Sanctions, War, Occupation and the De-Development of Education in Iraq

Author(s): Agustín Velloso De Santisteban

Source: International Review of Education / Internationale Zeitschrift für
Erziehungswissenschaft / Revue Internationale de l'Education, Vol. 51, No. 1 (Jan., 2005),
pp. 59-71
Published by: Springer
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25054501
Accessed: 11-12-2017 22:30 UTC

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms

Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International
Review of Education / Internationale Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft / Revue
Internationale de l'Education

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
International Review of Education (2005) 51:59-71 ? Springer 2005
DOI 10.1007/sl 1159-005-0587-8

SANCTIONS, WAR, OCCUPATION AND THE DE-DEVELOPMENT

OF EDUCATION IN IRAQ
AGUST?N VELLOSO DE SANTISTEBAN

Abstract - In August 1990, the United Nations Security Council imposed economic
sanctions on Iraq. These ended in May 2003. Ever since that same month, in which
the war launched by Coalition Forces against Iraq ended, the country has been under
occupation. The education system, one of the best in the Arab world 15 years ago,
has been seriously affected by both the sanctions and the war. The present study
explores how these factors have reversed previous educational achievements and ren
dered the education system unable to fulfil its missions. It also shows how continued
instability and widespread violence gravely impede the reconstruction of the educa
tion system. In sum, while the Iraqis themselves are now responsible, under interna
tional law, for deciding on and implementing reconstruction policies, this has still not
been taking place under occupation.

Zusammenfassung - SANKTIONEN, KRIEG, BESATZUNG UND ENTWICK

LUNG DER BILDUNG IM IRAK - Der Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen ver
h?ngte im August 1990 Wirtschaftssanktionen gegen den Irak. Diese endeten im Mai
2003. Seit diesem Monat, in dem der durch die Koalitionstruppen begonnene Krieg
gegen den Irak sein Ende fand, steht das Land unter Besatzung. Das Bildungssystem,
das vor 15 Jahren eines der besten in der arabischen Welt war, wurde durch die Sank
tionen und den Krieg schwer in Mitleidenschaft gezogen. Die vorliegende Studie un
tersucht, wie diese Faktoren die fr?heren Bildungsleistungen r?ckg?ngig und das
Bildungssystem unf?hig machten, seine Aufgaben zu erf?llen. Sie zeigt gleichfalls, wie
Instabilit?t und weit verbreitete Gewalt den Wiederaufbau des Bildungssystems be
hindern. Kurz: Obgleich die Iraker nach dem internationalen Recht die Verantwor
tung daf?r tragen, ?ber die Wiederaufbaupolitik zu entscheiden und sie zu realisieren,
ist dieses Vorhaben unter den Verh?ltnissen der Besatzung noch nicht umgesetzt wor
den.

R?sum? - SANCTIONS, GUERRE, OCCUPATION ET D?VELOPPEMENT DE

L'?DUCATION EN IRAQ - En ao?t 1990, le Conseil de S?curit? des Nations Unies
imposa des sanctions ?conomiques ? l'Iraq. Celles-ci s'achev?rent en mai 2003. ? par
tir de ce m?me mois qui vit se terminer la guerre entam?e par les Forces de la
Coalition contre l'Iraq, la r?gion s'est trouv?e sous un r?gime d'occupation. Le sys
t?me ?ducatif, il y a quinze ans l'un des meilleurs dans le monde arabe, a ?t? affect?
s?rieusement aussi bien par les sanctions que par la guerre. L'?tude pr?sente recherche
dans quelle mesure ces facteurs ont chang? en leurs contraires les acquis ?ducatifs
d'autrefois et rendu le syst?me ?ducatif incapable de remplir ses missions. Elle montre
?galement comment une instabilit? continuelle et une violence r?pandue emp?chent
gravement la reconstruction du syst?me ?ducatif. En bref, alors que les Iraquiens sont
maintenant eux-m?mes responsables, sur le plan de la loi internationale, de la d?cision
et de l'application des politiques de reconstruction, ceci n'a toujours pas ?t? mis en
place sous l'occupation.

