Of Two Minds

Of Two Minds
The Dead Sea Scrolls &

Christian Origins Library
1
Of Two Minds
Ecstasy and Inspired
Interpretation in the
N e w Testament World
by
J o h n R. Levison
With a Foreword
by
J a m e s H. Charlesworth
BIBAL Press
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Library of C o n g r e s s Cataloging-in-Publication Data

L e v i s o n , J o h n R.
Of t w o m i n d s : ecstasy a n d inspired interpretation in t h e n e w
testament w o r l d / b y J o h n R. L e v i s o n ; w i t h a f o r e w o r d by J a m e s H .
Charlesworth.
p. c m . — ( T h e D e a d Sea scrolls & Christian origins library ; 2 )
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-941037-74-6
1. Bible. O . T . — I n s p i r a t i o n . 2. Inspiration—Religious
a s p e c t s — J u d a i s m . 3 . Ecstasy ( J u d a i s m ) 4 . Bible. O . T . — C r i t i c i s m ,
interpretation, etc., J e w i s h . 5. J u d a i s m — H i s t o r y — P o s t - e x i l i c period,
5 8 6 B . C . - 2 1 0 A . D . 6. Philo, of A l e x a n d r i a — C o n t r i b u t i o n s in c o n c e p t of
Biblical inspiration. 7. G r e e k literature, Hellenistic—Influence. I.
Title. II. Series.
BS480 .L47 1999
296.3'115—dc21
99-050560
U n l e s s o t h e r w i s e indicated, biblical quotations are f r o m

the N e w R e v i s e d Standard V e r s i o n Bible, copyright ©
1 9 8 9 b y t h e Division of Christian Education of the N a
tional C o u n c i l of t h e C h u r c h e s of Christ in t h e United
States of A m e r i c a .
I m a g e s c o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 9 by w w w . a r t t o d a y . c o m
To
Louis H. Feldman
consummate scholar,
generous friend
Contents
Foreword by J a m e s H . Charlesworth
C a n D i v i n i t i e s Play H u m a n Vocal C h o r d s Like H a r p s ? ix
Preface xiii
Abbreviations xvi
1. I N T R O D U C T I O N 1
2. T H E INSPIRED ECSTASY OF T H E SEER 11
3. T H E INSPIRED INTERPRETATION OF T H E S C H O L A R 37
4. C O N C L U S I O N : T H E SPAN OF T H E SPIRIT 57
Notes 67
About the Author 71
vii
Foreword
Can Divinities Play Human
Vocal Chords Like Harps?
P
JL rofessor J o h n R. Levison has written a fascinating a n d
insightful book. It focuses on early Greek, Roman, a n d Jew
ish attempts to explain the ability of some h u m a n s to pos
sess s u p e r h u m a n , or divine, knowledge a n d insight. From
Plato's Symposium we h e a r that divine beings communicate
"divine things to h u m a n s . " In the De divinatione Cicero's
brother, Quintus, claims that some have received "a
heaven-inspired excitement a n d exaltation of soul." In
Plutarch's De defectu oraculorum Lamprias argues that the
soul, especially when freed from the body in dreams or
n e a r death, can see a n d speak with the powers of a n o t h e r
world.
T h e s e reflections by Greeks who lived in the Hellenis
tic a n d R o m a n Periods help us c o m p r e h e n d how some
Jews, like Philo a n d J o s e p h u s , can resolve complexities a n d
inconsistencies in biblical Hebrew. While the a u t h o r of
N u m b e r s 2 2 - 2 4 does not tell us how Balaam could pro
duce an oracle, Philo a n d J o s e p h u s both relate how an
angel possessed Balaam a n d moved his vocal chords so that
he p r o p h e s i e d what he did not know. Similarly, the a u t h o r
of the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum creates episodes in
which the m i n o r character Kenaz explodes with superhu
m a n skills a n d prophesies, by m e a n s of the Holy Spirit, a
pellucid view of the future. Kenaz has this vision, as
Lamprias h a d suggested, just before his death.
Inspiration—especially scriptural inspiration—is a
central issue in this m o n o g r a p h . Jews a n d Christians
ix
FOREWORD
t h r o u g h o u t the world claim that the Bible is inspired. But

this claim is often ambiguous, a n d a wide r a n g e of m e a n
ings is attributed to it. How does God inspire a person?
And how d o we distinguish between inspired words a n d
personal speculation in the Bible—two categories found,
for example, in Paul's writings.
What did Philo m e a n when he claimed that Moses was
wise because he was guided by a spirit? And what did
Plutarch intend by claiming that Socrates' wisdom derived
from a " d e m o n " who was his guide? What is the m e a n i n g of
Simmias' claim, in Plutarch's Degenio Socratis 588 D-E, that
Socrates' u n d e r s t a n d i n g was so free from bodily passions
that the d e m o n could make "voiceless contact with his
intelligence"?
Levison rightly points out that attempts to c o m p r e
h e n d biblical inspiration involve reflections u p o n the
power of the h u m a n intellect, the purity of the soul, a n d
the possession of wisdom. T h e s e were discussed respec
tively by Plutarch in De genio Socratis, by Cicero in De
divinatione, a n d by Diogenes Laertius in Lives of the Philoso
phers, a n d by Philo in Plant. In Early J u d a i s m , Wisdom was
often the t e r m used to c o m p r e h e n d intellect a n d inspira
tion. For some Jews, Wisdom was personified, either find
ing n o h o m e on earth (7 Enoch) or residing in inspired
Torah (Ben Sira, see 2 Baruch).
What is the m e a n i n g of the claim that the inspired per
son immediately loses knowledge of what was said a n d how
it was spoken? Why is this claim espoused by Greeks,
Romans, Jews, a n d Christians for centuries in antiquity?
And what is memory? How can Ezra, according to the
a u t h o r of 4 Ezra, dictate from m e m o r y alone twenty-four
Hebrew books lost d u r i n g the b u r n i n g of J e r u s a l e m in 70
CE a n d 70 additional inspired works?
Does inspiration entail forgetfulness? Or, is this perva
sive claim merely a clever a t t e m p t to underscore the claim
that the speaker is n o t the source of the thought, b u t
a n o t h e r — a n d s o m e o n e divine?
x
FOREWORD
Some biblical authors imply that inspiration comes

t h r o u g h dreams. This is a hotly debated issue in Greek a n d
R o m a n thought, as Levison illustrates. It is also a point of
contention a m o n g some Jews. For example, Ben Sira flatly
denies that d r e a m s can be a source of wisdom a n d u n d e r
standing, while the authors of Daniel, 1 Enoch, a n d 2 Enoch,
a m o n g others, clearly affirm it.
In surveying Plato, Cicero, a n d Plutarch, a n d scanning
Ben Sira, Philo, the a u t h o r of the Liber Antiquitatem
Biblicarum, a n d J o s e p h u s , a n d in delving into such univer
sal probes into the power of the h u m a n mind, we may com
p r e h e n d the impact of Greek a n d Roman t h o u g h t u p o n
early Jewish theology. In the process, we grasp a little m o r e
clearly the vibrant world in which J u d a i s m was being trans
formed a n d Christianity formed.
Much m o r e than biblical inspiration is involved in the
reflections g a t h e r e d in this stunning m o n o g r a p h . Pro
found questions bubble u p on almost every page. How
much truth is in Plato's claim that inspired poets are igno
r a n t of the m e a n i n g of their poems? (Apology 22C an&Meno
99C)? Why d o loved ones we have known claim to see
s o m e t h i n g unusual a n d make startling claims just prior to
their deaths? How has God communicated to the inspired
m e n a n d w o m e n immortalized in the Bible? How does G o d
speak to us today? What is m e a n t by non-verbal c o m m u n i
cation—or the language of silence?
T h e search for some understanding of inspiration is per
vasive in the history of humanity. How could Muhammad, a
brilliant b u t illiterate Arab, c o m p o s e such a masterpiece
as t h e Koran? W h a t is m e a n t by the claim that h e dictated
what h e h e a r d from a divine voice? And, how are his
claims different from those associated with Socrates,
Ezekiel, J e s u s , a n d Isaac Newton? What did Mozart m e a n
w h e n h e claimed h e was n o t c o m p o s i n g b u t copying what
h e h e a r d ? Why did Einstein claim that his major creative
t h o u g h t did not derive from science or mathematics but
from inspiration?
xi
FOREWORD
Some ancients claimed that only the "insane" could

b e c o m e inspired. What is the d e e p e r m e a n i n g here? What
are the borders between genius a n d insanity?
T h i s present m o n o g r a p h is admirably focused. It
n e e d s to b e continued a n d e x p a n d e d . For example, the
world of Plotinus needs to be included, a n d his claim that
t h e soul can ascend a n d obtain p u r e knowledge needs
reflection a n d discussion. Also, there is the whole world of
Gnosticism, which is n o longer to be discarded as nonsense
or heresy. What is the m e a n i n g of the gnostic claim that
knowledge entails r e t u r n i n g to a former world in which
knowledge was p u r e a n d the soul once again whole?
T h e ancient scholar Cleombrotus suggested that a for
merly inspired p e r s o n could n o longer speak inspired
words because h e or she was simply like a musical instru
m e n t that now lies unused—like a h a r p resting in a c o r n e r
of a room. T h i s reflection may help us u n d e r s t a n d inspira
tion only partly a n d collapses, as d o all analogical reflec
tions. With Lamprias, we n e e d to know how the inspired
p e r s o n is like an instrument, how a n d why does it begin to
speak, a n d who causes the sound to appear.
J. H . C h a r l e s w o r t h
Editor, P r i n c e t o n D e a d S e a Scrolls Project a n d
A l e x a n d e r v o n H u m b o l d t Fellow
Institut fur antikes J u d e n t u m u n d hellenistische Religionsgeschichte
Tubingen
Xll
Preface
L a t e in t h e first c e n t u r y CE, a J e w i s h writer c o n
c l u d e d his lengthy, e m o t i o n a l r e s p o n s e to t h e fall of
J e r u s a l e m by r e c o u n t i n g , " . . . w h e n I h a d finished all t h e
w o r d s of this letter a n d h a d w r i t t e n it carefully u n t i l t h e
e n d , I f o l d e d it, s e a l e d it cautiously, a n d b o u n d it t o
t h e n e c k of t h e e a g l e . A n d I let it g o a n d sent it away" (2
B a r 87:1). T h e finality of folding, sealing, a n d s e n d i n g
away a m a n u s c r i p t , even if it b e sent u n d r a m a t i c a l l y by
p o s t r a t h e r t h a n eagle's neck, is n e v e r s i m p l e . It r e p r e
sents t h e irretrievability a n d irreversibility of ink a n d
p a p e r , b i n d i n g a n d glue. It r e p r e s e n t s as well a n o p p o r
tunity for p a u s e a n d r e m i n i s c e n c e , for recalling t h e c o m
m u n i t i e s in which a n a u t h o r has lived while p o r i n g over
texts a n c i e n t a n d m o d e r n . It is p r i m a r i l y u p o n t h e p e o
p l e of t h o s e c o m m u n i t i e s t h a t I i n t e n d to dwell very
briefly before b i n d i n g this s l e n d e r v o l u m e to t h e n e c k of
t h e e a g l e , so to speak, a n d s e n d i n g it off.
I h a v e k n o w n , first of all, t h e p l e a s u r e of p e r u s i n g
t h e reflections of a n c i e n t p h i l o s o p h e r s a n d civic l e a d e r s ,
such as Philo J u d a e u s , Seneca, Cicero, a n d Plutarch, of
a n c i e n t h i s t o r i a n s , such as Flavius J o s e p h u s a n d t h e J e w
ish a u t h o r of t h e Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, a n d of
scribes, such as J e s u s B e n Sira. I h o p e in this b o o k to
clarify two p a r t i c u l a r d i m e n s i o n s of t h e s e a n c i e n t fig
u r e s : t h e i r g r a s p of t h e i n s p i r a t i o n of t h e m i n d , o n o n e
h a n d , a n d o n t h e other, t h e s u r r e n d e r of t h e m i n d u n d e r
t h e spell of divine i n s p i r a t i o n .
A l o n g s i d e t h e c a m a r a d e r i e of t h e s e a n c i e n t figures,
I h a v e b e e n p r i v i l e g e d to e x p e r i e n c e as well t h e c r i t i q u e
a n d e n c o u r a g e m e n t of c o n t e m p o r a r y c o m m u n i t i e s of
s c h o l a r s . T h e catalyst for m y first foray i n t o this a r e a of
r e s e a r c h o c c u r r e d in 1992 at t h e Yeshiva University in
N e w York City, u n d e r t h e a u s p i c e s of a S u m m e r
S e m i n a r for C o l l e g e T e a c h e r s f u n d e d by t h e N a t i o n a l
xiii
PREFACE
E n d o w m e n t for t h e H u m a n i t i e s . T h e r e I w o r k e d a m o n g
eleven o t h e r scholars u n d e r t h e c a p a b l e d i r e c t i o n of
Louis H . F e l d m a n , professor of classics at Yeshiva U n i
versity. His c o n s i d e r a b l e m a s t e r y of a n c i e n t sources, his
c e l e b r a t i o n of critique, his u n p a r a l l e l e d b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l
r e a c h — a l l e n h a n c e d by a wry wit—catalyzed m y own
interest in this r e s e a r c h .
A y e a r later, I was afforded t h e o p p o r t u n i t y to e n t e r
a n o t h e r c o m m u n i t y — t h e Institut fur Antikes J u d e n t u m
u n d hellenistische Religionsgeschichte of t h e E b e r h a r d -
Karls-Universitat T u b i n g e n , u n d e r t h e direction of Pro
fessor H e r m a n n L i c h t e n b e r g e r . D u r i n g t h a t sojourn, I
was wrested from t e a c h i n g responsibilities, favored with
a q u i e t study, a n d g r a n t e d u n l i m i t e d library privileges in
t h e T h e o l o g i c u m . N o n e of this was entirely my d o i n g .
Professor L a r r y H u r t a d o h a d w r i t t e n o n my b e h a l f to
Professor M a r t i n H e n g e l , w h o t o o k it u p o n himself to
s p o n s o r m e , sight u n s e e n , for a n exceptionally g e n e r o u s
s t i p e n d from t h e A l e x a n d e r v o n H u m b o l d t F o u n d a t i o n ,
a n d t h e n w h o , a l o n g with M a r i a n n e , his gracious wife,
e x t e n d e d hospitality to m e a n d to m y family o n i n n u
m e r a b l e a n d m e m o r a b l e occasions.
W h i l e I h a v e l a b o r e d to p r e s e n t my research afresh
in this b o o k , it c o n t a i n s n o n e t h e l e s s ideas a n d analyses
w h i c h a p p e a r in a m o r e technical f o r m a t in earlier p u b l i
cations. I cite t h e m h e r e p r i m a r i l y to credit t h o s e j o u r
nals a n d p u b l i s h e r s , as well as to suggest f u r t h e r r e a d i n g
for t h o s e w h o s e interest is p i q u e d by this v o l u m e : " T h e
D e b u t of t h e Divine Spirit in J o s e p h u s ' Antiquities,"
Harvard Theological Review 87 (1994) 123-38; " T h e Pro
p h e t i c Spirit as a n Angel A c c o r d i n g to Philo," Harvard
Theological Review 88 (1995) 189-207; " P r o p h e t i c I n s p i
r a t i o n in Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum,'"
Jewish Quarterly Review 85 (1995) 2 9 7 - 3 2 9 ; " T h e Angelic
Spirit in Early J u d a i s m , " in 1995 SBL Seminar Papers
(Scholars Press) 4 6 4 - 9 3 ; " I n s p i r a t i o n a n d t h e Divine
Spirit in t h e Writings of Philo J u d a e u s , " Journal for the
xiv
PREFACE
Study of Judaism 2 6 (1995) 2 7 1 - 3 2 3 ; " J o s e p h u s ' I n t e r p r e

t a t i o n of t h e Divine Spirit," Journal of Jewish Studies 4 7
(1996) 2 3 4 - 5 5 ; a n d The Spirit in First Century Judaism,
A G A J U 2 9 ( L e i d e n : E . J . Brill, 1997).
I a m especially grateful to J a m e s H . C h a r l e s w o r t h ,
of P r i n c e t o n T h e o l o g i c a l Seminary, w h o , as e d i t o r of this
series, offered m e t h e o p p o r t u n i t y to r e n d e r this
r e s e a r c h accessible to a w i d e r a u d i e n c e t h a n t h o s e p u b l i
cations a r e i n t e n d e d to reach. T h e i m p o r t a n t task of see
i n g this b o o k to c o m p l e t i o n , moreover, fell to William
Scott, of BIBAL Press. I t h a n k b o t h of t h e m for p r o c u r
i n g p h o t o g r a p h s , for e d i t i n g t h e v o l u m e thoroughly,
a n d for t h e u n s e e n l a b o r e x p e n d e d to b r i n g this v o l u m e
to fruition.
T h o u g h s h e w o u l d n o t w e l c o m e it, I c a n n o t in g o o d
c o n s c i e n c e n e g l e c t to express m y t h a n k s to Priscilla, m y
wife. A l t h o u g h h e r responsibilities are a m p l e as my col
l e a g u e at D u k e University Divinity School a n d as t h e
m o t h e r of o u r c h i l d r e n , C h l o e a n d J e r e m y , Priscilla h a s
r e m a i n e d d o g g e d l y i n t e r e s t e d in this research a n d its
i m p l i c a t i o n s . I c o n s i d e r myself a u n i q u e l y f o r t u n a t e m a n
to b e t h e h u s b a n d a n d colleague of such a w o m a n as
Priscilla, w h o possesses a w i n s o m e personality, a n a c u t e
scholarly e d g e , a n d a n u n c a n n y k n a c k for b r e w i n g deli
cious coffee.
J . R. L e v i s o n
T h e Divinity S c h o o l
Duke University
Durham, N o r t h Carolina
xv
Abbreviations
Amat. Plutarch, Amatorius
Ant. J o s e p h u s , Antiquitates Judaicae
2 Bar 2 (Syriac Apocalypse of) Baruch
BCE Before C o m m o n Era ( = BC)
Bell. J o s e p h u s , Bellum Judaicum
CA J o s e p h u s , Contra Apionem
CE C o m m o n Era ( = A D )
Cher. Philo, De cherubim
Def. Orac. Plutarch, De defectu oraculorum
Div. Cicero, De divinatione
Ebr. Philo, De ebrietate
1 En 1 Enoch
Fug. Philo, De fuga et inventione
Gaius Philo, De legatione ad Gaium
Gen. Soc. Plutarch, De genio Socratis
Gig. Philo, De gigantibus
Her. Philo, Quis rerum divinarum heres
Immut. Philo, Quod Deus immutabilis sit
Jos. Philo, De Iosepho
LAB Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum
Leg. All. Philo, Legum allegoriae
LXX Septuagint
Mig. Philo, De migratione Abrahami
MT Masoretic Text
Mut. Philo, De mutatione nominum
Nat. Deor. Cicero, De natura deorum
Opif. Philo, De opificio mundi
Plant. Philo, De plantatione
Post. Cain Philo, De posteritate Caini
Ps(s)Sol Psalm(s) o f S o l o m o n
Ps-Justin Pseudo Justin
Pyth. Orac. Plutarch, De Pythiae oraculis
1QH Qumran Hymns
HQMelch H Q Melchizedek
lQpHab Habakkuk C o m m e n t a r y
1QS T h e Rule o f the C o m m u n i t y
Som. Philo, De somniis
Spec. Leg. Philo, De specialibus legibus
TAbr, TAsh, T B e n T e s t a m e n t o f Abraham, Asher, B e n j a m i n
T D a n , T G a d , TLevi T e s t a m e n t o f Dan, Gad, Levi
Virt. Philo, De virtutibus
Vit. Mos. Philo, De vita Mosis
xvi
Introduction
T
JL h e tide of this slender volume, Of Two Minds, suggests
the b r e a d t h of impact that was accorded to the spirit in a
variety of early Jewish literary texts. T h e "first m i n d " repre
sents t h e m i n d lost to ecstasy, the m i n d overcome by the
spirit, t h e m i n d unconscious in the spirit's presence. This is
the topic of t h e second chapter in this book—on inspired
ecstasy—where we shall observe how creatively a n d care
fully Jewish authors from Rome, Alexandria, a n d Palestine
i m p o r t e d into their Bibles a conception of ecstasy that was
far m o r e at h o m e at Delphi in Greece t h a n in ancient
Israel. T h e " s e c o n d m i n d " r e p r e s e n t s t h e m i n d e n g a g e d
in t h e process of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , t h e m i n d h e i g h t e n e d by
t h e spirit to i n t e r p r e t a n c i e n t texts, t h e m i n d whose acu
ity is s t r e n g t h e n e d by t h e p r e s e n c e of t h e spirit. T h i s is
t h e topic of t h e t h i r d c h a p t e r of this b o o k — o n i n s p i r e d
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n — i n which we shall observe how several
early Jewish authors, from the a u t h o r of N e h e m i a h in the
fourth century BCE to the a u t h o r of 4 Ezra at the e n d of the
first century CE, recognized the divine spirit as the source
of a n inspired interpretation of Scripture. T h e choice of
the title, Of Two Minds, is, therefore, an apt indication of the
span of t h e spirit's impact—from the ecstasy of inspiration
to the inspiration of interpretation.
The Variety of Jewish Authors and Texts

