UMENI 3-4 ART214 CLANKY ARTICLES MICHELE BACCI UNIVERSITY OF FRIBOURG The Pisan Relic UMENI ART 3-4 LXIV. 2016 in Saint Peter of VySehrad and the Medieval Disputes about the Earliest Consecrated Altar Even in its present, strongly restored form, the Church of Saint Peter of VySehrad [1] can hardly leave visitors cold. ‘The building is admittedly remarkable for its monumental appearance, but viewers are basically fascinated by its location overlooking the whole of the Czech capital [2] and its visual dialogue with Prague Castle. Itis one of the most eminent landmarks in the city and originally played an important role in the local sacred topography as it was shaped, or re-shaped, by Emperor Charles IV in the mid-14* century. As pointed out in a number of excellent recent studies, this key figure of Bohemian history made many efforts to invest the town landscape with new, religious and political, meanings, and to operate a real translatio Romae by means of a very skillful and sophisticated transplantation and mise-en-scéne of sacred Roman relics in the most important churches. In this respect, the case of VySehrad stands out as unique, and indeed, its dedication to Saint Peter invested this church with enormous symbolic power: If Prague ‘was to be regarded as a new Rome in both political and religious terms, VySehrad was to be perceived as a site equating to the Vatican basilica. The regular canons who officiated there could boast of much the same rights and ignity as their Roman colleagues, to such an extent, that they were even authorized to wear the pallium; moreover, its liturgical uses were modeled on those established in the eternal city. Charles was able to obtain papal recognition of the church’ leading role, so that, as Giovanni de’ Marignolli wrote, ‘there may be forever a seat and a special house of Saint Peter asin Rome’* ‘The connection with the holy city was made evident not only by the church's dedication and by the analogy with the role played by Saint Peter's in Rome as a most ‘eminent ecclesiastical see, but also in some way by a topo- mimetic device, given that the VySehrad was located, much like the ager Vaticanus, in a peripheral, suburban environment? In order to be effectively perceived as a local equivalent to the basilica Sancti Petri, the place needed an important relic, which it still lacked when in 1954-1355, Charles 1V went to Italy in order to reaffirm his authority over the peninsula and carry out a devout pilgrimage cad limina apostolorum. During this trip, he provided himself with many sacred mementoes, such as copies of the Veronica and the Aracoeli Madonna and many important relics, including a fragment of the Virgin Mary's veil imbued with blood, which were deposited in the Cathedral of Saint Vitus in the Prague Castle.* Such objects managed to reinforce and materialize the Roman connection that the Emperor wished to show when shaping the holy topography of his capital In this respect, it may perhaps sound surprising that the worship- worthiness of the VySehrad church, which was to be regarded as the most obviously Roman of al the sacred buildings in Prague, was built around a sacred object which Charles happened to find not in Rome, but ina site that was not obviously connected to the holy city, ie. in Pisa, one of the German emperors’ and the Luxembourg ynasty’s most loyal allies in the Italian peninsula. In this paper, [would like to investigate a litle further the motivations which led him to choose a ‘decentralized’ object with the aim of reinforeing the symbolic connection of the VySehrad church with the eternal city and Saint Peter's. ‘he circumstances under which Charles came to appropriate this relic are well known thanks to a number of historical accounts and original documents which were recently investigated by Helena Soukoupovs, Katefina UMENI ART 3-4 LXIV. 2016 MICHELE BACCI THE PISAN RELIC IN SAINT PETER OF VYSEHRAD AND THE MEDIEVAL DISPUTES ABOUT THE EARt Kubnové and Martin Bauch,* but itis worth stressing some details which were only partly taken into account Charles entered the walls of Pisa on 18 January 1355 with a public adventus, which was intended primarily to demonstrate and emphasize the Emperor's unparalleled piety, as was made evident by his renunciation of any sumptuous apparatus and by his humble garments, His religiousness so greatly impressed all those who came from Pisa and other Tuscan towns to see him that, as, one writer stated, some had the feeling that ‘he was the Lamb of God, who came to the world to convert Christians to peace, as demonstrated by his outward ‘appearance.* During his stay in the Tuscan town, he made every possible effort to publicly manifest his devotion: on the adventus day itself, he made an offer of 29 gold coins on the main altar of Pisa Cathedral. Later on, he paid homage to Cardinal Pierre Bertrand de Colombier, Bishop of Ostia and Velletri and representative of the Papal court, and promoted the celebration of, a number of liturgical rites, including a solemn votive mass for the soul of his predecessor Henry VII performed in front of the latter's tomb inside the Cathedral? As he hhad done in other Italian towns, he inquired about local cults and went personally on a pilgrimage to each of the holy mementoes preserved in town. Even if Pisa was not greatly known for its treasured relics, the Emperor was encouraged to manifest his piety toward a holy place located in the town outskirts, which was by then considered to be worthy of worship on account of its status as liew de mémoire, namely the church of San Piero ‘Grado, which was considered to mark the very site ‘where Saint Peter had first disembarked on Italian soil, before moving to Rome. [3] According to a legend which, as we will see later, was probably worked out in its final form only during the 12% and 13 centuries, when the Apostle left Antioch to move to Rome, he would have landed on the Tuscan coast near the mouth of the Amo river, ad gradus Arnenses, even if this was hardly logical, given that Pisa is located to the north of Latium and far away from the eternal city. Arriving during the winter season, he decided to spend six months in that place, which he provided with a church he built with his own hands and an altar he erected and solemnly consecrated. Then he went to Rome where, before his martyrdom, he urged his disciples to pay homage to the church he had founded on the outskirts of Pisa. Later on, Saint Clement came to the mouth of