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
60 Agust?n Velloso de Santisteban

Resumen - SANCIONES, GUERRA, OCUPACI?N Y DES-DESARROLLO EN

IRAK - En agosto de 1990, el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas ha dic
tado sanciones econ?micas sobre Irak, que finalizaron en mayo de 2003. Y desde ese
mismo mes, en el que termin? la guerra iniciada por las Fuerzas de la Coalici?n, el
pa?s est? ocupado. El sistema de ense?anza, que quince a?os atr?s era uno de los
mejores del mundo ?rabe, se ha visto seriamente afectado tanto por las sanciones
como por la guerra. Con este estudio, el autor revisa c?mo estos factores han degrad
ado los anteriores logros educativos hasta el punto de que el sistema educativo se
encuentra imposibilitado de cumplir con su misi?n. Tambi?n expone c?mo la cons
tante inestabilidad y la proliferaci?n de la violencia inhiben gravemente la reconstruc
ci?n del sistema educativo. En resumen, si bien los iraqu?es mismos ahora son
responsables, bajo la ley internacional, de decidir sobre pol?ticas de reconstrucci?n e
implementarlas, esto a?n no ha tenido lugar bajo las fuerzas de ocupaci?n.

Pe3K)Me - CAHKUHH, BOHHA, OKKYnAIJHfl H OTAA PA3BHTM OEPA30BAHH*

B HPAKE - B aBrycTe 1990 ro^a CoBer 6e3onacHoera OOH bo3?o)khji 3KOHOMHnecKHe
caHKUHH Ha HpaK. 3to 3aBepiuHjiocb b Mae 2003 ro^a. C Toro caMoro Mecaua, Kor,aa
3aKOHHHjiacb Bo??Ha, HanaTafl KoajiHinioHHbiMH cHJiaMH npoTHB Hpaica, cTpaHa Haxo^HTca b
OKKynauHH. CHcreMa o6pa30BaHH?, o^Ha H3 jivhuihx b apa?cKOM MHpe naTHa^uaTb jieT
TOMy Ha3aa, cepbe3Ho nocrpaflajia KaK ot caHKUHH, TaK h ot bohhw. B ?aHHOM hcc
jie^OBaHHH H3ynaeTC5i, KaK 3th (|)aKTopbi Kpyro noBepHyjiH npeflbi?ymHe #ocTH>KeHH5i b
o6pa30BaHHH h c^ejianH o6pa30BaTejibHyio CHCTeMy HecnocoOHo? BbinojiHHTb cbok) npe
AHa3HaneHHyK) MHCCHK>.3^ecb TaiQKe noKa3biBaercH, KaK npoAOJiacaioma?icfl Hecra?H
jibHOCTb h uiHpoKo pacnpocTpaHeHHoe HacHJiHe cepbe3H0 npen$iTCTByioT peKOHCTpyKUHH
CHCTeMbl 06pa30BaHHH. O^HHM CJIOBOM, XOTH HpaKUbI Tenepb CaMH HeCyT OTBeTCTBeHHOCTb,
corjiacHO MOK^yHapo^HOMy npaBy, 3a pemeHHe h ocymecTBjieHHe nojiHTHKH peKOHC
TpyKmiH, 3TO Bce eme He npoHcxo^HT H3-3a OKKynauHH CTpaHbi.

The United Nations Security Council imposed economic sanctions on Iraq

with Resolution 661 of 6 August 1990. It included a full trade embargo bar
ring all imports from and exports to Iraq, excepting only medical supplies,
foodstuffs, and other items of humanitarian need, as determined by the Secu
rity Council Sanctions Committee, which was also established by the same
resolution. More than thirty resolutions have followed that one, of which two
are relevant here: Resolution 986 of 14 April 1995, better known as the "Oil
for Food Programme", which enabled Iraq to sell up to US-$ 1 billion of oil
every 90 days and use the proceeds for humanitarian supplies to the country;
and Resolution 1483 of 22 May 2003, ending all sanctions, except those
related to the sale or supply to Iraq of arms and related material. (For a com
plete list of United Nations sanctions against Iraq see United Nations 2004.)
Much has been written about the legality and morality of the sanctions,
the war and the occupation. While the present contribution cannot deal with
this topic, according to the former Director of the World Food Programme
in Iraq in 1999 and 2000, the sanctions on Iraq were the most severe and the
most prolonged ever been imposed on a country. In addition, the trade
embargo established under Security Council Resolution 661 was accompanied

