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Chapter II

Socio-Economic Life under Cōḻa Women

The Cōḻas had well organized social structure. The picture of the society
depicted in inscriptions and ulā literature present copious picture of the society and
status of women. The society that the ulās portray was of cosmopolitan nature and
was an amalgamation of various groups. The ulās mention Pēraracar (the
Emperor) Peṇ-cakravarti (the Empress). The Emperor was the head of the society.
He lived in a vast and spacious palace called Kōyil (palace or temple). The chief
queen was designated as Peṇ-cakravarti and she lived in the harem, Antappuram1
(harem). The king and the queen, along with the matimantrappalakar, the
mantalikar, the maṟaiyōr (Brāhmaṇa, experts in Vedas), the Mangalap-patagar,
the Magatar, the putar and the Nūlōr (Brāhmaṇas) seemed to have formed the
upper strata of the society. The womenfolk commanded a due place in the society
and treated in a dignified way. The caste and sub-caste systems never affected their
status, albeit few ups and downs.

Seven stage women (Eḻu paruva makaḷir)


The ulas talk of the Eḻu-Paruvams or seven stages of women from their
childhood to ripe old age. Lot of controversy prevails regarding the identification of
these women. The commentator Nacciṉārkkiṉiyar identifies the eḻu paruva makaḷir
with harlots.2

Seven Stages of Women


The Eḻu paruva makaḷir and those stages are the following:
1) Pētai Stage (innocent child) from the age 5 to 7 (3 years)
2) Petumpai Stage (young girl) 8 to 11 (4 years)
3) Maṅkai Stage (adolescent) 12 and 13 (2 years)

1
Vikramacōḻanulā (V-ula), K. 37.
2
Tolkāppiyam, Puṟattiṇaiyiyal, Sūtra 30, commentary.

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4) Maṭantai Stage (nubile girl) 14 to 19 (6 years)
5) Arivai Stage (Maiden) 20 to 25 (6 years)
6) Terivai Stage (womanhood) 26 to 32 (7 years)
7) Pēriḷampeṇ Stage (more matured woman) 32 to 40 (9years)

There were different kinds of activities in their life style in tandem with their
ages. It goes from playing toy, making and ball playing and at the last stage
committing Satī. Moreover there was one special category in the womensfold and it
was called as ‘Royal women’. This category is purely of the ruling class. This
prompted many commen-tators to identify the eḻu paruva makaḷir with harlots.
Inscriptions reveal the Cōḻa rulers enslaved women including queens and princess
as prisoners of war from far away countries and settled them in separate quarters in
cities like Tañcāvūr, Kaṅkaikoṇṭacōḻapuram and Pukār. These settlements were
known by the name Velams.3 In Irācaracacōḻaṉ ulā, the poet says that beautiful
women of diverse birth, who were descendants of the women, brought to the Cōḻa
country as war booty from various regions by victorious Cōḻa monarchs of the past,
assembled along with their relatives, in their respective areas assigned to them by
Royal order.4 Probably the eḻu paruva makaḷir of the ulā could be identified with
the descendants of the women settled in the Velams.

Royal Women
Women were not placed under any restraint in their social life and activities.
Women in the upper strata of the society enjoyed equal privileges with men. The
queen sat on the throne along with the king and had the right to issue royal orders.
She was recognized as Pen cakravarti and Antappurap perumāḷ, the empress. The
Queen went with the king during Nakar valams (city rounds) and hunting.5 The
place where the king and Queen lived was called as koyil, the muṟṟam (courtyard)

3
ARE, 1910, No.19.
4
Irācarācacōḻanulā: R.ula, 70-79.
5
Tamilnattu varalatru kulu, Taminattu varalaru Chola peruventhar kalam (Tamil) vol IV, Part II
(A.D.900-1300), Madras, 2000, pp. 96-97.

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was called koyilpuram and the private place where the Queen lived, was called as
‘Antappuram’ (Cinena). She took an active part in the coronation ceremony and
was crowned along with the king. She was praised as Aruntati, the embodiment of
Kaṟpu (chastity).

Women belonging to the upper strata of the society were accomplished in


music, both vocal and instrumental, and in the art of decoration and painting. The
abundant literary references to feminine games reveal the fact that women had
plenty of leisure hours at their disposal for swimming in the Kāviri. Water sports,
ball games, swing and the game of dice seemed to be their favorite passtime. They
patronized musicians and dancers like Pāṇar, Viraḷiyar, Poruṇar and Kūttar. These
were professional songsters and dancers who entertained others and got tips.

There existed the custom to have crowning the chief queen, the first wife of
the king if he had many wives. She sat along with the king and was empowered to
issue decrees. The queens had the liberal right to construct temples and institute
endowments. Cempiyaṉ Mahādevī (or Mātēvi) a queen of Gaṇḍrādiya constructed
new temples, renovated old temples and gave gold, bronze images and lamps.6 It is
known from inscriptions the two wives of the king Rājarāja I donated lands to the
temples. They are Vāṉavaṉ Mātēviyār, Lokamātevi alias Saktiviṭaṅki (for more
details see Chapter IV).

The Queens donated gold and constructed Āthūtlacālai (Dharmaśālā). It is


noted in an inscription that Kundavai, the younger sister of King Rājarāja I
generously donated for temples. She had constructed one Sundra Cōḻa-viṇṇakaram
at Tañcāvūr in memory of her father. Such temples were known as paḷḷippaṭai.
Rājarāja’s love and respect to his sisters and wives are clearly explicit in
inscriptions that call the elder sister Akkan7. Inscriptions note the words Tavvai 8,

6
K.T. Thirunavukarasu, Rajaraja-I (Tamil), Chennai,1977, p. 209.
7
ehk; vLgpj;j jpUfw;wsp rPwp uhruhNrR tuKilaahUf;F ehk; FLj;jdTk; mf;fd;
FLj;jdTk;…..jpUtha; nkhope;jUs ntl;bd.

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Taṅkalacci 9, and Taṅkaiyāṭciyār10. While renovating temples, the old inscriptions
found in temples were recopied.11 After renovation they carefully installed the
inscriptions on the walls of the temples. Thus they made notable contributions in
preserving the historical and cultural heritage of the Cōḻa country.

Faming and shining women


The names Cōḻa Queens were used for naming villages, Cheris, maṭha, tank,
channels and caturvedimaṅgalams. Cempiyaṉ Mātēvi, most reputed in the royal
family got a village named after as Cempiyaṉmātēvi.12 Vāṉavaṉmātēvi the chief
queen of Sundara Cōḻa. Parāntaka II established Vāṉavaṉmātēvi-
caturvedimaṅgalam, a bramadeya in Iṉṉamparnāḍu.13 Kuntavai, daughter of
Sundara Cōḻa Parāntaka II, commanded much respect from the royal family.
Iṭayāḻanāḍu, a sub-division of Aruḷmoḻideva-vaḷanāḍu, a bramadeya was known as
Kuntavai-caturvedimaṅgalam.14 A village in Kaṟampaināḍu, in Nittavinoda-
vaḷanāḍu was known as Kuntavainallūr.15 Rājarāja I named one of his daughters as
Kuntavai. In the name of his queen Vāṉavaṉmātevi the king founded a village
known as Vāṉamaṅkai and settled in it 4,000 brāhmaṇas. Other examples are
Cempiyaṉ-caturvedimaṅgalam’ and Cōḻakulavalli-caturvedimaṅgalam. Besides
these, Ulokamātēvipuram16 and Pañcavaṉmātevipuram are examples Cōḻa royal
women dedicated to the founation of cities in their names.

8 nghu;fsj; jQ;rpj; jd; fhu;f;fsp opope;J ft;itAe;


Nwhlf; fhjyp nahUe;jd; wt;it iag; gpbj;J
Kjyhk; ,uhjp uhrd; nka;f;fPu;j;jp tupfs;.
9 tpUjuh[ gaq;fu thz Nfhtiuau; jq;fshr;rp
Nrho Fy tpr;rhjpup aho;thu;f;F ]ig tpiyahf;.
10 jpUntz;fhL njtu;f;F = fz;lh uj;jpj;j njtu; njtp
ahu; = cj;jk Nrho jq;fahr;rpahu; guhe;j fkh
njtpauhd = nrk;kad; njtpahu.;
11
SII, Vol. III, No.210; ARE, 1922, No.16.
12
A.R.E., 1928-29, no. 129.
13
S.I.I., Vol. XIX, no. 328.
14
S.I.I., Vol. II, no.18.
15
Ibid., No.8.
16
Mai Chandrasekaran, Tanjai Mavatta ur peyarkal (Tamil), p.112.

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It is noted in an inscription that ‘Ōymā Nāḍu Taṉiyūr’ is Ulokamātēvipuram.
This place is near Kiḷiyānūr in Tiṇṭivaṉam Taluk. Today it is known by the same
name Ulogapuram (should be Ulakapuram “City of the World”).17 It is discerned
that Pañcavaṉ-mātēvipuram was named after one of the five crowned wives of
Rājēndra Cōḻa-I. The lands donated to the brāhmaṇas, who were well-versed in the
Caturvedas (four Vedas) were called as Caturvedimaṅgalam. These lands were tax-
free. The Cōḻa women donated such lands in their name. The following are some of
the caturvedimaṅgalams donated by Cōḻa queens. They bore the name-suffix of the
queens who donated these villages. They are Candralekai (Candralekai-
devaraḍiyar), Cempiyaṉmadevi-caturvedimaṅgalam, Cōḻakulavalli-
cadurvedimaṅgalam, Trailokyamātēvi and Vāṉavaṉmātēvi.18

Other than Royal Women


Women in the lowest strata of the society worked in the royal household and
in the houses of the wealthy. The ulās mention a coterie of foster-mothers who
were called paṟattayar. Similarly the ulās speak of a group of young girls who
were employed in the houses of the rich as foster-sisters and hand-maids. The ulas
mention yet another category of girls who worked as bodyguards and gate-keepers,
known as puraṅkākku mātar.19 They were supposed to keep a distance of Iruvilliṭai
(the distance of two bows, perhaps a lenier measurement) whenever they had to
address their land-ladies. The cowherds were known by the names kōviyar and
kōviyamātar. They reared the cattle and prepared dairy products like milk, curd,
butter and ghee. They continuously churned milk in tāḻi (pot) and their hands gave
the characteristics smell of the dairy products. Viṟaḷiyar and Paṉṉiyar were
ballerinas who entertined the women of the wealthy along with their husbands the
Pāṉar and Ceṉṉiyar.

17
R. Alavandham, Kalvetil Ur Peyarkal (Tamil), p.24 .
18
Ibid.
19
K.ula, k. 300.

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At times the viṟaḷi was employed as handmaid in the houses of the rich. The
kuṟattiyar, the women of the kuṟiñci land, who belonged to the hunters tribe were
expert in the art of soothsaying. The ulās mention a group maids-in-waiting, called
Pērāyam, who were employed in the bed-chamber of the king. These beautiful,
talented and alert maids were functioning as the women body-guards of the king.
Perhaps they could be identified with the Taṉicēvakam entourage of personal
attendants mentioned in the inscriptions.20 They seem to have constituted the king’s
urimaicuṟṟam.21

Injustice to Women
During the Caṅkam period a young girl was punished with death by the
chieftain called Naṉṉaṉ of Āṉamalai for the petty offence of plucking a mango
from the royal garden as it amounted to ‘theft of royal property’.22

Fine and imprisonment were the common punishments given for ordinary
offences. Heinous crimes were punished with decapitation or by being trampled to
death by an elephant23. Women were not excempted from such harsh punishments.
In some cases, women were treated cruelly and severe punishments were given to
them. During the reign Vikrama Cōḻa, Cōḻan Periyan, a shepherd pushed his wife
during domestic qurarrel, as a result of which she fell and died. The 1500 men of
the four quarters declared him guilty in their assembly and compelled him to
provide a lamp24 for ‘Tirutondriyalvārtirukkōyil’. In some places women were
punished for sexual misconduct.25

According to an inscription belonging to the time of Rājarāja in Jambai


village (Muṉaipāṭināvalūr), there was a merchant named Aṅkāṭi Porrāman and he

20
K.A.Nilakantasastri, op.cit, p.481.
21
Idem; ARE, 1907, no. 342; Ibid. 1928, no. 62.
22
Senthamizh selvi ponviḻā malar, Madras, 1977, p.32, Kuṟuntokai, 292.
23
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, History of South India, Madras, 1966, p.205.
24
A.R.E. 91 of 1906, V. Rangacharya, Vol I. p. 594.
25
K.K.Pillay, Studies in the History of India with special reference to Tamilnadu, Madras, 1979, p.360.

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had one ‘Pōkiyār’ woman named Cīmadeviperri. She was attempted to be raped by
a man named Piraticīralan from Nāvalūr. Knowing this, the woman’s husband
murdered the culprit. It was surely, the offence of murder. But it was not
considered so seriously and the husband was asked to pay ten kalañcu of gold as
taṇṭam (fine) for lighting the perpetual lamp in Tirutāntonri Āḻvār Tirukkōyil.26 At
Jambai, in another inscription a woman who lived during the period of Rājarāja II
was insisted to pay tax by the ‘Village tanduvan thandalar’. She refused to pay
saying that she was not liable to do so. At this juncture the Tanduvan scolded her in
obscene language. Failing to bear the brunt of this insult and torture she committed
suicide by consuming poison.27

On hearing the case, the Village Justice Panyadar Kūṭṭa Perumakkaḷ


delivered the judgement that he was the sole cause for her death and he had to pay
32 kasus to lit the lamp in ‘Tirutontri Mahadevan Ālayam’ in Jambai. In the period
of Vikrama Cōḻa “the 100” tortured his wife and pushed her down. She was fatally
injuried and died. The judgement given to him by ‘Nānādeśa Desai Āyitattaintu
Naṭuvar Avai’ was that the culprit pay for nivetam to lit the
‘Tirutondrialvartirukkōyil’. An inscription from Pananganallur avers one man spent
all dowries prodigally and insisted his wife to bring added-dowry or land equal to
her first dowry. Minor punishments were given to men for their crimes. These
suggest the inferior status of women in the society.

