender-sex behavior, while teachers without these tools do not
identify gender-power relationships in children’s play and relation-
ships, such as the field-work example presented below.
The Chinese Jump Rope Game

During a recess when most of the children were playing in their gender
groups, three boys were conspicuously wandering around bored, whis-
pering to one another, and making a noise. After a few minutes, they
approached a girl who was holding a Chinese jump rope between her
legs (over which a group of girls were jumping). The girl noticed the
threatening presence of the boys and warned them that if they did not
go away, she would call the teacher in charge. One of the boys
approached her from behind, drew close to her, and forced a kiss on her
cheek. The girl blushed and stood there in pain and embarrassment. Her
friends, who witnessed the event, stopped their game and went up to
her. The girl, meanwhile, sat down on the ground and clutched her
cheek in her hands. Her friends suggested that she go to the teacher in
charge and complain about the boy, but she did not respond. Two other
girls called out to the teacher, ‘‘Amir gave Inbar a kiss.’’ The teacher in
charge, who was busy talking to another child, did not hear them. I
looked for Amir and did not find him in the playground; probably he
had gone into the school.
After three minutes, the girls decided to move, and took Inbar’s hand
and went to the new place. I approached this new place to observe
Inbar’s behavior, and suddenly heard someone shout, ‘‘Enough, enough
already!’’ and a crying voice reverberated through the playground. It
seemed that Amir had attacked Inbar again. Inbar stopped playing, mus-
tered up courage, went to the teacher in charge, and told her what had
happened. The teacher responded, ‘‘He definitely wants to be your boy-
friend, so maybe give him your telephone number?’’ Inbar, apparently
realizing that the teacher did not understand how she felt, returned to
her friends with a sour expression. The friends were perplexed. They
checked her cheek, and one of them said, ‘‘You don’t have any mark on
your cheek.’’ They stopped playing the Chinese jump rope game. For the
rest of the playtime I did not see Amir and his two friends in the play-
ground. They must have fled into the school.
In this example, the teacher was not able to identify gender-power

relationships in the children’s play and relationships, which is why she
answered the girl in that way. She looked at the incident from the per-
spective of an adult confronting the harasser and never thought about
it from the girl’s point of view.
As a professor in college, one of my major aims is to allow my EC
education students to find alternative dialogues and meanings. They
learn sociological, developmental, historical, cultural, public health,
and legal perspectives, as well as post-structural feminist theories that
challenge standard EC concepts. Children and their teachers are asked
to observe gender, power, and status relationships, as a way of pre-
venting violence, particularly SH and abuse.
Groups of children hear, read, and act out plays and stories taken
from their routine daily life. They learn to answer questions about their
gender world, as a way of understanding how they operate, make their
choices, and use their power relationships. They are directed to analyze
them through respect, dignity, and equality between the sexes, and
share their feelings while confident, secure, and safe in their peer
groups. For example, children in recess were playing and surfing the
on the slide when one of the girls came to the kindergarten teacher
complaining that one of the boys did not respect her because he said
that he would take the slide when her turn came. When the teacher
called the boy over, he said that he was not proud of his action and
would not do it next time. She used values to solve a potentially vio-
lent incident. If children were given clear and consistent boundaries,
they would react differently in many situations, both in and out of
school.
When schools do not lay down clear policies and boundaries, and
teachers do not hold a gender dialogue with them, the children are not
able to understand their subjectivism, and prevent violent behavior.
Girls suffering from injustice and abuse will grow up to be adults
who are subject to similar behavior in their homes, the army, and
workplaces.
Teachers’ awareness of sexual violence is vital for creating an atmos-
phere of equality between boys and girls. Teachers should learn how
to achieve this in order to promote a new just and non-abusive atmos-
phere among young children. Equality fostered by this program pro-
vides teachers with a new look at gender and power relationships in
children’s games. One way is to nurture children who challenge gender
behavior, typically using values of respect, dignity, and equality.
Because these SH prevention programs try to achieve changes from an
early age, these methods give the children and their teachers the ability
to be critical, think in a sincere way, and have autonomy, without
operating from a gender status in their own peer group. If children
understand gender and its implications, this should lead to less abuse
of women by boys and men and reduce the number of such incidents
among girls and women. They would realize that SH is not something
girls or women should get used to, but should try and prevent such
behavior, and if it happens, there is no need to be silent about it.
This chapter tried to show how links between gender, power rela-
tionships, and EC puts the child in the center within the post-structural
feminist dialogue, which sees the social context of the gender power
relations between the children. The teacher directs the children to build
alternative power relationships among themselves and with adults
who threaten their safety by violating their respect, dignity, and right
to equality. An atmosphere of justice with active involvement and
action would be expected to improve young girls’ faith in society and
reduce SH and sexual abuse particularly at an early age.
This chapter tried to show how schools should prepare students for
real life from an early age, the great importance of providing tools for
understanding, interpreting, and challenging social situations inside
and outside kindergarten and schools. It discusses feminist methodol-
ogy aimed at empowering young girls and women educators to pro-
mote this kind of social change. These changes in EC education are
expected to contribute toward reducing injustice and abuse suffered by
young girls and women.
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Chapter 11
In Women’s Voices
Lindsay Baker
Feminism to me means equality on all levels. I see the future of

feminism focusing more on gender equality. Today there are more
women in the workplace. This began to change during the economic
depression of our society. Middle-class families were unable to sustain
a certain style of living on the single salary of a husband. Therefore,
women in households were almost forced, as it may be described, to
go outside of the home, where they had spent their days taking care of
the children and making sure dinner was ready by five o’clock, to sup-
plement the increased costs from the decline of the economy.
Many good things have come from women in today’s workforce.
Women have been given the opportunity to increase self-satisfaction
and self-esteem. In addition to personal leaps and bounds, women in
today’s workforce have had the opportunity to work in a changing
economy, a changing world. They contribute to their family, as well as
to their community in the workplace.
When a woman works in the home, she is very focused on the needs
of others: cooking, cleaning, doing laundry, and other necessary home
tasks. In the workplace, women have the opportunity to spend their
days meeting their own needs. For most women, the workforce may be
considered less stressful and less demanding than being home with
their spouse and children. However, I feel that feminism is much more
than just equality in the workplace.
Beginning with the first wave of feminist movements, women have
worked hard to develop equal rights. In the second wave, women’s
cultural and political inequalities were expressed. Women spoke up
and helped others understand how these inequalities could affect their
personal lives. The third wave brought about gender indifferences, it
helped to explore sexuality, as well as analyze what many would call