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 The De-development of Education in Iraq 61

by unilaterally imposed and lasting military action of varying intensity,

thereby constituting, together with the trade sanctions, a classic blockade
(Burghardt 2001).
The education system in Iraq has been affected by these policies in two
ways. First, it has been one of the targets of both military action and the
sanctions. Second, the sanctions have had the gravest consequences not only
for current, but also for future generations.
Several Iraqi government reports, and others by specialised international
agencies like UNESCO and UNICEF, which will be referred to in more
detail in the next pages, have already shown the quantitative negative effects
of the sanctions on the Iraqi education system. The qualitative negative
effects today and those that can reasonably be expected in the future are
much more difficult to ascertain. In any case, a picture emerges of an unpar
alleled educational catastrophe in Iraq.
Since the war launched by the Coalition Forces against the country ended
in May 2003, Iraq has remained under occupation by the Coalition Provi
sional Authority. This and subsequent events, most notably the armed con
flict currently taking place between resistance guerrillas and occupation
soldiers, inhibit the reconstruction of the education system.

Overall view of the pre-sanctions Iraqi education system

Iraq is a signatory country to the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human

Rights; the 1970 International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural
Rights; the 1989 Convention of the Rights of the Child; and the 1990 Educa
tion for All Declaration. The objectives of the national public educational
system were set out in Article 28 of the Iraqi Constitution under the heading
of Education Goals (Republic of Iraq 1990):

Education has the objective of raising and developing the general educational
level, promoting scientific thinking, animating the research spirit, responding to
exigencies of economic and social evolution and development programs, creating a
national, liberal and progressive generation, strong physically and morally, proud
of his people, his homeland and heritage, aware of all his national rights, and who
struggles against the capitalistic ideology, exploitation, reaction, Zionism, and
imperialism for the purpose of realizing Arab unity, liberty and socialism.

There were, however, several versions of this objective. Another (Republic of

Iraq, Ministry of Education 2000) reads:

In Iraq, the inclusive objective that leads the general aims of all learning levels sta
ted the following: To bring up a comprehensive generation, believing in God,
loving his country, believing in his Arab nation and its aims: unity, liberty and
socialism; acknowledging scientific thinking, armored by science and moral,
employing work and self-instruction, having the will of struggle, capable of

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
62 Agust?n Velloso de Santisteban

confronting crucial challenges, comprehensive of the facts of cultural development,

open to human mind in a frame of contemporary genuineness.

The Ministry of Education was charged with general educational policy, its
monitoring and supervision (Ministry of Education Law, No. 34, 1998).
Educational policy was implemented by the 18 Directorates General of Edu
cation in the governorates, the political divisions of the national territory.
The Ministry ran a strongly centralized national system according to the
principle of centralization of planning and decentralization of implementa
tion.
Primary education involved 6 years of schooling, followed by secondary
education consisting of an intermediate level (3 years) and a university pre
paratory level (3 years). Secondary education had an academic (with separate
literary and scientific curricula) and a vocational stream. These schools,
together with the relatively few non-compulsory pre-schools as well as
teacher training institutes (for primary school teachers), were under the
authority of the Ministry of Education. The universities were under the
authority of the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research,
responsible for the scientific policy of the country.
In 1975 the government established the right to free education from pri
mary to university level, although only primary education was made compul
sory (1976: Compulsory Education Law). As a result, education was
provided free of charge at all levels. Also in 1976 the Iraqi government
launched a national campaign to combat illiteracy (Eradication of Illiteracy
Law No. 92, 1976).
The education level among Iraqi women improved greatly as a result of
these policies of free and compulsory education. At primary level, the
female enrolment rate was very close to that of males during the 1980s
(approximately 47% female against 53% male). However, at the non-com
pulsory levels of education, the difference was far greater: 40% female
against 60% male. The gross enrolment ratio for primary and secondary
levels was 111% (this figure includes those who failed to attain the school
leaving certificate and remained at school) and 47%, respectively, for the
school year 1990/91. The ratio of the two levels together was 82% for the
same school year.
Regarding higher education, the numbers of students per 100,000 inhabit
ants were 781; 803; 1,067; and 1,188, respectively, for the years 1975, 1980,
1985 and 1988, demonstrating an increase of 52% between 1975 and 1988.
In the school year 1991/92, 37,420 students, of whom 47% were female,
graduated from all institutions of higher learning.
In the school year 1988/89, an estimated 690 million Iraqi dinars were
allocated to educational development, representing a 238% increase since
1976. Educational spending was estimated at 6.4% of total government
expenditure. The largest share of this budget, 47%, was allocated to primary
education, while 27% was allocated to secondary education, and 20% to

