Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
discovery of an instant cure for political, astronomical, artistic, parliamentary, agronomical and
literary syphilis. It may be pleasant, and good-natured, it's always right, it's strong, vigorous and
logical.”
Tristan Tzara's
Feeble Love & Bitter Love, II
ART MANIFESTO
Theo van Doesburg “Manifest I of The Style" (De Stijl), from De Stijl, vol. II, no. 1
Theo van Doesburg “Base de la peinture concrète”, Art Concret, no. 1 (April 1930).
Peter Cook, “Editorial from Archigram 3”, in Archigram, edited by Peter Cook
Super Studio, “Twelve Cautionary Tales for Christmas”, in Peter Lang and William Menking
Superstudio: Life without Objects
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We have been up all night, my friends and I, beneath mosque lamps whose brass cupolas are bright as our
souls, because like them they were illuminated by the internal glow of electric hearts. And trampling underfoot
our native sloth on opulent Persian carpets, we have been discussing right up to the limits of logic and
scrawling the paper with demented writing.
Our hearts were filled with an immense pride at feeling ourselves standing quite alone, like lighthouses or like
the sentinels in an outpost, facing the army of enemy stars encamped in their celestial bivouacs. Alone with the
engineers in the infernal stokeholes of great ships, alone with the black spirits which rage in the belly of rogue
locomotives, alone with the drunkards beating their wings against the walls.
Then we were suddenly distracted by the rumbling of huge double decker trams that went leaping by,
streaked with light like the villages celebrating their festivals, which the Po in flood suddenly knocks down and
uproots, and, in the rapids and eddies of a deluge, drags down to the sea.
Then the silence increased. As we listened to the last faint prayer of the old canal and the crumbling of the
bones of the moribund palaces with their green growth of beard, suddenly the hungry automobiles roared
beneath our windows.
"Come, my friends!" I said. "Let us go! At last Mythology and the mystic cult of the ideal have been left
behind. We are going to be present at the birth of the centaur and we shall soon see the first angels fly! We
must break down the gates of life to test the bolts and the padlocks! Let us go! Here is they very first sunrise
on earth! Nothing equals the splendor of its red sword which strikes for the first time in our millennial
darkness."
We went up to the three snorting machines to caress their breasts. I lay along mine like a corpse on its bier,
but I suddenly revived again beneath the steering wheel — a guillotine knife — which threatened my stomach.
A great sweep of madness brought us sharply back to ourselves and drove us through the streets, steep and
deep, like dried up torrents. Here and there unhappy lamps in the windows taught us to despise our
mathematical eyes. "Smell," I exclaimed, "smell is good enough for wild beasts!"
And we hunted, like young lions, death with its black fur dappled with pale crosses, who ran before us in the
vast violet sky, palpable and living.
And yet we had no ideal Mistress stretching her form up to the clouds, nor yet a cruel Queen to whom to
offer our corpses twisted into the shape of Byzantine rings! No reason to die unless it is the desire to be rid of
the too great weight of our courage!
We drove on, crushing beneath our burning wheels, like shirt-collars under the iron, the watch dogs on the
steps of the houses.
Death, tamed, went in front of me at each corner offering me his hand nicely, and sometimes lay on the
ground with a noise of creaking jaws giving me velvet glances from the bottom of puddles.
"Let us leave good sense behind like a hideous husk and let us hurl ourselves, like fruit spiced with pride, into
the immense mouth and breast of the world! Let us feed the unknown, not from despair, but simply to enrich
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As soon as I had said these words, I turned sharply back on my tracks with the mad intoxication of puppies
biting their tails, and suddenly there were two cyclists disapproving of me and tottering in front of me like two
persuasive but contradictory reasons. Their stupid swaying got in my way. What a bore! Pouah! I stopped
short, and in disgust hurled myself — vlan! — head over heels in a ditch.
Oh, maternal ditch, half full of muddy water! A factory gutter! I savored a mouthful of strengthening muck
which recalled the black teat of my Sudanese nurse!
As I raised my body, mud-spattered and smelly, I felt the red hot poker of joy deliciously pierce my heart. A
crowd of fishermen and gouty naturalists crowded terrified around this marvel. With patient and tentative care
they raised high enormous grappling irons to fish up my car, like a vast shark that had run aground. It rose
slowly leaving in the ditch, like scales, its heavy coachwork of good sense and its upholstery of comfort.
