5.

Gedeo-Guji relations

5.1. Introduction

As neighboring peoples that lived adjacent to each other for centuries, Gedeo and Guji

had multi dimensional relationships. As described in the previous chapter, the Gedeo are

bordered with the Guji in all directions except to the north at which they are sharing

boundary with the Sidama. In addition to Gedeo, the Guji share borders with peoples like

Borana, Burji, Kore, Sidama, Wolayta and Arsi. However, “the historical relation that the

Guji had with these neighboring peoples except with that of the Gedeo was said to be a

hostile one. Warfare was endemic, generally taking the form of mutual raids” (Hinnant,

1977; Tadesse B., 1994; Girum 2011; Tadesse B., 2009). Particularly, the three Oromo

groups, i.e., the Guji, Borana, and Arsi used to consider each other as ‘saddi- saddin'---

three enemies against one another, despite their common origin and culture. Within the

framework of' of ‘Saddi-saddin’ Guji against Borana and Arsi and the other way round,

all consider each other as akaku, human beings equivalent to each other who if killed by

the enemy awards the killer with honor and fills him with pride tantamount to mirga

(Tadecha, 1988). Mirga is the value attached to an act of bravery which assumes killing

or capturing of a man from among the ‘saddi-saddin’ and the killing of four types of wild

beasts (an elephant, a lion, a buffalo and a rhinoceros) with the conception that it awards

the killer and captor with certain value of' social recognition (Taddesse B., 1988;

Dhadacha, 1988; Tadesse B., 2009).

Even after the incorporation of the area by Menelike’s forces, the relationship among

most of these groups were, to a large extent, limited to market places and to garrison

towns which are neutral zones where different ethnic groups meet and exchange their

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produce and information about their social and natural environment. Apart from market

places and towns, their contacts were limited and passage into each other’s territory was

not always safe. In the past, movements outside one’s own territory were dangerous.

Even today, the problems of interethnic conflicts and wars have not yet been fully solved,

although the contemporary scene signifies peaceful co-existence with the neighboring

population (Tadesse B., 2004:3). Here we need to note that the Guji shares significant

ethnic markers such as language, religion, shared memory of history, similar traditional

practices and even common psychological makeup with the neighboring Oromo groups

of Borana and Arsi, as common among the whole Oromo groups (Baxter,1991:9), to a

greater extent than what they do with the Gedeo (Asebe, 2007:53). Strangely enough, the

relationship the Guji had with these Oromo groups was relatively hostile. On the

contrary, the Guji had friendly relationship with the Gedeo (McClellan, 1988; Tadesse

K., 2002; Dagne, 2011; Tadesse K. et al, 2008; Tadesse B., 2004; Asebe, 2007; Tadesse

B., 2009) who may be considered ‘distinct’ on the basis of ethnic markers such as

language, religion, dress and other visible symbols.

It is also said that the ‘Gedeo ally with the Guji whenever the latter fight against the

Sidama’ (Tadesse B., 1994:313; Asebe, 2007:53; Tadesse B., 2009); but the Gedeo being

member of the highland east Cushitic linguistic complex shares closer linguistic affinities

and numerous cultural and social similarities with the Sidama (McClellan, 1988:28;

Dagne, 2011; Tadesse K., 2002; Demissie, 1988; Ayalew et al, 1996; Tadesse K. et al,

2008). This chapter attempts to explain the above paradoxes and search for the causes of

the recent violent conflict among the two peoples.

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5.2. Cordial relations

In general, Gedeo-Guji affable relations have exhibited three forms; namely: the myth of

common ancestry and social ties, economic relation, and cultural practices as inter-ethnic

tying. Below is presented the forms of longstanding cooperation that existed between the

two ethnic communities.

5.2.1. The myth of common ancestry

Historically, besides neighborhood, the alleged ethnic affinity between the Gedeo and

Guji was one factor for their limited hostility but coexistence. It is believed by many that

the Gedeo and the Guji have blood relations. The Gedeo are considered as elder brothers

of the Guji. Accordingly, the latter respects the former in social settings and cultural

practices that they shared in common. (Tadesse B., 1994; Tadesse K., 2002; Tadesse B.,

2004, Tadesse B., 2009; Dagne, 2011).

My Focus group discussants at Torre (15 July, 2012) and gada leaders at Muri

Turkuma kebele, Bule-Hora (28May, 2012) trace the ancestor of Gedeo and Guji to a

person called Billa. As to these informants, Billa gave birth to Sorra, who in turn fathered

Agga. Agga 28 had three sons---Gujo, Deresso and Borro. Deresso, who is considered as

the ancestor of today’s Gedeo, was the first son of Agga; Gujo the ancestor of the present

day Guji is the second son; and Borro, who later became Borana, is the third son. As to

this account, these three brothers gradually moved westwards and crossed the Genale

River. After that, they dispersed and settled in different but adjoining areas where they

lived together in peace for long. In these adjoining areas they involved in different types

28
Dr. Tadesse Berisso also agrees that Gedeo and Guji descended from the same father----Ana Sora
(Tadesee B., 2009:195).

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of livelihood mechanisms---the Gedo became crop cultivators whereas the Guji involved

in animal husbandry.

However, as Guji informants attest, the relationship between Guji and Borana is not

friendly; the Guji label the Borana as their historical enemies. According to Guji oral

story there is one saying which goes as follows: long ago the children of Urago/Gujo and

Borro were playing a traditional game called Korbo. In the game by mistake Borro’s son

killed Gujo’s son. The wrong doer, the moment he saw the death of his brother run away

and got lost leaving the body of his brother in the play field, rather than regrettably

crying and calling the nearby people for help. Since then Gujo, who is an ancestor of

Guji, declared Borro, the ancestor of Borana as an enemy and that is why there had

historically been fighting and killing between their children----Guji and Borana. Since

then enmity has been transferred from generation to generation and existed between the

two groups; the killing of the Guji has been seen as the legitimate avenging of the spilling

of their brother’s blood (interview with informants, Bule Hora woreda, Kilenso-Rassa

and Hera-Lipitu kebeles, 17 and 20 May 2012).

Elders of Guji state that it is a taboo for a Guji man to kill a Gedeo who is his brother,

while it is normal to kill a Borana, though he is an Oromo fellow. Against this, some

informants argue that killing a Gedeo man would not offer social prestige and economic

values for the killer as the Gedeo were considered tinno (weak or inferior) by the Guji.

To the Guji, therefore, killing such people is not good for midda/mirga (killing or

capturing of an enemy man or the killing of big game animal for honor and prestige

motives) as the Gedeo are not fit for that (interview with Guji key informants at Bule-

Hora and Torre 20May, 2012 and 15 June, 2012 respectively, and Tadesse B., 2004).

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Still there are some Guji informants, as construed by Asebe in his field work, who see

the myth of common ancestry or the brotherhood account as Gedeo’s need for protection,

as a mechanism constructed by the Gedeo as a tool for expansion and as an extension of

the myth of Deresso’s adoption to the family of Guji. It is also argued that the myth of

brotherhood was possibly fabricated by the Abyssinians – from the myth of adoption---

as an administrative strategy so as to conglomerate the groups together (Asebe, 2007:57).

However, all my Gedeo informants and most of my Guji elders, including the recent Guji

Abba gada reject the above argument and asserted that Gedeo and Guji share a common

ancestor. To reinforce this view one of my Gedeo key informants at Dilla (11April.,

2011) made an attempt to clear the confusion how Gedeo, who is still geographically

closer to Guji Oromo, became a distinct ethnic group, while its other brothers remained

Oromo. As to him, in the course of time, due to interactions and intermingling of the

typical Gedeo people with groups from different nationalities who came to the present

areas of Gedeo for various reasons (trade, war, poverty, etc), the descendents of Deresso

had lost their original identity and came to form the present day Gedeo people who speak

a language different from the language of Guji-Oromo.

In support to the above statement, Kifle (2007:47) succinctly discusses that through

the course of time a group of people can alter its language, religion or identity for

different reasons. For him, ethnic groups change territorially and their population

composition through the process of assimilation (fusion) and differentiation (fission) for a

variety of reasons. In the former case, through the process of amalgamation, which

includes inter marriages in all fields, two or more groups may become a new single group

with a new identity. A group can also assume the identity of another. In the case of

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differentiation or fission, a group may split itself up into two entities. It may also be that

religious affiliation (e.g. Bosnians who were formerly Serbs and Croats) or racial

intermingling (the 90% population of Tunisia, Algeria and Libya that resulted from

Berber-Arab intermarriage) may give rise to a separate identity or additional new group.

Therefore, people can re-formulate their identities depending on their socio political,

historical, economic and environmental contexts.

Hence, this justification might work for the distinction of Gedeo and Guji, who were

said to have the same ancestor, but now speak distinct languages and involved in

different livelihoods----crop cultivation and animal husbandry. Whatever competing

arguments different groups have, the myth of common ancestry and the resultant social

ties significantly contributed to the cordial relationship among the groups until mid-

1990s.

5.2.2. Economic Interdependence

Economic interdependence had been the most significant form of harmonious relations

between Gedeo and Guji without which the very existence of the groups would be

meaningless. The two communities have been mutually interdependent in terms of

exchange of their respective products. This interdependence and cooperation created a

peaceful relationship between the Gedeo and Guji peoples.

Historically the Guji were purely pastoralists while the Gedeo have been crop

producers. Thus, a kind of symbiotic relationship existed between the two. Due to

scarcity of livestock, farmers of Gedeo in general do not rely on their own livestock for

meat, milk and milk products. Rather, they have good relations with the Guji who are

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important sources of livestock and livestock products. Reciprocally, the Guji-Oromo

depend upon Gedeo for their enset and coffee which they obtain in exchange for the

livestock and livestock products. In line with this, Dagne (2011) in his study of Gedeo

production practices, narrated from his informants in Yirgachaffee as follows:

We remember that during our young ages, in emperor Haile-Silassie’s regime, the Guji
and Borana bring cattle, goats, sheep, milk, butter and incense to Gedeo markets and in
exchange they purchase wasa (processed enset) and buno (coffee). We also used to carry
wasa and Buno up to far remote Guji and Borana localities around the present day Bule-
Hora and Finchua markets. In those days some merchants from far Guji localities bring
butter for sale. A bull worth some 20-30 Birr and goat and sheep valued some 7 Birr. The
best fattened sheep from Guji and Borana area worth up to 10 Birr. In those days trading
was a prestigious business because it was traders who were serving as agents of
information. As we heard from our parents, during Menelik’s regime also people from
these areas were coming to the Gedeo land with their produces in exchange to buy buno
(coffee). Among the Guji and Borana, other than for drinking purpose, there is no ritual
held without using coffee. But coffee farming in the land of the Guji was not common;
therefore, they had to rely on Gedeo to get it, as we relied upon them to get livestock and
livestock products.
.
Here, we need to note that inter ethnic exchange generally impacts the nature of political

relations between neighbors. If relation between peoples were hostile, as I stated above,

exchange would take place at boundary locations. Such a system establishes no-man

zones. But because the relations between Gedeo and Guji were friendly, the Gedeo had

the freedom to take their commodities crossing Guji land. They even went south up to a

site called Magado near Finchoa to trade directly with Borana. Beyond the ordinary

exchange of predominantly agricultural for pastoral commodities, the Guji have also

enjoyed direct access to Gedeo markets and vice versa; a privilege denied to other more

hostile neighbors (McClellan, 1978:68). On the contrary, among different societies of

southern Ethiopia, let alone to penetrate each other’s territory, marketing takes place at

inter-ethnic zones. The relation between the Guji and the Sidama, and the Gedeo and

Sidama is a case in point.

