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To cite this article: Angela W. Little & Jasbir Sarjit Singh (1992) Learning and Working: elements
of the Diploma Disease thesis examined in England and Malaysia, Comparative Education,
28:2, 181-200, DOI: 10.1080/0305006920280206
Article views: 13
Most 'modern' societies invest in their education systems in the belief that education
promotes development. Developing countries, anxious to join the ranks of the developed,
and convinced by the arguments about the formation of human capital, have invested heavily
in the expansion of their education systems over the past three decades. But despite the
expenditure, the successful creation of a large pool of educated manpower and rapid
economic and social development has eluded many. In the search for more effective
educational intervention in the development process attention has shifted away from output
targets at different levels of education towards an emphasis on the education process itself.
The quality of the learning process is receiving increased attention in the search for the key
to economic and social development.
The Diploma Disease thesis elucidated by Ronald Dore in 1976 [1] provides one
perspective on the relationship between the quality of the learning process and economic and
social development. In contrast to earlier analyses which viewed educational quality in
educational systems as a function of teacher education and teacher training [2], the Diploma
Disease thesis posits that educational quality is determined in part by the pattern of use of
educational certificates for labour market recruitment, a pattern whose development varies
with the point in world history at which a country begins its drive towards industrialisation.
The 'late development' thesis as it applies to education is:
The later development starts (i.e. the later the point in world history that a country
starts on a modernisation drive) the more widely education certificates are used for
occupational selection; the faster the rate of qualification inflation and the more
examination-oriented schooling becomes at the expense of genuine education
[p. 7 2 ] . . . . One thing we can assert with confidence. In the third world today the
importance of qualifications is greater than in the advanced industrial countries.
Educational systems are more likely to be geared to qualification-getting, and the
consequences for the society and its pattern of development are likely to be even
more deplorable [p. 8 3 ] . . . . Schooling in developing countries seems . . . much less
effective at developing those attitudes which make people find intrinsic satisfaction
in creative mental activity [p. 95]. [3]
The thesis addresses the question of education and economic development with examples
from England, Japan, Sri Lanka and Kenya, countries which began their drives towards
modernisation at different points in world history. The thesis is pitched at multiple levels of
182 A. W. Little & J. S. Singh
analysis, from the recruitment and selection systems of modern sector labour markets to the
educational ethos of schools, the learning processes of individuals in the classroom, and the
learning and motivational orientations of the labour force.
In late developing societies where educational growth has outstripped economic growth,
an extremely high premium is placed on educational certificates as the most just and
legitimate means of allocating scarce opportunities in the 'modern' sector of employment.
Educational institutions serve primarily to grade and select young people for jobs, entrants
to the labour market being described as 'well schooled' rather than 'well educated'. The
school 'screens' for ability and social characteristics rather than forms and develops 'human
capital'. Great value is placed by all actors in the education system on the assessment
process which comes to dominate curricula in school and learners who develop an instru-
mental orientation to learning. Assessment-dominated schooling is considered antithetical to
the growth and development of individuals and society since it encourages the development
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of instrumental and ritualistic workers, desirable perhaps from the employer's point of view
for those who perform routine tasks, but not for those whose task it is to initiate, to innovate
and to create.
Initiation, innovation and creativity are posited by Dore (1976) to be critical for the
long-term development of all national economies and societies. While acknowledging the
impact of factors at several levels of the workplace and economy on the processes of
innovation and creativity the role of the individual worker in that process cannot be denied,
a role which is construed as the outcome of a motivational orientation towards work as well
as the intellectual skills of the worker. Those who have approached their learning at school
as qualification-earning, regard learning as "ritualistic, tedious, suffused with anxiety and
boredom, destructive of curiosity and imagination, in short anti-educational" [4]. On the
whole they transfer similar attitudes and behaviour patterns to work and are driven by an
overriding desire for the material advantages that accrue, their interest in the job extending
only to the satisfaction of minimum job requirements.
Since the publication of the Diploma Disease a number of empirical studies have
focussed on the ill-effects of examination-dominated education systems. The use of educa-
tional qualifications for job recruitment has been examined in Sri Lanka, Mexico, Ghana,
Tanzania, Kenya, Somalia, Zambia, Sierra Leone, Liberia and the Gambia [5]. The intensity
of demand for schooling and certificates and its impact on teaching and learning quality in
schools have been the subject of primary data analysis in Ghana, Mexico, China and
Malaysia and secondary analysis of IE A data sets from Chile, India, Iran and Thailand [6].
