Man Made Disaster and Development PDF

International Social
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Man-made disaster and development: The case of Iraq

Scott Harding
International Social Work 2007; 50; 295
DOI: 10.1177/0020872807076041
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International Social Work 50(3): 295–306
Sage Publications: Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore

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i s w
DOI: 10.1177/0020872807076041
Man-made disaster and development

The case of Iraq
* Scott Harding
The idea of disaster is usually associated with human suffering

caused by natural events: tsunamis, hurricanes, earthquakes, floods.
However, human-created disasters stemming from war, the conduct
of repressive regimes, the use of sanctions, and economic and social
policies represent an equally important dimension of disaster.
These practices have political goals and produce a range of negative
social and economic conditions beyond their stated aims. They cause
human suffering, especially among vulnerable groups, dispropor-
tionately women, children, older people and poor people.
In this article I explore the concept of disaster and examine US-led
policy towards Iraq as a case study of a human-made disaster.
I argue that the current war, following years of economic sanctions,
US military intervention in 1990–1, the Iran–Iraq war and decades
of government repression has crippled Iraq’s economic and social
development. I consider the ongoing violence and social disintegra-
tion in Iraq to suggest that social work has a key global role to play
in responding to policies that create such disaster.
Social work is predicated on the values of social justice and elim-
ination of all forms of oppression, discrimination and inequality.
To advance this perspective and confront human-made disaster,
the profession should promote social development strategies and
human rights principles through political practice and within
social work education. This would give social work a central role
Key words * human-made disaster * Iraq * social development * social work

distribution.
296 International Social Work volume 50(3)
in preventing human-made disaster and in reconstruction and devel-

opment following disaster.
Defining human-made disasters

The concept of disaster in both social work and general literature is
associated with devastation caused by natural events. Social work
research suggests an important, if narrow, conception of the profes-
sional response to disaster: helping victims to deal with trauma
induced by disaster (Farquhar and Dobson, 2004); providing
mental health and social services to victims of disaster (Banerjee
and Gillespie, 1994; Weist et al., 2002); and planning and imple-
menting responses to natural and technological disasters (Soliman
and Rogge, 2002). Overall, the literature highlights the role of
social work in micro-level responses to the individual impact of
natural disasters (Yanay and Benjamin, 2005).
The meaning of disaster has expanded recently to include human-
created processes. Stevens and Capitman (2005) suggest a ‘social
disaster paradigm’ to illustrate the epidemic of drug infiltration
into African-American communities. Lohokare and Davar (2000)
propose that the concept include poverty, dislocation and violence
against women, since the consequences of these structural phenom-
ena are similar to the effects of natural disaster. A broader definition
of disaster helps highlight its social and economic roots and the
social disorder often caused by human actions (Health Disaster,
2002).
This article defines human-made disasters as conditions that result
from a range of policies and deliberate state actions. They produce
adverse impacts on the economy and infrastructure of a country
and facilitate the breakdown of social networks and community.
Examples include war, actions of repressive regimes, failure to halt
the spread of preventable disease and epidemics, economic sanctions
and neo-liberal economic strategies. These practices are carried out
for political aims benefiting a minority of a domestic population
and/or are imposed externally by other state actors or transnational
corporations in their own interests. They generate a range of adverse
conditions that threaten civilian well-being. Many of these actions
produce immediate adverse outcomes; others may over time lead
to social disruption.
War and political violence create both direct and indirect negative
effects (Oakes and Lucas, 2001). Aside from immediate death and

distribution.
Harding: Man-made disaster 297
destruction, they divert needed resources to military means, displace

populations, disrupt economic networks and contribute to environ-
mental degradation, which in turn jeopardizes food production,
water quality and living conditions. Violent conflict, by disrupting
public health and other basic infrastructure services, creates
famine and disease, often killing more people indirectly than those
who die from combat (Krause and Mutimer, 2005). Sen (1984)
argues that famine occurs only in weak states, reflecting failures in
the distribution of food via existing networks. Gupta et al. (2002)
found that increased infant mortality caused by conflict continues
after armed hostilities end. UNICEF (2004: 40–1) notes that civil
war ‘typically triggers a prolonged reversal of economic and social
development that often results in poverty continuing from one
generation to the next’.
Human-made disasters provoke a serious disruption of the
economy, agriculture and health-care sectors of a society, typically
producing long-lasting effects that perpetuate underdevelopment.
Rather than being seen as tragic events producing pitiful victims,
human-created disasters should instead be seen as the inevitable out-
comes of global inequality and exclusionary policies promoted by
key power agencies. Those most affected by such disaster have
little input into reconstruction or development efforts. Thus,
human-made disasters deeply undermine processes of social devel-
opment predicated on participatory, community-driven practices.
While the frequency and severity of natural disasters must be
acknowledged, human-made disasters are broader in scope and con-
sequences. Millions of people were displaced or made refugees from
1990 to 2003 during 59 armed conflicts in 48 separate locations.
More than 1.5 million children were killed in these conflicts
(UNICEF, 2004). By 2003, the unchecked global spread of HIV/
AIDS caused 20 million deaths and created an estimated 15 million
orphans, 80 percent of whom live in sub-Saharan Africa (UNAIDS/
WHO, 2004; UNICEF, 2004). Pervasive poverty in developing
countries is responsible for the estimated 200 million child laborers
aged 5–14 (ILO, 2002). Nearly one-fifth of disease in developing
countries is linked to environmental risks, where unsafe water,
poor sanitation and hygiene are ‘leading risk factors, causing
1.7 million premature deaths per year’ (World Bank, 2005). The dis-
ruption of normal community functioning through human-
made disaster should be recognized for its broad-based, long-term
impact.