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 Indeed, the difference in economic activity and minimized competition between

Gedeo and Guji seems true when one sees the usual rivalry relation between the Guji and

the other cattle raising neighbors like Borana and Arsi. The Guji were engaged in

traditional warfare against loon dannabuu (cattle raising) neighbors. The fact that the

Guji are pastoral people means that cattle are important in their social, economic, cultural

and political spheres. One way of acquiring such an important asset, besides the normal

way of multiplying was raiding. This then caused hostile relations among the Guji and

their neighbors. However, the Gedeo do not have many cattle like the Guji; hence the

Gedeo did not experience much raiding.

5.2.3. Common cultural and social practices

Cultural values have played an important role in tying the Gedeo and Guji for a long

period of time. Both groups have similar type of traditional administration of the gada

system, use the same Qallu institution, and they participate in common cultural activities

like the gondoro rituals. Since I discussed the role of gada system in Guji and Gedeo

traditional administration in the preceding chapter, here I will focus on how these

practices tied the two ethnic groups together and kept their peaceful co-existence for long

time.

5.2.3.1. The gada system and the Qallu institution

It has been noted by several researchers that Gedeo and Guji, despite their linguistic

differences, have similar socio-political institutions (gada), norms of governance and

conflict management (McClellan, 1988; Tadesse B., 1994; Hinnant, 1997; Asnake, 2004;

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Tadesse B., 2004). The Gedeo and Guji gada systems share some structural and

functional similarities and both systems are founded on age-set and genealogical

structures (McClellan, 1988; Tadesse B., 1994; Hinnant, 1997; Zewdu, 1994). Another

similarity is both groups use the same Qallu institution. As I already discussed in Chapter

IV, the authority of the Abba gada in both groups is legitimized by the Abba Qallu of the

Guji, and the Gedeo people also paid tributes and gifts to the Guji Abba Qallu during

rituals. Unlike the Guji gada whose role never interfere into the religious spheres, the

Gedeo Songo (council of elders) assisted by the Haitcha (lower authority in the Gedeo

balle structure) play spiritual as well as secular roles both in mediating between man and

Mageno through traditional ritual called kettela and arbitrate between individuals or

groups during conflicts. Among the Guji the spiritual authority is vested on the Qallu

institution and the office of Qallu is considered as the apex of the gada structure even

though the ‘office’ does not have any power share, except arbitrating inter-ethnic conflict

in a ritual form. Despite these, the similarities in gada / balle systems and sharing the

services or functions of Guji Qallu institution contributed to the co-existence of the

groups.

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5.2.3.2. Ancestral curse and the Gondoro ritual

With the gondoro 29 system of conflict resolution of the Gedeo and Guji people fear the

‘curse’ that can lead to paralysis, leprosy, misfortunes in life and even death if they

violate the oath they make during the gondoro practice. Hence, they refrain from

committing ‘wrong’. The ‘myth of ancestral curse’ is a strong symbolic culture and a

‘belief’ serving as inter-ethnic bond by avoiding homicide or any kind of conflict against

each other (Gedeo and Guji). By tradition, Gedeo and Guji elders pledged to keep their

oath (avoiding homicide against each other) forever and to transfer it to their children.

Accordingly, elders pass an enduring curse on to anyone who transgresses the oath.

However, in case of unintentional loss of life in the hands of someone else, the curse had

to be removed through complex process called gondoro tradition.

Because of its strong cultural and traditional significance, the ‘myth of the ancestral

curse’ and gondoro have served as intra- and interethnic bond among the Gedeo and Guji

communities. Gedeo and Guji elders tell that the ancestral curse is believed to come

about upon any one who commits homicide against any Gedeo or Guji. Informants state

that in early times among Gedeo and Guji elders a mutual binding oath was made to

avoid killings and any kind of fighting among the two societies. These elders passed

lasting curse on any one who decline to comply with the vow. To this effect, this tradition

has been transferring from generation to generation as unshakable force that ties the

29
Gondoro’ is a common term both in Afan Oromo and Gede’uffa languages with the same meaning.
Literally it implies declaring or concluding something or an event not to happen again. The tradition has
complex ritual procedures and strong symbolic representation of purification of the ‘curse’ and
reconciliation of conflicting individuals/groups. The Gondoro tradition is performed not only as a
mechanism of purifying the ‘curse’ from the guilty but also as a method of conflict resolution. Through
the ritual processes, the guilty and his clans would be reconciled with the relatives and clan of the
offended. The tradition works both in resolution of inter-personal as well as inter-group conflicts (see
Asebe, 2007).

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groups. The recent Guji Abba gada and one of the Hayotta (assistant of the Abba gada)

strengthen the above account. They say that:

We (the Guji and the Gedeo) have ancestral oath not to kill each other and avoid
violence. Breaking this ‘rule’ is not accepted by the tradition of both groups. Our
forefathers passed a lasting curse on any one who transgresses the oath. It is due to this
that those who killed their brother (the Gedeo) during the 1995 and 1998 violent conflicts
are getting fatal consequences. There are several individuals who became paralyzed,
leper and finally died as a result of breaking the oath. The same also happened upon the
Gedeo who did not obey this tradition. As a Guji man does not kill his fellow Guji, he
also shouldn’t kill Gedeo. We both are the same. How one kills his blood relative? How
one kills his brother? If Guji and Gedeo kill each other, it is against the ancestral vow to
protect each other (Interview with Guji Abba gada Wako Dube, and Hayoo Ano Tuka,
Bule-Hora, 28 May, 2012).

Elders at Torre also share the above assertion and even go further and present that the

transgressor will not eat, drink, sleep or take part in any social settings with his Guji

fellows including his wife and relatives. He will not have his hair cut and change his

cloth that he wore during the time of the criminal act before he is purified from the sin

through gondoro31, a traditional process/ritual of purification of blood enmity. This is

simply because it is against the ancestral oath among the Gedeo and Guji not to kill each

other. In case of unintended loss of life, the killer will be ostracized and secluded till the

curse is removed through aforesaid ritual. There is no compensation in money for the

crime but ostracizing the wrong doer from any of communal activities until the time of

the reconciliation. Despite the decline of the gada system and the value attached to the

gondoro tradition, and the institutionalization of the Amhara court system, people still

recognize its importance and fear the curse if the purification process is not undertaken.

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5.2.3.3. Marital relation as a social tie

Besides the myth of common ancestry, economic interdependence and similarity in some

social and cultural practices, Gedeo and Guji marry each other. Marriage relations

contributed to Gedeo-Guji harmonious relations until recently. Regarding this Guji

informants contend that historically there was limited marriage between the Gedeo and

Guji. But after the incorporation of the Gedeo-Guji areas to the Ethiopian empire in the

late 1890s, marriage between the peoples became easier as they lived closer to each other.

Through marriage they became sodda (in-laws) and interaction became wider. Even the

Gedeo who were tied by marriage with the Guji had the chance to get some cattle from

their in-laws which signifies their cheerful relations.

In the Guji society, marriage regulation is part and parcel of sera Guji (Guji law) and

thus it is considered as an important means of preserving the identity of the Guji. Due to

this, ‘marrying a woman from a hostile neighboring is not absolutely forbidden, but it is

nevertheless seen as unwise (Van De Loo, 1991:282; Abiyot, 2005:19). There are also

some informants at Torre who maintain the view that it is inappropriate and not supported

by the Guji tradition to marry Gedeo, as they are tino (inferior). ‘The Guji seem to be

unhappy to select marriage partners for their sons and daughters from the group whom

they considered as inferior ethnic community’ (Hinnant, 1972). But nowadays, according

to most of my informants and as I personally observed in the adjoining rural kebeles of

Dilla Zuria, Gedeb, Abaya, Galana, and Bule-Hora, there are a number of Gedeo and

Guji marriages. However, some informants at Torre contend that it is only a poor Guji

man who marries a Gedeo woman, as he may not be able to find a wife from Guji since

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he cannot afford to provide the bride wealth. Against this view; my Gedeo informant at

Michelle (8April, 2011) has quite different view, stated as follows:

To marry a Gedeo woman opens the door to prosperity. The Gedeo women, like their
fellow Gedeo men, are industrious. One can verify this simply by looking at the dense
homestead farm of the Gedeo who migrated to Guji lands and live there. One can see
how in short period of time Gedeo women changed their homesteads by growing
vegetables, root crops, enset and fruits. These crops generate income for the family and
also give attractive scene for the surrounding environment. Gedeo women are good
managers and advisers of their husbands that make their family rich in short time. Behind
every rich Gedeo man, there is a wise and industrious Gedeo woman. Guji men well-
know this reality. That is why they marry Gedeo women. To marry a Gedeo woman
should not be taken as a last resort to a Guji man. It is true a poor Guji man may marry a
Gedeo woman. He is doing this not because he could not afford to present the bride
wealth for the Guji woman/parents. But because, he marries her by choice. The issue of
bride wealth is not a big deal these days. The Guji do not demand huge amount of bride
wealth.
.
On top of this, one other thing we do not deny, says other informant at Dilla, ‘the ethnic

self image of some Guji and their image about the Gedeo, seem to have limited the extent

of their (Gedeo-Guji) marital relations’. In this context my Guji and Gedeo subjects

reflect covert expressions about their self-image and image about the other group. I have

tried to narrate 30 these ethnic self images and images upon the other from my Gedeo

informants at Dilla and Guji informants at Torre. Accordingly, I came to understand that

the Gedeo have self-images as ‘peace-loving’, ‘industrious’, ‘self-reliant’, ‘cooperative’,

as opposed to the Guji whom they portray as ‘war-like’, ‘hot blooded’, ‘blood thirsty’,

and ‘un trustworthy’. Guji informants as well state their self-image and their image

towards the Gedeo. The Guji express themselves as “heroic’, ‘strong group’, ‘proud’,

‘cooperative’, compared to the Gedeo whom they portray as ‘coward’, ‘unconfident’,

‘fragile at war’, and ‘eat only wasa’(processed enset), ‘emotional’; ‘they walk , talk and

30
However, my emphasis here is not on the content of these stereotypes. The point here one need to note is
the role of this stereotypes in creating boundaries by dichotomizing the differences. More importantly,
the covert images of self and of the other overshadow the alleged similarities and strengthen the
differences.

