From cemeteries to society
The study of the Middle Helladic (2000-1500 BC) burials from the Argolid,
Introduction
The aim of this article is to reconstruct and
interpret the process of social and cultural
transformation of the Middle Helladic (MH)
societies of the Argolid during the course
of the MH and the transition to the Late
Helladic (LH) period, through the study of
the burial assemblages. In order to achieve
these aims, questions of wider relevance are
posited, such as the relation between mor-
tuary patterning and social structure, and
the interrelation between kin and status.
In this article I shall concentrate large-
ly on one aspect of my study, the analysis
of different cemetery types. My main con-
cern will be the different meaning of burials
placed inside the settlement (intramural)
versus burials placed outside the settlement
(extramural). The primary focus will be the
location of the cemeteries in relation to the
location of the settlements. The variation
in grave types, burial offerings, and the
gender and age composition of the burial
assemblages will be used in order to eluci-
date the differences between the different
cemetery types.
To achieve this goal I shall address two
questions. First, why is there differentiation
in the spatial organization and location of
the cemeteries? In other words, what is the
significance of different cemetery types?
And, second, what do these differences im-
ply with respect to the social structure of the
MH communities? In order to answer these
questions, the burial data from all the sites
of the Argolid in Greece will be considered.
First I shall present the basic characteristics
of the period and the region under study.
I shall then focus on the cemeteries, and,
This paper �������������������������

is closely related to my
��� Ph.D.
�������������
thesis
entitled ‘Mortuary differentiation and social
structure in the Middle Helladic Argolid, 2000-
1500 BC’. The Ph.D. thesis is carried out under
a five-year project financed by the Netherlands
Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) and
the University of Groningen (RUG) and directed
by Dr. Sofia Voutsaki. The title of this project is
‘Shifting Identities. Social Change and Cultural
Interaction in the MH Argolid, 2000-1500BC’.
This wider project includes an examination of
settlement data and the imagery of the period
alongside the analysis of the funerary data (see
Voutsaki, in press; http://www.MHArgolid.nl).
southern Greece
finally, I shall analyze the data from two Eleni Milka
sites, Lerna and Asine.
Basic characteristics of the period
under study
The MH period, i.e. the Middle Bronze Age
in the Greek mainland, is divided into three
phases: MH I, MH II and MH III and is fol-
lowed by the LH or Mycenaean period (see
table 1).
In terms of cultural continuity how-
ever, the two first phases share a lot of
common elements: relative stability, social
regression, poverty and material austerity
as well as cultural introvertedness. MH vil-
lages usually consist of freestanding houses
of rectangular or apsidal plan, and have no
organized lay-out. Unfortunately, publica-
tions of the architectural remains of the
region are often incomplete.
In the mortuary sphere, inhumation is
the only mode of disposal of the dead. Most
of the time, the body was placed in a con-
tracted position in a simple pit grave, or in
a cist grave. Cist graves are tombs formed
with vertically or horizontally placed slabs
or mud-bricks. More seldom, the dead were
placed inside storage vessels. These vessels
were then buried, on their side, inside pits.
The vast majority of the burials are single
and without grave offerings. When grave
offerings are present, they consist mostly
of ceramic vessels, bone or stone tools and
rarely of personal ornaments (see fig. 1).
No obvious differentiation between age
groups and the two sexes can be observed
in the grave type used, nor in the grave
offerings accompanying the dead.
MH I 2100-1900 B.C. Table 1
MH II 1900-1700 B.C. MH-LH I phases,
according to the “Low
MH III 1700-1600 B.C. Chronology”. Based on
LH I 1600-1500 B.C. Dickinson 1977.

I do this for two reasons: first, Lerna and Asine
are the best documented MH sites in the area
and, second, I have already studied the burials
from Lerna. Asine is included for comparative
purposes, as the site contains both intramural
and extramural burials, while in Lerna only intra-
mural burials are found.

 �����������������
Dickinson 1977, 33,
���� 34,
���� 38,
���������������������
106; Voutsaki in
press.

Dickinson 1977, 33-34, 38.