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 The De-development of Education in Iraq 63

higher education (United Nations 1999a). (The Iraqi dinar was worth US-$
3.20 before the United Nations embargo that followed Iraq's 1990 invasion
of Kuwait. By August 2002 it was trading at just below 2,000 to the US dol
lar, and by mid-April 2003 it had slipped to somewhere between 3,500 and
4,000. In July 2003 one US dollar equalled about 1,500 Iraqi dinars.)
Because of government investment, the Iraqi education system experienced
dramatic quantitative growth immediately before sanctions were imposed.
The United Nations Office of the Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq out
lined the picture by stating that "at the beginning of the 1980s Iraq had one
of the best education systems in the Arab world. The gross enrolment rate
(GER) for primary schooling was around 100%", adding that "the Higher
Education, especially the scientific and technological institutions were of
international standard, staffed by high quality personnel" (United Nations
Office of the Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 2003).
Throughout the 1970s, teachers, like all civil servants, were obliged to join
the Baath Party, the ruling political party until May 2003. A minority took
advantage of party membership to move through the ranks, while the major
ity were subjected to ideology tests and surveillance. The regime also used
schools - in particular the teaching of history, geography and literature - to
impose Baathist ideas. Universities and research centres did not escape politi
cal control, and "a pattern of systematic abuses and corruption of higher
education and scholarly research by the state apparatus" became the norm
(Watenpaugh et al. 2003).

The effects of sanctions on the education system

As a member of the main international educational organisations, UNESCO

and UNICEF, Iraq submitted several reports during the 1990s on its particu
lar situation and progress. These organisations also periodically published
their own reports about trends and developments in Iraq (Republic of Iraq,
Ministry of Education 1996, 2000; Republic of Iraq, UNICEF 2000; UNE
SCO International Bureau of Education 2001). The damage inflicted on the
education system becomes apparent in these reports. No educational level,
sector, service or institution was spared.
The UNESCO International Bureau of Education, in its 2000 report on
Iraqi education, observed the following:

The education system faces a number of interrelated problems which hinder the
achievement of its objectives, the most important of which are: providing and
maintaining adequate school buildings so as to meet the requirements of quantita
tive and qualitative development; providing adequate numbers of teachers to meet
the increasing need for education at various levels; providing instructional materi
als, in particular stationery and school furniture; providing prerequisites for curric
ula, teaching aids and educational technologies; and developing evaluation and
examination techniques through the introduction of modern technologies.

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
64 Agust?n Velloso de Santisteban

A more detailed description of this overall picture can be obtained from

UNICEF's "Analysis Situation" on Iraq (2002). Regarding primary school,

23.7% of children of primary school age (6-11) are not in primary school, with
nearly twice as many girls staying out of school as boys - 31.2% of girls and
17.5% of boys. The erosion of attendance has affected rural areas more than the
urban areas.

Regarding secondary school,

drop-out rates have increased at the intermediate and preparatory levels of educa
tion (ages 12-17, and levels 1-6). The number of boys enrolled at the third inter
mediate level in 1997-98 was only 68% of those who enrolled at the first
intermediate level.

Regarding literacy campaigns,

there has been a sharp decline in adult female literacy rates since the mid 1980s,
from 87% in 1985 to 49% in 1990 and 45% in 1995.

Regarding school buildings, facilities and teaching materials,

in most primary schools, the school day has been shortened to cater for two and
sometimes three shifts of children a day. There are severe shortages of basic school
supplies, classroom furniture, textbooks and teaching aids. Estimates provided by
the Ministry of Education indicate that schools lack approximately 500,000 teach
ing aid units, 2 million desks and 15,000 computers. The Ministry also adds that
they used to distribute a wide range of stationery items free of charge (i.e., 15 mil
lion pencils, 2 million erasers, 5 million geometry sets, etc.), but these are no
longer being distributed.

