Documente Academic
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Documente Cultură
Alexa HEPBURN
This paper addresses the claim that research which makes relativist epistemological
assumptions is incompatible with the moral and political commitments of feminism. This
claim is treated as resting on four related but distinct arguments, that relativist feminist
researchers: (a) have no basis for choosing between different accounts; (b) have no way
to encompass real, material, worldly phenomena; (c) are unable to express commitment
to a political position or set of values; (d) are less persuasive to colleagues and to the
wider community because of the contingent and self-referential nature of relativist claims.
The principal aim of this paper is to highlight a range of limitations with these anti-
relativist arguments and thereby support the case for a coherent relativist feminist psy-
chology. The paper concludes with some indication of the virtues and strengths of such an
approach.
INTRODUCTION
The past decade of feminism and psychology has seen an array of novel theo-
retical and analytic perspectives brought to bear on issues where previously the
research paraphernalia of ‘experimental’ empiricist psychology would have been
considered essential for making any justifiable claims. These novel perspectives
include deconstruction, discursive psychology, discourse analysis, construction-
ism, postmodernism, poststructuralism and rhetorical analysis (for discussions
oriented to feminist issues in psychology, see, for example, Burman, 1998; Burr,
1995; Davies, 1994; Gergen, 1992; Hare-Mustin and Maracek, 1988; Hollway,
1989; Walkerdine, 1988; Wetherell, 1998; Wilkinson and Kitzinger, 1995).
Separately or in assorted combinations they have been used to constitute new
research topics and new issues for feminist concern. They have also connected
Feminism & Psychology © 2000 SAGE (London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi),
Vol. 10(1): 91–106.
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feminist work in psychology with feminist criticisms across the human sciences,
offering strength through new alignments. However, in the past few years a
number of doubts have been raised about the compatibility of elements of
this work with the moral and political visions of feminism. These doubts take
different forms, but one central theme is the (claimed) relativist epistemological
basis of these perspectives and the problematic relation of such a relativist
epistemology to feminist commitment and practice in psychology. That relation-
ship is the topic of this paper. Is it really the case that insofar as these perspec-
tives adopt (explicitly or otherwise) a relativist epistemology they are thereby at
odds with feminist assumptions or practices? I will argue that these doubts are
overstated, and that these perspectives should continue to be treated as a vibrant
resource for feminist critique.
Clearly, these are complex issues, and one of the complexities is the mix of
perspectives at which these anti-relativist arguments are directed. These perspec-
tives have a wide range of features which are distinct from their epistemological
assumptions, and I do not intend to argue here about the merits and demerits
of these other features for feminist work. The focus will be exclusively on the
compatibility of a relativist epistemology with feminist psychology and, more
specifically, on the arguments that have questioned that compatibility.
It will be useful to (cautiously) set out what ideas and research I take to be
sensibly covered by the notions of feminist psychology and relativism. Clearly,
there is no one straightforward consensual definition of feminist psychology –
one of its features over the past decade has been creative debate over assump-
tions, notions of the person, issues about how inequality and exploitation should
be understood, relationships between gender, class, ethnicity and other cate-
gories, and so on. My argument will not be that relativism can be made com-
patible with all constructions of feminism. It is certainly possible to define
feminism in terms of essentialist or materialist epistemologies. However, my
argument is against claims that there is a fundamental and principled opposition
between all feminism and relativist epistemology which should lead anyone with
a feminist moral and political view to reject any position based on a relativist
epistemology for that reason.
Let me take two example definitions to work with. First, Sue Wilkinson
(1997a), drawing on work by Rhoda Unger and Mary Crawford (1992), defines
feminism as involving two themes: ‘(1) feminism places a high value on women,
considering us as worthy of study in our own right . . .; (2) feminism recognizes
the need for social change on behalf of women: feminist psychology is avowedly
political’ (Wilkinson, 1997a: 247–8).