Figure 1
MH burial 31 from
Asine, Lower Town.
After Nordquist 1996,
fig. 8.
However, at the end of the period, i.e. MH
III and the beginning of LH I, important
changes occur, especially in the mortuary
sphere: the introduction of more labour
intensive tombs, the adoption of a more
complex burial ritual (e.g. multiple and
secondary burials, removal and breaking
of offerings, ritual dining above the grave),
the clearer gender divisions and a striking
increase in the wealth deposited with the
dead. 
These changes are more dramati‑­­
cally manifested in the large and very deep
tombs of Mycenae, the so-called Shaft
Graves (see fig. 2). At the same time, an
influx of foreign imports can be observed,
which brings about shifts in the site hierar-
chy, as Mycenae and other emerging centres
display more of these new features.
Figure 2
Shaft Grave N from
Grave Circle B in
Mycenae. After
Mylonas 1973, fig. 19.

As one of the aims of the wider project, part of
which is my Ph.D. research, is to understand the
causes of the changes leading to the establish-
ment of a hierarchical society in Mycenaean times,
the LH I phase is also included in my analysis.

 � ��������������������������������������������
Karo 1930-33; Mylonas 1973; Dickinson 1977,
38-58; Voutsaki 1997, 41-3.

The MH cemeteries in the Argolid
The Argive plain and the smaller valleys
around the site of Asine, which are the focus
of my study, are situated in the north-east
Peloponnese, southern Greece (see fig. 3).
In the Argolid, the larger and best docu-
mented MH cemeteries are those at Lerna,
Argos and Asine. There are also two impor-
tant, but less well documented cemeteries
at Mycenae and Tiryns. Besides these, there
are some smaller cemeteries, for instance
Myloi, Prosymna and Berbati.
These cemeteries fall into two different
categories and a third, or rather intermedi-
ate category:
A. intramural burials;
B. extramural burials;
C. burials that are situated upon the
ruins of abandoned houses.
A. Intramural burials
Intramural burials are very common in
all phases of the MH (see table 2). The
graves were placed inside the inhabited
space, between the houses or sometimes
under the house floor. Although the majo­
rity of the burials belonged to children and
infants, all age categories and both sexes
are represented.
The most extended and well docu-
mented intramural cemeteries have been
found at Lerna (217 graves) and the Lower
Town of Asine (111 graves). The dating of
the graves and their relation to the architec-
tural remains is often problematic, because
of the lack of offerings and the intense
building activity in antiquity. However, more
important is that these burials took place in
the realm of the living, where also everyday
activities took place.
At Lerna some graves are found closer
together, forming small groups which are
usually related with architectural remains,
most probably houses. The fourteen burials
found in the site of Aspis in Argos are also
related to houses.
In Asine, the co-existence of the in-
tramural cemetery with two extramural
cemeteries, of which one is a tumulus, is es-
pecially interesting. The same may be true
in Argos, where the intramural burials on
the top of Aspis co-exist with an extramural
cemetery of tumuli located in the foothills
below. I shall return to this point later.

Lerna: ��������������������������������������
Caskey 1954-59; Blackburn 1970. Lower
Town of Asine: �������������������������������
Frödin/Persson 1938; Nordquist
1987; Nordquist 1996.

 ������������������
Touchais 1975-6; idem 1978; idem 1980; idem
1984; idem 1990.
Under the well-known Mycenaean Citadel
in Tiryns, several MH layers have also been
found. In the Upper Citadel, architectural
remains (most likely houses) co-exist with
cist graves, but the actual relation between
the two is usually not clear. In any case,
once again some graves (twelve) are situ-
ated inside the settlement area.
At Mycenae there is only a fragmen-
tary picture of the cemetery and the settle-
ment plan due to the later occupation of the
site. Therefore it is difficult to distinguish
between intramural and extramural burials.
This is why M. Alden, in her recent publica-
tion of the cemetery, avoids characterising
the burials as intramural or extramural.
Without doubt, however, some graves were
dug inside or next to houses when the
later were still in use.10 At Berbati the MH
levels seem to be substantial. MH houses are
found side-by-side with at least 22 tombs.
No more information is available as the site
is still unpublished.11