While most of these studies have confirmed the close correspondence between educational
levels, job categories and income, and have identified variations in teaching methods and
learning styles and orientation, none has examined the hypothesised contradiction between
assessment-orientated schooling and long-term innovation and creativity. It is this contradic-
tion between assessment-orientated learning and long-term innovation and creativity which
lies at the heart of the thesis and warrants the term Diploma Disease rather than the anodyne
and less emotive 'rat-race', 'paper chase' or 'qualification syndrome'.
This element of the overall thesis is pitched at the level of inter-individual differences.
The thesis suggests that whereas the developmental classification of a society as an 'early
developer' or 'late developer' will be reflected in the extent to which labour market
recruitment and qualification structures encourage or condition average levels of assessment
orientation in a society, the intra-societal, inter-individual relationship between assessment
orientation and long-term innovation and creativity will be universal. Variations in assess-
ment-oriented learning among students will be associated in the longer term with variations
in the degree of innovation and creativity displayed in the workplace; specifically, the greater
Learning and Working 183
the assessment-orientation the less the innovation and creativity in the workplace. This is
the central proposition which will be examined in this paper.
Any empirical examination of this inter-individual relationship, however, pre-supposes
that: (i) students approach their learning with a range of orientations, one of which is
assessment orientation, and (ii) workers approach their work with a range of orientations
and strategies, one of which is innovative and creative. The proposition also pre-supposes
that the effects of assessment orientation developed in school endure over time.
In subsequent sections of this paper we will examine pre-suppositions (i) and (ii) to
enable us to explore the central proposition.
The universality of the predicted relationship demands that it is examined within as
many societies as possible, and preferably within those societies classified as 'early' and 'late'
developing in the broader thesis. We have selected one 'early' and one 'late' developing
society within which to examine the relationship—England and Malaysia.
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The proposition will be examined in four stages. First we provide a brief historical view
of relations between education, examination and employment systems in England and
Malaysia to justify their choice as examples of 'early' and 'late' developing societies. We then
describe how we operationalised the key concepts of learning and work orientations
embedded in the thesis. This is followed by a description of the research design adopted, the
student and worker samples and the final measures used. Finally, we turn to the results,
analysis and discussion.
culture, social graces, moral qualities of leadership and a spirit of public service. Such
'gentlemen' did not have to work too hard, having time and money for leisure and the
privilege of being able to seek public office of an unremunerative kind. Learning-for-its-own
sake rather than for an occupational destination was a luxury to be enjoyed. Education was
largely a matter of consumption rather than personal investment for the future. The middle
classes of the 19th and 20th centuries, on the other hand, viewed education as a means of
social mobility. During and after the industrial revolution Sunday schools, dame schools and
monitorial schools provided for the needs of the working and labouring classes, many of
whom worked during the day and had limited time for schooling. 'Civilising', 'religious' and
'socialising' aims predominated.
In Malaysia education and modernisation not only were seen as interdependent but
their development involved high degrees of state intervention. Malaysia gained her indepen-
dence in 1957 and the primary goal of the education system was the fostering of national
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unity in a multi-ethnic society. To this end all schools (English, Malay, Chinese and Tamil)
were to have a common curriculum, common examinations and a common language medium.
In all but the last respect they were to precede contemporary developments in education in
England by more than 20 years.
While the fostering of national unity is still the major declared educational goal of the
state, all development plans since 1971 have sought to use education as a means of
redressing ethnic-based occupational divisions. The absorption of the Bumiputeras, the
indigenous Malays, into the growing modern industrial sector has been a major thrust of
educational policy. From a very early stage in the development of the Malaysian system,
prestigious positions in government were allocated to the local population by the colonial
masters on the basis of educational achievement. Education for mobility had a central place
in the web of social meaning attached to education, and a strong set of relations currently
obtains between educational qualifications, occupation and income [7].
This is not to deny such relationships in contemporary English society where achieve-
ment criteria are more important for job allocation than they were, where qualifications have
escalated to ration limited job opportunities and where common curricula and examinations
are promoted by the state as a means of maintaining standards and offering employers and
parents common standards by which to judge job-seekers and schools. Nor is it to deny that
access to certain types of elite education in Malaysia (e.g. Malay College) is rationed by a
combination of class background and merit. In general terms however, the establishment of
close structural relations between education, assessment and labour market opportunity in
Malaysia from an early stage in the development of the modern education system, and their
establishment in England. long after the initial stages of her educational development,
condition the degree to which assessment orientation is encouraged within the educational
system as a whole. Although England developed early, economically, the link between
qualifications and jobs developed late. Malaysia developed late economically, but the link
between qualifications and jobs was established at an early stage of this later economic
development.