gender-specific roles.
All of the explorations in the three waves of feminism are what have
brought women to this place in today’s society. Domestic violence cen-
ters have been started. Activism against inequalities takes place all over
the world. College courses on the feminist movement have been
taught. Books on gender equality have been written. All of this has
been possible because of the feminist movement.
What do I see for the future of feminism? This question is hard to
answer. In today’s society the current economy has put people in
‘‘tough times.’’ I predict that the label of ‘‘feminists’’ will begin to
phase out. I see future youth, of both genders, taking a stand. I see
pro-feminist ideas continuing to be implemented through education in
school, crisis center openings, and even more options for counseling
and issue discussion to take place.
The future is going to bring more opportunity for equality. The
future is going to bring more opportunity for societal growth. I see
feminism becoming more and more popular; however, I don’t see the
title of ‘‘feminist beliefs’’ continuing. I see earlier generations integrat-
ing equality of gender in their everyday life. In the future, I would
hope that schools would help to educate our students on why gender
equality is so important. Also, I would hope to see employers allowing
employees the opportunity to be trained on these issues. I would hope
that sufficient sexual harassment training will be offered, as well as the
opportunity for all companies to pay their employees equally for equal
skill and quality work.
In addition to the youth of today’s society, I hope to see a collabora-
tion of all ages and genders in the future. By collaborating, men and
women can work together to express their views. They can work to-
gether to make changes, as well as make a stand for inequality all over
the world. ‘‘Feminist politics aims to end domination to free us to be
who we are—to live lives where we love justice, where we can live in
peace. Feminism is for everybody’’ (hooks, 2000, p. 118).
REFERENCE
hooks, b. (2000). Feminism is for everybody: Passionate politics. Cambridge, MA:
South End Press.
EDITOR
Michele A. Paludi, PhD, is the Series Editor for Women’s Psychology for
Praeger Publishers. She is the author/editor of 33 college textbooks, and
more than 160 scholarly articles and conference presentations on sexual
harassment, campus violence, psychology of women, gender, and sexual
harassment and victimization. Her book, Ivory Power: Sexual Harassment
on Campus (1990) received the 1992 Myers Center Award for Outstanding
Book on Human Rights in the United States. Dr. Paludi served as Chair of
the U.S. Department of Education’s Subpanel on the Prevention of Vio-
lence, Sexual Harassment, and Alcohol and Other Drug Problems in
Higher Education. She was one of six scholars in the United States to be
selected for this Subpanel. She also was a consultant to and a member of
former New York State Governor Mario Cuomo’s Task Force on Sexual
Harassment. Dr. Paludi serves as an expert witness for court proceedings
and administrative hearings on sexual harassment. She has had extensive
experience in conducting training programs and investigations of sexual
harassment and other EEO issues for businesses and educational institu-
tions. In addition, Dr. Paludi has held faculty positions at Franklin & Mar-
shall College, Kent State University, Hunter College, Union College, and
Union Graduate College, where she directs the human resource manage-
ment certificate program. She teaches in the School of Management.
CONTRIBUTORS
Lindsay Baker graduated from Southern Vermont College in December
2008 with a BS in Business Administration and Management. She is en-
rolled in the General MBA Program, as well as the Certificate of Human
Resources Program at Union Graduate College. She plans to graduate in
June 2010. Lindsay is currently interning at Horizon Bradco of Schenec-

tady, New York, in Human Resources and Accounting.
Sarah Metzgar Boggess has more than 20 years’ career experience, span-
ning the functions of communications, marketing, journalism, govern-
mental relations, and resource development. She currently works in the
field of higher education. She has a bachelor’s degree in economics and
government from Dartmouth College and a master’s degree in business
administration and certificate in Human Resources Management from
Union Graduate College.
Donna Castaneda, PhD, is professor of psychology at San Diego State

University–Imperial Valley Campus. She received her PhD in social psy-
chology from the University of California, Davis. Her research focuses on
gender and ethnicity and their relationship to mental and physical health.
She has investigated the impact of close relationship factors in HIV/AIDS
risk behavior, particularly among Latinos; the HIV/AIDS prevention
needs of women factory workers in Mexico; the close relationship context
and how it affects intimate partner violence; and the relationship between
marital satisfaction and mental health among wives and husbands.
Another area of interest is in the role of structural factors, or aspects of
service delivery systems, in the provision of health and mental health
services to Latinos.
Joan C. Chrisler, PhD, is Class of 1943 Professor of Psychology at Con-

necticut College, where she teaches courses on the psychology of women
and health psychology. She has published extensively on the psychology
of women and gender and is especially known for her work on women’s
health, menstruation, weight, and body image. She edited Sex Roles: A
Journal of Research from 2002 to 2006, and is editor or co-editor of eight
books, including Women over 50: Psychological Perspectives (2007), From
Menarche to Menopause: The Female Body in Feminist Therapy (2004), Lectures
on the Psychology of Women (4th ed., 2008), and the Handbook of Gender
Research in Psychology (forthcoming).
Cynthia Garrett, MA, MSW, is Lecturer in Psychology at Connecticut