B. Extramural burials
The extramural cemeteries assume various
forms. They may form extended cemeteries
or take the form of a tumulus. 12
The separa-
tion of the two spheres, the realm of the
living and the realm of the dead, is in any
Circle B, was erected inside the Prehis- Figure 3
toric Cemetery of Mycenae; thereby clearly Map of the study area.
Based on Pariente/
separating a group of 24 graves. A second Touchais 1996, 10.
enclosure, Grave Circle A (six graves) was

case more apparent. Although there seems constructed even later, during LH I, while
Figure 4
to be a tendency towards an increased use both Grave Circle B and the cemetery out-
Grave Circles A and
of extramural cemeteries at the end of the side it were still in use (see fig. 4).14 B in Mycenae. After
Mylonas 1973, fig.1
period, extramural graves existed from the
beginning of the MH period. Once more,
no age or sex category is excluded, but in
contrast to the intramural burials, adults
usually predominate.
Graves in extended cemeteries some-
times form clusters. In Mycenae, indications
for such clusters exist from some areas of
the Prehistoric Cemetery, where no archi-
tectural MH remains have been found.13
In addition, it is suggested that some MH
walls were built to enclose the cemetery.
Although this remains hypothetical for the
earlier phases of the MH period, towards the
end of the period a stone enclosure, Grave


Müller 1930, 77-118;�����������������
Dietz 1991, 289.
10
 ��������������������
Alden 2000, 17, 19.
11
 ������������������������������������
Säflund 1965, 125; Dietz 1991, 291.
12
In the literature the term ‘flat’ (e.g. Cavanagh/
Mee 1998, 25) is usually used to distinguish
between tumulus and non-tumulus cemeteries.
However, the word ‘flat’ is also used to describe
the landscape morphology, which was not flat in
all the extramural cemeteries. I believe that the
term ‘extended’ better describes the non-tumulus
cemeteries, in the same way as extended settle-
ments are contrasted to tells.
13
 ���������������������������������
Dietz 1991, 287; Alden 2000, 17.  
14
Karo 1930-33; Mylonas 1973; Alden 2000, 16.


 At Prosymna, the existence of scattered
burial groups is well manifested. Here, more
than thirty extramural MH graves were dis-
covered between later LH tombs, while the
MH settlement has not yet been located. All
graves date to the last phase of MH III or
LH I.15
In the Barbouna cemetery in Asine,
separate grave groups consisting of 16
graves dating to the MH III and LH I are also
attested.16 In the East Cemetery of Asine on
the other hand, a tumulus and possibly a
stone enclosure were constructed in the MH
II and was in use until LH I.17 This cemetery
type clearly separates a group of 21 burials
and has a more organized plan.
The picture of the extramural cemetery
in Argos is more complicated. Here, there is
only a partial picture of the MH cemetery,
because of the continuous occupation of the
city. If the observations of the excavator are
correct, there were seven tumuli, some of
which were in use simultaneously.18 Some
doubts about the existence and the extent
of these tumuli have, however, been ex-
pressed.19 In addition, rescue excavations
in various parts of the city have revealed
MH architectural remains and tombs, but
the relation of the two is not always clear.
Some of these graves may indeed be con-
sidered extramural (category B), as they
are earlier than the houses; some may have
been intramural (category A), while others
are situated upon the ruins of abandoned
houses (category C).
At the village of Myloi, approximately
400 m north of Lerna, a group of nine
extramural graves has been found. 20
All
graves date again to MH III and LH I and
they might indicate the co-existence of
additional different cemetery types at the
site of Lerna.
C. Burials that are situated upon the
ruins of earlier houses
At many of the sites mentioned above,
some graves were not contemporary with
the houses, but were placed upon the ruins
of earlier houses. The most characteristic
example is the cemetery of the Barbouna
slope in Asine, where the pre-existing ex-
tramural cemetery expanded towards the
houses after the last of the houses were
15
 ������������������������������
Blegen 1937; Dietz 1991, 287.
16
 �����������������
Nordquist 1987, �������
99-101.
17
Dietz 1980, passim.
18
 � ����������������������������
Protonotariou-Deilaki 1980, passim.
19
 ���������������������������������������
Morou 1989, 107; Divari-Valakou 1998, ���
89.
20
 ���������������������������
Dietz/Divari-Valakou 1990.

