Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
d i a n e fav r o
University of California, Los Angeles
christopher johanson
University of California, Los Angeles
T
he calendars of republican and imperial Rome were represent spatial and urban relationships.5 The examples,
overflowing with a plethora of religious and state one from the mid-Republic and two from the imperial pe-
events, many of which were marked by animated riod, demonstrate changes in the interplay between Roman
parades that wound through the city. Interspersed among funerary practices and a specific urban space and provide a
these were melancholy processions that carried the deceased platform for the use of phenomenological analysis. This re-
from home to a final resting place outside the walls of the search lays the groundwork for a comparison of the use and
capital. For members of the elite, the route and activities of manipulation of architecture and imagery in the Republic
the Roman funeral offered a valuable opportunity to display and Empire.
and increase their symbolic importance.1 Previous studies The experiential aspects of any event in the forum re-
have considered the long history of funerals in antiquity, quire an understanding of that entire space as well as of those
commemorative activities such as the burning of the pyre parts of the surrounding cityscape that are connected visually
outside the city limits, or specific features such as the carry- and aurally to the forum. With only fragmentary physical
ing of death masks.2 Few have contextualized the funerary remains, the forum has rarely been reconstructed in toto as
procession ( pompa funebris) with specific spaces or in relation it existed in any specific period, although there are general-
to the intricately constructed Roman experience of a funeral.3 ized reconstructions representing entire eras (e.g., the repub-
Rome’s most illustrious and ambitious citizens choreo- lican forum) and simplified representations devoid of texture,
graphed their funerals with memorable activities in the color, artwork, people, and other rich sensory-stimulating
Forum Romanum, yet the effect of this symbol-laden public features.6 The late imperial forum has most frequently been
venue on the honorific imperial funeral parades and activities reconstructed because the archaeological remains from this
has not been critically evaluated.4 era are the best preserved.
Three funeral parades will be analyzed and illustrated In general, scholars have avoided making either pictorial
contextually using interactive, immersive digital models of or three-dimensional physical reconstructions of the forum
the Forum Romanum that have been specifically designed to as an urban space, for obvious reasons. The scientific recre-
ation of larger scale environments is extremely time consum-
Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 69, no. 1 (March 2010), 12–37. ISSN ing, requiring extensive research, which detracts from a
0037-9808, electronic ISSN 2150-5926. © 2010 by the Society of Architectural Historians. scholar’s focus on particular issues.7 In addition, there are dis-
All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce
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ciplinary deterrents. The fashioning of an entire urban space
site, http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintInfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/jsah.2010.69.1.12. requires hypotheses and assumptions about many unknown
aspects, including the upper floors of buildings, the place- Romans constructed complex mental pictures of this site,
ment and scale of art, colors, textures, and ephemera (such as which were informed by references in texts, depictions of
plantings, scaffolding, and banners). Too often reconstruction individual buildings, word of mouth, and actual visits.12
images or models do not make variations in level of accuracy Given this collective familiarity, it is not surprising that the
visible. Such indeterminacy, no matter how well reasoned, is forum was rarely represented holistically in Roman art.
unpalatable to many scholars, but especially to archaeologists, Two notable exceptions are the marble imperial reliefs
who are trained to appreciate accuracy, not speculation.8 known as the Anaglypha or Plutei Traiani/Hadriani, which
The close experiential reading of historic processions were found in the forum in 1872.13 Although their exact
such as the Roman funeral has also been hampered by the placement and date are disputed, scholars agree that the
scarcity of specific details of these events. Only a few impe- scenes represent events occurring in the forum. On one an
rial funerals are described at length by ancient authors; even emperor (either Trajan or Hadrian) stands on the Rostra Au-
fewer by contemporary eyewitnesses. Furthermore, these gusti (speaker’s platform) while giving a public address or
accounts by male elite voices generally serve specific agen- adlocutio backed by six lictors (Figure 2); on the other an em-
das and often use the description of a funeral for calculated peror seated on the opposing rostra oversees the burning of
effect.9 Few detail the setting of the funeral or mention the debt books (Anaglypha) (Figure 3).14 Behind the figures rise
sensorial impact of the sights, sounds, and smells of the the Basilica Iulia and other buildings on the southwest side
emotionally and politically charged event, perhaps because of the forum. Although the reliefs may not have been seen
they considered such perceptual information too obvious to together in their original disposition, they show a continuous
merit comment. The same familiarity may explain the rela- architectural setting. The myth-laden fig tree (Ficus Rumi-
tive silence about funeral activities.10 Depictions of ancient nalis) and the statue of Marsyas appear in both reliefs, affirm-
processions in art tend to focus on the participants and offer ing the coincidence of the setting; one depicts the area east
only limited representation of the physical context, which of the statue and the other, the west.
would inform an assessment of the experiential impact. Gra- The overall representation is quite revealing about the
ham Zanker has perceptively noted that the omission of Romans’ experience of public events in the forum. The carv-
architectural environments in ancient art provoked viewers ings selectively mix accurately represented features (such as
to complete the picture in their minds, an act of supplemen- the blank segments that correspond to the streets that entered
tation that engaged ancient observers, but frustrates modern the forum) with inaccurate building orientations.15 All of the
historians (Figure 1).11 structures are seen frontally, regardless of their actual posi-
The situation is exacerbated for the Forum Romanum. tioning. For example, in the Debt Burning relief, the Temples
The geographical touchstone of the Roman world, this of Saturn, and of Divine Vespasian are shown side by side,
urban space was well known; throughout the vast empire, though they actually stood at right angles (see Figure 3). Such
D e at h i n M o t i o n : F u n e r a l P r o c e s s i o n s i n t h e R o m a n F o r u m 13
Figure 3 Debt Burning relief, from the same monument as the Adlocutio relief, showing action in front of the opposing Rostra just visible in the
lower right corner. Currently located in the Curia building of the Forum Romanum, Rome (photo by Diane Favro). See JSAH online for high resolution,
zoomable image with buildings of the Forum identified
an unrealistic arrangement was not solely a result of the up to him both literally and metaphorically (see Figure 2).
pragmatic restrictions of the relief format, but owed also Action occurs below and leads the eye toward the emperor
to Roman experiential interpretations that were filtered either by the directional movement of the figures or the turn
through cultural ideas of viewing and processing.16 of their heads. In the Debt Burning relief, soldiers carry the
Ancient texts and pictorial representations affirm that the heavy account books toward the seated emperor atop the
Romans believed buildings of importance should be viewed Rostra Augusti. The fire consuming the records is appropri-
frontally, ideally from an inferior position.17 Vitruvius spe- ately set before the Temple of Saturn, site of the state treasury,
cifically recommended that temples along “the sides of public and at the feet of the seated emperor on the rostra. In reality,
roads should be arranged so that the passers-by can have a Saturn’s temple stood farther west, at a higher elevation and
view of them and make their reverence in full view.”18 Such behind the speaker’s platform. In the Adlocutio relief the men
hierarchical positioning was regularly employed to indicate forming the crowd lean slightly forward toward the emperor,
the status of depicted individuals. In the Adlocutio relief, the their garments clearly identifying status: the toga for senators
emperor is elevated atop a speaker’s platform; all figures look toward the front of the crowd, the paenula for poor citizens
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D e at h i n M o t i o n : F u n e r a l P r o c e s s i o n s i n t h e R o m a n F o r u m 15
environment. Digital technologies have made possible the specifics about the route are few.30 There is no description
fashioning of more dynamic and flexible depictions of ancient of the parade path before it arrived in the forum, and the
spaces for use in research, teaching, and presentation, all purpose of the procession can only be speculated. It would
readily linked to metadata that documents the level of accu- seem that it functioned both as a means of gathering the
racy of restored components.27 Scholars can now reconstruct participants, who would later crowd the forum during the
historic environments that allow observers to move in real funeral oration, and as a way of displaying the popularity
time through carefully constructed topographic contexts. A of the deceased and the family.31 Hence, the more circu-
rich range of sensorial stimuli can be added to kinetic viewing itous the route, the better the attendance for the event, an
to shape more robust recreations of the original environmen- important factor at least during the Republic when funer-
tal experience. Depictions of actual times of day, year, and als had to vie for attention from citizens who continued to
century reaffirm the essential temporal aspects—the fourth conduct their daily business in the forum.32 The reality of
dimension. Various experimental scenarios can be presented housing distribution in Rome further complicated mat-
to ascertain the impact of alternative reconstructions, climatic ters. The aristocracy lived along the streets that led into
conditions, and hypothetically distributed ephemera.28 the forum (including the Sacra Via) and on the nearby
Every sensorial layer requires a method of citation and Palatine Hill. 33 Therefore, most aristocratic funerals
analysis, and a large measure of scholarly caution. How can began only a few hundred meters away from the forum