distribution.
Not all disasters are created equal

A comparison between natural and human-made disaster suggests
differences in how these events are often viewed. The sudden
calamity of natural disasters, arriving with little or no warning,
invokes media images of a blameless populace victimized by unfore-
seen events. Recent examples include the 2004 Asian tsunami and
Hurricane Katrina (Stirrat, 2006; Vaux, 2006). In these cases, the
damage was highlighted by intensive media coverage of the devasta-
tion and its shocking human impact. Typically, the world commu-
nity rallies to provide material and other support to victims of
natural catastrophe, when the media highlights the events. This
can be contrasted with the protracted, gradual and predictable
destruction resulting from human-made disasters (Vaux, 2006).
I suggest that a form of apathy occurs during global crises caused
by human-made disasters. Media coverage and the public and poli-
tical reaction to these events vary widely, from the outraged to the
non-existent, depending upon where and when the disaster happens.
As Price (2005: 16) notes, numerous ‘humanitarian crises continue to
blight the African continent’, yet negative stereotypes of Africans
result in ‘sympathy fatigue’ or ‘compassion apathy’.
Little research has examined why some forms of disaster provoke
a greater outpouring of public support. One report suggests that a
consensus exists among relief groups: natural disasters garner sign-
ificantly more attention than human-made disaster (Salmon,
2005). Askeland (2006) argues that the number of Western tourists
affected by the Asian tsunami generated more interest from the
media and Western donors. While a sense of urgency motivates
donors in natural disasters, ‘plodding disasters, such as the
decades-long devastation of the AIDS crisis or the methodical leth-
ality of a famine, often don’t trigger such an outpouring’ (Salmon,
2005: F1). Undeniably, interventions have been made, via food
aid, military operations or political pressure by the global commu-
nity, to alleviate the conditions (and sometimes the cause) of
human-made disasters. The power of the media to shape perceptions
of disasters remains a key variable (Price, 2005), as instanced in
media and celebrity figures mobilizing public and political support
to address famine in Ethiopia and Sudan in the 1980s and 1990s.
Social movement activism responding to government inaction in
these cases was also significant. The ongoing response to the situa-
tion in Darfur and HIV/AIDS pandemic, however, remains anoma-
lous. Another explanation for this discrepancy is that the developed

distribution.
world expects the developing world to regularly experience human-

made disasters.
The two forms of disaster produce different responses from the
West, with two types of victims: worthy, when natural disaster
strikes; and unworthy, in the case of human-made disasters. Stevens
and Capitman (2005: 280) claim the latter ‘generally invoke collec-
tive blame and guilt and warranted retribution. In such situations,
disaster victims are thought to be responsible in part, because
victims can exercise some control over the calamitous event.’
Of importance here is the premise that human-made disasters
serve the interests of the global powers and elite actors. Thus, in
both its origins and resolution, which stem partly from the response
of the West, human-made disaster is a distinctly political process.
The case of Iraq

American and global policy towards Iraq offers a useful case of a
human-made disaster. Destabilization stemming from the continu-
ing US-led war in Iraq, an already weakened state, has been further
compromised: child deaths are rising; the health-care system is
broken; economic reconstruction remains untenable in many
regions; and high levels of political instability and violence exist
(MedAct, 2004; Roberts et al., 2004; UNDP, 2005; UN World
Food Programme, 2004). Iraq’s crisis did not start with the 2003
US-led invasion and overthrow of Saddam Hussein. A range of
actions, partly reflecting external influence on Iraq’s political and
social development, helped produce the current conditions (Harding,
2004). Iraq’s development was also hindered by massive human
rights violations and repression under the Ba’ath Party regime
(Amowitz et al., 2004). Below, I highlight recent events, and argue
that the legacy of Western imperialism is central to Iraq’s current
social and political divisions.
The US relationship with Iraq before its 1990 invasion of Kuwait
is instructive. The USA tolerated Saddam Hussein’s brutality during
the 1980s when it re-established diplomatic relations. This was an
era of widespread domestic human rights violations and external
regional aggression by Iraq. Yet, through both trade agreements
and military support, the Reagan administration promoted close
ties (Shane, 2003). The USA practiced an enabling foreign policy
that facilitated and condoned internal repression in the name of
meeting US strategic interests. The USA was not alone in tolerating
dictatorship and repression in Iraq. For example, France and the