Regarding the teaching profession, some teachers,

unable to cope with high costs in the face of shrinking real incomes, have resorted
to providing extra lessons to those who can afford them. Other teachers took on a
second or even third job, while others simply abandoned teaching to engage in
'other income-generating activities'.

Finally,

the curriculum has remained basically unchanged for 20 years.

Appalling as this data may appear, they have to be compared to that of the
pre-sanctions years in order to get a complete picture of the sharp decline of
the Iraqi education system in the last 13 years. This can be seen through
data provided by specialised international agencies. In early 1999, the
agencies of the United Nations working in Iraq prepared reports on the situ
ation for the Security Council's Humanitarian Panel. Studies were conducted
on the most important social sectors - health, population, poverty, and

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 The De-development of Education in Iraq 65

education - by the corresponding agencies: the World Health Organisation;

United Nations Development Programme; and UNESCO.
According to the UNESCO report, the school year 1995/96 witnessed a
visible decline in GER, specifically 91.7% at primary, 39% at intermediate
(12-14 age group), and 16% at preparatory level (15-17 age group). These
figures put Iraq behind the average GER for the Middle East for the years
1990-96 (62% for male and 51% for female children at secondary level,
97% for male and 83% for female children at primary level). For the years
1993-97 net enrolment was estimated at 88% for male and 80% for female
children for the same region (UNESCO 2000).
Concerning the basic education level of the population, the literacy rate
was estimated at 52% for the whole of Iraq in 1977. By 1987 the literacy
rate had increased to 80%. Iraq was internationally recognised for the
remarkable progress it had made in eradicating illiteracy. In 1995, however,
the rate of illiteracy was estimated at 42%, representing a major shift back
towards illiteracy. The illiteracy rate for women was estimated at 65% for
the same period, not far from the Middle Eastern average of 63%. The Iraqi
government estimated that illiteracy made a rapid comeback, at a rate of
about 5% every year since the imposition of the sanctions (UNESCO 2000)
Teacher-training did not escape the crisis. During the 1980s there was an
increase in the number of teacher-training institutes. This was deemed neces
sary to cater for an expanding education system. In 1990/91 a total of
32,002 students were enrolled at all grades, which represented a 12% increase
from 1986/87. Admissions for the same year revealed a 34% increase over
the same period, from 6,817 to 9,124. Students spent 5 years training after
intermediate and 2 years after preparatory secondary-school level before they
could qualify as teachers. However, the breakdown of the training system
brought an increase of the number of unqualified teachers (UNESCO 2000).
The provision of in-service training activities for teachers, supervisors,
educational specialists and administrators also suffered. During the school
year 1994/95, a total of 56,237 education staff from all pre-university levels
participated in courses and seminars. In the same school year, according to
figures provided by the Ministry of Education to the 45th session of the
International Conference on Education, the total number of teaching person
nel was 228,839, which means that less than a quarter of these received any
in-service training (Republic of Iraq, Ministry of Education 1996).
It has been argued that Resolution 986 ("Oil for Food"), introduced in
1995, was aimed at alleviating the living conditions of the Iraqi people, their
education included. Whether or not that was the aim, the fact remains
(UNESCO 2003) that

during the 1990s the educational system in the Centre/South - under the control
of the government of Iraq - deteriorated to a great extent despite the provision of
some basic educational supplies through the Oil for Food Programme. Meanwhile,
in Northern Iraq - under the control of foreign forces - rehabilitation and

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
66 Agust?n Velloso de Santisteban

reconstruction programmes implemented by United Nations agencies, including

UNESCO, succeeded in alleviating the critical condition of the schools and institu
tions of higher education.

Although corruption among Iraqi officials undoubtedly hindered the opera

tion of the Oil for Food Programme, only the lifting of the sanctions could
really alleviate the living conditions of the population.