the Arno to perform a solemn ceremony by which the building was rededicated to Saint Peter himself. God sent a miraculous sign during the rte: three drops of blood fell from the third Pope's nose onto the altar table and left indelible stains on its marble surface." Tis not clear the extent to which Charles may have ‘been aware of the cultic importance of the site. Perhaps he simply wished to follow in the steps of his grandfather Henry VIT of Luxembourg, who was also known to have made a pilgrimage to San Piero a Grado in 13122 In any CLANKY ARTICLES 215 CONSECRATED ALTAR case, his counselors and the representatives of the Pisan clergy probably suggested that his public image as a pious sovereign would be improved if he were to manifest his piety in that very place. Their arguments must have 2 / Prague, Saint Pete of Vyiehrad, interior view Phot tute of rt stay of he Cech Alen of cece — Vad Ban216 CLANKY ARTICLES UMEN[ ART 3-4 LXIV. 2016 3 /San Piero a Grado (@isa), Basilica of nt Peter ad Gradus amentes 12% cary been much convincing, given that he decided to go there twice, on February 8, 1355 and again on February 14." Some notarial documentation associated with these events makes it clear that the Emperor went there in devocionis spiritu, for the sake of his personal devotion, and his choice to perform his pilgrimage on two Sunday ‘mornings was meant to lay emphasis on his extraordinary piety. Yet, the same documents indicate that the Emperor suddenly became aware of the extraordinary memorial qualities associated with Saint Peter's altar during his first visit, when he unexpectedly head of the founding legend vulgariassercione ac fama, ie. as common! believed a ‘We can guess that he may have been impressed by the way in which the event of Saint Peter's landing was staged in the church interior. [4] By that time, the building appeared in its most sumptuous form. It was a large three-aisled Romanesque church, embellished by lavish mural paintings made by the Lucchese painter Deodato Orlandi in the first decade of the 14" century. Upon entering the interior, the Emperor must have been struck by the rich evocation of Rome and the authority of Saint Peter's apostolic tradition. All that remains today is the painted decoration of the northern and southern walls of the central nave, where the lower row {sof portraits of the Popes from the first millennium 41) The ciborium and site of Saint Peter's first altar San Pero Grado (Piss), Basilica of Saint Peter ad Gradusaxnenses Pho: Mile Bet UMENI ART 3-4 LXIV. 2016 MICHELE BAC! CLANKY ARTICLES 217 THE PISAN RELIC IN SAINT PETER OF VYSENRAD AND THE MEDIEVAL DISPUTES ABOUT THE EARLIEST CONSECRATED ALTAR up to John XVII (4.1003) and the upper one shows the walls of the Heavenly Jerusalem and the perspective of the afterlife frame a wide cycle of the Life of Saint Peter. [5] Due to its rather conservative, old-fashioned style, the latter has never enjoyed a great success in art- historical discourse. Since they were interpreted by Piero DAchiardi in 1906 and again by Jens Wollesen in the 1970s as probable copies of the cycle originally displayed in the Atrium of Saint Peter's in Rome, the murals were ‘mostly regarded as visual evidence of what the famous archetype may have looked like.” Most recently, Assaf Pinkus and Michal Ozeri suggested that the cycle be viewed as a sort of visual manifesto of the contemporary theological debate on the nature of miraculous power and its shifting from the Apostles living body to his relics, and from the latter to his images. Even if such interpretations are certainly fascinating and open interesting perspectives, itis striking to note that they tend to minimize or overlook the ways in which the murals emphasized the memorial 5 / Deodato Orlandi, The Hes rural painting and cultic qualities associated with the site. Three scenes that were thoroughly alien to the Roman model were given special prominence on the westernmost side of the south nave, They stand out for their non-narrative character, which seems to be at odds with their inclusion in the episodes of the Apostle’s life. We can see a group of rich laymen, wearing long robes and hats in the fashion of early 14" century [7], who throng the space in front of a tall building. [6] The latter's round apses decorated with blind arcades indicate that the image represents the church itself. In its turn, the crowd stands for the community of Pisa gathering in San Piero a Grado to accomplish one of the yearly pilgrimages, such as those taking place on the Feast of Ascension and on July 62" The legendary voyage of Saint Peter to the mouth of the Arno river was evoked by the Apostle’s boat shown to the left of the building [6], so that the founding event of the holy site, Peter's sea voyage, could be used as a visual counterpart to the Pisan believers’ annual pious walk from the town to its coastal outskirts. The display sly Jerusalem, Scenes of Salnt Peter's Life, Portrats of the Popes up to Job XVI, 1300 ‘San Pleroa Grado, Basilica of Seint Peter ad gradus Armenses, north wall ofthe nave Soo we oS F218 ELANKY ARTICLES of two opposite movements to both sides of the church visually emphasized the latter. The abrupt interruption of the narrative sequence forced viewers to direct their slance to the image of the building, which worked as a topographical indicator marking the very spot where Peter had disembarked and where he had erected an altar: The later [8] was indeed the most important cultic focus within the basilica: it stood exactly below the iconic replica of the church, in the western part of the nave, far from the main apse but close to the western one, a fairly ‘unusual solution which marked out the holy place and its site-specific sanctity. Visitors looking toward the easter apse could easily identify Saint Peter’ altar because of its eccentric, asymmetrical location close to the south colonnade. [4] Before the latter was framed within a monumental ciborium in the late 14% century, the sanctity of the cult- object was visualized by the three painted compositions evoking the role of San Piero a Grados a memorial and pilgrimage site and displayed exactly above it UMENI ART 3-4 LXIV.