We thought it was dead, my good shark, but I woke it with a single caress of its powerful back, and it was
revived running as fast as it could on its fins.
Then with my face covered in good factory mud, covered with metal scratches, useless sweat and celestial
grime, amidst the complaint of staid fishermen and angry naturalists, we dictated our first will and testament to
all the living men on earth.
MANIFESTO OF FUTURISM
1. We want to sing the love of danger, the habit of energy and rashness.
2. The essential elements of our poetry will be courage, audacity and revolt.
3. Literature has up to now magnified pensive immobility, ecstasy and slumber. We want to exalt
movements of aggression, feverish sleeplessness, the double march, the perilous leap, the slap and the
blow with the fist.
4. We declare that the splendor of the world has been enriched by a new beauty: the beauty of speed. A
racing automobile with its bonnet adorned with great tubes like serpents with explosive breath ... a
roaring motor car which seems to run on machine-gun fire, is more beautiful than the Victory of
Samothrace.
5. We want to sing the man at the wheel, the ideal axis of which crosses the earth, itself hurled along its
orbit.
6. The poet must spend himself with warmth, glamour and prodigality to increase the enthusiastic fervor of
the primordial elements.
7. Beauty exists only in struggle. There is no masterpiece that has not an aggressive character. Poetry
must be a violent assault on the forces of the unknown, to force them to bow before man.
8. We are on the extreme promontory of the centuries! What is the use of looking behind at the moment
when we must open the mysterious shutters of the impossible? Time and Space died yesterday. We
are already living in the absolute, since we have already created eternal, omnipresent speed.
9. We want to glorify war — the only cure for the world — militarism, patriotism, the destructive gesture
of the anarchists, the beautiful ideas which kill, and contempt for woman.
10. We want to demolish museums and libraries, fight morality, feminism and all opportunist and utilitarian
cowardice.
11. We will sing of the great crowds agitated by work, pleasure and revolt; the multi-colored and
polyphonic surf of revolutions in modern capitals: the nocturnal vibration of the arsenals and the
workshops beneath their violent electric moons: the gluttonous railway stations devouring smoking
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serpents; factories suspended from the clouds by the thread of their smoke; bridges with the leap of
gymnasts flung across the diabolic cutlery of sunny rivers: adventurous steamers sniffing the horizon;
great-breasted locomotives, puffing on the rails like enormous steel horses with long tubes for bridle,
and the gliding flight of aeroplanes whose propeller sounds like the flapping of a flag and the applause
of enthusiastic crowds.
It is in Italy that we are issuing this manifesto of ruinous and incendiary violence, by which we today are
founding Futurism, because we want to deliver Italy from its gangrene of professors, archaeologists, tourist
guides and antiquaries.
Italy has been too long the great second-hand market. We want to get rid of the innumerable museums which
cover it with innumerable cemeteries.
Museums, cemeteries! Truly identical in their sinister juxtaposition of bodies that do not know each other.
Public dormitories where you sleep side by side for ever with beings you hate or do not know. Reciprocal
ferocity of the painters and sculptors who murder each other in the same museum with blows of line and
color. To make a visit once a year, as one goes to see the graves of our dead once a year, that we could
allow! We can even imagine placing flowers once a year at the feet of the Gioconda! But to take our sadness,
our fragile courage and our anxiety to the museum every day, that we cannot admit! Do you want to poison
yourselves? Do you want to rot?
What can you find in an old picture except the painful contortions of the artist trying to break uncrossable
barriers which obstruct the full expression of his dream?
To admire an old picture is to pour our sensibility into a funeral urn instead of casting it forward with violent
spurts of creation and action. Do you want to waste the best part of your strength in a useless admiration of
the past, from which you will emerge exhausted, diminished, trampled on?
Indeed daily visits to museums, libraries and academies (those cemeteries of wasted effort, calvaries of
crucified dreams, registers of false starts!) is for artists what prolonged supervision by the parents is for
intelligent young men, drunk with their own talent and ambition.
For the dying, for invalids and for prisoners it may be all right. It is, perhaps, some sort of balm for their
wounds, the admirable past, at a moment when the future is denied them. But we will have none of it, we, the
young, strong and living Futurists!