abandoned.21 Also for the Lower Town of
Asine, G. Nordquist reports graves that
postdate the houses in which they were dug.
In Lerna, this is more common during the
later phases of the site and might indicate a
gradual separation of the realm of the living
from the realm of the dead.22
The existence of these graves indicates
that the present terminology, which distin-
guishes only between intramural and extra-
mural burials, is insufficient to describe the
various locations which MH people chose in
order to bury their dead. If we accept that
the location of the grave is important for our
understanding of the MH society, a more
refined terminology becomes necessary.23
However, in this paper I shall not analyze
this category of graves any further.24 These
graves will be treated here either as intra-
mural, when the settlement was probably
still occupied (e.g. Lerna and the Lower
Town of Asine), or as extramural, when all
houses in the area were abandoned (e.g.
Barbouna). Having this general picture in
mind, let me now return to the questions
raised earlier and discuss the significance of
these cemeteries.
Discussion of the cemeteries
As shown above, different cemetery types
exist in the region under study. The basic
distinction, concerning the location of the
cemeteries in relation to the settlements, is
between intramural and extramural graves.
However, the spatial organization of the
cemeteries varies. In the intramural ce­
meteries, the graves could be placed in the
open spaces between the houses or under
the house floor. The graves often form clus-
ters. The extramural cemeteries can take
the form of a tumulus or can be extended.
The graves in the extended cemeteries can
also form clusters.
21
 ����������������������������������
Hägg/Hägg 1973; Nordquist, 1987, ���
91.
22
 � Dietz
������������������������������������������
(1991, 275, 285) has suggested that
during MH III-LH I the site was exclusive used
as a burial ground. The graves were placed upon
the abandoned houses, like those in Barbouna.
J. Maran (1995, passim) observes the same
phenomenon in MH III-LH I sites from Thessaly
in the north to the Northeastern Peloponnese in
the south.
23
Nordquist 1987, 91; Cavanagh/Mee 1998, 24-
25.
24
As I have not studied their context in detail yet
and the bibliographical information is not yet
sufficient.