distribution.
Soviet Union let economic and strategic needs trump concerns for
the well-being of Iraqi citizens. While Iraq’s own policies fostered
repression and limited social development, Western powers played
a central role in creating human-made disaster by ignoring Iraq’s
authoritarian rule through the 1980s.
The use of UN economic sanctions against Iraq for its 1990
invasion of Kuwait caused massive harm to the civilian population.
This followed the destruction of Iraq’s infrastructure from US
bombing in the 1991 Gulf war (Ascherio et al., 1992) and devasta-
tion from the Iran–Iraq war (1980–8). Sanctions, enforced from
1990 to 2003, degraded Iraq’s health-care system, formerly among
the most developed in the region (Popal, 2000; von Sponeck,
2002). As Iraq’s oil-dependent economy withered, child mal-
nutrition, disease, and infant and child mortality increased sharply
in the 1990s, and food self-sufficiency declined (Dobson, 2000;
Garfield, 1999; UNICEF, 1998). Al-Nouri (1997) found that the
UN trade embargo created profound effects on Iraqi family life by
distorting social mobility, weakening social norms, altering long-
standing social networks, and producing emotional strain and
psychological distress. Sanctions were chiefly responsible for the
excess deaths of 300,000–500,000 infants and children during the
1990s (Garfield and Leu, 2000). On the eve of the 2003 US invasion
of Iraq, the United Nations reported that more than one-fifth of
Iraq’s population in the heavily populated regions was ‘chronically
poor’, unable to meet basic needs over long periods of time (UN
World Food Programme, 2003). Devastation from sanctions,
imposed for more than a decade largely at the behest of the USA
and the UK, was recognized by international observers. The social
work profession’s response to these developments was muted
within the USA and internationally, and little attention was given
to this human-made disaster through its publications or organiza-
tions (Harding, 2004).
The USA has 140,000 troops in Iraq and is promoting policies
that jeopardize national reconciliation and inclusive social develop-
ment. The American occupation has been marked by overt political
pressure on Iraqi leaders to achieve a quick transition to constitu-
tional democracy through a number of forced, truncated political
processes. Given the instability and long-standing tribal, religious
and ethnic divisions that existed in Iraq, this is a dubious policy
(Baram, 1997; Sirkeci, 2005). While the US government has empha-
sized its desire to promote democracy and a pluralistic society, it has
failed to ensure that all sectors in Iraq are equally involved in these

distribution.
efforts. The lack of security and stability, the inability to foster social
development through reconstruction, and the perceived bias
towards key Sunni and Shia factions in Iraq have been crucial short-
comings of US policy. By late 2006, much of Iraq was engulfed in
kidnappings, retaliatory killings and forms of sectarian strife that
bore all the hallmarks of a civil war. At least 100 civilians were
being killed daily (UNAMI, 2006) and there were more than
3 million refugees and internally displaced persons (UNHCR, 2006).
The Iraqi government claimed about 150,000 civilians had been
killed since 2004 (Oppel, 2006).
Despite some economic and social progress in Iraq, the US-led
war has created a deepening disaster for much of the civilian popu-
lation, especially for social development, public health, security and
economic progress. A food security assessment from late 2004 found
that one-fourth of Iraqis were highly dependent on food rations,
with 2.6 million people so poor they were forced to sell rations to
meet other basic needs (UN World Food Programme, 2004). A com-
prehensive survey of living conditions in 2004 found deteriorating
physical and social conditions. Throughout the country, electricity,
water and sewer systems are deeply compromised and unreliable,
further endangering health. Unemployment among youth exceeds
33 percent and is nearly 40 percent for young men with a secondary
higher education (UNDP, 2005). Nearly one-fourth of children
under age 5 suffer from chronic malnutrition. A lack of medicines,
equipment and personnel has imperiled an already fragile health
service system.
Violence has become normalized in Iraq, ranging from the threat
of suicide bombings, Iraqi and US military assaults and sectarian
militias, to violent street crime (Wong, 2005). Of particular concern
is the long-term mental health impact of pervasive violence,
especially on Iraqi children (Greene, 2005; MedAct, 2004). Fear of
everyday violence is also acute for women and girls, limiting their
freedom of movement and ability to go to work or school (Amnesty
International, 2005).
One public health survey found that at least 100,000 excess civilian
deaths occurred in Iraq from March 2003 to September 2004. Most
of these were civilians, mainly women and children killed by US and
coalition troops (Roberts et al., 2004). This report offers a useful
comparison of how different forms of disaster are viewed and how
international media coverage differs. Its findings and methods
were contested by the Bush administration, the US media provided
minimal coverage and there was little public outcry, a response that