Marriage
There are stray references about the institutions of marriage in the ulās.
Vatuvai or Maṇam meant marriage. Maṇavāḷaṉ was the bridegroom. The
bridegroom who sought the hand of the wife had to pay a price (paricam as it is

ARE., of 1904, No.499., Jambai – V.Rangacharya, A Topographical list of inscription of Madras


Presidency (collection till 1915), vol I, vol II and III, New Delhi, 1985, p.583.
27
ARE., of 1925, No.409; Ibid. of 1925,No.276; SII, vol IV, No.558.

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called in some parts of Tamilnadu today) for the bride. This price was called
Vatuvai Mulai Vilai.28 It was fixed by the elders of the community.

Dowry System
The society by and large followed the policy of one man and one wife. The
inscriptions mention that polygamy was practiced by the king and king’s family.
Royal Marriages were political affairs and to establish good relations between the
neighbours marriage alliances were concluded. Rājarāja I had a number of wives.
The inscription mentioned women had the right to property. At the marriage time
father was paying for his daughter in the form of land and jewels. This dowry was
not sold by husband or wife and but had right to sell jointly.29 For example King
Gaṇḍarāditya (950-957) had two wives namely ‘Vīra Nāraṇi’ and the noble women
‘Cempiyaṉ Mahādevī’.30 Arunjaya Cōḻa was the prince during 956-957 and he had
four wives namely ‘Viman Kuntavai’ (the daughter of the Eastern Chalukya king),
‘Ādittan Kotai Pirāṭṭi’ (the daughter of Cēra), 31 ‘Kalyani’ (the daughter of
Vaidumba Rāya) as mentioned Anpil Copper Plates,32 ‘Pūti Āttia Piṭāri’ (the
daughter of the king Kurunilamannar, minor chief) Pūti Vikkirava Keśari alias
Teṉṉavaṉ Iḷaṅkōvēl). The inscription mentions Akaralarayar33; a custom that if the
husband sold his wife’s dowry, he gave his land to his wife to equalize the dowry
he sold. The wife also had the right to her husband’s property. 34

Polygamy

28
V.ula, K-14, K.ula, K-20, R.ula, K-18, S.ula, K-14.
29
A.Swamynathan, Some Epigraphical gleaning on dowry system during the Chola period, Visveshvara
Nanda Indoogical Journal, Punjab Univeristy, 1981, Swamynathan, Cholar kala varalaru, p. 21.
30
Tamilnadu Varalatru Kulu, op.cit, 1988, p.101, A.R.E., 1938, No.448.
31
K.A.Nilakanda Sastri, op.cit., pt I, p.183-84.
32
E. I., XV, No.5.
33
Mz;gps;is ,y;yhj ,y;yq;fspy; mf;FLk;gj;jpdu; Mw;w Ntz;ba flikfis
nra;Ak; cupik mf;FLk;gg; ngz;fSf;F cz;L vd nghyp Cl;Lk; ngz; topAk; tUk; vd;W epr;repj;jikapy;
rigNahu; jPu;g;G toq;fpa nra;jpfSk; fy;ntl;Lfspy; ,lk;ngw;Ws;sd. muRf;Fr; nrYj;j Ntz;ba tupfis
nrYj;jhky; ,we;Jtpl;l xUtDila nrhj;Jf;fs; mtd; kidtpaplkpUe;J gwpf;fg;gl;L tupfSf;F <lhf tpw;fg;gl;ld
vd;gd Nghd;w nra;jpfs; fy;ntl;Lfspy; ,lk; ngw;Ws;sd.
34
ARE., of 1927, No.323; Ibid. of 1914,No’s.121,194; Ibid. of 1920, No.553.

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The King had many wives. Sundara (Parantakan II 957-970) had two wives;
Parantakan Deviamman and the daughter of Cēra king Malaiyaman, Vanavan
Madevi. Inscriptions mentions it.35 An inscription belonging to Cempiyan Matevi,
mentions that King Uttama Cōḻa (970-985) had many wives. The names of five
wives are mentioned in a single inscription. They are Pattan Talatunki ‘Malapadi
Tennavan Madevi’, ‘Vanavan Madevi’ (the daughter of the Irukkuvēlar), ‘Kilan
Aṭigal’ (the daughter of the Viluppariyar)36 and one Paḻuvēṭṭaraiyar’s daughter. The
first wife Tirubhuvana Madeviyār was the Chief Queen. Pancavan Madevi, Sonna
Madevi and Aruran Ampalattaṭikaḷ were also his wives.37

Rajaraja I (985-1014) had number of wives. Loka-madevi38 appears to have


occupied the most prominent place among them. She had the other names like
‘Tanti Sakti Viṭaṅki’. Besides, his other wives were ‘Cōḻa Madevi’,39 Traikolya
Madevi’,40‘Pañcavan Madevi’,41 ‘Abhimānavalli’,42 ‘Lada Madevi’,43 ‘Prithvi
Madevi’,44 ‘Mīnavan Madevi’,45 ‘Vīra Narayani’,46 ‘Villavan Madevi’,47 ‘Vanavan
Madevi’ alias Tribhuvanasundari’48 and so on. Rājēndra I (1012-46) had numerous
wives. The following queens’ figure in inscriptions: Mukkokilan Adikal,49
Arintavan Madevi,50 Vanavan Madeviyar alias Tribhuvana Madeviyar, 51 Vira
Madeviyar,52 Pañcavan Madeviyar53 and it is unknown who was the crowned

35
SII., vol V. no.723, “nghd; khspif JQ;rpd Njtu; Njtpahu; Nrukhdhu; khdhu; guhe;jfd;
fz; Njtpak;kdhu;”.
36
M.S. Govindasamy, Cholar Varalaru, 1997, p. 38.
37
T.V.Sadasiva Pandarathar, Pirkala Cholar Varalaru, Part I, 1949, p.57.
38
Ibid. p.126.
39
SII., vol.II, No’s.42 and 46. M.Govindasamy, Pirkala cholar varalaru, 1997,p.46.
40
Ibid. No.48, R. Venketraman, Tamil Epigraphy, p.110.
41
Ibid. No’s. 51 and 53.
42
Ibid. No.44.
43
Ibid. No.467 and 472.
44
Ibid. No’s 80 and 82.
45
ARE., of 1908, No.301.
46
SII, vol. V.No.975.
47
Ibid. No.981.
48
Ibid. No.982.
49
ARE., of 1921, No.73 .
50
Ins., 632 of 1909.
51
SII.,Vol, V.No.639.
52
ARE., of 1915, No.260.
53
ARE., of 1913, No.464 .

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Queen. It might have been Vira Madeviyar who performed satī at the king’s
death.54 Rājadhirāja (1018-1054) had the crowned Queen, Tirilokkiyam Uṭaiyāḷ.55
There is another name Ulakuṭai Pirāṭṭi.56 It has been mentioned in Kanyakumari
inscriptions. But it is not known whether the two are one and the same.
Vīrarājēndra (1063-1070) had his crowned wife and she was Ulaku Muḻutuṭaiyāḷ.

Satī
There is considerable evidence to the prevalence of satī in ancient
Tamilnadu. The Tolkāppiyam mentions a tinai called kāñci, the theme of which, is
the impermanance of life. It has a subdivision under the caption Pālai nilai (State
of deprivation) which deals with the glories of satī. Commentator Iḷampūraṇar cites
a verse of Puṟaṉānūṟu in support of Pālai nilai. In it Kōperuntēvi, wife of
Pūtappaṇḍiyaṉ who conquered Ollaiyūr, addresses the men who tried to stop her
from performing satī. In her address, she expresses great contempt for the women
who refuse to perform satī and chose to live in widowed state.57 It could be learnt
from this poem that the practice of satī was encouraged and the women who
performed satī were held in high esteem.

The institution of self-immolation was found practiced among a section of


people in South India.58 The general meaning of the word satī is wife. The name of
Parvatī, the wife of Śiva, in her previous form as the daughter of Dakṣa is Satīdevī.
She became angry with her father, Dakṣa, because he had failed to invite Śiva for a
sacrifice. So, she jumped into the sacrificial fire in the presence of the assembled
celestials, thereby proving herself as the faithful wife. But subsequently, the term

54
M.Rasamanickanar, CholarVaralaru, p.236.
55
ARE., of 1918, No.446.
56
Travancore Archaelogical Series, Vol., pp.162-163.
57
Purananuru, 240.
58
T.V.Mahalingam, Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar, Part II, p. 35.

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was applied to those women who ended their lives in flames along with the bodies
of their dead husbands.59

There is a reference of satī in Kampaṉ’s great epic Rāmāyaṇam. He says


60,000 wives of king Daśaratha with the exceptions of Kosalā, Kaikeyī and Sumitrā
threw themselves into fire and died. It is important to note that this incident does
not figure in Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa.60 That poet Kampaṉ might have thought of satī
that prevailed in his times which fall in the Cōḻa Age.
Satī or the self-immolation of a woman on the funeral pyre of her husband is
occasionally mentioned in the inscriptions, but the references are so few.
Gaṅgamādeviyār, the wife of Viracōḻa Iḷaṅkōvar, endowed a lamp before she
entered the funeral fire of her husband. This invident might have took place during
the regin of Parāntaka I. The Tiruvālaṅkāḍu plates mention the case of Vanavan-
Mahadevi, the queen of Sundara Cōḻa, who committed satī on the death of her
husband.61 In 13th century Marco Polo visited South India and his records prove the
fact that satī was practiced in Cōḻa country. 62 The language of these inscriptions,
together with the absence of any other instance of a Cōḻa queen practicing satī,
shows that the action of Vanavan-mahadevi was indeed applauded, but not often
imitated. Three instances of women from among the nobility and the common folk
committing satī come from Mysore country. In 1057, a man killed a relative of the
king in a wrestling contest, and was sentenced to death; his wife, Dekabbe, the
daughter of a Chieftain of Nunganad, followed him in spite of violent opposition
from her parents, and the whole story is recorded in the form of a pathetic Kannaḍa
poem in kāvya style.63

Satī Stones (Catikkal)

59
R.K.Saxena, Social Reforms – Infanticide and Sati, p. 57.
60
A.S, Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 121.
61
ARE., of 1902, No.236.
62
K.K.Pillai, Thenindiya varalaru (first part) p.200.
63
ARE, of 1898, No.141, EC. N, Hg, 18; EI, VI, pp.213-9.

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Stones were erected in memory of Satī committed by women. One for
Gangammadevi64 was erected by Vīracōḻa Ilanko Vēlār, Koḍumpālūr. For
Vanamadevi65 there was Catikkal and this is known by the icons in the Big Temple.
For Vīramadevi66 there was one Satikkal known through a trust established in her
memory. Three Jambai Sati stones in the Cōḻa period are there the husband who
killed a womeniser. The Jambai women committed suicide consuming country
poison and the women met death of by Jambai’s knife (mupths)67.

Hero Stones (Kāttapura Paṭṭi Naṭukal)


There is one Naṭukal at Kāttapurapaṭṭi near Palakōde in Dharmapuri District.
People there worship the hero-stone, naming it Kundūrappan-kōyil and
Kundūrappan is regarded as ‘Muniyāṇḍi’. The Naṭukal on its back section has the
reasons for its erection inscribed.68 It is brought to light that there was one
Camaṇappaḷḷi (Jain monastery) and a mendicant died of continous fasting. Another
Naṭukal is available in Cantaipēṭṭai, Dharmapuri having stone relief of two faces of
women. They are supposed to be Jain women ascetics and these two, perhaps died
due to fasting.69

Widowhood
A stray note in Vikkiramacōḻaṉ-ulā states that the wives of the enemy kings
who were killed in the battles removed their ear-rings. Perhaps in addition to
bangles and other ornaments, the widows had to remove their ear-rings also. The
widow had to lead a life of misery or accept death, either by a suicide or by
austerity. Widowhood imposed not merely emotional hardships, but signs
64
ARE, of 1903, No.376.
65
Ibid. of 1917, No.287, Ibid. of 1918, No.47.
66
S.Krishnamoorthy, Nadukargal, p.303, 2004.
67
Ibid. p.428.
68
`NsGuk; jUkGup khtl;lk; nghd;dhfuk; tl;lj;jpy; cs;sJ. ,q;F cOk;NghJ capu;tpl;l tPuDf;F vLf;fg;gl;l
eLfy; cs;sJ. ,jpy; tPuDld; tPudpd; kidtpAk;> ehAk; ,we;j khjpupahd cUtk; nghwpf;fg;gl;Ls;sJ.
69
];t];jp= ,uh[ Nfrup cilahuhd = ,uh[hjp ,uh[
Njtw;F ahz;L ,Ugj; NjohtJ epfupy; Nrho kz;lyj;J
jf^u; ehl;L jq;fehl;L gid Fdj;Jg; gs;spiar; rhu;e;tp];t
fhKz;ld; kfd;> Gypa fhKz;ld; cz;h Nehd;G Nehw;W gl;l ehl;l fy;.

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indicative of loss of status by the removal of ornaments and tāli.70 The widow had
to discard all ornaments including the tāli and bangles which were the distinctive
symbols of the married woman. The widows were called Kalikāla Makaḷir by
reasons of their discarding their ornaments.71 The Cilappatikāram states Mātavi
resorted to tonsure as soon as she heard of Kōvalaṉ’s death. Cempiyaṉ Mahādevī,
widowed early in youth led a dedicated life, for about sixty years. She spent all her
wealth and energy in public service such as building several temples.

A woman was treated as a widow on the third day after the death of her
husband and was expected to lead a simple and austere life72 and the tāli was
removed from her neck by the near female relative. Among the brāhmaṇas and few
other high castes, it was customary for widows to tonsure and had to wear white
garments and also bring the end of their saris over their tonsured heads and not to
marry a second time.73 The condition of widows became more deplorable. A widow
was regarded with contempt and reproach to the family. To a women life was
worthwhile only when the husband was alive. The widows lived a life of kaimai,
the condition of being reduced to solitude, and a woman so bereaved was a
kaimpeṇ.74

Slavery
Slavery existed in the Cōḻa kingdom. Inscriptions and literature prove the
existence of slavery. There is no consensus of opinion among historians how the
system worked. The Hindu smritis speak of 15 classes of slaves.75 Men and women
were taken slaves for various reasons. There were several grades among slaves.
Most of the slaves recorded in the inscriptions are sale of human beings to

70
R. Rajalakshmi, Tamil Polity, Madurai, 1983, p. 182.
71
K.K. Pillay, op.cit., p. 394.
72
Jaya Selva Doss, Social Divisions in padai vidu Rajyam in Medieval Tamilnadu in A.Chandrasekaran
and P.Govinda Reddy (Edi), Some aspects in the History of Tamilnadu, A study on Socio-political
cultural spheres, series II, Chennai, 1999, p.126.
73
Simon Caiso Chetty, The Customs, Manners and literature of the Tamils, p.122.
74
K.N.Singh, Religion and Society, Lucknow, p.180.
75
A.B.Pandey, Society and Government in Medieval India, Central Book Dept, Allahabad, p.201.