Second, Maggie Humm suggests that feminist theory shares three defining
assumptions: ‘(1) gender is a social construction that oppresses women more than
men; (2) patriarchy (the male domination of social institutions) shapes these con-
structions; (3) women’s experiential knowledge best helps us to envision a future
non-sexist society’ (1996: 296).
I take it that these are relatively conventional definitions that will not raise
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eyebrows among the readers of Feminism & Psychology. The issue for dis-
cussion, then, will be how far these constructions of feminism can be squared
with the epistemological implications of relativism.
Producing a useful definition of relativism for this discussion is particularly
difficult, for, as Barbara Herrnstein Smith has suggested, relativism tends to have
been defined critically by realists and other objectivists.1 Indeed, she argues that,
in academic debate ‘relativism’ is often: ‘a phantom heresy dreamt by anxious
orthodoxy under siege or, in other words, a “relativism” created by traditional
objectivism itself’ (Herrnstein Smith, 1988: 151). And she suggests that such
orthodox constructions of relativism tend to produce a version of objectivism
turned on its head. In particular, she argues that ‘relativism’ is not a ‘position’,
‘conviction’ or set of claims about some set of things: reality, truth, meaning,
value and so on. Rather it is a: ‘more or less extensively theorized questioning –
analysis, problematizing, critique – of the key elements of traditional objectivist
thought and its attendant axiological machinery’ (Herrnstein Smith, 1988: 151).
In this formulation, relativism is a form of more or less systematic doubt about
the possibility of objective, socially independent foundations to knowledge, such
as data, experiments, observations, reality, God and so on. This doubt is sup-
ported by a variety of sociological, philosophical, historical and anthropological
work (Ashmore, 1989; Collins, 1985; Collins and Pinch, 1993; Derrida, 1976;
Feyerabend, 1978; Geertz, 1984; Knorr Cetina, 1995; Lawson and Appignanesi,
1989; Potter, 1996; Rorty, 1991). It is also engaged with in complex ways by
feminist thinkers such as Butler (1990), Haraway (1991), Nicholson (1990) and
Spivak (1993). Put another way, if objectivity is traditionally thought of as the
independence of knowledge claims from historical and cultural conditions, and
from the psychological beliefs and values of particular individuals and groups,
then relativism doubts the possibility of such independence. This then leads
to exploration, acceptance or sometimes even celebration of the contingency or
relativity of knowledge claims.
Before moving to consider arguments against relativism in feminist psycho-
logy I want to stress one point above all, as it has been one of the biggest sources
of misunderstanding. The centrality of doubt in relativist arguments does not
remove the importance of judgement. There is no sense to the idea that because
a researcher takes a sceptical perspective on the possibility of objective know-
ledge (with all that that implies) she is required to treat all knowledge as ‘equally
valid’. She may accept the contingency of her judgements, and their lack of
foundational guarantees, but that does not stop them being judgements. It would
be self-contradictory for the relativist to be making claims only if she asserted a
non-contingent, foundational status to those claims.
Arguments about belief, criticism and value in relation to relativism have
occurred across the human sciences over the past decade. However, in this
paper I will be concerned in particular with anti-relativist arguments as they have
developed in feminist psychology.
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It is important to stress at the outset that this paper does not represent an attack
on those feminists who have explicitly criticized a relativist perspective. It is also
important to acknowledge that many of the critics cited here have been an invalu-
able source of support and inspiration for feminist psychologists of all kinds.
Moreover, given the widespread confusions highlighted above it is not surprising
that these kinds of criticisms have been developed in psychology. Nevertheless,
it is important to highlight some difficulties with these arguments and with the
implications that are adduced from them.
Feminist critics who have argued for the incompatibility of feminism and
relativism have sometimes been arguing from an explicit alternative perspective
such as critical realism or psychoanalysis, and sometimes the connection between
feminism and relativism is treated as intrinsically problematic. The following
illustrate the sorts of concerns and criticisms raised:
Relativists’ refusal to engage with questions of value has also led to a political
paralysis (Wilkinson, 1997b: 186).