Intramural
Site
cemetery
Asine MH I-LH I
Lerna and Myloi MH I-LH I
Argos and Aspis MH II-MH III
Mycenae MH-LH I
Tiryns MH
Prosymna
Berbati MH
Location and spatial organization of the
cemeteries
Let us return to the first question raised at
the beginning: why is there differentiation
in the cemetery spatial organization and
location? Before attempting to answer the
question, one has to examine whether the
different cemetery types were in use at the
same time, or whether there is a change
from one type of cemetery to the other.
It becomes instantly obvious that the
majority of extramural burials belong to
the end of the MH period (see table 2). The
graves at the cemeteries of Barbouna in
Asine, Prosymna and Myloi are not earlier
than MH III and the same is true for the
grave circles at Mycenae. However, some
burials were located outside the settlement
from the beginning of the period. These
early extramural graves belong to tumuli
cemeteries of Asine and Argos. At the tumu-
lus cemetery at Asine only one grave dates
to the early part of MH II,25 while in Argos
MH I-II graves belong to tumulus Γ 26
and
the possible tumulus ΣΤ. 27
But even during
MH III, when extramural cemeteries were
widely in use, intramural burials were still
broadly practiced.
As we can see in figure 6, during MH I-
II intramural burials were the norm. Burying
individuals outside the settlement was ex-
ceptional. From MH III onwards, all diffe­rent
cemetery types were in use simulta­neously.
In most of the settlements, at least at some
25
The clay cist 71B is the oldest of the East
Cemetery, dating perhaps from the transitional
period EH/MH, Dietz 1980, 65, 88. As this grave
pre-dates the construction of the tumulus and is
considerably earlier from the rest of the graves, it
is probably not related to the cemetery.
26
 � ��������������������������������������������������
Protonotariou-Deilaki 1980. It should be stressed
however that for the majority of the graves in the
tumuli of Argos we do not have a closer dating,
except that they belong to MH.
27
 � �������������������������������������������������
Dietz 1991, 276. The graves are excavated in the
hospital area.
Extramural tumu-
Extramural ex-
lus cemetery or
tended cemetery
Grave Circle
MH II-LH I MH III-LH I
- MH III-LH I
MH I-LH I MH Table 2
MH III-LH I MH-LH I Chronological
distribution of
- ? different cemeteries.
MH III-LH I
point during their history, intramural and
extramural cemeteries co-existed.28
To summarize: there is a clear tendency for
more extramural burials towards the end of
the MH period. However, it still needs to be
explained why this change happened and
what the significance is of different burial
grounds in one site.
Intramural cemeteries
Let me first turn to the intramural cemete­
ries again. The basic feature of the intramu-
ral burials is the close relation of the graves
with houses. This is very well manifested
at Lerna, where the graves tend to form
clusters around free-standing houses29
(e.g. cluster G, around successive Houses
M and D, see fig. 5). For the purposes of
this argument, it is less important whether
the graves were contemporary or later than
the houses. Most important is that some
people buried their dead over a longer pe-
riod in a particular area in the settlement,
and always in association with a house. The
existence of grave clusters and their strong
connection with free-standing houses may
indicate the importance of kinship relations.
Other scholars have already suggested that
kin relations were of primary importance
during the MH period.30
Furthermore, most of the MH settle-
ments were used for a long time. Houses
were rebuilt several times, burials were
continuously placed around them and no
important changes are noticed until MH III.
Therefore, I would like to suggest that do-
mestic space in the MH period represented
28
For Berbati we do not have any information for
extramural burials. In Tiryns some graves found
in the Prison Area may belong to an extramural
cemetery. In contrast, in Prosymna the extramu-
ral cemetery was discovered by chance, but the
settlement has not yet been located. It is there-
fore possible that an extramural cemetery existed
also in Berbati and has not yet been found.
29
For the early houses of MH Lerna see Zerner
1978.
30
Cavanagh/Mee 1998, 34; Voutsaki 1999, 107.

 stability and permanence, where little space
for negotiation and change existed.
Extramural cemeteries
In the extramural cemeteries the buri-
als were more or less separated from the
living space. The relation between houses
and graves was more loose (e.g. the
Barbouna graves, which were built upon the
ruins of earlier houses) or, in most cases,
non-existent. On the other hand, the graves
placed in organised cemeteries were now
more visible, not only to the people living
in the associated settlement, but also to the
neighbouring communities. The construc-
tion of tumuli and grave circles is the best
indication that the extramural burials were
supposed to be seen.
Furthermore, the placing of graves
under or around tumuli, the construction
of grave enclosures and the existence of
grave clusters (see table 3) may indicate
that kinship was once more the primary
organizational principle. These relations
could now be expressed in a more abstract
way, not directly related to the main point of
reference of the family, the house.
It could therefore be suggested that
the settlement context could no longer serve
the interests of some groups. That is pro­
bably why they chose an area outside the
settlement, a new “arena”, where they could
more easily negotiate and probably change
their positions or relations. These new
arenas, i.e. particular spatial loci where spe-
cific activities were located, could be more
‘flexible’, or more ‘open’ to novel practices
and ideological representations. 31 32
At the same time a new ideological
arena was created. The realm of the dead
was no longer exclusively related with the
Table 3
realm of the living and with every day life.
Spatial organization
of the extramural The dead members of the kin group, the an-
cemeteries. cestors, now had their own, separate space.
Site Grave Tumuli Grave
+ + ? tive placing of individuals within the world.
Asine
(Barbouna) (East Cem.) (East Cem.)
Argos ? + ? zation, the real relations between people
Prosymna + - - in the every day life. Social structure is
Mycenae + - 32 +
Myloi ? - -
31
Chapman 1991, 152.
32
  E. Protonotariou-Deilaki, has suggested the exis-
tence of three tumuli at Mycenae, two above the
grave circles and a third further north, but these
observation were based on the wrong interpre-
tation of the stratigraphy. Protonotariou-Deilaki
1990.