Educational and national collapse

Sanctions did not just affect the education system. They affected all aspects
of Iraqi life: infrastructure, employment, health, and the social fabric. Natu
rally, the general national decline had a profound effect on the lives of stu
dents and teachers.
The educational community - pupils, teachers, parents and administrators -
has been overwhelmed by events and has been living under highly stressed
conditions for years. For over two decades Iraq has been in a continuous
state of war - first against Iran in the 1980s, and since then against the inter
national coalitions of 1991 and 2003. Because of the dire social conditions
existing at present and the lack of hope for any immediate improvement, the
population lives in a state of permanent crisis. Schools simply reflect the pre
vailing social atmosphere.
Regarding the cumulative effects of sustained deprivation on the psycho
social cohesion of the Iraqi population, the Panel on the Humanitarian Situ
ation in Iraq, established by the President of the Security Council on 30
January 1999 (S/1999/100), reported the following: increase in juvenile delin
quency, begging and prostitution; anxiety about the future and lack of moti
vation; a rising sense of isolation bred by absence of contact with the outside
world; the development of a parallel economy replete with profiteering and
criminality; cultural and scientific impoverishment; and disruption of family
life.
Iraq is in a state of general collapse, however, not just educational. No
other social sector can come to the rescue of the education system, because
what has been said about the education sector can be said of every other sec
tor. This has also been noted by the Panel. According to its assessment
already in 1999 (United Nations 1999b), there is

a continuing degradation of the Iraqi economy with an acute deterioration in the

living conditions of the Iraqi population and severe strains on its social fabric. As
summarized by the UNDP field office, 'the country has experienced a shift from
relative affluence to massive poverty'. In marked contrast to the prevailing situa
tion prior to the events of 1990/91, the infant mortality rates in Iraq today are
among the highest in the world, and low infant birth weight affects at least 23%
of all births. Chronic malnutrition affects every fourth child under five years of
age, only 41% of the population have regular access to clean water, 83% of all

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 The De-development of Education in Iraq 67

schools need substantial repairs. The International Committee of the Red Cross
states that the Iraqi health-care system is today in a decrepit state.

Thus, there is ample reliable documentation of the negative changes Iraq

has undergone since sanctions were imposed in August 1990 (The Economist
1998; UNICEF 1998; United Nations 1999a). These changes can be con
trasted with the notable improvements made in the two previous decades,
the 1970s and 1980s. The authors of a recent study on childhood mortality
during the sanctions era (Ali and Shah 2000) explain this dramatic turn of
events:

During the past 20 years Iraq has witnessed spectacular social and economic devel
opment, followed by a dramatic decline. The per-capita gross domestic product
(GDP), for example, was estimated at US-$ 3,510 in 1989, but only US-$ 450 in
1996. Before 1991, much progress had been made in building roads and infrastruc
ture as well as improving human skills by expansion of education and advanced
training. During the same period, healthcare reached about 97% of the urban and
79% of rural population. The country had a well-developed water and sanitation
system and 90% of the population was estimated to have access to safe drinking
water.

A widely accepted indicator of the level of development acquired by a

country is the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human
Development Index, which measures national achievements in health, educa
tion, and per-capita GDP. The steady improvements made in all sectors
came to a halt in 1990. In 1990, following the war with Iran (1980-1988),
Iraq was ranked 50th out of 130 countries on the Human Development
Index. Five years later, in 1995, the country had slipped to 106th out of 174
countries. On the 2000 Index, Iraq was ranked 126th, which means that it
was approaching the bottom of the same category (United Nations Develop
ment Programme 2003).
While considering the situation in Iraq in relation to sanctions, and partic
ularly the situation of its education system, it must be stressed that, in the
words of the Panel commissioned by the Security Council (United Nations
1999b), "the Iraqi people would not be undergoing such deprivations in the
absence of the prolonged measures imposed by the Security Council and the
effects of war."

The Coalition Provisional Authority

Resolution 1483 of 22 May 2003 put an end to the sanctions against Iraq.
Also in May 2003, without any separate resolution, Iraq came under foreign
occupation. The Coalition Provisional Authority took control of the
country, including its education system. Consistent with the reality of exter
nal control, UNESCO (2003) expressed the hope that "external partners will
play a vital supporting role. However, their actions must be based upon the