College, where she teaches laboratory sections of the Psychology as a Nat-
ural Science course. She previously practiced clinical social work at the
Wheeler Clinic and the University of Connecticut Health Center. Her
areas of expertise are trauma, women and addiction, and the clinical use
of dialectical behavior therapy.
Ayelet Giladi, PhD, is a pioneer and recognized expert on the harass-

ment of young children in Israel. Dr. Giladi earned her undergraduate
and master’s degree at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Dr. Giladi, a

professor at Kibbutz College, teaches her students how to recognize sex-
ual harassment of children, conduct qualitative research, and report on
the phenomenon. In addition, Dr. Giladi conducts research on the issue,
consults with a variety of organizations, and conducts training about sex-
ual harassment at an early age. She has authored prevention programs for
use with children ages 4 to 7 and 11 to 13. She is the chairwoman of the
Voice of the Child Association: Prevention of Sexual Harassment Among
Young Children. She has been featured on Israeli television, radio pro-
grams, and newscasts and in Israeli newspaper articles. Dr. Giladi trains
family judges, physicians, nurses, psychologists, educators, and school
administrators about sexual harassment. She earned a doctorate in sociol-
ogy education from England ARU University.
Shelly Grabe, PhD, a psychologist and research scientist at the Univer-

sity of California–Santa Cruz, received her training from Michigan State
University and the Universities of Missouri and Washington. Her
research interests are in the area of the psychology of women and focus
on an examination of how the treatment of women’s bodies as objects con-
tributes to the process of marginalization of women via threats to their
psychological well-being. Dr. Grabe is trained as a statistician and meth-
odologist and has extensive experience conducting empirical research
examining the connection between women’s bodies and psychological
well-being. She was a recipient of the Ruth L. Kirschstein National
Research Service Award for her research on women’s body objectification
and a Visiting Scholar at the University of Wisconsin–Madison’s Wom-
en’s Research Center before beginning an Associate Professor position in
Social Psychology at the University of California–Santa Cruz in the fall of
2008. Her current interests are in using interdisciplinary, feminist
research to address social justice in the context of globalization.
Katie L. Kelly graduated from Union College in 2008 with a BS in Psy-

chology and a Minor in Classics. She completed her HR Certificate at
Union Graduate College in August 2009. Thereafter, she hopes to pursue
an MA in Industrial Organizational Psychology, using her skills in psy-
chology and business in the HR Field.
Kristina Hicks earned her MBA from Union Graduate College, where
she specialized in Human Resource Management. She also earned a Cer-
tificate in Human Resource Management from Union Graduate College.
Her interests include women and management and human resource
management, including training and development, recruitment and
selection, motivation, communications, and international human
resource management.

University, where she teaches graduate research methods in the depart-
ment of Educational Leadership, Feminist Methods, and Introduction to
WGS in the department of Women and Gender Studies. She is not only a
feminist teacher, but a feminist activist. She has volunteered as an assault
responder and engaged in political action for feminist causes. Currently,
she is the Title IX Education Task Force Chair for the Michigan National
Organization for Women in order to advocate for Title IX compliance in
Michigan’s schools. She has conducted research and written articles on
the topics of peer sexual harassment, teaching for social justice, service
learning, and the at-risk student.
Michelle McKenzie received her MA in psychology from Pepperdine

University. Her academic interests include violence against women and
sexual assault prevention. She is currently working on her memoir about
date rape. She is also a speaker for the Rape, Abuse and Incest National
Network and a rape crisis counselor.
Noorfarah Merali, PhD, is an Associate Professor and the Coordinator/

Director of the Counselling Psychology Graduate Program at the Univer-
sity of Alberta. She is a specialist in cultural diversity and cross-cultural
adjustment. Dr. Merali’s research program examines family adaptation
across cultures and through the cultural transition process instigated by
immigration. Her research addresses two family subsystems: the parent-
child subsystem and the husband–wife dyad. With respect to marital rela-
tions, Dr. Merali has recently been working collaboratively with cultural
community organizations in Canada to study arranged marriage prac-
tices and their application across international borders. Her research in
this area has identified theoretical frameworks for studying marriage
migration, changes to federal government policies to reduce the vulner-
ability of women in international arranged marriages to intimate partner
violence, and training implications for community workers responding to
marital conflict/violence and mental health problems like depression
among individuals in arranged marriage situations. Dr. Merali acts as a
consultant to settlement agencies and cultural community organizations,
taking a leadership role in ethnic community needs assessments, program
design and evaluation, and staff training. She is a Registered Psychologist
with the College of Alberta Psychologists and is a member of the Cana-
dian Psychological Association, American Psychological Association, and
the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues (International).
Carmen A. Paludi, Jr. holds advanced degrees in Electrical Engineering

from Clarkson University and Syracuse University, and has conducted
graduate studies in Applied Physics and Electronics Engineering at the

University of Massachusetts, and Engineering Management at Kennedy
Western University. His 32-year career spans work for the Department of
Defense in Federal Civil Service as well as the private sector. He has held
positions as Senior Principle Engineer, Member of the Technical Staff, and
Senior Scientific Advisor for the United States Air Force, Sanders Associ-
ates, The MITRE Corporation, Titan Corporation, and L-3 Communica-
tions, Inc. He has more than 20 technical publications in refereed journals,
and presentations at international symposia and conferences. Mr. Paludi
was an adjunct faculty at New Hampshire Technical College, a guest lec-
turer at the Advanced Electronics Technology Center at the University of
Massachusetts, and is a frequently lecturer at the Union Graduate Col-
lege. He is a Capability Maturity Model Integration (CMMI) trained and
certified Appraisal Team Member by the Software Engineering Institute
at Carnegie Mellon University. He has developed and presented in-house
training programs in Requirements Management, Requirements Devel-
opment, and Risk Management. He has more than 30 years of program
management experience.
Patricia D. Rozee, PhD, is a professor of Psychology and Women’s Stud-

ies at California State University, Long Beach, where she teaches classes
in the Psychology of Women, and Violence Against Women. Dr. Rozee is
co-editor of the award winning textbook, Lectures on the Psychology of
Women, now in its fourth edition. She has published extensively in the
areas of sexual assault and violence against women.
Anne Sisson Runyan, PhD, Professor in (and former Head of) the
Department of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at the University
of Cincinnati with a courtesy appointment in political science, is a pioneer
of and specialist in the field of feminist world politics. Her most recent
books include Global Gender Issues in the New Millennium (2009) and the
forthcoming Beyond Gender and Global Restructuring: Sightings, Sites, and
Resistances, and her current projects include books on transnational femi-
nist politics and North American feminisms.
Joseph Solberg graduated from the University of Notre Dame in 1979

with a degree in Accounting. In 1979, he began law school at the Loyola
University of Chicago School of Law. He received his law degree in 1982.
He worked as an assistant state’s attorney in Bloomington, IL, for several
years and joined the faculty at Illinois State University in 1988. He cur-
rently teaches courses in the Legal and Ethical Environment of Business,
Business Ethics and Corporate Responsibility, Real Estate Law, and Labor
and Employment Law. His research interests include employment dis-
crimination, with an emphasis on sexual harassment, ethics, and teaching
pedagogy.
Lindsey Speach graduated from Siena College in May 2007 with a BS in