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temples.76 The temples held three kinds of slaves: i) Women dedicated temple
service called devaraḍiyars (devadāsīs), ii) Persons gifted to temples, and iii) Self–
sold slaves. Apad from temples, the maṭhas and the palaces owned slaves, called
aṭimai. The slaves of the maṭhas were known as maṭha aṭimaikaḷ and they were
engaged in the cultivation of lands which belonged to the maṭhas.77 Both male and
female slaves reared cattle, did carpentary, maintained flower gardens and
cultivated lands attached to temples. Absconding slaves were ordered to be
recovered and put to work again.78

Land slaves
Men and women sold themselves to nobles, temples and maṭhas (monastic
ouses) and served them toiling and moiling. Acute famines and droughts (pañcam)
compelled them to become slaves. Moreover, the traditional family slave system
prevailed without any break. The Periyapurāṇam details the traditional slave
system in the Cuntaramūrtti Nāyaṉār Purāṇam. When a person happened to sell
his land he sold it along with his servants. These servants became the slaves of new
landlords.79

During the period of Cholas there were two types of slaves. One is those
who had sold themselves due to utter poverty. The second is the family lineage
without any time of break.80 The stone inscription in Achutamaṅkam by Rājarāja III
(early 13 th century) records that a stonesmith, his wife and his four children were
bought by the Maṭha in that place. Another stone inscription of the same king notes
women brought by the Maṭha in Tiruvēkampam as slaves. A stone inscription in
Tiruvoṟṟiyūr says one Vayalūr Kizhavan Tiruvēkampam Uṭaiyān

76
K.A.Nilakanda Sastri op.cit p.555.
77
S.Manickam, Slavery in the Tamil country, A Historical overview, Madras, 1982, p.35.
78
A.R.E., 94 of 1926.
79
E. Ramakritinan, Tamilaga varalarum Tamilar panpadum, p. 197.
Mioik Xiy vOj topj;Njhd;wy;fisf; $lg;gpwu;f;F tpw;Fk; tof;fk; ,Ue;jik gw;wpg; ngupa Guhzk;
Fwpg;gpLfpwJ. ahNjDk; fhuzk; Fwpg;gpl;l xUtuJ epyq;fs; gwpKjy; nra;ag;gLk; nghOJ mtuJ
gzpahl;fSk; gwpKjy; nra;ag;gl;ljhf fy;ntl;Lfspy; nra;jpfs; cs;sd.
80
ARE., of 1911, No.86.

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Centāmaraikaṇṇan alias Vayiratariyan donated his five daughters as permanent
slaves for Nerkuru Sālai.81 A considerable element of the population, especially the
agricultural serfs lived in a condition not far from slavery. There are several
inscriptions which show that the most odious form of private property was the
property of human beings.

Temple slaves
Few of the sale deeds recorded in the inscriptions are sale of human beings
to temples. Sometimes they were voluntary; two ladies sold themselves with their
dependants and their relatives to a temple in the Thanjavur district;82 in these
instances, the religious motive must have been more dominant than the economic.
When a group of six persons were sold to the some temple for thirteen kāsus by
another person, it was neither voluntary nor the religious.83 There is another sale of
eight persons recorded in the same place some years before, the price not being
stated.84 All these inscriptions are dated in the regnal years of an unknown Cōḻa
king. About A.D. 948 a madhyastha of the village of Nandivarman-maṅkalam
presented to the temple of Vayalūr (TIruccirapplli disrict) three women to sing
Tirupatiyam and serve as Kavarippina (chauri-bearers) to God Parameśvara.85
Another record of the reign of Rājarāja I from Tiruvadanai (Chingleput), dated in
A.D.1002, states twelve families of fishermen (paṭṭinavar) were dedicated to the
temple of Śrī Varāhadeva at the instance of two officials serving in the locality as
nadu-kankatci and nadu-vakai. The families of the twelve persons had each to pay
out of their income from weaving and fishing, ¾ kalañcu of gold, and to assist in
the celebration of two annual festivals in the temple; one of them being of seven
days’ duration and ending with the day of Sadaiyam in the month of Āvaṇi, the day

81
Ibid. of 1917, No.223.
82
ARE., of 1925, No.218(seven persons for thirty kasus); ARE., of 1925, No.219 fifteen persons for the
same amount, ARE., of 1925,No.18.
83
ARE., of 1925, No.217.
84
ARE., of 1925, No.216.
85
ARE., of 1936-7,No.149.

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of the king’s nativity. The sabhā and the ūr of Tiruvaṭantai undertook to hold them
and their descendants strictly to their obligations.86

The terms of this dedication are, on the whole liberal and do not constitute
slavery; they even granted some privileges to the dedicated families such as the
receipt of prasādam (food offering) on the festival days. But the element of
compulsion, the hereditary nature of the dedication, the part played by two officials
of the state and the undertaking of the sabhā and ūr to enforce the terms, prove that
the dozen families of pattinavar would not have readily accepted the arrangements
of their own choice.

Maṭha slaves
An inscription87 of somewhat uncertain date from Tiruvālaṅkāṭu mentions
some facts which bring out the general prevalence of slavery and the treatment
meted out to slaves. A certain Vayiratarayar had a number of slaves, some
belonging to him and others forming the part of the dowries of his wives. With the
consent of his wives, he sold some of these slaves to the local temple which
purchased them for employment as slaves of a maṭha (maṭha-aṭimaikaḷ).

Branding of slaves
In accordance with a sale deed, and a royal order (rāja-sāsana), the
Maheśvaras and the authorities of the temple recorded the transaction in a stone
inscription, marked the slaves with the trident-mark, and resolved to assign specific
duties to them and punish them suitably when they failed in their duty. The
inscription then states that after some time some of the slaves defied the orders of
the sthānattar of the temple and took to mischievous and roguish ways, and the
matter was laid before a general assembly of the authorities of the temple and of the
maṭhas. Their decision is not easy to make out owing to gaps in the record. In fact

86
ARE, 1910, No.274.
87
ARE, 1926, No.94.

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the slaves would have been more than human had they not chafed at their lot. And
as slavery was not confined to temples, the idea that slaves consoled themselves by
looking on their lives as dedicated to the service of God can only have a limited
range of application.88

Courtesans (Devaraḍiyār)
The class of courtesans has always held a considerable place in Indian
Society. From pre-historic times the nautch-girl has been a great social attraction.
Her public appearances were usually associated with religious festivals and she was
generally an expert in music and the dance. She mingled freely with men and was
under no obligation to observe the restraints imposed in their social intercourse.
She was permitted company to select friends, and her choice was guided at least as
much by sentimental and aesthetic as by mercenary motives. The testimony of
Muhammadan writers is unanimous in that the earnings of the courtesans attached
to temples were surrendered into the hands of the priests or other authorities of the
temple for defraying the expenses of worship.89

As these alien writers, however, were prone to repeat uncritically statements


made by their predecessors, an historian is slow to their evidence, which is not
confirmed by indigenous sources. The social standing of courtesans in the ancient
Cōḻa country is clearly indicated by the numerous records registering rich
endowments made by them for various public benefactions and the recognition
afforded by local powers to their public spirit; e.g. a record from Tiruvoṟṟiyūr,
dated A.D. 1049, by a devaraḍiyāḷ, Caturi by name is described as the wife
(akamuṭaiyāḷ) of a citizen, Nākan Perunkatan.90

Generally a derogatory social place was given to devaraḍiyārs, the servants


of God. It does seem to have been the lot of the taḷip-pendir serving in the temple

88
ARE, 1925, No.18.
89
Abu Zayd in Ferrand, Voyage, p. 124.
90
ARE, of 1912, No.147.

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in the period of Rajaraja-I.91 Husking and cleaning paddy ‘measured into the temple
granary’ would itself have wholly engaged the services of a number of women
helpers. Over 140,000 kalams92 of paddy were delivered annually into the ‘temple
treasury’ (granary) most of which went as remuneration in kind to the temple
servants. There is significance in the appointment of two senior supervisory
functionaries, Savvūr Parañjōti and Govindan Somanāthan, to oversee the
performance of and the temple women (talippeṇḍir) and the women musicians
(gandharvis). This would mean great attention was given to their welfare and the
maintenance of their respectability in society. Instances in the Later Cōḻa period are
not wanting where wives and daughter of local chiefs and nobles of the Court were
stamped with the trident as a mark of their entering a life of service to the temple.93
The Cōḻa society was male-dominated. Women were expected to play secondary
and passive role in the society. The husband enjoyed complete control over his
wife. The punishments given to men were not severe for their crimes when
compared with women.

Devadāsī System
Dancing girls were called devaraḍiyār and taḷiccerippeṇḍukaḷ. The
devaradiyar were not permitted to marry.94 Many of them were proficient in the
field of fine arts especially music and dance. They enjoyed the patronage of the
Kings and the Great Rajaraja I, besides setting apart separate streets for them, had
built houses for them near Peruvuṭaya temple in his capital95. Thus the king granted
lands96 and houses to them.97 More inscriptions mention the Taḷicceri peṇḍir. They
had well versed persons in music, dance and kuthu. They were called in various
names such as Taliyilār, Patiyilār, Vaḻiyilār, Tevaradiyar, Koyirpirakkar and

91
K.K.Pillai, Thenindiya varalaru, p.200.
92
B.Venkatraman, Rajarajesvaram (The Pinnacle of Chola Art), p.246.
93
Ibid.
94
S. Manickam, Slavery in Tamil Country, p. 44.
95
S.I.I. vol III, No.66.
96
A.R.E. 59 of 1923.
97
ARE, 2898 of 1910.

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Talaikoligal.98 They lived in temples; Tevaradiyar-served to God, Dancing girl-
Best dancer, Pathiliyar-Unmarried.99

Life of the Women


The shepherds were called as Āyar, Andar, Yādavar, Kōviyar and their
womenfolk were called as Āyccyar, and Koviya Māthar. They lived in Āy-houses
(Āymanai) and that was called as ‘Pāḍi’ and ‘Āyarpāḍi’. For perpetual lamps in the
temples sheeps and cows were donated. These were reared and the responsibility of
fetching milk, preparing curd and ghee for the temples perpetual lamps and other
allied works were given to the Maṉṟāṭiyar community.100

Some people having no dwelling place were shifting place to place for
livelihood and eking out their life praising the kings, singing, dancing, and enacting
drama. Panars, Cenniyars, Porulas, Peruniruthars, Kodiyars and their women-folk
viraliyars and panniyars. Archilathiyars, guarding madhars, nurses for rich houses,
child pankiyars, the slaves to rich thenors and those begging for their lives lived in
the low stratum of the society.101

Land rights to women


Women had rights of landed property. During marriage, the father gifted
land to his daughter and that was called Śrīdanam (dowry, litrerally gift for the
bride). Some women the gifted land to others. In some places the women had
presence in the land dealings.102 Women in the ancient time as in the rest of India
could not inherit property.103 For a long time widow’s right to inherit her husband’s
property should have remained unrecognized. Vedic texts, which declare women to

98
ARE, of 1923, No.183.
99
ARE, of 1912, No.128; Ibid. of 1929, No.361.
100
K.A.Nilakandasastri, op.cit., p.134.
101
Ibid. p. 135.
102
Tamilnattu varalatrukulu, op.cit., p.198. A.Ramakrishnan, ‘Cholar kala Samuthaya nilai’, p. 197.
103
K.K.Pillay, A Social History of the Tamils, Part I, p.396.

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be incapable of inherting any property, 104 the rights of women and minor sons were
safe guarded while selling family properties.105 The women who has no means of
her own or right to hold property and money and decide for herself what she shall
do with her own, cannot have freedom that is worth the name.106 Etimologically the
term stridhana meant “Women’s property107 at no time whether as a maiden, or
wife or widow has the woman been denied the use of the property as an absolute
owner. It is also true that at no time, the quantum of her property has been anything
but meager.”108

Food
Food was called pocanam perhaps a term borrowed from Sanskrit. The
staple food for the people was rice. Chenchali and cennel were the varieties of
paddy which is mentioned by ulas. The cooked rice was called as valsi or choru.
The ulas mention a special variety of the rice called chenchali or red rice.109 Girls
were taught on the culinary art from the pētai stage. Cooked rice was served in the
marriage feast. The use of the millet Enal Tinai (Sataria italicum) is also
mentioned.110 The millets such as thinai, varugu too were used in the mountain
area, honey and roots. The people prepared milk rice, Tamarind rice, Akkāra aṭisil,
curd rice and mutton rice. They used milk, curd, ghee and boiled ghee for their
food. The Adukkalai offers the clue that greater attention was paid to the art of
cooking. They also had a cook coll ‘madainul’ which reveals the culinary art of the
peoples.111

The poor people ate kañci made up of noy (broken rice). The millets were
used as food. The mountainside people used roots and honey as their food. The

104
A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in the Hindu Civilization, p. 250.
105
R.Nagasamy, Studies in Anciens Tamil Law and Society.
106
Stridharma vol XVII; No.12, October, 1934, p.553.
107
S.Venkatraman, A Trealise of Hindu Law, Orient Longman, Madras, 1972, p.350.
108
Paras Diwar, Dowry and Protection to married women, New Delhi, 1987, p.108.
109
S.ula, K.376.
110
S.ula, K.111.
111
K.K.Pillay, Tamilaga Varalarau Makkalum panpadum, Tamilnadu Text Book society, 1972, p.330.

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meat of sheep and hen, and fish too were used as food. These were people eating
beef too. The utensils were made up of soil and people. The people sat on the soil
and ate. In those days, the staple food for the people was rice. The food prepared
with pure rice was considered as the special ones.

