festivals

r should
t I Festival:Definition and Morphology
rrea and AlessandroFalassi
:rlooked
I'hey are
r articles
articles
rold van
Mesnil,

pproach
I social
esult in
hed and
;orously
Tls may

eries of
emerg-
shed in
rts.
for the
retoric,
are pi-
. mean-
a given
;uch as
I
utlook,
rrelim- Festivalis an event, a social phenomenon,encounteredin virtually all human cultures.
The colorful variety and dramatic intensity of its dynamic choreographicand aesthetic
classic aspects, the signs of deep meaning underlying them, its historical roots and the
nd and involvement of the o'natives"have always attracted the attention of casual visitors,
central have consumed travelers and men of letters alike. Since the last century, scholars
but the from disciplines such as comparative religion, anthropology, sociology, and folklore
n. have concernedthemselveswith the description, the analysis, and, more recently, the
:holars interpretationoffestivities. Yet little explicit theoretical effort has been devoted to the
ge the nomenclatureof festive events orto the definition of the wmfestiual. As a result, the
rching meaning of festiual in the social sciences is simply taken from common language,
Marin, where the term covers a constellation of very different events, sacred and profane,
At the private and public, sanctioning tradition and introducing innovation, proposing nos-
arbara talgic revivals, providing the expressive means for the survival of the most archaic
r book folk customs, and celebrating the highly speculative and experimental avant-gardes
of the elite fine arts.
Etymologically the term festiual derives ultimately from the Latin festum. But
 2 I AL[ssANt)lto
]Al.ASSr

originalll' l,!tirr had two terms for festive events: ,.public joy,
festum, for merriment,
rt'vt'frv." .od.fi'ria, meaning"abstinencef.om work in honor
of th" goir.l, Both terms
nrrrt' trntttlirr the plu-*I, festa and
feriae, which indicates that at that time festivals
rllrr:atlylastedmany days and included many eveltts. In classical
Latin, the two terms
tt'rrrl.dto becomesynonyms,as the two typr:s'f ev.rrts te.ded
to merge.r
l'rom festa derived the Italian
/i:srn (pl. festel, rhe l.rench F*"tpl. f6tes) and
festiual(udj.),theSpanish
fiesta(pl. jusuol",tlrc I'ortuguese
festa,irr"niiaai" rrigri"l,
feste,feste d,ai,festial thenfestittal, at fir*r an adj,:t,tive events and then a
noun denotingthem. "onooting
Feria (pl'
"f"'fu! had a r*'nrnntit:inplication rf lack, intermission,and absencethat
remainedin the origirral.rnetninr of the ltalianferia(abstinence
from work in honor of a
saint),.ferie(l irne away.fnxn worl), andgiorni (days
feriali of absence of ."ligiou"
m<rnies) nr well ns ilt tlte m*dieval/eriae (truce), ""..-
feriae"matricularurn (festii.,r*utio.,
for llniverxity*lutlente]'rrndthe Spanish/'as (daylf rest in honor
of a saint).The meaning
of "etnPtv"{rrlrit'h coukl l* taken to indicate that festival is
the resoundingcage of cul-
lyre) r+ueInt*r joinal nnd o-vershadowed by the festive events that progressivelyfilled such
doy* rrf"re*l fnrm.""l'husferiabecame the term for market
and expositionof commercial
;rnxluce,sur:hasin the Portuguesefeira,the Spanishrfe ria, thehalianfera,the old French
.fi:ire, thurfoire, and the Old Englishfaire, thenfair.
Other secondarymeaningsof thesetwo baslc terms indicate
in different languages
fnrms of festive behavior or segmentsof festivals, such
asrfeas t andfestinefor an abun-
dant formal meal, the Sp anish
ftesta for public combat or krright" to show their ability and
valor, the Latinfesta fo-rsacredofferings,the Rumani
unprTo ior..prank,,,or the Italian
festa and the Frenchpe for "birrhday celebrarion,,or:i;;t ..warm
welcome.,,2
In contemporaryEnglish, festival means (a) a sacred
o.'p.of".r. time of celebra-
tion, marked by special observances;(b) the annual
celebration of a notable person
or event, or the harvestof an important product; (c)
a cultural event consi.ti"g of,
series of performancesof works in the fine arts, often
devoted to a single artfst or
genre; (d) a fair; (e) generic gaiet!, conviviality,
cheerfulness.3Similar common-
languageuses are to be feiunrJin all Romanc" lrnguagru.
As for the social sc:ienceg,the clefinition that cai' be
inferred from the works of
scholarswho have deelt with festival while ntudying
social una .itu"t eventsfrom the
viewpoint 'f various disciplines euch as
religion, anthropology, social
psychology,folklore, and so<:i'logyindicates "u.pu.utiu,
tirat festival clmmonly ^i^rJo'p"rroa_
ically recurre.nt, social occasionii which, through o
^utupi;rrty of forms and, a series
of coordinated euenr.s,participate d,irectly or lndirectty
ind, to aarious d,egrees,all
membersof a whoLecommunity, united by ethnic, linguistic,
religious, historical bond,s,
and sharing a worlduiew. Both the social function "u'd
th" rl-mri" meaning oi irr"
festival are closely related to a series of overt values
that the community recognizes
as essentialto its ideologyand worldview, to its_social
identity, its historical contiiruity,
and to its physical survival, which is ultimately what
f""tiuui celebrates.a