T h e brief compass of this volume does not lend itself to a
detailed description of the authors a n d literary texts that
will be studied in the following two chapters. Nonetheless,
a brief introduction to each should prove beneficial in the
1
2 OF TWO MINDS
navigation of literature that spans several centuries, arises

from diverse geographical regions, a n d attempts to m e e t
various goals.
Philo Judaeus' stature a m o n g the Jewish Alexandrian
community resulted in his h e a d i n g a delegation to visit the
R o m a n e m p e r o r Gaius Caligula in Rome in 39/40 CE fol
lowing an anti-Jewish p o g r o m in Alexandria u n d e r the
prefect Flaccus in 38 CE. From this a n d other events of less
certain date, it appears that this Jewish statesman was proba
bly born between 20 a n d 10 BCE a n d died approximately 50
CE. Although he was compelled to participate in public life,
such as this delegation, Philo preferred the role of philoso
p h e r a n d biblical interpreter. Therefore, he dedicated him
self to a prolific production of treatises in three areas:
• Explanation of the Mosaic laws, including the

story of creation, history, a n d legislation;
• C o m m e n t a r i e s on the Bible, most of t h e m

i n t e n d e d to provide allegorical interpretations of
Genesis;
• O t h e r m o r e thematic treatises on such philosophi

cal topics as the n a t u r e of providence a n d histori
cal topics such as the embassy Philo led to Gaius.
Philo's treatises a n d commentaries indicate that h e h a d a

t h o r o u g h Roman education, for they contain frequent allu
sions to ancient Greek literature, such as the dialogues of
1
Plato. For example, he u n d e r s t o o d the plural form, "Let
us make," in Gen 1:26 to m e a n that God employed subor
dinates to create a composite h u m a n being, which can t e n d
either to virtue or to vice, so as not to i m p u t e responsibility
for evil to God. This conception of creation by subordinates
stems from Plato's Timaeus 4 1 - 4 2 (Opif. 72-75). T h e inter
pretations of the spirit that we shall e n c o u n t e r in this book
serve unequivocally to confirm this impression of the cos
2
m o p o l i t a n character of Philo's life a n d literature.
INTRODUCTION 3
While Philo a n d his contemporaries were occupied

with t h e anti-Jewish p o g r o m in Alexandria, Flavius
J o s e p h u s was b o r n in 37 CE to a p r e - e m i n e n t priestly fam
ily in J e r u s a l e m (Vita 1-2). Following brief forays at the age
of sixteen into the various Jewish schools—Pharisees, Sad-
ducees, a n d E s s e n e s — J o s e p h u s spent three years with the
desert hermit, Banus, then r e t u r n e d to opt for Pharisaism
(Vita 10-12). Like Philo, t h o u g h p e r h a p s less reluctantly,
J o s e p h u s was thrust into the political arena when, at the
age of twenty-six, he participated in an embassy to Rome,
where h e moved in Rome's privileged circles (Vita 16).
J o s e p h u s subsequently participated in the Jewish War
against R o m e (66-73/4 CE), first as a Jewish general, then,
after defecting to Rome, as a counselor to the Romans
against the Jews. Following the war, J o s e p h u s was taken to
Rome, g r a n t e d citizenship, a n d lodged in the Flavian
household, with the e m p e r o r Titus as his benefactor. In
Rome, J o s e p h u s wrote a self-exonerating account of the
Jewish revolt of 66-73/4 CE a n d the events leading u p to it
in the Jewish War (Bellum Judaicum). After the death of
Titus, u n d e r t h e benefaction of Epaphroditus, J o s e p h u s
c o m p o s e d three works: the Antiquities, a voluminous revi
sion of Jewish history from creation to the first century CE;
his autobiography (Vita), i n t e n d e d principally to explain
his defection to the Romans d u r i n g the Jewish War; a n d
Contra Apionem, in which he refuted many of the libels that
circulated a m o n g s t the Greco-Roman o p p o n e n t s of the
Jews. T h r o u g h o u t these writings, J o s e p h u s showed a keen
acquaintance with non-Jewish literature, from Greek sto
ries of creation to Egyptian versions of the exodus to the
3
c o m m e n t a r i e s of recent e m p e r o r s such as Titus.
T h e manuscripts a n d early editions of Liber
Antiquitatum Biblicarum (LAB) were incorrectly ascribed
to Philo J u d a e u s ; the u n k n o w n a u t h o r of this work is,
therefore, referred to as Pseudo-Philo. This narrative
retelling of t h e Bible, from creation to the death of Saul,
was probably c o m p o s e d in Hebrew in Palestine d u r i n g the
late first or early second century CE. A significant t h e m e of
the work consists of a polemic against idols. For example,
4 OF TWO MINDS
the m i n o r j u d g e , Jair, about w h o m little is recorded in J u d g

10:3-5, becomes a ruler who built an altar to Baal a n d
decreed, "Everyone who will not sacrifice to Baal will die"
(38:1). Despite this intransigent rejection of foreign idols,
Pseudo-Philo did n o t "lead a cloistered life. His work is
filled with evidence of t h e influence o n h i m of t h e
4
non-Jewish world a b o u t h i m . " T h e l a m e n t of J e p h t h a h ' s
d a u g h t e r (Judg 11:34-40) in LAB, for e x a m p l e , exhibits
close similarities to a Greek tradition of laments for girls
who died young, such as Iphigenia in Euripides' Iphigenia
at Aulis, Cassandra in Euripides' Daughters of Troy, a n d
3
Antigone in Sophocles' Antigone. Liber Antiquitatum
Biblicarum, therefore, combines a zeal for the God, cove
nants, a n d c o m m a n d s of Israel with a resilience toward
6
Greco-Roman culture.
T h e biblical book of Nehemiah contains one verse
(9:20) that is of extraordinary import for this study. T h e
books of Ezra a n d Nehemiah, which were originally consid
ered a single literary work, recount events that took place in
Palestine, beginning with the dedication of the Temple in
515 BCE a n d extending probably into the late 400s BCE.
Therefore, the book of N e h e m i a h must have been written in
Palestine sometime later, probably between 400 a n d 300
BCE. N e h 9:20 is set in a lengthy prayer of confession that
begins with creation a n d concludes with the exile.
B e n Sira was a scribe who led an academy or scribal
school in the city of Jerusalem. T h e book of Sirach, or
Ecclesiasticus, is a compilation of his teaching that was
probably c o m p l e t e d by 175 BCE, for Ben Sira m a d e n o ref
erence to the subsequent treacherous anti-Jewish actions of
Antiochus IV E p i p h a n e s (175-64 BCE). His g r a n d s o n
translated this book from its original Hebrew to Greek dur
ing the decades after 132 BCE. Although this compilation
has n o clear principal of organization, it falls into three
major portions: chapters 1-24; chapters 2 5 - 4 3 , which
follows a long p o e m about wisdom (24); a n d 4 4 - 5 0 , in
which Ben Sira praises Israel's ancestors. Although Ben
Sira traveled a great deal a n d was n o doubt c o n c e r n e d
about the destabilizing impact of Greco-Roman culture on
INTRODUCTION 5
Jews, h e himself was receptive to that culture, such as w h e n

h e a d o p t e d the Stoic principal of divine cosmic unity in his
theology by writing, "We could say more . . . let the final
word be: ' H e [God] is the air" (43:27). This dual commit
m e n t to universal truth a n d Jewish faith is nowhere m o r e
evident t h a n in the h y m n of wisdom, in which Ben Sira
described universal wisdom, located h e r dwelling in J e r u
salem, a n d t h e n identified h e r with Torah (24:1-23). T h e
reference to scribal inspiration that concerns us in this
book, Sir 3 9 : 6 - 1 1 , is p a r t of a lengthy description of t h e
scribal task which probably contains several autobiographi
cal elements (38:24-39:11) a n d thus may inform us b o t h
7
about scribal self-identity a n d Ben Sira's self-perception.
In 1947, a Bedouin in the regions just west of the D e a d
Sea discovered the first of many scrolls in caves n e a r t h e
Dead Sea. T h e s e documents are now commonly called t h e
Dead Sea Scrolls. T h e s e caves contained scrolls a n d many
fragments of biblical books (e.g., Isaiah), apocryphal texts
(e.g., Sirach), a n d pseudepigraphical texts (e.g., Jubilees).
A m o n g these scrolls as well were those that probably
express t h e identity of the Q u m r a n community itself:
c o m m e n t a r i e s o n biblical material (e.g., o n Habakkuk);
c o m m e n t a r i e s o n texts clustered a r o u n d specific t h e m e s or
figures (e.g., Melchizedek); texts employed in the defini
tion a n d regulation of the Community (e.g., Damascus Doc
ument; Rule of the Community [Manual of Discipline]; Temple
Scroll); eschatological texts (War Scroll); a n d texts concern
ing worship (e.g., calendrical texts; Thanksgiving Hymns).
From these scrolls, it a p p e a r s that the Community b e g a n its
life at Q u m r a n sometime during the second century BCE
a n d continued until 68 CE, during the Jewish War with
Rome. T h e Thanksgiving Hymns, which comprised one of the
seven original scrolls discovered in Q u m r a n Cave I, contain
some of the references relevant to the topic of inspired inter
pretation, for these poems, which are modeled on the bibli
cal psalms a n d begin with a word of praise or thanks, reveal
8
a keen interest in the attainment of knowledge.
Written within a generation after the destruction of
J e r u s a l e m in 70 CE, possibly in Palestine, 4 Ezra consists of
6 OF TWO MINDS
a dialogue between the figure of Ezra (the post-exilic

scribe) a n d Uriel, the angelic representative of God. Seven
visions comprise this book, all of t h e m related to the theo
logical problem raised by the destruction of J e r u s a l e m at
the h a n d s of the Romans. T h e first three are dialogues
between Ezra a n d the angel in which Ezra refuses to accept
Uriel's answers about h u m a n sin a n d divine m a n a g e m e n t
of the world; the next three are symbolic visions which lead
Ezra ultimately to give "great glory a n d praise to the Most
H i g h because of his wonders" (13:57); the seventh vision
recounts in detail Ezra's inspired ability to restore the
twenty-four biblical books a n d seventy others that were
destroyed d u r i n g the destruction of Jerusalem. In this final
vision, we e n c o u n t e r the detailed a n d profound conviction
that the activity of the Holy Spirit persists in the wake of
national a n d cultic annihilation, for "the spring of u n d e r
standing, the fountain of wisdom, a n d the stream of knowl
e d g e " (14:47) e m e r g e from the books that Ezra dictates to
9
his scribal associates.
The Impact of the

Qreco-Roman Environment
Although these two m o d e s of inspiration by the divine
spirit—the ecstasy of the seer a n d the inspiration of the
scholar—are the focal points of this study, this book com
prises also a fascinating expose of the encounter between
J u d a i s m a n d its Greco-Roman environment. This book will
d o c u m e n t how Greco-Roman conceptions of inspiration
h a d a d e e p impact u p o n some of these Jewish authors, par
ticularly the a u t h o r of Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, Philo,
a n d J o s e p h u s . Although this impact was neither uniform
n o r uncritical, the Jewish e n c o u n t e r with Greco-Roman
10
culture could not leave J u d a i s m u n c h a n g e d . In o r d e r to
trace this impact accurately, I have derived the mass of evi
dence from three treatises of two Greco-Roman authors,
Cicero a n d Plutarch, which were written between the years,
100 BCE a n d 100 CE.
INTRODUCTION 7
Cicero, who was b o r n on J a n u a r y 3, 106 BCE a n d died

on December 7 , 4 3 BCE, wrote the treatise, De divinatione, to
explore the nature of divination, which he h a d passed over
in an even m o r e comprehensive treatment of religion, De
natura deorum (see Div. 1.8-9; 2.3). Quintus, Cicero's brother
a n d an advocate for the Stoic position, defines divination as
"the foreseeing a n d foretelling of events considered as h a p
p e n i n g by chance" (1.9). H e distinguishes between two
forms of divination: artificial, which employs methods of
divination such as augury, astrology, a n d the examination of
entrails; a n d natural divination, which is produced by m e n
tal excitement a n d dreams (1.12). T h e validity of both, con
tends Quintus, demonstrates two related propositions: "if
there is divination, there are gods . . . if there are gods, there
is divination" (1.10, 82-83). In particular, the gods commu
nicate with humankind, a n d divination is the means by
which h u m a n s interpret the gods' signs.
Of particular import for our study is De divinatione
1.37-71 a n d 1.110-21, in which Quintus discusses natural
divination. H e is concerned to dispute the inference that a
few false dreams invalidate the entire enterprise. This con
cern leads Quintus to argue, on a negative note, that
untrustworthy dreams come to ill-prepared people a n d that
unskilled interpreters misconstrue the m e a n i n g of dreams
a n d oracles (1.60 a n d 1.116-21). O n a positive note,
Quintus contends that people must be properly prepared to
receive dreams a n d inspiration. T h e details of this latter
point are of extraordinary significance for the present study:
the souls of such people have developed their innate kinship
with the cosmos a n d receive dreams a n d oracles when they
are freed from the body a n d stimulated by some external,
divine impulse (1.60-67; 1.114-15; 1.129-30).
Plutarch was b o r n in approximately 46 CE. T h r o u g h
out his life, he m a i n t a i n e d particularly close ties with the
oracular shrine at Delphi a n d held a priesthood from 95 CE
until his d e a t h sometime in the 120s CE. In light of this inti
m a t e relationship to Delphi, it is not surprising that h e
devoted several of his dialogues to topics related to Delphi.
In De E apud Delphos, h e interpreted the word EI at the
8 OF TWO MINDS
shrine's e n t r a n c e . In De Pythiae oraculis, he sought to

explain why the priestess n o longer r e s p o n d e d to queries
in verse. And in De defectu oraculorum, he addressed the
problem of diminished oracular activity at Delphi, "or
r a t h e r the total disappearance of all but o n e or two; but we
should deliberate the reason why they have b e c o m e so
utterly weak" (41 IE). Of the four responses to this question
which Plutarch proffered, two are particularly significant
for u n d e r s t a n d i n g the conceptions of ecstasy in c h a p t e r
two of this book, in which we shall study the interpretation
of Balaam offered by Philo a n d J o s e p h u s , as well as the
contours of Kenaz's vision in Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum.
In Def Orac. 414F-418D (see also 431A-B; 435A;
436F-437A), o n e of the figures in the dialogue,
Cleombrotus, introduces into the discussion a race of
d e m o n s or d e m i g o d s who share both " h u m a n emotions
a n d godlike power" a n d mediate between the gods a n d
h u m a n k i n d . Cleombrotus attributes the decrease in oracu
lar activity to their d e p a r t u r e from Delphi; when these
good d e m o n s leave a shrine, the oracles lose their powers,
but when they return later, "the oracles, like musical instru
ments, become articulate" once again.
A n o t h e r participant in the discussion, Lamprias, pres
ents the Stoic explanation of inspiration. H e begins with
the innate capacity of the soul to discern the future w h e n it
separates from the body through the impetus of an exter
nal influence, the divine pneuma. In Stoic terms, this
"spirit" is a vapor that issues from air or water (Def. Orac.
431E-434C). For a variety of physiological reasons, these
lakes a n d springs a n d vapors, which contain the impetus of
inspiration, dry u p a n d disappear. Lamprias attributes the
obsolescence of oracles at Delphi to just such a cause, to the
intermittent activity of the famous vapor at Delphi. This
p o i n t of view, like those in De divinatione, will lend remark
able insight into the nature of inspired ecstasy.
Plutarch's interest in matters of religion was not lim
ited solely to Delphi. Plutarch's preoccupation with reli
gion characterized him, even early in life, as the discussion
of Socrates' inspiration in o n e of his earlier works, De genio
INTRODUCTION 9
Socratis, reveals. In this dialogue, De genio Socratis, Plutarch

p r e s e n t e d a detailed discussion of the nature of Socrates'
inspiration: "but what, my d e a r sir, d o we call Socrates' sign
[to daimonion]}" O n e of the participants in this discussion,
Simmias, conjectures that the daimonion is "the u n u t t e r e d
words of a d e m o n , m a k i n g voiceless contact with his intelli
gence," which is free from bodily distractions a n d passions.
Simmias cautions that "the messages of d e m o n s . . . find an
echo in those only whose character is untroubled a n d soul
unruffled . . . " Simmias recognizes that this interpretation
of inspiration differs from p o p u l a r belief, according to
which people receive inspiration when asleep
(588C-589F). As evidence for this interpretation, Simmias
reluctantly summarizes the myth of Timarchus of
Chaeroneia, in which the guiding d e m o n identifies those
stars which float above the abyss as the d e m o n s of u n d e r
standing p e o p l e whose souls are not entirely submerged in
passions. Of these d e m o n s , some float erratically because
they are tethered to unruly souls. O t h e r d e m o n s , however,
are o r d e r e d because they are tethered to responsive, obedi
ent souls from which come the race of diviners a n d inspired
p e o p l e (589F-592F). T h e s e discussions are extremely
i m p o r t a n t for ascertaining Philo's perception of the divine
spirit's impact u p o n Moses a n d u p o n Philo himself.
T h e s e three treatises of Cicero a n d Plutarch will,
therefore, be indispensable for interpreting several of the
Jewish literary works that will be taken u p in the ensuing
pages. Cicero a n d Plutarch have b e q u e a t h e d an u n p a r a l
leled repository of conceptions about inspiration d u r i n g
the Greco-Roman era.
Now that we have set out the cast of characters that occupy
the stage of o u r study, we may begin. T h e d r a m a of how
conceptions of inspiration unfolded, from the ecstasy of
the seer to the interpretations of inspired scholars, p r o m
ises to hold o u r attention r a p t because each literary text
carries its own weight of creativity, its own venturesome
10 OF TWO MINDS
quality, j u s t as m u c h as each is tied to the i m m e n s e a n d var

ied literary tradition that e m e r g e d d u r i n g the Greco-
R o m a n era in the diversity of literary texts represented by
this small—and significant, I hope—volume.
The Inspired Ecstasy
of the Seer
H ints of the experience of ecstasy are strewn t h r o u g h

out the literary landscape of early Jewish authors. T h e
Bible, however, affords only rare a n d ambiguous glimpses
of those experiences of ecstasy. In the eighth century BCE,
H o s e a criticized Israel for saying, " T h e p r o p h e t is a fool,
t h e m a n of the spirit is mad!" (9:7), a n d Micah contrasted
his own b e i n g filled with power a n d "the spirit of the
LORD" with false p r o p h e t s ' inability to obtain visions a n d
revelations, the disgrace of the seers, a n d the shame of the
diviners (3:5-8). Exilic p r o p h e t s may also have laid claim
to experiences of ecstasy. Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 4 0 - 5 5 )
c o m m a n d e d a h e a r i n g because "the LORD God has sent
m e a n d his spirit" (48:16), while Ezekiel claimed that "the
spirit lifted m e u p " (3:12, 14) in a vision a n d that "the spirit
of t h e LORD fell u p o n m e " (11:5). T h e s e biblical descrip
tions are m u t e d , however, s h e d d i n g minimal light on the
particular experiences of these p r o p h e t s .
O t h e r biblical texts which contain m o r e detailed
descriptions of the psychological agitation of p r o p h e t s a n d
seers hint as well at the possibility of ecstatic experiences:
J e r e m i a h ' s h e a r t beat wildly (4:19); h e h a d an incurable
w o u n d (15:18); Isaiah experienced what seemed like birth
p a n g s , a c c o m p a n i e d by a reeling m i n d a n d trembling
(21:3); H a b a k k u k trembled within, a n d his lips quivered
while his steps trembled (3:16). Some of the most detailed
descriptions of this sort of experience are to be found in
the biblical book of Daniel, which was probably written dur
ing the p e r i o d of the Maccabean Rebellion (ca. 166-161
BCE), that is, after Ben Sira h a d compiled his book of wis
d o m . In the book of Daniel, Daniel's spirit was troubled
a n d terrified (7:15); he entered a trance, prostrate o n the
11
12 OF TWO MINDS
g r o u n d (8:17-18), lay down sick (8:27), lacked strength

(10:8-9), a n d was speechless a n d prostrate (10:15-17). T h e
characteristic feature of Daniel's experiences is that these
states follow a vision r a t h e r than, with the onset of ecstasy,
precipitating a vision.
Two autobiographical prophetic reflections may signal
the onset of ecstasy. In J e r e m i a h 20:9, the p r o p h e t cried out,
"If I say, 'I will not mention him [God], or speak any more in
his n a m e , ' then within m e there is something like a b u r n i n g
fire shut u p in my bones; I a m weary with holding it in, a n d I
cannot." J e r e m i a h was not, however, talking about an
ecstatic experience but about a compulsion to preach words
of j u d g m e n t (20:10). T h e second text, Ezek 3:14, depicts
Ezekiel's transport to Babylon: " T h e spirit lifted m e u p a n d
bore m e away; I went in bitterness in the heat of my spirit,
the h a n d of the L O R D being strong u p o n me." In this pro
phetic reflection, heat may suggest the experience of
ecstasy—though that signal is by n o means obvious.
O t h e r clues to the presence of ecstasy in the Jewish
scriptures may a p p e a r in the story of King Saul, in which
both a good spirit a n d an evil spirit in 1 Samuel 10-19 were
capable of b r i n g i n g about a state m a r k e d by a loss of m e n
tal control. Saul, u n d e r the influence of the good spirit,
p r o p h e s i e d with a b a n d of p r o p h e t s who utilized musical
i n s t r u m e n t s — h a r p , t a m b o u r i n e , flute, a n d lyre—perhaps
to induce some form of ecstasy (1 Sam 10:5-6). Some sort
of destructive trance may be implied as well in descriptions
of the effects which the evil spirit h a d on Saul, who tried to
p i n David to t h e wall with his s p e a r w h e n t h e evil spirit
was with him (18:10; 19:9). In Saul's last e n c o u n t e r with
Samuel a n d the b a n d of p r o p h e t s , Saul seems to have
entered some sort of trance: Saul stripped, prophesied,
a n d lay naked (19:23-24).
What these biblical texts suggest is that, although
ecstasy may have b e e n p a r t of the prophetic experience,
biblical descriptions are m u t e d , a n d the presence of ecstasy
must be spun out of intimations a n d suggestive phrases.
Only in the case of Saul does that experience a p p e a r to
constitute a form of trance or ecstasy—but here there is
T H E I N S P I R E D ECSTASY O F T H E SEER 13
apparently n o speech, n o vision, n o d r e a m to communicate