Marketing Management and a minor in Sociology. She is enrolled in the
Certificate of Human Resources program at Union Graduate College and
plans to join the MBA program. Lindsey is currently the Recruiting Coor-
dinator for the Northeast region of KeyBank N.A.
Monica Ulibarri, PhD, is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of

California–San Diego and a lecturer at San Diego State University. She
completed her PhD in Clinical Psychology from Arizona State University.
Her research focuses on HIV prevention in Latino/a communities, with an
emphasis on how individual- and relationship-level factors such as mental
health, substance use, history of childhood abuse, intimate partner vio-
lence, and sexual relationship power intersect with HIV risk behaviors.
Index
Abduction homicide, 53–54 Arranged marriage: consent and

Abortion, 130–31; first-trimester, 135; coercion, 104–6, child marriage,
Global Gag Rule, 131 105, choice, level of, 105, widow
Acculturation, 111 marriage, 105–6; definition, 102;
Act of Equality between Men and economic rights, 101;
Women, 157 individual-level variables affecting,
Advancement inequity, 165 110–12, acculturation, 111,
Affirmative defense requirement, to education, employment, gender,
report sexual harassment, 220–30; 110–11, non-family living
reluctance and delay of victims in arrangements, 111, opportunities
reporting, 223–30 for peers interaction, 110, Western
Afghan, marital rape in, 133 culture exposure, 110; interpersonal
African Union, 132 outcomes: marital satisfaction,
Age Discrimination in Employment 112–15, spousal abuse, 116–18; law,
Act (ADEA), 151 policy and human rights
Agency and empowerment, 24 advocacy, implications, 121–25;
Agrarian Reform Laws, Nicaragua, 35 laws related to: age of marriage,
Albania, 186 107, 108, choice of mate selection,
Alcohol consumption, and rape, 182 106, dowry system, 108–9, gender
AMBER Alert program, 66–67 equality, 108, women’s freedom of
American Association of University living arrangements, 108; nature of,
Women, 164 103; personal outcomes:
Americans with Disabilities Act criminality, 121, mental health
(ADA) (1990), 152 problems and self-harm, 119–21,
Amnesty International, 5 social rights, well-being, 118–19;
Andrews v. City of Philadelphia, 212, 101; subtypes: cooperative or
214 joint-venture pattern, 104,
Animal husbandry, women in, 29 modified traditional or
Argentina, 186 delegation pattern, 104, traditional
Armed conflict and rape, 191–93; or planned pattern, 103–4;
ethnic cleansing, 192–93 Arroyo, President, 135
260 Index
Assisted reproduction, 136 Characteristics of Marriage Inventory

Australia, 191; reproductive rights in, (CHARISMA), 114, 115
134 Childless psychotics, 51
Austria, 155 Child marriage, 105
Children of God/The Family
Baker, Lindsay, 251–52 movement, 200
Bangladesh, 179, 192; family planning Children’s Passport Issuance Alert
in, 137 Program, 68
Barrett v. Applied Radiant Technology, Chile, 181
226 China, 157, 186; arranged marriages
Baskerville v. Culligan International in, 106; choice of mate selection,
Company, 232 107, 111; marital satisfaction,
Be a Man Campaign, 185 113–14; one child per family
Beijing Platform for Action (BPA), 1, policy, 134
5, 18–19 Choice and agency, 24
Belgium, 186 Christian clergy and rape views, 199
Benedict XVI (Pope), 135 Civil Rights Act (1964), 150–51, 209
Blind marriage, 103 Clearinghouse, 68–69
Blitz attack, 52 Clinton, H., 152
Boggess, S. M., 147 Clinton administration, 131
Bosnia, 6, 190, 192 Coercive rape, 190
Brazil, 179, 181 Cognitive attribution theory, of
Bride price, 109 achievement motivation, 162
Brothels, near military bases, 190–91 Cold War, 130
Bulgaria, 186 Colonial domination, 20
Bundy v. Jackson, 210 Columbia, 194
Burlington Industries v. Ellerth, 209, Comfort women, 191
220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 226, 228, Commission on Security and
229, 230 Cooperation in Europe, 186
Burundi, 194 Committee on the Elimination of
Bush, Laura, 9, 10 Discrimination Against Women,
Bush administration, 131 191
Community Forestry Groups (CFGs),
Cambodia, 188, 191 30–31; obstacles for women in, 31
Cammart, Patrick, 193 Conatzer v. Medical Professional
Canada, 158, 180 Building Services, Inc., 229
Capabilities approach, 21; Confidence assault, 52
empowerment and, 25; and social Confluence Model of sexual
and political institutions structure, aggression, 183–84
21–22 Contraception, 130, 138
Carr v. Allison Gas Turbine, 231 Control and empowerment, 25, 26
Casual sex, 184 Convention on the Elimination of
Catholic hospitals, 135 All Forms of Discrimination
CEDAW. See Convention on the against Women (CEDAW), 6, 7,
Elimination of All Forms of 132
Discrimination against Women Corporate rules, on sexual
(CEDAW) harassment, 221
Center for Women’s Global Cote d’Ivoire, 186
Leadership, 3 Coworker harassment, 222, 231
Index 261
Criminal justice system, 196–97; Equal Employment Opportunity