(i) free range interviews; (ii) sentence completion exercises; (iii) projective assessment; (iv)
item content validity; (v) questionnaire. The 'item content validity' exercise examined the
extent to which questionnaire items represented the intended meanings of the researcher. In
this exercise students (N = 40 in each country) were requested to agree or disagree with
statements and asked to explain in writing why they agreed or disagreed. This exercise
proved to be an invaluable way of checking whether the students interpreted the statements
in the questionnaire in the way intended by the researcher, and led to a number of item
refinements.
The measures of work orientation and strategy were also developed through a series of
steps: (i) free-range interviews with a small sample of non-manual workers, employers and
trade unionists; (ii) conceptualisation of broad categories of behaviour derived from
interviews; (iii) development of rating scales, sentence completion exercises and agree-dis-
agree questions [9].
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Employees were interviewed about why they were motivated to work and how they
approached their work. These were termed work-orientation and work-strategy. Both were
regarded as important dimensions of innovation and creativity at work. In the early stages of
development of measures we focussed on three sets of work orientation and four work
strategies. The three work orientations were labelled external material rewards (working for
pay, promotion, security, or the 'perks' that go with the job); external social rewards (status,
acknowledgement, prestige and respect from others); self-fulfilment (challenge, a sense of
purpose, personal growth and skill utilisation). Work strategies were labelled reproductive (a
concern with getting work completed and out of the way, making few demands on oneself,
playing safe and avoidance of risks); externally directed (working with direction from others,
conforming to rules laid down by others and agreeing with the opinions of superiors);
meaningful (working along own lines, work involvement, doing more than the minimum
required of the job, taking risks and playing around with ideas); internally directed (setting
own goals, own standards, questioning the established way of doing things and being
prepared to challenge superiors) [10].
Responses were coded and subjected to a number of standard statistical analyses. In the
first, principal components and item-scale analyses were performed within blocks which
facilitated the rejection of items included in blocks a priori but lacking post hoc empirical
relations with any other item in the block. At this stage a number of simplifications were
made to the dimensions of the empirical analysis in both countries. First, items and scales
classified as meaningful and internally directed were highly correlated in both countries. So
too were items and scales classified earlier as externally directed and reproductive. These
pairs were then combined. Secondly, among the work orientation variables some reduction of
items and scales was undertaken.
At this stage some differences emerged between the two country data sets in the
crystallisation of separate work orientations. In Malaysia the concept of external material
rewards was confined to two variables, income and security. In England, other items (perks,
promotion and job status) were also important members of this group. These three (perks,
promotions and status) were better incorporated within the Malaysian data set as members
of a broadened concept of social and personal fulfilment. In both countries respect,
recognition and acknowledgement of one's work from others clustered with items of self-
fulfilment (a sense of challenge, accomplishment, skill utilisation and a sense of purpose in
one's work). It was decided therefore to proceed in the analysis with two groups of items
only—Job Rewards and Social and Personal Fulfilment, recognising at the same time that the
precise item-definition of these varied from country to country.
By this stage, we reduced our work model to two dimensions: (i) work orientation
186 A. W. Little & J. S. Singh
(rewards and social/personal fulfilment); and (ii) work strategy (reproductive and self-
creative). The fulfilment and self-creative poles of these three dimensions were regarded as
the operationalisation of the major dependent variable under study.
Form M F High Ach. Mid-Ach. Low Ach. South London North Total
Achievement of
Sex pupils' grades Regional location
M F A B C Urban Semi-rural
In the prospective study, school students were invited to identify sources of motivation
for learning and sources of satisfaction which they hoped to derive from their future jobs. A
selection of items from the broader study were selected for the purposes of this study.
Learning and Working 187
Learning Orientation
The learning orientation items were of two types:
Work/Job Orientation
The work orientations were of two broad types. The first, represented in the first three items
below, reflected an extrinsic orientation to work. The second, represented in the next four
items, reflected the spirit of Dore's concern with "those attitudes which make people find
intrinsic satisfaction in creative mental activity" (Dore, 1976, p. 95) and his broader concern
with initiation, innovation and creativity in the workplace.
Extrinsic
—I hope to get a job that brings great financial benefits.
—I hope to find a job that is highly regarded by others.
—I hope to find a job that provides great opportunities for advancement.
Intrinsic
—I want to find a job where I can be creative and original.
—It will be important to me to find a job which I enjoy doing.
—I want to find a job where I can develop my interests.
—I want to find a job where I can demonstrate and develop my abilities and skills.
Location: Sex:
Sussex 37 Male 68
Manchester 26 Female 30
London 35
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assessment orientation items and the extrinsic job orientation items than between the
assessment orientation items and intrinsic job items. This is true for both the English and
Malaysian data sets, Form 4 and Form 6.