II
Scholars have defined various types of festival, relying
mainly on the sacred/
secular dichotomy first discussed by burkheim. This
is more a theoretical than a
practicaldistinction, since each type usually includes
elements of the other, even if
 Festiual:Definition and Morphology | 3

'riment, secondaryand subordinate. Religious festivals have evident secular implications, and
h terms secular ones almost invariably resort to metaphysics to gain solemnity and sanction
'estivals
for their eventsor for their sponsors.Another basic typological distinction that is often
o terms made draws upon the setting of the festival, opposing rural to urban festivals. Rural
festivals are supposedly older, agrarian, centered on fertility rites and cosmogony
es) and myths, while the more recent, urban festivals celebrate prosperity in less archaic
English forms and may be tied to foundation legends and historical events and feats. Another
then a typology can be based on power, class structure, and social roles, distinguishing
amongfestivals given by the people for the people, those given by the establishment
rce that for itself, and those held by the people for the establishment, by the establishment
nor of a for the people, and by the people against the establishment.s
rs cere- Festivebehaviorhas also been studied as a whole complex with one basic symbolic
acation characteristic. While some scholars have indicated as most important the symbolic
reaning inversion, the topsy-turvy aspect apparent in festivals such as the Roman Saturnalia
of cul- or the Feastof Fools, others have insisted on the similarities betweendaily and festive
:d such behavior, stressingthat the latter parallels the former but with a more stylized form
nercial
and with greatly increased semantic meaning'
French
The two approachesare not mutually exclusive. If we consider that the primary
and most generalfunction of the festival is to renounce and then to announce culture,
guages
to renew periodically the lifestream of a community by creating ne\{ energy, and to
r abun-
give sanctionto its institutions, the symbolic means to achieve it is to representthe
ity and
primordial chaos before creation, or a historical disorder before the establishment of
Italian
the culture, society, or regime where the festival happens to take place.
Such representationcannot be properly accomplished by reversal behavior or by
:lebra-
rites of intensification alone, but only by the simultaneous presence in the same
person
festival of all the basic behavioral modalities of daily social life, all modified-by
rgofa
distortion, inversion, stylization, or disguise-in such a way that they take on an
tist or
especiallymeaningful symbolic character. Consequently,both symbolic inversion and
1lmon-
intensificationmust be present in the festival, and in addition there will be the element
rrks of of symbolic abstinence-for instance from work, from play, from studn from religious
rm the observances.In sum, festival presentsa completerange of behavioral modalities, each
social one relatedto the modalities of normal daily life. At festival times, people do something
rcriod- they normally do not; they abstain from somethingthey normally do; they carry to the
', series extremebehaviorsthat are usually regulated by measure;they invert patterns of daily
zs, all social life. Reversal, intensification, trespassing,and abstinence are the four cardinal
bonds, points of festive behavior.6
of the
gnizes III
inuity,
A morphology of festivals must indicate their minimal units and their possible
sequences.Such a theoretical operation, analogousto what Vladimir Propp did for
the constituentparts of the folktale, may aim at an archetypeaccountingfor all festivals,
or more accurately at "oicotypes" accounting for a class of festivals of the same kind
rcred/ or from the same cultural area.7Studies have indicated that several constituent parts
han a seemto be quantitatively ever-recurrent and qualitatively important in festive events.
ven i{ These units, building blocks of festivals, can all be considered ritual acts, "rites,"
 4 I ALESSANI)Ho
t.At.ASsl