In other words, a motivated, partisan political orientation is proscribed [by
relativism]. Theory floats disconnected from any political position, and this is a
return to a disturbingly familiar liberal pluralist position (Parker and Burman,
1993: 167).
To me it’s very important to say… an incestuous act happened. And it wasn’t
just someone’s interpretation. I mean I think it’s extremely dangerous when
women are talking about what happened – ‘He hit me’; ‘He beat me up’; ‘He
raped me’. It is very dangerous to say, ‘Oh well, there’s no external reality,
there’s only stories, nothing really happens’ . . . it can get to a point where
nothing’s real, nothing happened, nothing matters, and nobody knows – and I
think that’s a dangerous thing for feminists to be saying (Gilligan, in Kitzinger,
1994: 412, emphasis in original).
Increasingly, research from a [social constructionist] perspective points re-
flexively to its own socially constructed nature and thus loses the potential
rhetorical impact of ‘empirically verified facts’ (Kitzinger, 1995: 156).
For feminists attempting to bring about social change, the relativism and re-
flexivity of constructionism, discursive and postmodern approaches pose some
serious problems. If there is nothing outside the text, then there is no means
to assert the existence of even the starkest material realities: war, genocide,
slavery, and poverty, physical and sexual abuse (Wilkinson, 1997b: 184).
Relativists’ refusal to engage with questions of value has led to political paraly-
sis. There is no principled way in which they can intervene, choose one version
over another, argue for anything (Gill, 1995: 177).
If no one set of meanings is more valid than any other, there is no basis (for
example) for distinguishing between the rape victim’s account of sexual
coercion and the rapist’s account of pleasurable seduction (Wilkinson, 1997b:
185).
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vincing; that is the way with arguments. They are judged on their merits. She
does not, therefore, see the problem as one of choosing to live with or without
foundations; rather it is a choice between wrongly imagining that knowledge
can be objectively founded, and doubting that it can be and exploring the con-
sequences of that doubt. It involves embracing the richness and political em-
beddedness of arguments (Billig, 1987, 1994).
None of this is an argument for ‘anything goes’.3 Taking an anti-foundation-
alist position on knowledge, which rejects the sovereignty of the standard truth
production machinery of data, experiments, human nature, reality or God, does
not entail a belief in everything and nothing.
The anti-relativists are right, however, when they claim that relativist argu-
ments do not in themselves provide the basis for choosing moral or political per-
spectives (see Gill, 1995). The issue is whether such positions should provide a
basis for the choice of politics. There is no reason why feminists must see their
political and moral views as determined by some ‘scientific’ analysis of society
or psychology. Instead, it is perfectly coherent to argue that feminists can choose
their particular politics and morality from whatever considerations seem appro-
priate. This might include rigorous and high-quality research, but it might also
include features of personal biography, feelings of solidarity, visions of social
transformation and outrage at inequalities and exploitation. Constructionists can,
and often do, accept relativist epistemology and they can, and often do, choose
feminist politics. Critics can disagree with these choices, and argue for alterna-
tive epistemologies – but that is a quite different matter from showing that con-
structionists who adopt a relativist epistemology cannot coherently make such
choices in the first place.
Let me now move on to the issue of choice at an analytic level – the issue of
choosing between the claims of research participants. This issue is of a different
order and presents a variety of complexities. First, it is worth commenting on the
rhetorical construction of the arguments about relativists’ supposed inability
properly to choose between participants’ versions. Take Sue Wilkinson’s sug-
gestion quoted above that relativist researchers have no basis for distinguishing
between the rape victim’s account of sexual coercion and the rapist’s account of
pleasurable seduction. This implies that relativism involves a perverse insensi-
tivity to the ‘obvious facts’ of abuse and suffering.4 Yet, as will be immediately
apparent from studying the diversity of work in feminist psychology done under
the rubric of poststructuralism, discursive psychology and deconstruction, this is
almost the opposite of the case. A predominant concern for researchers using
these perspectives has been social criticism, including a range of feminist issues
to do with desire, exploitation, sexism and subjectivity.