Jaggery made from sugarcane (Saccharum officinavum) was another food


stuff often mentioned in the ulas. It is called page or Kolumpagu.112 The ghee
(butter) from the sheep too was used to burn the lamps.113 During Parantaka’s
period, for 10 nāḻis of ghee (two nāḻis per day), 200 sheep114 were donated, to
‘Venkuṉṟa Kottattu Ponnūr’, Nattu Srikandapurathu Siddha Perumpalli.’ It is
coming to be known that the ghee from the sheep was used not only for burning
lamps but also it was used to cook some food.115 Inscriptions116 note Porikkap
Porikka Ney orupide. Cennel (Red paddy) was mostly in usage. The word Cennel
was in customary usage.117 Besides, the inscription reveals that though the ‘Sennel’
was low in quality, one particular variety ‘Rajanikandu’ was considered as good
and it gave strength to body also. Through ‘Bhojana Kuthookalam’118 we know that
the paddy produced from the well ploughed land gave good taste and gave uniform
heat to the body and that was red in colour. The varieties Irai Nel and Nar nel have
been mentioned in Pallava inscriptions. No other informations have been given
about these two varieties in the inscription.

The words ‘Pathettukuttutal’,119 ‘Pathakarukuttal’120 express the way of


getting rice from the paddy by the Kaikkuttal method. From the phrase, “Inthirandu
Vanna Nellakki”, we come to know that the paddy was to get 2 fold rice for

112
V.ula, K.K.197,263.
113
SII., vol. XIX, No.116.
114
SII., vol. XVII, No.51.
115
Ragu Nathesri, Bojana Kuthukalam (Tamil),1988, p.117.
116
SII., vol XIII, No.35.
117
SII., vol III, No. 151A.
118
Op.cit p.3.
119
SII, vol XIX, No.22.
120
SII, vol VIII, No.627.

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stricken five foldpaddy.121 This inscription was found out uthama Cholas
Konerirajapuram.
“muprp Jhzpf;F…………..
………………..,UJhzpg;gjf;F”
That inscription122 from Tirumerkkūdal during Vīrarājendran’s period reveals the
fact of giving one Kuruni and two naḻis paddy for four nazhis rice. There were the
varieties of rice such as Paḻavaraisi,123 Pūrikuttalarisi124 (Pūri Arisi) and
Vellaiarisi.125 The word ‘Paḻavarisi’ stands for the preserved and old rice. This rice
was very perfect for cooking without any ‘kuḻaittal’. Pūrikuttalarisi was less in
quality and it was utilized for giving off for coolies. This rice was also called as
‘Muttai Arisi’ (hard rice). The ‘Vellai Arisi’ too had the same quality as Pūri Arisi,
Vellai Arisi matured in three months and was included in Kuravai variety. This was
called as Vellaikkuravai. These facts are coming to know from the Tittakkudi
inscription.126

Vellai Arisi and Pūri arisi were given for coolies. Along with rice (Arisi),
dhal took important role in food. There two varieties in dhal namely Payattam
paruppu (or) patccai parupu (green dhal). An inscription belonging to Kulōttuṅga
period mentions that the people used sprouted grams to husk out dhal.127 Sugar was
indicated by Akkaram and Kanda Sakkarai.128 For two nazhis salt four nazhis
paddy was swapped. The word in Sevaga Sindhamani indicates this taste as Karam:
“fhaj;jpd; Fok;G jPw;wp”.129

There are notes on the use of pepper and jeera, the food articles prepared in
oil and ghee hard to digest. During the Cōḻas period people used pepper for

121
SII., vol VIII, No.529.
122
SII, vol III, No. 151A.
123
Ibid. vol XXIV, No.7.
124
Ibid. vol VIII, No.291.
125
Ibid.
126
Ibid. vol VIII, No.291.
127
A.Avanam Vol-6, 1995, p.78.
128
SII., vol VII, No.485.
129
Sivakacinthamani, 788.

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digestion.130 Parantaka I inscription it is told that they preserved tamarind fruit after
removing the seeds.131 Though the Akkara Adisil, Payatru Bhonagam, Kummayam
were same type of food while during preparation the materials were added in
different ratio. The karis were Pulikari, Porikkari,132 and Vempulukku133 were
prepared in accordance with these names. In end there also a custom chewing betals
along with areconut. The betals were also called as Vatrilai,134 Adaikayamuthu,135
Ilayamuthu,136 Thriyilai,137 Veruilai.138 For temple rituals foods were prepared
sincerely and tastily.
Drinks
There existed the Alcohol drinking habit among the people. They drank
different kind of hot drinks. Theral, Madhu, Naravu was some names of those
varieties. Theral was extracted from honey and it is and gave intoxication. Toddy
was extracted from coconut tree and those were Mattu and Naravu. The liquor
which gave less intoxication was called as ‘kūr madhu’ and the liquor with heavy
intoxication was called as kaduntheral.139

Both men and women drank hot drinks from coconut sheaths called ‘kaḷ’
(toddy). It is to be noted that women of which age also indulged in drinking toddy.
The ulas describe in length about the drinking scene in which the women of the
Perilampen stage (mature women of the 32 to 40 years age group) indulged in
excessive drinking.140 Vikkirama Cholan ula states that maids of the Perilampen
took the kadunceral, which overflowed from the pots lied to the palai (petiole) of
the coconut tree and which was collected in large pots, in a madal (tumbler - made
of palm-leaf), and after removing the froth and the insects floating on the surface of

130
Ibid. vol XXIV, No.9.
131
Ibid. vol VII, No.529.
132
Ibid. vol XIII, No.35.
133
Ibid. vol XIII, No.44.
134
Ibid. vol VIII, No.560.
135
Ibid.
136
Ibid. vol XIX, No.250.
137
Ibid. vol VIII, No.624.
138
SII., vol XIII, No.91.
139
Ibid. Tamilnattu varalatrukulu, op.cit, p.151.
140
Ibid. p.140.

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the toddy, gave it to her, praising the good quality of the toddy. The Perilampen
look a drop of the toddy at the tip of her finger nail and threw it to the ground
(according to the tradition) and drank it. She became intoxicated, lost her balance
and slept on the shoulders of her husband.141

The extracted toddy would be brought by the servant maids to the house
wives. Due to intoxication speech would tumble, walk disorderly, eyes become red,
sweating gush, dress got disordered, then they begun to sleep slanting on the
shoulders of their friends (toḻies). This has been depicted in the literature.142
Through Periya Purāṇam we know that the women drank hot drink madhu (wine)
under the Marutu trees.

The Kulottungacōḻan-ula states that the Perilampen who took the madhu
from the hands of her maid, drank it. She lost her sense; her speech became
inconerent and steps unsteady. The Rājarāja cōḻanula states that the Perilampen
depped a Kuvalai flower in the Naravu (toddy) which was collected from the
coconut tree and kept in big pots protected from insect’s ants sipped it. The ula
speaks of the reddish glow in the eyes of the perilempen who had partaken of the
toddy, and of her unsteady steps and stammering words. She was sweating
profusely and her dress was in a shabby condition.143

Dress
References to different kinds of dresses are found in the ulas. Mention is
made of the variety of clothes such as Tusi, Adai, and Kalai. Tugil and Udai were
made of cotton. Silk fabrics were known such as Pattut tugil. Kosigam and Pattu
are also mentioned. Clothes embroidered with gold threads (jarri) were called
Porrugil and Nivi.

141
V.ula, K.K.197,263.
142
Ibid. , op.cit, p.151.
143
R.ula, K.K.355,361; K.ula, K.K.345-345.

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Regarding the riches and decorative dress worn by the kings, we have
several references in the ulas.144 The fine white dress worn by the king is
mentioned as on tavalattusu and Vellai tiru vudaiyadai. A blue cloth worn around
his waist to hold the loin cloth in position is called ‘Visu kachchu’. And there is a
reference about fine clothes embroidered with golden jarri.

The ulās mention a wide variety of clothes worn by the women. Young girls
of the Petai stage wore a dress called cirriṭai. The adolescent girls wore a variety of
half-saree called Uttariyam to cover the upper part of the body, and breasts. The
matured women wore sarees called kakkum tugil. The upper part of their body was
covered with Van tusu. Their breasts were kept in their position with Kaccu, whose
equivalent might be the brassiere. These kaccus were provided with a belt. These
kaccus when embroidered with pearls were called Muttin kaccu, and when
embroidered with gems, the Manik kaccu.145

Paṭṭigai was the loin cloth worn by the women. The hip dresses were
embroidered with pearls, gems or gold coins. They were named respectively as
Polan kalai, Muttin kalai, Nittilak kovai and Paintugir kasu. The women had a
fancy for Porrugil and silk cloth embroidered with the gold jarri. Decorative motifs
representing flowers figured either on the body or on the borders of the cloth. Such
clothes were called Pūntugil. There is a reference about Pōrvai, the shawl. The
weavers were called Vinaivar. Dyeing of cloth was skillfully done. The ulās
mention Ventugil, the white cloth. Semportugil, the red cloth, Ponniratta pattu, the
golden yellow coloured silk fabric and Nila vuru vudai, the blue clothes were the
matter of dress of the womenfolk in that period.

Ornaments

144
K.ula, K.65; S.ula K.53.
145
G. Thirumavalavan, Political Social and Cultural History of the Cholas, Madras, 1991, pp.141,42

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The women folk worn different types of ornaments and those are as follows.
An ornament has its root not in the craving of vanils or in the love of beauty, but in
the need of house guardians and scaring evil influences146 it also religious
significance. So the Tamils were accustomated to use varied ornaments for
different purpose.

Ornaments Worn by the Queen


The Queen wore jewels, like, nose rings, ear rings, anklets, bangles of gold
and finger rings. These Queens and Princesses became trend selters in fashion.147
A.Appadorai, Economic conditions in Southern India (1000-1500 A.D.) vol-I&II
University of Madras, Madras, 1990). Through the gifts of numerous ornaments
made to the temple during the regin of Rājarāja,148 Rājēndra I,149 Rājadhirāja150 and
Rājēśndra II151 the names of many ornaments worn during the Cōḻa period are
known. Mudi or crown was the chief ornament worn by the Queen. Deivauththi
Porpoo was a head ornaments. Sutti was a forehead ornament. Makarak kulai was
shaped like a Makara or fish. It was an ear onements. Muthumalai, Natchathira
Manimalai, Valampuri-muthu Vadam, Nirai Thali and Thali Manivadam were the
neck ornamens. The Suray fish shapped shoulder ornament, Makara or fish shaped
Kuranguseri and pearl megalai, kingini, padagam, silampu and paripuranam were
also ornaments worn by the Queen.152

Ornaments worn by the dancing girls and Eḻuparuvamakaḷir

146
Indian Antiquary, vol XXVI, p.128
147
A.Raghavan, Tamil Nattu Ani Kalangal, Palayamkottai, 1970, p.16.
148
Nogasamy (Edi) Tanjai peruudaiyar koil kalvettugal, part - I State Department of Archacology Madras,
1969, pp.1-47.
149
A.R.E., 680 of 1919.
150
A.R.E., 670 of 1919.
151
A.R.E., 669 of 1919.
152
K.ula,K.65; S.ula, K.53, Taminattu varalatrukulu op.cit, pp.139-140.

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According to the inscriptions the favorite ornaments of the dancing girls
were Ilampakam and Kannacharam. The ornament kannacharam ran from ears to
forehead and in between the two ornaments that decorate the forehead is called
Ilampakam. Today they are popularly called Netti chūdi (forehead ornament)153
(more details in chapter III). The varieties and richness of the ornaments mentioned
in the ulas reflect the fine taste of the people of the various ages.
Head Ornaments
Enumerating the ornaments beginning from the head downwards, it is stated
that the plaits or tufts of hair were decked with certain embellishments. Sori muttin
koṇṭai was an ornament made of strings of pearls which adorned the tuft of hair
(koṇṭai). A flower like ornament made of gold is mentioned in the ulas. This head
ornament had several names such as Tiru, Talaikkolam, utti, Deyva utti,
Vilukkamalaik kolam and Sidevi. Another head ornament mentioned in the ulas is
Paru muttak kovai or Talai palai made of pearls. Pirai154 or Tiruppirai was a
crescent shaped ornament worn on the head. The other head ornaments mentioned
in the ulas are Valampuri muttin vadam, Achchirabaranam, and Mudimani or
Chulamani.155

Ear Ornaments
The ear lobes were scooped out and adorned by skillfully shaped ear
ornaments. Kulai or Sudar (glittering) kulai was a popular ear ornament. Makarak
kulai was shaped like a makara or fish.156 Todu is another ear ornament mentioned
in the ulas.157 Kodun kulai and Nedunkulai are the other ear ornaments mentioned.
The ulas mention yet another ear ornament set with diamonds called Kadigaik
Kudumbai.

153
Dr.K.Algesan, op.cit., p.208. SII., vol II, No. 87.
154
,uhf;Fb ,t;tzp> fiyapd; rilg;gFjpapy; mzpag;gLk; mzpfydhFk;. QhapW tbthfr; nra;ag;gl;L> ‘gpiw’
vd;Dk; mzpfyNdhL fhzg;gLk; ‘,uhf;FbAk;’> ‘gpiwAk;’> ‘QhapWk; jpq;fSk;’ Nghyj; jpfonkd
mwpaKbfpwJ. gl;lk;> nghw;G+ vd;w mzpfyd;fs; nghd;dhy; nra;ag; ngw;wditahFk;. ,t;tzpfyd;fisj;
jiyazp vd;Wk; Wjyzp vd;Wk; ,UNtW tifapdthf mwpaKbfpd;wJ.
155
G.Thirumavalan, op.cit., p.143.
156
V.ula., K.190; K.U;a, k.70; R.ula, K.322; SII., vol .II, No.53.
157
K.ula, K.338; SII, vol, No.34.

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Neck Ornaments
Chain around the neck was very popular. Muttattamam was a pearl garland.
Nila Ratnabaranam was a gold necklace studded with blue diamonds like sapphire.
Sanga manikkam was a gold necklace set with rubies. Kasu was also known by the
Kasumalai (an ornament made of gold coins) and is mentioned in the ulas. Karai is
a term normally used for any ornament worn closely round the neck. The ulas
mention Ganavayirak karai, a necklace studded with diamonds. Achchuttali is
another ornament mentioned in the ulas.

Shoulder Ornaments
An ornament which adorns the shoulders is mentioned specifically as Tol
valai.158 Pappuchuchrul, Panivalaiyam was shoulder ornaments which were in the
shape of coiled snakes. The ulas mention several other shoulder ornaments like Tot
sutikai. Navaratnat tolvalai, Irutodit tol, and Nittilattin amporrodit tol (set with
pearls).