The matrix also suggests that there is a complex 'age group X country' interaction
effect. Correlations between the assessment orientation items and intrinsic job orientations
weaken over time (i.e. av.r = 0.20 (Form 4) vs. 0.10 Form 6) for the English sample, but
not for the Malaysian (0.13 (Form 4) vs. 0.13 (Form 6)). There is also a weakening in the
relationships between assessment orientation and extrinsic job orientation items in both
samples, but it is slight (England av.r = 0.23 (Form 4) vs. 0.20 (Form 6); Malaysia
av.r = 0.25 (Form 4) vs. 0.22 (Form 6)).
An examination of shifts in strength of the correlation (as indicated by change in the
probability level of the correlation in the light of sample size) confirms this general picture.
In the English data, correlations between assessment orientation and the extrinsic job
orientations either weaken or remain the same, but between assessment orientation and
intrinsic job orientation weaken (11 cases), remain the same (4) or, in one case, strengthens.
The strengthened relationship is between assessment orientation and the desire to find a job
which brings with it the opportunity for creativity and originality. The Malaysian distribu-
tion of shifts is somewhat different. There are few shifts in the relationship between
assessment orientation and the extrinsic job items (4/16 weaken). There are almost equal
numbers of shifts towards a strengthening, weakening and no change, in the relationship
between assessment orientation and the intrinsic job items.
Table V presents the relations between interest orientation in school and prospective
job orientation among students.
In contrast to Table IV where there was a weak relation between wanting a job which
presented an opportunity for creativity and originality and assessment orientation, Table V
suggests that this job orientation enjoys the most consistent relationship with interest
orientation at school. Although the correlations are not the highest in the matrix, they are
consistently positive and reach acceptable levels of significance. By contrast, wanting a job
which brings great financial benefits is either negatively related or non-related to interest
orientation in every case except the Malaysian Form 4 students.
If we examine extrinsic and intrinsic job items separately we find that the relationship
between interest learning orientation and the intrinsic job orientations is stronger than that
between intrinsic learning orientation and extrinsic job orientations for each country and
each age group, with the exception of the Malaysian Form 4 sample. The relationship
between interest learning orientation and intrinsic job orientations remains broadly the same
in the English sample and strengthens slightly in the Malaysian.
o
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TABLE IV. Relationship between assessment orientation and work orientations, Form 4 and Form 6 students, England and Malaysia (sample sizes in brackets)
Working hard to
pass exams
Exams—better job
qualifications
Aim for exam success
throughout school
Disappointed when do not
do well in exams *z
Form 4 6 4 6 4 6 4 6 a*
Work orientation E M E M E M E M E M E M E M E M a-
Financial benefits 0.16*** 0.21*** 0.12* 0.21"* 0.17*** 0.35*** 0.24*** 0.25*** 0.14** 0.19*** 0.22** 0.17*** 0.18*** 0.12*** 0.11* 0.11"*
(459) (396) (260) (493) (463) (397) (265) (496) (466) (397) (264) (496) (467) (399) (260) (499)
Highly regarded by others 0.24*** 0.23*** 0.26*" 0.24*** 0.24*** 0.36*** 0.14** 0.20*" 0.25*** 0.17*** 0.28*" 0.13** 0.23*** 0.24*** 0.16** 0.21***
(465) (396) (262) (491) (471) (397) (264) (494) (470) (397) (264) (494) (465) (399) (264) (497)
Opportunities for 0.29*** 0.23*** 0.17** 0.30*** 0.29*** 0.48*** 0.36*** 0.37*** 0.29*** 0.29*** 0.20** 0.27*** 0.26*** 0.18*** 0.12* 0.14**
advancement (465) (395) (262) (492) (466) (396) (260) (495) (471) (396) (264) (495) (471) (398) (261) (498)
Opportunity for creativity 0.06 0.07 0.10* 0.04 0.11" 0.13** 0.05 0.06 0.03 0.09* 0.04 0.01 0.11** 0.01 0.00 0.02
and originality (463) (394) (262) (491) (465) (395) (261) (492) (466) (395) (263) (492) (470) (397) (262) (495)
Enjoyment 0.23*** 0.12** 0.22*** 0.27*** 0.27*** 0.12** 0.03 0.13** 0.16*** 0.08* 0.00 0.14** 0.22*** 0.11* 0.13** 0.17***
(471) (395) (265) (493) (469) (396) (263) (494) (476) (396) (267) (494) (474) (398) (265) (497)
Develop my interest 0.21*** 0.09* 0.14** 0.11" 0.26*** 0.25*" 0.19** 0.20*** 0.23*** 0.09* 0.04 0.10* 0.30*" 0.16** 0.14** 0.08*
(469) (394) (261) (490) (471) (395) (262) (493) (474) (395) (263) (493) (468) (397) (263) (496)
Demonstrate and develop 0.22*** 0.10* 0.13** 0.19*" 0.29** 0.25*" 0.17" 0.27*** 0.27** 0.16** 0.13** 0.16*** 0.25"* 0.20*" 0.09 0.13**
abilities and skills (466) (390) (260) (492) (469) (391) (264) (495) (471) (391) (262) (495) (466) (393) (263) (498)
•*•/>< 0.001.