— 2016 Archaeological excavations have shown that the altar stands on the remnants of an earlier apse.” Its shape is that of a simple, low column whose abacus, ‘supporting two stone slabs, was originally meant as a stand for somewhat larger altar table. Its outward appearance in its medieval state is probably reproduced in the almost vanished mural displayed between the Liberation of ‘Saint Peter and The Apostle’s Voyage to Italy, where two acolytes wearing diaconal garments flanka bishop, usually identified as Peter himself, celebrating at an altar looking exactly like the one worshipped below, made up of a column supporting two marble slabs of different size {5] The position of this scene prior to the one evoking Peter's disembarking led scholars to assume that it may have been used as a visual hint at the Apostle's deeds after his departure from Jerusalem and it was therefore tentatively identified as a representation of Peter performing the Mass in Antioch Cathedral. Yet, the accurate reproduction of the altar which, in that specific context, worked as a cultic focus can hardly be 6 Deiat Ovand Sane ete’ Ship Aproaches th Piss Shore — ‘ebanlicsafSonPlerea Grane oo il paiting ati ‘San Piero Grado, Basilcn of Saint Poter ad grads Amenses, south wal ofthe nave UMENI ART 3-4 LXIV. 2016 MICHELE BACC! CLANKY ARTICLES 219 JHE PISAN RELIC IN SAINT PETER OF VYEEHRAD AND THE MEDIEVAL DISPUTES ABOUT THE EARLIEST CONSECRATED ALTAR. considered to be fortuitous and it seems much more likely that the image was intended to evoke the founding act, of the holy site, namely its erection and consecration by the First of the Apostles or; less likely, its dedication to Poter himself by Saint Clement. Not unlike the following three mural paintings, this frescoed panel worked more as a topographical indicator than as a narrative scene. In the same way as the Voyage introduced a visual parallel to the representation of contemporary lay pilgrims to San Piero a Grado, the emphatic representation of the altar interacted with the representation of the church as alocal shrine, by showing the reason why it was to be deemed holy site. ‘There is little doubt that Charles 1V was struck on his first visit by this very peculiar mise-en-scdne of the site's value asa place of special sanctity. Probably he was guided by Michele, the rector of the basilica, which since 1345 had been under the direct control of the Archbishop of Pisa,” and was then informed in detail about the cultic importance of the site. The mural helped | Deodato Orlandi, Pisan Notables on Pilgrimage atSan Pleroa Grado, c.1300 rural painting ‘San Pleroa Grado, Basilica of Sent Peter ad aradus Amenses,south wall ofthe nave hotest to make evident the reason why that tiny column was tobe regarded as especially worth looking at. During his visit, the Emperor was accompanied by the dean of the regular canons of VySehrad, Siegfried, who may also have played a role in encouraging Charles to appropriate the Pisan relic with the aim of reinforcing the religious pedigree of the most important site for Saint Peter's worship in Prague. Itis certainly a fact that pressure was immediately put on Archbishop Giovanni Scarlatti in order to obtain a fragment of the altar, and more specifically of its marble table. As noted by ‘Martin Bauch, unlike the Emperor's pilgrimages and ‘manifestations of piety which were regularly given the maximum visibility, this affair took place in secrecy and was not revealed to the town citizens, so there is no ‘mention of it in Pisan chronicles. On February 12, Archbishop Giovanni agreed to Charles IV's request and charged the Venetian stone-cutter Franciscus to saw a part of the altar table in the presence of the notary Raynerius, the Rector of | 48 (The Altar of Saint Peter ‘Sen Piero a Grado, Bailie of Sent Pete ad gradus Armenses220 © CLANKY ARTICLES the church Michele, the Rector of the nearby hospital Jannocco, and Ganon Siegfried of VySehrad’s delegate, ‘Mauritius of Braanruch. The event was recorded in detail {na notarial act, reporting that the marble slab was taken out of the column that supported it and brought to the priests kitchen where it was laid on a table and cut in two pieces.” Strikingly enough, the document describes aspects of the cult-phenomenon which did not perfectly fit its principal characteristics. Pisan sources indicate very clearly that the altar table appealed to believers especially on account of the miraculous signs imprinted on its surface, namely the traces of the drops of blood that had fallen from Pope Clement's nose during the consecration of the church. A number of sources report that, ince the first half of the 14" century, the altar table had been detached from its support and ‘used as a way to delocalize the site-specific sanctity of ‘San Piero a Grado. As early as 1313 a document reported that the relic was usually kept in the Benedictine ‘monastery of San Paolo a Ripa d’Arno and brought back to the basilica only on the occasion of the major feasts. In 1520 it was kept in the sacristy of Pisa Cathedral and was labeled metonymically as the ‘blood of Saint Clement. It is possible, as Mauro Ronzani argued, that the separation UMENI ART 3-4 LXIV.— 2016 of the altar table from the site was a consequence of the long dispute between the rectors of San Piero ‘Grado, who were originally appointed by the Papal curia, and the Pisan Archbishopric, which had claims ‘on the basilica and its properties and finally gained full control of it in 1345. Itis possible that, as a consequence of the Archbishop's success, the altar table was given back to the church and almost permanently exhibited on the top of Saint Peter's column. As witnessed by a document drawn up in 1349, the town Elder decreed that the altar table, which was by then normally kept in San Piero a Grado, be transferred to the Camposanto on Good Friday, in order to enable those who could not go to the gradus Arnenses on Maundy Thursday to worship the relic and therefore accomplish a sort of surrogate pilgrimage." Itcan therefore be assumed that the marble slab, part of which was given to Charles IV, was actually the one imbued with Saint Clement's blood, even if the official documents issued by the curia avoided all possible hints at this peculiar aspect of the legend. ‘his probably means that the Pisan clergy ‘made sure that the Emperor was to receive a part of the piece of marble which was not marked by traces of the miraculous effusion, It was not the connection with Clement that Charles was interested in as much as that with the First of the Apostles. When the Emperor was back to Prague, the relic was solemnly laid in a special altar located in the west side of the church of Saint Peter ‘on the Vyehrad, in a position which was