Let the good incendiaries with charred fingers come! Here they are! Heap up the fire to the shelves of the
libraries! Divert the canals to flood the cellars of the museums! Let the glorious canvases swim ashore! Take
the picks and hammers! Undermine the foundation of venerable towns!
The oldest among us are not yet thirty years old: we have therefore at least ten years to accomplish our task.
When we are forty let younger and stronger men than we throw us in the waste paper basket like useless
manuscripts! They will come against us from afar, leaping on the light cadence of their first poems, clutching
the air with their predatory fingers and sniffing at the gates of the academies the good scent of our decaying
spirits, already promised to the catacombs of the libraries.
But we shall not be there. They will find us at last one winter's night in the depths of the country in a sad
hangar echoing with the notes of the monotonous rain, crouched near our trembling aeroplanes, warming our
hands at the wretched fire which our books of today will make when they flame gaily beneath the glittering
flight of their pictures.
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They will crowd around us, panting with anguish and disappointment, and exasperated by our proud
indefatigable courage, will hurl themselves forward to kill us, with all the more hatred as their hearts will be
drunk with love and admiration for us. And strong healthy Injustice will shine radiantly from their eyes. For art
can only be violence, cruelty, injustice.
The oldest among us are not yet thirty, and yet we have already wasted treasures, treasures of strength, love,
courage and keen will, hastily, deliriously, without thinking, with all our might, till we are out of breath.
Look at us! We are not out of breath, our hearts are not in the least tired. For they are nourished by fire,
hatred and speed! Does this surprise you? it is because you do not even remember being alive! Standing on
the world's summit, we launch once more our challenge to the stars!
Your objections? All right! I know them! Of course! We know just what our beautiful false intelligence
affirms: "We are only the sum and the prolongation of our ancestors," it says. Perhaps! All right! What does it
matter? But we will not listen! Take care not to repeat those infamous words! Instead, lift up your head!
Standing on the world's summit we launch once again our insolent challenge to the stars!
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The church has already burnt the so-called witches to repress the primitive
ludic tendencies conserved in popular festivities. Under the existing dominant
society, which produces the miserable pseudo-games of non-participation, a
true artistic activity is necessarily classed as criminality. It is semi-
clandestine. It appears in the form of scandal.
So what really is the situation? It's the realization of a better game, which
more exactly is provoked by the human presence. The revolutionary
gamesters of all countries can be united in the S.I. to commence the
emergence from the prehistory of daily life.
From the moment when this organization leaves the initial experimental stage
for its first public campaign, the most urgent objective we have ascribed to it
is the seizure of U.N.E.S.C.O. United at a world level, the bureaucratization of
art and all culture is a new phenomenon which expresses the deep inter-
relationship of the social systems co-existing in the world on the basis of
eclectic conservation and the reproduction of the past. The riposte of the
revolutionary artists to these new conditions must be a new type of action. As
the very existence of this managerial concentration of culture, located in a
single building, favors a seizure by way of putsch; and as the institution is
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07/10/13 Situationist International Online
What would be the principle characteristics of the new culture and how would
it compare with ancient art?
We will inaugurate what will historically be the last of the crafts. The role of
amateur-professional situationist — of anti-specialist — is again a
specialization up to the point of economic and mental abundance, when
everyone becomes an "artist," in the sense that the artists have not attained
the construction of their own life. However, the last craft of history is so close
to the society without a permanent division of labor, that when it appeared
amongst the SI, its status as a craft was generally denied.
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11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
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472 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of the Communist Party 473
' I
de,.e!op, more than half the land owned in common by the peas
ants . Now the question is: Can the Russian obshchina,' though MANIFESTO
ownership? Or, on the contrary, must it first pass through the same
process of dissolution as constitutes the histori cal evolution of the A spectre is haunting Europe-the spectre of Communism. All "
the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exor
West? cise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French
The only answer to that possible today is this: If the Russian
Friedrich Engels
against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its
Karl Marx reactionary adversaries?
London, january 21, 1882
Two things result from this fact.