since they halrPttttwithin an exceptionalframe of time

and space, and their meaning
is considcrcclto go beyond their literal and explicit aspects.
'l'he
frarningritual that opens the festival is one of ialarization
(which for religious
evelrts lra-"bectt called sacralization)that modifies the
usual and daily fu.,cti,o' and
ntt:rtningof time and space. To serve as the theater of
the festive events an area is
rc't'laimccl, cleared.,delimited, blessed,aclorncd,forbidden to normal
activities.s
similarly, daily time is modified by a grarlualor sudden
interruption that intro-
eluccs"time out of time," a special temporaldimension
devotedto special activities.
l'estivaltime imposesitself as an auto'(rnrouscluration,
not so much to be perceived
and measuredin days or hours, but to lrc rlivided internally
by what hupp.^* *ithi'
it from its beginningto its end, as in the "m'vclnents"
of mytiical narrativesor musical
scores'eThe opening rite is follnwed by a number of
eventsthat belong to a llmited
group of general ritual types. 'rhert arc. rires of purification
and. by -""r*
of fire, water, or air, or centereclanrund rhe solemn eipulsion "l"ur"i".rg
of some #
carrying the ooevil"and "negutive" out of the "o.t ""up"gou,
If the rationale of these rites
is to expel the evil thrrt is already within, as "o--rrnity.
in exorcisms,other .i,""
aim at keepingaway thc evil perceivedas a threat coming "o-pl"."nr"f
from outside. These rites
of safeguardin<:ludt' various forms of bcnediction und
pi"""sion of sacred objects
around and through significant points of the festival
setting, in order to renew
the magical deferrses'l' the community against naturai "pu""
and supernatural enemies.r0
uf passage,in the form described by van Gennep, mark
.Rites the transition {iom
one life stage to the next. They may be given special
."l"uurr"" by being part of a
festiveevent'l'hese may include formsof initiation into
agegroups,such as childhood,
youth, adulthood,and even public executionof criminals,
or initiation into occupa-
tional, military, or religious groups.u
Ritesof reuersalthrough symbolic inversion drastically
represent the mutability
of people,culture, and life itself. Significantterms which
a.e in binary oppositionin
the "normal" life of a culture are inuerted. Sex roles are
inverted in masqueradewith
males dressing as females and females dressing as
males, social roles with masters
serving their serfs. sacred and profane spaces are also
used in reverse.12
Ritesof conspicuotudisptay permit the most important
symbolic elements of the
communityto be seen, touched,adored,or worshipped;
their communicativefunction
is "phatic," of contact. sacred shrines, rerics, *gsi,'
objects are solemnly disprayed
and becomethe destinationof visitationsfrom within
theimmediate boundariesof the
festiv-al,or of pilgriT"g""- from faraway places. [n
,u,,r"J processions and secular
parades,the icons and symbolic elementsare instead
moved through spacespecifically
adorned with ephemeral festive decorations sur:h as
festoons, flo''", u,'u.rg"n,"rr,.,
hangings,lights, and flags. In such perambulatory events,
*ith the colmunity
icons, the ruling groups typically display themselves "iorrg
as their guardians urrd k""f"rr,
and as depositoriesof religious or securar power, authority,
uid -ilitury -igti. ir-
Ritesof conspicuotu cot$umptionurr"ily involve fooj
arrd drink. ir."r"-"." p."-
pared in abundanceand even excess, made generousry
availabre, and ,"1"-;t;;"_
sumedin various forms of feasts, banquets,,orsymposia(lit. ..drinking
together'"iit
end of a banquet"). Traditional meals or blessed iood, "
u." one of thl m"ostfrequent
and typical features of festival, since they_area very eloquent
way to represent and
enjoy abundance,fertility, and prosperity. Ritual food is
also a meansto communicate
with gods and ancestors, as in the Christian belief in
the presence of Christ in the
 FestiaallDefinition and,Morphology I s

neaning sacred meal of Communion, the Greek tradition that Zeus is invisibly present at the
ritual banquetsof the Olympic Games, or the practice of the TsembangaMaring people
'eligious of New Guinea, who raise, slaughter, and eat pigs for and with the ancestors. In far
ion and less frequent cases, as in the potlatch, objects with special material and symbolic
area is value are ritually consumed,wasted, or destroyed.Ia
.es.B Ritual dramas are usually staged at festival sites, as rites have a strong tie to
rt intro- myths. Their subject matter is often a creation myth, a foundation or migratory legend,
tivities.
,rceived
i
i
i F
a::
or a military successparticularly relevant in the mythical or historical memory of the
community staging the festival. By means of the drama, the community members are
; within reminded of their Golden Age, the trials and tribulations of their founding fathers in
musical .F; reachingthe presentlocation of the community, the miracles of a saint, or the periodic
limited visit of a deity to whom the festival is dedicated. When the sacred story is not directly
means staged, it is very often hinted at or referred to in some segments or events of the
apegoat festival.rs
se rites Ritesof exchangeexpressthe abstract equality of the community members, their
.ry rites theoretical status as equally relevant members of a oocornmunitas,"a community of
se rites equals under certain shared laws of reciprocity. At the fair, money and goods are
objects exchangedat an economic level. At more abstract and symbolic levels, information,
) renew ritual gifts, or visits may be exchanged;public acts of pacification, symbolic remissio
ries.ro debitum, or thanksgiving for a grace received may take place in various forms of
rn from redistribution, sponsoredby the community or a privileged individual, who thus repays
rrt of a the community or the gods for what he has received in excess.r6
dhood, Festivaltypically includes rites of competition,which often constitute its cathartic
ICCUP€T- moment in the form of games. Even if games are commonly defined as competitions
regulated by special rules and with uncertain outcome (as opposed to ritual, the
tability outcome of which is known in advance), the logic of festival is concerned with the
ition in competitionand the awards for the winner; the rules of the game are canonic, and its
le with paradigm is ritual. The parts or roles are assignedat the beginning to the personae
nasters as equals and undifferentiated "contestants,"'ohopefuls,""candidates." Then the de-
velopmentand the result of the game create amongthem a oofinal"hierarchical order-
of the either binary (winners and losers) or by rank (from first to last). Games show how
rnction equality may be turned into hierarchy.r7Besides games in the strict sense, festival
played competitionsinclude various forms of contest and prize giving, from the election of
; of the the beauty queen to the selection of the best musician, player, singer, or dancer,
iecular individual or group, to awards to a new improvised narrative or work of art of any
ifically kind or to the best festive decorations. By singling out its outstanding members and
ments, giving them prizes, the group implicitly reaffirms some of its most important values.
nunity Athletic or competitive sporting events include individual or collective games of
:epers, luck, strength, or ability. These have been considered a "corruption" of older plays
:.
13 of ritual combatswith fixed routine and obligatory ending, such as the fight between
.e pre- Light and Darknessrepresenting cosmogony,then progressively historicized and ter-
y con- ritorialized into combats between, for example, the Christians and the Moors, or
at the representativeindividuals, the champions (literally "the sample") carrying the colors
)quent of the whole group.IB
nt and In their functional aspects,such gamesmay be seenas display and encouragement
nicate of skills such as strength, endurance, and precision, required in daily work and
in the military occupations;such was for instance the rationale of medieval mock battles.re
6 I TAIASSI
ALESSANDRO