distribution.
effectively condoned this human-made disaster (Sachs, 2004).1 In

contrast, two months later the Asian tsunami galvanized the global
community (including social workers) to action.
The world community, but particularly the USA, has a moral
obligation to stabilize and rebuild Iraq. This must occur in a
manner that does not privilege US and global corporate interests
by disenfranchising specific population groups or promoting one
form of development. While the USA has made a commitment to
reconstruct Iraq, this process has been marked by opportunism,
exploitative relationships and paternalism (Dominelli, 2005; New
Economics Foundation, 2005).
The continued destabilization in Iraq and adverse impacts on
public health and economic growth put the process of social devel-
opment at grave risk. Like the upheaval induced by natural disaster,
the human-made disaster in Iraq has produced widespread trauma,
negative health effects, powerlessness, a loss of dignity, material loss
and physical destitution. These realities highlight both the opportu-
nity and challenges facing social work in addressing human-created
disaster.
Social development and social work

As with many social problems, social workers must assist the victims
of human-made disaster. Greater attention to the policies producing
these events is not only consistent with the profession’s focus on pre-
vention, but also suggests a strategy for eliminating human-made
disaster. Social work education, with its emphasis on grassroots
development and the empowerment of oppressed groups, offers an
antidote to neo-liberal ideologies and practices that foster social
exclusion and create disaster. Yet most social work educators and
practitioners have little experience or knowledge of international
social welfare and development issues, a reality at odds with the pro-
fession’s dedication to global social justice.
In addition, social development research has minimized the
special conditions involved in human-created, post-disaster environ-
ments. Debates over how best to resolve conflicts and address
economic and social marginalization indicate a need to foster parti-
cipation in decision making and inclusive economic growth. A literal
interpretation of social work’s values and mission emphasizes com-
munity-driven development and reconciliation to address human-
made disaster scenarios, where conflict, insecurity and violence
dominate much of daily life. This is especially relevant for US

distribution.
social workers when US foreign policy knowingly infringes on social

work values, suggesting a need for a more direct role in political
practice. This could occur through the National Association of
Social Workers, which has chapters in every state and a network
that already advocates on policy issues.
Despite a growing global consciousness, the social work pro-
fession has not adequately addressed human-made disaster as a
professional duty. The lack of individual and institutional support
for international social work organizations has hampered the pro-
fession’s ability to address key global ills, and failure to become
more engaged on these issues risks making the profession irrelevant
to the resolution of many human-created problems. A number of
existing international social work organizations could play an essen-
tially political role to have an effect on human-created disaster.
Working in partnership with international non-governmental orga-
nizations, promoting a stronger role at the United Nations, or both,
social work could play a major role in shaping policies to prevent
and effectively respond to human-made disasters.
There is a need for all social work educators and professionals to
make an explicit commitment to the principles of international
social work as defined by Ahmadi (2003: 15). He proposes that
‘actors who are engaged in both social work theory and practice
in their own country become actively engaged in the social services,
education, and practice of social work in one or more other
countries’. The primary goals of a global social work ethos,
Ahmadi suggests, are the promotion of peace and the ideals of
human rights and democracy.
This implies that a task of promoting international social work
practice would be to support social development in general, like
the UN Millennium Development Goals, but also in post-disaster
environments. One challenge of this perspective is responding to
human-made disaster not as citizens of nation states, but as global
citizens informed and motivated by professional values and ethics.
Doing this requires a rejection of nationalist rhetoric that dehuma-
nizes select groups and populations and encourages a feeling of
dependency on the state for action to address global problems. Inter-
national social work requires viewing the world as a community,
transcending nationalism and responding to global violence and
other human-made problems with the belief that international orga-
nizations, some existing, some to be created, are well suited to the
task of addressing human-made disaster.

distribution.
Note
1. A similar response occurred in October 2006, when another study using compar-
able methodology suggested some 650,000 Iraqi civilians had been killed since
the 2003 US invasion (Burnham et al., 2006).
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Connecticut, 1798 Asylum Ave., West Hartford, CT 06117, USA.
[email: scott.harding@uconn.edu]

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International Social

Man-made disaster and development: The case of Iraq

The online version of this article can be found at:

International Association of Schools of Social Work

International Council of Social Welfare

International Federation of Social Workers

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