I would therefore suggest that in this period
there is a change not only in the location
of the cemeteries, but also in the burial
ideology.33
Some scholars have interpreted the
extramural cemeteries, and especially the
tumuli, as a symptom of the emergence of
local elites in an already stratified society.34
However, such a scenario cannot explain
the existence of multiple tumuli at Argos as
early as MH I,35 nor the later rise in impor-
tance of sites, such as Mycenae and Tiryns,
where there are no tumuli.
Furthermore, the burial data do not
indicate any clear differences between
the intramural and extramural extended
cemeteries. The first signs of a more clear
differentiation (e.g. differences in the age
composition, the grave types used and the
burial offerings) do not appear before late
MH II and MH III, and are observed prima­
rily in the tumuli cemeteries. Finally, the in-
terpretation of the extramural cemeteries as
exclusive places, where higher status people
were buried, overemphasizes the social di-
mension of the burials and neglects their
ideological and symbolical significance.
Social structure
Having analysed the significance of the
location and spatial organisation of the
cemeteries, let me now turn to the second
question and discuss what the different
cemetery types can tell us about the social
structure of the MH communities.
My aim however is not to reconstruct
MH social organization, as I do not believe
that this is possible on the basis of the
burial data alone. Recent discussions in
archaeological theory and mortuary studies
have emphasized that burials do not simply
reflect the social reality. Burial patterning
may rather distort and misrepresent social
organization through the filter of ideological
representations.36 Social structure is an
ideal model, a mental template, of the rela-
It is thus different from the social organi-
created, maintained and subverted largely
through rituals, such as the funeral.37 My
33
 ����������������
Voutsaki 1998, ���
45.
34
 �����������������
Nordquist 1979, 44;
����������
2002, passim; Maran 1995,
72; Cavanagh/Mee 1998, 35.
35
 ��������������������
Voutsaki 1999, 107.
36
e.g. Hodder 1982, 139-146; Parker-Pearson
1993.
37
Leach 1954, 15-16; Pader 1982, 54; Morris 1987,
39-42.
 Table 4
Group No. of graves Females % Males % Sub-adults % Lerna, sex and age
D 25 4 16% 7 28% 20 80% composition of the
E 12 0 0% 4 33% 10 83% grave clusters. The
different clusters are
F 7 3 43% 4 57% 4 57% shown in figure 5.
G 9 1 11% 2 22% 7 78%
H 18 2 11% 5 28% 10 56%
I 21 1 5% 3 14% 14 67%
K 14 2 14% 2 14% 7 50%
L 22 3 14% 1 5% 18 82%
aim is therefore to detect general structural
principles, which differentiated the popula-
tion along a horizontal and/or vertical axes.
The differences between individu-
als or groups can become apparent in two
ways: first, through a comparative analysis
between individual burials or burial clusters
(intra-cemetery analysis), and second,
through comparison between different
cemeteries (inter-cemetery analysis). Here
I shall use two examples, the intramural
burial clusters from Lerna and the different
burial grounds from Asine. I shall briefly
analyse the age and gender composition of
the clusters and the different burial grounds
and I shall compare the grave types and the
burial offerings found in them.