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
68 Agust?n Velloso de Santisteban

principle of national ownership." Whatever the policies and aims of the

Authority regarding the future of the country, international law and interna
tional norms consistently support national ownership of education placing
responsibility for education management and development in the hands of
the Iraqi people.
The Authority abolished the national education curriculum by a decree of
7 July 2003. This took place shortly after the United Nations Security Coun
cil agreed on 27 June 2003 to fund a programme for revising and rewriting
school curricula. A team of Authority-appointed Iraqi educators, supervised
by international personnel, has started to revise textbooks. However, it is
doubtful, both legally and materially, that this will lead to a new national
curriculum. According to the Office of the United Nations Humanitarian
Coordinator for Iraq (2003), the task of rebuilding Iraqi education to an
internationally satisfactory level will take many years and great resources,
even as "it must be up to the Iraqis themselves to set the attainment targets
for this work and decide structure and contents of their future education
system".
The Coalition Provisional Authority's first actions in relation to education
were to remove pictures of the former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein from
school buildings and his statements from text-books, and more significantly
to remove all content influenced by Baathist ideology. Furthermore, school
heads, faculty deans and Ministry of Education officials with links to the
Baath party have been dismissed. Contracts have been signed with non-Iraqi
firms and agencies for advice, management and reconstruction of the educa
tion system.
Around six million Iraqi students went back to school on the 1st of Octo
ber 2003. At the end of the month, however, the Coalition Provisional
Authority ordered the schools to close again. Ongoing instability has dra
matically hindered the normal operation of schools and educational activi
ties. The system has suffered as a result of widespread violence, power cuts
and lack of appropriate teaching conditions in many education centres.
Because of this, families feel insecure about sending children to schools.
Lack of economic resources and psychological distress are also a hindrance
to educational progress.
The International Crisis Group (Watenpaugh et al. 2003) has reported
that

Baghdad is a city in distress, chaos and ferment. It is on issues that concern its cit
izens the most that the occupying forces have done least, and anger is palpable on
the ground. Electricity, for example, has only just begun to be available for longer
periods, and its supply is still unreliable. Time-consuming queues at gasoline sta
tions and a pervasive sense of insecurity remain particularly aggravating for a pop
ulation that has seen its government buildings and national institutions stripped
bare, vandalised and in some cases destroyed in a frenzy involving a combination
of looters and (apparently) saboteurs. Baghdadis move about gingerly when they
can or, more likely, stay home waiting for a degree of normalcy to return, all the

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 The De-development of Education in Iraq 69

while complaining about their situation or exchanging horror stories about the lat
est killings, rapes, carjacks and robberies that take place in their neighbourhood
due to widespread violence.

The general economic and social situation in Iraq did not significantly
improve in the year after the Coalition Provisional Authority took control of
the country. At the same time, the security situation continued to deteriorate
and extreme violence remained widespread and unabated. Because of such
instability, actions remained event-driven, and it has been impossible to
re-institute a viable education community capable of fulfilling its mandate.

Conclusion

With regard to the effects of sanctions on the education system, it must be

said that qualitative damage is far more difficult to assess than quantitative
damage, and in some respects it can only be assessed over a longer period.
However, there is sufficient information currently available to argue that the
sanctions policy not only reversed previous educational achievements but
rendered the Iraqi education system unable to serve the population. The
introduction of some changes in that policy, such as the Oil for Food Pro
gramme, did not noticeably diminish the damage.
Clearly the impact of the sanctions will affect future generations of school
children and university students. They will inherit a seriously impaired edu
cational system. In addition, other social structures also affected by the sanc
tions are in a similarly decrepit state. The education system - indeed, the
whole country - has been de-developed through thirteen years of sanctions,
as has been demonstrated by the UNDP's Index of Human Development
and the reports of other international agencies.
The stated aim of United Nations Security Council Resolution 661 was
"to bring the invasion and occupation of Kuwait by Iraq to an end and to
restore the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Kuwait"
and to ensure "the maintenance of international peace and security". How
ever, it also achieved the de-development of all Iraqi social systems, includ
ing education. The imposition of sanctions is a radical policy that is rarely
implemented. Imposition of severe sanctions, as the Iraqi case reveals, causes
enormous damage which ought to be carefully balanced against any political
aims well beforehand.
In order for Iraq to resume development, abundant international help must
be made available appropriate to the extent of the de-development. The desola
tion of the education system is not the country's only problem by any means.
The reconstruction of the education system, together with that of the country
as a whole, should, as international law requires and history teaches, be in the
hands of the Iraqis themselves. Confusion about the legality of the Coalition's
actions and measures in Iraq and continuing instability and widespread
violence do not work in favour of the reconstruction process.