sexual assault and, 197 Commission (EEOC), 151, 210, 212
Criminality, as outcome of arranged Equal Pay Act (1963), 147, 150
marriages, 121 Equal Pay Day, 152
Cuba, 186 Ethiopia, 179
Cultural relativism: justice and Ethnic cleansing, rape as means for,
society, 20 192–93
Culture, impact on reproductive European Commission, 159
rights, 133–34 European Union (EU), 5, 155;
abortion in, 135
Declaration on the Elimination of Executive Committee Conclusion on
Violence Against Women. UN, 177 Women and Girls at Risk No. 105
DeLauro, Rosa, 152 (LVII) (2006), 194
Democratic Republic of Congo, 6, 190
Demographic time bomb, 131 Fair Labor Standards Act (1938), 150
Department of Health, 135 Family planning, 135, 136–37
Devadasi, 199 Faragher v. City of Boca Raton, 209, 220,
Dey v. Colt Construction & Development 221, 222, 223, 224, 228, 229, 230
Company, 219, 231 Federal Economic Act (1932), 149
Disabled persons, reproductive rights, Female genital cutting (FGC), 90–91,
134–35 133, 139
Doe v. R. R. Donnelly and Sons Feminism, future of, 251, 252
Company, 232 Feminist Catholic groups, 136
Domestic Violence Act, 133 Feminist Majority, U.S., 9–10
Duplessis v. Training Development Feminist movements, waves of,
Corp., 217 251–52
Feminist pedagogy, 244–47
Early childhood (EC) education, 239, Femocrats, 5
241 Finland, 157
East Africa, 35 Forced marriage, 104
East Asia, 157 Forestry, and women rights, 30–31
East Timor, 191 Fourth World Conference on Women,
Economic and Social Council 1
(ECOSOC), 2 France, 157
Ecuador, 158
Educational staff, gender blindness, Gawley v. Indiana University, 225
242–43 Gender, 242–43, 246–47
Egypt, parental care in, 138 Gender blindness, in educational
Ellison v. Brady, 212, 214, 217 staff, 242–43
Employment Guidelines of the Gender-conscious standard, for
European Union (2002), 156 sexual harassment, 215–16
Empowerment: agency and, 24; Gendered power: natural resources
capabilities and, 25; conceptualiz- and development and, 26, forestry,
ing, 23–26; control and, 25, 26; and 30–31, land, 31–33, water, 28–30
human rights in development, Gender Empowerment Measure
19–23; and land ownership, 32–39, (GEM) and women empowerment,
main findings, 37–39, Nicaragua, 22–23
35–36, study, 36–37; meaning of, Gender equality, 251; and
23–24; psychological, 24–25 reproductive rights, 137
262 Index
Gender Equality Architecture Reform Harris v. Forklift Systems, 209, 211,

(GEAR), 3 218, 219, 231, 232, 233
Gender identities, in early life, 241–42 Harris v. International Paper, 217
Gender mainstreaming, 4–5 Harvard Business Review, 165
Gender-power relationship, 247–48 Harvard Law Review, 212, 213, 214
Gender quota system, 3–4; contagion Hegemonies, 7, 8
of, 4 Henson v. City of Dundee, 210
Gender Related Development Index, Herzegovina, 192
22 Hicks, K., 147
Gender-sexuality link, 241 Hinduism, and rape views, 199
Gender stereotyping, 159–61 Honduras, reproductive rights in,
General Assembly, UN, 3 138
Germany, 157, 186 Honeymoon Psychosis, 119
Getting Along Together, 10–Preventing Hong Kong SAR, 157
Sexual Harassment in Young Chil- Hostile environment sexual
dren program, 244, 246 harassment, 210, 211, 221
Getting Along Together in Big Hostile masculinity path, 184
Time–Preventing Sexual Harassment Hughes, Karen, 9
in Young Children program, 244, Human rights, of women, 6, 8; causal
246 attributions for success and failure,
Getting Along Together–Preventing 162–63; critiques of, 9; discourse
Sexual Harassment in Young Chil- on, 14–15; and empowerment, in
dren program, 244, 245 development, 19–23; gender
Ghana, 199; marital rape in, 133 stereotyping, 159–61; globalization
Ginsburg, Justice, 218, 219 and impact on, 18–19; job
Global feminism, 1; critiques of, segregation, 163; land ownership
7–10; and gender policymaking, rights and, 32–39; and participa-
2–7; and neoliberal tion in post-war reconstruction
governmentality, 10–13, politics efforts, 195–96; performance evalu-
involved, 14–15 ation, 161–62; property ownership
Global Gag Rule, 131–32 and, 34–35; violation of, 27–28, 34;
Global governance, 1 wage disparity and, 158–63; water
Globalization: impact on women’s rights and, 28–29
rights, 18–19 Human Rights Watch, 141
Global Survival Network, 186 Human trafficking, UN definition of,
Governmentality, 10–13; meaning of, 185–86
11–12
Grabe, S., 17 ICPD. See International Conference on
Greece, 186 Population and Development
Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 13 (ICPD)
Guinea, 186, 191 Immigration abuse, 116
Guttmacher Institute, 141 Imperial feminism, 9
Impersonal sex, 184
Habitual residence, 70 India, 30, 34, 186
Hague Appeal for Peace, 5 Indonesian Society for Pesantren and
Hague Convention on the Civil Community Development (P3M),
Aspects of International Child 136
Abduction, 67–68 Integral Protection Measures against
Harman, J., 190 Gender Violence, 201
Index 263
Intergovernmental organization K. L. v. Peru, 132, 142