In their symbolic aspect, festival competitionsmay be seen as a metaphorfor the

emergenceand establishmentof power, as when the "winner takes all," or when the
winning faction symbolicallytakes over the arena, or the city in triumph.
At the end of the festival, a rite of deualorization, symmetrical to the opening
one, marks the end of the festive activities and the return to the normal spatial and
temporaldimensionsof daily life.20

IV

Admittedly, a complete or even an extensive morphology of festivals will corre-

spond to very few-if any-actual events. Real-life festivals will not present all the
ritual components listed, not evenin "de-semanticized,"thatisnsecondaryand scarcely
meaningful, forms. A complete festival morphology will correspond to the complete
festive cycle, and several of its parts will form the config!"rrationof each of the actual
festiveevents.2rThis fragmentationof the festive complex into events distributed all
alongthe calendrical cycle follows the courseof history and its trends of centralization
and decentralizationin social life, as well as the interplay of religious and secular
powersand their division in the running of social and symbolic life and its "collective
rituals." Furthermore, in today's western and westernizedcultures, larger, often more
abstractand distant entities try to substitute themselvesfor the older, smaller, tightly
wovencommunitiesas referencegroupsand centersof the symbolic life of the people.22
Today we try to bring the audience close to the event by means of the mass media,
or to bring the event close to the audience by delegating smaller entities such as the
family, to administer it everywhereat the sametime, or to fragment the older festivals
into simpler festive eventscenteredon one highly significant ritual. Such fragmentation
is seen in the United States, where the ritual meal is the focus of Thanksgiving, the
exchangeof gifts the focus of Christmas, excess of New Year's, military might and
victories and civic pride are the themes underlying the parade on the Fourth of July
and the Rose Parade. Carnivalesque aspects underlie Mardi Cras and Halloween.
And symbolic reversal is nowhere more evident than in the demolition derby. Even
the tradition of dynastic anniversaries is present, modified though it may be, in
Washington'sand Lincoln's birthdays; competitions are perfectly typified by the In-
dianapolis 500, the Superbowl, and the Kentucky Derby. Even the archaic tendency
to consider the ritual gamesof the festival as cosmic events may be surfacing in the
Ierm world championship, obstinately used for events that in the strict sense are
encountersof local teams playing a culture-bound and territorially limited game, such
as American football or baseball. Festive rites of passagetake place on Valentine's
Day, at debutantes'balls,drinking celebrationsofthe eighteenthbirthday and fraternity
and sorority rushes. Rites of deferenceand confirmation of status include presidential
inaugurations,Father's Day, and Mother's Day. The archaic Kings and Queens of the
May have their functional equivalents in the yearly beauty pageantsof Miss, Mister,
and Mrs. America. Plays have been groupedin various yearly festivals of the arts that
range from Shakespearefestivals to the Oscars ceremonies in Los Angeles, through
symphonies,jazz festivals, and fiddling contests.And the modern;ferios, the county
fairs, are numerousand ever-present.23
If not festival proper, such events are part of a festive cycle, a series of events
that in other times and cultures would fall within tighter boundaries of time, space,
 Festiaal:Defnition and.Morphology I 7

' for the

and action. This festive complex is everchangingand evolving. But with all its mod-
rhen the ifications, festival has retained its primary importance in all cultures, for the human
social animal still does not have a more significant way to feel in tune with his world
openlng than to partake in the special reality of the Festival, and celebrate life in its "time
tial and out of time."