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eat faster’, ‘don’t stand hunger’. In line with this, Tadesse B. (2004: 16-17) in his

fascinating article entitled: the pride of the Guji-Oromo: an essay on cultural contact and

self-esteem portrays Guji’s positive self-esteem and attitudes towards other as follows:

…The manner with which the Guji address others is another area in which Guji positive
self-esteem and contempt for the others is expressed. The Guji follow a general pattern
of' calling others (except the Borana and Arsi) as "she" using feminine gender. This is to
say that another male is in some sense less than one-self. The only humans referred to
with the male pronoun are adult Guji, Borana, and Arsi males. Children of both sexes and
men from all other societies are referred to in the feminine. Guji men, then, see
themselves as a class apart from the rest of humanity … The Guji also think that they
were very fierce fighters. They say fighters meant Guji and considered themselves as
great warriors who are not afraid of any other groups. In fact, the Guji are considered
aggressive and, therefore, feared by many of their neighboring groups…. Besides these,
the Guji have negative attitude towards the manner of speech of some of their neighbors.
They say, for example, the Gedeo and Borana like to talk loudly and too much. From
their point of view, these groups like to "heat up a talk" (i.e., they talk for a very long
time on a very small topic) and the construction of their sentences resembles persons in
fight.

In economic life too, the Guji speak as if their form of self-sufficient pastoral (and agro-

pastoral) way of life was the only proper one. They take a great pride in the possession

of cattle. Others who predominantly engaged in crop cultivation and in other economic

activities such as handicrafts and trade are considered poor and white. People who

worked on land were considered as gagwtu or gara (those who do not have knowledge

of cattle breeding and despised). In the Guji color system (symbolism), white is

associated with poverty, disease and misfortune while black has many associations

including earth, sky, water, grass, Waka (God) and the Guji themselves (Hinnant, 1972).

The good thing, say my Guji informants at Kilenso Rassa(Bule-Hora woreda), since the

last couple of decades Christianity is wide spread in Guji land as a result of which,

particularly among the young generation, there is an attitude change on the ethnic self-

image (of the Guji) and their image about others. Today both Gedeo and Guji share the

same church and hear the words of the God that every human is equal before him. These

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days inter-marriage is widespread and ethnic background doesn’t matter. The

introduction of Christianity has made things smooth and favored the social and cultural

ties of the Guji and Gedeo.

5.3. Conflictual relations

5.3.1. Introduction

Historically, as discussed above, it had been taboo among the Gedeo and Guji to kill each

other even at individual level, let alone at an interethnic level. Since the introduction of

ethnic federalism in the early 1990s, there are changes in the inter-ethnic relations and

alliances among the groups. Regrettably, the prolonged and cherished mutual

relationships have been disrupted in the mid-1990s and violent conflicts with disastrous

consequences upon human life and destruction of immense property occurred between

the long time friendly peoples.

5.3.2. The 1995 conflict

Despite the fact that the causes of the conflicts are contentious among the conflicting

groups, politicians, and researchers, there are some facts that are helpful in questioning

the complexity behind the conflict. At the outset, let it be stressed that any endeavor of

exploring the Gedeo-Guji conflict as a simple horizontal inter-ethnic conflict separately

from the state’s administrative and political policies would lead to a wrong conclusion.

As I discussed in chapter three, in order to understand the nature of conflicts in Ethiopia,

it is important to see the process of the creation of the Ethiopian state and the policies

employed by different regimes.

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 Needless to mention again, the present day Ethiopia is the result of the 19thC empire-

building process launched by the Abyssinian kingdom against the autonomous states of

southern, southwestern and eastern parts of today’s Ethiopia through relentless

campaigns of conquest, which led to the birth of an empire under the Amhara ethnic

hegemony, land appropriation from indigenous people, political domination, cultural

marginalization and economic exploitation of the subjected groups (Laderach, 1997;

Marcus, 1994; Merera, 2003; Alemayehu, 2009; Tadesse B., 2004). This in turn led to

the birth of ‘national questions’ by the elite of the different subjected peoples. Therefore,

national questions have been at the root of the conflicts in Ethiopia beginning from the

creation of the empire of unequal. Especially, from 1950s onwards the national questions

were strengthened by the increasing consciousness of different oppressed nationalities in

the country, which finally resulted in the so-called revolution, and brought an end to the

feudal state structure, for it had never answered the questions of the time (Merera, 2003;

Tadesse B., 2004).

When the Derg came to power, it promised to address all of the past problems from

which the majority of Ethiopians were suffering. At the onset, the Derg enacted several

proclamations and took radical measures to bring about changes in the life of nations and

nationalities. However, as soon as it consolidated its power, the Derg abrogated the

‘national question’ declarations and began to label advocacy of national rights as ‘narrow

nationalism’. Thus, the national questions remained unanswered during the Derg regime

as well (Tadesse B., 2004; Merera, 2003). The recent (EPRDF) government that assumed

power in May 1991 introduced federalism as a new government administration system

and created a landmark in the history of the country as far as the national questions are

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concerned. As a result, the new government formally recognized ethnicity as the

fundamental instrument to protect the rights of ethnic groups and as a remedy to the past

injustices upon them. To this effect, the EPRDF government also reshuffled the old

territorial arrangements of the country in line with ethno- linguistic criteria.

The reshuffling of territorial arrangements by successive Ethiopian governments for a

mixture of economic, geo-political and administrative interests been accomplished by

dividing members of the same ethnic group into two while merging distinct groups

together. During the Imperial regimes and until the last years of the military government,

both the Gedeo and Guji were under the then of Sidamo province. In the last years of the

military regime (in1987), however, some parts of Guji inhabited territories were included

under the then Gedeo sub province of the Sidamo administrative region while the larger

portion of the Guji territories remained under Borana administrative region (Hussien,

2002). The EPRDF government adopted the military regime’s structure and provided

territorial administrative limits for the Gedeo maintaining the status quo while dividing

the Guji between Oromia and SNNP regional states in 1992 (Asebe, 2007). It is this

intervention in the area by the successive Ethiopian governments that negatively affected

the coexistence between Gedeo and Guji peoples and eventually led to the violent

conflict of 1990s.

According to Guji informants at Guangua, initially (at the onset of 1990s) though the

Guji in the Gedeo zone were made to share some administrative posts in all woredas and

at zone level with their Gedeo counterparts, it was nominal. As the Gedeo held the lion’s

share in those posts, the Guji officials’ role in important socio-economic and political

decision makings was insignificant. This condition contributed to discontent and deep

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dissatisfaction among the Guji. The Guji informants at Guangua state that even the

naming ‘Gedeo Awraja’ (during the imperial regime) and later ‘Gedeo zone’ (during the

Derg, and even in the EPRDF’s time before the 1995 referendum) didn’t denote Guji’s

presence in the area, while numerous Guji live in the zone, and despite the land is

‘Guji’s’. Guji informants accuse the Gedeo authorities in the then Gedeo zone, and even

some go to the extent to saying that for the Guji the time of imperial regime, the Derg,

and even the EPRDF time (before the 1995 referendum), was all the same. We (the Guji

minorities in the then Gedeo zone) were dominated by the Gedeo officials. We were

discriminated from all social, cultural and economic spheres and opportunities that our

Gedeo counterparts enjoyed.

Guji informants state that they were deeply dissatisfied with the new (post-1991)

federal arrangement and felt that they were dominated by the Gedeo officials on ‘their

own land’ and separated from their fellow Gujis in Borana zone (Oromia region). Besides

they question that ‘how the Gedeo whom we welcomed as our brothers some decades ago

want to dominate and marginalize us from every government administrative positions,

employment and educational opportunities?’ The Guji argue that ‘it is at our expense that

the Gedeo are better educated and thus exclusively held the administrative positions both

during the military and the current regime. It is at the expense of our resources that the

Gedeo became powerful both politically and economically (interview with key

informants at Guangua, 17June. 2012).

The question of self-administration and territorial integration is the fundamental cause

of the 1995 Gedeo-Guji conflict. It was the result of divergence of interest on the attempt

to remap the Gedeo-Guji border which was later considered by the Guji as a challenge

195
against their interests of territorial integrity with their other Guji fellows who got the

chance to be in Borana zone (Oromia region). It is as a result of this that the 1995 Gedeo-

Guji violent conflict first erupted in Wonago woreda of Gedeo zone and escalated to

other neighboring woredas in Gedeo zone and farther to Hagere-Mariam (now Bule-

Hora) woreda of Borana zone where the Gedeo and Guji communities lived together for

long.

Understanding this political and administrative issue is of paramount importance, for

it carries the germs of dominant-subordinate relations, which in turn could give rise to

ethnic conflict. This reminds us of what Elsie J., Smith argues in his article entitled

‘ethnic identity development: toward the development of a theory within the context of

majority-minority statuses’. In that writing, Smith presents that, ‘a majority-minority

status and the resulting power relations associated with such status are important

determinants of ethnic identity development’ (1991:182). Similarly, the new majority-

minority status created by state re-structuring and power distribution is not only a

primary cause for development of ethnic identity but it also politicized the inter-ethnic

relation among the Gedeo and the Guji communities.

Oyugi (2000:5) states the role of politics in generating and exploring ethnicity and the

resulting ethnic conflict. As to him, where there is ethnic conflict in Africa, there has

always been political device behind it. Politicization of ethnicity often takes place in

situation characterized by an unjust structure of access. Such a structure gives rise to the

emergence of the ‘in group’ and the ‘out-group’ with the latter trying to break the

structure of inequality as the former responds by building barriers to access that ensure

continuation of its privileged position. At the center of this situation are the elite who,

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feeling excluded or threatened with exclusion, begin to make use of ethnic ideology (i.e.,

ethnicity) in the hope of establishing a reliable base of support to fight what is a purely

personal and/or elite interest. In this (Oyugi’s) statement, we can understand two

important things. At first, the politics of ‘exclusion’ causes ethnicity and the associated

ethnic conflict. Secondly, there are hidden motives behind the surfacing of ethnic conflict

in the sense that the elites of some ethnic groups do exploit the existing contradictions

and organize and mobilize their communities so as to meet their individual or elite ends.

This appears to be what happened in Gedeo-Guji case.

With regards to the legitimacy of territorial claim made by the groups, there is mutual

accusation between my Gedeo and Guji informants. As the Gedeo see it, the Guji-Oromo

were advancing an expansionist policy, which was aimed to incorporate the whole of

Dilla town, some kebeles of Yirga Chaffee and Wonago woredas of the ‘Gedeo land’.