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 70 Agust?n Velloso de Santisteban

References

Ali, Mohamed M., and Shah, Iqbal H. 2000. Sanctions and Childhood Mortality in
Iraq. The Lancet 355 (9218): 1851-1857.
Burghardt, Jutta. 2001. The Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, the Humanitarian Pro
gram 'Oil for Food', and Human Rights. Available at: http://www.nodo50.org/csca/
english/petxalim-ddhh-eng.html, accessed 22 May 2004.
The Economist. 1998. Iraq Country Profile. London: The Economist Intelligence Unit.
Republic of Iraq. 1990. Constitution. Baghdad: Government of Iraq.
Republic of Iraq, Ministry of Education. 1996. Development of Education in Iraq
1993j 1994-1994j 1995. A Report Submitted to the 45th Session of the International
Conference on Education. Geneva, 1996. Available at: http://www.ibe.unesco.org/
International/Databanks/Dossiers/riraq.htm, accessed 22 May 2004.
-. 2000. Education for All. Assessment for Year (2000). Available at: http://
www2.unesco.org/wef/countryreports/iraq/contents.html, accessed 22 May 2004.
Republic of Iraq, UNICEF. 2000. Joint Government of Iraq-UNICEF. Programme
Review, 1990-2000, Sector Review Report: Education. Mimeograph. Baghdad: Minis
try of Education.
UNESCO. 2003. Situation Analysis of Education in Iraq. Available at: http://unesdoc.
unesco.org/images/0013/001308/130838e.pdf, accessed 22 May 2004.
UNESCO International Bureau of Education. 2000. World Data on Education. Iraq.
Available at: http://www.ibe.unesco.org/International/ICE/natrap/Iraq.pdf, accessed
22 May 2004.
-. 2001. The Development of Education. National Report of Iraq. Available at:
http://www.ibe.unesco.org/International/ICE/natrap/Iraq.pdf, accessed 22 May 2004.
UNICEF. 1998. Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Iraq. Baghdad:
UNICEF Iraq.
-. 2002. Iraq Situation Analysis. Available at: http://www.unicef.org/media/pub
lications/iraqsitan2002education.txt, accessed 19 December 2003.
United Nations. 1999a. Special Topics on Social Conditions in Iraq. An Overview Sub
mitted by the UN System to the Security Council Panel on Humanitarian Issues. Avail
able at: http://www.cam.ac.uk/societies/casi/info/undocs/spec-top.html, accessed 22
May 2004.
-. 1999b. Report of the Second Panel Established Pursuant to the Note by the Presi
dent of the Security Council of 30 January 1999 (Sj 19991100), Concerning the Current
Humanitarian Situation in Iraq. Available at: http://www.cam.ac.uk/societies/ casi/info/
panelrep.html, accessed 22 May 2004.
-. 2004. Use of Sanctions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Iraq. Avail
able at: http://www.un.org/News/ossg/iraq.htm, accessed 22 May 2004.
United Nations Development Programme. 2003. Human Development Report. Avail
able at: http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2003, accessed 22 May 2004.
United Nations Office of the Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq. 2003. Background
Paper: Education in Iraq. Available at: http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/0/
a0f63c8109a4bac7cl256d280032a979?OpenDocument, accessed 22 May 2004.

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 The De-development of Education in Iraq 71

Watenpaugh, Keith, et al. 2003. Opening the Doors: Intellectual Life and Academic
Conditions in Post-War Baghdad, A Report of the Iraqi Observatory. Available at:
http://www.lemoyne.edu/global_studies/opening_the_doors.pdf, accessed 19 December
2003.

The author

Agust?n Velloso de Santisteban received his Ph.D. in Education from the Uni
versidad Nacional de Educaci?n a Distancia, Madrid, Spain, where he is a
lecturer in Comparative Education. He specialises in education in Palestine
and education for refugees. He has been Visiting Fellow at London Univer
sity, Reading University and Stanford University.
Contact address: UNED-Facultad de Educaci?n, Dpto. H. de la Educa
ci?n y Educaci?n Comparada, Paseo Senda del Rey, n? 7, 28040 Madrid,
Spain. E-mail: avelloso@edu.uned.es.

This content downloaded from 152.74.16.171 on Mon, 11 Dec 2017 22:30:01 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms