3/20/2018 China: Zero Tolerance for Academic Freedom - Quillette

China: Zero Tolerance for Academic Freedom

written by Emilie Tran

Universities will be closely scrutinised, professors will be evaluated and the Party will punish those
lacking ideological firmness. Such is the program released by Xi Jinping’s government to coincide with
the Communist Party congress, where Xi is seeking to reinforce his authority as a world leader.

Efforts to control universities and disregard academic freedom are also taking place abroad. In early
September, Reuters and The Guardian exposed efforts by Chinese authorities to partially restrict access
to the American Political Science Review from within China. The Review, one of the most reputable
journals in its field, is published by the prestigious Cambridge University Press (CUP). Ultimately the
publishing house resisted the Chinese pressure, but the news has sparked upset, coming just a few weeks
after another controversy that shook the foundations of academia.

The “China Quarterly” affair

In August, China scholars from around the world learnt that Beijing had demanded that Cambridge
University Press withdraw 315 articles and book reviews from China Quarterly, produced by University of
London’s respected School of Oriental and African Studies and published by CUP.

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3/20/2018 China: Zero Tolerance for Academic Freedom - Quillette

These articles dealt with topics considered sensitive by the Chinese government: the 1989 Tiananmen
Square protests; Mao Zedong and China’s Cultural Revolution; ethnic tensions in Tibet and Xinjiang;
Taiwan; and anything relating to democratic reform.

A self-criticism session during China’s cultural revolution.

CUP complied, pulling the offending articles from their Chinese site, explaining that it would rather
withdraw a small number of articles of interest to a handful of academics, in order to ensure the
continued availability in China of its numerous other academic and educational publications.

Led by China Quarterly editor Tim Pringle, academics and NGOs expressed outrage that CUP would
favour its own commercial interests above academic freedom, and threatened to boycott the publishing
house.

Faced with protests, the Chinese government defended its actions in an editorial published in the August
20 edition of theGlobal Times, stating that, while it respects academic freedom in the UK, China has the
right to decide what can be published within its borders.

Three days after the censorship came to lighy, CUP had a sudden change of heart, and made the
315 articles available again.

Around the same time, the US-based Association of Asian Studies (AAS) revealed it had received a similar
demand but did not comply.

Ideological battle

The controversy highlights the oppressive nature of the government of the People’s Republic. Despite the
undeniable international character of Chinese universities, higher education and research must tow the
party line.

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Deng Xiaoping’s late-1970s policies of economic reform and opening-up enabled the country to become a
laboratory of ideas in the last quarter of the 20th century. But for the past decade or so, China appears to
be engaged in an ideological battle against the West.

Following the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, China overtook Japan as the world’s second largest economy,
behind the US, which was itself weakened by the 2007-2008 financial crisis and the resulting severe
recession.

Yet China quickly found itself facing dissatisfaction from those steamrollered by a policy of growth at all
costs, in spite of the country’s economic and diplomatic successes. Many Chinese intellectuals began to
think the lot of their fellow citizens should be improved with a final – political – reform.

Led by writer and university professor Liu Xiaobo, one of the key
activists of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, hundreds of
intellectuals signed the Charter 08, a manifesto in favour of
democratising the regime. For this Liu was sentenced in 2009 to an 11-
year prison term. He was released in July 2017 and died a few days later.

Document #9, the “anti-subversion kit”

Xi Jinping’s rise to power in 2012-2013 signalled a new era in the

curtailing of freedom of thought. Fearing any threat to the purity of their
ideology, Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders released a handbook
Liu Xiabo listing the subversive ideas to be eradicated, the infamous Document #9.

The following topics are now banned from public discussion: Western constitutional democracy, the
universal nature of human rights, the empowerment of civil society, multiple interpretations of history,
and anything questioning the validity of Chinese economic reforms and socialism.

While post-Mao China was not free of taboos, they were usually limited to the “three Ts”: Taiwan,
Tiananmen and Tibet. Several things have changed since 2012. Firstly, the publication of Document
#9 expanded the scope of unacceptable ideas: any subject, without exception, could now be censored.

Secondly, Chinese universities are now the reluctant front-line soldiers in this ideological battle: in 2015,
the Minister for Education urged universities to ban the use of textbookspromoting Western values.
Lastly, any contravening of the new norm is now subject to severe repression, and the CPC has no qualms
about openly resorting to totalitarian tactics.

A violent crackdown

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3/20/2018 China: Zero Tolerance for Academic Freedom - Quillette

On top of routine intimidation, 248 human rights advocates were rounded up in a brutal mass arrest in
July 2015. In the resulting atmosphere of fear, liberal intellectuals no longer think it wise to answer
questions from foreign journalists; they practice broad self-censorship and, when possible, wind up living
in exile abroad. For those who remain, harassment is commonplace.

These attacks against fundamental rights and specifically academic freedom are now extending beyond
mainland China, starting with the special administrative regions. In 2014, several Macau professors were
abruptly dismissed; in Hong Kong, the 2015 disappearances of five book-sellers and publishers is still
unresolved. These cases reveal the widening cracks in the “one country, two systems” model. Yet Beijing’s
influence does not stop there.

In the summer of 2014, the European Association for Chinese Studies had several pages of its program
ripped out by the Confucius Institute the day before its biannual conference in Portugal.

The institute apparently objected to advertising from Taiwanese sponsors. That same year, the American
Association of University Professors initiated calls for the closure of Confucius Institutes, claiming they
undermine freedom of speech on US university campuses.

Last month Australia acknowledged Chinese government interference in its universities.

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