They also argue that all the areas that the Guji now claim have been for a long time under

the jurisdiction of the Gedeo Awraja administration, and in the post-1991 period also,

maintaining the status quo, put into Gedeo zone.

The Guji reject the above assertion and contend that the reverse is true. Accordingly,

they maintained that the Gedeo have been expansionists in these areas, too, where they

step by step pushed the Guji from the fertile highland areas. The Gedeo were able to do

so for they were majority in the then Gedeo Awraja and monopolized almost all

administrative posts at various levels. Moreover, as outlined earlier, the Guji had been

more of pastoralists and usually left their villages in search of grazing land and water for

their cattle. Such practices in part created an opportunity for the Gedeo to be numerous in

the area and dominate the originally ‘Guji land’. The Guji informants maintained the

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view that the Gedeo are expansionists and the Guji are attempting to restore the injustice

that has been done to them by the then Gedeo officials and hence, their desire is simply to

get back the lost territory and not to snatch any land of the Gedeo.

However, all my Gedeo and Guji informants state that the post 1991 political land

scape and the consequent new territorial re-structuring along ethnic lines brought about

disagreement between the two ethnic groups. The new EPRDF government’s re-

structuring was carried out following different proclamations and implementation

modalities. Among these, Proclamation 7/92 decreed for the establishment of

national/regional governments was the most important one. According to this

Proclamation, ‘the adjacency of territory settled by a nation, nationality and people shall

be the bases for the delimitation of the borders of a national self-government’

(Proclamation 7/92, Article 4:1). The same proclamation takes into account the borders of

woredas that existed prior to 1974 for the delimitation of the boundaries of adjacent

national transitional self-governments (Proclamation 7/92, Article 4:2a). Accordingly,

four woredas--- Bule, Kotchore, Yirga-Chaffee and Wonago--- which are largely settled

by Gedeo people formed Gedeo zone while a good number of Guji-Oromo were put in

Borana zone; and significant number of Guji remained in Gedeo zone. As a result, the

new territorial re-structuring puts the Gedeo and Guji peoples together in several woredas

of Gedeo and Borana zones, which in due course altered their relationships.

To address the constitutional right of those people who reside in different woredas of

Gedeo and Borana zones, the above indicated provision also stipulates that ‘where a

woreda is settled by more than one nation, nationality or people, such woreda shall be

incorporated into the adjacent self-government of the nation, nationality or people of

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which more than 50% of the woreda is composed’ (proclamation 7/92, Article 4:2b).

Hence, the borders of woredas where the Guji are minority are placed under Gedeo

zones; while where the Gedeo are minority, they are placed under Borena zone. This

arrangement, as to my informants, initially created no problem as far as inter-ethnic

relations were concerned. The problem originated when minorities in both administrative

units particularly the Guji of Gedeo zone felt they were being dominated and unfairly

treated by the majority group. In this respect, the Guji who had lived in the Gedeo zone

felt dissatisfaction with the new territorial arrangement which caused them to be

dominated by the Gedeo on ‘their own land’ and separated from their fellow ethnic

groups in Borana zone, Oromia region.

These discontents led the Guji elites to formally appeal for the right to territorial

integration and self-government according to the transitional charter and constitutional

provisions put in place. Accordingly, a group comprising 20 individuals representing the

Guji of three woredas (Wonago, Yirgachaffe, and Kotchore) presented an appeal to the

Oromia and SNNPR states; but they failed to get responses from these regional states.

Then, they proceeded with their complaints/appeal to the Prime Minister’s Office on

August 13, 1994. The major points of the complaints/claims are listed as follows:

• On the newly released map of SNNPR, despite the visible presence of Guji in

Gedeo zone the Guji are not shown/indicated on this map 31;

31
According to this map, SNNPR had 11 zones and five special woredas. The zones and ethnic groups in
each zone are: Semen Omo zone (Wolayta, Dawro, Gofa, Gamo, Konta, Oyida, Busa, Melo, Zayise,
Gebeze, Basketo);Debub Omo zone (Mursi, Ari, Hamer, Erbore, Dasenech, Yangatom, Tsemay, Male,
Bodi, and Dime); Gurage zone (Gurage, and Silte), Hadiya zone (Hadiya); Kembata, Alaba, Tembaro
zone (Kambata, Alaba, and Tambaro); Sidama zone(Sidama); Gedeo zone (Gedeo and Giditcho); Maji
zone (Surma, Dizi, and Me’nit); Shekicho zone (Sheko, and Shekicho); Bench zone (Bench, and Dima);
Keficho zone (Kefecho, Tara, Zelmawa, and Nao); whereas the special woredas and ethnic groups in
each special woredas are Derashe (Harsa or Gawada, and Darashe); Amaro(Kore); Burji (Burji);
Yem(Yem); and Konso(Konso).

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• From woreda up to zonal administrative councils, the posts of higher

administrators is exclusively held by Gedeos;

• Justice and court heads are entirely Gedeos;

• Heads of political offices and traffic police are Gedeos;

• All the position of mayors( in the towns of the zone )are held by Gedeos;

• Department heads in almost all government offices are run by Gedeos;

• The constitution of the country gives the right to education through the mother’s

tongue; but as of 1995 the Gedeo have planned to give education to all children

in the zone by gedeuffa, regardless of the children of other ethnic groups living

in the zone;

• We didn’t get the chance to acquire land in urban areas when the Gedeo get this

opportunity;

• The Guji who are living in Gedeo zone are treated as secondary citizen; hence

marginalized in all benefits related to social, economic and political spheres;

• When development and aid comes to the zone, our people do not get the

opportunity; all chances have been directed to the areas where only the Gedeo

live;

• In general, as all the administrative structures are filled by one ethnic group

(Gedeo), there is no impartiality in the sphere of justice, democracy and human

right;

• If any Guji fellow claims one of the constitutional rights listed above, he will be

treated as criminal and imprisoned.

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Therefore, says the letter 32, we request your good office to respond to our constitutional

rights 33 that are unconditionally given to nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia to

self administration. From now on, continues the same letter, we do not want to live with

the Gedeo people (i.e., under the jurisdiction of Gedeo zone administration). In other

words, from now on, the Gedeo administrators could not order us in any case. Therefore,

we respectfully request the Prime Minister’s Office to look the details of our complaints

and react in the best of the interest of our people. On top of this, the letter warns that if

they do not get response to their claims, they will not be accountable to the tribulations

that will follow in the area. The irony is the transitional government, against the

constitutional provisions it enacted, gave deaf-ear to the Guji’s right to self-government

and territorial integrity with their fellow members (interview with Guji key informants,

Guangua, 20June, 2012). Dissatisfaction of the Guji grew to an increased demand to self-

government, exercising their own language, culture and traditions, particularly following

the promulgation of the new constitution in 1994.

My Gedeo informants at Dilla, on their part, argue that during our settlement in Guji

localities the land was unwanted and bare. Besides, the Guji and the Gedeo have equal

rights on the land since the 1975 rural land ownership proclamation. As of that

proclamation, all rural land is the property of the government; the other thing is we have

32
The copies of this letter was dispatched to the Oromia regional government, to the SNNPR government,
to Gedeo zone administrative council; and to the respective political organizations of Oromia and
SNNPR, as well as to all woreda administrative councils in Gedeo zone. After some three months (on
November 16, 1994) a letter was sent to the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, EHRCO, Addis Ababa
notifying the problem and the fact that they didn’t get responses to their claims now leading to violent
ethnic conflict among the Gedeo and Guji peoples.
33
According the EFDR constitution(Article 39:3), ‘Every nation, nationality and people in Ethiopia has the
right to full measure of self-government in the territory that it inhabits and to equitable representation in
state and federal governments’. The same Constitution (Article 39:2) states that ‘Every nation,
nationality and people in Ethiopia has the right to speak, to write and to develop its own language; to
express , to develop and to promote its culture, and to preserve its history.’

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constitutional right 34 to freely move and live wherever we like. From the point of view of

these Gedeo informants, the move of the Guji was seen as ambition for controlling

resources, and as a move towards separation from the old tradition of brotherhood and

friendship. Both groups accused each other as expansionist.

Both Gedeo (at Dilla and Gedeb) and Guji officials (at Yabello and Bule-Hora) argue

that the opposition parties in their respective areas, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)

and Gedeo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (GPDO), were the driving forces behind

the conflict among the groups. But the ordinary farmers accuse government officials.

They disclosed that some Gedeo and Guji officials speak as if they are the ones who work

to safeguard the federal government’s policy and programs. But in secrete they were

mobilizing their people to war. The same informants maintain the view that if one

seriously sees through the speeches made by some of the then Gedeo and Guji

government officials, it is easy to deduce their hidden agenda. They were mobilizing the

ordinary people to immerse into bloodshed. They were working hard not to lose the

posts/positions they held rather than keeping the interest of their people. The opposition

party members were, on the other hand, also trying to mobilize people for bloodshed

thereby to overthrow the ruling government and come to power.

But the similarity of these two competing elite mobilizations was using ethnicity as

the softest organ or instrument to get support of their respective people. But my non-

Gedeo/Guji informants agree that the real cause of the friction is the relatively marginal

position of the Guji resulting from the new state restructuring and suggest that good

governance and a fair distribution of power and resources for both groups within the then

34
According to the EFDR constitution, ‘Any Ethiopian or foreign national lawfully in Ethiopia has, within
the national territory, the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence…(Article
32)’

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Gedeo administrative zone could have solved the problem (interview with non

Gedeo/Guji informants, Dilla, 11April., 2011; and Yabello, 25April, 2012).

5.3.2.1. Triggering factors of the conflict

As the responses from all government hierarchies became too late mass discontent among

the Guji reached its peak. It is at this point in time that the two regional states (SNNPR

and Oromia) in collaboration with the federal government decided to organize a

referendum so as to integrate the contentious kebeles into administrative regions where

they best fit. At this point, it should be understood that both the Gedeo and the Guji were

not geographically separated in the disputed vicinities. Rather, they were living together

in different numerical proportions.

According to the different criteria of the referendum, if a certain contentious peasant

association (PA) was adjoined by one of the two regional states (Oromia and SNNPR) in

¾ of its directions, it would automatically be put under that particular regional state. This

is termed as settlement pattern 35. The second strategy is 50% + 1 formula 36 where, in

principle, the inhabitants would be given a right to vote either to remain under the Gedeo

zone(SNNPR) where they are living during the time of the referendum or to join Borana

zone( Oromia region). However, both formulas didn’t recognize the customary right of

the groups’ over the land they traditionally inhabited. It also did not take into account the

resettlement policies used by the previous regimes and cultural and sacred places (as to

35
According to settlement pattern formula, if a disputed territory is bounded by either of the regions in ¾ of
its territorial borders, it would be automatically put under the region that bounds it in three directions. For
example, if territory ‘A’ is bounded by region ‘X’ in the North, South and West and by region ‘Y’ in the
East, it would be included into region ‘X’ without any vote.
36
The 50%+1 formula is a crude minimum numerical majority, which is larger only by one than the
maximum possible minority, 50%-1.