Breastlets
Women covered their breasts with gold breastlets inlaid with gems and
pearls. Moreover, Ulas mention several varieties of breastlets like Muttin kachchu,
Nagai muttin Kachchu (studded) with pearls. Polan kachchu (made of gold) and
Manik kachchu (set with gems).

Hand and Wrist Ornaments


Valaiyal is a glass bangle, while kankanam is a bangle made of lac and
covered with tisu. The use of valaiyal and kankanam is one of the time worn
customs of Hindus, not only from the point of decoration of the body but also from
a religious point of view too.159 The armlet was known as the Todi and the bracelet

158
V.ula, K.205; K.K.Pillay, A Social History of the Tamils II, p.309.
159
D.V.Jagadisa Ayyar, South Indian Customs, Asian Educational service, New Delhi, 1992, pp.76-
77.

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as the Valai. The ulas mention Todi, Semporrodi, and Polanrodi (made of gold)
Muttin sul todi (set with pearls) Kuruntodi (short bangles), Valai, Vari Valai
(bangles with decorative lines) and Kovalai. Another variety of bracelet mentioned
in the ulas is Sudagam (set with diamonds).

Waist Ornaments
Pattigai of Araipattigai was a gold girdle set with gems.160 It was made of
several intricate patterns. It can be comparable to the present day Ottiyanam.
Mekalai or Kalabaram consisted of seven or eight strings of pearls. It was intended
to keep the loin cloth in place. Kanchi consisted of eight strings of golden beads.
Kalabaram was a chain like ornament with sixteen strings. Virisikai was another
chain-like ornament with 32 strings. Tamam was a golden girdle with 7 golden
strings.161 Kalai was another girdle mentioned in the ulas. Porkalai was made of
gold, Muttin kalai was made of pearls and kasu sul kalai was a gold band fitted
with kasu or gold coins hanging from strings. Kovai was made up of gold, with
gems in the shape of garlands hanging from it. The ulas mention several designs of
Kovai such as Tongal tulaik kovai, Manikkovai and Nittilak kovai. Kachchi or
Kachcholai was a girdle made in the shape of a snake. Pandanam or Udaraban-
danam was a band like ornament worn on the stomach.

Leg Ornaments
Kimpuri was an ornament worn around the thigh. It was made of gold with
an ornamental clasp set with gems. The ulas mention a variety of leg ornaments
worn by the women. Silambu, Paripuram and Nuburam were different types of
anklets. These gold anklets were hollow inside which was filled with pearls, rubies
and other gems. Sachchai was sadangai which had beads of gold or silver attached
to a cord or plate. In addition to these bewildering arrays of ornaments, the ulas
mention several other ornaments which we are not able to identify. The ulas

160
R.ula., K.182; S.V., vol.II, No.93.
161
SII, Vol. II, No.46.

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mention an ornament called Madani which was a type of padakkam or pendent.
The ulas mention sillani as the ornament worn by young girls of the Petai stage.
Perani too, are some of the ornaments mentioned in the ulas.162

Household Utensils
The ulas mention golden pots called Poṟkuṭam, Mallal tasumbu and tasum
basumbu, which were found in palaces. The king used to have his bath with the
waters of Kaveri brought in golden pots. Kaḍaram were big pots made of gold,
copper or mud. The wealthy people had big kaḍarams as bath-tubs.163 Vallam was a
vessel used for keeping toddy which was collected in mud pots tied to the palai
(petiole) of the coconut palm. Maḍal was a type of spoon used for drinking toddy.
The rich people had Vayiramadal or spoon studded with diamonds.

Earthernware Utensils
They were used by the poorer section of the society Tali was an earthen pot
used by the cowherds for churning milk. Chadi and Kadam were other types of
earthenware utensils mentioned by the ulas.164

Mirrors
The use of cosmetics naturally led to the use of mirror or looking glass. The
ulas mention Padimakkalam or Adi, which definitely referred to the mirror.165 In a
verse in the ulas a woman is described as looking at her reflected image on a
polished marble wall known as Palinguvar suvar which served the purpose of a
looking glass.166

Furnitures

162
Dr.G.Thirumavalavan, op.cit., p. 445.
163
K.ula, K.150, R.ula, K.398.
164
Dr.G.Thirumavalavan, op.cit., p.139.
165
V.ula, K.171; R.ula, K.146; SII; Vol. IV, No.224.
166
V.ula, K.269.

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Cots, known by the name Sekkai, and the mattress called Payal are
mentioned in the Ulas. The room in which the cot was placed was known by the
name Sekkaiyan.167 The ulas describe the fine mattresses of the king, which was
spotless white in colour resembling the full moon, as ninilap payal.168 The beds
were showered with sweet smelling flowers and tender leaves. Such beds were
described as malaranai. Podaya payal, and vasak kilait talirpayal. At times the
beds were smoked with the fragrant akil. They were called Akil narum payal. The
ulas mention several varieties of beds such as Tuyanai, Amali and Kadi anangan
payal.169 The other item of household furniture mentioned in the ulas is a chair or
stool, called Tavisu, on which people sat.

Toiletery and Decorations


Great attention was paid both by men and women to personal decoration.
The kings used to have their ceremonial bath, Manchanam or Abishegam, as it was
called every morning at the auspicious time with waters of Kaveri. Then they put
the Tripundaram on their fore head with the sacred ash. Women used to have their
bath in the common public baths or in the private swimming pools by the side of
their houses. The ulas mention Padiyun kadaram and Adunkadaram, big vessels
made of metal or earthenware which were used, as bath-tubs. There are many
references to the public baths which were known by the names Vavi, nirattu
mandabam and Poykai. The ulas mention that while swimming in the ponds the
girls used a punai,170 a sort of buoy for keeping themselves afloat and they swam to
their hearts content till their eyes became blood red in colour.

Hair Coiffure
The women paid remarkable attention to the dressing of their hair. The
black, shinning, flowering tresses of the nubile girls were called kulal, maikkuḻal

167
G.Thirumavalavan, op.cit., p.139.
168
Ibid.
169
Ibid. p.39.
170
R.ula., K.290.

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and kūndal (hair). Girls has their tresses done into five plaits called alakam, kulal,
kondai, panichchai and tunchai and each was of a distinctive style. Collectively
their hair-do was called Aimpal.171 Matured women preferred to have their hair in
the form of coiffure, commonly known as Kondai. Women applied oil (ney) to their
hair. A strange practice was prevalent among women of smearing a fragrant paste
called Vandalidu naai, made of punugu (civet).172 Perhaps this was adopted in
order to cool the head as well as to provide fragrance. Beautiful flowers were used
to adorn the hairs. The ulas mention that tender leaves of mango tree (mantalir) are
used to adorn the hair of women. Women decorated their hair with ornaments. The
Ulas mention that golden strings with pearls and coral adorned their hairs.

Cosmetics
Cosmetics were profusely used by men and women for beautifying their
bodies. Women adorned their forehead with Tilakam, an ornamental mark with
Kunkumam. It was very common for women to apply Anchnam, a dark collyrium,
to their eye-lashes and eye-brows.173 It was also known by the name Mai, which
means black. The practice of daubing fragrant pastes on the body seems to have
prevalent among men and women. The ulas mention a bewildering variety of such
pastes used by kings and common people. The ulas mention Tennar
malaiyarachcheru, Kalabam, Chandhu, Sachchi, and Virai, all indicating the
Sandalwood paste, Manmadam or manmadach chandhu was identified as Kasturi,
or musk. Navi was punugu or civet. Senchandu was kungumum, manmadach
chenchandu which was also known as Chempanchuk kulambu, was a paste of
sandal, kungumam, camphor, musk and Pannir (rose water). Another cosmetics
mentioned in the ulas is Sunnam, Narum sunnam or Narum tugal. It was a paste
made of the nine gems ground with navi (punugu) and pannir.174

171
V.ula., K.174.
172
K.ula., K.229.
173
V.ula, K.204; K.ula., K.75.
174
Nachinarkkiniyar Commentary on Maduraikkāñci, p.300.

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A peculiar custom was for women to have decorative designs drawn on their
breasts, called Toyyil.175 The paste used for this was kalabam, which resembled
sandal paste. Women drew designs on their shoulders, bosoms, hands and feet with
pastes like Sandal, Navi, Sunnam, Manmadam, Chenchantu and kungumum. They
kept their bodies cool by applying these pastes mixed with pannir. The people of
the age seem to have loved perfumes to excess. The ulas mention a wide variety of
perfumes and incenses used by the people. The Polankulambu or the sandal paste
of Pugar city was famous for its fragrance. Mrugamadam was the kasturi or musk.
And the musk from the Kamarupa country was considered to be the best variety.
The people used to welcome the king by throwing the sweet smelling sunnam or
narun tugal powder all over the street. Akil, the odoriferous wood was incense
commonly used by the people. The ulas mention Ali, Pani Nir, Panit tivalai, Pasum
Pani Nir, nana narunir and nir as a sort of medicated water had the cooling effect.
Perhaps this could be identified with the present day Pannir as Rose water.

Flowers
Flowers formed an integral part of the society of the period. The king wore
flower garlands called tar. The Chola rulers had ār flowers, also known by the
names Atti and Tataki, as their Royal flowers. The ulas mention a large number of
flowers which adorned the hair and shoulders of the women. The list includes
Mādavi, Kurukkatti (Hiptage madablota) Kalunir, (Numphaea odorata) Aravindam
(Nelumbium spociosum) Valampuri (Halicteres ixora), Kuravam (Chomelia
asistica), Kandal or Talai (Pandamus grandiflorum) Karuvili (Ciltoria ternatea)
Kumilam, Nilorpalam, kandal and other flowers. In the ulas we come across that a
nubile girl dressed in pleasing blue clothes. She had blue flowers like Nilorpalam
and Karuvili adorning her hair, from head to foot were studded with blue diamonds
and sapphire.176 She could be taken as an example for the sense of beautification
prevailed among the women of that age.

175
R.ula, K.290.
176
K.ula., K.K.193,194.

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Games, Pastimes and Amusements
The men and women spent time plea surely with recreative plays in
accordance with their ages and richness. The girls made small houses in the sold
and cooked manchour soil rice. They conducted sportive marriage for the wooden
toys called them as ‘Vandal kuzhavi’ and ‘Kuzhz makan’. The young women
nurtured flower tendrils; they grew parrots, Kuils (cuckoo-bird), peacocks and
swans, and animals such as dress too. They spent the time in plays of Ammanai and
Kazhangu. They paid interest in the water plays also; with the help of one float
named ‘punai’ the enjoyed swimming. They had attention on playing balls. They
played balls, made up of cloth and pearls arranging groups. Those balls were called
as ‘Thiral Bandhu’, ‘Kanaippandu’ and ‘Kantugam’. Women of the age variation
had their favourite pastimes, amusements and appropriate games in line with their
‘age that marked the different stages in their life. The ulas elucidate with the
different games played by the elu paruva magalir.

Customs
In social habits, the self-inspired expositions also became followable. This
turned habits and customs in due course. The habits shaping pinch by pinch and
followed by others became the customs. There existed the unwritten law and it kept
the society with inbuilt strength. The customs and traditions were the characters
life. The customs shaped with the acceptance of society and were streamlined by
traditions.

In the Cōḻa Empire, many kinds of tradition were followed. For a just born
baby, people put soil vermillion, took path and gave medicine. The foretellers
(astrologer) predicated the life of the baby on noting the time and stars. On the 12th
day of its birth, people suited the name for the child. During the 5th year of age the
child was sent to Thinnaipalli and it was celebrated as festival. It was custom to

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wear the child gold kappu, hip thread and Impadaithali.177 The widows of war
victims used to remove their ear ornaments.

Marriage Festivals
Marriage is a religious sacrament among the Hindus, it has great social
importance178, but from the beginning of human history non-marital reproduction
has been a fact of life. Reproduction is included in the mastrimony but it is not the
other way about.179 The marriage of a girl was conducted after finishing the age of
12. There was the custom of fixing auspicious time for marriage. The rising of the
homa fire, throwing flakes of fried rice on the fire slepping on the grindstore and
professing to see Arunthathi were all well established by 11 th century A.D.180 the
brides were washed with milk.181 The Parppanars (Brahmins) conducted the
marriage ceremonies and they would direct the bride and bride grooms to circle
around the fire goddess with religious rituals. It was the tradition that the groom
wore the ‘Tāli’ around the neck of the bride. In the Cilapatikāram wearing tali by
women was known as mangalani.182 The practice of tying the tali to the bride might
have appeared about the time of Rajaraja I because we find the inscriptional
evidence tali being tied to images of goddess in temples.183 Besides in Kandapu-
ranam which is assignable to 11 th century A.D. that a direct reference to the
association of Tali with the wedding is found.184

Besides, politically motivated diplomatic marriages were also held in order


to strength in their position and to fulfill their political ambitions. Royal women
were married to the rulers of her provinces. Rajaraja I secured matrimonial
allaiance by marrying his daughter Kundavai to Vimalāditiya, the eastern Chalukya

177
Tamilnattu varalatrukulu, op.cit, pp.148-149.
178
T.V.Mahalingam, Administration and Social life under Vijayanagar, Part II, Madras, 1975, p.31.
179
R.P.Sharma, Women in Hindu Literature, Gyan publishing House, New Delhi, 1990, p. 88.
180
Ramayanam, V.V.1322,1325,1326 and 1327.
181
K.K.Pillay, Tamil society in the Early and Medeival periods, p.299.
182
K.K.Pillay, op. cit p. 370.
183
S.I.I. vol XXIII No’s 278 and 46.
184
K.K.Pillay, op.cit, p.369.

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Prince Vimalādityas son Rajaraja Narendra married his uncle Rajendra’s daughter
Ammangai.185 A separate tax called kaṇṇalakanam was levied for marriage and
marriage process-sion186 during the time of the Cōḻas. In the later stage the
inscriptions indicate this as ugavai, hgaparpon. In the initial periods of Chola
emperors there was no dowry system. But the Bride groom gave ‘Parisham’ during
the Betrothal activities.