NOTES
I corre- l. For the meaning of festiual in Latin see
t all the The Oxford Latin Dictionary, ed. P. G. Clare
;carcely (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), pp. 686,
69 4-9 5 ; L ex icon TotiusL atinit at is, ed. E gidi o
omplete
Forcellini (Padua: Typis Seminarii, 1940),
e actual 2:452-53,468; Charles Du Cange, Glossar-
uted all ium Medio,eet Inf.mae Lainita.tis (Niort: Favre,
Llization lBB4), 3:436 -38, 462-63.
secular 2. For the meaning of festiaal in the Ro-
,llective mance languages, see the Vocabolariodegli
tn more Accademicidella Crusca, 5th ed. (Florence:
Tipografia Galileiana, Iffi6), 5:757-SB, Bl4-
, tightly
20; Dictionnaire de l'Acaddmie Frangaise, Bth
eople.22 ed. (Paris:Hachette, 1932),I:537, 554; Real
media, Acadernia Espaflola, Diccionario d,e la Len-
r as the gua Espaftola, I9th ed. (Madrid: Espasa-
estivals Calpe, 1970); Jos6 Pedro Machado, Dbbn'
:ntation ario Etirnol6gico d,a Lingua Portugu,esa, 3d
ng, the ed. (Lisbon: Horizonte, 1977),3:38, 40.
3. For the meaning of festiaal in English,
ght and
see for instance the Middle English Diction-
of July ary, ed. H. Kurath and S. M. Kuhn (Ann
Ioween. Arbor: University of Michigan Pressand Lon-
;'. Even don: Oxford University Press, 1952), 3:451,
be, in 529; The Shorter Engli^shDictionary, ed. C.
the In- T. Onions, 3d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
ndency 1973), pp. 742-43; Webster'sThird New In-
ternational Dictionary, ed. P. Babcock Gove
; in the (Springfield,Mass.:Merriam Co., 1976), pp.
lse are
Bts, B4l.
e, such 4. For the meaning of festiual in the social
:ntine's sciences, seeDictionary of Folklore, Mythol-
rternity ogy and Legend.,ed. Maria Leach (New York:
dential Funk and Wagnalls, 1949), I:376; Dictionary
; of the of Myhology Folhlore and Symbols, ed. Ger-
trude Jobes (New York: Scarecrow Press,
Mister,
196l), l:563; The Encyclopaedia of Social
rts that
Scierrces,ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman (New
hrough York: Macmillan, 1937), 6:198-2OI; Ency-
county clopaedia of Religion and Ethics (New York:
Scribner's, 196I), 5:835-94. For general
events discussionsof festive events. see Victor Tumer.
space, ed., Celebration: Stu.diesin Festiaity and Rit-
ual (Washin6on: SmithsonianInstitution Press,
l9B2), especially pp. lI-30, and also his
"Liminal to Liminoid, in Play, Flow and Rit-
ual," Rice Uniuersity Studies 60 (1974), pp.
53-92; Robert J. Smith, "Festivals and Cel-
ebrations," in Richard Dorson, ed., Folklore
and Folklife (Chicagoand London: University
of Chicago Press, 1972), pp. 159-72, and
his The Art of the Festiual (Lawrence: Uni-
versity of Kansas Press, 1975); Carla Bianco
and Maurizio del Ninno, eds., Festa. Antro-
pologia e Semiotica, Acts of the International
Congressof l97B in Montecatini (Florence:
Nuova Guaraldi, 1981); Roger Caillois,
"Theorie de la F€te," Notnelle Reotn Fran-
qai"se27 (1939): 863-82; 28 (1940): 49-59;
Beverly Stoeltje, "Festival in America," in
Richard Dorson, ed., Hand,booltof American
Folklore (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1983), pp. 239-46; John J. Mac-
Aloon, "Cultural Performances,Culture The-
ory" in his (ed.) Rite, Drama, Festiual,Spectodc
(Philadelphia:ISHI Press, l9B4), pp. I-I5;
Jean Duvignaud, F€tes et Ciailizations (Paris
and Geneva:Weber, 1973); Marianne Mesnil,
"The Masked Festival: Disguise or Affirma-
tion?" Cultures 3 (1976) no. 2:11-29. For
festive events as symbolic representationsof
worldview, see Alan Dundes and Alessandro
Falassi, La Terra in Piazza: An Interpretation
of the Palio of Siena (Berkeley and Los An-
geles: University of California Press, 1975).
Compare Clifford Geerlz, "Deep Play: Notes
on Balinese Cockfight,"D aed,alw 101 (1972):
t-37.
5. For the sacred/profane dichotomy and
semantic pair, see Emile Durkheim, The El-
ernentaryForms of the Religious Life (London:
Allen and Unwin/New York: Macmillan, 1915);
Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane
(New York: Harper Torchbooks, 196I). Com-
pare Sally F. Moore and Barbara G. Myerhoff,
eds.. Secular Ritual (Amsterdam: Van Gor-
 I I ALESSANDRo
llt,Asst
cum, 1977). lbr the c(rntcml)orarysituatiorr,
see Robert lltrllah lleyowl Belief: Essayson
Religinn in o l\xt-7'rulitilunl Wortd(New york:
Harpr:r and llow. 1970). tbr an application
to conlcnrgxrrary fcstivals, see Bruce Guili_
ano, Snt'rrro l'nlhno? A Consideration of Four