intentionally reminiscent of that of the Apostle’ column in San Piero Grado.” This desire to imitate the precise setting of the Pisan shrine indicates that the relic was perceived as deserving of worship on account of its status as the earliest known stone altar of Western Christianity, erected by the hands of Saint Peter himself. Indeed, the gift of the relic took place on February 22 and was ratified in a notarial act subscribed by Archbishop +here the origins and cultic importance of the tradition connected to San Piero a Grado were justified with a reference to the authority of ancient and renowned writers. Whereas the previous document just stated that the altar ‘was erected and consecrated bby Saint Peter" and that the Apostle performed the Mass there, ‘as witnessed by both public and recognized scriptures and public renown, the new act offically ensured that the local legend concerning Peter's landing, erection of an altar, performance of the Mass on its table, and dedication by Pope Clement to Saint Peter 9 Deodato Orland, Saint Peter Performing the Mass ‘onthe Altaron the Pisan Share?) «1300 ‘mural painting San Piero a Grado, Basilica of Salnt Peter ad gradus Amense, south wall of the nave UMENI ART «3-4 LXIV. 2016 MICHELE Bact ELANKY ARTICLES 221 THE PISAN RELIC IN SAINT PETER OF V¥SEHRAD AND THE MEDIEVAL DISPUTES ABOUT THE EARLIEST CONSECRATED ALTAR (significantly without any mention of the drops of blood) was not just a folk legend, but rather sanctified tradition first recorded in a text said to have been found in the church itself and attributed to Saint Isidore of Sevilla, the so-called Prologus's.Isidori des. Petro. Oddly enough, historical and literary research on this text was often inaccurate and hanuly satisfying. Scholars basically relied on the edition provided by the 18 century Ttalian scholar Ludovico Antonio Muratori, who made use of a loosely identified or possibly now lost manuscript formerly preserved in Lucca. Saint Isidore's sermon was included within a wider text labeled by Muratori as Breviarium Pisanae historiae. Although, the later includes a reference to Michele da Vico, a canon of Pisa Cathedral, as the one who ‘wrote this text in 1371 ‘AD. and accomplished it on August 10 itis most clearly «a compilation including an anonymous Pisan chronicle of the years 971-1269 and three more different texts, the De origine civitatis Pisanae by Bartholomew of San Concordio, the Sermo Isidor itself (here labeled as Sermo sancti Ysidori episcopi de vita et nomine sancti Petri) and a short report stating, in a fairly notarial style, that Hugh of Fagiano, the Latin Archbishop of Nicosia on Cyprus, hrad found in the Papal archives in Rome a copy of Godtrey of Viterbo's Pantheon and had transcribed a passage from the latter work recording the San Piero a Grado legend. It ‘can be assumed that Michele da Vico was either the author of the chronicle or the compiler that put the texts together. Indeed, he transcribed, even if in adifferent order, the content of a still unpublished parchment preserved in the Archbishopric’s archives in Pisa (1566) and dating from 1350, which included the short report on Hugh of Fagiano, the Sermo Isidori, and the De origine»* Until now, the Sermo Isidori was mostly considered tobe an independent text, falsely attributed to Isidore of Sevilla: even the Bollandists listed it in their Bibliotheca hagiographica latina under the heading Adventus , Petri Pisas and the code BHL 6679b. Concerning the dating, only a terminus ante quem non in the 8" or 9! century was proposed by scholars dealing with Pisas ecclesiastical history, namely by Maria Luisa Geccarelli Lemut and Stefano Sodi.” Yet, it passed completely unnoticed that the text is neither autonomous nor spurious: in fact, itis simply an interpolated version of the chapter describing Saint Peter's life in Isidore’s De ortw et obitu patrum, which briefly sketched out the Apostle’ virtues and described his itinerary from Jerusalem to Antioch and from there to Rome, the site of his martyrdom.”* In the original version, Peter's move to Italy was said to have been motivated by the need to struggle against Simon Magus: ,After founding the church of Antioch, in the times of Claudius Caesar he went to Rome [to struggle against Simon Magus], and there he held the pontificate ofthe city for twenty-five years, which he spent preaching the Gospet ‘The association between the purpose of the Apostles voyage and his final goal, Rome, was completely altered by the variant worked out by the Pisan interpolator in order to introduce the rather improbable detour to the gradus ‘Arnenses: After founding the church of Antioch, inthe times of Claudius Caesar he went to Rome [to struggle] against Simon Magus. Yet, with the help of God’s grace he came to Pisa, and first ofall to the Arno river. And given that winter was imminent, he decided to spend the winter there. n that place he stayed six months and built a church on the sea shore, which was later dedicated to him by Pope Clement. Afterwards, in the company of many disciples, namely Mark, ‘Martial, Dionysios and many more, he came to Rome, and there he held the pontificate ofthe city for twentyfive years, which he spent preaching the Gospel”. Another interpolation was included within the passage about Peter's martyrdom: at the point of death, the Apostle recommended to his disciples the church he had founded on the Pisan shore. In this way, the worship-worthiness of the holy site was legitimated by attributing to such a renowned church father as Isidore of Sevilla that reference to San Piero a Grado which, in the interpolator’s view, he ought not to have omitted in, his authoritative work on the Apostle's deeds. Iti difficult to say when exactly the variant was added, but itis unlikely that it dates back to earlier than the 14" century, given that no hints at it are found in previous centuries. ‘The Sermo Isidori was apparently unknown to Archbishop Federico Visconti who, in the 12608, made many efforts to promote and legitimate pilgrimages to the church: in a sermon held in situ on Ascension Day, he mentioned that his friend and colleague Hugh of Fagiano, a Pisan native who had left Cyprus in order to defend the rights of the Latin Archbishopric of Cyprus before the Pope and ‘was by then in Pisa, was engaged in seeking out early sources forthe legend of Saint Peter's voyage in Roman archives.” Indeed, as previously indicated, he was only able to find a mention in Godfrey