it be proved that ancients experienced light in the same way itself. In order to lengthen the parade route and attract a
as moderns? How does one add scholarly rigor to the simula- larger audience, processions from residences near the
tion of smell or sound? Various sensorial additions to a sim- forum may have diverted to side streets to extend the route
ulation can detract if they are included as an afterthought, to the forum (Figure 5).34
even if an illustrative one. Parades most likely entered along the Sacra Via in the
Roman environments have been among the first to be mid-republican period, a symbolically potent route followed
extensively recreated digitally. The attraction reflects aware- in numerous ritual processions, including the triumphal pa-
ness of the experiential richness of Roman design. Not sur- rade, which was an event that the funeral procession mim-
prisingly extensively designed rooms, such as those preserved icked in many ways.35 Upon entering the forum, the pompa
at Pompeii, are cited as early immersive “simulations.”29 funebris crossed the central open plaza to the rostra, where
Given the ancient evidence and the current technological the deceased was put on display (Figure 6).36 From atop the
toolset, Roman spatiality offers the greatest opportunity for rostra the primary heir gave a eulogy, flanked by members of
serious scholarly investigation. the cortege who wore ancestor masks (imagines) and sat in a
row of ivory chairs that faced the assembled crowd. Scholars
have underlined the obvious potential for symbolic manipu-
The Mid-Republican Funeral Procession lation in the content of the speech (laudatio funebris), the
(183 BCE–145 BCE) ancestor masks, and the composition of the crowd.37 Less
Ancient accounts of funerals during the mid-Republic de- analyzed, but equally significant, are the sights, kinetic
scribe the movement of the aristocratic pompa funebris sequences, and interaction with the physical environment
through the city to the Forum Romanum. Unfortunately, experienced by the funeral parade.
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Physical and textual evidence demonstrate that the conditions. The current paving in the modern archaeological
forum during the mid-republican period was radically differ- park lies 2 to 4 meters above the republican forum floor.
ent in appearance than its imperial descendants.38 Sadly, Major buildings from the mid-Republic period are repre-
there is a severe lack of robust archaeological data about the sented by scattered fragments often immured or obliterated
buildings in the forum during the first half of the second by subsequent rebuildings.43 The republican remains of the
century BCE. In situ evidence for the third (vertical) dimen- great temple to Jupiter atop the Capitoline are today encased
sion is particularly difficult to find. Today’s researchers can within the Palazzo dei Conservatori, its visual connection to
bring into play additional information, including high-reso- the forum blocked by post-antique construction.
lution satellite imagery, citywide cadastral maps, and GPS Experiential understanding has been further compro-
coordinates that precisely situate verifiable archaeological mised by the inaccurate siting of buildings on published
remains within a geographic coordinate system, yet they still plans. For example, no readily available plans use a unifying
lack sufficient data to create academically justifiable hyper- geographic coordinate system to demonstrate and validate
realistic reconstructions.39 the precise location of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maxi-
In most cases, only the general massing of buildings and mus in relation to the buildings of the mid-republican forum.
architectural monuments can be modeled with any certainty. Three-dimensional paper-based reconstructions, hampered
For this research the models are schematic, shaded for legibil- by modern in situ viewshed difficulties, only approximate the
ity, but necessarily textureless.40 They are knowledge repre- original visual relationship between Capitoline and forum;
sentations of the current evidence—more often textual than furthermore the majority of reconstructions depict the state
material—and can approximate only one of many interpreta- of the forum in the imperial period and adopt an omniscient
tions of the mid-republican forum’s appearance.41 Strict care god’s-eye view.44 The most accurate three-dimensional re-
must be taken to map out the parameters for each exploration constructions represent the area during either its Augustan
and to explain its experimental nature (Figure 7).42 Within or late imperial phases, and even these frequently exaggerate
these working parameters, however, valuable investigations the elevation information to such an extent that perceptions
can be undertaken about the experiential and propagandistic have been powerfully informed by the image of Jupiter’s
impact of the funeral on the processors and audience mem- temple looming majestically over the city (Figure 8).45
bers, and in particular the importance of the critical intervis-
ibility between buildings in and near the Forum Romanum.