1
subsequently to a b a n d of hearers. T h e following explora
tions of early Jewish descriptions of ecstasy will reveal both
how much more central a role ecstasy can play in later
retellings of the Jewish Bible a n d how m u c h that emphasis
u p o n ecstasy is d u e to the impact of the Greco-Roman environ
ment u p o n J u d a i s m .
According to N u m b e r s 2 2 - 2 4 , which contains the bib
lical story of Balaam a n d the ass, Balak, king of Moab, sent
emissaries to Balaam, a n o t e d seer, to obtain from h i m an
oracle that would defeat Israel, Balak's enemy (22:7-21).
Balaam set off o n his ass, not without equivocation, a n d was
confronted o n the way by an angel. Ironically, the ass per
ceived t h e angelic presence, but Balaam did not. Balaam,
therefore, continued until the angel blocked the way, caus
ing the ass to lie down. In a n g e r Balaam struck the ass,
which addressed h i m with h u m a n language (22:22-30).
T h e n "the L O R D o p e n e d the eyes of Balaam, a n d h e saw
the angel of t h e L O R D standing in the road . . . " (22:31).
T h e angel subsequently p e r m i t t e d Balaam to continue o n
his j o u r n e y to m e e t the king of Midian but c o m m a n d e d
h i m to speak only what the angel would tell h i m to speak
(22:35). Balaam delivered four oracular speeches, all of
t h e m extolling Israel, including the prediction that a star
would c o m e out of J a c o b a n d crush the Midianites, with
w h o m Balak was allied (24:17).
Perplexing ambiguities beset this narrative. T h o u g h a
travelogue of sorts, the j o u r n e y is j a g g e d , b e g u n with t h e
approval of God (22:20) but i n t e r r u p t e d immediately by
God's angel, who confronted Balaam disapprovingly in a
walled p a t h between two vineyards. This e n c o u n t e r intro
duces an e l e m e n t of ambiguity into the narrative, for now
the process by which Balaam was capable of delivering ora
cles becomes confused. Originally God h a d c o m m a n d e d ,
"Do only what I tell you to d o " (22:20); subsequently the
angel c o m m a n d e d , "Speak only what I tell you to speak"
(22:35). T h e angel did not reappear, however, to spark
Balaam's oracles; instead, God "put a word into his m o u t h "
14 OF TWO MINDS
(23:16), and, p r i o r to the third oracle, the spirit of G o d

"came u p o n h i m " (24:2).
Equally troubling is the focus of this tale—central to
Israel's self-consciousness as a blessed nation—on a diviner
(Josh 13:22) who hailed from the Euphrates ( N u m 22:5)
a n d j o u r n e y e d to Moab to deliver oracles at the request of a
foreign king who ruled Israel's enemies. Further, t h e
responsibility for sparing the Midianite w o m e n who
seduced Israel, led t h e m to idolatry, a n d consequently
b r o u g h t about a plague which killed twenty-four t h o u s a n d
( N u m 25:1-9) is attributed to Balaam in N u m 31:16. How
could it be that the angel of God would instruct Balaam
(22:35), or that the spirit of God would come u p o n him
(24:2), or that God would "put a word into his m o u t h "
(23:16)—an experience promised the true p r o p h e t in Deut
18:18 a n d d e n i e d diviners a n d soothsayers (18:9-14)? This
j a r r i n g dissonance, which so violates the principle of
prophecy espoused in Deuteronomy 18, led the a u t h o r of
Deuteronomy to a n o t h e r explanation of Balaam's blessing.
Balaam cursed r a t h e r than blessed Israel, but God
thwarted Balaam's efforts by refusing to listen to the curse
a n d by transforming it into a blessing: "the LORD your
God t u r n e d the curse into a blessing for you, because the
LORD your G o d loved you" (Deut 23:6). T h e a u t h o r of
Deuteronomy makes n o a t t e m p t to salvage Balaam;
Balaam cursed, God blessed.
O t h e r explanations of Balaam's experience arose dur
ing the post-biblical era. T h e problems of the source of
Balaam's oracles a n d the incorrigible character of this seer
led early Jewish biblical interpreters in a direction that very
nearly burst the old wineskin of the biblical text with robust
2
new wines that m a t u r e d d u r i n g the Greco-Roman e r a . T h e
products are i n d e e d intoxicating, celebrations of creativity.
Two of these Jewish authors, Philo a n d J o s e p h u s , modify
N u m b e r s 2 2 - 2 4 by m e a n s of different m e t h o d s . Philo
moves in sequence, a d a p t i n g a n d altering details as they
arise in the biblical text. J o s e p h u s takes his m o r e typical
tack, placing a speech into Balaam's m o u t h which
a n n o u n c e s J o s e p h u s ' point of view. Despite these differing
m e t h o d s of modifying the biblical text, the interpretations

of J o s e p h u s a n d Philo concur remarkably about both the
source of Balaam's oracles a n d the state in which h e found
himself w h e n h e delivered his oracular blessings of Israel.
Both authors identify the angel of N u m 22:35 with the
3
spirit of N u m 24:2 (or LXX 23:7) a n d characterize Balaam
as having e n t e r e d a state of ecstasy.
The Angel and the Spirit

Philo eliminates the ambiguity of the multiple sources of
Balaam's oracles—God, the angel, the spirit—which is
i n h e r e n t in the biblical text, by drawing a close relationship
between the prediction of the angel a n d its fulfillment by
the spirit. T h e prediction of the angel in Vit. Mos. 1.274 a n d
its accomplishment by the prophetic spirit in Vit. Mos.
1.277 describe the same event, the former in anticipation
a n d the latter in retrospect. In an e x p a n d e d version of N u m
22:35, the angel predicts: " . . . I shall p r o m p t the needful
words without your mind's consent, a n d direct your organs
of speech as justice a n d convenience require. I shall guide
the reins of speech, and, though you understand it not,
employ your tongue for each prophetic utterance" (Vit. Mos.
1.274). This prediction is fulfilled when Balaam "advanced
outside, a n d straightway became possessed, a n d there fell
u p o n him the truly prophetic spirit which banished utterly
from his soul his art of wizardry" (Vit. Mos. 1.277). Philo cre
ates this direct correspondence between the prediction of
the angel a n d its fulfillment by the divine spirit by eliminat
ing the intervening references to God in N u m 22:38 a n d
23:5, according to which God placed a word in Balaam's
m o u t h . In Philo's version, the angel who h a d promised to
p r o m p t Balaam's words, direct his vocal organs, guide the
reins of speech, a n d employ his t o n g u e actually accom
plished this w h e n it reappeared, designated appropriately
in this new context as the prophetic spirit.
J o s e p h u s arrives at a similar identification of t h e
angel a n d spirit of N u m b e r s 2 2 - 2 4 , t h o u g h by different
m e a n s . H e carefully draws a parallel between the initial
16 OF TWO MINDS
a p p r o a c h of the divine angel a n d the ass's perception of the

divine spirit:
But o n the road an angel of G o d confronted h i m in a narrow
p l a c e , e n c l o s e d by s t o n e walls o n e i t h e r s i d e , a n d t h e ass
w h e r e o n B a l a a m r o d e , c o n s c i o u s o f t h e d i v i n e spirit
a p p r o a c h i n g her, t u r n i n g a s i d e thrust B a l a a m a g a i n s t o n e
o f these fences, insensible to the blows with which the seer
b e l a b o r e d h e r . . . (Ant. 4 . 1 0 8 ) .
In this summary, J o s e p h u s shows n o reluctance to use the

expressions, "angel of G o d " a n d "divine spirit," inter
4
changeably.
In Philo's De vita Mosis a n d Josephus' Antiquities, there
fore, the source of inspiration is not, as in the Bible, God,
whose d o m i n a n t presence eclipses the impact of the angel
a n d spirit. Instead, Philo a n d J o s e p h u s t h r o u g h i n d e p e n d
ent m e a n s transform the character of the divine spirit.
After identifying the angel which a p p e a r s to the ass with
"the divine spirit" (Ant. 4.108), J o s e p h u s attributes
Balaam's oracles to "the divine spirit" (4.118) a n d "the
spirit of G o d " (4.119). In Philo's De vita Mosis, the angel
appoints itself t h e source of Balaam's oracles (1.274), a n d
Balaam is t h e n overcome, in explicit fulfillment of the
angel's prediction, by this "prophetic spirit" (1.277).
The Experience of Ecstasy

A n o t h e r question which Philo a n d J o s e p h u s address con
cerns t h e process by which Balaam's oracles were p r o d u c e d .
About this process, N u m b e r s 2 2 - 2 4 offers precious little
detail. T h e angel c o m m a n d e d Balaam to utter only what
the angel would say (22:35). T h e remaining descriptions
are brief a n d formulaic. T h e first a n d second oracles
occurred because "the L O R D p u t a word in Balaam's/his
m o u t h " (23:5, 16). Similarly, Balaam's repeated retort to
Balak, that he spoke only what God p u t into his m o u t h
(23:12) or what h e heard from G o d (23:26; 24:13), pro
vides little clarification because it too consists of formulaic
language drawn from the description of the true p r o p h e t
in Deut 18:18: "I shall p u t my words in the m o u t h of the
Above: Socrates. A c c o r d i n g t o
Plutarch, a "demon" (dai
monion) s p o k e s i l e n t l y t o h i m ,
imparting insight to his
advanced soul.
Right: C a s s a n d r a . S h e w a s
distinguished in G r e c o - R o m a n
writings b y h e r ability to predict
the future under a violent form
of inspiration.
Delphi
A n imaginative illustration of the inspired f e m a l e prophet
in a t r a n c e .
Delphi
T h e a b o d e of the inspired f e m a l e prophet.
A b o v e : Cicero. T h i s
Roman sage wrote
about the pros and
cons of believing in
inspiration.
Right: Plutarch. D u r
ing t h e first c e n t u r y ,
this intellectual p o n
d e r e d the source of
Socrates' inspiration
and wisdom.
Balaam
His ass p e r c e i v e d the a n g e l ' s p r e s e n c e b e f o r e h e did,
according to N u m b e r s 2 2 - 2 4 .
(Painting by J. J a m e s Tissot.)
Balaam
H e is s h o w n h e r e b l e s s i n g , r a t h e r t h a n c u r s i n g , I s r a e l b e c a u s e — a c c o r d i n g
to Philo a n d J o s e p h u s — a n a n g e l c o n t r o l l e d his v o i c e .
(Painting by H . Flandrin.)
Othniel
T h e a u t h o r o f t h e Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum e l e v a t e s K e n a z , O t h n i e l ' s f a t h e r ,
a n d e x p l a i n s h o w h e w a s i n s p i r e d . ( I n t h e B i b l e , O t h n i e l is i n s p i r e d . )
Saul
T h e first k i n g o f Israel w a s o f t e n d e p i c t e d
as inspired a n d possessed.
( N i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y illustration by G u s t a v e Dore.)
18 OF TWO MINDS
active d u r i n g the oracle, a n d he did indeed u n d e r s t a n d

nothing. Balaam did n o m o r e than repeat the words which
were given to him: "he spake these oracles as o n e r e p e a t i n g
the words which a n o t h e r h a d p u t into his m o u t h . " This
emphasis is evident further in.Philo's interpretation of
Balaam's second oracle. According to the biblical version,
in N u m 23:16, this oracle transpired when "the L O R D p u t a
word in his [Balaam's] m o u t h . . ." Philo expands this
laconic description: "In this solitude, he was suddenly pos
sessed, and, u n d e r s t a n d i n g nothing, his reason as it were
roaming, uttered these prophetic words which were p u t
into his m o u t h " (Vit. Mos. 1.283). O n c e again, the oracle
transpired when Balaam's intellectual faculties were
extinguished.
J o s e p h u s ' narrative summary of Balaam's first oracle
is u n c o m m o n l y similar to Philo's portrayal of Balaam's
experience: "Such was the inspired utterance of o n e who
was n o longer his own master but was overruled by the
divine spirit to deliver it" (Ant. 4.118). In the context of the
ensuing speech of Balaam, in which Balaam explained why
he h a d blessed Israel, J o s e p h u s employs two statements,
each followed by an explanation introduced by an explana
tory "for" to specify the m o d e of inspiration to which
Balaam was susceptible:
Balak . . . h a s t t h o u r e f l e c t e d o n t h e w h o l e m a t t e r a n d
t h i n k e s t t h o u that it rests w i t h us at all t o b e silent o r t o s p e a k
o n s u c h t h e m e s as t h e s e , w h e n w e are p o s s e s s e d by t h e spirit
o f G o d ? For that spirit g i v e s u t t e r a n c e to s u c h l a n g u a g e a n d
w o r d s as it will, w h e r e o f w e are all u n c o n s c i o u s (Ant. 4 . 1 1 9 ) .
Balaam continued:
B u t G o d is m i g h t i e r t h a n that d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f m i n e t o d o
this favor; a n d w h o l l y i m p o t e n t are t h e y w h o p r e t e n d t o
s u c h f o r e k n o w l e d g e o f h u m a n affairs, d r a w n f r o m t h e i r o w n
breasts, as t o refrain f r o m s p e a k i n g that w h i c h t h e D e i t y s u g
g e s t s a n d t o v i o l a t e H i s will. For n o t h i n g w i t h i n u s , o n c e H e
h a s g a i n e d p r i o r entry, is any m o r e o u r o w n (Ant. 4 . 1 2 1 ) .
This repetition suggests how emphatically J o s e p h u s

wanted his readers to know that Balaam was not in himself
(Ant. 4.118), that he became unconscious (4.119), a n d that
he was n o longer in possession of his mental faculties

(4.121).
Philo's a n d J o s e p h u s ' interpretations p e r m i t us to pin
point with relative accuracy the nature of Balaam's
inspiration.
• Balaam's conscious mental faculties were r e n d e r e d

inactive by the invading presence of the angelic
spirit.
• Balaam was "possessed" by this angelic spirit (Vit.

Mos. 1.277, 283) which gained early entry into him
(Ant. 4.121).
• F r o m within, this divine spirit utilized Balaam's

m o u t h to p r o d u c e oracular words a n d sounds of
its own choosing.
Where N u m b e r s 2 2 - 2 4 is ambiguous—on the source of

Balaam's oracles—the versions of Philo a n d J o s e p h u s ring
with clarity: the divine angelic spirit was the source of
Balaam's oracles. Where N u m b e r s 2 2 - 2 4 is vague—on the
process involved in the production of oracles—the versions
of Philo a n d J o s e p h u s are u n a m b i g u o u s : Balaam was ren
d e r e d unconscious by this angelic spirit who ousted his
mental control a n d m a n i p u l a t e d his vocal chords to bless
Israel. T h e s e developments are impressive both in terms of
their clarity a n d creativity.
Ecstasy and the Qreco-Roman Era

How m i g h t we explain this g a p between the ambiguity of
the biblical story a n d the clarity of these two first-century
Jewish interpreters? T h e writings of Plato based u p o n the
life a n d teachings of Socrates provide an i m p o r t a n t clue to
the answer to this question. Socrates' statement that the
loss of mental control is the central characteristic of
inspired utterance can be located in his discussion of
madness:
20 OF TWO MINDS
. . . b u t in reality t h e g r e a t e s t o f b l e s s i n g s c o m e t o us t h r o u g h
m a d n e s s , w h e n it is s e n t as a gift o f t h e g o d s . For t h e p r o p h
e t e s s at D e l p h i a n d t h e p r i e s t e s s e s at D o d o n a w h e n t h e y
have b e e n m a d have conferred many splendid benefits
u p o n G r e e c e b o t h in p r i v a t e a n d in p u b l i c affairs, b u t few o r
n o n e w h e n t h e y h a v e b e e n in t h e i r r i g h t m i n d s . . . (Phaedrus
244A-B).
Socrates also describes the inspiration of the poet, who "is

unable ever to indite until he has been inspired a n d p u t out
of his senses, a n d his m i n d is n o longer in him . . ." (Ion
534B). Composition of odes, dance songs, a n d verse are
uttered "not by a r t . . . but by divine influence." Therefore,
G o d takes away t h e m i n d o f t h e s e a n d u s e s t h e m as his m i n
isters, j u s t as h e d o e s s o o t h s a y e r s a n d g o d l y s e e r s , i n o r d e r
that w e w h o h e a r t h e m m a y k n o w that it is n o t t h e y w h o
u t t e r t h e s e w o r d s o f g r e a t p r i c e , b u t that it is G o d h i m s e l f
w h o s p e a k s a n d a d d r e s s e s us t h r o u g h t h e m (Ion 5 3 4 C - D ) . °
Discernible here is a repository of conceptions which lie at

the base of Philo's a n d J o s e p h u s ' belief that Balaam suc
c u m b e d to madness, to divine madness, which caused his
m i n d to wander, his consciousness to be lost.
Plato provides a n o t h e r piece of the scaffolding—this
time with respect to the role of figures of m e d i a t i o n — u p o n
which Philo a n d J o s e p h u s could build their presentation of
the angelic spirit which functions as the central m e d i a t o r
figure in the story of Balaam. Plato describes a d e m o n i c
being—a d e m o n — a s :
. . . interpreting a n d transporting h u m a n things to the g o d s
a n d d i v i n e t h i n g s t o h u m a n s ; e n t r e a t i e s a n d sacrifices f r o m
below, a n d o r d i n a n c e s a n d requitals f r o m a b o v e : b e i n g m i d
w a y b e t w e e n . It m a k e s e a c h s u p p l e m e n t t h e other, s o t h a t
t h e w h o l e is c o m b i n e d i n o n e . T h r o u g h it are c o n v e y e d all
d i v i n a t i o n a n d priestcraft c o n c e r n i n g sacrifice a n d ritual
a n d i n c a n t a t i o n s , a n d all s o o t h s a y i n g a n d sorcery. G o d w i t h
m a n d o e s n o t m i n g l e : b u t t h e spiritual is t h e m e a n s o f all
society a n d c o n v e r s e o f m e n w i t h g o d s a n d o f g o d s w i t h
m e n , whether waking or asleep . . . Many and multifarious
are t h e s e spirits, a n d o n e o f t h e m is L o v e (Symposium
202E-203A).
T h e i m p o r t a n c e of this description of d e m o n s is evi

d e n t in Philo's discussions of angels. In his most t h o r o u g h
explanation, Gig. 6-18 (on Gen 6:2), Philo introduces a
comparison: "It is Moses' custom to give the n a m e of
angels to those w h o m o t h e r philosophers call d e m o n s . . .
souls, that is, which fly a n d hover in the air" (Gig. 6). T h e s e
angels are "consecrated a n d devoted to the service of t h e
Father a n d Creator whose wont it is to employ t h e m as m i n
isters a n d helpers, to have charge a n d care of mortal m a n . "
Although Plato provides the two elements of Balaam's
experience—loss of mental control a n d an angelic o r
d e m o n i c b e i n g — h e does not explicitly draw the sort of
association between angels (demons) a n d loss of m e n t a l
control that is integral to Philo's a n d Josephus's interpreta
tion of Balaam. According to these two Greco-Roman Jew
ish authors, Balaam did not merely lose mental control. H e
lost the reins of his mental control to an overpowering angelic
spirit which possessed him, thrust away his u n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
a n d utilized his vocal capacity to p r o n o u n c e blessings u p o n
Israel. For that association Plutarch's De defectu oraculorum
is indispensable.
O n e of the participants in the discussion,
Cleombrotus, attributes the decrease in oracular activity at
Delphi to the d e p a r t u r e of the mediating d e m o n s , what
Philo would call angels. This is, Cleombrotus observes, a
longstanding view that was claimed by adherents long in
advance of himself:
L e t this s t a t e m e n t b e v e n t u r e d for us, f o l l o w i n g t h e l e a d o f
m a n y o t h e r s b e f o r e us, that c o i n c i d e n t a l l y w i t h t h e t o t a l
d e f e c t i o n o f t h e g u a r d i a n spirits a s s i g n e d t o t h e o r a c l e s a n d
prophetic shrines, occurs the defection of the oracles t h e m
selves; a n d w h e n t h e spirits flee o r g o t o a n o t h e r p l a c e , t h e
o r a c l e s t h e m s e l v e s l o s e t h e i r p o w e r (Def. Orac. 4 1 8 C - D ) .
Later in the discussion, Lamprias criticizes Cleombrotus'

explanation, but before he does he summarizes it: "For
what was said t h e n [i.e., earlier], that when the d e m i g o d s
withdraw a n d forsake the oracles, these lie idle a n d inartic
ulate like the instruments of musicians . . . " (Def Orac.
431A-B).
22 OF TWO MINDS
Although Philo, J o s e p h u s , a n d Cleombrotus are three

quite different personalities, all three espouse a m o d e of
inspiration in which an angelic or d e m o n i c being inspires
oracular speech. This conclusion still does not exhaust the
kinship of Cleombrotus' view with Philo's a n d J o s e p h u s '
versions of Balaam. T h e means of inspiration are also anal
ogous: the recipient of inspiration remains passive in the
presence of the inspiring angel. Balaam, in J o s e p h u s '
Antiquities, says, "For that spirit gives utterance to such lan
guage a n d words as it will, whereof we are all unconscious
(4.120). In Philo's De vita Mosis, the angel predicts, "I shall
p r o m p t the needful words without your mind's consent"
(1.274). In De defectu oraculorum, Cleombrotus accentuates
this passivity by a d o p t i n g the simile of musical instru
ments. W h e n the d e m o n s return, "the oracles, like musical
instruments, become articulate, since those who can p u t
t h e m to use are present a n d in charge of t h e m " (Def. Orac.
418D). This image occurs as well in Philo's writings in a
related description of the prophetic p h e n o m e n o n . Philo
equates the onset of ecstasy with the arrival of the divine
spirit: "This is what regularly befalls the fellowship of the
p r o p h e t s . T h e m i n d is evicted at the arrival of the divine
Spirit, but when that departs the m i n d returns to its ten
ancy" (Her. 265). Philo continues by connecting this inter
pretation of ecstasy in Gen 15:12 with the words: It was said
to A b r a h a m , " in Gen 15:13:
For i n d e e d t h e p r o p h e t , e v e n w h e n h e s e e m s t o b e s p e a k
i n g , really h o l d s h i s p e a c e , a n d h i s o r g a n s o f s p e e c h ,
m o u t h a n d t o n g u e , are w h o l l y in t h e e m p l o y o f A n o t h e r , t o
s h e w f o r t h w h a t H e wills. U n s e e n by u s t h a t O t h e r b e a t s o n
t h e c h o r d s w i t h t h e skill o f a m a s t e r - h a n d a n d m a k e s t h e m
instruments of sweet music, laden with every h a r m o n y
(Her. 2 6 6 ) .
T h e ingredients of inspiration integral to Philo's version of