of Viterbo's Pantheon, an encyclopedic work dating ftom the late 12% century: if, in Hugh and Federico Visconti’s view, this reference was sufficient to corroborate the validity and legitimacy of local tradition, itis possible that it was no longer viewed as sufficiently authoritative in the mid-14" century, when the cult was flourishing and widespread. In fact, in both the 1350 parchment and Michele da Vico's compilation the Sermo Isidori followed the report about Hugh's research and worked to integrate it. Such dynamics indicate that the shaping of San Piero a Grados sanctity was a rather ambiguous and controversial process of relatively recent date. Archaeological research does not really contribute to a clearer picture of how the place came to be regarded as holy. Excavations made in the 1980s showed that the present church rests on different architectural layers, the earliest one dating from the late Roman period and bearing witness to the site's use as a port of call and a trading centre. According to Fabio Redi’s proposal, an early, three-aisled basilica was already there in the 4! century and was reconstructed in the 8* or 9 and222 CLANKY ARTICLES enlarged again in the 10! century>® This seems to indicate a degree of cultic continuity, which has been regarded more or less implicitly as evidence to the church’s use as.a pilgrimage site, even if it simply bears witness to the uninterrupted presence of a liturgical building which was not necessarily invested with specific qualities. Indeed, the dedication to Saint Peter is not mentioned before the n' century and the specific denomination of | a parish church known as ‘ecclesia Sancti Petri ad Gradus’ first occurs in 2m6> Temust be stressed that, in this period, the connection of the building with the sea shore was no longer as evident as in ancient times: with the gradual silting up of the area the coastline had shifted westwards and the Amno River flowed into the sea further out. Nonetheless, the site was still named after the expression of ‘gradus Amenses, hinting ata river-and-sea call different from the real and larger port infrastructure — Portus Pisanus — located further southwards: this may have helped to invest it with a special aura.” Moreover, the presence of an old architectural structure, and probably also of some Roman remains, could suggest an association with the Apostolic era. Be this as it may, Hugh of Fagiano was perfectly right in citing Godfrey of Viterbo as the earliest written evidence about the site of Saint Peter's landing and itis striking that the Pisan church had to rely on this isolated reference in order to legitimate ‘worship. Federico Visconti was grateful to Hugh for enabling him to quote a textual witness fora cult which was apparently already widespread, yet supported only by the vox populi. Itis therefore important to understand under what circumstances and for what purposes the historian of Frederick Barbarossa decided to include a mention of San. Piero a Grado in his encyclopedic work. Scholarship on this author, who lived mostly in Germany at the Hohenstaufen court where he served as the Emperor's chaplain, traditionally described him as one of the most eminent representatives of the imperial party, even if Loren ‘Weber's seminal study laid emphasis on his somewhat ambiguous behaviour, best revealed by his attempt to get closer to the Papal court at the end of his life. His main work, the Pantheon, was conceived as a historical narrative, where the events of Frederick Barbarossa’ times were {introduced by a wide-ranging overview of human history since the creation of the world. A large section was devoted to providing accurate lists of all Christian kings and popes, with a long digression on liturgical topics. The passage concerning Pisa appears in. special chapter that explains how, when, and why the rite of consecrating altars was first developed.» ‘The text was not included in Waitz’s edition of the Pantheon, published only in part in the Monumenta Germaniae historica,* even if its presence in many early manuscripts rules out that it may be an interpolation. Already the title (De consecrationibus altarium quis inchoaverit a tempore beati Petri apostolt UMEN[ ART 3-4 LXIV. 2016 uusque ad nos) makes it clear that the reference to San Piero a Grado is exploited as a way to trace back to Saint Peter the Christian tradition of providing churches with fixed altars for the performance of the mass. Yet, the explanation proves to be, at first view, largely contradictory. The first sentence states that the consecration rite according to Roman custom was instituted by Pope Sylvester I, so relatively late after Christians were awarded freedom of worship by Constantine, Earlier Christian communities used toerect churches, but they had no stone altars, only wooden ones: the latter were not anointed with chrism as they were not yet invested with a clear Christological meaning, The reason for this was explained later on: because of persecutions, believers were obliged to gather in many improvised places and therefore made use of transportable wooden altars. Nonetheless, it was clearly stated in the first paragraph that the earliest stone altar was erected by Saint Peter ad gradus ‘Arnenses and was later consecrated with chrism by Pope Clement I, therefore much earlier than Sylvester's and Constantine's times.® How can we explain this apparently overt contradiction? Textual analysis indicates that most of it isa literal transcription of a passage of Bonizo of Sutri’s Liber de vita Christiana, written around 1080 by one of the most eminent representatives of the Gregorian reform." The passage on the origins of altar consecrations was largely intended to emphasize the role of the Lateran basilica in Rome, by then the Pope's cathedral in the holy city, as the oldest and most important church in the world and the real ‘mater omnium ecclesiarum. [10] Sylvester's decision to anoint the stone altar with chrism would have been approved by God by means of a miraculous sign, namely the apparition of Christ's mosaic image in the church apse, showing the church's dedication to the Holy Saviour. Bonizo’s arguments were further developed in the 12" century: the ancient Festum Salvatoris on November 9, originally connected with the commemoration of the icon stabbed by the Jews of Beirut and more generally with the annual anniversary of the end of Iconoclasm, ‘was transformed into a specifically Roman feast in memory of the church