It was called as Vathulai Mulaivilai the parents of the bride gave gold, things
and slaves. The right for spending these riches was given to the groom. But in due
course, during the Cōḻa Emperors period dowry system developed and tortures
were engulfing. To save this kind of torture, conditions were laid by various
sections of society. These are found mentioned in Cōḻa inscriptions. Though the
marriage relation, giving and taking actions were in bride & groom between the
close relationships, there also prevailed inter caste marriages too. This we come to
know by Anulomam and Prathilomam sections. The Cōḻa kings married several
wives. This custom had intruded among the common people too. There are no
reference about child marriage and widow marriage. The widows were not
respected in the society. But there are evidences for the widow’s immolations
falling into the pyres of their husbands.187

Funeral Rituals
The dead persons were either burnt or burried. There were separate grave
yards and paths for taking the dead bodies for separate communities. The women
also joined along with men in the burial grounds. The women, who lost their
husbands broke off their bangles and removed their ear ornaments and other
ornaments and made themselves widows.188 The Veṭṭiyan who burnt the body,
would spread cooked rice without salt.

185
N.Sethuraman, Early Cholas, Mathematics Reconstructs the Chronology, Kumbakonam, 1980, p.116 .
186
M.Rajamanicknar, Tamilaka Atchi (Tamil), Chennai, 1972, p.70.
187
Tamilnattu varalartukulu (op.cit), pp.149-150.
188
Ibid.

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Beliefs and Superstitions
The ulas mention certain quaint beliefs and superstitions which were
observed by the people of all the ages. They had a great faith in astrology and
consequently in fore-telling. The king set out on his ula processions at the
propitious moment called orai fixed by the astrologer.189 The Kuramagal, woman
of the hilly region, has been considered capable of forecasting the forth coming
events, mentioned as kuram. The people had belief in the concept of life after
death, rebirth and previous birth.190 They believed in the concept of Punniyam
(good deeds) that is the merit acquired by noble action and Tivinai (bad deeds) that
is the sin committed by evil action, fate and destiny.191 They undertook Tavam or
penanace as a solution for changing the fate. They believed that by undertaking fast
or Nonpu, they could invoke the blessings of the Gods and thereby achieve their
aim.192

Respect for omens and belief in superstition were quite common. They
believed in the concept of evil eye193 which the ulas mention as Kannechchi, and
took protective measures to save their children from the effect of evil eye.
Reference is found in the ulas to the belief that pey or ghosts haunted the
battlefields and ate the corpses of dead warriors. The people believed in the
significance of dreams. The dreams were generally believed to foretell the future.194
People believed in supernatural bodies who were supposed to reside on the hills.
Two such demi-goddesses which were believed in and feared were the Kollippavai
and the Trikutattuppavai.195 The people believed in Vanadeivam, the Goddess of
the forest.

189
S.ula.K.200.
190
V.ula, K.323.
191
R.ula, K.159; V.ula, K.325.
192
V.ula, K.325; R.ula, K.162.
193
R.ula, K.299.
194
S.ula, K.201.
195
Kollippavai, R.ula, K.130, K.ula, C.145 .

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Economic Life

The Economic history of a country generally means the study of various


crafts like agriculture, weaving, carpentry, metallurgy and trade, currency, transport
etc., of a particular period.

Agriculture
Agriculture was the main occupation of the womenfolk of Cōḻa country. The
Cōḻa country was proverbial for the abundance of rice. Agriculture was the
principal occupation of the people. References to the fertility of the soil of the
Kāviri delta occur in the ulas.196 It is the refined fact that an adequate supply of
water is of supreme importance for successful cultivation. The Cōḻa rulers devoted
remarkable attention to this. The ulas mention the construction of embankments on
both sides of river Kāviri by Karikāla. Rajaraja II is stated to have took an
expedition to the Kudaku mountains to release the free flow of river Kaveri to the
Cōḻa land which was stopped by a dam constructed across the waters by a hostile
king.

Paddy was the staple crop. The ulas mention a special variety of paddy
called Chenchali, the red paddy. Rice was called Valsi and the cooked rice, Chōṟu.
In the dry land millets like Enal or Tinai were cultivated. The field was called
ēnalkalam.197 The other crop mentioned in the ulas was the sugarcane. Horticulture
was also given importance. The ulas mention about the groves containing mango
trees, coconut and areca nut palms, and plantain and many flower gardens. The
Agri- and Horticultural produce were used by the people in the manufacture of
jaggery and toddy. The women folk of the Agricultural family especially the wife,
daughter and sister joined and assisted them.

234
S.ula, K.377.
197
Ibid. K.111.

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Irrigation
Agriculture depended upon irrigation. Irrigated agriculture based primarily
upon tank or reservoir and second by upon rivers. Rain source was the domained
and stable system of cultivation198. Irrigation system of the period may be classified
into tank, cannal and well irrigation. Of these, only tank irrigation figures much in
inscriptions.199 The agency for the construction of dams or tanks was either public
or private. The dams, canals and tanks constructed were often named after the king
or queen (Vanavan Mahadevi perreri, Sembian Mahadevi perreri, Tribhuvana
Mahadevi perreri, Kundavai perreri and so on). There was a well-knit system of
cannals which supplied water to the fields through stone pipes and sluices. Queens
like Sembian Mahadevi and Kundavai Pirattiyar had constructed tanks for the
promotion of irrigation. Tribhuvana Mahadevi perreri was commonly used by the
people for irrigation200 further the individuals dug cannals and built sluices for
irrigation the devadana lands.201 The importance of irrigation was well recognized
in the Chola period. Along with men, women involved in agricultureal activities
and also contributed to some extent for the promotion of irrigation and reclamation
of lands.

An inscription202 of Rajarajadeva records that a Brahmin lady of Mudigonda


Chola-chaturvedimangalam, a Brahmin village in Vanogoppadi paid to kasu for
reclaiming 315 kuli out of the 100 kuli of un-salable waste lands belonging to the
temple, and handed it back to the temple. Another record of the Rajarajadeva
mentions that two individuals Arun Kunrakilar and his sister Mangaiyarkarasi203
utilized their own money to construct a tank at Annanadu, subsequently, when the
tank breached due to floods, the same people attended to it. Like another record
belonging to Rajendra Cōḻadeva mentions that another lady, called Tondaima

198
Burton Stein ed., All the Kings (papers on Medeival South Indian History), New Era publications
Madras, 1984, p.184.
199
N. Alagappan, Economic conditions in the Medieval Tamil country, Chidambaram, 1998, p.33.
200
Karanthai copper plates, part II, p.1.
201
A.R.E, 200 of 1934-35.
202
A.R.E, 339 of 1921.
203
A.R.E, 493 of 1902, S.I.I. vol VIII, No.83.

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Nachchiyar, who was the close relative of Mangayarkarasi also repained the tank
and brought out the dry lands under cultivation.204

Agriculture the glorious profession which pre dominated all the other
activities was liked with different aspects of life in Chola period. Women also
played a considerable role in the promotion of irrigation and agriculture.

The prosperity of an agricultural country depends to a large extent on the


faculties provided for irrigation, and the importance of securing an adequate water
supply was recognized in South India from very early times. Natural streams and
dependable channels leading off from them were the first source of supply; but for
the passing mention, in an inscription at Tiruvaduturai,205 of a Parakesari
Karikalacola who raised the banks of the Kaveri, we hear little, in inscriptions, of
the methods adopted to turn natural streams to account. Much literary evidence can
be cited to show that the prosperity of the Cola country was a gift of the Kaveri,
and particularly all the names now known of the many branches of this great stream
in the delta country are traceable in the Cola inscriptions.

About A.D.1010, the sabhā of Nemali (S.Arcot) which was then called
Calukki-kula-kala-caturvedimangalam set apart certain incomes as eri-ayam for the
maintenance of a local tank; one of these was a small charge of ¼ pon levied on
men and women of the Brahmin community at death.206 It is known that gandar
Atitha Pereri (south Arcot district), Sembiyan Madevi Pereri were dug out by
Kandar Athithga and his wife Sembiyan Madevi respectively.

Wages and Prices


Some idea of the economic condition of the different classes of labourers
may be had by a review the inscriptions. No general statement on the standard of

204
A.R.E, 552 of 1902; S.I.I. vol VIII, No.143.
205
ARE, of 1925, No.110.
206
ARE, of 1942-3, No.156.

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life of the people is possible; much less can we now trace the changes in the
standards and tastes of the population. The sources of our information are not
sufficiently copious or precise to allow of such attempts being made with success.
The permanent staffs of village, servants and others in the enjoyment of hereditary
service-holdings are, of course, not included in the discussion which follows. So
also the serfs and slaves are excluded. For lifting water and irrigating gardens and
fields, and for gathering flowers and other like operations, the wage of male
labourers was eight nalis per day at Tiruvamattur (South Arcot) in A.D.1030; but
women employed in making garlands and flowers were paid only at half the rate207
of the male. In the reign of Rajadhiraja I, however, the women servants employed
in a feeding house at Tiruvengadu earned a wage of two nalis per day.208

Work that demanded some kind of skill or special equipment in the


workman, commanded correspondingly the higher rates of wages. A certain Tiruvel
Araiccakkai was remun-erated at the rate of two kulams of paddy for each kuttu,
some kind of operatic dance, performed by him; and seven such performances were
guaranteed to him in a year in one temple in the reign of Aditya-II.209 Possibly he
was free to accept other engagements elsewhere. With this may be compared the
permanent endowment of a house and one hundred kalams of paddy per annum for
each of the four hundred dancing-girls settled by Rajaraja I round the big temple of
Thanjavur.210 Three kurunis per day was the wage-rate fixed by the same monarch
for each of fifty persons of the choir established by him for singing Tiruppadigam
(holy hymns) in the same temple.211 The wages mentioned in another inscription at
Tanjore provide similar information in about Rajaraja-I212 Each mani
(brahmachari) serving in the temple got one padakku (sixteen nalis) of paddy per

207
ARE, of 1922, No.18.
208
ARE, of 1918, No.450.
209
SII, vol III, No.202.
210
Ibid. vol II, No. 65.
211
Ibid. vol II, No.65.
212
Ibid. vol II, No.69.

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day and four kasus (two kalanjus) of gold per year;213 ten among them who had
vowed permanent service in the temple were to get an extra kuruni (eight nalis) of
paddy per day; twenty others who apparently made garlands were to receive one
padakku each per day and five kasus per annum.

Swabbing (Barter – System)


There were many mercantile activities in the age old swabbing system. In
this system one goods was exchanged to another with equal valuation. Native
business was conducted under small swabbing. Most of this kind of business was
done exchanging paddy. One ‘Nazhi’ paddy was exchanged to one and half
‘Nazhis’ of curd and for one ‘Nazhi’ of ‘dhal’ was for five (5) ‘Nazhis’ of paddy. In
most of the places paddy was given to workers as coolie. The kitchen women in
‘Thirupalathurai’ Temple got paddy as their coolie (service-charge).214 For
Taliccheri women (100) hundred ‘Kalams’ paddy was given per annum as their
payment. It is the best example for the swabbing deal for service.215 The currency
of money of small denominations did not altogether displace the ancient habit of
exchanging things for corn. The earliest Tamil poems state that salt and venison
were exchanged for paddy; to this day, in the villages of South India, housewives
may be seen pouring out the grain from their stores into the baskets of hawkers and
dairy-women in return for the vegetables, ghee or curd supplied by them.

The picture of economic conditions under the Cōḻas will not be complete
without some idea of the relation of paddy to other commodities and to money.
Ghee was converted into gold at 9 kurunis per kalanju and fifteen kalams of ghee
are equated to twenty kalanjus of gold. If this rate of conversion followed the prices
prevailing at Kalahasti in A.D.1012, the date of the record,216 the price of ghee in
those days must have been about a sixth or seventh of what it is to-day. A nali a

213
ARE, of 1912, No.263, K.A.Nilakandasastri, op.cit., p. 558.
214
SII, vol VIII, No. 547.
215
SII, vol II. No,66.
216
ARE., 1904, No.299, Ibid. 1912, No.146.

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half of curd was to be had for one nali of paddy,217 and paddy was selling at seven
kalams per pon-kalanju, a price which to all appearance is slightly higher than the
prices of 1937. It is to be noted that the price of paddy in gold varied very much
time to time and place.

In A.D.1018 at Nattam (Chingelpet), three nalis of paddy fetched forty-eight


betel leaves and twelve areca nuts.218 In the same year, at Tiruppangili in the
Trichiropoly district, a nali of good dhal was of the same value as five nalis of
paddy; one palam of crude sugar as two nalis of paddy; and one nali of paddy was
required to make one curry offering in the temple.219 At Tirumukkudal in
Chingelput, in A.D. 1016, one nali of oil was bought for four of paddy,220 one nali
of ghee for 1/3 kalam of paddy, and one measure of curd for two nail of paddy;
milk was also at the same rate, and one nali of turmeric was got one kuruni of
paddy.221

Daily Labour
From casual references in the inscriptions, we can dimly perceive the
existence of a class of hired day-labourers who assisted in agricultural operations
on the estates of other people and received a daily wage, usually in grain.222 There
was no clear line of division between the absolutely landless agrarian labourer and
the small peasant hiring himself out in his spare time. Garden-labour was hired for
service in flower-gardens attached to temples at the standard rate of one marakkal
and two nalis of paddy per diem, a rate223 mentioned in two inscriptions of the
years A.D.1019 and 1053; and eight such labourers were regularly employed all the
year round in a garden of the extent of seven padagams in one case, and two for six

217
Ibid.
218
ARE., of 1912, No.263, But 8 nuts and 32 leaves could be had for one nāli in 1104 at Narasingapuram
(Same district)- Ibid. of 1910, No.249.
219
Ibid.
220
This rate of barter almost looks like a standard rate; it occurs in ARE., of 1920, No.506 (Alangudi
A.D.1094); Ibid. of 1920, No’s.518,515,512.
221
ARE, of 1915, No.175.
222
ARE, of 1928, No.114,op.cit., p.569.
223
ARE, of 1915, No.172; Ibid. of 1925, No.45.