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where a particular cultural place must remain or join) before involving into the process of

the referendum. In short, culture and history were disregarded in the principles designed

to resolve the inter-ethnic tensions in the area.

Despite these, a joint conference 37 was held in Hawassa (the capital of SNNPR) in

1994 to discuss on the principles and methods of implementing the referendum. To make

the process more complex, the claim by each group was counter attacked by the other

side and contributed its role in escalating the tension between the two. For instance, the

Guji, based on their historical and traditional relations to the land, claimed the territory as

far west as Dilla town, including most parts of Wonago, Yirgachaffee and Kotchore

woredas. This was unacceptable by the Gedeo on the bases of the counter argument they

provided, noted above. Nevertheless, the referendum was carried out in March and May

1995 in the contended woredas ---- Wonago, Yirgacheffe, Kochore and Hagere-Mariam.

According to one of the Guji officials, the 1995 referendum was started in the northern

part of Gedeo zone, where Dilla is found. As a result of that referendum in Gedeo zone,

Gelana-Abaya 38 woreda of Borana zone was established in December 1995. In the first

phase of the referendum around Dilla, the rural kebeles like Chichu and Aroresa were

won by the Gedeo where as Oddo-Mike and Guangua joined the Guji, which latter

together with the other kebeles formed the Gelana-Abaya woreda. In Wonago woreda,

37
This conference was held in the presence of Ato Abate Kisho, president of SNNPR, Ato Kuma Demekisa,
president of Oromia region; Ato Bitew Belay, Minister of the Ministry of Regional Affairs; and Ato
Yonatan Dibissa, Chief of the Oromia region administration, politics and justice division.
38
Gelana-Abaya woreda had 36kebeles.The woreda was established by taking 9 kebeles from Wonago, 15
kebeles from Yirgachaffee, and 12 kebeles from Fiseha-Genet woredas. Later, the woreda was splitted
into two (i.e., into Abaya and Gelana woredas) in 2002. The reason for dividing the woreda into two is
simply because the woreda has wide area which stretch from western Dilla, along Lake Abaya, western
Wonago, western Yirgachaffee and western Kotchore woredas which is too big to administer from one
center at Gungua. (Interview with government authorities, Abaya Woreda Administration, Guangua, 18
June 2012).

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the Guji missed Kara-Sodditi kebele which is one of their most important holding where

the galma Qallu (the sacred Guji Abba Qallu compound) is located. That was Guji’s

cultural and sacred place which would not have been brought for referendum. As to the

same informant, still now all the Guji throughout Borana and Guji zones bitterly

complain about this unjust decision made by the then architects of the referendum or

politicians. Disregarding such cultural and historical accounts, proposing referendum in

all areas blindly is not fair. For the Guji missing Kara-Soddit was (and is) totally

unacceptable. Kara-Sodditi and Tumata-Chirecha kebeles were taken from the Guji hands

through influence and intimidating some Gujis of those kebeles by Gedeo politicians so

that they would not identify themselves as Guji or give their vote (in the referendum) for

the Gedeo. This was one of the factors that aggravated the already ripen tension in the

area into a violent conflict. Let alone missing Kara-Sodditi, the Guji didn’t think that they

would loss Wonago and Chelelekitu towns. Some even thought to win the town of Dilla

itself, as it was ‘Guji’s original possession’. My informant further contends that, at that

time, as the Gedeo were close to government and all power was monopolized by them,

the Guji were not heard as a result of which they didn’t win any of the major towns

(Dilla, Wonago, Yirgachaffee, or chelelekitu) of the then Gedeo zone (Interview with one

of the government authorities, Guangua, 20June, 2012).

Yet, disagreement emerged between both contenders on the implementation processes

of the referendum. Most of my Guji informants and some Gedeo informants complain

that from the very beginning, the referendum had problems. For example, there was lack

of awareness creation about the referendum among the peoples, especially among the

Guji. In this respect, the following account is obtained from a key informant (who was an

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OPDO representative at Wonago woreda by the time of the referendum) of Asebe

(2007:76-77) at Wonago woreda reveals the condition as to how the referendum was

handled and associated outcomes:

The referendum was in principle designed to be conducted by fair and free votes of the
peoples concerned in the contentious Peasant Associations. By the so-called referendum,
four Peasant Associations---- Harooressa, Ciccu, Oddo and Wonago---- were
incorporated to Gedeo zone while Guangua and Oddo-Miqe were dissociated from the
Gedeo zone and joined Borana zone. Except in the case of Haroressa, where the Gedeo
are in fact the majority, the other cases where the Gedeo ‘won’ the referendum were
flawed. At Ciccu, for example, Guji inhabitants were intimidated by the Gedeo forces not
to identify themselves as Guji. Other ethnic groups were bribed to vote on the side of the
Gedeo in areas like Oddo. Although the Guji demanded the principle that exempts a
territory from 50% +1 if it is bordered by one of the regional states by ¾ of its
directions, in the case of Wonago - where the galma Qallu [the sacred Qallu compound]
is located - the Gedeo insisted on the majority vote and thus it went to Gedeo zone.

Generally speaking, as we understand from the above arguments regarding the results of

the referendum, both groups were not satisfied. The Gedeo were highly disappointed

mainly by their losing Guangua (now the capital of Abaya woreda) which is closer to

Dilla town, for its location as a bay in Gedeo zone. It may hold back the expansion of

Dilla town or the northern highland Gedeo in general to the South.

It was in Kara-Soddit kebele (Wonago woreda), around the compound of the Abba

Qallu that the 1995 Guji-Gedeo violent conflict started. It was there that the first fire of

violence was ignited, as a result of which the referendum was pushed aside. Regarding

the triggering factors, the two sides accused each other of who first ignited the fire of the

violence. Gedeo informants point their fingers at the Guji saying it was the Guji who

ignited the first fire of the violence, for they were totally against the referendum, thinking

that they would lose more kebeles again. Besides, they accuse the Guji Abba Qallu whose

son allegedly killed a Gedeo man in Wonago woreda. On the other hand, the Guji say

that the Gedeo initiated the fighting, since they were dissatisfied with the incorporation of

206
some territories into Oromia regional state. They also claim that a Gedeo man killed one

of the Guji individuals who were mobilizing the people for the referendum in Oddo-Mike

as revenge to their defeat at the referendum. This incidence, according to the Guji

informants, escalated the fighting in different areas very soon. All these factors have

triggered the tension and developed into a violent conflict that spread to numerous

localities. The fighting in Wonago was stopped by the intervention of the Federal defence

force. Guji informants accuse the federal defense force for siding with the Gedeo. Finally,

after three days blood shade, the fighting was stopped on 7 May, 1995 by the Federal

defense force.

Similarly, in the then Kotchore and Hagere-Mariam woredas, the referendum was

administered in some kebeles of the woredas on the basis of 50+1 formula. Accordingly,

seven kebeles of Hagere-Mariam woreda; namely: Worka-Chelbessa, Work-Sakaro,

Banko-Gotiti, Hallo-Barti, Banko-Chelchele, Banko-Dharatu and Gedeb-Gelcha joined

Kotchore woreda. Through the same technique, seven kebeles of Kotchore woreda,

namely, Chorso-Sodda, Chorso-Golja, Chorso-Bule, Chorso-Haro-Haya, Sikkie-Bokossa,

Goro-Hambalala, and Dimtu-Tirtira were incorporated into Hagere-Mariam woreda.

However, informants in the present day Gedeb and Bule-Hora woredas in general tell that

the referendum in Hagere-Mariam and Kotchore woredas was interrupted as a result of

an emergence of violent conflict between the Gedeo and Guji at Banko-Chelchele who

came to vote on the fate of the same kebele on June 5, 1995. As my informants in Banko-

Chelchele confirmed, it was their kebele Chairman (Ato Dawit Ayele), who first fired a

gun in the air near the referendum hall where the Gedeo and Guji farmers were voting.

But, later it was discovered, the Chairman’s aim was to interrupt the referendum. On the

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voting day, according to the then referendum committee members, the Guji, including the

aforementioned kebele Chairman, attempted to bring their fellow Guji from other

surrounding Guji kebeles (such as Banko-Baya, Chorso-Hambalala, and Sikke-Bokossa)

to help them increase the number of Guji votes so as to incorporate the kebele into

Hagere-Mariam woreda. The kebele referendum committee, after realizing this mischief,

dismissed these non-residents of the Kebele from the voting hall.

However, following the kebele Chairman’s firing of gun in the air on June 5, 1995, a

Guji man was shot by another gun from an unknown source. But, this person was taken to

Gerba clinic, where he passed away on the following day---June 6, 1995. Accidentally,

the following days were market days at Gerba and Hagere-Mariam towns which helped

the spread of this sad event to reach the ears of all Guji all over Borana zone, which

widened the conflict to other close-by areas. The Guji immediately started taking revenge

upon the Gedeo in all rural areas where they were living mixed in their localities.

Accordingly, in nearby kebele (very close to Banko-Chelchele), one very heartbreaking

event happened in Gorro-Gorra kebele (Hagere-Mariam woreda). As revenge to the Guji

man’s killing and to disrupt the smooth flow of the referendum in other kebeles and

thereby to protect it from reaching into Gorro-Gorra, the kebele chairman (a member of

Guji ethnic group) mercilessly killed a Gedeo girl. This killing angered everyone and as a

result the referendum was interrupted once again. This reached the ears of all Gedeo in

the vicinity and aggravated the violence (FGD with Gedeo and Guji informants, Gedeb

woreda, Banko-Chelechele and Banko-Gotiti kebeles, June, 2012).

Later, as revenge, a Gedeo man killed a Guji woman in Gelesa-Negesso kebele of the

then Hagere-Mariam woreda (FGD with Guji informants, Bule-Hora woreda, Kilenso-

208
Rassa, 20May, 2012). In this way, killings and counter killings spread in the area,

accompanied by lootings and burning of houses and other forms of property destruction.

The Federal defense force intervened between the two groups to stop the fighting.

Initially, the Federal defense force’s attempt to stop the bloodshed was fruitless. What

rather happened was the Guji, particularly in Kertcha, became furious with the Federal

army and began shooting at them because they suspected that they were siding with the

Gedeo (Interview with Guji key informants, Kertcha town, 21May, 2012). However, after

much bloodshed and destruction of properly, the Federal defense forces were able to

bring the fighting to an end. The referendum was postponed in all woredas. But the root

cause of the problem was not solved.

All my Gedeo and Guji key informants state that, to end the conflict once and for all, a

gondoro ritual was conducted under the auspices of both the South and Oromia regional

states. Very few Gedeo and Guji elders (from some kebeles of Kotchore and Hagere-

Mariam woredas), some government authorities, government employees, Gedeo and Guji

Abba gadas, woreda and zonal administrators and cadres were made to attend the

gondoro ritual carried out at a place called Gelcha, a border place for Hagere-Mariam and

Kotchore woredas. And both groups of informants also didn’t hide the fact that the

gondoro ritual without the presence or approval of the Guji Abba Qallu is meaningless. It

is the Abba Qallu who is supposed to open such ritual with traditional blessing.

Particularly, the majority of the Guji didn’t take the gondore as a legitimate one. Some

government officials from SNNPR and Oromia also share this view. However, on the

gondoro ritual, the Abba Qallu was represented by one of the Abba gadas of Guji clans

209
who came from around Kilenso, being ordered by one of the Oromia high government

officials (FGD with informants, Bule-Hora woreda, Gerba kebele, 18May, 2012).

Guji Key informants at Bule-Hora town tell that the 1995 gondoro ritual was held

with strong government influence. They say that the majority of the Guji were unhappy

with the process, for that they lost their lands by what they perceived to be unfair and

unjust referendum. The Guji say that they had no option but accept; otherwise, they

would be indiscriminately labeled as anti-peace. To keep the balance, I asked one of my

Gedeo key informants in Gedeb regarding the then gondoro ritual. He said that he was

pleased with the ritual. Had it not been for the execution of the gondoro ritual, he

maintained, further loss of life and destruction of property would have resulted. Those

who did not like the peace process were those who wanted to trade on the blood of the

innocent; those who like to see the death of children and the old as well as the women.

5.3.2.2. Major repercussions of the conflict

Informants from both groups assert that though no reliable count was done, there had

been loss of life and injury from both sides as a result of the 1995 conflict. Besides, there

was massive human displacement, destruction and looting of property on both sides.

However, there is common understanding by both groups as well as the government that

the Gedeos suffered more from the violence than the Guji did. Furthermore, individuals

who were accused of initiating the conflict, including the Guji Abba Qallu and his son

were detained in Hawassa prison where both lost their lives a few years later.

However, Girum (2011:89) presented as if there was a disagreement between his Guji

and Gedeo informants concerning the process of detention. He further stated, quoting his

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Guji key informants, that the suspected individuals were detained from both ethnic

communities but the then government officials favored Gedeo against Guji and the Gedeo

who were suspected of instigating the conflict were temporarily detained and later

released. But one of my key informants at Gedeb town (7 June, 2012) rejects the above

assertion; rather he says:

I was one of the imprisoned persons as a result of the violence. I and 26 other Gedeos
were imprisoned. We were accused of mobilizing the people for violence. What surprises
me most is at the time I was one of the EPRDF’s cadres serving the organization without
pay. I was teaching the community about the referendum (as to how the referendum will
be executed and how the count of the vote will be carried out). The irony is, for my free
service to the ruling party, the reward I got was imprisonment of 48 days without any
tangible evidence. Finally, the higher court at Hagere-Mariam town freed me without
bond since they could not get any concrete evidence upon me regarding the case I was
charged with. Several other prisoners, who were imprisoned with me, also freed without
any collateral.

Another informant also shares the above assertion. He says that due to the 1995 Gedeo-

Guji violent conflict several people, regardless of their ethnic background, occupation or

religion both from the ordinary farmers and government officials who directly or

indirectly participated in instigating the conflict, were imprisoned (from few days to

15years), some others were dismissed from their posts in government agencies where

they were working (Interview with ex-higher official of Gedeo zone administration,

Hawassa, 23Nov., 2011).

In addition, the conflict of 1995 created tension and mutual suspicion among the

groups for the first time. Particularly, the Guji became suspicious about the motive of the

Gedeo whom they considered as having the intention of dismembering the Guji from

their land under the mask of popular referendum. The other thing is from the 1995

conflict onwards, there is a tendency to politicize any dispute between an individual

Gedeo and Guji. Most of the disputes among Gedeo and Guji individuals or groups are

211
interpreted in terms of ethnicity, no matter what the cause (boundary of farm land,

dispute arisen over marital affairs, etc) and where the disagreement or dispute occurred

(in the market, hotels, play field, in schools, etc). People opt to enter into the fighting

immediately by joining to their respective ethnic fellow men in the dispute. In other

words, these days people tend to ethicize any ordinary dispute or criminal act between the

Gedeo and Guji individuals.

5.3.3. The 1998 conflict

The root causes of the July 1998 Gedeo-Guji violent conflict can be traced back to the

conflict of 1995. As it is mentioned in the previous section, the fundamental cause of that

conflict was not resolved but it was postponed. Nevertheless, the nature and dimension of

the issue changed all through 1995 to 1998. The Gedeo, who expect to win on

referendum (through the 50+1 formula) in the remaining kebeles where they were the

majority in Hageremariam woreda, began to push for the revival of the referendum in

1998. While the Gedeo were engaged in the politics of winning the game possibly

through a majority vote, the Guji turned on the defensive side against the envisaged

territorial dismemberment. It was this conflict of interest among the groups and the

different options preferred as remedy from the government that brought about the even

more devastating 1998 war between the Gedeo and the Guji.

According to informants, following the ‘end’ of the 1995 violence, the conflicting

groups were making themselves ready for another vicious war by purchasing different

types of automatic weapons. While some were busy selling their coffee, enset and land 39,

39
Though the 1975 rural land proclamation prohibits selling land, clandestine land selling by some people
is a common tradition in most rural areas of the country.

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some others sell their livestock to purchase guns. In the name of self-defense everybody

from young to old armed themselves to the teeth in about three years’ time (1995-1998).

My Guji informants tell that following the 1995 conflict the Gedeo were trying to move

some of their important movable assets out of Guji localities to central Gedeo areas such

as Gedeb, Chorso, and Dilla. Some others even gave up constructing houses in Guji

localities. They preferred to invest in central Gedeo localities. Similarly some Gujis also

moved their cattle from Elaferda, Gedeb-Gelcha and other rural kebeles where the Gedeo

are numerous to Gerba and Hagere-Mariam towns and other central Guji areas. There,

they constructed residences as per my key informants at Gedeb-Gelcha kebele (5June,

2012).

Furthermore, according to one of my key informants 40, the Gedeo in different rural

kebeles of Hagere-Mariam woreda openly declared to the woreda administration that

they decided not to pay any type of tax to the woreda and not to be administered under

the jurisdiction of Oromia region. The letter they submitted to the chief of Hagere-

Mariam woreda administration further states that they want to join the SNNPR where

their fellow Gedeos are found. Accordingly, out of the over 36 rural kebeles where the

Gedeo live in majority in Hagere-Mariam woreda, first from 16 kebeles, and later in the

same week from 12 kebeles, Gedeo farmers submitted petitions to the woreda

administration office describing their discontent and dissatisfaction due to the domination

of the Guji officials upon them. According to the letter, the Gedeo in those kebeles are

marginalized by the Guji officials from all social, political and economic spheres in their

respective kebeles.

40
Interview with one of the ex-higher officials of the then Hagere-Mariam woreda administration, Kertcha,
21May, 2012.

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 As the case among the Guji minorities in north Gedeo areas in 1995, the Gedeo in

Hagere-Mariam woreda also claimed the question of self-administration and the right to

integration with their Gedeo fellows in Gedeo zone (SNNPR). The Gedeo in the aforesaid

kebeles wanted to be administered by their fellow ethnic people in all levels; they wanted

their children to learn in their mother tongue---gedeffa; they wanted to be arbitrated by

their judges; they wanted to exercise their constitutional rights, which is possible, in their

view, either through joining to their mother region (SNNPR) where Gedeo zone is found

or through establishing ‘Gedeo special woreda’ in Oromia region. But the Oromia

officials at different levels (woreda, zone, and region) rejected the claim of the Gedeo

(Interview with ex-offical of Gedeo zone, Hawassa, 23Nov, 2011).

The response given by Hagere-Mariam woreda was quite surprising. To add fuel to

the already existing discontent, three elementary schools were shut down in rural Hagere-

Mariam woreda where the Gedeo live in majority. According to my informants in the

Gedeo zone Cultural, Tourism and Government Communication Affairs main

department, there were three first cycle elementary schools (grade1- grade 4) in Kertcha,

Elaferda and Bilida kebeles of the then Hagere-Mariam woreda that use gedeuffa as

means of instruction to teach Gedeo pupils in their mother tongue. The teachers of these

schools were hired by Gedeo zone education department and get their salaries from there

(Gedeo zone). This was done on the common understanding of Gedeo zone and Hagere-

Mariam woreda that the majority of the people in those kebeles were Gedeos. But

immediately after the 1995 violence, these schools were shut down. This created

discontent among the Gedeo and exacerbated the already existing stress in the area. The

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Gedeo in those kebeles still demand the opening of these schools (FGD with non-

Gedeo/Guji key informants, Dilla, 11April, 2011).

Not learning from the mistakes of 1995 conflict, in spring 1998 both authorities of

SNNPR and Oromia once again came up with the issue of a referendum as a lasting

solution for the inter-ethnic tensions between the groups. To this end, a joint conference

was held at Dilla in spring 1998 to enlighten the people about the ‘necessity’ of the

resumption of the referendum on 50%+1 formula. Representatives of higher officials,

farmers, Abba gadas, cadres and government employees, representatives of women and

youths, woreda and zonal officials from both Gedeo and Borana zones were made to

attend the conference. By this time the Guji strongly objected the idea of referendum,

insisting that it was the so-called referendum that caused the 1995 conflict and there was

no need to repeat it. The Gedeo politicians and authorities, on the contrary, supported the

agenda and firmly insisted on the practicability of the referendum, which they described

it as a government policy that one cannot object. Despite the Guji’s strong objection to

the idea of the referendum at this conference, after serious discussion on the necessity of

the referendum as well as unshakable government policies and programs by the

government authorities, it was decided to conduct another similar conference in the

summer of the same year (i.e., 1998) to discuss on the modalities of the implementation.

The conference held at Hager-Mariam town on the 7th of June, 1998 was wide in its scope

(i.e., interms of the number and types of participants). In the conference woreda officials,

government employees, Abba gadas, elders (five from each rural kebeles of Kotchore and

Hagere-Mariam woredas), cadres, representatives of the youth and women of Gedeo and

Borana zones, higher federal and regional authorities have participated. Among these Ato

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Bitew Belay (Minister of the Ministry of Regional Affairs), Ato Matiwos Dengamo (Vice

President of SNNPR), and Ato Yonatan Dibissa (Chief of Administration, Political and

Justice Affairs’ of Oromia region) were the major ones. My Gedeo and Guji informants

at Gedeb and Bule-Hora steadfastly described that the Guji still kept on condemning the

aim of that conference and the government’s agenda of reviving the referendum as a step

against their territorial integrity and violation of their constitutional rights and vowed to

safeguard their land in whatever means. At this stage, the Guji more bitterly proclaimed

that the land that the Gedeo sought to ‘snatch’ was neither contentious nor did it need

negotiation. To them, it was absolutely the Guji territory by history and present reality.

They made clear their firm stand that they would never accept a referendum that would

dissect their land.

One of my key informants at Dilla rejects the objection of the referendum by the Guji.

He pointed out that the Gedeo in a number of rural Guji localities did not get recognition

by the Guji officials at different levels. The Guji in these areas do not respect the rights of

the Gedeo to develop their culture, use their language in schools. That is, there has been

what we call cultural domination. The future generation that live amongst the Guji ought

not to forget its mother tongue---Gedeuffa. As it is well-known, language is not only a

means of communication; rather it is a means through which one reflects his identity.

Language is one of the most important markers of ethnic identity. It is through language

that what we call culture, civilization, tradition, etc., would grow. These days, the Gedeo

in Guji localities as their fellow Gedeos in Gedeo zone want to grow their language and

culture. Thus, for the Gedeo in order to exercise this constitutional right, the only means

they had was to join the areas they live in to the Gedeo zone (SNNPR) through the

216
majority vote of the referendum or to establish a ‘Gedeo special woreda’ in Oromia

region. Therefore, that was a convenient time and opportunity for them to join their

fellow Gedeos in SNNPR. Therefore, says the same informant, the Gedeo attested not to

withdraw from their firm stand (Interview with a key informant, Dilla, 12 April, 2012).

Of course, there were few Gedeo farmers, who came from different contentious kebele

PAs to the Hagere-Mariam conference, who had a stand against the idea of referendum

thinking it would again immerse them into another bloodshed like that of the 1995.

Nevertheless, the Gedeo officials and cadres rejected this position of their fellow Gedeos.

Instead, they emphasized that it was so important to carry out referendum in all over 36

kebeles where the Gedeo live in majority if lasting peace were to be attained in Gedeo-

Guji localities. But the Guji rejected this idea saying it is a mask for the Gedeo’s hidden

agenda and a pretext to dismember the Guji land under the guise of majority vote. Sadly

enough, incompatible interests of the two groups darkened the probability for peace.

One of my key informants at Bule-Hora has an interesting idea. He says referendum

cannot be a mere solution to Gedeo-Guji conflict. Other than referendum and

dismembering the Guji from ‘their lands’, there is a compromising solution to the

problem. He says that:

I don’t see any problem if the Gedeo in Ela-Ferda or elsewhere in Guji localities
(where they are majority in number) get chance to teach their children in Gedeuffa; I
don’t see why government administration posts and other job opportunities be fairly
shared among both peoples; I don’t see why we don’t make the power sharing in
these contentious kebeles participatory; I don’t see any problem if the Gedeo in our
zone given the chance to build their own songo in their villages; I don’t see the
Gedeo are given the chance to develop their own culture in general. In the same way
if the replica of these facts applied in Gedeo zone where numerous Guji live,
everything will grow good as a result. If we (both groups) cooperate and develop a
sense of tolerance and respect towards each other in all spheres, as we were doing
before the conflict, I think situations will improve by themselves. Good governance
can be solution to this problem. To this effect, apart from the good will of the groups,
genuine commitment among the government bodies at all levels in Oromia and

217
 SNNPR is invaluable. The educated groups in both communities should also take
part in this regard (Interview with a government employee at Bule-Hora, 19 May,
2012).

It was on the Hagere-Mariam conference that some provocative speeches were made by

one of the Oromia region higher government authorities which further ignited the already

existing tension and stress in the area. On his speech the official proclaimed that,

“whether you like it or not, the referendum is a must! It is government policy that one

cannot change. If the Guji are against the proposed referendum, they can go to the jungle

and fight!” From this speech it is easy to infer the stand of the government in resolving

inter-ethnic conflict. Upsetted by this provocative speech of the above official, the Guji

all of a sudden left the conference hall as a result of which the conference of Hagere-

Mariam was broken up without consensus. While leaving the conference hall, the Guji

were shouting that they will not leave their land; rather, they declared, “we safe guard

our ancestral land at any cost! You (the Oromo official) betrayed us! You sold our land

to the Gedeo! But we would not leave it! We will defend it at any cost!” (Interview with

ex- official of Hagere-Mariam woreda administration, Kertcha town, 21May, 2012).

It can be seen from all this contention that the groups were in strong disparity of interest

over the matter. They entered into situation of deadlock where the Gedeo insisted on the

revival of the referendum, which the Guji firmly rejected. Incompatible interests

shadowed the prospect for peace. As it became complex to settle these entirely opposed

positions, the situation led to escalating tension between the two groups.

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5.3.3.1. Triggering factors of the conflict

After the collapse of the Hagere-Mariam conference, the executive committee of Oromia

and SNNP regional states decided to dispatch cadres into all rural kebeles of Hagere-

Mariam woreda to calm the tension and warn both Gedeo and Guji not to resort to war.

One of my key informants 41 describes the situation as follows:

After the breakup of the Hagere-Mariam conference, it was decided to dispatch cadres
into all rural kebeles of Hagere-Mariam woreda to calm the tension and thereby enlighten
the people regarding the necessity of the resumption of the referendum. Accordingly, I
was assigned to go to Ela-Ferda, the place where Gedeo have strong base and are so
numerous compared to other rural kebeles in Hagere-mariam woreda. On the meeting at
Ela-Ferda over 10,000 people came to attend. While the meeting was underway, the
people interrupted my speech and declared that ‘as of now you are not our administrator;
we belong to Kilil (region) eight 42. Then the participants started to disturb the meeting by
shouting at me. Thus, due to fear of the security situation, I gave up the meeting and fled
to kertcha town on foot, and then I went to Hagere-Mariam from there. Similarly, another
team led by Ato Lemma Tesfaye, the then Hagere-Mariam woreda Administration
Secretary, and other cadres together with three police men were sent to Kilenso-Rassa
kebele for the same mission. In the same way, while the meeting at Kilenso-Rassa
elementary school was in progress, a group 43 of persons from outside the meeting started
firing guns at the meeting compound. Though no one was wounded or died, the meeting
was dispersed as a result of that firing. Then, the Guji who were dispersing from the
meeting shouted seeking help from the surrounding Guji people. The news that reached
other Guji vicinities was as if the Gedeo killed and/or wounded all the Guji who were in
meeting at Kilenso-Rassa Elementary School. Consequently, firing guns, killings,
revenge killings, looting of property, burning houses between the Gedeo and the Guji
followed throughout Hagere-Mariam woreda and its vicinities.

When the news of firing of guns upon Ato Lemma and his crew at the meeting of

Kilenso-Rassa school reached Hagere-Mariam, a group of officials and cadres both from

Gedeo and Guji (being in one car) were going to the area for help and to cool down the

riot.

41
Interview with one of the former officials of the then Hagere-Mariam woreda administration, Kertcha
town, 21May, 2012.
42
Region eight later came to merge with other four regions to form the present day SNNPR in 1994.
43
Some Guji informants informed me that the group is comprised of the Gedeo who want to be
administered by their own people and have their independent special woreda in Borana zone disturbed
the meeting; but Gedeo informants claim that it was the Guji themselves who do not want the resumption
of the referendum who disturbed the meeting (FGD with informants, Kilenso-Rassa, 20May 2012).

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 That journey was risky and futile. Among these officials in the car Ato Deneke

Tegegn, deputy administrator of Yirgachaffee woreda administration was one. On their

way to Kilenso-Rassa, sadly enough, the crew was made to stop by some Guji farmers

and youths at Sokke kebele. It was near Sokke elementary school (on the Hagere

Mariam--Melka Sodda highway) that an unexpected event occurred. The Guji farmers

killed Ato Deneke Tegegn, after they pulled him dawn from the car on to the ground and

bitten him with stone and sticks. While beating Ato Deneke, the farmers were shouting

upon him questioning ‘why you came here? On what price did you purchase our land?’

After serious injury, Ato Deneke was taken to Hagere-Mariam hospital where he passed

away the moment he arrived at the hospital. The news of the death of higher cadre and

official of the Gedeo reached the ears of the Gedeo all over Gedeo zone and to those who

are living within Guji land in different rural kebeles, particularly to the Gedeo at Ela-

Ferda. However, a single incident was enough to explode the volatile tension. That was

what happened following the death of this Gedeo high official following the unproductive

meeting at Kilenso-Rassa kebele on July 15, 1998.

Apart from this, my Gedeo FGD informants (at Gedeb-Gelcha, 5 June, 2012; and at

Halo-Beriti, 31May, 2012) accuse one of the then higher officials of Hagere-Mariam

woreda, for his provocative speech that he made at Ela-Ferda kebele on the aforesaid

meeting. The official declared, as to my informants, ‘Gedeo has no land here. Gedeo’s

land is beyond Godo-Belessa, in Yirgachaffee woreda. Therefore, you (the Gedeo) better

go there or live here be calm!’ Then the Gedeos in the meeting questioned him, ‘how did

you say that since long we are here, and it is we who developed the bare land upon our

arrival here.’ The official responded that, ‘You better accept my advice, unless others will

220
advise you in the future!’ Then he interrupted the meeting and left for Hagere-Mariam.

Informants at Gedeb-Gelcha further reported that the same official, when asked by the

Guji at Bule-Hora, ‘on what amount he sold Guji’s land’, the official responded, ‘I didn’t

sell your land. You can protect your land by yourself!’ This speech also aggravated the

situation, as to my informants. From these all we can easily understand the roles played

by some of the government authorities in indirectly instigating violence and mobilizing

the people for violence.

According to my Gedeo and Guji informants, the hot war localities of the 1998

Gedeo-Guji violent conflict were, among others, Ela-Ferda, Dibissa, Gorome, Arusi-

Darsa, Layo-Keni, Gurachu, Bedessa, Hinchini, Hebo, and Bukisa rural kebeles. During

the war, most of the Gedeos moved out from Kilenso-Rassa, Kilenso-Mekonissa,

Hinchine, Bolole, Russa-Hanku, Doggo, and Hartume-Lemma and went to Ela-Ferda,

Banko-Gotiti, Banko Chelchele, Halo-Beriti, Bedessa, and to other Gedeo towns such as

Gedeb, Yirga chaffeee and even up to Dilla, zonal capital of Gedeo. Correspondingly,

some of the Guji also left Ela-Ferda, Kilenso-Rassa and other localities where the Gedeo

are the majority and moved to Hagere-Mariam town and to the lowland areas where they

have other holdings. This situation also enabled the fighting to expand and later develop

into full-fledged inter-ethnic war and spilled over to all other kebeles of Hagere-Mariam

and adjacent woredas of Gedeo zone.