Balaam—the spirit, an ecstatic state, the mutual exclusive-
ness of mortal a n d immortal, the p r o m p t i n g of the vocal
organs, a n d the passivity of the prophet—coalesce in this
definition of prophecy. T h e use here of the m e t a p h o r of
music links this definition of prophecy to the view held by
Cleombrotus, according to which, "when the spirits return

many years later, the oracles, like musical instruments,
b e c o m e articulate, since those who can p u t t h e m to use are
present a n d in charge of t h e m " (Def. Orac. 418D).
Cleombrotus' explanation of Delphic inspiration,
then, sheds extraordinary light on the interpretations of
Philo a n d J o s e p h u s . All three preserve the b o u n d a r i e s
between the spheres of gods a n d h u m a n s by attributing
p r o p h e t i c activity to an angelic or demonic being who plays
u p o n a passive p r o p h e t . Still, Cleombrotus' point of view,
despite its significance for u n d e r s t a n d i n g the views of
J o s e p h u s a n d Philo, does not ultimately explain the inordi
nate emphasis they place u p o n the angel's manipulation of
Balaam's vocal chords. According to J o s e p h u s , the angel
"gives utterance to such language a n d words as it will . . ."
(Ant. 4.120). According to Philo, the angel predicted: " . . . I
shall p r o m p t the needful words without your mind's con
sent, a n d direct your organs of speech as justice a n d conve
nience require. I shall guide the reins of speech, and,
t h o u g h you u n d e r s t a n d it not, employ your t o n g u e for
each p r o p h e t i c utterance" (Vit. Mos. 1.274).
T h a t the simile of the musician in Cleombrotus' inter
pretation does not adequately explain these detailed
depictions of inspiration ought not to be surprising, for
Cleombrotus' explanation is d e e m e d inadequate even by
some of his dialogue partners in De defectu oraculorum.
Lamprias, for example, points out that Cleombrotus has
not sufficiently explained the mechanics of inspiration.
Rather, according to Lamprias, Cleombrotus' conviction
"that w h e n the demigods [demons] withdraw a n d forsake
the oracles, these lie idle a n d inarticulate like the instru
m e n t s of musicians"
raises a n o t h e r q u e s t i o n o f g r e a t e r i m p o r t r e g a r d i n g t h e
c a u s a t i v e m e a n s a n d p o w e r w h i c h t h e y e m p l o y to m a k e t h e
p r o p h e t i c p r i e s t s a n d p r i e s t e s s e s p o s s e s s e d by i n s p i r a t i o n
a n d a b l e t o p r e s e n t t h e i r v i s i o n s . For it is n o t p o s s i b l e t o
h o l d that t h e d e s e r t i o n by t h e d e m i g o d s is t h e r e a s o n for t h e
s i l e n c e o f t h e o r a c l e s u n l e s s w e are c o n v i n c e d as to t h e m a n
n e r in w h i c h t h e d e m i g o d s , by h a v i n g t h e o r a c l e s in t h e i r
24 OF TWO MINDS
c h a r g e a n d by t h e i r p r e s e n c e t h e r e , m a k e t h e m active a n d
articulate {Def. Orac. 4 3 I B ) .
Illumination of Philo's a n d J o s e p h u s ' emphasis on the

manipulation of the vocal chords does not, however, lie far
afield of Cleombrotus' words. Earlier in De defectu
oraculorum, Lamprias maligned a view of inspiration accord
ing to which it could be imagined "that the god himself after
the m a n n e r of ventriloquists (who used to be called
'Eurycleis,' but now 'Pythones') enters into the bodies of his
prophets a n d prompts their utterances, employing their
mouths a n d voices as instruments" (Def Orac. 414E). T h e
passivity of the prophet, according to this interpretation,
extends to the manipulation of his or her vocal chords. This
characterizes, of course, the experience of Balaam who
states, according to Josephus, that the "spirit gives utterance
to such language a n d words as it will" (Ant. 4.119), a n d to
whom, according to Philo, the angel promises that it will
"guide the reins of speech, and . . . employ your tongue for
each prophetic utterance" (Vit. Mos. 1.274).
Philo a n d J o s e p h u s adroitly a d a p t the two streams of
Greco-Roman conceptions of inspiration which were
maligned by Lamprias a n d espoused by Cleombrotus. This
combination of these views permits Philo a n d J o s e p h u s to
acknowledge the power of God in Balaam's oracles on
Israel's behalf while simultaneously maintaining God's dis
tance from this diviner: not God but an angelic spirit pos
sessed Balaam, took hold of his vocal chords, a n d m e d i a t e d
oracles in praise of Israel.
T h e nature of Balaam's ecstasy in the versions of
Balaam proffered by Philo a n d J o s e p h u s can, therefore,
best be u n d e r s t o o d in the light of Plutarch's De defectu
oraculorum. Cleombrotus, a figure in this dialogue, both
attributes oracular activity to the presence of d e m o n i c
beings a n d implies, by m e a n s of the simile of musical
instruments, that such inspiration entails the loss of mental
control. This view alone shows how easily Philo a n d
J o s e p h u s attribute Balaam's oracles to an angelic spirit a n d
underscore his loss of mental control. T h e additional
detail, r e p e a t e d in both versions, that the angel
m a n i p u l a t e d Balaam's vocal chords, is discernible as well in

Plutarch's De defectu oraculorum, in Lamprias' description of
the gods' use of vocal chords.
Pseudo-Philo on the Ecstasy of Kenaz

T h e biblical book ofJ u d g e s recounts briefly a n d colorlessly
the exploits of a little-known j u d g e n a m e d Othniel:
B u t w h e n t h e Israelites c r i e d o u t to t h e LORD, t h e LORD
r a i s e d u p a d e l i v e r e r for t h e Israelites, w h o d e l i v e r e d t h e m ,
O t h n i e l s o n o f K e n a z , Caleb's y o u n g e r brother. T h e spirit o f
t h e LORD c a m e u p o n h i m , a n d h e j u d g e d Israel; h e w e n t
o u t t o war, a n d t h e LORD g a v e K i n g C u s h a n - r i s h a t h a i m o f
A r a m i n t o his h a n d ; a n d his h a n d p r e v a i l e d o v e r
C u s h a n - r i s h a t h a i m . S o t h e l a n d h a d rest forty y e a r s . T h e n
Othniel son o f Kenaz died (Judg 3 : 9 - 1 1 ) .
O n e of the central figures in Pseudo-Philo's Liber

Antiquitatum Biblicarum is Kenaz, Othniel's father. Pseudo-
Philo has presumably substituted Kenaz for Othniel in his
version. T h e role Kenaz takes on in Liber Antiquitatum
Biblicarum is remarkable. His centrality is evident in the
disparity between the m e a g e r m e n t i o n Kenaz (biblical
Othniel) receives in the biblical book of J u d g e s a n d the
i m m o d e s t space he occupies in Pseudo-Philo's version. T h e
effects of the spirit are attributed three times to this figure
in Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum. Twice the spirit is said to
have inspired Kenaz to feats of mercurial heroism:
A n d K e n a z a r o s e , a n d t h e spirit o f t h e LORD c l o t h e d h i m ,
a n d h e d r e w his sword . . . ( L A B 2 7 : 9 ) .
A n d w h e n Kenaz heard their words, h e was clothed with the

spirit o f p o w e r a n d was c h a n g e d i n t o a n o t h e r m a n , a n d h e
w e n t d o w n t o t h e A m o r i t e c a m p a n d b e g a n t o strike t h e m
d o w n (LAB 27:10).
Military success is not, however, the sole occasion for

Kenaz's reception of the spirit; Pseudo-Philo spins, pre
sumably out of equally thin air, a climactic prophetic vision
at the e n d of Kenaz's extraordinary life:
A n d w h e n t h e y [ t h e p r o p h e t s a n d e l d e r s o f Israel] h a d sat
d o w n , [a] H o l y Spirit c a m e u p o n K e n a z a n d d w e l l e d in h i m
26 OF TWO MINDS
and elevated his mind [put him in ecstasy], and he began to

prophesy, saying . . . "Now I see what I had not hoped for,
and I perceive that I did not understand . . ." (LAB 28:6)
Kenaz t h e n recounts a vision of cosmic proportions which
spans several millennia, from creation to j u d g m e n t . This
remarkable vision concludes:
And when Kenaz had spoken these words, he was awakened,
and his senses came back to him. But he did not know what
he had said or what he had seen. But this alone he said to
the people: "If the repose of the just after they have died is
like this, we must die to the corruptible world so as not to see
sins." And when he had said these words, Kenaz died and
slept with his fathers. And the people mourned for him
thirty days (LAB 28:10).
This depiction of Kenaz's reception of the spirit contains a
great deal that does not arise from its biblical source, J u d g
3 : 9 - 1 1 . T h e scene in Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum begins,
first of all, with the observation that the spirit not only
s p r a n g u p o n Kenaz but also inhabited him. Neither concep
tion—springing u p o n a n d indwelling—taken i n d e p e n d
ently can be considered unbiblical. T h e verb, "leapt"
(insilire), echoes 1 Samuel 10-11 r a t h e r than J u d g e s 3; in
the Vulgate of 1 Sam 10:6, 10, a n d 11:6, this verb depicts
the powerful presence of the spirit when it overcame Saul,
causing him to prophesy or to gather his people for war by
cutting a yoke of oxen in several pieces. T h e notion of a
spirit that indwells an individual is also at h o m e in n u m e r
ous texts that speak of wisdom, such as Gen 41:38, Exod
31:3, N u m 27:18-20, Deut 34:9, J o b 27:3, 32:7-8 a n d 18,
a n d M T Dan 4 : 5 - 6 , 4:15, 5:11-14. However, what distin
guishes Kenaz's experience from these biblical texts is the
juxtaposition of these two very different concepts of the
spirit's advent: the spirit both s p r a n g u p o n Kenaz and
indwelt him.
Pseudo-Philo describes not only the m o d e of the
spirit's presence, but also the effect which the spirit h a d
u p o n Kenaz: the onset of ecstasy occurred when the spirit
caused Kenaz's m i n d to ascend. T h e e n d of Kenaz's ecstatic
experience transpired when " . . . he was awakened, a n d his
sense came back to him." Kenaz was in a trance-like state
from which it was necessary to awaken him. As if this were

not adequate to call attention to the ecstatic character of
Kenaz's vision, Pseudo-Philo records as well: "But he did not
know what he h a d said or what he had seen" (LAB 28:10).
An extraordinarily rich coalescence of non-biblical
details, therefore, serves to underscore the ecstatic nature
of Kenaz's experience. T h e spirit springs u p o n Kenaz,
indwells him, a n d elevates his m i n d j u s t prior to his death.
A vision ensues in which Kenaz's m i n d traverses the cosmos
to see the j u d g m e n t that will transpire far in the future.
O n c e h e is awakened a n d his m i n d returns from its travels,
Kenaz is u n a b l e to recollect what he saw. T h e contours of
the Holy Spirit's effect u p o n Kenaz are clear a n d well-
conceived, a n d they are most decidedly not the contours
supplied readily by the biblical story he p u r p o r t s to re-tell.
T h e s e elements are, however, explicable within the
Greco-Roman culture in which the Liber Antiquitatum
6
Biblicarum was c o m p o s e d .
Such extra-biblical elements correspond to p o p u l a r
Greco-Roman concepts of the ascent of the soul as they are
detailed by Cicero in his De divinatione, which he c o m p o s e d
d u r i n g the first century BCE. In an illuminating summary
of the inspired prophetic ascent of the soul, Quintus,
Cicero's brother, a n d a chief p r o p o n e n t of the Stoic view of
inspiration, says:
W h e n , t h e r e f o r e , t h e soul h a s b e e n w i t h d r a w n by s l e e p f r o m
c o n t a c t w i t h s e n s u a l ties, t h e n d o e s it recall t h e past, c o m
p r e h e n d t h e p r e s e n t , a n d f o r e s e e t h e future. For t h o u g h
t h e s l e e p i n g b o d y t h e n lies as if it w e r e d e a d , y e t t h e s o u l is
a l i v e a n d s t r o n g , a n d will b e m u c h m o r e s o after d e a t h
w h e n it is w h o l l y free o f t h e b o d y . H e n c e its p o w e r t o d i v i n e
is m u c h e n h a n c e d by t h e a p p r o a c h o f d e a t h . For e x a m p l e ,
t h o s e in t h e g r a s p o f a s e r i o u s a n d fatal s i c k n e s s r e a l i z e t h e
fact t h a t d e a t h i m p e n d s ; a n d s o , v i s i o n s o f d e a d p e o p l e
g e n e r a l l y a p p e a r to t h e m a n d t h e n t h e i r d e s i r e for f a m e is
s t r o n g e s t ; w h i l e t h o s e w h o h a v e l i v e d o t h e r w i s e t h a n as t h e y
s h o u l d , feel, at s u c h a t i m e , t h e k e e n e s t sorrow for t h e i r sins
(Div. 1.63).
Following this summary, Quintus provides an e x a m p l e

from Posidonius "of the power of dying p e o p l e to
28 OF TWO MINDS
prophesy" (1.64). Kenaz of the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum

could equally provide a n o t h e r example of such an inspired
figure. J u s t prior to his death, Kenaz enters a state akin to
sleep, from which he must be awakened, when his sensus is
elevated in a vision. Although Kenaz confesses that his eye
does not know what it sees, his vision nonetheless extends
from the abyss to the m o u n t a i n t o p s a n d encompasses what
he assumes is the entire seven thousand years of h u m a n
existence. T h e chronological span of this vision, therefore,
as in Cicero's summary, encompasses the creation (past)
a n d the consummation (future) of the world, providing the
basis for an exhortation to his hearers (present).
A similar d e s c r i p t i o n of inspired ascent from t h e
first century CE is proffered by Plutarch who, in his inter
p r e t a t i o n of Plato's Timaeus 7 I E , c o n t e n d s t h a t souls
exercise t h e i r i n n a t e capacity "in d r e a m s , a n d s o m e in
t h e h o u r of d e a t h , w h e n t h e body b e c o m e s cleansed of all
i m p u r i t i e s a n d attains a t e m p e r a m e n t a d a p t e d to this
e n d , a t e m p e r a m e n t t h r o u g h which t h e r e a s o n i n g a n d
t h i n k i n g faculty of t h e souls is r e l a x e d a n d released from
t h e i r p r e s e n t state as they r a n g e a m i d t h e i r r a t i o n a l a n d
imaginative r e a l m s of t h e future" (Def. Orac. 4 3 2 C ) . T h i s
d e s c r i p t i o n coincides with t h e e x p e r i e n c e of Kenaz,
whose sensus is raised in a sleep-like state to r a n g e t h e
future j u s t p r i o r to his d e a t h .
This coalescence of elements of inspiration suggests
that the contours of Kenaz's visionary experience were
s h a p e d in a Jewish milieu which incorporated, consciously
or unwittingly, fundamental elements of p o p u l a r Greco-
R o m a n views on the ascent of the soul. T h a t Pseudo-Philo's
portrait reflects popular r a t h e r than esoteric thinking on
the subject is evident in a detail such as the n e e d for Kenaz
to be awakened. O n e of the interlocutors in Plutarch's De
genio Socratis, Simmias, observes with disdain that, "In p o p
ular belief, on the o t h e r h a n d , it is only in sleep that p e o p l e
receive inspiration from on high; a n d the notion that they
are so influenced w h e n awake a n d in full possession of their
7
faculties is accounted strange a n d incredible" (589D).
T h e s e observations, illuminating t h o u g h they be, d o

not adequately explain the totality of Pseudo-Philo's addi
tions to J u d g 3 : 9 - 1 1 . To ascertain the contours of prophetic
inspiration as it could be understood during Pseudo-Philo's
era, we turn again to De divinatione, in which Cicero's
brother, Quintus, describes the inspiration of Cassandra,
"who prophesied . . . u n d e r a heaven-inspired excitement
a n d exaltation of soul" (1.89). This thumbnail description of
Cassandra's abilities presupposes a lengthier description in
which she illustrates how the h u m a n soul's ability to fore
know the future can be abnormally developed:
Therefore the h u m a n soul has an inherent p o w e r o f presag
i n g o r o f f o r e k n o w i n g i n f u s e d i n t o it f r o m w i t h o u t , a n d
m a d e a p a r t o f it by t h e will o f G o d . If that p o w e r is a b n o r
m a l l y d e v e l o p e d , it is c a l l e d "frenzy" o r " i n s p i r a t i o n , " w h i c h
o c c u r s w h e n t h e s o u l w i t h d r a w s itself f r o m t h e b o d y a n d is
v i o l e n t l y s t i m u l a t e d by a d i v i n e i m p u l s e (Div. 1.66).
In a later discussion of prophetic ecstasy, Quintus resumes

the a r g u m e n t that, "In fact, the h u m a n soul never divines
naturally, except when it is so unrestrained a n d free that it
has absolutely n o association with the body, as h a p p e n s in
the case of frenzy a n d of d r e a m s " (Div. 1.113). H e develops,
o n the basis of Phaedrus 246A-247E, the Platonic image of
the ascent of the soul:
T h o s e t h e n , w h o s e souls, s p u r n i n g t h e i r b o d i e s , take w i n g s
a n d fly a b r o a d — i n f l a m e d a n d a r o u s e d by a sort o f p a s s i o n —
t h e s e . . . I say, c e r t a i n l y s e e t h e t h i n g s w h i c h t h e y foretell i n
t h e i r p r o p h e c i e s . S u c h s o u l s d o n o t c l i n g to t h e b o d y a n d
are k i n d l e d by m a n y different i n f l u e n c e s . For e x a m p l e ,
s o m e are a r o u s e d by c e r t a i n v o c a l t o n e s , as by P h r y g i a n
s o n g s , m a n y by g r o v e s a n d forests, a n d m a n y o t h e r s by
rivers a n d s e a s . I b e l i e v e , t o o , that t h e r e w e r e c e r t a i n s u b t e r
r a n e a n v a p o r s w h i c h h a d t h e effect o f i n s p i r i n g p e r s o n s to
u t t e r o r a c l e s (Div. 1 . 1 1 4 ) .
Of this form of inspiration, the signal example is, once

again, Cassandra, who illustrates the principle that "the
frenzied soul sees the future long in advance . . . " (Div.
1.114).
30 OF TWO MINDS
Characteristic features of the prophetic experience

can be g a r n e r e d from Quintus' accounts of Cassandra:
• the ascent of the soul apart from the body;
• a frenzied condition of inflammation a n d

excitement;
• the impetus of external arousal by a violent divine

impulse or tones, forests, vapors, etc.;
• knowledge of the future.
T h e s e features r e a p p e a r in less anecdotal a n d m o r e philo

sophical form in Plutarch's De defectu oraculorum, in which
Lamprias, a n o t h e r a r d e n t p r o p o n e n t of Stoicism, explains
Delphic inspiration in very similar terms. Like Quintus in
Cicero's De divinatione, Lamprias shares the Stoic convic
tion that the soul's innate capacity to divine the future is
h a m p e r e d by its association with the body. When, however,
the soul is free of the body's impurities a n d of mental con
trol, it can r a n g e the realms of the future:
S o u l s t h e r e f o r e , all p o s s e s s e d o f this power, w h i c h is i n n a t e
b u t d i m a n d hardly m a n i f e s t , n e v e r t h e l e s s o f t e n t i m e s d i s
c l o s e its flower a n d r a d i a n c e in d r e a m s , a n d s o m e in t h e
h o u r o f d e a t h , w h e n t h e b o d y b e c o m e s c l e a n s e d o f all i m
p u r i t i e s a n d attains a t e m p e r a m e n t a d a p t e d to this e n d , a
temperament through which the reasoning and thinking
faculty o f t h e s o u l is r e l a x e d a n d r e l e a s e d f r o m t h e i r p r e s e n t
state as t h e y r a n g e a m i d t h e irrational a n d i m a g i n a t i v e
r e a l m s o f t h e future (Def Orac. 4 3 2 C ) .
T h e absence of mental control is so i m p o r t a n t that