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ma-s-in the other. In several instances a gift of land for some public purpose, to a
temple or maṭha, is found to include some portion set apart for the residences of the
families of labourers engaged in its cultivation. Such labourers were not peasant
proprietors by any means, and were nearer the class of hired labourers than of
tenants; they were entitled to the use of a house-site near enough to the site of their
work and to get wages fixed in advance, the proceeds of their labour on land being
altogether the property of the institution that owned the soil on which they worked

Service tenure
Service-tenures were of various types. The assignments in favour of public
servants as remuneration for their official work under government have already
been noticed; these assignments were, however, only of certain rights to taxes and
dues from land, and as such must be distinguished from direct assignments of land
in lieu of particular services rendered. The endowment of a nrtyabhoga
(sakkaikani) for the performance of driyak-kutu at the annual festivals in
Tiruvaduturai from the ninth year of Rajaraja I (A.D.994),224 and that of a
tattarakkani, goldsmith’s holding, by queen Dantisakthi Vitanki attached to the
temple of Tiruvarur from the fourth year Rajendra-I,225 furnish instances of one of
the common methods by which service-tenure on temple lands was created from
time to time.

Exclusiveness
A deliberate attempt seems to have been made in the reigns of Rajaraja and
Rajendra I to maintain the homogeneity of the bramadeya villages by excluding all
other classes from owning land in them. Possibly difficulties of the character above
mentioned were not foreseen at first, and no restrictions were imposed on worship
of land in brahmadeya villages; as in actual practice this policy gave rise in some
place or other to the sort of inconvenience that was quite natural in the

224
ARE, of 1925, No.120.
225
ARE, of 1894, No.216.

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circumstance, the king’s attention was drawn to it, when no satisfactory solution
was reached by local agreement. There was issued by Rajaraja in the seventeenth
year of his reign, A.D.1002, a general order that in Brahmin villages, the estates
(kani) of all persons of castes other than Brahmin are sold out, exception being
made for servants holding land under some service tenure.

The Brahmins were apparently expected to buy up the land and pay down
cash, and a special officer was deputed to the order and make early payment. Some
of the land sold on the occasion was bought by the king’s sister Kundavai226 who
gave it to the local temple. A similar order of Rajendra I is recorded in an
inscription of the sixth year of his reign from Velicceri, a bramadeya in
Puliyurkottam.

Cattle
Closely allied to agricultural was rearing cattle and dairy-farming, an
industry pursued generally by the manradis or shepherds. Here again, one has too
much on the temple records for the information. The manradis seem to have been
organised in a professional caste group (kalanai), and generally taken charge of the
cattle donated to the temples for the maintenance of lamps under certain conditions.
Though the pasu (cow) and adu (sheep) are sometimes used only as units of
reckoning, still in the majority of instances there is no doubt that live animals are
meant, and often enough, breeding bulls and rams form part of the gifts. The
importance of cattle-farming may also be inferred from the names of several
imposts the exact nature of which is not fully known, such as nalla, nallerudu,
alagerudukasu227 and so on. The Chola women and Devadasis were donated cows
and ewes to the temples.

Cattle Breeding

226
Ibid.; K.A.Nilakanda Sastri, op.cit., p.578-79.
227
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, op.cit., p.588.

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The womenfolk were called Koviyar and Koviyamadar. These people lived
in settlements called Aymanai, Pāḍi or Āyarpāḍi. Dairy farming was their principal
occupations. The ulas mentioned milk, curd, butter and ghee among the dairy
products by the Āyars.228

Weaving
The people of the age seemed to have attained great watermark in the field
of weaving. A remarkable measure of skill was developed in the art of weaving
cotton and silk fabrics. The ulas mention a variety of clothes made of cotton such
as Tugil, Tusu, Kalai and Āḍai. Kosigam, pattu and silk clothes were there. Nivi and
Polankalai were silk clothes embroidered with gold jarri. Dyeing of clothes was a
widespread ancillary industry. Blue and red colours seemed to be the favourite
colours with the consumers. The weavers were called Vinaivar.229 The womenfolk
especially, the wife, daughter, sisters joined with them and assisted them in all the
works of weaving and its allied works.

Masonry
The construction of buildings which rose to a considerable height is found
mentioned in the ulas. Buildings with several storey’s, balconies and porticos are
mentioned in the ulas. Big mansions known by the name Māḷikai and houses
known as ulai are mentioned in the ulas. The Cōḻa kings made many structural
additions to the Temple of Lord Nataraja at Tillai.230 These constructions included
rising of seven tiers towers and buildings in the shape of chariots. All these indicate
that masonry art was in a very advanced stage and the womenfolk also assisted in
Masonry.

Salt Pans (Salt-Culture)

228
Ibid., G.Thirumavalavan., op.cit., p.155.
229
Ibid.
230
Ibid.

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The inscriptions contain only a limited number of references to the daily
occupations and arts of the population, and we have to eke out this scanty
information from literature and sculpture. The manufacturing of sea-salt was
carried on under the government supervision and control, and subject to
considerable imposts in kind and money, locally as well as centrally and central.
The salt-pans of Markanam, Kanyakumari, Variyur, and Ayturai were among the
more important centers of salt manufacturing, which was a widespread industry all
along the sea coast.231 In many parts of the country ‘salt’ was produced and that
profession was flourishing and thriving. There had been ninety salt pans in cheyyur
(Mathranthagam and Kancheer-puram taluks). Though these belonged to many
persons, one pan belonged to three persons, i.e., women along with other two men
members. It is very clear from this testimony that women too participated in salt
production.

Women in Village assembly


In the ancient period the small village assembly met at maṉṟam or ampalam
(on open public place) to do local business there. The manram was called podiyil232.
It was cleaned and smoothened with wet cow-dung paste and the captive women
were made to look after the maintenance of podiyil. The word podiyil is derived
from meant common place.
The Uttaramerur inscription of Parantaka issued in his 14 th regnal year,
mentions clearly the rules for the appointment of various committees, the
qualifications necessary for membership, the method of election of the members of
the committee and the disqualifications that come in the way of membership. It is
implicity clear that women were excluded from the list of qualified candidates233.
Only male adults were to be chosen and the women were not given proper place in
the village administration. But at the same time women served as Nyattar

231
TAS., 1, pp.162-4, ARE., of 1925, No’s.247-8,239, Ibid. of 1919, No’s.23, 24.
232
C.M.Ganapathi, Pandai Tamilagathil Sattamum Nitheeyum in Aayvu valta Katturaigal
(V.K.Krishnamoorthy ed.), Madras, 1995, p.148.
233
N.Subramanian and R. Venkatraman, Tamil Epigraphy–A Survey, p. 102.

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(evidently the officers) in judicial committee to hear case and decide the guilt. All
the cases did not go to the king’s court. Cases where minor disputes were involved
seems to have been decide locally by the village assembles themselves by means of
small committies called the Nyattar.234 The inscription of Rajaraja-I states that
Maha Sabha of Venbaikudinadu passed an important resolution in honours of
women.235 In those days women were brought before the village assembles (ur,
sabha) for non-payment of tax to the king, but it was considered as an insult.

Royal House hold servants


The ulas provide us with a list group of women who were employed in the
palaces and in the houses of the wealthy people as maids. Perayam were the maids-
in-waiting employed in the Royal household. Ayachchi or ladiyar (cow herd
women) were the servant-maids employed in the houses of wealthy people.236 In
the conglomeration the maids of several groups of women were called Adichcheri.
The ulas mention that they were employed in the houses of well-to-do, to breast-
feed, to bring-up and to protect the children of the wealthy people. They were
known by the names Perattayar, Mudukilavi- tayar (mother), Mulaittayar (feeding
mother), Kaittayar and kol-tayar. Similarly there were groups of maidens who were
employed in the houses of the wealthy as maids to foster their young daughters and
to keep them company. They were known as Pankiyar, Sediyar (servant) and
Toliyar (friend). The ulas mention further that a Kuratti, a woman belonged to the
Kurava sect of the hilly region, was an expert in the art of fortune-telling.237 The
people who occupied the lowest strata in the social ladder of that period were
known by the name Dinar, the helpless poor.238 Thus the ulas provide a fairly long
list of groups of people who formed the social strata of the period.

Velams and Urimai Magaḷir

234
S.I.I. vol VIII, No.207.
235
Nattanakasinathan, Tolliyal (Tamil), Sekar Pathippagam, Madras, 1977, p.60.
236
S.ula K.234.
237
Ibid. K.167.
238
Ibid.

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There were bath rooms and kitchen establishment exclusively meant for
women. The palaces where servants were organized called as Velams and settled in
separate quarters in the cities of Thanjvur and Gangaikondacholapuram. These
Velams members were often recruited from the men and women captured in war.

Apparently each important member of the royal family had his own
entourage of such personal attendance this is seen from such expressions in the
inscriptions. In the particular service (tanic-cevagam) of Udaiyar Kodandarama the
Satrubhayankurat Terinda Velam of Pachavan Madeviyar,239 Abinmana Pusha Teri-
nada Velam, Arunmozhi Thevar Therintha Velam Thiru Pari-gkarathar Velam,
Rajaraja Terintha Velam, Pandi Thiruman-chanthu Velam, Uttama Cholier Velam,
Uyyak-kondar Terintha Thiru manchanathu Velam outer city of in Thanjavur
(puram padi) Killai Velam, Thribuvana Madeviyar Velam, Balaiya Velam, Malai
Velam, periya Velam, Elankesvara Kulakala Terinda Thrumanchanathur Velam,
Sivapadha Sekara therinthe Velam also in Tanjore and Gangaikonda Chola
puram.240 Menial servants lived in Thrumanchandhu Velam. The captured men and
women lived in perithum Velam’s servants.

Women Officers (Agapparivaram)


The royal household servants of velam women were called ‘Agapparivaram’
(Royal servants), ‘Parivaram and perayam’ for example the names like
‘Nambratiyar Arulmozhi Nangai Parivaram’, ‘Nambrattiyar Elulayam Udayar
Agapparivaram’241 are found mentioned in the inscriptions.

Palace Servants (Evalpendier)


The inscriptions and literature provide information about the women worked
as gate keepers and palace servants. The gate keeper were called as ‘puram kakkum
mātar’.These servants were supposed to stand beyond two Villidaipatta may be two

239
ARE., of 1928,No.95; Ibid. of 1918, No.463; Ibid. of 1928, No.19; Ibid. of 1904, No.213.
240
SII, vol II, No.66.
241
SII, vol VII, No.863.

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feets distance for doing their services.242 Filepiy servants were called as ‘Ayach
silathier’. She lived in outer side of the village. It is called ‘Atichcheri’.243

Women officials (Athikārichi)


The women not only did the duties in the palace, but served remarkably as
Officers and Village Officers also. They were called as ‘Athikarichies’. Though it is
the feminine gender for Athikari, it indicates that the women were in special powers
and responsibilities244. From the inscriptions it is known that one Athikarichi
donated land to temples for perpetual lamp and another Athikarichi donated 90
sheep for the temple lamps.245 The Athikarichi were under the control of the
Queen’s.246 The name Athikarichi was also mentioned in the wife of Athikāri.247
The Athikarichi gifted only lamp as gifts to the temples. The women who as
worked Athikarichi were also mentioned in the inscriptions as ‘Pendier
pandaram’.248 It was one of the evidence of the women of working cadre as an
‘Athikari’. An inscription in Thirumancheri at Mayavaram, mentions that one
kitchen servant (female) donated lamp to the God Parameswarar. This woman was
mentioned in the inscription as Kitchen servant (Maddaipalli Pendatti)249. The
Madaipalli pendatti was called pen vallaiyal (women servant). The Vatchamuthu
Madapa in temple called Madaipalli. The women servant worked in this
Madaipalli.250

Maid Servants (Adiyal)

242
ARE., of 1922, No.141.
243
ARE., of 1922, No.397.
244
Idem.
245
ARE., of 1914, No.383.
246
R.Nagasamy, Yavarum kelir, p.109.
247
T.V.Sadasiva Pandarathar, Pirkala Cholar Varalaru, p.48.
248
Tirukoil, 1981, p.42.
249
SII., vol, XII, p.45.
250
K.Algesan, Kalvetu kattum kalaisorgal, 2004, p.48.

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Maid-servants were called as ‘Adiyal’251. For this other words such as
Anukkiya Mathuranthiyar252 and Anukkamar253 were also used. These words are
found in the Chola inscriptions it illumines the fact that they were the Maid-
servants of Chola kings. It is seen in the inscription that the wife of the King was
called as Thevar Devi254, Thirailokiya Madevi255, Puvana Muluth-udaiyal256,
Nambiradiyar257 and Madevi.258 The word Madevi was used for nine wives among
the 11 wives of Rajaraja-I.
Childcare Women (Panisai magalier)
They worked in wealthy family. The inscriptions and literatures mentioned
them Panisai Magalir. The nature of work was to ‘take care of child’ and servant of
259
young lady in rich family. The child care women were called ‘Mulaithaiyar’
(Feeding Mother), ‘konthayar’, ’kaithaya’, ‘perunthayar’, ‘muthukilavithayar’ (as
per working nature). There lady servant of young age were called ‘pankier’,
‘sediyar’, ‘Tholiyar’. She worked in full time. Besides viralier, pannieyar, (they
were worked in dance and singing in villages), Ayicher, kurathier, ulathier,
Ayyachilathier, Pulachier also called Panisai Magalir.

Women separate servicers (Thani sevagam)


Servants were employed to render service to the king and the king’s
families. The structure of these servants was called as ‘separate services’ (Thani
sevagam).260 These servants mostly were women. The inscription mentions
Thirumancheri Paramesvara Svamkku Thanajavur Madaipalli pendatti261, Vellathu
Pendatti Madhavan Kandi.262 These servants worked as guards for ‘Nīratu Arai’

251
S.I.T.I. Vo.III, pt.Q.p.1392.
252
S.I.I. vol.V.No.30.
253
S.T.T. vol.IV.No.30.
254
ARE., of 1918,No.47.
255
S.I.I. vol.III, No.48.
256
S.I.I, vol.III, No.48.
257
ARE., of 1913,No.458.
258
Ibid. of 1929, No.242.
259
Ibid. of 1911, No.296.
260
T.V.Sadasiva pandarathar, op,cit, pp.567-568.
261
ARE., of 1914,No.11.
262
S.I.I. vol.XIX, No.131.