The multilayered visual effects of the parade route re- Case Study 1: The Funerals of the Cornelii
quire three-dimensional analysis, but an in situ examination The funerals of the mid-Republic (183–145 BCE) provide
of the viewshed and relationship between the Capitoline Hill a useful case study of republican funerary practices.46 The
and the republican forum is impossible due to present-day Cornelii were a prominent aristocratic family of the middle
D e at h i n M o t i o n : F u n e r a l P r o c e s s i o n s i n t h e R o m a n F o r u m 17
republic, and the only clear evidence of the occasional altera- appropriately large crowd (see Figure 5, Figure 9).52 The de-
tion of the usual processional route is associated with this tour to the Capitoline Hill to acquire the important ancestral
clan.47 To the traditional cortege path, which moved from the mask significantly lengthened the parade. Simultaneously, it
house of the deceased to the rostra in the forum and then to emphasized a sequence of vistas to notable buildings, art, and
the burial site, the Cornelii added a visit to the Capitoline Hill urban features that were seen by parade participants and a
to collect the wax mask (imago) of Scipio Africanus, the famed reciprocal sequence of views of the funeral parade by the au-
conqueror of Hannibal during the second Punic Wars and the dience gathered in the forum. Although it is problematic to
most illustrious member of their family. They introduced this build an argument about the Roman funeral of the middle
new itinerary after Scipio’s death in 183 BCE.48 Republic based on a famous exception, a visual analysis of the
Roman aristocratic families usually housed such imagines
of ancestors who had attained a curule magistracy in dedicated
cupboards in the atria of their residences. Only on special oc-
casions were these open for viewing, and only at the Roman
funeral were the masks paraded through the streets.49 For rea-
sons not entirely clear, the wax mask of Scipio Africanus was
placed in the cella of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus,
in effect equating the residence of the most powerful god in
the Roman pantheon with the atrium of Scipio’s house.50
The Cornelii followed other practices that differed from
the norm. For instance, while the rest of Rome cremated their
loved ones, the Cornelii continued to inhume the deceased.51
Figure 9 Schematic reconstruction of the Roman Forum (183 BCE).
Perhaps the reason was pragmatic; the house of Scipio Afri-
The House of Africanus may have been located adjacent to the Temple
canus stood immediately next to the Roman forum behind the
of Castor on the south side of the central plaza (image © and courtesy
Tabernae Veteres, which meant that a funeral procession to
of the Regents of the University of California, Christopher Johanson,
the republican rostra (located directly to the northeast of the and the Experiential Technologies Center [ETC], UCLA). See JSAH
later Rostra Augusti) would have been a short walk of less online for an analogous view of the republican Roman Forum keyed to
than one hundred meters—not long enough to attract an a real-time, three-dimensional model set in its geographic context
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D e at h i n M o t i o n : F u n e r a l P r o c e s s i o n s i n t h e R o m a n F o r u m 19
Figure 10 The Forum in 160 BCE, with views 10a–i marked on the map (image by Christopher Johanson; 10a–i © and courtesy of the Regents of the
University of California, Christopher Johanson, and the Experiential Technologies Center [ETC], UCLA). See JSAH online for a bird’s-eye view of a
real-time, three-dimensional model of the republican Roman Forum (160 BCE) set in its geographic context. 10a Elevated view from the northeast
corner of the Forum looking toward the Capitoline Hill; 10b Bird’s-eye view of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. The northwest corner of the
Roman Forum is visible on the right; 10c View of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus (based on Gjerstad) from the north side of the Forum plaza;
10d Partly occluded view of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus (based on Gjerstad) from the southern side of the Forum plaza; 10e View of the
Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus (based on Gjerstad) from the area in front of the Rostra; 10f Occluded view of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus
Maximus (based on Stamper) from the Lacus Curtius; 10g Panoramic view of the occluded Capitoline Hill (left) and the Comitium (right) from the bal-
cony of the Basilica Sempronia; 10h View from the balcony of the Basilica Aemilia of the Rostra with the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus (based
on Gjerstad) clearly visible in the background; 10i View of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus from the steps of the Curia Hostilia