(IGO), 1, 2 Koran and rape views, 198
International Alert, 5 Korea, 157, 191
International Center for Missing and Kuwati muftis, 136
Exploited Children, 67, 71
International Center for Research on Land rights and women, 31–33;
Women (ICRW), 34 ownership and empowerment,
International Conference on psychological investigation, 33–39
Population and Development Latin America, 4, 35, 185
(ICPD), 129 Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire and Rubber
International Criminal Court, Rome Company, 153
Statute, 6 Legalization, of women’s rights, 20–21
International financial institutions Leopold v. Baccarat, 226
(IFIs), 1 Lewis, Stephen, 192
International Institute for Research Liberia, 190, 191
and Training of Women Lily Ledbetter Fair Pay Act (2009),
(UN-INSTRAW), 3 152–53
International Labor Organization Lithuania, 186
Equal Remuneration Convention, Little Red Riding Hood, 242
154
International Rescue Committee, 194 Madray v. Publix, 224
In vitro fertilization (IVF), 131 Mainline Protestantism, 136
Iowa Law Review, 213 Malaysia, 157, 181, 191
Ireland, abortion in, 135 Marginalization, of women, 29
Islam, reproductive rights in, 136 Marginalized groups, reproductive
Israel, 186, 199; reproductive health rights, 134
care, 131; sexual harassment in, Marianismo, 132, 142
243–44 Marital rape, 133
Italy, 186, 187; abortion in, 136 Marriage Law of the People’s
IUD (intra-uterine device), 130, 134 Republic of China, 106–7
Martin, J. L., 147
Jackson v. Arkansas, 224 Maternal mortality, 138–39
Japan, 157, 179, 186, 191 Mativa v. Bald Head Island, 225, 226,
Jewish congregations, 136 227
Job segregation, 163 McKenzie, M., 177
Joint Titling Act, Nicaragua, 36 McKinney v. Dole, 210
Jones v. Clinton, 229, 230, 233 McWilliams v. Fairfax County Board of
Judaism, reproductive rights in, 136 Supervisors, 211, 221
Juju rites, 187 Media and rape views, 200–201
‘‘Just world hypothesis’’, 49 Medicaid, 137
Justice and society, 20 Medical personnel, and need to help
violence survivors, 201
Karzai, President, 133 Mentoring, and gender disparity,
Katz v. Dole, 221 165–66
Keith, D. J., 214 Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, 209,
Kenya, 195 211, 221, 222, 234
Kindergarten children, and gender Mexico, 181
differentiation, 242 Microcredit: borrowing, 22; lending, 27
Kirkpatrick Model, 65 Mikulski, Barbara, 153
264 Index
Military Domestic and Sexual Namibia, 179, 181

Violence Response Act, UN, 191 National Center for Missing and
Military rape, 188–91; of civilian Exploited Children, 47, 48, 57, 67
women in warring countries, 190; National Committee on Pay Equity,
pornography and brothels 151–52, 168
enhancing, 190–91; of women in National Recovery Act (1935), 149
military, 188–90 Natural resources and development,
Millennium Development Goals 26; and gendered power: forestry,
(MDGs), 4, 12–13, 129, 141 30–31, land, 31–33, water, 28–30
Missing children and child Neoconservativism, 2, 10–11
abductions, 47; abduction Neoliberal governmentality, 10–13;
homicide, 53–54; AMBER Alert global feminist politics versus,
program, 66–67; Children’s 14–15; MDGS and, 12–13;
Passport Issuance Alert Program, neoconservativism, 10–11;
68; clearinghouse, 68–69; cognitive state in, 12
maturity of children and Nepal, 30, 110
adolescents, 63–64; educational Netherlands, 186
programs, 60–61; feminist critique New Guinea, 181
of abduction research and Hague New View of Female Sexual
Treaty, 69–71; Hague Convention Problems, 92
on the Civil Aspects of New Zealand, 158
International Child Abduction, Ngwa-Igbo community, 133
67–68; impact on children and Nicaragua, 185; land ownership and
families: developmental regression reforms, 32–39, main findings,
and phobias, 60, emotional/ 37–39, study, 36–37; therapeutic
psychological effects, 58, abortions in, 132–33
health-related aspects, 58–59, Nicaraguan Women’s Institute, 35
physical/health-related effects, 58, Nigeria, 133, 186, 197
social and interpersonal Noncustodial parental abduction,
relationships, 58; needs assess- 56–58
ment, 61; noncustodial parental Nongovernmental organizations
abduction, 56–58; posttraining (NGOs), 196
evaluations, 64–66; postvictimized Non-normative rape, 179, 180
generalized distress response, 48; Normative rape, 179, 180
rates of recovery, 48; runaways Norway, 157
and throwaways, 54–56; stranger
abductors characteristics, 51–52; Obama administration, 131
trainers educational qualifications, O’Conner, Justice, 218, 219
61–62; training program, 62–63; Office of the Special Adviser on
types: childless psychotics, 51, Gender Issues (OSAGI), 3
pedophiles, 50, profiteers, 51, serial Older women, reproductive rights,
killers, 50–51, stranger abduction, 134
49–50 Old Testament, and rape views, 198
Monteagudo v. Asociacion de Empleados Oncale v. Sundowner Offshore Services,
del Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Inc, 219
Rico (AEELA), 226, 228 Organization for Economic
Multi-Country Study on Women’s Cooperation and Development
Health and Domestic Violence (OECD), 5, 155
Against Women, 36 Ortega, Daniel, 132
Index 265
P3M. See Indonesian Society for Philippines, 157, 158, 191;