Lamprias reiterates the point that the condition of enthusi
asm requires release from intellectual effort:
B u t that w h i c h foretells t h e future, like a tablet w i t h o u t writ
i n g , is b o t h irrational a n d i n d e t e r m i n a t e in itself, b u t r e c e p
tive o f i m p r e s s i o n s a n d p r e s e n t i m e n t s t h r o u g h w h a t m a y b e
d o n e t o it, a n d i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l l y g r a s p s at t h e future w h e n
it is farthest w i t h d r a w n f r o m t h e p r e s e n t . Its w i t h d r a w a l is
brought about by a temperament and disposition of the

body as it is subjected to a change which we call inspiration
(Def. Orac. 432C-D).
Lamprias continues by proffering examples of the catalysts

which b r i n g about this change in condition, o p t i n g himself
for the final example:
Often the body of itself alone attains this disposition. More
over the earth sends forth for men streams of many other
potencies, some of them producing derangements, dis
eases, or deaths; others helpful, benignant, and beneficial,
as is plain from the experience of persons who have come
upon them. But the prophetic current and breath is most
divine and holy, whether it issue by itself through the air or
come in the company of running waters; for when it is
instilled into the body, it creates in souls an unaccustomed
and unusual temperament, the peculiarity of which it is
hard to describe with exactness . . . (Def. Orac. 432D-E).
This discussion of Delphic inspiration does not stand alone
a m o n g Plutarch's writings. In a discussion indebted to
Plato's e n u m e r a t i o n of the four forms of madness
(Phaedrus 265B), Plutarch delineates four kinds of inspira
tion. T h e second, he observes, entails the loss of mental
control:
There is a second kind, however, which does not exist with
out divine inspiration. It is not intrinsically generated but is,
rather, an extrinsic afflatus that displaces the faculty of
rational inference; it is created and set in motion by a higher
power. This sort of madness bears the general name of
"enthusiasm" (Amatorius 758E).
Such an explanation reveals that the Stoic interpretation of
Delphic inspiration is actually anchored in a more general
u n d e r s t a n d i n g of enthusiasm which can, in turn, be traced
to Plato's discussion of madness.
What is i n d e e d striking about Plutarch's explanations
is that, t h o u g h they rely far m o r e on philosophical con
cepts a n d vocabulary—Cicero's is self-consciously m o r e
reliant u p o n illustrations (e.g., Div. 1.68)—they follow the
same contours as Cicero's in their effort to explain the pro
phetic experience. Unifying features of these discussions of
Cicero a n d Plutarch include:
32 OF TWO MINDS
• a soul that withdraws from the body a n d ranges

amidst the realm of the future;
• a frenzied condition of inflammation a n d excite

ment, a hot a n d fiery soul;
• external arousal by a divine impulse, usually in the

form of physical p h e n o m e n a , of which the vapor
of Delphi constitutes the best example;
• knowledge of the future.
In light of the different approaches employed by Cicero

a n d Plutarch, the similarities between their discussions are
astonishing, creating a conceptual umbrella of sorts, span
n i n g the period from ca. 50 BCE to ca. 100 CE, d u r i n g which
time Pseudo-Philo probably composed his Liber Antiqui-
tatum Biblicarum. In light of the popularity Stoicism experi
enced d u r i n g the first century, as well as the fame of
Delphi, the incorporation of these p o p u l a r Stoic elements
into Pseudo-Philo's rewritten Bible is hardly surprising.
Each of these elements of p o p u l a r Greco-Roman culture
informs the depiction of Kenaz in Liber Antiquitatum
Biblicarum: his m i n d (sensus) ascends to r a n g e the realms of
the future when it is leapt u p o n a n d indwelt by the Holy
Spirit; his experience cannot be r e m e m b e r e d once h e is
awakened from the ecstatic state, although he has received
a vivid vision of the future.
T h e r e remains o n e further element, introduced into
the final lines of Kenaz's experience, which exhibits
extraordinarily close affinities with Pseudo-Philo's Greco-
Roman milieu: "But he did not know what he h a d said or
what he h a d seen." This inability to r e m e m b e r cannot be
explained by a d d u c i n g biblical antecedents. Such an
impact of inspiration was, on the o t h e r h a n d , integral to
several accounts of oracular ecstasy d u r i n g the Greco-
Roman era a n d later.
T h e headwaters of this interpretation are Plato's Apol

ogy 22C a n d Meno 99C. In these passages, Plato contends
that inspired poets d o not know what they are saying. This
view spawned interpretations in which the inability to recall
what was experienced d u r i n g a period without mental con
trol u n d e r l i n e d the authenticity of the prophetic condition.
As early as the late first or early second century CE, the
p s e u d o n y m o u s Jewish a u t h o r of 4 Ezra reveals an aware
ness of this interpretation in a description of an inspired
experience in which Ezra allegedly dictated ninety-four
books. D u r i n g this period, Ezra's heart p o u r e d forth
u n d e r s t a n d i n g , a n d wisdom increased in his breast because
his own spirit retained its memory. T h e n e e d to explain
that Ezra retained his m e m o r y suggests that the a u t h o r is
aware of a form of inspiration that entailed the loss of
8
m e m o r y (4 Ezra 14:40).
T h e conviction that inspiration may b r i n g a loss of rec
ollection a p p e a r s m o r e explicitly in the writings of the sec
o n d century CE public speaker a n d m a n of letters, Aelius
Aristides. Following his defense of the Delphic priestesses
of Apollo, Aelius Aristides discusses the inspiration of the
priestesses of Zeus in Dodona, "who know as much as the
G o d approves, a n d for as long as he approves." T h e s e
inspired priestesses have n o knowledge of Zeus' oracles
prior to inspiration, "nor afterwards d o they know any
thing which they have said, but all inquirers u n d e r s t a n d it
better than they" (In Defense of Oratory 43).
T h e second- or third-century Christian author, Pseudo-
Justinus, in his Cohortatio ad Graecos, discusses Plato's admi
ration for the Sibyl because her prophecies came to pass. To
support his case, Ps-Justin paraphrases Plato's Meno, in
which prophetic persons are said to be divine. Twice in this
paraphrase, Ps-Justin expresses the opinion that the Sibyl
cannot recall what she said while inspired:
For, u n l i k e t h e p o e t s w h o , after t h e i r p o e m s are p e n n e d ,
h a v e p o w e r t o c o r r e c t a n d p o l i s h . . . s h e was filled i n d e e d
w i t h p r o p h e c y at t h e t i m e o f t h e i n s p i r a t i o n , b u t as s o o n as
the inspiration ceased, there ceased also the r e m e m b r a n c e
o f all s h e h a d said . . . ( 3 7 . 2 ) .
34 OF TWO MINDS
. . . t h e y said a l s o that t h e y w h o t h e n t o o k d o w n h e r p r o p h e
c i e s , b e i n g illiterate p e r s o n s , o f t e n w e n t q u i t e astray f r o m
t h e accuracy o f t h e m e t e r s ; a n d this, t h e y said, w a s t h e c a u s e
o f t h e w a n t o f m e t e r in s o m e o f t h e v e r s e s , t h e p r o p h e t e s s
h a v i n g n o r e m e m b r a n c e o f w h a t s h e h a d said, after t h e p o s
session and inspiration ceased, and the reporters having,
t h r o u g h t h e i r lack o f e d u c a t i o n , f a i l e d to r e c o r d t h e m e t e r s
w i t h accuracy ( 3 7 . 3 ) . °
This conviction concerning inspiration characterizes

as well a passage in the Collationes or Institutes for monastic
orders written by J o h n Cassian, who lived d u r i n g the late
fourth a n d early fifth centuries CE. In the context of a dis
cussion of d e m o n possession, h e contrasts two types of pos
sessed people, those who "are affected by t h e m [demons]
in such a way as to have not the slightest conception of what
they d o a n d say, while others know a n d afterwards recollect
10
it" (Collationes 12).
T h e Christian prologue to the Sibylline Oracles, which
was composed no earlier than the e n d of the fifth century,
advances this same interpretation of Plato's view of pro
phetic inspiration in an effort to explain the occasional
absence of metrical accuracy. T h e author does not p u r p o r t
to invent this explanation but appeals instead to the Chris
H
tian apologist Lactantius who, claims the author, "set forth
in his own works what had been said by the Sibyls about the
ineffable glory . . ." T h e author of the prologue explains:
W h e n t h e S i b y l l i n e v e r s e s f o u n d w i t h us c a n easily b e
d e s p i s e d by t h o s e w h o are k n o w l e d g e a b l e in G r e e k c u l t u r e ,
n o t o n l y b e c a u s e t h e y are easily available (for t h i n g s w h i c h
are rare are t h o u g h t v a l u a b l e ) b u t a l s o b e c a u s e n o t all t h e
v e r s e s p r e s e r v e m e t r i c a l accuracy, h e h a s a r a t h e r c l e a r a r g u
m e n t . T h i s is t h e fault o f t h e secretaries, w h o d i d n o t k e e p
p a c e w i t h t h e flow o f s p e e c h o r e v e n w e r e i g n o r a n t , n o t o f
t h e p r o p h e t e s s . For t h e m e m o r y o f w h a t h a d b e e n said
c e a s e d w i t h t h e i n s p i r a t i o n . W i t h r e g a r d to this, e v e n P l a t o
said that t h e y d e s c r i b e m a n y g r e a t t h i n g s accurately w h i l e
k n o w i n g n o t h i n g o f w h a t t h e y say" (Sibylline Oracles Pro
logue, 82-91).
Although Plato himself h a d not c o n t e n d e d that authentic

inspiration entails an inability to remember, these
interpreters did. T h e persistence of this interpretation,

s p a n n i n g several centuries, is impressive, as is the variety of
a d h e r e n t s to it: a late first or early second century CE Jew
ish a u t h o r who claimed that Ezra did not lose the ability to
r e m e m b e r his experience; an affluent second century
Greco-Roman orator; a second-century Christian apolo
gist; a fourth-century Christian monastic leader; a n d a
Christian editor who "set forth the oracles called Sibylline,
which are found scattered a n d confusedly read a n d recog
nized, in o n e continuous a n d connected book" (Sibylline
Oracles prologue, 9-10). T h e diversity of these witnesses to
a shared view of inspiration or possession with respect to
recollection suggests that this was a popular, widely held
view d u r i n g the Greco-Roman era, d u r i n g which p e r i o d
the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum was composed. Moreover,
the persistent attribution of this interpretation to Plato, as
well as t h e a d h e r e n c e of Aelius Aristides to this view, indi
cate a clear awareness that this belief about prophetic inspi
ration lay along a Greco-Roman trajectory.
Summary
What this brief analysis of interpretations of N u m b e r s
2 2 - 2 4 a n d J u d g 3:9-11 suggests is how creatively a n d
deftly early Jewish authors could introduce the notion of
ecstasy into their versions of biblical texts. According to
Philo a n d J o s e p h u s , the spirit is an angel, a p r e - e m i n e n t
d e m o n i c b e i n g charged with the task of producing oracles
t h r o u g h the misguided seer by conquering Balaam, oust
ing his mental control, a n d speaking by means of his vocal
chords but without Balaam's consent or awareness.
Pseudo-Philo also supplements the biblical text. While
J u d g 3:9-11 does not detail the effect of the spirit when it
came u p o n Othniel, according to Liber Antiquitatum
Biblicarum, Kenaz was transformed into a military leader
(27:9-10) and, at the e n d of his life, became a visionary,
with his m i n d elevated when the spirit leapt u p o n h i m a n d
dwelt in him (28:6). H e e m e r g e d from his ecstatic state
unable to recall what he h a d spoken.
36 OF TWO MINDS
T h e s e interpretations suggest the r a n g e of reposito

ries that were available to Jewish biblical interpreters dur
ing the Greco-Roman era. Each interpreter commences, of
course, with the biblical text. T h e i r versions of biblical sto
ries, however, c a n n o t be satisfactorily explained from bibli
cal antecedents alone. N o r are Platonic antecedents
a d e q u a t e . It is r a t h e r Greco-Roman discussions of Delphic
inspiration, such as we have discerned in the writings of
Cicero a n d Plutarch, that prove a d e q u a t e to explain the
ease with which Philo, J o s e p h u s , a n d Pseudo-Philo i m p o r t
the experience of ecstasy into the biblical stories of Kenaz
a n d Balaam.
The Inspired
Interpretation of
the Scholar
During the Greco-Roman era, the blessings of madness

were believed to be plentiful. Cassandra may have cowered
from "that bloody torch," but she recognized in this s u d d e n
1
rage t h e advent of a god. T h e Delphic priestess may have
reeled from the invasion of Apollo, but she was privy, unlike
2
sober h u m a n s , to even more than she revealed. T h e Jewish
Sibyl may have lamented the lashing her spirit underwent,
but she well knew that she divulged "unfailing truth . . . as
3
much as God bids" her to say. In this era, so transformative
for J u d a i s m a n d formative for Christianity, one could legiti
4
mately speak of "the blessings of madness."
O n e could also have spoken of "the blessings of intel
lect." Simmias, in Plutarch's De genio Socratis, expresses
undisguised disdain for the " p o p u l a r belief" that p e o p l e
b e c o m e inspired in sleep r a t h e r t h a n when they are "awake
a n d in full possession of their faculties." People who a d h e r e
to such false notions, claims Simmias, are themselves trou
bled, incapable of h e a r i n g the messages of d e m o n s which
"find an echo in those only whose character is u n t r o u b l e d
a n d soul unruffled" (Gen. Socr. 589D). T h e extent of
Socrates' shadow d u r i n g the Greco-Roman era, as well as a
particular interest in his daimonion, attest to the vitality a n d
persistence of discussions about the role of the intellect
(Gen. Socr. 588D-E), about the pre-eminence of purity of
soul (Cicero, Div. 1.122), a n d about the enviable possession
of wisdom (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 2.37;
Philo, Plant. 65).
Jewish authors possessed within their own heritage, as
0
well, a tradition that valued wisdom's treasures. It is not,
37
38 OF TWO MINDS
therefore, surprising that the process of interpreting those

literary treasures should be associated with inspiration.
T h e following early Jewish authors present in various
forms the conviction that true interpretation was an
inspired process, that faithful interpretation was a charis
matic p h e n o m e n o n that led to the s h a r p e n i n g r a t h e r t h a n
elimination—as in ecstasy—of the intellectual powers
d e m a n d e d of the interpreter.
Nehemiah
In an era of rebuilding a n d reflection following the return
from exile in 530 BCE, authors began to glance sweepingly
over t h e past a n d to summarize the work of the spirit. In
the prayer of Ezra in N e h e m i a h 9, Ezra ascribes centuries
of prophetic warning to the spirit: "Many years you were
patient with them, a n d warned t h e m by your spirit t h r o u g h
your p r o p h e t s ; yet they would not listen. Therefore you
6
h a n d e d t h e m over to the peoples of the lands" (9:30).
Such an association of the spirit with the p r o p h e t s , in the
wake of the editing of the prophecies of the Isaiah corpus
a n d Ezekiel, b o t h of which amply connect prophecy with
the spirit, is hardly surprising. But in the same prayer of
Ezra occurs the less predictable conviction that God h a d
given the spirit to the Israelites in the wilderness to instruct
t h e m : "You gave your good spirit to instruct them, a n d did
not withhold your m a n n a from their mouths, a n d gave
t h e m water for their thirst" (9:20).
This reference to the spirit is situated in the context of
a p r a y e r of confession which contains a lengthy retrospec
tive, b e g i n n i n g with t h e creation of t h e heavens (9:6) a n d
c o n c l u d i n g with the exile (9:30). T h e i m m e d i a t e context
of this reference to t h e spirit within this p r a y e r is N e h
9 : 1 9 - 2 5 , which e x t e n d s from God's provisions in t h e wil
d e r n e s s to t h e gift of the land. T h i s p o r t i o n of Ezra's
r e c o u n t i n g of Israel's history c o r r e s p o n d s to t h e p r i o r sec
tion, N e h 9 : 1 2 - 1 5 . T h e s e two parallel p o r t i o n s are
divided by an account of Israelite rebellion (9:16-18). T h e
T H E INSPIRED INTERPRETATION OF T H E SCHOLAR 39
reiteration of t h e elements of N e h 9 : 1 2 - 1 5 in Neh

9:19-25 is striking:
• the pillars of cloud a n d fire: 9:12 & 9:19
• good laws or instruction: 9:13-14 & 9:20a
• physical provision of
m a n n a a n d water: 9:15a & 9 : 2 0 b - 2 1
• promise a n d possession
of the land: 9:15b & 9:22-25
T h e effect of this repetition is to p r o d u c e a c o r r e s p o n

d e n c e between t h e giving of Torah in t h e wilderness
(9:13-14) a n d t h e giving of the spirit in t h e wilderness
(9:20). N e h 9 : 1 3 - 1 4 recounts the giving of Torah at Sinai:
"You c a m e down also u p o n M o u n t Sinai, a n d spoke with
t h e m from heaven, a n d gave t h e m right ordinances a n d
t r u e laws, g o o d statutes a n d c o m m a n d m e n t s , a n d you
m a d e known your holy Sabbath to t h e m a n d gave t h e m
c o m m a n d m e n t s a n d statutes a n d a law t h r o u g h your ser
vant Moses." Its c o u n t e r p a r t , N e h 9:20a, which is also
b o u n d e d by references to the pillars of cloud a n d fire a n d
the gift of m a n n a a n d water, reads, "You gave your g o o d
spirit to instruct t h e m . . . "
T h e nature of the relationship between Torah in
9:13-14 a n d spirit in 9:20 can be ascertained by means of
the verb, "to instruct [them]" (9:20a). T h e Hebrew root, ski,
occurs earlier in Nehemiah 8, as both n o u n a n d verb, in
conjunction with the interpretation of Torah. O n the first
day of the seventh month, "they read from the book, from
the law of God, with interpretation. They gave the sense, so
that the people understood the reading" (8:8). O n the fol
lowing day, "the heads of the ancestral houses of all the peo
ple, with the priests a n d the Levites, came together to the
scribe Ezra in order to study the words of the law" (8:13).
40 OF TWO MINDS
T h e association of this verb a n d its cognate n o u n with

the interpretation ("the sense" in 8:8) a n d study (8:13) of
Torah in N e h e m i a h 8 suggests that the verb o u g h t as well
in N e h e m i a h 9 to d e n o t e instruction on the basis of Torah.
If the occurrences of the root, ski, in N e h e m i a h 8 be taken
together with the parallel between Torah a n d spirit in
N e h e m i a h 9, t h e n the function of the spirit is patently to
instruct on the basis of Torah. Alongside the gift of the
Torah, then, came the gift of the good spirit for interpret
ing Torah.
Ben Sira
Centuries later, Ben Sira embraces a similar conception of
inspired interpretation when he, in self-conscious reflec
tion u p o n his own scribal calling, describes the wisdom of
the scribe:
If t h e L o r d A l m i g h t y d e s i r e s ,
h e [the scribe] will b e filled by a spirit o f
understanding;
h e will p o u r o u t his o w n w o r d s o f w i s d o m
a n d by p r a y e r h e will g i v e t h a n k s to t h e L o r d .
H e will direct his c o u n s e l a n d k n o w l e d g e
A n d h e will reflect u p o n h i d d e n m a t t e r s .
H e will m a k e k n o w n t h e i n s t r u c t i o n o f w h a t h e has
learned
7
a n d b o a s t in t h e law o f t h e c o v e n a n t o f t h e L o r d .
It is i m p o r t a n t to recognize that the filling of the spirit is

not in this context associated principally with the interpre
tation of literary (e.g., biblical) texts. Rather, in the three
lines which follow this reference to the spirit of wisdom,
Ben Sira focuses, not u p o n texts to be interpreted, but
u p o n his own abilities: his words; his prayer; his counsel
a n d knowledge.
Nonetheless, the ensuing lines indicate that the
scribe's instruction is not free floating but tethered to
Torah, consisting of what he has learned from his study of
the law of the covenant of the Lord. Moreover, the enco
m i u m on the scribe, of which this is a part, begins with
three references to portions of the Hebrew Bible: the Torah

(38:34); prophecies (39:1); a n d elements of wisdom litera
ture, such as sayings, parables, a n d proverbs (39:2-3). T h e
task of i n t e r p r e t i n g the Bible remains, therefore, within
Ben Sira's purview when he focuses u p o n his own teaching
abilities.
T h e description of t h e spirit as t h e "spirit of under
standing' in Sir 39:6 is not insignificant because it inti
m a t e s that Ben Sira regards i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and
instruction as processes which require intellectual acu
m e n . T h i s impression is b o r n e out by t h e context of this
description, in which t h e scribe is t h e c o n s u m m a t e
scholar who preserves the sayings of famous p e o p l e ,
cracks puzzling proverbs, a n d a p p e a r s before foreign rul
ers in royal courts (39:2-5). T h e scribe discloses what h e
has a s c e r t a i n e d t h r o u g h scholarly study (39:8a).
F u r t h e r m o r e , Ben Sira reveals a stubborn bias against
ecstasy in his intolerance toward p e o p l e who accept o t h e r
forms of knowledge which are attained t h r o u g h divination,
o m e n s , a n d dreams, when he writes: " T h e senseless have
vain a n d false hopes, a n d dreams give wings to fools. As
o n e who catches at a shadow a n d pursues the wind, so is
a n y o n e who believes in dreams . . . Divinations a n d o m e n s
a n d d r e a m s are u n r e a l . . ." ( 3 4 : 1 - 2 , 5a). Ben Sira casts his
lot r a t h e r with those who choose instead the life of study:
"For d r e a m s have deceived many, a n d those who p u t their
h o p e in t h e m have perished. Without such deceptions, the
law will be fulfilled, a n d wisdom is complete in the mouth
of the faithful" (34:7-8). H e praises in this regard the
well-traveled, e d u c a t e d person who knows many things
a n d learns from observing others (34:9), even as he extols,
j u s t p r i o r to his reference to the spirit of u n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
t h e scribe who "travels in foreign lands a n d learns what is
g o o d a n d evil in the h u m a n lot" (39:4).
T h e occurrence of the phrase, spirit of u n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
in a context which praises t h e intellectual skills of the
scribe, within a literary text c o m p o s e d by an author, him
self a scribe, who regards dreams a n d divination as illicit
sources of knowledge, is a clear indication that, for Ben
42 OF TWO MINDS
Sira, the spirit leads the m i n d intact to the sorts of interpre

tation which cause a scribe to become renowned (39:9-11).
Qumran
Valuable references can be located as well in the literature
from Q u m r a n , a l t h o u g h insight into their views of
inspired i n t e r p r e t a t i o n c a n n o t be extracted directly from
these texts because references to t h e spirit d o not overlap
directly references to i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Overt references to
inspired i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , therefore, contain only veiled ref
erences to t h e spirit, while references to the spirit contain
but veiled references to inspired interpretation. T h e s e
e x t r a o r d i n a r y texts are, nonetheless, sufficiently sugges
tive to w a r r a n t discussion.
Revealed interpretative insight lies at the heart of this
Community. T h e initiates at Q u m r a n are obligated to take
an oath to follow the Torah of Moses as it is interpreted by
means of revelation at Qumran, " . . . in compliance with all that
has been revealed concerning it to the sons of Zadok, the
priests who keep the covenant a n d interpret his will . . . "
(1QS 5.9). More specifically, the central figure of Q u m r a n is
the Righteous Teacher, to whom, according to the Commen
tary on Habakkuk, "God has disclosed all the mysteries of the
words of his servants, the prophets" ( l Q p H a b 7.4).
For this Community, the spirit plays an integral role.
Several references to the spirit occur in the psalms of the
Community, some of which may have been composed by
the famed Righteous Teacher. In particular, 1QH 2 0 . 1 1 - 1 3
associates the spirit with revelation:
A n d I, t h e Instructor, h a v e k n o w n y o u , m y G o d ,
t h r o u g h t h e spirit w h i c h y o u g a v e t o m e ,
a n d I h a v e l i s t e n e d loyally to y o u r w o n d e r f u l secret t h r o u g h
y o u r H o l y Spirit.
You h a v e o p e n e d w i t h i n m e
k n o w l e d g e o f the mystery of your w i s d o m ,
the source of your power . . .
T h e vocabulary of this psalm exhibits an intriguing colloca

tion of words which reflects a context of study. T h e psalmist
refers to himself as maskil, a n o u n built from the same
verbal root, ski, which we encountered in N e h 8:8, 13 a n d
9:20 to describe both the instruction given by the scribal
leaders in the period of restoration and the function of the
good spirit. Further, the description of the spirit as that which
is placed within a person echoes Ezek 11:19, 36:26-27 and
8
37:14. T h e first two of these references in Ezekiel associate
the gift of the spirit with obedience to Torah:
I will g i v e t h e m o n e h e a r t , a n d p u t a n e w spirit w i t h i n t h e m ;
I will r e m o v e t h e h e a r t o f s t o n e f r o m t h e i r flesh a n d g i v e
t h e m a h e a r t o f flesh, s o that t h e y m a y follow m y statutes
a n d k e e p m y o r d i n a n c e s a n d o b e y t h e m . T h e n t h e y shall b e
m y p e o p l e , a n d I will b e t h e i r G o d (11:19-20).
A n e w h e a r t I will g i v e y o u , a n d a n e w spirit I will p u t w i t h i n
y o u ; a n d I will r e m o v e f r o m y o u r b o d y t h e h e a r t o f s t o n e
a n d g i v e y o u a h e a r t o f flesh. I will p u t m y spirit w i t h i n y o u ,
a n d m a k e y o u follow m y statutes a n d b e careful t o o b s e r v e
m y o r d i n a n c e s (36:26-27).
It would be unjustifiable to wring from these texts an