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11g 11h
Figure 11 Schematic view of the Forum with views labeled (image by Christopher Johanson; 11a–h © and courtesy of the Regents of the University
of California, Christopher Johanson, and the Experiential Technologies Center [ETC], UCLA). See JSAH online for a bird’s-eye view of a real-time, three-
dimensional model of the republican Roman Forum set in its geographic context. 11a View from the area in front of the Rostra, populated by hypothet-
ical bystanders, looking toward the Temple of Saturn and the Clivus Capitolinus, the main road leading down from the Capitoline Hill; 11b View of the
orator, bier and ancestors atop the Rostra; 11c Elevated view from the balcony in front of the Basilica Sempronia; 11d View of the Basilica Porcia (to
the left of the Curia Hostilia). The Basilica is represented in schematic form omitting the colonnaded lower and upper levels; 11e Privileged view of
the Rostra from the northern side of the Comitium; 11f Bird’s eye view of the Forum illustrating the intimacy of the Comitium in comparison to the
open Forum plaza; 11g View from the Comitium of the imago of Scipio Africanus as it returns from the Capitoline Hill; 11h View from the Comitium
of the imago of Cato entering or leaving the Curia Hostilia. See JSAH online for an analogous view keyed to a real-time, three-dimensional model
set in its geographic context
D e at h i n M o t i o n : F u n e r a l P r o c e s s i o n s i n t h e R o m a n F o r u m 21
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D e at h i n M o t i o n : F u n e r a l P r o c e s s i o n s i n t h e R o m a n F o r u m 23
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Figure 13 The Roman Forum of 191/92 CE (image by Christopher Johanson; 13a–b © and courtesy of the Regents of the University of California,
the CVRLab, and the Experimental Technologies Center [ETC], UCLA). See JSAH online for a bird’s-eye view of a real-time, three-dimensional
model of the imperial Roman Forum (191/92 CE) set in its geographic context. 13a View from the northwestern corner of the Temple of Divus
Iulius looking toward the Rostra Augusti and Temple of Concord; 13b View looking up at the Rostra Augusti with the Temple of Concord and Tabu-
larium behind. In reality the Temple of Vespasian and Titus to the west had not yet been repaired after being damaged in the fire of 191/92 CE
and geographic extent of the Empire. Racehorses and a pano- A participant in these funerary ceremonies, Cassius Dio
ply of funeral gifts alluded to the elaborate games to follow. provided a detailed description. Septimius first moved across
The procession climaxed with a portable golden altar be- the forum to the speaker’s platform (Figure 13). Behind him
decked with ivory and precious stones. came Cassius Dio and other senators dressed in somber togas
Notably, the actual remains of the deceased were not in of mourning; their wives followed, having eschewed colorful
the funeral parade. Pertinax, who had died months earlier garments for respectful white.83 Elite male attendees took
and had been cremated, was represented by a wax effigy, seats in the open air near the Rostra Augusti, where they
dressed in triumphal regalia and placed on view in a small were visible to all; the women moved to less-exposed loca-
building with columns of gold and ivory erected atop a tem- tions out of the sun in the shadowy porticos of the flanking
porary stage in front of the rostra.82 To maintain the fiction basilicas.84 In solemn anticipation, the patrician audience
of a traditional funeral with a corpse, and to displace the awaited the procession. Hearing a muddled cacophony of
memory of Pertinax’s bloody beheading, a slave boy waved a sounds coming from the walled portion of the sacred road
fan of peacock feathers as if to keep flies away from the de- between the Basilica Aemilia and the Temple of Divus Iulius,
composing body. The new emperor, now called Lucius Sep- all looked to the southwest. As the funeral parade passed the
timius Severus Pertinax, not the deceased’s son, gave the podium of the temple the sounds distilled into the distinctive
funeral oration, confirming his role as heir. dirges sung by the funerary chorus that accompanied the
D e at h i n M o t i o n : F u n e r a l P r o c e s s i o n s i n t h e R o m a n F o r u m 25
statues of viri illustres at the head of the pompa (see Figure in an aside by Cassius Dio about the eulogy by Septimius:
11b).85 From their elevated position, the sculpted representa- “We shouted our approval many times in the course of his
tives of Rome’s history carried aloft in the procession looked address, now praising and now lamenting Pertinax, but our
directly toward the Temple of Concord, symbol of harmony shouts were loudest when he concluded.”89 The forum pro-
among the classes, rising majestically behind the rostra (Fig- vided a familiar, history-laden background for the action.