Lerna: intra-cemetery analysis and pits cannot be used as an index of dif- Figure 5
For the purpose of this paper I shall com- ferentiation between the groups. The same Lerna, different grave
pare the data from eight burial clusters may hold true for the uneven distribution clusters. Based on
Blackburn 1978, plans
from Lerna. I have selected clusters that of the burial jars, which were used in Lerna
1-3.
are quite dense and are related to specific only until MH II. Both sexes and all age ca­
houses (see fig. 5). tegories were buried in pits and cists, while
As we can see in table 4, the age and only infants and young children were buried
sex distribution is more or less the same in in jars.41
almost all groups. Sub-adults (individuals Turning the to burial offerings it can be
<15) predominate and there are usually stated that some graves in each group con-
more males than females.38 It is beyond the tained offerings (see table 6). However, only
scope of this paper to discuss the meaning a few of them were single burials contai­ning
of this pattern. However it is important that more than two vases, bronze objects, jewel-
there are only minor differences in sex and lery made of imported materials, or a com- Table 5
bination of these three. These “rich” burials Lerna, grave types in
age composition of the different groups.
each cluster.
The same is true for the grave types were either cist or pit graves belonging
(see table 5). Pits and cists are found in
every cluster.39 Their different proportions Group No of graves Pits Cists Jars
prima­rily indicate chronological differences D 25 8 15 2
in the use of the cluster, as cists were first E 12 7 2 2
used in Lerna during the late part of MH II.40 F 7 2 5 0
Therefore, the uneven distribution of cists G 9 3 5 0
H 18 10 7 1
38
 �������������
������������
Angel 1971, passim. Dr. S. Triantaphyllou is cur- I 21 10 11 0
rently re-examining the skeletons and her results
will be used in the final analysis of the Lerna K 14 6 8 0
cemetery. L 22 13 9 0
39
Under the term cists are included here: cists
formed of vertical or horizontal slabs, brick cists
and semi-cist graves.
40
 ���������������������������������������������������
Based on the revised dating of the graves, kindly
provided by Dr. C. Zerner.  �������������������������������
41
Nordquist 1979; Voutsaki 2005.


 very well organized burial ground (fig. 13).
No. of No. of burials Single ‘rich’
Group All the extramural graves were cists, while in
graves with offerings burials
the intramural cemetery pits, cists and jars
D 25 15 0
are used, but pits clearly predominated.43
E 12 6 0 From MH II/MH III to LH I a third burial
F 7 4 0 ground was in use, the extramural cemetery
G 9 7 0 in the Barbouna slope (see fig. 7). During
H 18 9 2 this phase, once more, most of the dead
I 21 5 1 were buried inside the settlement, mainly in
K 14 8 2 pits. A group continued burying their dead
L 22 5 2 in cists, but now individuals were also bu­
ried in large pithoi, in the tumulus cemetery.
to infants or young children; all of them
Table 6 Finally, in Barbouna both cists and pits were
Lerna, distribution of date to MH III/LH I or to LH I.
used. In this cemetery also two (possibly
burial offerings in each To sum up: in Lerna, groups of burials
three) shaft graves were constructed during
cluster. existed, without any profound differences
LH I.44
between them. This may indicate that the
It is obvious that in Asine a differ-
different family groups were differentiated
entiation existed primaryly between the
in a horizontal, rather than a vertical axis at
intramural and the tumulus cemetery: the
least until MH III through LH I.42
tumulus cemetery had an organised plan
and contained only cists and large pithoi,
Asine: inter-cemetery analysis
while inside the settlement pits clearly pre-
Let me now turn to Asine and compare the
dominate and large pithoi with adult buri-
data from different cemeteries. Two burial
als are mis­sing. But does the sex and age
grounds were in use from MH II onwards, the
composition of the different burial grounds
intramural cemetery in the Lower Town and
confirm this differentiation?
Figure 6 the extramural tumulus (or East) cemetery
Asine, plan showing Table 7 shows that adults were mainly
(see fig. 6). During MH II the vast majority
different burial buried in the tumulus cemetery, while the
grounds. After of the dead were buried inside the settle-
graves in the Lower Town and in Barbouna
Nordquist 1987, fig. 8. ment, while six individuals were buried in a
contained mostly sub-adult skeletons.45 On
the other hand, the sex composition of the
burial assemblages is more or less the same
in the three burial grounds.46
While grave offerings were found in all
three cemeteries (see table 8), they were
more common in the extramural cemeteries.
In addition, the proportion of “rich” graves
is higher in the extramural cemeteries,
where they are also associated with more
elaborate grave types.47 These rich graves
in the Lower Town belong exclusively to
adults, in the tumulus cemetery and in
Barbouna also sub-adult burials had elabo-
rate offerings. The earliest of these graves
in the tumulus date to the late MH II, the in-
tramural rich graves are earlier. In Barbouna
one rich burial dates to MH III, the other
two are shaft graves dating to LH I.
To summarize: the existence of dif-
ferent cemetery types from MH II onwards
may indicate that the kin groups started