Pesantren and Community reproductive rights in, 135
Development (P3M) Philips v. Taco Bell Corp., 229
Palestinian refugees, reproductive Pink collar occupations, 163
health service, 131 Pin money, 160
Paludi, C., Jr., 147 Planned Parenthood International,
Paludi, M. A., 147 141
Pan American Health Organization, Population Council, 141
82 Pornography and military actions,
Partner violence, 197 190
Paulina Ramirez v. Mexico, 132, 142 Portugal, abortion in, 136
Paycheck Fairness Act (2007), 152 Posner, Justice, 233
Pay equity, 147; Age Discrimination Postcolonial feminists, 9, 10
in Employment Act (ADEA), 151; Post-modernism, 246
Americans with Disabilities Act Post-structuralism, and early
(ADA) (1990), 152; Civil Rights Act childhood education, 241
(1964), 150–51; comparable worth, Power: and gender, 27, 28–29;
153–54; and engaged workforce, imbalances, 28–29, 31; and water
167–68; Equal Employment resources, 28, 29
Opportunity Commission (EEOC), Privatization and structural
151; Equal Pay Act (1963), 150; adjustment, 27
Federal Economic Act (1932), 149; Profiteers, 51
human resource recommendations, Protect Act of, 2003, 66–67
169–70; international comparisons, Protestant churches, 136
154–58; legislation in workplace, Protocol to the African Charter on
enforcing, 166–67; Lily Ledbetter Human and People’s Rights on
Fair Pay Act (2009), 152–53; the Rights of Women in Africa,
National Committee on Pay Eq- 132
uity, 151–52; National Recovery Psychological empowerment, 24–25
Act (1935), 149; Paycheck Fairness Public Services International, 157
Act (2007), 152; pay inequity and Punitive rape, 179–80
poverty eradication, 167; social
and institutional barriers, 165–66; Quid pro quo sexual harassment, 210,
socialization of women, to 221
avoid high-status occupations,
163–65; wage discrimination Rabidue v. Osceola Refining Co., 214
explanation, social science Radtke v. Everett, 215, 216
research view, 158, causal Rape, 139; actions for men and,
attributions for success and failure, 184–85; alcohol consumption and,
162–63, gender 182; cultural supports of: criminal
stereotyping, 159–61, job justice system, 196–97, media,
segregation, 163, performance 200–201, religion, 198–200; during
evaluation, 161–62; work and life armed conflict, 191–93; fear of, 195;
integration, 168–69 as form of exchange, 180, 185;
Pedophilia, 50 male perpetrators, characteristics
Pendleton, C., 159 of, 183–84; military, 188–91; myths,
Peru, 179, 180, 181; family planning 183, 198, 199, 200; non-normative,
in, 137 179, 180; normative, 179, 180;
Peterson, Esther, 150 organizational supports for, 185,
266 Index
sex trafficking, 185–88; poverty Samoa, 179

and, 181; prevalence, 178; punitive, Saxton v. American Telephone and
179–80; of refugees and internally Telegraph Company, 232
displaced women, 193–96; shame Scalia, Justice, 218, 219
of, 193; systematic, 6; women’s Schooling, and sexuality, 242
vulnerability to, 180–83 Security Council, UN, 5, 191;
Reagan administration, 131 resolutions, 6
Realpolitik, 9 Self-efficacy, 25
Reasonable victim standard, 211–19; Self-harm, 120
feminist theories on, 218; Self-initiated marriages vs. arranged
gender-conscious standard, 215–17; marriages: expectations of mar-
legal views on, 217 riage and relationships, 114; mari-
Reed v. MBNA Marketing Systems, Inc., tal characteristics, 115; marital
226, 227, 229 satisfaction in, 112–13; personal
Refugees and internally displaced well-being, 118–19; spousal abuse,
women, rape of, 193–96 116–18
Religion: influence on reproductive Self-insemination methods, 134
rights, 135; and sexual assault, Serbia and Montenegro, 179
198–200 Serial killers, 50–51
Religious Coalition for Reproductive Sexual assault, 201. See also rape; as
Choice, 136 accepted practice, 200; coercive,
Report on Compliance with the 190; and criminal justice systems,
Hague Convention, 47, 59 197; military rape and, 189–90; in
Reproductive decision-making, 138; refugee camps, 195; religion and,
shared, 138 198–200; survival, 190; survivors
Reproductive justice, 130; for of, 181–82
children’s health and develop- Sexual harassment (SH), 209;
ment, 140; importance, 138–40; pol- affirmative defense requirement: to
itics and culture influence, 130–38; report issue, 220–30, reluctance
for women’s equal rights, 140; for and delay of victims in reporting,
women’s mental health, 139–40; 223–30; behavior levels, 230–34;
for women’s physical health, Civil Rights Act and Title VII,
138–39 210–11; corporate rules on, 220–21;
Reproductive rights, 129; definition, definition of, 210; prevention:
130; women’s perspectives on, among young children, 239,
141–42 distribution, 240–41, programs,
Republic of Congo, 186 244–49; reasonable victim stand-
Revictimization and sexual assault, ard, 211–19; supervisor harassment
181–82; in refugee camps, 195 and coworker harassment, differ-
Rice, Condoleezza, 9 ence between, 222
Riley, D., 216, 217 Sexual health, 83–84
Roman Catholic Church, 135, 136; Sexuality: and gender, 241; and
Ethical and Religious Directives, schooling, 242
135 Sexual rights, 7, 84–86
Romania, 186 Sexual violence, 6; definition of, 178;
Rozee, P., 177 escalation of, 192; by nonpartners,
Runaways, 54–56 179; by partners, 179; refugee
Runyan, A. S., 1 camps and, 194
Russia, 186 Sharia Law, 133
Rwanda, 3, 5, 6, 191, 192 Shaw v. AutoZone, Inc., 226
Index 267
Sierra Leone, 190, 191 Ubang community, 133