ure 13a). As the procession extended into the sunlit open Once in power, Septimius Severus and his wife Julia
space, attention was drawn to the effigy of the deceased in his Domna began to imprint their identity on the Forum Roma-
purple robes ensconced in a glittering golden shrine clearly num.90 Among the sculpted monuments that they added was
visible above the heads of the seated senators. Behind this a large equestrian statue, the Equus Severi, which recalled
tableau rose the towering façade of the Tabularium.86 the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius whom Septimius
Once the parade had passed the influential spectators, also claimed as his father.91 In the southern forum they re-
Severus mounted the rostra and gave the laudatio with the paired various structures ravaged by an earlier fire in 191/192
statues on the platform behind him bearing silent witness and CE.92 Affirming her role as matrona and wife of the pontifex
the crowd shouting in approbation.87 The senators seated maximus, Julia Domna assumed responsibility for rebuilding
near the Rostra Augusti craned their necks upward, their field the Temple of Vesta.93 At the opposite end of the urban space
of vision filled by the gesticulating emperor, surrounding Septimius and his sons restored the Temple of Vespasian and
retinue, and statuary (Figure 13b). One can imagine that the added an inscription commemorating their work. Honorific
laudatio included gestures toward the Temple of Concord, columns placed on top of the rostra date to the Severan pe-
where Pertinax had first met the senate after being proclaimed riod as well (Figure 14).94
emperor, or to the Temple of Jupiter, where the father of the These interventions paled beside the addition of a mag-
gods would welcome the newest member of the Roman pan- nificent new arch. Significantly, this was the first large, com-
theon.88 At the end of the speeches the senators proceeded plete building added to the central area of the forum since
out of the forum toward the tomb. They marched ahead of the Temple of Divus Iulius over a century earlier.95 In 202
the bier amid beating of breasts and cries of lamentation, with CE Septimius celebrated the tenth anniversary of his reign
the emperor and the effigy of the deceased following. (decennalia) and returned from successful eastern campaigns
Septimius used the funeral of Pertinax to validate his against the Arabs, Parthians, and Adiabeneans. He declined
claim to the throne. Traditional and reverential in nature, the a triumph, but along with his sons was voted an arch by the
choreography reflected the continuation (or fossilization) of senate and people of Rome completed by 203 CE.96 The
the established model for funerals, which emphasized the em- massive monument still stands north of the Rostra Augusti,
peror as representative of the collective. In Pertinax’s funeral, near the Comitium, a spot chosen in part to affirm the locus
participants carried statues representing illustres viri from of a prescient dream of Septimius (Figure 15).97 The inscrip-
Rome’s history, not the illustrious ancestors of the deceased. tion honored the emperor as “Pertinax” and “son of Mar-
The staging reflected the realities of the imperial govern- cus” for having achieved “the restoration of the state and the
ment, assigning the senators to a more symbolic and passive extension of the empire.”98 Detailed reliefs recounting the
role than that played by their republican predecessors. They successful campaigns embellished the two facades, and an
sat as spectators awaiting the action and responded on cue impressive sculptural display of the emperor in a chariot
with moans and lamentations. A hint of their attitude is given flanked by his sons originally stood atop the monument
26 j s a h / 6 9 : 1 , m a r c h 2 010
(Figure 16). The style and complex iconography of the garbed in white rang out from temporary bleachers on one
carvings and sculpture have been thoroughly explored.99 side of the “body,” those of children similarly dressed rose
The monument was obviously a counterpoint to the from bleachers from the other side.
arch located southwest of the rostra, which Tacitus described Such a generalized description only partially conveys
as propter aedem Saturni.100 That memorial celebrated the the symbolic and physical complexities of the processional
Germanic successes of the emperor Tiberius, who was also experience. The insertion of the Arch of Septimius Severus
strongly associated with Parthia.101 A third Parthian memory into the forum substantially altered movement along the
was evoked by the Arch of Augustus that flanked the Temple main imperial processional route, advancing straight from
of Divus Iulius. The large size of the new Severan arch, and the Temple of Divus Iulius along the front the Basilica
the inclusion of stairs in the central opening, impeded ve- Aemilia northwest toward the Severan arch.104 The stairs on
hicular access to the Rostra Augusti and Clivus Capitolinus the southeast side of the monument prevented the choreog-
thereby necessitating adjustments to the area, including the raphy of wheeled traffic passing through the dynastic arch.