dedication rite performed by Pope Sylvester.” The Descriptio eclesiae Lateranensis, the first version of which was written by the local canons between, 1106 and 1128, went so faras to pretend that the ecclesia Salvatoris was the real heir to the Old Testament Temple and that the latter's ancient furnishings, including the menorah, were hidden under the presbytery.” ‘This enabled its authors to stress the parallels with the Ark of the Covenant, which was already hinted at by the itinerant wooden altars mentioned by Bonizo: according to the Descriptio, one such wooden altar was included by Sylvester within the new silver one, so that the transportable cult-object was symbolically incorporated into its fixed double” UMENI ART 3-4 LXIV. 2016 MICHELE BACCI CLANKY ARTICLES 223 THE PISAN RELIC IN SAINT PETER OF VYEHRAD AND THE MEDIEVAL DISPUTES ABOUT THE EARLIEST CONSECRATED ALTAR ‘The Lateran canons’ claims should probably be understood as a strategy to counter assertions of primacy over all Christian churches which were more or less explicitly worked out by the canons of both the Templum Domini and the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem in the same years. After the conquest of the holy city in 1099, the Islamic Dome of the Rock ‘was appropriated by Latin Christians and identified ‘with the Old Testament Temple: Rome's claim to preserve the original furnishings was instrumental in celebrating the Lateran as the final accomplishment of ‘what the ancient temple could only foreshadow.*” More complicated was the issue with the Holy Sepulchre: already the second Patriarch of Jerusalem, Daimbert of Pisa, had claimed for his see the role of ‘mother of all churches’ which was described as a prerogative of the Lateran church.* A monumental inscription, displayed in the Golgotha Chapel on the occasion of the dedication rite in 149 specified that the liturgy, performed by human hands, could add nothing to the sanctity of the place which had been consecrated by Christ's blood.* This reference to blood contained an implicit hint at the most important relic preserved in the Lateran, namely an ampulla originally said tobe filled with blood ex imagine, ie. poured out of the stabbed icon of Beirut, which played an important role in the most important feasts of the liturgical year, on the Festum Salvatoris on November 9 and its reinterpretation as Dedicatio ecclesiae Lateranensis.® Itis worth stressing that the connection of blood relics with dedication feasts stemmed from the Beirut legend itself, which claimed that the local bishop had distributed ampullae filled with the holy liquid emanating from the crucified icon throughout the Christian world, so that they might be used as consecration relics of altars dedicated to the Holy Saviour. The Jerusalem argument ‘was admittedly very effective: ifthe altar was simply the place where Christ’ Passion and Resurrection ‘were reenacted in the liturgical performance of the Eucharistic canon, then Golgotha could be perceived as the archetypal altar, whose consecration, literally its transformation into a holy object, had been performed by the Saviour through his sacrifice on the cross, instead of being mediated by a human ritual. With the aim of asserting the primacy of the Lateran basilica, local carions made all possible efforts to reinforce its sacred status. This process was not without arousing ‘many oppositions both inside and outside Rome. In about 140, Canon Petrus Mallius insisted on the privileged status of the Vatican basilica of Saint Peter's, which was supposed tohave been consecrated on its turn by Pope Sylvester, yet, as his rivals pointed out, eight days later‘ the event was ‘most significantly represented in the cycle at San Piero ‘Grado visually echoing the composition of Saint Peter consecrating the altar on the opposite wall. [a] ‘The church of Santa Maria in Campidoglio came more and more to be known as ‘ara coel, inasmuch it was associated with the legend, inspired by early Medieval texts yet widespread by the Mirabilia urbis Romae from the mid-12" century onwards, about the altar erected on the Capitol by Emperor Augustus after an apparition of the Virgin Mary: since it was built before Christs birth, it could be regarded as the very earliest known altar, even if it was never really used for the performance of the Mass. Later on, in 14* century Naples, the cantons of the town Cathedral referred back to the Lateran story when they pretended that the altar of the chapel of Santa Maria de Principio, visually emphasized by a most prominent mosaic, had already been erected by Saint Peter's disciple and first Neapolitan bishop Ansprenus and later consecrated by Pope Sylvester in the presence of Emperor Constantine). Against the background of this effort to identify the first consecrated altar, we can assume that Godfvey of Viterbo managed to exploit the San Piero a Grado legend in order to counter contemporary Roman. 10/ Rome, San Giovanni in Laterano (Basilica Salvatoris) _psidal view, mosaics thoroughly restored in 1875-1877 Pht: Michele Basi224 CLANKY ARTICLES claims to political and ecclesiastical prominence. He interpolated a short passage about the altar erected by Saint Peter and anointed with chrism by Clement ad gradus Arnenses and set it against Bonizo's characterization of Sylvester as the initiator of the practice of consecrating altars. He showed in this way that the custom could be traced back to the apostolic era and was simply reintroduced, not invented, by Pope Sylvester, Moreover, the reference to the drops of blood pouring out of Clement's nose reinforced the parallels with the most famous archetypal altars, and namely the one at the Lateran with its holy ampulla. It may be that Godfrey viewed this arguments politically efficacious, inasmuch as it claimed that the earliest Christian altar, the same that UMEN[ ART 3-4 LKIV. 2016 symbolized the power of the Roman church, was not in fact located in the Pope's cathedral, but rather on the outskirts of a city which stood out for its loyalty to the Imperial court. Charles IV and his counselors were probably not unaware of such connections when they ‘chose to relocate to Prague the sanctity of the Pisan shrine: much more than any Roman relic, the marble table of the earliest altar consecrated by Saint Peter could successfully suit the Emperor's attempt to evoke the holiness of the Roman Empire by investing his capital with sacred mementoes of the Apostolic era and, ‘more specifically, to transform the VySehrad church into a pilgrimage site which might be perceived as, an effective alternative to the Apostle’ laca sancta in the eternal city. 11/ Deodato Orlandi, Saint Sylvester Performs the Consecration Rite of the Basilica of Saint Peter in Rome, 1300 mural painting San Pleroa Grado, Basilica of Sant Peter ad gradus Arnenses, north wallof the nave ot: Melee UMENI ART 3-4 LXIV. 2016 MICHELE BACCI CLANKY ARTICLES 225 THE PISAN RELIC IN SAINT PETER OF VYSEHRAD AND THE MEDIEVAL OISPUTES ABOUT THE EARLIEST CONSECRATED ALTAR NOTES 1 ateina Kubinové, itt Romae. Kre V. aim, Praba 2006. — Marin Bauch, Divina faventeclemenca,Auserwalan, Fright und -Hellsvertlng in der Herschaspraxt Kaiser KarlV, K8In. 2015. 