I tuI rc n-Cu nodian ReI ig iotu Festi uals 1Oitawa:
Nrrtionrrlilluseumof Canada, 1976):JeanDu-
tignaud, "['estivals: A Sociological Ap-
pvtach," Cultures3 (1976) no. l: 13-28: Frank
Manning. The Celebration of Society: per-
spectiae on Contemporary Cultural perfor-
m,ances (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowlins Green
University Popular Press, l9B3).
6. For festive inversion, see Barbara llab-
cock, ed., The ReuersibleWorld,:SymbolicIn-
uersion in Art and Society (lthaca: Cornel-
UniversityPress, 1978). Excess, affirmation.
and juxtapositionare discussedin Harvev Cox.
The Feast of F'ools:A Theological Esiay on
Festioity and Fantasy (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1969). Josephpie-
per, In Tune with the World: A Theory of Fes_
tiaity (New York: Harcourt. t965) dl."r..".
festive behavior as a form of assent to the
world as a whole. Seealso his Uber Dasphan-
ornenDesFesres(Cologne:WestdeutscherVer-
lag, 1963). Contrast Yves-Marie Berce. F6te
et Reuohe(Paris: Hachette, 1976), Mikhail
Bakhtin, Rabelaisand His World(Cambridge:
MIT Press, 1968), and Miguel de Ferdinandy,
Carnaual y Reuolucion y diecinueae ensayos
mas {Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico: Editoiial
Universitaria, 1977). Analogies betr,veendaily
and festive behavior are stressed in Roger
Abrahamsand Richard Bauman, "Ranges of
FestivalBehavior,"in Babcock. The Reuers-
ibleWorld, pp. 193-208. Roger Calllois, Man
and the Saued (Glencoe: Free Press. 1959)
seesfestival as periodical excessand chaos.
On transgressionsee, for instance, Robert J.
Smith, "Licentious Behavior in Hispanic Fes-
tivals," Wstern Folklore 3l (1972):29O-98:
SherryRoxanneTurkle: "symbol and Festival
in the French StudentsUprising" (May-June
1968) in Sally Moore and Barbara Mverhoff.
Symbolsand Politics in Communat id,eology
(Ithaca:Cornell University Press, 1975), pp.
68-r00.
7. Vladimir Propp, Morphology of the
Folktqle (Austin: University of Texas press,
1968). For the concept of Oicotype see C. W.
Von Sydow, "Geography and Folktale Oico-
types," )n SelectedPapers on FolkLore (Co_
penhagen:Rosenkilde and Bagger, lgzl8), pp.
44-59.
B. For rites of sacralization see, for in_
stance, Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Compar_
atiae Religion (New York: Sheed and ffard,
l95B), pp. 367-87 and The Sacred and the
Profone, pp. 20-65.
9. This concept of time appearsin Claude
Ldvi-Strauss, The Raw and the Coolted.(New
York: Harper and Row, 1969l, pp. 15-16.
Compare Edmund Leach, ..Cronus arrd
Chronos" and "Time and False Noses" in hrs
Rethinking Anthropology (London: Athlone
Press, 196l), pp. 124-36; Mircea Eliade,
The Saoed and the Profane, pp. 85-95.
10. For rites of purification and safeguard
-Gogo
see, for instance, Peter Rigby, .oSome
Rituals of 'Purificationo:An Essay on So"lll
and Moral Categories,"in E. R. Leach. ed.-
Dialectic in Practical Religion (Cambridge:
CambridgeUniversity Press, 1968), pp. 155_
78; Mary Douglas, Purity and Dangir (Lon_
don: Routledge and Kegan eaul, IOOO).
ll. For rites of passage, see the classic
Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of passage
(Chicago:University of Chicago press, l96d);
Barbara Myerhoff, "Rites of passage:process
and Paradox,o'in Victor Turner, Celebration,
pp. 109-35; Max Gluckman, ..Les Rites de
Passage,"in his (ed.) Essayson the Ritual of
Social Relations (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 1962), pp. 1-52. For dis_
cussion of extensive ethnographic compara-
tive data, see Frank Young, Initiition
Ceremonies:A Cross-Cuhural Study of Status
Dramatization (New York: Bobbs-Merrill.
1965) and Martha N. Fried and H. Morton.
Traruition: Four Rittnls in Eight Ciltures
\New
York: Norton, l9B0); Judith Brown, ..A Cross_
Cultural Study of Female Initiation Rites,"
American Anthropologjsr65 (1963): g3Z_53.
12. For rites of reversal see Barbara Bab_
cock's discussionin TheReaersibleWorld, pp.
l3-36. Rich comparativematerials and icon_
from Europe appear in Giuseppe
]Braqhy
Cocchiara,Il Mondo alla Roaescia(Turin:^Ei-
naudi, 1963). A theoretical discussion of the
concept is in Rodney Needham, ,,Reversals,',
in his Agairct the Tranquility of Axionu
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of Cal_
ifomia Press, I9B3). pp. 93-120.
13. On pilgrimages see Surinder Mohan
 Festiaal: Definition and Morphology I 9