explicit association between the spirit a n d interpretation.
I n d e e d , the absence of such explicit affirmations is signifi
cant in light of how readily the a u t h o r of the Community
Rule, in contrast, attributes ancient prophetic revelation to
the Holy Spirit (1QS 8.15). Nonetheless, for this C o m m u
nity, so steeped in the biblical tradition that truth cannot be
conceived of without recourse to biblical conceptions a n d
phraseology—the Community in which the Holy Spirit can
be a m e a n s of knowing God a n d God's mysteries ( 1 Q H
20.11-13), the Community whose initiates are obligated to
follow Torah as it is interpreted peculiarly by its priestly
leaders (1QS 5.9), the C o m m u n i t y whose central figure
receives divine aid to interpret p r o p h e t i c texts ( l Q p H a b
7.4)—for this Community, it is not difficult to envisage that
biblical interpretation by authorized, learned leaders was
9
i n d e e d attributed to the spirit.
44 OF TWO MINDS
Philo Judaeus
Inspired Insight
In Exod 16:22, it is told that the Israelites gathered twice as
m u c h m a n n a as on prior days. Although such an action vio
lates Moses' c o m m a n d to collect only their daily portion of
m a n n a (Exod 16:20-21), Moses connected it with the Sab
bath a n d thus allowed a double portion to be g a t h e r e d
(16:22-23). Philo modifies this story by writing instead that
God actually gave twice the usual a m o u n t — t h u s Israel did
not violate a p r i o r c o m m a n d . According to Philo, then,
t h e s h o w e r o f f o o d f r o m t h e air w a s less o n t h e first d a y s , b u t
o n a later d a y w a s d o u b l e d ; a n d o n t h o s e first d a y s a n y t h i n g
left m e l t e d a n d w a s d i s s o l v e d till, after t u r n i n g c o m p l e t e l y
i n t o m o i s t u r e , it d i s a p p e a r e d ; b u t o n that later day it a d m i t
t e d n o c h a n g e a n d r e m a i n e d j u s t as it h a d b e e n (Vit. Mos.
2.264).
Moses' response to this sign constitutes an inspired predic

tion of the Sabbath. In Vit. Mos. 2.264-65, Philo pinpoints
precisely how this inspiration transpired:
M o s e s , w h e n h e h e a r d o f this [ t h e m a n n a ] a n d a l s o actually
saw it, was a w e s t r u c k a n d , g u i d e d by w h a t w a s n o t s o m u c h
s u r m i s e as G o d - s e n t i n s p i r a t i o n , m a d e a n n o u n c e m e n t o f
t h e S a b b a t h . I n e e d hardly say that c o n j e c t u r e s o f this k i n d
are c l o s e l y a k i n t o p r o p h e c i e s . For t h e m i n d c o u l d n o t h a v e
m a d e s o s t r a i g h t a n a i m if t h e r e w a s n o t a l s o t h e d i v i n e spirit
g u i d i n g it to t h e truth itself.
Philo's explanation u n d e r s t a n d s the mind to be the focal

point of t h e spirit's activity, truth to be the goal of the spirit's
inspiration, a n d conjecture and guidance to be the methods of
the spirit's activity. Alongside references to the m i n d a n d
the truth, these two words, conjecture a n d guide, explain
t h e powerful way in which the spirit inspires the m i n d to
ascertain the truth.
Philo consistently employs the word conjecture in con
texts that have to d o with thought, opinions, a n d guessing.
In Gaius 2 1 , for example, Philo observes, " T h e h u m a n
m i n d in its blindness does not perceive its real interest a n d
all it can d o is to take conjecture a n d guesswork for its

guide instead of knowledge." H e includes conjecture
alongside h u m a n ideas, purposes, a n d aims (Post. Cain 80),
a n d describes it as "second to the true vision . . . conjecture
a n d theorizing a n d all that can be b r o u g h t into the cate
10
gory of reasonable probability" (Spec. Leg. 1.38).
Philo corroborates this interpretation of the inspira
tion of the conscious m i n d by employing the verb guide
which occurs without exception in Philo's writings in asso
ciation with t h e p a t h toward virtue. Guides in the ascent to
virtue include love of wisdom (Opif. 70) or divine reason
(Immut. 182). W h e n Philo describes wisdom itself as a
guide, h e presents the essential role of the conscious m i n d
with exceptional clarity: " T h e m i n d is cleansed by wisdom
a n d the truths of wisdom's teaching which guide its steps to
the contemplation of the universe a n d all that is therein,
a n d by the sacred company of the o t h e r virtues a n d by t h e
practice of t h e m shewn in noble a n d highly praiseworthy
actions" (Spec. Leg. 1.269). T h e road to virtue is therefore
concomitant with the purification of the mind. Philo's use
of these two words, conjecture a n d guide, to explain Moses'
ability to predict the future betokens a view of inspiration
in which the highest achievement of h u m a n t h o u g h t is
attributable to the spirit.
T h e model for this form of inspiration may be traced to
Socrates, whose memory cut a large swath through the
philosophical reflection of the Greco-Roman era. Diogenes
Laertius quotes the words of the Pythian priestess, "Of all
people living Socrates is most wise," a n d adds himself that
"for this he was most envied" (2.37). Philo depicts Socrates
as "one who was enraptured by the beauty of wisdom" (Plant.
65), a n d J o s e p h u s ridicules his o p p o n e n t , Apion, for includ
ing himself alongside renowned philosophers, "Socrates,
Zeno, Cleanthes, a n d others of that caliber" (CA 2.135).
Of particular interest was the nature of Socrates'
inspiring daimonion, which Plato consistently designated to
daimonion (Euthyphro 3B; Apologia 40A) or, "something
divine a n d d e m o n i c " (Apologia 3 I D ) . Socrates associated it
with a sign (Phaedrus 242C; Euthydemus 272E) a n d reflected
46 OF TWO MINDS
" . . . I t h o u g h t I h e a r d a voice from i t . . . " (Phaedrus 242C).

Philosophers including X e n o p h o n (Memorabilia 1.1.2-5),
the a u t h o r of the pseudo-Platonic dialogue Theages
(128D-29D), Cicero (De divinatione 1.122, 124), Maximus of
Tyre (eighth Exhortation), a n d Diogenes Laertius (Lives of the
Philosophers 2.32) devoted serious attention to the nature of
Socrates' daimonion for more than half a millennium.
J o s e p h u s belongs to this current of thought when he attrib
utes Socrates' death to his claim "that he received communi
11
cations from a certain d e m o n . . ." (CA 2.263-64).
Naturally the nature of Socrates' daimonion holds
intense interest for Plutarch, who devotes two substantive
discussions in his De genio Socratis to the nature a n d func
tion of this d e m o n i c sign (580B-82C a n d 588B-89F).
T h e s e conversations begin with a question raised by
Theocritus:
. . . b u t w h a t , m y d e a r sir, d o w e call S o c r a t e s ' d e m o n [sign]?
For m y part, n o t h i n g r e p o r t e d o f P y t h a g o r a s ' skill i n d i v i n a
t i o n h a s struck m e as s o g r e a t o r s o d i v i n e ; for e x a c t l y as
H o m e r h a s r e p r e s e n t e d A t h e n a as " s t a n d i n g at" O d y s s e u s '
"side in all his labors," s o h e a v e n s e e m s to h a v e a t t a c h e d t o
S o c r a t e s f r o m h i s e a r l i e s t y e a r s as his g u i d e in life a v i s i o n o f
this k i n d , w h i c h a l o n e " S h o w e d h i m t h e way, i l l u m i n i n g his
p a t h , " in m a t t e r s d a r k a n d i n s c r u t a b l e t o h u m a n w i s d o m ,
through the frequent concordance of the inspiring d e m o n
w i t h h i s o w n d e c i s i o n s (Gen. Socr. 5 8 0 C ) .
Certain elements in this concept of inspiration are similar

to Philo's description of communication from the spirit in
Vit. Mos. 2.265. Theocritus u n d e r s t a n d s the daimonion to be
a guide; Philo uses the cognate verb, to guide, to describe
the guidance of the divine spirit in Vit. Mos. 2.265. Further,
the primary function of Socrates' daimonion in this intro
duction corresponds to the primary function of inspiration
in the introduction to Philo's treatment of Moses' pro
phetic gift in Vit. Mos. 2.187-292, of which Vit. Mos. 2.265 is
an illustration. T h e daimonion illumined matters inscruta
ble to h u m a n wisdom; Moses as p r o p h e t was to "declare by
inspiration what cannot be a p p r e h e n d e d by reason"
(2.187). T h e parallel between Plutarch's portrayal of Socra
tes a n d Philo's depiction of Moses is impressive. As the
daimonion was a guide to Socrates, inspiring him to com

p r e h e n d inscrutable matters, so did the spirit guide Moses
to c o m p r e h e n d truth otherwise unknowable.
T h e conversation in De genio Socratis does not con
clude with this query a n d initial response. After a lengthy
interruption, it returns to "the problem of the nature a n d
m o d e of operation of the so-called sign of Socrates" (588B).
Another of the dialogue participants, Simmias, proffers his
own explanation of Socrates' peculiar form of inspiration:
"Socrates . . . h a d an understanding which, being pure a n d
free from passion, a n d commingling with the body but little,
for necessary ends, was so sensitive a n d delicate as to
respond at once to what reached him. What reached him,
one would conjecture, was not spoken language, but the
unuttered words of a d e m o n , making voiceless contact with
his intelligence by their sense alone" (588D-E).
This lucid explanation contains two elements of a con
cept of inspiration which prove extraordinarily illuminat
ing for the interpretation of the spirit in the writings of
Philo. First, the daimonion is not taken to m e a n , as it could
be, merely anything divine, such as a sign (e.g., entrails,
birds, or clouds), but as a demonic being. Simmias refers to
this d e m o n subsequently as a "higher power" (588E) a n d
"a h i g h e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d a diviner soul" (589B). Sec
ond, the process of inspiration consists of voiceless contact
with the intelligence of brilliant people. Simmias elabo
rates this as well when he twice states that this h i g h e r power
can "lead" the h u m a n soul (588E) or u n d e r s t a n d i n g
(589B). Such guidance is possible because the thoughts of
these " d e m o n s are luminous a n d shed their light on the
d e m o n i c p e r s o n [understood in an unequivocally positive
sense as the 'spiritual' p e r s o n ] " (589B).
T h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e between this concept of Socrates'
inspiration a n d Philo's explanation of Moses' inspiration
should not surprise us if we recollect that Philo frequently
adopts Greco-Roman concepts of inspiration to elucidate
a n d e x p a n d biblical accounts. H e adopts Platonic vocabu
lary to explain the prophetic p h e n o m e n o n . H e portrays
Balaam's inspiration as a form of ventriloquism in which a
48 OF TWO MINDS
d e m o n i c (i.e., angelic) spirit takes control of Balaam's vocal

chords. It is consistent with his exegetical tendencies to
explain Moses' inspiration via Greco-Roman conceptions
of inspiration. Further, the reader is not left to guess in Vit.
Mos. 2.265 w h e t h e r Philo has assimilated Greco-Roman
conceptions, for h e does so in a narrative aside that is clearly
i n t e n d e d to explain Moses' experience in a m a n n e r that is
comprehensible to his first-century Greco-Roman read
ers—"I n e e d hardly say t h a t . . ." Little wonder, then, that
Moses a n d Socrates experience similar forms of
inspiration:
. . . the intelligence of the h i g h e r power guides the gifted
soul . . . (Plutarch, Gen Socr. 5 8 8 E ) .
. . . t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g m a y b e g u i d e d by a h i g h e r u n d e r
s t a n d i n g a n d a d i v i n e r soul . . . (Plutarch, Gen. Socr. 5 8 9 B ) .
. . . t h e d i v i n e spirit g u i d i n g it [ t h e m i n d ] t o t h e truth itself

( P h i l o , Vit. Mos. 2 . 2 6 5 ) .
We have seen the e n o r m o u s exegetical care Philo exercised

to identify the divine spirit with the angel of N u m b e r s
2 2 - 2 4 in the tale of Balaam. We noted, furthermore, the
effort he e x p e n d s to identify the " d e m o n s " of the Greek
philosophers with the "angels" of Moses. Entirely consis
tent with these interpretative movements, a n d perfectly
u n d e r s t a n d a b l e in light of the hefty value placed u p o n the
figure of Socrates in Philo's world, is his ready embrace of
concepts a n d vocabulary associated with Socrates'
daimonion in o r d e r to elucidate forms of inspiration that are
left inchoate in the biblical story of Moses.
Inspired Interpretation
Philo applies a similar model of inspiration by the divine
spirit to his own inspired ability to interpret the scriptures.
In Som. 2.252, Philo describes the invisible voice which he
customarily hears: "I h e a r once m o r e the voice of the invisi
ble spirit, the familiar secret tenant, saying, 'Friend, it
would seem that there is a matter great a n d precious of
which thou knowest nothing, a n d this I will ungrudgingly
shew thee, for many o t h e r well-timed lessons have I given

thee.'" T h i s rare autobiographical reflection exhibits two
characteristics of Moses' prophetic experience, as Philo
describes it in Vit. Mos. 2.265: the spirit as the essential fac
tor in leading to knowledge that is otherwise unknowable;
a n d the conscious mind, which the spirit teaches. T h e occa
sion for inspiration is not, with Moses, the perception of
t h e m a n n a , but a specific point of interpretation—in this
instance, the m e a n i n g of the n a m e , Jerusalem.
Cher. 2 7 - 2 9 recounts a similar experience of inspira
tion in which Philo claims to receive a specific biblical inter
pretation. As in Som. 2.252, Philo again permits us a
glimpse of his experience, when he discusses the "higher
w o r d " — t h e allegorical meaning—of the two C h e r u b i m :
B u t t h e r e is a h i g h e r t h o u g h t t h a n t h e s e . It c o m e s f r o m a
v o i c e in m y o w n soul, w h i c h o f t e n t i m e s is g o d - p o s s e s s e d a n d
d i v i n e s w h e r e it d o e s n o t know. T h i s t h o u g h t I will r e c o r d in
w o r d s if I c a n . T h e v o i c e t o l d m e that w h i l e G o d is i n d e e d
o n e , h i s h i g h e s t a n d c h i e f e s t p o w e r s are two, e v e n g o o d n e s s
and sovereignty . . . O then, my mind, admit the image unal
l o y e d o f t h e t w o C h e r u b i m , that h a v i n g l e a r n t its c l e a r les
s o n o f t h e sovereignty, a n d b e n e f i c e n c e o f t h e C a u s e , t h o u
m a y e s t r e a p t h e fruits o f a h a p p y lot. For straightway t h o u
shalt u n d e r s t a n d h o w t h e s e u n m i x e d p o t e n c i e s are m i n g l e d
a n d u n i t e d , how, w h e r e G o d is g o o d , y e t t h e g l o r y o f H i s
s o v e r e i g n t y is s e e n a m i d t h e b e n e f i c e n c e , how, w h e r e H e is
s o v e r e i g n , t h r o u g h t h e s o v e r e i g n t y t h e b e n e f i c e n c e still
a p p e a r s . T h u s t h o u m a y e s t g a i n t h e virtues b e g o t t e n o f
these potencies, a cheerful courage and a reverent awe
towards G o d .
Like Som. 2.252, Cher. 2 7 - 2 9 describes an experience of

inspiration that leads to the solution of a similar exegetical
c o n u n d r u m . In Cher. 2 7 - 2 9 , the question concerns why
there are two C h e r u b i m ; in Som. 2.252, the question con
cerns why two different names are given for J e r u s a l e m .
T h a t inspiration, moreover, is directed in Cher. 2 7 - 2 9 , as in
Som. 2.252, to the m i n d : "O then, my mind, admit the
image unalloyed of the two C h e r u b i m . . . " T h e process is,
once again, o n e of learning; as in Som. 2.252, so in Cher.
2 7 - 2 9 does the word, learn (anadidaskein), occur; Philo
50 OF TWO MINDS
claims to have "learnt its [the two Cherubim] clear lesson of

the sovereignty a n d beneficence of the Cause . . . " With
these related autobiographical reflections, Philo paints a
vivid picture of his inspired experiences as interpreter of
Torah. In both, Philo hears an external reality—voice or
spirit—which teaches his m i n d from within, leading it to
knowledge to which it would otherwise not attain.
Philo's reflections on the voice which p r o m p t s him to
solve exegetical difficulties (Cher. 2 7 - 2 9 ; Som. 2.252) have
their closest affinities with discussions of Socrates' daimonion
in Plutarch's Degenio Socratis. Simmias expresses initially what
he claims often to have heard Socrates say, "that p e o p l e who
laid claim to visual communication with Heaven were
imposters, while to such as affirmed that they h a d heard a
voice he paid close attention a n d earnestly inquired after the
particulars" (588C). Simmias conjectures further "that
Socrates' sign was perhaps n o vision, but rather the percep
tion of a voice or else the mental apprehension of language,
that reached him in some strange way" (588D), a n d that
"what reached him, one would conjecture, was not spoken
language, but the unuttered words of a d e m o n , making
voiceless contact with his intelligence by their sense alone"
(588E). A voice (588C), a voice perceived by the pure m i n d
(588D), by intelligence (588E), the words of d e m o n s
(589D)—this is what Socrates c o m p r e h e n d e d . Philo claims
as well to hear a voice, not a physical voice heard from with
out, but a voice heard from within, which leads him to inter
pret Torah. T h e "higher thought" of Torah, claims Philo,
"comes from a voice in my own soul" (Cher. 27); the solutions
to exegetical difficulties arise when "the invisible spirit, the
familiar secret tenant" speaks (Som. 2.252).
Simmias explains further in De genio Socratis that only
extraordinary p e o p l e in an intellectually alert condition
are capable of h e a r i n g this unspoken language:
. . . the messages of demons pass through all other people,
but find an echo in those only whose character is untroubled
and soul unruffled, the very people in fact we call holy and
demonic. I n popular belief, on the other hand, it is only in
sleep that people receive inspiration from on high; and the
n o t i o n t h a t t h e y are so i n f l u e n c e d w h e n awake a n d in full

p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e i r faculties is a c c o u n t e d s t r a n g e a n d
i n c r e d i b l e . T h i s is like s u p p o s i n g that a m u s i c i a n u s e s h i s
lyre w h e n t h e s t r i n g s are slack, b u t d o e s n o t t o u c h o r p l a y it
w h e n it h a s b e e n a d j u s t e d to a scale a n d a t t u n e d (Gen. Socr.
589D).
T h i s lucid description of inspiration contains significant

concepts which Philo a p p e a r s to a d o p t in the laconic lan
g u a g e of Som. 2.252. Philo describes the p r e p a r e d n e s s of
his m i n d as free from faction a n d turmoil. Plutarch con
tends similarly that, in contrast to the ignorant masses,
whose souls are in turmoil (Gen. Socr. 589E), d e m o n i c lan
g u a g e can only be h e a r d by those whose souls are untrou
bled a n d unruffled. Philo also describes laconically the
process by which the divine spirit speaks as an echo. This
reflects the p r e d o m i n a n t image employed by Plutarch to
explain how the language of d e m o n s is communicated: the
"messages of d e m o n s pass through all o t h e r people, but
find an echo in those only whose character is u n t r o u b l e d
a n d soul unruffled."
T h e s e correspondences between Philo's concept of the
spirit a n d Socrates' d e m o n are anchored by Philo's use of
the word, "customary," in Som. 2.252 to describe the recur
rent presence of the spirit, for this word constitutes an allu
sion to this key word in Plato's description of Socrates'
12
demon. Socrates refers to "the customary p r o p h e t i c
inspiration of the d e m o n " (Apologia 40A), "the d e m o n i c
a n d customary sign" (Phaedrus 242B), a n d "my customary
d e m o n i c sign" (Euthydemus 272E). Socrates claims to have
h a d this voice from his childhood (Apologia 3 I D ) , a conten
tion which b o t h the a u t h o r ofTheages (128D) a n d Plutarch
(Gen. Socr. 580C; 589E-F) confirm.
T h e affinities between Socrates' d e m o n a n d Philo's
spirit are striking. Even as the ultimate source of Socrates'
voice was a d e m o n who customarily c o m m u n i c a t e d to him
because its u n s p o k e n language echoed within his untrou
bled soul, so the ultimate source of Philo's exegetical
insight is the divine spirit which customarily communicates
to h i m by echoing within his untroubled soul.
52 OF TWO MINDS
4 Ezra
We now t u r n to a major Jewish apocalypse. T h e a u t h o r of
4 Ezra r e s p o n d e d to the destruction of J e r u s a l e m by cloak
ing his views in the guise of Ezra the scribe. Ezra in 4 Ezra
receives the Holy Spirit not so m u c h to interpret as to
re-write t h e twenty-four books of the Hebrew Bible which
were destroyed in 70 CE a n d to dictate an additional sev
enty books (4 Ezra 14:45-46). Because it is so rich in detail
a n d so lucidly written, 4 Ezra 14 o p e n s an extraordinary
window into early Jewish concepts of inspiration toward
the conclusion of the first century CE. T h e account of Ezra's
inspired scribal experience begins with a bold request for
the Holy Spirit:
For t h e w o r l d lies i n d a r k n e s s , a n d its i n h a b i t a n t s are w i t h
o u t l i g h t . For y o u r Law h a s b e e n b u r n e d , a n d s o n o o n e
k n o w s t h e t h i n g s w h i c h h a v e b e e n d o n e o r will b e d o n e by
y o u . If t h e n I h a v e f o u n d favor b e f o r e y o u , s e n d t h e H o l y
Spirit t o m e , a n d I will w r i t e e v e r y t h i n g that h a s h a p p e n e d
in t h e w o r l d f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g , t h e t h i n g s w h i c h w e r e writ
t e n i n y o u r Law, t h a t m e n m a y b e a b l e t o f i n d t h e p a t h , a n d
that t h o s e w h o w i s h t o live in t h e last d a y s m a y live
(14:21-22).
G o d responds with alacrity to this request, c o m m a n d i n g