"y<0.01.
•p<0.05.
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TABLE V. Relationship between interest orientation and work orientations, Form 4 and Form 6 students, England and Malaysia
Interest orientation
***/•< 0.001.
•*/><0.01. 2
*p<om. 3
I'
O
5:
192 A. W. Little & J. S. Singh
An examination of the shifts in strength of the correlation confirms this picture. The
relationships between interest learning orientation and extrinsic job orientations weaken
more than they strengthen in both England and Malaysia. The relationships between interest
learning orientation and intrinsic job orientations show little shift in England. They
strengthen more than they weaken in Malaysia.
In broad summary then, on the basis of Tables IV and V, we may conclude tentatively
that the predicted negative relationship between assessment and intrinsic job orientations is
not borne out. There is, however, a stronger relationship between the assessment orientation
items and intrinsic job items. Although no specific relationships between interest learning
orientation and job orientations was predicted, the data suggest that the relationship between
interest learning orientation and intrinsic job orientations is stronger than that between
interest learning orientations and the extrinsic job orientations.
In both matrices, however, a complex 'age group X country' interaction is apparent.
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Relationships between assessment learning orientation and intrinsic job orientations weaken
over time in the English sample, but not in the Malaysian. Relationships between assessment
learning orientation and extrinsic job orientations weaken in both samples. Relationships
between interest learning orientation and intrinsic job orientations remain broadly the same
in the English sample and strengthen slightly in the Malaysian. Relationships between
interest learning orientation and extrinsic job orientations weaken in both samples.
Interpretation of these 'age X country' differences is not entirely clear. We cannot infer
that these changes represent real changes over time because the two age group samples in
each country do not represent perfectly matched samples. In both countries the Form 6
sample is, by virtue of its post-selective-examination position in the educational system, one
which selects for ability. If ability alone explained the difference, then we might expect
similar patterns of change in the two countries. This is not the case.
A second possibility is that ability is in fact an important explanation and produces
differences between the country samples because the ability distributions in the two samples
in the two countries are different. In England the age-group samples are classified in terms
of the average achievement level of the school attended by the student rather than the
distribution of levels or individuals. The majority of children in the Form 4 sample attend
mid-achieving schools whereas the majority of children in the Form 6 sample attend high-'
achieving schools. Both the Malaysian examples are skewed towards high achievement. If
there was indeed an interaction between ability and learning and job orientation then we
would expect to find a pattern in which the relationship between learning orientation and job
orientation was consistently higher or lower in the Form 4 English sample than the
relationship in the Form 6 English and Forms 4 and 6 Malaysian samples. A preliminary
analysis suggests only moderate support for this possibility. Although the average strength of
the relationships is higher for the Form 4 English sample across both matrices, it stands out
only for one of the four sets of possible interactions: i.e. if lower ability was associated with a
stronger positive relationship between assessment orientation and intrinsic job orientations,
then one would expect that the average strength of the relationship would be greater for the
Form 4 English sample than the other three samples. This is in fact the case. At the same
time, however, the same Form 4 English sample does not stand out in a consideration of the
other possible interactions between ability, learning orientations and job orientations. The
interactions between ability (or average school achievement) and learning and work
orientations would be worthy of further exploration in the future.
TABLE VI. Relations between learning orientations, work environment, work orientations and work strategy in England (N= 98) and Malaysia ( N = 100)
E M E M E M E M E M E M
Work strategy Reproductive -0.09 0.08 -0.23** -0.24* 0.04 0.24* -0.15 0.13
Self-creative 0.07 -0.01 0.26** 0.32** -0.05 0.20* 0.20* 0.56*** -0.47*** 0.16
***p< 0.001.
**/><0.01. g
*/><0.05.
3
I
3
194 A. W. Little & J. S. Singh
(assessment and interest), Work orientation (rewards and fulfilment) and Work strategy
(reproductive and self-creative). In terms of the central proposition under examination in this
paper, we predict that retrospective assessment orientation would be negatively related to a
work orientation stressing personal and social fulfilment and a self-creative work strategy.