reworking of the surrounding paving and the street ap- Instead, the elite participants in the funeral procession were
proaching from the east.102 now compelled to leave their vehicles and walk uphill
through the arch to approach the rear stairs of the rostra, or
to climb to the rostra by means of temporary wooden stairs
Case Study 3: The Funeral of Septimius Severus on the front; the latter was perhaps the better alternative.105
In 211 Septimius died in Eboricum (York) at the age of sixty-
six. His wife and their two sons Caracalla and Geta brought Alternative 1: Entry North of the Temple of Divus Iulius
his ashes to Rome and placed them in the Mausoleum of Two possible scenarios can be suggested for the parade chore-
Hadrian. Herodian records that an effigy of the dead em- ography (Figure 17). According to the first, the procession
peror was fashioned out of wax and laid atop an ivory couch entered the forum along the north side of the Temple of Divus
displayed before the imperial residence.103 For seven days Iulius (Figure 17a). After passing the temple’s flank, wheeled
doctors attended the effigy before proclaiming him officially vehicles lined up in front of the Basilica Aemilia or parked
dead; an apotheosis ceremony followed shortly. Dressed in temporarily in one of the side streets (Argiletum or Clivus
purple, the combative sons of Septimius led the funeral pro- Argentarius). The new co-emperors Geta and Caracalla, as
cession down from the Palatine and into the forum. Es- well as others who needed to ascend the rostra, walked
teemed young senators and equestrians followed, carrying through the Severan arch, turned left along the Clivus Capi-
the ersatz corpse to the Rostra Augusti. The voices of women tolinus, and then climbed the curved stairs of the Rostra
D e at h i n M o t i o n : F u n e r a l P r o c e s s i o n s i n t h e R o m a n F o r u m 27
Figure 17 Roman Forum of 211 CE. Alternative 1 (image © and courtesy of the Regents of the University of California, the CVRLab, and the Exper-
imental Technologies Center [ETC], UCLA) . See JSAH online for a bird’s-eye view of a real-time, three-dimensional model of the imperial Roman
Forum (211 CE) set in its geographic context. 17a View from in front of the Basilica Aemilia looking toward the Rostra Augusti and Arch of Septimius
Severus (17 a–c: images © and courtesy of the Regents of the University of California, the CVRLab, and the Experimental Technologies Center
[ETC], UCLA); 17b View of the Rostra Augusti from the north side of the Arch of Septimius Severus in front of the Temple of Concord; 17c View
from in front of the Temple of Saturn toward the Rostra Augusti and Arch of Septimius Severus
Augusti (Figure 17b). This choreography, however, was not Saturn), to approach the rear stairs of the Rostra Augusti.
ideal, since it hid these notables from the audience’s view for Elite participants mounted the platform, later rejoining the
a significant amount of time at a key moment in the event. A funerary retinue gathered below for the march to the
temporary wooden stairway may have provided direct access tomb.108
to the rostra front or to an adjacent temporary stage such as The kinetic viewsheds along these two possible proces-
that constructed for the funeral of Pertinax.106 Other parade sional routes differ significantly. Each affected the parade
participants dispersed into the crowd that gathered behind participants by drawing their attention to different referents.