Ezra to isolate himself for forty days from the people:
B u t p r e p a r e for y o u r s e l f m a n y w r i t i n g tablets, a n d take w i t h
y o u Sarea, D a b r i a , S e l e m i a , E t h a n u s , a n d A s i e l — t h e s e five,
b e c a u s e t h e y are t r a i n e d t o w r i t e rapidly; a n d y o u shall
c o m e h e r e , a n d J will l i g h t i n y o u r h e a r t t h e l a m p o f u n d e r
s t a n d i n g , w h i c h shall n o t b e p u t o u t u n t i l w h a t y o u are a b o u t
t o w r i t e is f i n i s h e d . A n d w h e n y o u h a v e f i n i s h e d , s o m e
t h i n g s y o u shall m a k e p u b l i c , a n d s o m e y o u shall d e l i v e r i n
secret t o t h e w i s e ; t o m o r r o w at this h o u r y o u shall b e g i n t o
write ( 1 4 : 2 4 - 2 6 ) .
T h e promise of the l a m p of u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d the predic

tion that it will remain lit for the duration of Ezra's experi
ence prepares h i m for an experience of inspiration in
which Ezra's m i n d will remain intact from b e g i n n i n g to
e n d . T h e n a t u r e of this experience, in which Ezra remains
intellectually aware, may be contrasted with Ezra's earlier
response to the vision of the heavenly J e r u s a l e m : "I lay

there like a corpse a n d I was deprived of my u n d e r s t a n d
ing. T h e n h e [the angel] grasped my right h a n d a n d
s t r e n g t h e n e d m e a n d set m e on my feet, a n d said to m e ,
'What is t h e m a t t e r with you? And why are you troubled?
A n d why are your u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d the thoughts of your
m i n d troubled?'" (10:30-31). Ezra here has lost control of
himself, n o t only physically but also mentally. H e , his
heart, a n d his m i n d are troubled. Ezra's m o r i b u n d , u n c o m
p r e h e n d i n g state in this passage is fundamentally different
from Ezra's experience of inspired writing in 4 Ezra 14,
d u r i n g which h e proceeds energetically for forty days a n d
nights with the l a m p of u n d e r s t a n d i n g b u r n i n g continu
ally. His m i n d , in the former instance eclipsed, is in the lat
ter s h a r p e n e d .
T h e h e i g h t e n i n g of Ezra's intellectual abilities finds its
most vivid expression in Ezra's own account of his
experience:
I t o o k t h e five m e n , as h e c o m m a n d e d m e , a n d w e p r o
c e e d e d t o t h e field, a n d r e m a i n e d t h e r e . A n d o n t h e n e x t
day, b e h o l d , a v o i c e c a l l e d m e , s a y i n g , "Ezra, o p e n y o u r
m o u t h a n d d r i n k w h a t I g i v e y o u t o drink." T h e n I o p e n e d
m y m o u t h , a n d b e h o l d , a full c u p w a s o f f e r e d t o m e ; it w a s
full o f s o m e t h i n g like water, b u t its c o l o r w a s fire. A n d I t o o k
it a n d d r a n k ; a n d w h e n I h a d d r u n k it, m y h e a r t p o u r e d
f o r t h u n d e r s t a n d i n g , a n d w i s d o m i n c r e a s e d in m y breast,
for m y spirit r e t a i n e d its m e m o r y ; a n d m y m o u t h w a s
o p e n e d , and was n o longer closed. A n d the Most H i g h gave
u n d e r s t a n d i n g t o t h e five m e n , a n d by t u r n s t h e y w r o t e w h a t
w a s d i c t a t e d , in c h a r a c t e r s w h i c h t h e y d i d n o t know. T h e y
sat forty d a y s , a n d w r o t e d u r i n g t h e d a y t i m e , a n d a t e t h e i r
b r e a d at n i g h t . S o d u r i n g t h e forty d a y s n i n e t y - f o u r b o o k s
were written ( 1 4 : 3 7 - 4 4 ) .
Ezra's experience as t h e quintessential scribe, the t r a d e n t

of wisdom, fulfills God's original promise that the l a m p of
u n d e r s t a n d i n g would b u r n without interruption. At the
initial m o m e n t of his experience, as soon as Ezra d r a n k t h e
cup given to him, his heart p o u r e d forth u n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
a n d wisdom increased within him. T h i s experience is com
p a r a b l e to Ben Sira's description of the scribal experience:
54 OF TWO MINDS
"he will be filled with the spirit of u n d e r s t a n d i n g ; h e will

p o u r forth words of wisdom of his own" (Sir 39:6).
T h e author's emphasis u p o n the gushing of u n d e r
standing a n d wisdom finds its climactic expression in t h e
concluding description of the books Ezra dictated—a
description which comprises as well the climactic conclu
sion of the entirety of 4 Ezra. H e r e the highest concentra
tion of concepts in the entire book of 4 Ezra encapsulates
the grandest a t t a i n m e n t of the scribal tradition: "For in
t h e m [the ninety-four books] is the spring of u n d e r s t a n d
ing, the fountain of wisdom, a n d the river of knowledge"
(14:47). From b e g i n n i n g to end, therefore, Ezra's scribal
ability is h e i g h t e n e d : the l a m p of u n d e r s t a n d i n g remains
lit; the d r i n k initiates a p o u r i n g forth of Ezra's u n d e r s t a n d
ing a n d an increase in his wisdom; the product of this
inspired experience is ninety-four books, which are t h e m
selves springs, fountains, a n d rivers of u n d e r s t a n d i n g , wis
d o m , a n d knowledge.
A n o t h e r indication that Ezra's achievement was d u e to
the h e i g h t e n i n g r a t h e r t h a n displacement of his intellec
tual powers by the Holy Spirit is evident in the rationale t h e
a u t h o r gives for Ezra's increased u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d wis
d o m . Ezra p o u r e d forth u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d wisdom
increased in his breast because his own spirit retained its
memory. Loss of memory, we may recall, d u r i n g t h e
Greco-Roman era a n d later was a distinguishing m a r k of
ecstasy which was included in the literature of Pseudo-Philo
(LAB 28:10 a n d 62:2), Aelius Aristides, Pseudo-Justinus,
J o h n Cassian, a n d the a u t h o r of the late prologue to t h e
Sybilline Oracles. T h e assertion of the a u t h o r of 4 Ezra, that
Ezra's experience entailed the retention r a t h e r t h a n loss of
memory, distinguishes Ezra's experience of inspiration
from the inspired ecstasy of p r o p h e t s a n d seers.
T h i s vivid a n d colorful first-century depiction of Ezra's
inspired scribal activity, with its bold strokes that depict
Ezra a n d his literary o u t p u t as the highest a t t a i n m e n t of
u n d e r s t a n d i n g , knowledge, a n d wisdom, with the detail
that Ezra retained his m e m o r y a n d thus did not succumb to
ecstasy, a n d with the attribution of this experience to t h e
Holy Spirit, brings us full circle to N e h 9:20, the text with

which o u r exploration of inspired interpretation b e g a n .
T h r o u g h literary parallels a n d the recurrence of the
Hebrew root, ski, the a u t h o r of N e h e m i a h subtly, but
unmistakably, associates the spirit with the scribal activity
of interpreting Torah. T h e figure at the center of that evo
cative association was n o n e other t h a n Ezra: h e b r o u g h t the
book of the law of Moses before the assembly (Neh 8:2); h e
read from it (8:3); N e h e m i a h , he, a n d the Levites taught
the p e o p l e o n the first day (8:9); on the second day the
h e a d s of t h e ancestral houses, the priests, a n d the Levites
came t o g e t h e r to the scribe Ezra to study (root, ski) Torah
(8:13); a n d t h e prayer which contains the words, "You gave
your good spirit to instruct t h e m . . . " is uttered by Ezra
(9:6). T h a t implicit attribution of Ezra's scribal abilities to
the good spirit was p e r m u t a t e d in the late first century CE
into an explicit request for the Holy Spirit a n d the conse
q u e n t gift of u n d e r s t a n d i n g to Ezra, who p o u r e d forth
u n d e r s t a n d i n g , increased in wisdom, retained his memory,
a n d kept five qualified scribes occupied by dictating, within
the compass of forty days, ninety-four books which repre
sent the p r o d u c t of a remarkable combination of divine
revelation a n d h u m a n intellect.
Summary
Many Jewish communities d u r i n g the Greco-Roman era
valued Torah a n d treasured their literary traditions,
a l t h o u g h they stood at a distance for a variety of reasons
from the T e m p l e in J e r u s a l e m : for the a u t h o r of N e h e m i a h
a n d for Ben Sira the Temple was hardly as impressive as the
Solomonic building; the devotees of Torah at Q u m r a n
r e p u d i a t e d the Temple; Philo lived in Alexandrian Egypt,
far from that Temple; a n d the a u t h o r of 4 Ezra wrote in the
wake of t h e Temple's destruction. For these scholars, their
literature would be possessed of peculiar significance. Lit
tle wonder, then, that they claimed, alongside the inspira
tion of biblical texts themselves, a form of inspiration that
aided t h e m in their own interpretation of their scriptures.
56 OF TWO MINDS
What all of these claimed in c o m m o n , with varying

degrees of specificity, was that their minds, u n d e r the inspi
ration of the divine spirit, could grasp realities a n d truths
that were otherwise unknowable. Unlike the experience of
ecstasy, these experiences of charismatic interpretation
would transpire when h u m a n minds grew stronger r a t h e r
t h a n weaker, w h e n intellect became m o r e tenacious r a t h e r
t h a n tentative.
Conclusion
•i> The Span of the Spirit
Among the insights that have risen to the surface of this

analysis is the recognition that the divine spirit was
accorded a remarkable breadth of impact by Jews after the
exile. Its effects e x t e n d e d from ecstasy, with a loss of con
sciousness, to inspired interpretation, with a s h a r p e n i n g of
intellect. Its nature could encompass an angelic being, such
as in the Balaam tale according to Philo a n d J o s e p h u s a n d in
Philo's recollection of his "customary friend," or a d r a u g h t
to be drunk, as in 4 Ezra. Its recipients extended from a dia
bolical foreign seer a n d seducer of Israel, Balaam, to quint
essential scribes, the faithful tradents of Israelite tradition,
such as Ben Sira a n d Ezra in 4 Ezra. Its geographical ubiquity
was equally extensive, encompassing the various borders of
the Mediterranean Sea, from Palestine in the east
(Nehemiah, Ben Sira, Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, the
Dead Sea Scrolls, a n d possibly 4 Ezra) to Alexandria in the
south (Philo) to Rome in the north (Josephus).
In this book, then, I have tried to give an impression of
the span of the spirit's impact. What is surprising is how
easily the literary texts have lent themselves to illustrating
that span despite the very narrow foci I chose: the inspired
ecstasy of t h e seer a n d the inspired interpretation of the
scholar. T h e foci represented by the title, Of Two Minds,
constitute but a slender thread in a tapestry whose textures
encompass far m o r e than ecstasy a n d interpretation. To
dispel the impression that the spirit's impact was limited to
ecstasy a n d interpretation, therefore, I conclude this analy
sis with a pastiche of early Jewish texts that d e m o n s t r a t e
how m u c h m o r e widely the effects of the spirit were
believed by Jews of the Greco-Roman
57 era to extend.
58 OF TWO MINDS
Creation
To begin at the b e g i n n i n g — t h e spirit is associated in a vari
ety of ways with creation. T h e influence of Gen 1:2 is
a p p a r e n t in 2 Bar 21:4, in Baruch's address to God, ". . .
you who created the earth, the o n e who fixed the firma
m e n t by the word a n d fastened the height of heaven by the
spirit . . ." G o d responds to this prayer in 23:5, "For my
spirit creates t h e living . . ." Ezra in 4 Ezra 6:39 similarly
recalls the earliest creative activity of God: "And t h e n t h e
Spirit was hovering, a n d darkness a n d silence e m b r a c e d
everything; the sound of a h u m a n voice was not yet there.
T h e n you c o m m a n d e d that a ray of light be b r o u g h t forth
. . ." In J u d i t h 16:14, it is G e n 2:7 a n d 2:22, m e d i a t e d
t h r o u g h Fs 104:29-30, which influences the depiction of
the spirit's relation to creation. J u d i t h praises God,
Let all your creatures serve you
for you spoke, and they were made
You sent forth your spirit, and it formed them
there is none that can resist your voice.
T h e spirit's function vis-a-vis creation is not only to g r a n t
life but also to convict wrongdoers. A representative of t h e
Alexandrian wisdom tradition can contend that the
ungodly will be p u n i s h e d "because the spirit of t h e Lord
has filled the world, a n d that which holds all things
together knows what is said" (WisSol 1:7). In the words of
the Sibyl, c o m p o s e d by a n o t h e r Egyptian author,
The earth itself will also drink
of the blood of the dying;
wild beasts will be sated with flesh.
God himself, the great eternal one, told me
to prophesy all these things.
These things will not go unfulfilled.
Nor is anything left unaccomplished that he so much
as puts in mind
for the spirit of God which knows no falsehood is
throughout the world (Sibylline Oracles 3.696-701).
CONCLUSION 59
Prophecy
We have analyzed in some d e p t h the prophetic abilities of
biblical figures such as Balaam, Kenaz, a n d Moses t h r o u g h
out this book. T h e r e are as well many other references to
spirit-inspired prophecy which d o not necessarily detail
the process of inspiration (e.g., ecstasy in the cases of
Balaam a n d Kenaz, intellectual acuity in the case of Moses).
According to Jubilees, for example, "a spirit of truth
d e s c e n d e d u p o n the m o u t h " of Rebecca so that she could
bless h e r children (25:14), a n d J a c o b blessed Levi a n d
J u d a h when "a spirit of prophecy came down u p o n his
m o u t h " (31:11). A section of the Enoch cycle of literature
begins w h e n Enoch c o m m a n d s , "Now, my son Methuselah,
(please) s u m m o n all your brothers on my behalf, a n d
g a t h e r t o g e t h e r to m e all the sons of your m o t h e r ; for a
voice calls m e , a n d the spirit is p o u r e d over m e so that I
may show you everything that shall h a p p e n to you forever"
(7 Enoch 91:1). In a h u m o r o u s portion of the Testament of
A b r a h a m , in which the archangel Michael cannot find the
resources to convince A b r a h a m that he will die, God says to
Michael: "And I shall send my Holy Spirit u p o n his son
Isaac, a n d I shall thrust the m e n t i o n of his death into
Isaac's heart, so that he will see his father's death in a
d r e a m " (TAbr [A] 4:8).
T h i s association between the spirit a n d prophecy is
evident as well with respect to figures o t h e r t h a n Kenaz in
Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum. T h e spirit comes u p o n Mir
iam as the recipient of a d r e a m in which the birth of Moses
is predicted (LAB 9:10), a n d Deborah is said explicitly to
have predicted Sisera's demise by the inspiration of the
spirit (LAB 31:9). In a recasting of Deut 34:9, the explicit
biblical reference to the spirit of wisdom is thoughtfully
s u p p l a n t e d by allusions to 1 Sam 10:6 a n d J u d g
6:34—other biblical texts which refer to the spirit—and
followed by a prophetic utterance ofJ o s h u a (LAB 20:2-3).
Then G o d said t o Joshua t h e s o n o f N u n , "Why d o y o u
mourn a n d w h y d o y o u h o p e i n v a i n that M o s e s y e t lives?
W h y d o y o u wait to n o purpose, because M o s e s is dead. Take
60 OF TWO MINDS
his garments of wisdom and clothe yourself, and with his

belt of knowledge gird your loins, and you will be changed
and become another man . . . " And Joshua took the gar
ments of wisdom and clothed himself and girded his loins
with the belt of understanding. And when he clothed him
self with it, his mind was afire and his spirit was moved, and
he said to the people . . .
Even in a highly abbreviated account of Saul's pursuit of
David, Pseudo-Philo preserves the explicit association of
prophecy a n d t h e spirit: "And (a) spirit abided in Saul, a n d
h e p r o p h e s i e d " (LAB 62:2).
Early rabbinic literature also attributes prophetic abili
ties to t h e Holy Spirit. In a discussion of Miriam in Mekilta
de-Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Shirata 10.58-73, for example,
the question is raised concerning where in Torah Miriam is
said to have been a prophetess. T h e biblical text quoted,
Exod 2:1-3, has nothing to d o with prophecy. Nevertheless,
the rabbis are able to detect a veiled reference to prophecy
in the vocabulary of Exod 2:4, such as the words, "afar off."
How do these words point to the Holy Spirit and by associa
tion to prophecy? T h e rabbis argue that these words, "afar
off," express the Holy Spirit's presence in J e r 31:2: "From
afar the Lord a p p e a r e d to me"—i.e., the Lord's presence
a n d the Holy Spirit are related in J e r e m i a h 3 1 . Based u p o n
the exegetical principle, gezerah shawah, an argument from
analogy drawn from two passages with a similar expres
sion—in this case "afar off"—the rabbis can argue that the
Holy Spirit, which is discernible in J e r e m i a h 3 1 , is present as
well in Exodus 2. T h e integral association of the spirit with
prophecy allows the rabbis to infer then that Miriam's stand
ing "afar off" signals her prophetic stature.
Purification and Cleansing

In many o t h e r early Jewish texts, the spirit is related to
h u m a n purity a n d cleansing. Rabbi N e h e m i a h , once again
in Mekilta de-Rabbi Ishmael, t h o u g h now in Tractate
Beshallah 7.134-36, associates obedience with reception of
the spirit: "For as a reward for the faith with which Israel
believed in God, the Holy Spirit rested u p o n t h e m . . .
CONCLUSION 61
R. N e h e m i a h says: Whence can you prove that whosoever

accepts even o n e single c o m m a n d m e n t with true faith is
deserving of having the Holy Spirit rest u p o n him." In the
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, Benjamin attributes sex
ual purity to t h e spirit: " H e has n o pollution in his heart,
because u p o n h i m is resting the spirit of G o d " (TBen 8.3).
T h e Rule of the Community from Q u m r a n evinces t h e convic
tion that t h e spirit is integrally related to purification: "by
the spirit of holiness which links him with the truth h e is
cleansed of all his sins. And by the spirit of uprightness a n d
of humility his sin is a t o n e d " (1QS 3.7b-8a). In the future,
the spirit will once again purify the child of light, "cleans
ing h i m with the spirit of holiness from every irreverent
d e e d . H e will sprinkle over him the spirit of truth like
lustral water . . ." (1QS 4.21).
T h e association of purity with the spirit in the context
of C o m m u n i t y initiation is a p p a r e n t as well in the Q u m r a n
hymns, where certain vocabulary can be u n d e r s t o o d to
1
indicate drawing n e a r to God t h r o u g h the Community,
such as in 1 Q H 6.13-14:
. . . i n y o u r k i n d n e s s toward h u m a n k i n d
y o u h a v e e n l a r g e d his s h a r e w i t h t h e spirit o f y o u r h o l i n e s s .
Thus, you make m e approach your intelligence,
a n d t o t h e d e g r e e that I a p p r o a c h
m y f e r v o r a g a i n s t all t h o s e w h o act w i c k e d l y
a n d (against) p e o p l e of guile increases;
for e v e r y o n e w h o a p p r o a c h e s y o u ,
d o e s n o t defy y o u r o r d e r s . . .
T h e sixteenth hymn, t h o u g h fragmentary a n d obtuse at

several points, is particularly rich with the language of
a p p r o a c h i n g t h e Community:
. . . t o b e s t r e n g t h e n e d by t h e spirit o f h o l i n e s s ,
to a d h e r e to the truth o f your covenant,
t o s e r v e y o u in truth, w i t h a p e r f e c t h e a r t . . . ( 8 . 1 5 )
You h a v e r e s o l v e d , i n fact, t o take pity . . .
t o s h o w m e favor by t h e spirit o f y o u r c o m p a s s i o n
a n d by t h e s p l e n d o r o f y o u r g l o r y . . . ( 8 . 1 6 - 1 7 )
I k n o w that n o o n e b e s i d e s y o u is j u s t .
I h a v e a p p e a s e d y o u r face by t h e spirit w h i c h y o u h a v e
given me,
62 OF TWO MINDS
t o lavish y o u r favor o n y o u r s e r v a n t for [ever,]

t o purify m e w i t h y o u r H o l y Spirit,
t o a p p r o a c h y o u r will a c c o r d i n g t o t h e e x t e n t o f y o u r
kindnesses (8.19-20).
Far from the shores of the Dead Sea, p e r h a p s in Egypt, the

spirit was also associated with entrance into a life of faith.
In the romantic tale, Joseph and Aseneth, Aseneth, the
d a u g h t e r of Pentephres (the biblical Potiphar) is converted
to J u d a i s m by J o s e p h . In this story, J o s e p h places his h a n d
u p o n Aseneth's h e a d a n d prays,
. . . a n d r e n e w h e r by y o u r spirit,
a n d f o r m h e r a n e w by y o u r h i d d e n h a n d ,
a n d m a k e h e r alive a g a i n by y o u r life,
a n d let h e r e a t y o u r b r e a d o f life,
and drink your cup of blessing,
a n d n u m b e r h e r a m o n g y o u r p e o p l e . . . (8:9).
Subsequently, Aseneth is led by a heavenly m a n to a r o o m

with a marvelous honeycomb. H e says to her, " H a p p y are
you, Aseneth, because the ineffable mysteries of the Most
H i g h have been revealed to you, a n d happy [are] all who
attach themselves to the Lord God in repentance, because
they will eat from this comb. For this comb is [full of the]
spirit of life" (16:14). Finally, at a climactic m o m e n t ,
"Joseph p u t his arms a r o u n d her, a n d Aseneth [put hers]
a r o u n d J o s e p h , a n d they kissed each o t h e r for a long time
a n d b o t h came to life in their spirit. And J o s e p h kissed
Aseneth a n d gave her spirit of life, a n d he kissed h e r the
second time a n d gave h e r spirit of wisdom, a n d he kissed
h e r the third time a n d gave h e r spirit of truth" (19:10-11).
In this lovely romance, then, as in the poetry of the
Q u m r a n sectarians, the spirit purifies a n d draws p e o p l e
into the sphere of the faithful.
This process of purification takes on a c o m m u n a l char
acter in the Rule of the Community from Q u m r a n (1QS
9.3-4): "When these exist in Israel in accordance with these
rules in o r d e r to establish the spirit of holiness in truth
eternal, in o r d e r to atone for the fault of the transgression
a n d for the guilt of sin a n d for the approval for the earth,
without the flesh of b u r n t offerings . . . " Similarly, in Jub
CONCLUSION 63
1:20-21, Moses echoes Psalm 5 1 , a d a p t i n g it to a c o m m u

nal setting, w h e n h e intercedes for Israel, " O Lord, let your
mercy be lifted u p u p o n your people, a n d create for t h e m
an u p r i g h t spirit. . . . Create a p u r e heart a n d a Holy Spirit
for t h e m . And d o not let t h e m be ensnared by their sin
henceforth a n d forever." God responds (1:22-25) in t u r n
by echoing Psalm 51 a n d Ezek 11:19-20: "And I shall cre
ate for t h e m a Holy Spirit, a n d I shall purify t h e m so that
they will n o t t u r n away from following m e from that day
a n d forever. And their souls will cleave to m e a n d to all my
c o m m a n d m e n t s " (1:23).
The Messianic Savior