In both Malaysia and England there are striking similarities in the relationships between
learning orientations, work orientations and work strategy. In neither country is the negative
relationship between assessment orientation and fulfilment and creativity confirmed. Assess-
ment orientation (retrospectively recalled) is related neither to a self-creative work strategy
nor to a work orientation stressing the importance of personal and social fulfilment in the
job. Other striking similarities in the pattern of relationships are the positive relationships
between interest orientation at school and (i) a work orientation of personal and social
fulfilment, and (ii) a self-creative work strategy; a positive relationship between a work
orientation towards personal and social fulfilment and a self-creative work strategy; and a
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positive relationship between the two learning orientations, assessment and interest orienta-
tion. There is also a similar negative relationship in the two data sets between a declared
interest orientation and a reproductive work strategy.
There are, however, some differences in the pattern of relationships between the two
country data sets which were not predicted in advance but are worthy of note and further
exploration. There seems to be a much closer positive relationship between the different
aspects of work orientation (rewards, fulfilment, reproductive, self-creative) in the Malay-
sian than in the English sample. In the English sample there is more likely to be a null or
negative relation between the two types of work orientation (rewards and fulfilment,
r = 0.08) and the two types of work strategy (reproductive and self-creative, r = —0.47).
What give the appearance of polar opposites or independent factors in the English data are
positively linked elements in the Malaysian, reflecting perhaps differences in work values,
practices and definition of initiative, innovation and creativity in the two contexts.
We should note some very slight differences observed among the non-manual workers in
the English sample. A series of sub-group analyses were run, based on level of qualifications (5
or more O-levels/less than 5 O-levels) and job level (professional and middle manage-
ment/white collar) and age (31+ years/ < 3 1 years). The pattern of relationships observed was
almost identical in each of the sub-group analyses. The only exceptions were in the relationship
between work orientations stressing job rewards and personal and social fulfilment. Whereas in
the main sample there was a slightly positive but insignificant relationship between these two,
workers in the higher job levels displayed a moderate positive relationship (r = 0.26,p < 0.05).
And whereas most of the groups displayed a null relationship between rewards and a
reproductive work strategy, the less qualified displayed a negative relation ( r = —0.34,
p < 0.05). A similar sub-group analysis was not conducted on the Malaysian sample.
Discussion
In this paper we have operationalised at least two types of learning orientation, assessment
orientation and interest orientation. We have also identified and operationalised variations
between workers in their orientations to work and their accounts of work strategy. These
have been described as rewards/fulfilment and reproductive/self-creative, respectively.
The central proposition predicted a negative relationship between assessment orientation
among students and innovation and creativity among workers. This proposition constitutes
the nub of the thesis, and justifies the designation of the qualification race as a 'disease'.
A two-part design involving students' prospective accounts of work and workers'
retrospective accounts of learning was used to explore the proposition. In the prospective
Learning and Working 195
study, assessment orientation was operationalised through the use of four items about
assessment and examinations; in the retrospective study, these same four items were used
plus three others concerning exams. In the prospective study innovation and creativity in the
workplace were operationalised in terms of four items of job aspiration (opportunities for
creativity and originality, enjoyment, development of interests and demonstration and
development of abilities and skills). In the retrospective study the workplace variable was
subdivided into work orientation and work strategy. These covered the same areas as those
in the prospective study items but included also a sense of challenge, a sense of purpose and
involvement, risk-taking, playing with ideas, setting own goals.
Both studies were consistent in their failure to support the predicted negative relation-
ship between assessment orientation at school and innovation and creativity at work. In the
prospective study the relationship was either positive or very weak. In the retrospective
study there was no relationship.
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However, because the examination of the proposition involved the development of new
measures of learning and work orientation we were able to explore relations linked with the
central proposition. In both studies we explored another learning orientation for which we
used the shorthand descriptor 'interest orientation'. This was operationalised in both the
prospective and retrospective studies in terms of two items indicating an interest in learning
despite examinations. We extended our consideration of work orientations to include
extrinsic aspects of work. In the prospective study these were items about financial benefits,
jobs which are highly regarded by others and opportunities for advancement. In the
retrospective study, these were extended to include under a 'rewards' work orientation job
security, and under a reproductive work strategy a concern with job completion, playing
safe, following set procedures, structured and organised tasks, rule conformity.
The inclusion of these additional learning and work orientations has enabled us to
identify relations which seem to offer support for a weaker form of the central proposition of
the thesis, to offer support for propositions which are implicit in the thesis and to suggest
some areas which require further resolution.