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(bath-room), (bathing place) and Paḷḷiyarai (bedroom). The names such as
Ilangeswara Kula therinju Thiru Manchan, Thar Vellathu Pendattya Devan
Purambiyan Adala vedanga manickam, Gangai Konda Chola Purathu uyyakkoden
therintha Thirumanchananthar vellathu pendatti, Thriamuthidum pendatti are found
in the inscription. They were called Anukki and Anukkiar for example,263 Thiru
Rajendra Chola Theva Annukkiar, Sourtriya Panchavan Madevi Rajendra Chola
Deva Annukiar Pallavan Pattali nangai, Rajakesari vellathup pentattigan Annukkai
Mahamalli, Rajakesari vallathu pentattiyana Anukkai Mahamalli, Periya vellathu
pentattiyana Thiru Rajendra Cholan Anukki sathan Ramadevi.264 They were called
pender. Thathi, Bogier and Vellathi as the role of their Duties,265 all were called as
Perayam.266 Some inscriptions mentioned were worked as Tirumeykāppāḷar267 and
they donated money, Jewells and land for the purpose of lighting the perpetual
lamp. Nandakaddathi gave 90 sheep for lighting the perpetual lamp. Chitra
Komalam alias Parivaratha gave 90 sheep for lighting lamps and Ela Lamp.

Pentattiyan Devna petramai daughter solai Rajasingam gives 90 sheep for


lighting the lamp to the memory of her mother. Vijaya Rajendra Deva Anukkiar
Pallavar pattali Nangai gave pon odugal to the temple. Kothandarama Rajathirayan
Madaippalli women gave gold for lighting the lamp.268 Later on the term Pendatti
got corrupted and was used to denote the female life partner of man. The term
shows the degrading status of women. K.K.Pillai says that Pendatti means the
women who served in the place. But according to one an inscription the term
denotes means the women who served in the temple and in another inscription
pendatti means generally women servant269.

263
SII., vol VII, No. 333.
264
K.K.Pillai, Tamilaga Varalaru Makalum Panpadum, 1972, p.337.
265
ARE., of 1902, No.528, SII, vol VII, No.112.
266
Ibid. of 1926,No.563, Ibid. vol V, No.520.
267
ARE., of 1912,No.211.
268
Ibid. of 1921,No.230.
269
Ibid. of 1914, No.11.

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Thus the inscription mentions the women servants as Pendatti. In the same
inscription the wife of the King was called as Thevar Devi270, Thirai Lokiya
Madevi271, PuvanaMuluthudai-yal272, Nambirattiyar273, Madevi274. The word
Madevi was used for nine wives among the 11 wives of Rajaraja I.

Temple Servants
‘Koil Koththu’275,‘Madappallipendir’276,‘Sandhi Kottuvar’277, ‘Thai
iduvar’278and Pathiyilal279 were the temple servants and were controlled and
directed by senior grade (Perunthara Adhik-aris) officers.

Women in Temple Administration


Sembiyan Mahadevi founded many temples. The money was deposited with
the sasana-bhatta chaturvedi-bhatta tannapperumakkaḷ (committee) which was
also appointed by the queen mother (Sembiyan Mahadevi).280 This shows the
involvement of the queen Sembiyan Mahadevi in the administration of the temple.
Since the temple played an important role in the socio-economic life it should have
provided (ample) employment apportunity for a number of people. The retinue of
the servants attached to the temple was known by the term kōyil parivāram or
taḷiparivāram.281 In Cōḻa times the temple parivāram gained some importance.
Ladies were also treated on par with men in matters of recruiting amployees by the
temples. They also took an active part in various temple duties. The various
categories of servants engaged in temple can be broadly being grouped into male

270
Ibid. of 1918, No.47.
271
SII. vol. III, No.48.
272
Ibid.
273
ARE., of 1913, No.458.
274
ARE., of 1929, No.242.
275
S.I.T.I, vol.III, pt.2, p.1423.
276
S.I.I.vol.III, No.101.
277
ARE., of 1928, No.162.
278
A. Velupillai, Sasanamum Tamilum, p.319.
279
ARE., of 1894, No.221.
280
A.R.E., 496 of 1925; S.I.I., vol XIX, No.405.
281
A.R.E., 14 of 1893; A.R.E., 301,303 and 1901.

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and female.282 The Rājarājeśvara temple at Tanjore, the Raṅganātha temple at
Śrīraṅgam and other medieval temples provide wide employment opportunities to
both men and women.

Based on the profession, they could be classified in to two classes viz, (a)
skilled including temple administrator, pujaris and dancing girls comprising
dancers, singers and musicians and (b) unskilled servants including manual
labourers such as sweepers, cleaners and pounders of paddy. Besides we find
women officers to be appointed as the administrators in the Tiruvaiyaru temple
built by the Cōḻa queen. They had equal powers with male officers appointed
there.283 An inscription from Tiruvaiyaru records that a woman was then appointed
in the days of Rajaraja – I to be a member of the village and its temple.284

Another lady officer (Athikarichi) Somayan Amitharavalli was also


appointed to take after the administration of the Tiruvaiyaru temple. This was
mentioned in the inscription of Rajadhiraja.285 If any temple servants confiscated or
indulged in misappropriation of temple properties then it is considered as
Sivadroha286 and was punished for the confiscation of the properties of the owner
and handed over to the temple. There are references to some cases of
mismanagement and mis conduct by temple servant and managers287 and of the
theft of temple jewels.288 The inscription of the Cōḻa and Pāṇḍya periods preserve
many such instances.289 For misappropriation of temple jewellery, even women
were arrested under the orders of maheśvaras at Aragalur and their days of worship
as share holders in the temple sold off.290 As temple property was held to be so

282
D.Dayalan, Early Temple of Tamilnadu, Harman publishes House, New Delhi, 1992, p.163.
283
M.Arunachalam, Cultural Heritage of Hinduism, Kalakshetra publications, Madras, p.229.
284
A.R.E., 222 of 1894; S.I.I., vol V, No.521, cld; $l;lj;J mjpfhuk; nra;fpw NfhtY}u; cilahd; fhld;
E}w;nwd; kiuAk; mjpfhupr;rp VLjw;FQ; ruky;ypiaAk;.
285
A.R.E., 221 of 1894; S.I.I., vol V, No.520.
286
Dinamalar, Madurai dated 12th November 2004,p.11.
287
M.E.R., 372 of 1906; M.E.R., 125 of 1908.
288
Ibid.
289
A.R.E., 282 and 283 if 1906; A.R.E., 490 of 1912; A.R.E., 279 of 1926-27.
290
A.R.E., 1914 part II, para 19.

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sacrosanct that even women were not spread from the hand of justice. Ladies who
embezzled the temple jewels were imprisoned but the length of the term of
punishment is not mentioned.291

Education (Tamil Studies)


Though much evidences are available regardly on the nature of the
organisation of higher studies in Sanskrit, it is somewhat disappointing that no
tangible evidence are available for Tamil learning; There were the numerous muths,
the names of which are recorded in inscriptions all over the country, did serve in
more or less important centres for the promotion of learning, religious and secular
thoughts in the Tamil language. It was clear that the principal tasks of the muths
were to train the bands of Choristers who sang the Tirupapadigam292 in the temples.
Most of the Devaradiyar had learnt Tiruppadigam.

The Social History of Human lives never fail to reveal the ups and downs of
the lives of the people then and there likewise, the above brought out facts and
points do the same aspect with no slips of realism at any cost. The women in the
Cholas reign living in the various strata of life comprised in the then society had
their lives mostly akin to that of the present day. The facts aforetold are perfectly
irrepudiable as well as invulnerable. The seven stages of women (Ezhuparuva
Magalir) have been brought forth very serenely. From ‘Cheri’ to ‘Cinena’ how the
women lead their lives has been analysed seriously and strenuously.

Cultural activities of Chola Women


Like in the King’s family, the other community women too had same
flavour and tendencies. Their donations are the best testmonies. In small
peasanelan, Devi Rajathichi and her daughter Kuncharamalli too donated 25 Eezha

291
A.R.E., 125 of 1908 and 1909, Part III, pp.82-83.
292
Ibid. p. 633.

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coins for lighting the temple lamps. The women in other society had got the same
right as of the king’s family. Devi Rajathi and her daughter Kunjira Malli donated
25 coins of Īḻam293 for to the temple lamp. The wives of Elak Kasu Paluvettaraiyan
Kandan Maran contributed donations to the temple in Keelapazhuvur. One Sister of
Chola King contributed 30 kasus to Varaguna Perumal Thirukoil, Nakkan
Vitramakesariyar, the wife of Thennavan Ilango made donations. Nangaikula
Manickam, the Queen of, Sethi Madeviyar, the Queen of Miladudaiyar and
Panchavan Madevi, and the wife of Paranthaga Mutharaiyar donated sheep to light
the temple lamps. This all and as well as many alike, we come to know thorough
stone inscriptions.294

From the inscriptions it is inferred that the daughter of Aroor Thevangar


shone in dancing. Her name was Nakkan Brahmma Devi, Mummudi Chola
Thalaikolis donations, a woman’s contribution 10 kalanjus to construct Thirukoil
pond and another women’s donation of 100 kuzhi land bought from her life time
saving money and ornament for the perpetual lamp of the koil.295 Through stone
inscriptions it is known that one woman Eegaiamainthal of Noyyadipankam made
one Kartali for the goddess in the Devi temple and donated a temple bell,
Tūpakkalasam.296 One Brahmin woman donated her land to construct an
Athipattarakar temple in the summit of a mountain and arranged for the perpetual
lamp.297

Like wise so many Brahmin women; Mathachchani; Kesava Pattras


daughter Nīli; and the Queen Seeri Krittina Kausalyar, Ariyavammai, donated to
temple various many ways. The Brahmin women donated sheep for lit Tiruvilaku298

293
ARE., of 1903, No.376.
294
SII., vol VII,No.863; SII,vol III,No.205.
295
ARE., of 1915, No.260, ARE., of 1915,No.16.
296
ARE., 1898, No.141; Ibid. of 1911, No.174; Ibid. of 1911, No.188; Ibid. of 1911, No.499; Ibid. of 1933,
No.162.
297
ARE., of 1906,No.156.
298
G.Thirumavalavan, Political Science and cultural History of the Cholas as gleanced from
Literature,1991, p.131.

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(perpetual lamp). Besides those, Kalapala Nacchi and her daughter Veeraperumal
Nacchi also donated and this we came to know the stone inscriptions.299 These are
the testimonies and evidences to know that the women belonging various castes in
society lived with liberty and due rights. (More details in IV chapter)

Hospital (Āthula Salai)


According to a sasana from the Koyil Tevarayanpettai near Rajagiri Village
in Papanasam Taluk explicitly gives the details of one hospital in Tanjore to the
remembrance of her father, the king Sundara Cōḻa established by Kundavai, the
elder sister of the emperor Rajaraja-I, for rendering services to the people. The
Hospital then was called as ‘Āthula Salai’. The first sasan 300 written in A.D.1015
i.e. in the third year of the Rajendra Cholan-I’s reigning says that Rajakesari
Chaturvedi Mangalathu councilors gave Kundavai 9 Ma (Nine Mas) land as Iraiyili
getting 70 (seventy) kasus from her for the purpose of purveying the expenditures
incurring on the Hospital Services. Another sasan written in 1019301, i.e. in the 7th
year Rajendra Chola’s reign defines that Kundavai bought a house site from one
person from the Kalakarachi at Rajakesari Sathurvedi Mangalam and gave it to
another person by name Savarnan Araiyur Mathurangan for the purpose rendering
medical services continuously. These informations are found not only in sasan but
also in the inscription engraved by Kundavai at Thiruchevalur temple.

In those days ‘Āthula Salai’ was defined as the place where not only the
patients were treated and got operated also. Then, this type of operation was called
Sallikriyai.302 From the Rajendra Chola’s inscription at Thirumukkudal it is evident
that this Athula Salai functioned in an area, a part of Thirumalkoil. The Ayurvedic
system of Medicines and treatment were followed. An inscriptions belonging to
Alwar Sri Paratakan Kundavai Prattiar mentions the above medicine must be

299
R.ula, 139, K.Parani Kadai Thirappu, 40.
300
ARE., of 1925, No.248.
301
ARE., of 1923, No.249.
302
Sita Narasiomhan, Śaivism under the Imperial Cōḻas…, Chap. I.

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collected in the Athula Salai for the purpose of one year usage and again mentioned
the measurement of the medicine. (See the Annexure)

In one maṇḍapam in Vishnu Alayam at Tirumukkūḍal, there functioned a


school, Hostel and Hospital was named as Vīracōḻa Āthula Salai. In this Hospital
there were two doctors, one for prescribing medicines and the other for performing
operations; two other staff for buying medicines and two nurses for attending the
patients. Finally a general one called ‘Vican’ was apoointed to maintain the School,
Hostel, and Hospital according to the Tirumukkudal inscription of Virarajendra,
A.D.1067.303 The above inscription contains a very detailed account of the entire
budget of receipts and expenses in the local temple of Mahavisnu, and the schedule
of expenses included provision for a College and a hospital. The College was a
comparatively small institution having only two Vedas (Rig and Yajur) and
Vyakarana with Rupavatara were taught in it.

Tirumukkudal college this college had 2 teachers and 30 pupils and 2


women servants.304 There were two women servantsd who looked after the menial
service required by the schools and their pupils. Besides, there were several
endowments for rewarding merit and distinction attained in these scholastic
pursuits, like the one at Kamarasavalli, dated A.D. 998, to those who recited
portions of the Talavakar-sama. There were also other organisations of a learned
character like the Ghatika of Vembarrur for which only the names have come to
light to us.
The womenfolk participated with the men folk in the various occasions
nearly equaling with them. They took part in Agricultural activities, Cattle
breeding, rearing and selling the dairy products. The Mercantclety was swapping
system such as materials to material, service to material and vice versa. They
assisted in salt culture, Masonry and weaving, etc. Importance was given to

303
ARE, 1915, No.182, EI, XXI, pp. 220.
304
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, op. cit., p. 63.

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beautification with Dresses, Ornaments, Costumes, Perfumes and with then
availing sources. The food system has been narrated in a fasicinating manner. The
women have had special status in the Palace and the temples. The Kings had many
wives, and thus exercised concubinage and polygamy. They had land rights too and
with that they committed many services nobly, such as to temple activities as well
as Dharmic activities. However, they were not escaped to injustice meted out them.
Under Cholas a cruel form of sacrifice ‘Sati’ was ubiquitously existed. For one
reason, they wanted to be glorified in future and for the other reason to escape from
the ‘Scowls’ and ‘Scrapes’ from their relatives and the society. Notably ‘Satikals’
were erected and names were suted to villages after the women.

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