43
 � ������������
Dietz 1980, passim; Nordquist 1987, 100-103.
 
42
����������������������������������������������
Of course we always have to be aware that the 44
 �������������������������
Nordquist 1987, 128-136.
lack of clear differentiation between the graves 45
 ������������
Angel 1982.
does not necessary mean lack of differentiation 46
  In Barbouna more than double the number of
between the people or the groups. The differences males than females have been found, but the
may not be expressed in the mortuary context, or sample is too small (six individuals) to have any
they may be expressed by means that leave no statistical value.
archaeological traces. 47
 ����������������������
Nordquist 1987, 101; idem 2002, 24-25.


to differentiate in a more pronounced way.
At the beginning of the period, only the
cemetery location and the spatial organiza-
tion differed. From the late MH II onwards,
differentiation becomes more apparent,
especially in the tumulus cemetery. Here,
the use of a separate burial ground is also
accompanied by different age composition
and grave complexity. Therefore, I would
like to propose that vertical differentiation
between kin groups became more pro-
nounced in MH III.

Conclusion
Let me recapitulate and address the main
questions asked in this paper: what is the
significance of different cemetery types,
and what do these differences imply con-
cerning the social structure of the MH
communities?
I have suggested that the basic fea-
tures of the intramural cemeteries are: the
close relation with houses, the emphasis on
kin relations and the location of the graves in
the domestic space, which represents stabi­
lity and permanence. I have also suggested especially in the tumulus cemetery in Asine. Figure 7
Here, the use of a separate burial ground Asine, plan of the
that the creation of extramural cemeteries
tumulus (East)
does not only have social importance, but is also accompanied by different age com-
cemetery. After Dietz
also ideological and symbolic significance. position and grave complexity. Therefore, 1991, fig. 3.
The decision to place some graves outside I would like to propose that vertical diffe­
the settlement creates new spatial loci, and rentiation between kin groups became more
at the same time, indicates a shift in burial pronounced in MH III.
ideology. The relation between houses and There is no question that a radical change
graves now becomes looser or non-existent, happened in MH III-LH I. The construction
while the cemetery became more visible. of more elaborate extramural graves, the
The construction of tumuli and enclosures greater emphasis on grave offerings and
reinforced the visibility of the extramural the clearer age divisions indicate that some
cemeteries. groups defined their relationship to the rest
I have argued, during the first phases of the community in a vertical axis.
of the MH period the burial pattern reveals The cemetery type has therefore been
that the community was mostly divided used as a tool to reconstruct the social
structure of the MH communities in the Table 7
along horizontal lines and that kin relations Asine, age and sex
were paramount. Some kind of differentia- Argolid and to understand the ideological composition of the
tion or, better, a subtle categorization be- and symbolic significance of the burials. different cemeteries.
tween the kin groups must have existed,48
Cemetery Adults Females Males Sub-adults
as is indicated by the early graves at the
tumuli of Asine and Argos, but also by the
Lower Town 30-40 10 13 68
slight differences between the grave clus- Tumulus 19 8 11 5
ters in Lerna. From the late MH II onwards, Barbouna 6 2 4 8
differentiation becomes more apparent,

No. of burials Single ‘rich’

Cemetery No. of graves
with offerings burials
Lower Town 111 24 (22%) 2 (2%) Table 8
Tumulus 20-21 7 (35%) 4 (20%) Asine, distribution of
burial offerings in the
Barbouna 16 7 (43%) 3 (19%) different cemeteries.

Voutsaki 1999, 107.

48

10
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12