The objectivist might ask at this point: how can a ‘relativist’ talk coherently
about ‘obvious facts’? The relativist’s response will be to say that she makes
judgements about facts, and may, like other feminists, find certain facts obvious,
or even shocking. She holds beliefs about the world and its inequalities that give
sense to her feminism. This does not mean, however, that such beliefs must be
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grounded in some separate, objective foundations. Nor does it mean that in some
circumstances ‘obvious facts’ might not become the object of analysis them-
selves.
Let me return to the way the argument against relativism is constructed. Note
the way Wilkinson’s construction depends on an invented example that sidesteps
the contingencies of the ‘real world’. The problem is not that the example is
invented – this is an argument, after all – it is that it is invented in such a way that
it prejudges exactly what is open-ended in real-life examples, that is, the appro-
priate application of the categories rapist and rape victim. Relativists are not
(generally) attempting to replace the various legal systems through which guilt
and innocence are assigned in cases of violent sexual assault, by making their own
academic prosecutions. That is not to say, however, that sexual violence is a topic
beyond the purview of relativist researchers. On the contrary, a variety of studies
have considered the way sexual violence is excused and justified, the way judicial
judgments are bound up with assumptions about sexuality, and the way courtroom
cross-examination assigns blame (e.g. Coates et al., 1994; Davies, 1995; Drew,
1992; Frohmann, 1998; Matoesian, 1993; Wood and Rennie, 1994; Wowk,
1984).5 These studies are not denying the awfulness of sexual assault; this is pre-
cisely the concern that motivates them. It is important to emphasize again that the
general relativist scepticism concerning objectivist foundations to knowledge
does not require that we abstain from making judgements, arguments and claims.
I assume that feminist researchers working on topics such as sexual violence
start with a variety of expectations, for example, that rape is widely under-
reported, that the judicial system is organized in a manner that makes it hard to
get prosecutions, that judges are frequently sexist, and so on. Yet such expecta-
tions do not conflict with the epistemological uncertainties highlighted by
relativists. They express the stance from which the research was created and its
solidarity with other feminist critics of the wider judicial and policing systems;
they do not express an epistemological position of certainty.
2. Textual Idealism
The argument here is that relativist perspectives have no way to encompass the
real, material worldly phenomena that are central to feminism. These might be
such things as incestuous acts, the experiences of rape victims, and the facts of
power and patriarchy.
As with the argument about choice between versions, the way this issue has
been formulated presupposes a particular realist or ‘objectivist’ orientation. The
argument here treats the existence of particular objects as both obvious to the
anti-relativist, and denied by, or inaccessible to, researchers using relativist
perspectives. Arguments of this kind transform the various (more or less) subtle
attempts to grapple with the practical epistemic issues that arise in relativist
research and analysis into a straightforward denial of the existence of particular
objects.
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Take ‘incest’ as an example. A researcher may consider the way this category
is applied as parts of different practices, and can be rhetorically worked up and
undermined; but this is not a denial of the significance and awfulness of child
sexual abuse. Yet while it is now easy (following the efforts of feminist
researchers over the past two decades) to condemn sexual abuse, research, under-
standing and prevention are more complex. They will involve dealing with
descriptions embedded in practices, delivered by various interested parties:
children, parents, social workers, psychiatrists, social workers, outraged MPs and
so on. Relativists are not persuaded that there is a simple brute reality of ‘incest’
or ‘child sexual abuse’ outside of, and separable from, those complex practices.
However, to claim that such things are not simple freestanding objects is not to
treat them as any less important or shocking.
Again, part of the problem here is the rhetorical construction of the objectivist
complaint.6 Carol Gilligan’s argument quoted above provides a good illustration.