Although assessment orientation has not been found to be negatively related to those
aspects of work promotive of innovation and creativity in either the prospective or
retrospective study, we did find that assessment orientation was more likely to be related to
extrinsic than intrinsic job rewards in the prospective study. The single item of prospective
or job aspiration which showed a very weak positive relationship with assessment orientation
was the desire for a job "with an opportunity for creativity and originality". These findings
were true for both the English and Malaysian students. In the retrospective study,
assessment orienation was unrelated to any aspect of work orientation or work strategy.
There is some support then for a weaker form of the main proposition: viz. assessment
orientation is unrelated to those aspects of work orientation and strategy promotive of
innovation and creativity in the workplace.
Implicit in the statement of the thesis, however, is a concern with "genuine education"
and "intrinsic satisfaction in creative mental activity" (Dore, 1976, p. 95). Although these
are not spelled out in great detail we have interpreted these to refer to intrinsic motivations
for learning and working. Our inclusion of an orientation to learning which stems from an
interest in the learning task (rather than an external reward for learning, e.g. examination
success) has proved extremely useful in helping us identify some of the strong relations in
the link between learning and work orientations. In the prospective study we found that the
most consistently positive relationship for each age group and country was that between
learning interest orientation and wanting a job which presented an opportunity for originality
and creativity. When the work aspirations are divided into those which can be viewed
196 A. W. Little & J. S. Singh
broadly as offering extrinsic and intrinsic sources of reward, then the relationship between
interest learning orientation and intrinsic job orientations is stronger than that between
interest learning orientation and the extrinsic job orientations for each country and each age
group (with the exception of the Malaysian Form 4 sample). In the retrospective study,
positive relationships were identified between interest orientation at school and (i) a work
orientation of personal and social fulfilment and (ii) a self-creative work strategy. There is
also an interest orientation at school and a reproductive work strategy. These findings hold
in both country data sets.
At the same time, we have identified a complex 'age group X country' interaction in
these data, the reasons for which we cannot fully resolve with present data sets.
There are several possible interpretations of the null relationship between degrees of
assessment orientation and intrinsic work orientations. Three are methodological and the
fourth conceptual. The first is that the measure of assessment orientation developed for use
in this research was less valid than it might have been. Since no other research has, to our
knowledge, attempted to develop measures designed to capture Dore's concepts, we had no
simple way of validating our new measures and were forced to rely instead on the face-
validity of items assessed through the 'item-content validity' exercise described earlier.
Clearly, more valid measures of both learning orientations and work strategies may succeed
in confirming the predicted negative relationship.
The second is that the finding may have resulted from a failure to distinguish levels of
orientation from profiles of orientation-, i.e. the overall level or strength of an orientation vs.
its strength relative to other orientations. The data on assessment orientation are drawn from
subjects who fall into at least four categories: high assessment orientation/high interest
orientation; high assessment orientation/low interest orientation; low assessment orienta-
tion/low interest orientation; and low assessment orientation/high interest orientation. The
correlational analysis did not 'control' the level of interest orientation of subjects, and there
could be significant differences in the effects of assessment orientation between those who
combine high and low levels of assessment orientation with low and high levels of interest
orientation. A separate analysis of the English data from the retrospective study was
performed to examine this new hypothesis that the relationship between assessment orienta-
tion would be negative when the effects of interest orientation were partialled out. This re-
analysis suggested that controlling for the level of interest orientation made little difference
to the overall pattern of relationships reported earlier [13].
A third methodological point is that the operationalised separation of orientations may
be less important than a profile of orientation as perceived by the subject and recorded in a
single scale or measure. In other words the concept of perceived assessment dominance may
be more important than perceived assessment orientation and perceived interest orientation,
measured separately. A measure of perceived assessment dominance would include items
such as "I spend a lot of time working on topics I am interested in, even if (emphasis added)
they are not important for my examinations". Agreement with this item suggests that
assessment is not perceived by this subject to dominate his/her orientation to learning. The
broader prospective study did include a few items of this type. A re-analysis of the
relationship between assessment domination and work orientation among the English
students suggests a much clearer negative relationship between assessment domination and
those work aspirations which stress originality and creativity, enjoyment, development of
interests, and demonstration and development of abilities and skills. This suggests that the
Learning and Working 197
Conclusion
In conclusion we suggest that the predominantly sociological analysis offered by the
Diploma Disease thesis contains within it at least one proposition pitched at the level of the
individual and variations between individuals. We have identified inter-individual variations
in two societies, one 'early developer' and one 'late developer' in learning orientations and
work orientations, and have identified common patterns of relationship between them.