The other thing is that the 1998-2000 Ethio-Eritrea war had an impact upon the 1998

Gedeo-Guji conflict. Engaged in that war the federal government did not give attention to

the widespread internal conflicts among different ethnic groups like that of Gedeo and

Guji. All my Gedeo and Guji informants blame the federal government for giving deaf-

221
ear to the war in their areas that claimed the lives of thousands and damaged

immeasurable material resources. What surprises, says one of my informants in Bule-

Hora, the mass media didn’t give any coverage about this shocking violent conflict, but

was boring us by telling ten times a day about the death of a single person by blast of

suicide bomber in the Middle East or elsewhere.

5.3.3.2. Major repercussions of the conflict

Informants of both groups tell that as compared to the case of 1995, the 1998 violence

was so wide in its scope and intensity. It was a wide-ranging in that it involved a large

number of people and carried out in most of the kebeles where the two-ethnic groups

reside together. Consequently, it led to undesirable effects in a number of ways, including

loses of human lives, looting of property, burning of houses and dislocation of a large

number of people.

The major implication of the war is the activation of a dividing boundary of ‘us’ and

‘them’ between the historically coexistent, economically interdependent and culturally

complementary groups. The conflict demonstrated the potent force of ethnicity in that

many of the Guji and a few members of other Oromo branches who were far beyond the

disputed territories (who live in Abaya and Gelana woredas) were believed to have

participated in the war. Similarly, the desire to incorporate the contentious over 36 rural

kebeles of HagereMariam woreda into Gedeo zone was not limited to the Gedeo farmers

who inhabited in those kebeles. Instead, some Gedeos who live far away from the conflict

area (who live in Dilla and Yirgachaffee woredas) were believed to have involved. The

war that lasted for about a week resulted in human causalities and in serious injuries.

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However regarding the number of causalities, the reports are inconsistent owing to its

political implications. While the information from the Oromia regional authorities lessens

the number of human loss to a few hundreds, the Gedeo politicians reported it to be 2000

to 3000 (Asebe, 2007:82). The federal government on its part announced that 140 people

died in that war (Tobia, 1998b:11 in Girum, 2011). The UNDP emergency unit for

Ethiopia reported the case as follows:

Serious fighting took place in mid-August⌠1998⌡ between the Guji Oromos and the
Gedeo people in the south of Ethiopia. Initial reports indicating that about 3,000 people
were killed during the ethnic fighting were denied by the government spokesperson who
stated that only 140 people were killed in the clashes while around 10,000 had become
homeless (UNDP, 1998).

Similarly, there was also no agreement on the number of displaced people or the amount

of property that was damaged due to the war. The Gedeo zone administration estimates

the displaced people between 25,000 and 30,000. But these were those who came to the

towns of Gedeo zone and temporarily camped there. However, the Federal government

sources reported that the number of displaced people reach 100,000 (Tobia, 1998b in

Girum 2011; and UNDP, 1998). The opposition party of GPDO, raises the number of

displaced up to 160,000 (Tobia, ibid).

But my Gedeo FGD informants at Halo-Bariti kebele ( Gedeb woreda) estimate that

the number of the dead about 3350 for the fact that there were remote rural kebeles like

Kirte, Hebo, Banko-Guduba, and Baya where the count of dead body was not carried out

at the moment. Apart from this, as a result of this violent conflict, informants added,

houses were burnt dawn, over 85,000 people were displaced, many were looted their

properties from both sides, and the violence exposed a large number of Gedeo and Guji

peoples as well as urban residents in both localities to fear, instability, migration, and

erosion of assets. Moreover, according to my informants at Banko-Gotiti kebele (Gedeb

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woreda), over 35 protestant churches were also burnt down in the 1998 violent conflict in

Hagere-Mariam and Kotchore woredas. This is because the Guji suspected the Gedeo to

have meetings and conspire against them in some protestant churches.

Informants in Yirgachaffee, Bule-Hora and Kertcha tell that the war had also

significant social, economic and psychological impacts. During the hot-war week

transportation services between Dilla and Bule-Hora and in most rural areas in Gedeo

zone was interrupted; both rural and urban markets were closed as a result of which

prices of major food items in urban areas (mainly those items that were purchased for

daily consumptions: kotcho (processed enset), cabbage, salt, sugar, fire wood, onion, etc.)

all of a sudden skyrocketed; schools all over Yirgachaffee, Kotchore, and Hagere-

Mariam woredas were shutdown. Hospitals of Bule-Hora and Dilla were filled with the

wounded persons from the fighting groups. People in urban areas were busy praying in

the churches and mosques wishing the end of the prevailing bloodshed. In urban areas,

particularly during the nights, people stood by to defend and protect their family and

respective villages/towns from unexpected attack that might come. War time nights are

so long and sleepless. Rumors and exaggerated tales about the war reigned in urban areas,

all of which fill people with terror and tension. Clandestine sales of automatic guns

reached its climax. Generally speaking, tension and suspicion reigned in the area. In

short, the bloody war that was fought among the groups for about a week claimed the

lives of thousands of people and enormous destruction of property. Informants from both

groups unanimously agree on the fact that, as the case in 1995, in the 1998 war also the

Gedeo were more affected than the Guji in relative terms.

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5.3.4. Major actors of the 1995 and 1998 conflicts

There were various actors who had their own interests in the 1990s Gedeo-Guji conflicts.

These include those who actively participated in the conflict and thus in one way or

another contributed to its instigation or aggravation. To start with, some local officials

who had different positions in local government are found to have acted largely behind

the scene, and facilitated the way for the violence. According to informants from both

groups, the role of some woreda officials in mobilizing the ordinary people to enter into

open fighting was visible. Some officials of Hagere-Mariam woreda were encouraging

the ordinary Guji to be armed and defend ‘their land’ by themselves. From the Gedeo

side also there were some woreda officials and government cadres of Yirgachaffee and

Kotchore who usually come to Ela-Ferda and other rural kebeles in Hagere-Mariam

woreda where the Gedeo were the majority to covertly mobilize their people for war.

Some informants even disclose the role of some Oromia regional officials (by mentioning

names of some authorities) who instigated the Guji-Oromo into violence in their speech

in the Hagere-Mariam conference.

It is also reported that after the 1995 conflict, following the coffee harvest season,

bogus rumors often reign in Kotchore and Hagere-Mariam woredas, particularly in

Kertcha and its surroundings where the Gedeo are growing bulk coffee. According to my

informants in Hawassa and Dilla, false rumor was intentionally circulating by conflict

entrepreneurs in the area. The common rumor is reported as follows: ‘The Guji are

coming to expel all Gedeos from their land. Therefore, you (the Gedeo) better sell out

your coffee at any price you get and clear your stock, unless you may loss everything you

have all of a sudden.’ Then some Gedeo farmers, who live in suspicion after the 1995

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bloodshed, sold all their coffee at prices much lower than the normal market price, and

some even left the area. In this tragedy, my informants believe that, there are the invisible

hands of some rich Guji merchants (Interview with Gedeo key informants in Hawassa,

23Nov. 2011, and at Dilla, 11April, 2012).

Others that can also be taken as principal actors are the conflict entrepreneurs. These

are any group or individual whose profit depends on conditions that promote conflict.

Most often used to describe those who engage in or directly benefit from illegal economic

activity that promotes violence or undermines efforts for good governance and economic

development. These actors can exist inside or outside of government (Snodd erly, ed.

2011:17). Simply speaking, this category of actors encompasses all groups and

individuals who trade in conflict. Once the violence breaks out, there come in some

people who provide services to all opposing groups or sides. These are called conflict

entrepreneurs who disregard the conflict and its impact on the society but concentrate on

benefiting from the situation and attempt to make maximum profits by serving all the

opposing groups and befriend with them through tacitly agreeing special supports for

each group. The conflict entrepreneurs provide services for all opposing groups in the

conflict with the intention of making money without concern for its overall implications.

What is obvious, however, is the role these entrepreneurs play in the conflict by indirectly

helping the opposing groups to get stronger as the products of these entrepreneurs

facilitate the war engaged by the warring groups. The need of the products in the conflict

zones increases as the conflict escalates and the entrepreneurs always cope with the

demand and make more money and expand the services ensuring its full utilization. For

example, my informants at Gedeb-Gelcha kebele (Gedeb woreda) and Torre town

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(Gelana woreda) reveal that in their respective locality the price of firearms and bullet

has escalated since the 1995 violent conflict. Accordingly, the price of Kalashnikov

(Russian manufactured semi-automatic rifle) before the 1995 war was 400-500Birr, its

single bullet was 3-5Birr; but after 1995 Kalashnikov was sold by 8000-10,000Birr, a

bullet by 8-12Birr; recently the price of Kalashnikov reached 15000-20,000Birr where as

its bullet is sold by 25- 30Birr.

According to government authorities in Bule-Hora and Gedeb woreda

Administrations, the actors of the conflict include the jobless, those who want to be rich

by short cut (i.e., those who want to loot from the markets, shops, bars, individual houses,

etc). Indeed they looted whatever they liked (coffee, cattle, house furniture, money, etc.,)

when the groups were busy fighting, some of whom were caught soon and thrown to jail.

As to the same information sources, the opposition party (OLF and GPDO) members

were other groups who were mobilizing their respective people to involve in the violence;

of course, the aim of these opposition party members was not genuinely to help their

people. Rather, they were working hard to destabilize the area and overthrow the EPRDF

government thereby to come up on power; in other words, they were mobilizing people to

secure their vested interest---political power. The others who actively participated in the

conflict were the local militias. According to my informants at Bule-Hora and Gedeb

towns, some kebele militias in the hot violence areas were found to have participated in

the fighting. The local militias sided the group which they belonged to. Some informants

even contend that it is due to the participation of these military trained people that the

causality of the violence increased.

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 My focus group discussants at Gerba (Bule Hora woreda, 18May, 2012) accuse some

church leaders as the actors who aggravated the conflict. As to these informants during

the war of 1990s, the Gedeo church leaders in Kertcha used the protestant church

(namely Ela-ferda Mekaneyesus, and Hoffe Kale-Hiwot church) as a safe place to run

their political agenda and secretly discuss against the Guji. These informants accuse

particularly the then Hoffe Kale-Hiwot church leaders of converting the church into a

clandestine armoury. Besides, for the church had two cars, they were transporting guns

and bullets in the name of spiritual books.

In sum, other than the warring groups, different actors participated in the conflict. The

entrepreneurs have played a major role in the war. The entrepreneurs were not only those

who wanted to loot coffee or cattle. Rather they came from various sectors including

officials who seek to retain their power or want to have more power; those who were in

the business world trade for money; those in the politics trade for power; those in the

society, especially the jobless, loot coffee and the animals and others those who sell arms.

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