The constructionist is characterized as claiming that incest is ‘just someone’s
interpretation’ (belittling? uncaring?) and as saying ‘Oh well, there’s no external
reality, there’s only stories, nothing really happens’ (resigned? denying?). But
surely the issue is not the caring, not the strongly felt belief that child sexual
abuse is awful. Rather it is to think about how topics in this area can best be
researched and understood, and to recognize the complex epistemic issues that
arise in doing so. Issues seem simple when they are produced in vignette-style
examples which predefine the realities which we feminists agree are bad. Actual
issues do not come predefined, and are bound up in social arenas riven with dis-
putes, interest groups, versions and different agendas.
These anti-relativist arguments suggest that there is something simple being
offered in asserting the existence of ‘material realities’ such as war and sexual
abuse, and this simplicity is being weakened by the constructionist stress on the
way these categories are assigned, built up, rhetorically used, embedded in
discourses, undermined and so on. As I have emphasized, recognizing such
complexity is not a perverse celebration of the limitations of truth, but the result
of a body of philosophical and analytic work done across the human sciences. It
is perfectly appropriate to disagree with such work, but simply legislating into
existence a class of objects that come free from epistemological trouble surely
cannot show its inadequacy.
My general argument here has not been that relativist perspectives are the only
ones that enable critical research on topics of feminist interest (although I would
elsewhere want to argue their virtues – Hepburn, 1997, 1999, in press). Instead I
have been developing the more modest, but important, argument against the way
that they have been dismissed as purveyors of textual idealism. I have tried to
show that scepticism about foundations does not force the feminist researcher to
an idealist position that denies the existence of a range of objects.
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ment for commitment works at least as well in the reverse direction to how it is
usually presented.
The psychological argument is rather different. This argument has it that the
scepticism about foundations, the emphasis on the constructed basis of positions,
the awareness of variability and contingency, make it hard for any particular
feminist psychologist to hold on to strong commitments. This argument seems to
embody a condescending and psychologically reductive7 view of feminists.
Bronwyn Davies has recently noted that it also rests on rather weak evidence,
making only ‘vague reference to specific unnamed others who are incapable of
commitment’ (1998: 136). Again, the Gilligan argument cited above is typical
in its reference to unnamed feminists who ‘can get to a point’ where nothing
matters. In contrast to this, Davies contends that for her, and the teachers and
students she has worked with, an understanding of the inherently constructive
nature of self and reality has enabled rather than inhibited action and commit-
ment.
Ultimately, the psychological argument seems to depend on judgements about
the evidence that objectivist feminists have significantly more commitment to
feminist politics and critique than do feminists who hold constructionist posi-
tions. Like Davies, I see no evidence for this.
ence with this or any other group? Or is it more intellectually appropriate, and
even effective in the long term, to develop the general case for the contribution
that relativist thinking can make in feminist arenas? (See Kitzinger, 1995: 156 for
some discussion of this point.) After all, there is a general argument currently
taking place between relativists (in this case discursive psychologists) and cogni-
tivists, and the outcome of core theoretical and analytic disputes such as this
might transform the whole context of persuasion.8 Nevertheless, my belief (as a
relativist academic) is that the most coherent position is to be committed to the
perspective that I have struggled with, worked on and believe (up to now) to
be the most effective, rather than simply strategically adopting other people’s
theories. At the very least, I would argue that the strategic case against relativism
is not proven.
The second issue here is of influence in the ‘broader’ community. There are
interesting convergences and differences here. A variety of feminist psycho-
logists who would otherwise happily be considered anti-realist have argued for
the selective adoption of realist narratives (Gavey, 1989; Squire, 1995; Wetherell,
1995). I would argue that there is nothing intrinsically anti-relativist about such
stances. Indeed, the flexible use of realist discourses for strategic ends has been
a major theme in a range of work discussing relativism and constructionism
(Edwards et al., 1995; Wetherell and Potter, 1992). Reality is the heroine of many
good stories. What might be more problematic would be the selective use of
foundational justifications for those realist claims. Do we really want to gain
social and political influence by asserting a truth-value for our claims that we
elsewhere doubt? Perhaps intellectual honesty combined with criticisms of the
pretensions of objectivist psychological work is the most coherent approach here
too. Should we not, as feminists, value and work toward a polity that is openly
forthright and epistemologically sophisticated?