2 Giovanni de Marignolli,Cronicon, ed, Fontes rerum Bhemiarun, Prague 1876-188, vob Ip 604 3. Onthe history and archaclogy of Wye, ee Bai} NechvStal, Yylehrad, Praha 976. — lem, Koptuichrémsy, eta «Pola na Vpehraé, Praha 2004, — ft Huber and Bofivoj Nechvtal (es), Ks yea, rahaigga, — Boivj Nechvétal ed) rows ‘lero, Praha 200. — Idem (ed), Krélovsy Vera I, raha 2007, — er), rdw Vera V, Praha 2ora.— Helena Soukupovs, “x problematic Vybehra,Prickumy pants XI, 205, p. 3-54 4 Rubinovd (note), pp. 207-123, 247-286, — Bauch (notes), pp 301-31, 335-55 5 Kubinové (note), pp. 280-289.— Bauch note), pp 30-29, 242-246, 380-384, ~ Helena Soukupovd (note 3}, pp. 33-37. — Kem, “Pinsky ott Apotola Peta v chrmu Se Perna Pava na VyEehrad, {in Nechvdtal, rélvsky Vylehrad I (ote 3), pp. 266-19. {6 Donato di Nei, ronac,ed, Alessandro Lisni and Fabio facomett, ‘ronache sens Bologna 95 P56 7 Bauch (note) pps 13-14 {5A standard discusion ofthe legen canbe found in Francesco ese, San Piero Grado ea sua legend Livorno 1905. {9 Mauro Ronzan, San Pleroa Grado nelle vicende dll Chiesa plana del sco XI XIV, n Marla Luisa CeccarelliLemut and Stefano Sodi (ds), Nel sgnodt Pero, La Basia San Piero Grado da luago dele prima evangelizenion a meted pellegrinagiomedevae, Pisa 2005, PP. 27-80 e9.55. 410 Bauch (notes), pp 243-246 BL Actsisoued by the notary Rayners on February 12, and February 2,135, ed, Jana Zachos, Regestadiplomatica ne non eptolaiaBokemiae tt Moravia. Pos V. D46-1355 Fasciuls 4. 15-1855, Daln BfeZany 2004, pp 876-877 (a. 199) and 82-85 no. 200%), 12 PltrodAchiaa, ll ateseh dis, eros Grado presto Pisa «quell gi sistent net portico della Basilica Vatican, in At dl Congreso interasonae i sine storche (Rome, 1-9 April 1903). VIL Att dela Seton 1, Stora dll arte, Roma 905, p. 199-285. — Jens Wolese, ‘ie Freskn von San Piero Grado be Psa, Bad Oxynhausen 97. Ct also neo Carli Pittarapsena dl Trecete, Milano 195, vl 1.13. — dem, 1a pttraa Fs dle origin ala ‘ela manera’ is 994, 24-25. — -Mariaiula Burres and Antonino Galece, ffrsch medieval a Psa, Pisa 12008, pp.77-78.— Caterina Bay, Lorenzo Carlet and Franc Paliags, ‘Striailstrata dla pittura a Piss Dal orginal Cnguecento, ise 2035, pp. 66-69, 18 Assaf Pinks and Michal Ozer, From Body to leon: The Life of ‘Sts eter and Paul inthe Mural ofS Piro a Grado (Piss, Convivam 2034 pp. 18-141 14 Onthefeasts and local pilgrimages to San Pero a Grado, a8 ‘witnessed fom the 9 century onwards, see Ronzant (notes), pp. 34-38 hale Enilio Tolan, to sposaiio del Mare alt segisu San ito «Grado, Pisa 2004, pp 1-22, where mention is made of the processional rit taking place on uly 6 from Psa to San Pero a from thereto the sea, where the Bishop was acustomedto celebrate the so-called “marrage ofthe se symbolized by the act of throwing’ rng into the waves. 15 Fabio Re, ‘Le strutture ediliei dela basilica di San Piero Grado dalle oigint a seclo XV, n Ceccarel Lamut and So, Nel segnod Pietra (note 8) pp 98-16, esp 101 and 03. The petrographic analysis ofthe fragment recenty sent by the Archbishop of Pisa 9 the Vyichead indicated that the marble wed forthe altar was most probaly excavate in nearby Carrara f.Jan Zaviel and Vide 26te, “Petografc roabor Gloml otf desky zostela San Pero Grado _ Pise(srvern tale — Toss), in Nechvtal, Kilo Vlad 1 (note), pp. 10-183. On the later history of the relic, preserved in Fa Cathedral since the late century, ef. Tlain! (notes), pp.39-45. 16 DiAchiara (note), p. 208. — Wollesen (notes) p44. — Stefan Sd abs dt San Fer Grado, Pisa 98, p47. ~ Stsfana Sod and Marius Burvesi a Bastin d San Piero Grado, Psa 2010, p.6% 17 Ronzani (notes), pp. 64-65. 18 Bauch (ote) pp 245-246 Psan chroniclers limit themselves to mentioning Chava’ dubleplpiage to the church Ranieri Sado, Croncad Pita, e. Oto Hen, Rome 963, 9p 307 109. Actof February 2,135 (note), Ronzani (note 9) P5452 59. Tbldem, pp. 65-67 Soukupovs (note) pp. 173-17 ‘Aetof February 2,135 (nate). Sermo sant isidori de sanco Petro apostolo, .Ladovico Antonio, -Murator, Rerum talicarum sriptores, Milano 7s, Veo 161-398, ‘esp 165-167.On the Breviarum historaePsanae and Michele da Vico «fOtavio Ban, Studio sulla genes del test! ronstct pan! del sc XIV, Bulleting del stato tori allano archivo Muratoriano LXXV, 965, pp 259-39, esp 267-270, reprinted in dem, Studd storia ed Aiplomatiacomanate, Roma 3983, p. 97-85. 104-10% 25 Sermo sont dort, Murator (not 24), col. 98. 26 The parchment until now unnoticed, was found and pointed ‘out tome by my wife Barbara Giampi during her esearch work con Archbishop Hugh of agian fis, Archiepiscopal Archives, patchment na 566 27 Mais Lien CaccarllLomut nd Stafano Sod, Fe una eonsderasione delfevangelezaione della Tse la Chiesa dP dale origin afer caroingi, Rivista di storia dla chiesa in tli, 1096 pp 9-56, esp. 16-22. — Stefano So,‘ Pisanumn its apulsus evangeizszine di Piss mare in Marco Tangheron! el), soe AtMedierane. om, mee, ee dal Etraschi ot Medi exh. at), (Pisa, arsenali Mice 13 September9 December 2002), Milano 2008, PB. 126-18, e5P.129. 28 Isidore of Sevilla, De ortuet ola param, chap 67, dC. Chaparro Gémez, Paris 1985, pp 194-197 29. Federico Visconti, Sermo XIV, ed. Nicole Bciou, Lessermons et Invite pastoral Federico Vsontlarchenéquede Pe (258-127), Rome 3001, p. 399-608. 30 Fabio Rei, "Bsiin di San Piero Grade strate’ in Tere « podal: reper, document, magn pera storia di Coltano, Ponteders 1986, pp. 6-2. — em notes). 81 Ronzani (note 9), p38. 