're (Co- llhardway, Hindu Places of Pilgrim'age in In- 1972), pp. 135-62; Richard Schechner,
l8), pp. dia (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of "Ramlila of Ramnagar and America's Ober-
Califomia Press, 19?3); Victor Turner and ammergau:Two Celebratory Ritual Dramas,"
for in- Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Chris- in Victor Turner, Celebration, pp. 89-106;
iompar- tian Cuhure: Anthropobgiral Perspectiaes(New Paul Radin, "The Ritual Drama" in his Prim-
I Ward, York: Columbia University Press, 1978); and itiue Religion (New York: Dover, f957)' pp.
and the Victor Turner, Process,Performanceand Pil- 289-306.
grimage: A Study in Comparatioe Symbology 16. On ritual exchange see the classic
Claude Marcel Mauss, The Gi.ft (New York: Norton,
lNew Delhi: Concept, 1979). Forparades and
rd (New processions,see, for instance, Sydney!qlo, f967). On pp. 40-41 Mauss discusses the
l5-I6. Spectacle,Pageantry, and Early Tudar Policy three obligations to give, to receive, and to
us and (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969); Albert D' reciprocate. See also Raymond Firth, "Sym-
" in his Mackie, ScottkhPageantry (London: Hutch- bolism in Giving and Getting," in his Symbols
A.thlone inson, 1967); Leroy F. Vaughn, Parade and Public and Priuate (Ithaca: Cornell University
Eliade, Float Guid'e (Minneapolis: Denison, 1956); Press, 1973), pp. 368-402. Forethnographic
-95.
David Colin Dunlop, Processiow:A Disser- data, see for instance G' A. M. Bus, "The
'Te'Festival or Gift Exchange in Enga (Cen-
feguard tation, Together With Pranical Suggestions
,e Gogo (London: Oxford University Press, 1932). tral Highlands of New Guinea)," Anthropos
r Social 14. For classic rites of conspicuous con- 46 (195I): Bl3-24. On economic aspectssee
:h, ed., sumptionand ritual offerings, see H. G' Bar- Roger Abrahams, "The Language of Festi-
rbridge: nette, "The Nature of the Potlatch," Arnerican vals: Celebrating the Economy," in Victor
r. 153- Anthropologi.sl40(1983): 349-58. For an in- Turner, Celebration, pP. 16\-77.
rr (Lon- terpretive essay, see Alan Dundes, "Heads I?. On games, play, and ludic elements
'6). or Tails: A PsychoanalyticStudy of Potlatch," in festival see the seminal Johann Huizinga,
classic JournaL of Psychological Anthropology 2 Homa Lud.crw:A Stud'y of the Play Element in
Dassage Culture (Boston: Beacon Press, 1955) and
(1979): 395-424; Roy A. Rappaport, Plgs
re60); af a Roger Caillois, Man, Play and Games(Clen-
for the Arrcestors:Rittnl in the Ecology
Process New Guinea People (New Haven: Yale Uni- coe: Free Press, 1961). Context is discussed
tration, versity Press, 1968); Evon Z. Yogt, TortiLlas in John M. Roberts, Malcom J. Arth, and
tites de Zinacan- Robert R. Bush, "Games in Culture,".Amer-
'itual for the Gods:A Symbolic Analysis of
of teco Rituals (Cambridge: Harvard University ican Anthropologist 6f (1959): 587-605.
chester Press, 1976); Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss, Communitas and hierarchy are terms of a se-
ior dis- mantic pair introduced and discussedby Vic-
Sacrifice:Its Nature and Function (Chicago:
rmpara- Univlrsity of Chicago Press, 1964); n' 5' tor Turner in The Ritual Process- Structure
tiation Drower, "The Ritual Meal," Folk-Lore 48 and Anti-structure (Chicago: Aldine, 1969)'
f Stanrs (193?): 226-44; Sula Benet, Festiaal Meruu pp.94-204.
vlerrill, 'round
the World (New York: Abelard-Schu- lB. These concepts are discussed in Mir-
Worton, man, 1957). cea Eliade, Patternsin ComparatiueReligion,
es (New 15. On the relationship between ritual pp. 319-21, 431-34. See also Herbert Jen-
t Cross- drama and festival see, for instance, Tristram nings Rose, "suggested Explanation of Ritual
Rites," P. Coffin and Hennig Cohen, "Folk Drama Combats," Folk-Lore 36 (1925): 322-31.
37-53. and Folk Festival," in their Folklore inArner- 19. For medieval mimic battles see, for
ra Bab- ico (New York: Doubleday, 1966), pp' 195- instance, William Heywood, Palio and Ponte