Singapore, 157, 191 Uganda, 185, 193
Sleeping Beauty, 242 Ukraine, 186
Smaller families, 140 UN Decade for Women, 1, 6
Sochua, Mu, 187, 188 UN Development Fund for Women
Solberg, J., 209 (UNIFEM), 2, 3, 5; Progress of the
Souter, Justice, 222 World’s Women Report, 4
South Africa, 180, 186; gender UN Division for the Advancement of
equality and reproductive rights Women (UNDAW), 3
in, 137 UNHCR, Executive Committee
South Asia, reproductive rights in, Conclusion on Refugee Protection
136 and Sexual Violence No. 73
Spain, 184, 201; abortion in, 135 (XLIV), 194
Speech, L., 147 United Kingdom, reproductive rights
Spousal abuse: financial hardships, in, 134
118; immigration policies, 116–17; United Nations (UN), 129, 139, 141
social isolation, 117 United States, 181, 186; assisted
Spousal immigration policies, 116–17 reproductive techniques, 137;
Stereotypical abduction, 49 reproductive rights in, 135;
Stingley v. State of Arizona, 217 unintentional pregnancy in, 136–37
Stranger abductors, 49–50; Universalism, 19–20; and legalization
characteristics: apparent normalcy, of women’s rights, 20–21
51–52, modus operandi, 52; lures UN Office on Drugs and Crime
used by, 52–53 Database (UNODC), 186
Structural adjustment: and land UN Resolution 1325, 195
reform, 31; privatization of natural UN Fund for Population Activities
resources, 27 (UNFPA), 129, 133
Sub-Saharan Africa, reproductive Uzbekistan, contraceptive patterns in,
rights in, 136 130
Sudan, 6, 192, 195
Summers, L., 159 Vietnam, 157; laws related to
Supervisor harassment, 222, 224 marriage: abolition of arranged
Survival rape, 190 marriage, 108, age of marriage,
Sweden, 157 107, 108, Marriage and Family
Switzerland, 155 Law (1960), 108, polygamy, 108
Systematic rape, 6 Violence: physical, sexual and
psychological, 177–78; sexual. See
Tanzania, 179, 181, 194, 195, 196 sexual violence; against women,
The Terror Dream, 10 197; workplace, 210, 212, 213
Thailand, 157, 179, 181, 186 Violence against women, 240
Third World women, 7, 9 Violence against Women Bill, 197
Throwaways, 54–56 Violent behavior, 246
Total life planning, 168
Transnational feminism, 2; and Wage gap, and gender, 147–48,
critiques of global feminism, 7–10; 166–67
globalization and, 18; practices, 15 War Labor Board, 149
Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), 155 Water rights and women, 28–30
Trokosi tradition, 199–200 Watts v. Kroger, 224
Turkey, 29, 186 West Los Angeles Veterans
Tysiac v. Poland, 132, 142 Association Health Center, 189
268 Index
West Timor, 194 Women’s International League

Widow marriage, 105–6 for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), 5
Williams v. Saxbe, 210 Women’s reproductive rights. See
Women and sexuality, 81; definitions, reproductive rights
82–84; sexual behavior, 86–89, Women’s Rights are Human Rights
notion of social power, 89, rate of campaign, 8
sexual activity, 87, and sexual Women with cognitive impairments,
identity, 88–89, sexual partners, 87; sexual assault risk, 135
sexual desire, 89–92; sexual Workplace: equality in, 251; violence,
210, 212, 213
problems, 92–94, classification
World Association of Sexology, 82
system, 93, definition, 93, medical
World Bank, 5, 137
model, 92; sexual rights as human
World Health Organization, 36, 37,
rights, 84–86 82, 130
Women’s Caucus for Gender World War II, and sexual aggression,
Justice, 5 191
Women’s Commission for Refugee
Women and Children, 5, 195 Yates v. AVCO Corp., 214
Women’s Environment and Yugoslavia, 6, 191
Development Organization
(WEDO), 3 Zapatero, Prime Minister, 135
Women’s Equality Day, 147 Zimbabwe, 180, 186

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Daughters of Madness: Growing Up and Older with a Mentally Ill Mother

Psychology of Women: Handbook of Issues and Theories, Second Edition

WomanSoul: The Inner Life of Women’s Spirituality

MICHELE A. PALUDI, EDITOR

Michele A. Paludi, Series Editor

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

‘‘Remember, our heritage is our power; we can know ourselves and

Chapter 9: Sexual Minority Women: Sources and Outcomes

Because women’s work is never done and is underpaid or unpaid or boring

Take a non-Eurocentric view of women’s experiences. The books in this

I learned so much about women. Women face many issues: discrimina-

Nye’s sentiment is echoed throughout this three-volume set on femi-

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Feminist psychology and feminism in general seem to be at the point of

pattern. But we have not stopped questioning the process of quilting

In Volume 1, Heritage, Roles, and Issues, contributors have discussed

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In Volume 2, Mental and Physical Health, contributors deal with vio-

Female survivors of sexual violence are everywhere. They are in univer-

The international focus on feminism and women’s rights is contin-

It is only if arranged marriages are understood in light of their inten-

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socialization. I encourage you to do the same. It is my hope these three

The Myth of the Man-Hating Feminist

THE HE-MAN WOMAN-HATER AND THE

fantasy, the fraternal organization protects men from the trials of

individual man himself. As with any political caricature, the images do

FEMINISM: THE ANTI-FEMINIST CREATES

feminism, and what it actually means to call oneself a feminist, has

feminists is strikingly small. In surveys of university women, the per-

MOST WOMEN ENDORSE FEMINIST PRINCIPLES

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AMBIVALENCE TOWARD MEN: TWO ASPECTS OF

students and asked them to respond to statements about gender roles

WHY DOES THE MYTH OF THE FEMINIST

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DISCRIMINATION AND DISRESPECT

only 16.1 percent of the members of the U.S. House of Representatives

AMBIVALENT SEXISM: THE CARROT AND THE

Similar to their measure of ambivalence toward men discussed earlier,

sexism is the ‘‘stick’’—the hostility that women who reject traditional

that can also be related to other objectionable attitudes. Feminists, who

PENALTIES FOR NONTRADITIONAL WOMEN

categories, it should be clear that what makes feminists threatening is

judging women in male-dominated occupations: Women were viewed

(2000), who has studied community responses to anti-violence activists,

CONFUSING THE UNIT OF ANALYSIS: ‘‘WAR AGAINST

STEALING THE CENTER STAGE OF OPPRESSION:

Assault is Ruining Our Schools, Families, Military, and Sports, accompa-

and draw upon the accumulated confusion and misinformation that

Bullock, H. E., & Fernald, J. L. (2003). ‘‘Feminism lite?’’ Feminist identiﬁcation,

Haddock, G., & Zanna, M. P. (1994). Preferring ‘‘housewives’’ to ‘‘feminists’’:

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Women have made signiﬁcant social, academic, and occupational gains

succeed in a particular activity are somehow ‘‘natural’’ to that person (or

Workplace stereotypes often hinder women’s advancement (Cramp-

spatial reasoning. In essence, cognitive differences based upon gender

(Robinson et al., 1996), which may affect their performance on standar-

inﬂuenced by them, e.g., by parents and teachers. For example, accord-