A n o t h e r strand in this tapestry begins with o u r observation
in c h a p t e r 3 that exegetical insight was attributed to the
divine spirit—what Ben Sira calls "the spirit of u n d e r s t a n d
ing." A particularly focussed association of the spirit with
wisdom emerges from the prediction in the Hebrew Bible
of a j u s t Davidic ruler who will bring in the wake of his reign
b o t h h u m a n a n d cosmic peace (Isa 11:1-9):
T h e spirit o f t h e LORD shall rest o n h i m
t h e spirit o f w i s d o m a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g
t h e spirit o f c o u n s e l a n d m i g h t
t h e spirit o f k n o w l e d g e a n d t h e fear o f t h e LORD
(Isa 11:2).
Although later developments of this figure in the Isaiah

corpus preserve the relationship between justice, mercy,
a n d the knowledge of God, the defining feature which pre
d o m i n a t e s is justice. Wisdom is supplanted by justice in t h e
exilic description of the so-called messianic servant in
w h o m God delights: "I have p u t my spirit u p o n him; h e will
b r i n g forth justice to the nations" (Isa 42:lb-c). This ser
vant will not grow weary "until h e has established justice in
the e a r t h " (Isa 4 2 : I d ) . T h e elusive yet related prophetic
figure of Isa 6 1 : 1 - 7 , whose character was concretized dur
ing t h e exilic or post-exilic period, also holds justice r a t h e r
t h a n wisdom to be the fundamental project of his calling:
64 OF TWO MINDS
T h e spirit o f t h e L o r d G O D is u p o n m e
b e c a u s e t h e LORD h a s a n o i n t e d m e
h e has sent m e to bring g o o d news to the oppressed
(Isa61:l).
Despite t h e increasing ascendancy of justice at the expense

of wisdom in t h e Isaiah corpus, early Jewish appropriations
of these texts preserve the original association of the spirit
with wisdom. T h e spirit which dwells u p o n the Elect O n e ,
t h e central eschatological character of the Similitudes of
Enoch, is depicted principally, in language reminiscent of
Isaiah 11, as a spirit of wisdom: " T h e Elect O n e stands
before the Lord of the Spirits; his glory is forever a n d ever
a n d his power is u n t o all generations. In him dwells the
spirit of wisdom, the spirit which gives thoughtfulness, the
spirit of knowledge a n d strength, a n d the spirit of those
who have fallen asleep in righteousness" (7 Enoch 4 9 : 2 - 3 ) .
Poetic depictions of the anticipated messianic deliv
erer, redolent of t h e images of Isaiah 11, e m e r g e as well in
t h e literature ofJ u d a i s m in late antiquity. T h e a u t h o r of the
Psalms of Solomon preserves the association of the spirit a n d
wisdom:
A n d h e will n o t w e a k e n in his d a y s , (relying) u p o n h i s G o d
for G o d m a d e h i m p o w e r f u l in t h e H o l y Spirit
a n d wise in the counsel of u n d e r s t a n d i n g
with strength and righteousness (17:37).
So too does the a u t h o r of the Testament of Levi:

A n d t h e g l o r y o f t h e M o s t H i g h shall b u r s t forth u p o n h i m .
A n d t h e spirit o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d sanctification
shall rest u p o n h i m . . .
A n d h e shall o p e n t h e g a t e s o f p a r a d i s e ;
h e shall r e m o v e t h e s w o r d that h a s t h r e a t e n e d s i n c e A d a m ,
a n d h e will g r a n t t o t h e saints t o e a t o f t h e tree o f life.
T h e spirit o f h o l i n e s s shall b e u p o n t h e m .
A n d B e l i a r shall b e b o u n d by h i m .
A n d h e shall g r a n t t o h i s c h i l d r e n t h e a u t h o r i t y t o t r a m p l e
o n w i c k e d spirits ( 1 8 : 7 , 1 0 - 1 2 ) .
In the Melchizedek Scroll from a m o n g the Dead Sea Scrolls

( H Q M e l c h ) , the figure of Isaiah 61 is transformed into a
warrior figure who will destroy Belial (Beliar) a n d his
CONCLUSION 65
e n t o u r a g e of evil spirits. T h e s e texts project an emphasis

u p o n strength o r power, which, t h o u g h consistent with
their own eschatological expectations of deliverance, can
not be said to arise genetically from Isaiah 11, 42, or 6 1 .
Many o t h e r fascinating references to the divine spirit
a n d its effects could be culled from early Jewish literature.
T h e spirit inspires, for example, praise (LAB 32:14), mili
tary heroism (LAB 27:9-10; 36:2), the ascent of t h e philo
sophical m i n d (Philo, Plant. 18-26; Gig. 19-55), even
rhetorical prowess a n d concomitant qualities of t h e ideal
Greco-Roman ruler (Philo, Virt. 217-19). T h o s e I have cho
sen o u g h t to suffice to illustrate that many Jewish authors
a n d communities grasped the e n o r m o u s worth of inspira
tion by the spirit. W h e t h e r the product of inspiration was
ecstasy or inspired interpretation, whether the m o d e of
inspiration was leaping a n d indwelling, conquering,
unlocking mysteries, guiding, echoing, teaching, illumi
nating, w h e t h e r the spirit was perceived, like the d e m o n s at
Delphi as an invading angel, like the spirit of u n d e r s t a n d
ing that rejects o m e n s a n d augurs, like Socrates' d e m o n as
a customary friend, like a d r a u g h t to be d r u n k — t h e liter
ary texts we have so briefly p e r u s e d suggest unequivocally
that many Jewish authors in the course of half a millen
n i u m were most certainly not of two m i n d s about experi
ences of which the spirit was the catalyst.
NOTES
Chapter 1
1 S e e especially A. Measson, Du char aile de Zeus a VArche
a"Alliance: images et mythes platoniciens chez Philon d'Alexandrie (Paris:
Etudes A u g u s t i n i e n n e s , 1986); D. T . Runia, Philo of Alexandria and
the T i m a e u s of Plato (Leiden: Brill, 1986). Philo's k n o w l e d g e o f
R o m a n e d u c a t i o n is e v i d e n t in his treatise, De congressu quaerendae
eruditionis gratia, w h i c h describes the c o m m o n course o f e d u c a t i o n ,
the Encyclia, in w h i c h were i n c l u d e d the study o f literature, r h e t o
ric, m a t h e m a t i c s , music, a n d logic.
2 For an introduction to Philo a n d his writings, see Y. Amir,

"Authority a n d Interpretation o f Scripture in the Writings o f
Philo," in Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the
Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity, J. M u l d e r a n d
H. Sysling, e d s . (Assen a n d Philadelphia: van G o r c u m a n d For
tress, 1988) p p . 4 2 1 - 5 3 .
3 For introductions to J o s e p h u s a n d his writings, see H. W.

Attridge, "Josephus a n d His Works," in Jewish Writings of the Second
Temple Period, M. E. Stone, e d . (Assen a n d Philadelphia: V a n
G o r c u m a n d Fortress, 1984) 1 8 5 - 2 3 2 ; a n d L. H. F e l d m a n , "Use,
Authority a n d E x e g e s i s o f Mikra in the Writings o f J o s e p h u s , " in
Mikra, M u l d e r a n d Sysling, eds., p p . 4 5 5 - 5 1 8 .
4 H . J a c o b s o n , A Commentary on Pseudo-Philo's Liber

Antiquitatum Biblicarum (Leiden: Brill, 1996) 1.213.
5 S e e "The l a m e n t o f J e p h t h a h ' s daughter: t h e m e s , traditions,

originality," Studi Medievali 12.2 ( 1 9 7 1 ) 8 2 5 - 4 1 , 8 4 6 - 4 7 .
6 For an introduction, see J a c o b s o n , A Commentary on

Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, 1 . 1 9 5 - 2 8 0 .
7 For an introduction, see A. Di Leila, The Wisdom of Ben Sira: A

New Translation with Notes (Garden City: Doubleday, 1987); a n d J.
L. Crenshaw, "The B o o k o f Ecclesiasticus," in The New Interpreters
Bible, L. E. Keck et al., e d s . (Nashville: A b i n g d o n , 1997) 2 6 7 - 3 6 0 .
8 For introductions to the D e a d Sea Scrolls, see J. C.

V a n d e r K a m , The Dead Sea Scrolls Today (Grand Rapids: E e r d m a n s ,
1994); a n d G. V e r m e s , The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English
( L o n d o n : P e n g u i n , 1 9 9 7 [5th ed.]).
9 For a n introduction, see M. E. Stone, Fourth Ezra ( M i n n e a p o

lis: Fortress, 1990).
67
68 NOTES
10 S e e M. H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in their Encoun

ter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period (Minneapolis: For
tress, 1981). Significant critiques notwithstanding (see particularly
the m a n y i m p o r t a n t observations in L. H. F e l d m a n , / ^ and Gentile
in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions From Alexander to Jus
tinian [Princeton: Princeton University, 1 9 9 3 ] 3 - 4 4 ) , H e n g e l has
d e m o n s t r a t e d that G r e c o - R o m a n influence may have p e r m e a t e d
e v e n t h e recesses o f first-century J u d a i s m .
Chapter 2
1 O n the possibility o f ecstasy in Israelite p r o p h e t i c e x p e r i e n c e ,
s e e the studies o f J. L i n d b l o m , Prophecy in Ancient Israel (Philadel
phia: Fortress, 1962) 6 5 - 8 2 ; 1 2 2 - 3 7 ; 1 7 3 - 8 2 ; a n d R. R. Wilson,
Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980),
esp. p p . 3 2 - 5 1
2 S e e also J o s h 2 4 : 9 - 1 0 , in the c o n t e x t o f Joshua's summary o f

Israelite history: " T h e n King Balak s o n o f Zippor o f Moab, set out
to fight against Israel. H e sent a n d invited Balaam s o n o f B e o r to
curse you, but I w o u l d n o t listen to Balaam; therefore h e blessed
you; so I rescued y o u out o f his h a n d . " For a brief survey o f t h e
various levels o f culpability attributed to Balaam by early Jewish
authors, see G. V e r m e s , Scripture and Tradition in Judaism (Leiden:
Brill, 1 9 7 3 [2nd ed.]) 1 7 3 - 7 5 . S o m e o f the m o r e important sec
ondary discussions o f early Jewish interpretations o f Balaam in
g e n e r a l include: G. V e r m e s , Scripture and Tradition, p p . 1 2 7 - 7 7 ; J.
R. Baskin, Pharaoh's Counsellors: Job, Jethro, and Balaam in Rabbinic
and Patristic Tradition (Chico, CA: Scholars, 1983) 7 5 - 1 1 3 ; L. H .
F e l d m a n , "Josephus* Portrait o f Balaam," Studia Philonica Annual 5
( 1 9 9 3 ) 4 8 - 8 3 ; J. T . G r e e n e , Balaam and His Interpreters: A
Hermeneutical History of the Balaam Traditions (Atlanta: Scholars,
1992).
3 N u m 2 4 : 2 reads, "Balaam l o o k e d u p a n d saw Israel c a m p i n g

tribe by tribe. T h e n the spirit o f G o d c a m e u p o n h i m . . ." L X X
N u m 23:7 reads, "And t h e spirit o f G o d c a m e u p o n h i m . . . "
4 T h i s identification was r e c o g n i z e d by A. Schlatter, "Wie

Sprach J o s e p h u s v o n Gott?" Beitrage zur Fbrderung christlicher
Theologie 14.1 ( 1 9 1 0 ) 3 2 .
5 S e e also Plato Meno 9 9 C ; Apology 2 2 C ; a n d Timaeus 7 I E .

NOTES 69
6 T h i s is n o t to say that such features are G r e c o - R o m a n rather

than Jewish. In The Spirit in First Century Judaism (Leiden: Brill,
1997) 1 0 9 - 1 4 , I have c o n t e n d e d that m a n y o f these features occur
as well in the literature o f Early J u d a i s m .
7 S e e also Plato, Timaeus 7 I E ; Cicero, Div. 1.129.
8 M. E. S t o n e (Fourth Ezra, p. 120) c o n t e n d s correctly that this

s t a t e m e n t about the r e t e n t i o n o f m e m o r y constitutes a "deliber
ate" reversal o f this topos, i.e., the loss o f m e m o r y .
9 Translation from P o s t - N i c e n e Fathers, 1.289.
10 T r a n s l a t i o n from A n t e - N i c e n e Fathers, 1 1 . 3 6 6 .
11 O r Firmianus. H e probably lived ca. 2 4 0 - 3 2 0 CE.
Chapter 3
1 Cicero, Div. 1.66-67.
2 Lucan, De hello civili 5 . 1 6 9 - 7 7 .
3 Sibylline Oracles 3 . 3 , 7.
4 T h i s is the title o f an important c h a p t e r in E. R. D o d d s ' The

Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeley: University o f California, 1951).
5 For details, see my Spirit, p p . 1 7 8 - 8 3 .
6 T h e a u t h o r o f Zech 7:12 refers to the "former p r o p h e t s "

w h e n h e e x p l a i n s in his retrospective analysis o f Israelite history
the cause o f the exile: "They m a d e their hearts a d a m a n t in o r d e r
n o t to hear the law a n d the words that the LORD o f hosts h a d sent
by his spirit t h r o u g h the former p r o p h e t s . T h e r e f o r e great wrath
c a m e from the LORD o f hosts."
7 Translation m i n e .
8 S e e also 1 Q H 13.19; 1 6 . 1 1 ; 17.17.
9 J o s e p h u s ' description o f the Essenes, t h o u g h it too offers lit

tle insight into the particular m o d e o f inspiration, associates an
u n c a n n y ability to predict the future with k n o w l e d g e o f the sacred
texts o f Israel: "There are s o m e a m o n g t h e m [the Essenes] w h o
profess to foretell the future, b e i n g versed from their early years in
holy books, various forms o f purification a n d a p o p h t h e g m s o f
p r o p h e t s ; a n d s e l d o m , if ever, d o they err in their predictions."
T h e e m p h a s i s u p o n reliability, c o u p l e d with the positive
70 NOTES
descriptions e l s e w h e r e o f Essenes w h o reliably predicted the future

(Judas in Bell. 1.78; S i m o n in Bell. 2 . 1 1 3 ; a n d M e n a h e m mAnt.
1 3 . 3 1 1 ) , suggests that J o s e p h u s ' belief in the ability to predict rests
at least in part u p o n a n e e d for k n o w l e d g e o f the holy b o o k s .
10 E.g., Leg. All. 3 . 2 2 8 ; Conf. Ling. 159; Cher. 6 9 ; Som. 1.23; Spec.
Leg. 1.63; 4 . 5 0 ; Her. 9 8 ; Vit. Mos. 1.68.
11 Translation m i n e .
12 S e e M. P o h l e n z , "Philon v o n Alexandria," Nachrichten von der

Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gbttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse
5 (1942) 473.
Chapter 4
1 H. W. Kuhn, Enderwartung und gegenwdrtiges Heil: Unter-
suchungen zu den Gemeindeliedern von Qumran (Gottingen:
V a n d e n h o e c k & Ruprecht, 1966) 1 1 7 - 3 9 . Kuhn discerns initiation
l a n g u a g e as well in 1 Q H 1 2 . 1 1 - 1 2 ; 13.19; 14.13, a n d f 3 . 1 4 .
About the Author
J o h n R. Levison e a r n e d a B.A.
from W h e a t o n College, an M.A.
from C a m b r i d g e University a n d
a Ph.D. from Duke University.
H e is currently associate profes
sor of the practice of biblical
interpretation at T h e Divinity
School of Duke University. In
addition to dozens of articles, h e
has published five o t h e r books:
The Spirit in First Century Judaism
(Brill, 1999), Josephus' Contra
Apionem: Studies in Its Character
and Context with a Latin Concor
dance to the Portion Missing in
Greek (editor, with Louis Feldman; Brill, 1996), Jesus in
Global Contexts (with Priscilla Pope-Levison; Westminster/
J o h n Knox, 1992), Portraits of Adam in Early Judaism (JSP
S u p p l e m e n t Series 1, a n d Return to Babel: Global Perspectives
on the Bible (editor, with Priscilla Pope-Levison, Westmin
ster/John Knox, 1999). H e has b e e n the co-chair of the
Divine Mediator Figures in Antiquity G r o u p of the Society
of Biblical Literature, a contributing reviewer for Old Testa
ment Abstracts, a n d currently serves o n the editorial board of
the Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha.
71

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The Dead Sea Scrolls &

N o part of this book m a y be reproduced in a n y m a n n e r

Library of C o n g r e s s Cataloging-in-Publication Data

U n l e s s o t h e r w i s e indicated, biblical quotations are f r o m

C a n D i v i n i t i e s Play H u m a n Vocal C h o r d s Like H a r p s ? ix

2. T H E INSPIRED ECSTASY OF T H E SEER 11

About the Author 71

t h r o u g h o u t the world claim that the Bible is inspired. But

Some biblical authors imply that inspiration comes

Some ancients claimed that only the "insane" could

Study of Judaism 2 6 (1995) 2 7 1 - 3 2 3 ; " J o s e p h u s ' I n t e r p r e ­

The Variety of Jewish Authors and Texts

navigation of literature that spans several centuries, arises

• Explanation of the Mosaic laws, including the

• C o m m e n t a r i e s on the Bible, most of t h e m

• O t h e r m o r e thematic treatises on such philosophi­

Philo's treatises a n d commentaries indicate that h e h a d a

While Philo a n d his contemporaries were occupied

the m i n o r j u d g e , Jair, about w h o m little is recorded in J u d g

Jews, h e himself was receptive to that culture, such as w h e n

a dialogue between the figure of Ezra (the post-exilic

The Impact of the

Cicero, who was b o r n on J a n u a r y 3, 106 BCE a n d died

shrine's e n t r a n c e . In De Pythiae oraculis, he sought to

Socratis, reveals. In this dialogue, De genio Socratis, Plutarch

quality, j u s t as m u c h as each is tied to the i m m e n s e a n d var­

H ints of the experience of ecstasy are strewn t h r o u g h ­

g r o u n d (8:17-18), lay down sick (8:27), lacked strength

apparently n o speech, n o vision, n o d r e a m to communicate

(23:16), and, p r i o r to the third oracle, the spirit of G o d

m e t h o d s of modifying the biblical text, the interpretations

The Angel and the Spirit

a p p r o a c h of the divine angel a n d the ass's perception of the

In this summary, J o s e p h u s shows n o reluctance to use the

The Experience of Ecstasy

active d u r i n g the oracle, a n d he did indeed u n d e r s t a n d

This repetition suggests how emphatically J o s e p h u s

he was n o longer in possession of his mental faculties

• Balaam's conscious mental faculties were r e n d e r e d

• Balaam was "possessed" by this angelic spirit (Vit.

• F r o m within, this divine spirit utilized Balaam's

Where N u m b e r s 2 2 - 2 4 is ambiguous—on the source of

Ecstasy and the Qreco-Roman Era

Socrates also describes the inspiration of the poet, who "is

Discernible here is a repository of conceptions which lie at

T h e i m p o r t a n c e of this description of d e m o n s is evi­

Later in the discussion, Lamprias criticizes Cleombrotus'

Although Philo, J o s e p h u s , a n d Cleombrotus are three

T h e ingredients of inspiration integral to Philo's version of

Cleombrotus, according to which, "when the spirits return

Illumination of Philo's a n d J o s e p h u s ' emphasis on the

m a n i p u l a t e d Balaam's vocal chords, is discernible as well in

Pseudo-Philo on the Ecstasy of Kenaz

O n e of the central figures in Pseudo-Philo's Liber

A n d w h e n Kenaz heard their words, h e was clothed with the

Military success is not, however, the sole occasion for

and elevated his mind [put him in ecstasy], and he began to

from which it was necessary to awaken him. As if this were

Following this summary, Quintus provides an e x a m p l e

prophesy" (1.64). Kenaz of the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum

T h e s e observations, illuminating t h o u g h they be, d o

In a later discussion of prophetic ecstasy, Quintus resumes

Study of Judaism 2 6 (1995) 2 7 1 - 3 2 3 ; " J o s e p h u s ' I n t e r p r e

• O t h e r m o r e thematic treatises on such philosophi

quality, j u s t as m u c h as each is tied to the i m m e n s e a n d var

H ints of the experience of ecstasy are strewn t h r o u g h

T h e i m p o r t a n c e of this description of d e m o n s is evi

T h e s e features r e a p p e a r in less anecdotal a n d m o r e philo

• a frenzied condition of inflammation a n d excite

T h e headwaters of this interpretation are Plato's Apol

T h e s e interpretations suggest the r a n g e of reposito

T h e effect of this repetition is to p r o d u c e a c o r r e s p o n

Sira, the spirit leads the m i n d intact to the sorts of interpre

T h e vocabulary of this psalm exhibits an intriguing colloca

Moses' response to this sign constitutes an inspired predic

daimonion was a guide to Socrates, inspiring him to com

T h e promise of the l a m p of u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d the predic

1:20-21, Moses echoes Psalm 5 1 , a d a p t i n g it to a c o m m u