the senators who, dressed in black, congregated (or sat) be- The first processional route along the Basilica Aemilia of-
fore the rostra. Alternatively, the parade may have passed fered internal views of the forum. The Temple of Jupiter
before the front of the rostra and then around the southwest Optimus Maximus, which had loomed above the smaller,
end of the speaker’s platform to reach the stairs at the rear more recessed basilicas flanking the forum in the mid-repub-
(Figure 17c). lic, was now hidden from view by the towering verticality of
the enormous Basilica Iulia. The Arch of Septimius Severus
Alternative 2: Entry South of the Temple of Divus Iulius directly ahead defined the end of the imperial Sacra Via, its
It is also possible that the parade entered the forum on the front-facing billboard-like façade celebrating not only the
southwestern side of the Temple of Divus Iulius moving emperor’s military successes, but also the dynasty he estab-
through the Arch of Augustus and then along the road in lished (see Figure 17a).109 As they moved farther into the
front of the Basilica Iulia (Figure 18).107 Following this path forum, the imperial heirs at the head of the cortege would
the procession turned right in front of Tiberius’s arch have been drawn toward the rostra, attracted in part by the
(viewed to the left between the basilica and the Temple of mournful songs and white robes of the singers on the
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18b
Figure 18 Roman Forum of 211 CE. Alternative 2. See JSAH online for a bird’s-eye view of a real-time, three-dimensional model of the imperial
Roman Forum (211 CE) set in its geographic context (18a–e: images © and courtesy of the Regents of the University of California, the CVRLab, and
the Experimental Technologies Center [ETC], UCLA). 18a View through the Arch of Augustus looking toward the Basilica Iulia and the Temple of
Saturn; 18b View from in front of the Basilica Iulia. Beyond the Temple of Saturn rises that of Vespasian and Titus, with the Severan inscription
(see inset); 18c View from the south corner of the Rostra Augusti looking north toward the Arch of Septimius Severus with “parthico” inscription;
18d View from the balcony of the Basilica Iulia looking north toward the Arch of Septimius Severus with the statue of Trajan atop his honorific column
visible in the distance; 18e View from in front of the Rostra Augusti looking up toward the Arch of Septimius Severus
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the attic and to an external walkway at the same level protected of the siting and program fully comprehensible. In particular,
by a metal balustrade.122 From this vantage point, a privileged the orientation of the arch approximately parallel to the rostra
imperial observer had a view over the entire Forum Roma- is seen to have created a formal tableau that concretized the
num, a panorama almost on a par with that seen by the gods. status-associated frontal view appreciated by the Romans.
He could easily observe the Arch of Titus to the southeast and The result is evident in a relief on the Arch of Constantine
the Column of Trajan to the north. However, his view of the (see Figure 14). The artist shows the emperor performing an
Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline was oratio from atop the rostra, flanked by the Arch of Tiberius to
fragmentary and oblique (Figure 19). After all, since that tem- the left and the Arch of Septimius to the right. The two impe-
ple had originated in the Republic and undergone numerous rial memorials form potent bookends that eliminate the need
rebuildings by various patrons, it did not belong among the to represent other buildings.124 Significantly, the Basilica Iulia
visually interconnected imperial memorials that honored in- is added to this panorama, an affirmation of both the build-
dividuals and dynasties. Looking up at the Severan arch, mor- ing’s impact on the peripheral vision of Roman spectators,
tal observers in the forum might have seen a live figure moving and the artist’s need to counterbalance the scale and power of
along the narrow elevated walkway at a height associated with the large Arch of Septimius.
the divinities who were represented in nearby temple pedi-
ments. In fact, spectators who were standing at the north cor-
ner of the Basilica Aemilia’s upper portico saw the pediment Conclusion
of the Temple of Concord rising above and behind the arch to Computer visualizations replete with movement, sound,
frame the triumphal chariot atop the arch (Figure 20).123 Un- light, and other features are changing the way we think about
fortunately, there is no information revealing which Romans reconstructions. A digital laboratory facilitates experimenta-
could enjoy this potent prospect, or their reactions. tion by allowing consideration of alternative reconstructions
The Arch of Septimius Severus continued the tradition of both human actions and the environments in which they
of Mausoleum-Tropaeum begun by the Mausoleum of Augus- occur. In creating digital reconstructions of events and places,
tus and extended the visual web of associations woven by the scholars can yoke together disjointed archaeological sites into
commemorative columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. Yet a holistic environment, united by a common coordinate sys-
with his arch the so-called son of Marcus went further than tem. The experimental insertion of ritual events in these
his predecessors, boldly imposing his memorial on the rituals environments can restore human activity to the context it
held in the forum. The Arch of Septimius dictated the cho- once inhabited. Although the topographical picture and the
reography of future triumphal processions and dominated granularity of the reconstructed evidence have changed, the
the viewshed of those who participated in and observed the means of reinterpretation is the same. The exploration of a
funerary parade. While these conclusions could be made by historical event within its context and the reading of the
analyzing a plan of the forum, the three-dimensional model- interrelationship among reconstructed digital forms that are
ing of the arch in its imperial setting has made the significance tied to more scientifically accurate topography can give rise
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D e at h i n M o t i o n : F u n e r a l P r o c e s s i o n s i n t h e R o m a n F o r u m 37