The issue of persuasion is a deep one, with implications for the basis of our
work as feminist academics (rather than feminist politicians or citizens). I have
certainly not wanted to imply that the issues are simple, and that there are no
potential costs for those rejecting objectivist perspectives. However, I hope to
have at least indicated the case against treating the persuasion argument as
necessitating a rejection of relativism.
A RELATIVIST FEMINISM
I have not argued here that objectivist feminists are wrong or incoherent, or that
relativist perspectives are always superior. Rather, the main objective of this
paper has been to clarify the nature and limitations of anti-relativist arguments
that aim to show the incoherence or impossibility of relativist feminism. Some
people will undoubtedly be left still feeling that they want to employ con-
structionist work, but that they don’t want to subscribe to relativism. However, it
is important to be clear that without the relativism of a strong constructionist
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position, as a researcher you are left with the difficult job of arguing for, and
providing evidence of, non-constructionist realities. Some may feel that this is a
price worth paying in order to ground their commitment. However, as I have
argued, commitment to something is different from treating it as simply objec-
tively true, and indeed there is a tension between the notion of commitment
and the objectivist story that ‘truths’ speak for themselves via experimentally
manipulated variables. In contrast, relativists may be in a stronger – and more
intellectually honest – position to deal with the many contingencies, arguments
and agendas that go with doing research.
I would like to end on a positive note, by starting to trace the virtues of rela-
tivism for feminists. For centuries women have been, and still are, positioned and
silenced by patriarchal ideologies that deny them the same rights as men and
define them as lacking, as somehow deficient. I am committed to this belief,
which expresses my solidarity with other feminist researchers – it is not some-
thing I have simply been forced to accept by my experimental findings. For most
feminist researchers the ultimate goal is to assert or display the unacceptable
nature of the patriarchal state of affairs. Many therefore claim that in order to gain
a strong political voice we must steer clear of postmodern or relativist traps which
would deny us the ability to assert the ‘reality’ of our own identity, language
and experience. Cautioning us from her Derridean deconstructive perspective,
however, Peggy Kamuf asks:
not a matter of static renditions. Like any other political and moral philosophy,
feminism evolves to meet new findings and challenges, it expresses new soli-
darities, and it offers new visions of transformation.
Nevertheless, my argument in the paper does not require a particular line
on the merits and demerits of the various feminist interventions from within
(commonly) relativist positions such as constructionism, deconstruction, discur-
sive psychology, poststructuralism and postmodernism. What I have been
concerned to do is counter arguments that assert the principled incompatibility of
relativism and feminism. Insofar as I have been successful, this clears the way
for more direct engagement with the profound and substantial issues that these
perspectives generate for, and within, feminism. There are issues, for example of
theory – consider Donna Haraway’s (1989) working within and around various
theories when considering gender issues in primatology. There are issues, for
example, of scientific evidence – consider Malcolm Ashmore’s (1989) explo-
ration of the various paradoxes involved in studying knowledge and evidence and
its relation to theory. And there are issues, for example, of politics – consider
Barbara Herrnstein Smith’s (1988, 1997) critique of various attempts to base
politics on single realities or simple axioms. A relativist position therefore clears
the way for addressing the many competing versions, contingencies, arguments
and agendas that go with doing feminist research.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to thank Mick Billig, Mary Gergen, Celia Kitzinger, Pirjo Nikander, Jonathan
Potter, Sue Speer and Corinne Squire for helpful comments on a previous version of this
paper. They are not, of course, responsible for the views here expressed.
NOTES
quality of the research and its effectiveness in suggesting new approaches to feminist
issues.
8. See for example, Edwards (1997), Edwards and Potter (1993) and papers in Conway
(1992).
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