Our data did not confirm the predicted negative relationship between assessment
198 A. W. Little & J. S. Singh
orientation in school and innovation and creativity in the workplace. We have explored four
possible interpretations of this and suggested that perceived assessment orientation might
fruitfully be reconceptualised and operationalised as perceived assessment dominance.
The data did confirm a relationship implicit in the thesis between interest orientation and
innovation and creativity. We examined three possible interpretations—human capital
formation, strong screening, and selection. While data currently available did not enable us to
choose between these three we are attracted intuitively by the plausibility of the first and third
interpretations and suggest that one theme for action research in the future is the stimulation of
'interest orientation' in the classroom through learning and teaching materials and strategies,
and on the mediating role which innovatory forms of assessment may play in that process.
These data also suggested some 'age group X country' interactions worthy of further
research in the future.
Because we have not worked with large and nationally representative samples, we are
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unable to offer a test of the cross-national differences implicit in the diploma disease thesis:
i.e. greater levels of assessment orientation in later-developing countries. We are also
therefore unable to examine whether national differences in learning orientations affect the
nature of intra-societal and inter-individual differences. Nor have we been able to establish
whether or not learning orientations created or reinforced in schools endure over time and
transfer across behavioural contexts. These deserve research attention in the future.
[10] Interview questions for these variables were influenced by cross-national research on Work Orientation,
especially DLUGOS, G. & WEIERMAIR, K. in collaboration with DOROW, W. (1981) Management under Different
Value Systems: political, social and economic perspectives in a changing world (Berlin, New York, Walter de
Gruyter).
[11] A subsequent study on the stability of young people's attitudes to work over time, in England only, was
conducted through a secondary analysis of National Child Development survey data.
[12] In England, three criteria were used to select the sample of students--regional location (South East
England--London--North West England), average academic achievement of the school (High Achieving,
Mid-Achieving and Low Achieving) and sex. Within the school type, students were selected from across the
ability span. In Malaysia, three criteria were used to select the sample of students: location (urban, semi-rural),
average academic achievement of the school (average and above average) and sex. For further details of the
sample selection, see SLOG: Why do students learn? A six country study of student motivation, Institute of
Development Studies Research Report No. 17, Sussex.
[13] LITTLE, ANGELA & HOWARD, JILL (1988) Links between learning orientations and work orientations, Report
No. 6 for the Leverhulme Foundation on the research project: Students' Learning Orientations and Adult
Work.
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[14] See, for example, BOWMAN, MARY JEAN (1977) Schooling, the political economy of frustration and the future,
The Review of Education, pp. 237-255. WILLIAMS, GARETH (1978) In defence of diplomas, Higher Education,
7, pp. 363-371. FRY, GERALD W. (1981) Degreeism, disease or cure?, Higher Education, 10, pp. 517-527.
Learning orientation
Factor 1 Assessment Factor 2 Interest
Pass examination 0.67 Do extra reading 0.87
Please parents 0.71 Continue to study 0.78
Like do well exams 0.73
Aim for exam success 0.50
Do well exams, please teachers 0.53
Student compete with classmate 0.71
Disappointed when did not perform well 0.61
Work orientation
Factor 1 Rewards Factor 2 Fulfilment
Income 0.70 Respect from others 0.41
Promotion 0.49 Challenge 0.59
Perks 0.51 Accomplishment 0.54
Job security 0.61 Recognition from colleagues 0.68
Job status 0.53 Skill utilisation 0.40
Acknowledgement from superiors 0.51
Sense of purpose 0.47
Work strategy
Factor 1 Reproduction Factor 2 Self-creative
Work makes few demands -0.38 Deep involvement 0.47
Concern with job completion -0.49 Take risks 0.63
Established way -0.64 Own standards 0.47
Play safe -0.52 Question established way 0.52
Follow procedure -0.70 Stimulating work 0.56
Structured -0.42 Play with ideas 0.45
Rule-conformity -0.61 Set own goals 0.41
Execution -0.57 Challenge supervisors 0.35
Follow own lines 0.57
200 A. W. Little & J. S. Singh
Learning orientation
Factor 1 Assessment Factor 2 Innovative
Pass examination Do extra reading
Like do well pass examination Continue to study
Aim for exam success
Disappointed when did not perform well
Please parents
Please teachers
Compete with classmates
Work orientation
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Work strategy
Factor 1 Reproductive Factor 2 Self-creative
Work makes few demands Deep involvement
Concern with job completion Stimulating work
Established ways Do more than required
Play safe Set own goals
Follow procedure Follow own lines
Structured Question established ways
Seek direction Take risks
Rule conformity Play with ideas
Note: All items included in the scales had a factor loading of more than 0.45.