rld, pp. 225;Yictor Turner, "social Dramas and Rit- (London: Methuen. 1904).
rd icon- ual Metaphors" in his (ed.) Dramas, Fields, 20. See notes B and 9.
ruseppe and Metaphors. Symbolic Action in Hurnan 21. A classic extensive study of a com-
rin: Ei- Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, plete festival cycle in Arnold van Cennep,
n of the '"Dramaand Marurcl de Folklore Franqak Contemporain,
19741.pp. 23-59:Abner Cohen,
ersals," Politics in the Developmentof a London Car- 9 vols. (Paris: Picard, I93B-58). Compara-
Axioms naval,"Man 15 (1980): 65-87;Alfonso Ortiz, tive data are in E. O. James, SeasonalFeasts
' of Cal- and Festiuals(New York: Barnes and Noble,
"Ritual Drama and Pueblo Worldview" in his
(ed.) lVeraPerspectiueson the Pu.eblos(Albu- 1963). For the festive cycle of a single reli-
Mohan querque: University of New Mexico Press, gious group, see, for instance, M. M. Un-
l0 / nmsserunRoFALASST
derhill, The Hind,u Religiotu Year (Oxford:
Odord University Press, 1921), and San-
gendi MahalingaNatesaSastri, Hindu Feasts,
Fasts,and Ceremonies(Madras: M. E. Pub-
lishing House, 1903).
22. A discussionof contemporary history
politics, and festivals is in GeorgeMosse, TAe
Nationalization of the Masses(New York: Fer-
tig, 1975). For historical evolution and change
of meaning in festival, see Marianne Mesnil,
Trois Essaissurla F€te (Brussels: Editions de
I'Universit6, 1974). For a specific case study
see Victor Barnouwl "The Changing Char-
acter of a Hindu Festival.".AmerbanAnthro-
pologist 56 (195a): 74-86.
23. For festivals in the United States see
the thoroughintroduction in Beverly Stoeltje,
"Festival in America." For a general study
see W. Lloyd Warner, The Liuing and the
Dead,: A Stu.dy of th,e Symbolic Life of the
Am,erbarc(New Haven: Yale University Press,
1959). For the festive cycle seeJane M. Hatch,
The Am.erican Book of Days, 3d. ed. (New
York: Wilson, l97B). For festivals of ethnic
groups, see for instance, Melwin Wade,
"'Shining in Borrowed Plumage': Affirmation
of Community in the Black Coronation Fes-
tivals of New England (c. 1750-<. lB50),"
WesternFolklore 40 (IgBf), no. 3: 21I-31;
Evon Z. Vogt, "A Study of the Southwestern
Fiesta Systemas Exemplified by the Laguna
Fiesta,'oAmericqn Anthropologrsr57 (1955):
820-39. For individual eventsn see, for in-
stance, Jack Barry Ludwig, TIw Greu Amcr-
ban Spectorulars: The Kenturky Derby, Mordi
Gras, and, Other Days of Celnbratinn (Garden
City: Doubleday, 1976); Ron Dorson, fhe lndy
500: An American Institution Under Fire
(Newport Beach: Bond-Parkjurst Books, 1974).
For individual festivities, see, for instance,
John E. Baur, Christma.s on the Am.erican
Fronti,er 1800-1900 (Caldwell, Idaho: Cax-
ton, 196l); Howard Sickel, Thanlrgiaing: Its
Source, Philosophy and History (Philadel-
phia: Intemational Printing Company, 1940);
William H. Cohn, "A National Celebration:
The Fourth of July in American History" Cul-
tures 3 (1976), no. 2: 14I-56; Ralph Linton
and Adelin Linton, Hahl,outeenThrough Twerty
Centuries (New York: Shuman, 1950); Jack
Santino, "Halloween in America: Contem-
porary Customs and Performances," Western
Folklore 42 (1983): l-20. General notes are
in Ian Brunvand, "Customs and Festivals" in
The Stud,y of American Folklore (New York:
Norton, 1968), pp. I97-210i John A. Gu-
towski, "The Protofestival: Local Guide to
American Folk Behavior," Journal of the
Folklore lrctitute 15 (1978): I 13-30; Mary T.
Douglas, ed., Food in the Social Order: Stud-
ies of Food,and Festiaities in Three American
Communities (New York: Russell Sage Foun-
dation, f9B4); W. Lloyd Wamer, "An Amer-
ican SacredCeremony"(Memorial Day) in his
Am,ericanLife: Dream and Reality (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1953), pp. 1-
26. For the actual organization of festivals,
eee Joe Wilson and Lee Udall, Folk Festiaals.
A Handbook for Organizatbn and Manage-
rnenr(Knoxville: University of Gnnessee Press,
1982).