32. Marinella Paaquinuce and Renzo Mazza, "Lovelutione de orale nent piso fino lla met del XIX eco lltino dela Sait geagrofca italiana XX, 983, pp. 605-620, ep. 617-619. — ‘Maria Lisa CeecaeltLemut, Renzo Mazzanti and Polo Morelli, “contibuto dele fot storiche alla conoscenza della geomerfolog EBRESS226 CLANKY ARTICLES In Renzo Mazzanti (ed), La pianara di Pisa rilewcontermint La ‘natura ela stort, Roma 904, pp 401-429, xp. 401-402: Barbara DallAntonia and Renzo Mazzanti, ‘Geomorfologi edrogral, ‘in Tombolo,Teritorio della Basen i San Piero Grado, Psa 2001, pp. 30-32 ~ Silvia Duce, Marinella Pasquinuect and Stefano ‘Genovesi, ‘Portus isanus nella tad et imperlale (VI seclo): nuow dat archeologiel e font sevttea confront in Maria List ‘ceccreliLemut, Gabriela Grzell and Olimpia Vaccari, sistent portal dela Toscana medterane. nfesruture, cami, economia Aaland 094 Pisa 200, pp.29-56 33. Loren] Webes, The Historical Importance of Godfcy of Verb, Vitor X20, 1994, pp.51-19. CE Fiedevcke Boolean, Stade zum Penton des Gofied von Viterbo. Tell, Minchen992.— Maria .Doenger Ctl on Viterbo, in utr dr Ungebung der ren Sauer, Stutgare 97 pp 50-59 God's life and pp 10-1500 the Penton, ite diferent versions and inner strict. 34 Goufey of Viterbo, Pantheon ed Georg Wal, Monumenta Germania Histor Sexptores, Hannover 17, vl XX, pp. -398 35 have made ae of the txt included in one ofthe eviest manuscripts, Pris, BNE, Ms at. 154 GLX Cut XXXL, De corsecationbus lara qu ncoavrttempore Bet Per apes quad not Consecatones las et ecesirum secundum situ quem nine romans tenet ecclesia Svester papa primus ert institut use ten ab ipsisposolorum temporibus loca Deo Acata quae quibusdam fidelius vere celeste appellabantur bi collect erent pr unarsquague Sabb etn quibus populus hein ad audendu verbum Det et peeipenm dominic corporis t snguinssaramentum conveniet. Btapostolorum ocemur epltls et sanetorum param instru gsi quae lie sabus exrczabanut, non tum eismateungebantur nee laze taba pideun a huc erect in tlm in figura domi nose Yes Chis erlsnatedelibutum ql et alse nostra ct sacerdos ethos. Batus Petrus apestlus primum alae lpideum in lia erxit statin cum tranaetavit ciara Pisnoram ub hdl dictrecleia sancti Pet ad Gradu: quam eclesiam poten consecravit pop Clemens primus qu dum akare marmoreum ib super altar hoe dominic diiturcelebrasse mults saeramentum et snetorum predecssorum martyr, Lice decrta firmasse, ut nllum deincepe alate eset nis Iapideum, hoc tamen lignoum et patriarchal stailum altare ut nulls super illud tare nis romanus papa missam audeat celbrare. Quod in.cenadomini ‘ost dominic compors et sanguinscelebratam conmemoraconem a sacerdotibus violtus, mensaque ublata in pt altars concavo ‘usqu hod oleum exerizturetcrsmate ab pao papa benecitue, Esabbato vesperescent init batismo post letaniam et post noes dedicatam (er decanatun) Kyrie, pst ymaum angelicum et post colletam e post leetam apostlum, postquam papa stansin sede alta ‘voce cantavert allel illic reposita a saerdotbus epesta mens ‘recoil linteaminibus et pallets decenter omaturad sum, sacerdotals minster peragendum romano poate prepara. ‘Sed de ha varitate disse suficiat Et gud sant pares de consecration altarium et eclsiarum nobis tradiderunt per posse ‘breviter digessions 36 Bonito of Sut Liber de vite christian IV 98 ed mst Peels, Berlin 3930, p64 37 Michele Baes,“The mise-en-séne ofthe Holy in the Lateran ‘Church inthe Eleventh and Twelfth Gente fn Gerad oto Varela andjustin EA. Kroesen (ed), Romanesque Cathedrals in Medterranean Europe. Arhitectur, Ritual and Urban Contest, Turnout 2036, pp 187-203. 38 EWor Andersen Osta, Beyond the Vil Roman Construct of ‘the New Temple inthe Twelfth Century i Blanea Kahne! Galt Noga Banal and Hannah Vorbol (es), Visual Constructs ofeaslem, Turnout 2034, PB 1-378. 39 Descriptio eclsaeLaeranenss, ed, Roberto Valentin and iuseppe Zucchet, Codie tpagrafc della cit dl Roma, Roma 1940-1953, wl Il 336. 40 Oftestad (note 38) pp 173-175, 41 Asreconded by William of Tyrus,ChroniconX, 41,6. Robert, 1. G. Huygens, Turmhout 986.1, pp. 456-468 42 As witnessed by John of Wiebure,Pererinato ca.) ca. Rober B.C. Huygens, Perevinaiones tres Saevall he Wirbur, ‘Theoercws, Turnout, 194.12, and by Teodercis account ofthe Holy laces (ca. 1a), idem, 196; see also Hugues of Fleury, Liter gui madero- ram eg fancrum conte actus, Jean-Paul Mign,Ptrolegoe casts complet. Series lating, Pais, 844-1864, 0.163, colt 48. Michele Bac, "Que bello miracoo onde fala festa del santo Salvatore studio se metamorfon un legends in Gabriella Rossetti (ed), Sata Cracee Sento Voto. Contrbut alla tudo dlfrigine deta fortuna del cut de Salvatore (seca K-XV), Pisa 2003, pp.7-86.— em, "Le Mojestas, it Volto Santi Crt dl Beirat: nuove rflesion, eanagrphice Xt, 2044, pp. 45-66 | | | | UMENI ART = 3-4 LXIV. 2016 MicHELE Bacct ELANKY ARTICLES 227 THE PISAN RELIC IN SAINT PETER OF V¥SEHRAD AND THE MEDIEVAL DISPUTES ABOUT THE EARLIEST CONSECRATED ALTAR ‘44 Petrus Malls, Descriptio BaslcaeVaicanae, ed Valentn\ and ‘Bacehett, Cdicetoporafico (note 3) p. 375-442. 445 Christian Hulsen, "the Legend of Aracool Journal ofthe British and Anerican ArchacloicalSactety of Rome V (1907), Bp. 45-47.— em, Le ches dl Roma nel Medio Evo ctaloghl ed appunt, Florence san p. 323-304 — Eugen von Fraueahole, Imperator ctavanus ‘Augustus in der Geschichte und Sage des Mittelalters Historisches Jahrbuch XLVI (1926), pp. 86-122. ~ Benedetto Pesci, Laleggenda Ai Augusto el origin’ della chess di Marian Aracoel in Incoronceone della Madonna Araceli, Roma 1938, pp. 18-53. — Angelo ‘Monteverdi, Augusto nella tradzione medieval in Augustus. Stud in castone del Binllnario Auguste, Roma 198, pp.4i5-445,~ Anthony Cutler, ‘Octavian andthe Sybil in Christian Hands, Verglius x, 1965, pp. 23-32. — Philippe Verdier,‘ vision deVAra Coli au monastire Emmaus Prague in Etudes dart médéal ofertes Louis ‘Grodect, Paris 196, pp. 259-265. — Idem, ‘La nalssance Rome de a vision de Ara Goel, Un aspect de 'utopie dela Paix Prpétuelled travers un thimeiconographique’, Manges de Ecole franaise de Rome: Moyen ‘geet temps moderns XCI, 1982, pp. 85-18, he best survey of written sources sto be found in Nine R. Miedema, Die omischenKichen im Spatmttelalter nach den‘Tndulgentia eclesiaram ubisRomae’, Tubingen 2001, pp. 603-614 446 -VinniLachern, I Chroncon di Santa Marla del Principio (033 lec) ela mess in scena della litugia nel cuore della Cattedrale ‘41 Napot in Carlo Gaspari, Giovanna Grecoand RaffiellaPercben Benoit (ds), Dallimmagine alla storia, Studi per ricordare Stefanie Adamo _Muscetola, Pozzwol 2010, pp. sat-549.— Idem,‘ ChroniconSanctae -Marige de Principio le due redaatont (con qualche nota margine sl San ‘Gennaro vrei Séndor Mra) in Luisa Derese and Clara Gelao (ed), ‘empie forme delrt, Foggia 20, pp. 205-25