I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European Powers
II. Ii: is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of
The preface t o the present edition 1 must , alas, sign alone. Marx, the whole world, publish . their views, their aims, their tendencies,
the man to whom the whole working class of Europe and America and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Communism with a
owes more than to anyone else, rests at Highgate Cemetery and Manifesto of the party itself.
over his grave the fi rst grass is already growing. Since his death, To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled
the.re can be even less thought of revising or supplementing the in London, and sketched the following Manifesto, to be published
M anifesto. All the more do I con sider it necessary again to state here in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish lan
·~
guages.
the following expressl y : that
The basic thought running through the lVlanifesto- eco
~ nomi c production and the structure of sOCIety of every historical
cpoch necessa ril y ar is ing therefrom constitute the foundation for I. Bourgeois and Proletarians~
the political and intellectual history of that epoch; that conse
The history of all hitherto existing society6 is the history of class
st ruggle, h owever, has now reached a stage where th e exploited and means of social production and employ inner organisation of this primitive
oppressed class ( the proletariat ) can no longer emancipate itself ers of wage-labour. By proletariat, the Communistic ~ociety was taid bare, in
hom th e class which exploits and oppresses it. (the bourgeoisie) , baving no means of producti.on of their di.!)( overy of the tru.e nature of the
without at the same time forever freeing the whole of society from OVi'Tl., are reduced t9 selling their la· g CfJ S and its relation to th e tribe. \Vith
exploitation, oppression and class struggles-this basic thought EngliJh edition of 1888] munities ·society begins to be differen
0. That is, all written history. In \847 , tiated into separate and finally antag
belongs solely and ex clusively to l'v"1arx . the.. pre.history of society, the social or onistic cia-sses. 1 have attempted to
I ha\"C alread y stated this many times; but precisely now it is ganisation existing previous to recorded retrace this process of dissolution in:
f
. hislory, was all but unknown. Since HDer Ursprung der Familie, des Pri vat
necessary that it also stand in front of the Manifesto itselJ. then, Haxthausen discovered common eigenthums und des Staats" [The Ori
Friedrich Engels ownership of land in Russia, Maurer gin of the Family, Private Property
L ondon, june 28, 18 8 3 proved it to be the social foundation and the Statel , 2nd edition , Stuttgart
1886. [Eng els, Eng/ish edition of
from which all Teutonic races started
in history, and by and by village com 1888]
4 . Villag e community. munities were found to be, or to ha ve
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
machinery revolutionised industrial production. The place of manu France, by the nescent towns even be edition 0/ 1888J
facture was taken by the giant, IVlodern Industry, the place of the fore they had conquered from their This was the name g iven th eir urban
industrial middle clas~, bv industrial millionaires, the leaders of feudal lords and masters local self
government and political rights as the
communities by the townsmen of Italy
whole industrial armies, th~ modern bourgeois. I/Third Estate." Generally speaking,
for the economical development of the
or wre!-ted their initial rights of self
i. Guild-mooter, that is, a full member of a guild. [Engel" English editioll 01 the t)'pical country; for its political
of a ~uild, • mas ter within, nut a head 18 081
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
J.
478 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of the Communist Party 479
of property became no longer compatible with the already devel same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, devel
oped productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to oped-a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work,
be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. and who find work only so long as their labour increases capital.
Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a These labourers, who must sell themselves piece-meal, are a com
social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the economi modity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently
cal and politica] sway of the bourgeois class. exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations
A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern of the market.
bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange and Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labour,
of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and
production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appen
able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called dage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monoto
up by his spells. For many a decade past the history of industry and nous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of .him.
commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive Hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost
forces against modem conditions of production, against the prop entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for his mainte
erty relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bour nance, and for the propagation of his race. But the price of a com
geoisie and of its rule. It is enough to mention the commercial modity, and therefore also of labour,9 is equal to its cost of produc
crises that by their periodical return put on its trial, each time more tion. In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work
threateningly, the existence of the entire bourgeois society. In these increases, the wage decreases. Nay more, in proportion as the use of
crises a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the machinery and division of labour increases, in the same proportion
previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the
these crises there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, working hours, by increase of the work exacted in a given time or by
would have seemed an absurdity-the epidemic of over-production. increased speed of the machinery, etc.
Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary bar Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriar
~ barism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation had
cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and com
chal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses
of labourers, crowded into the factory, are organised like soldiers. As
N
merce seem to be destroyed; and why? Because there is too much privates of the industrial army they are placed under the comma.nd
civilisation, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they
much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State; they are
longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bour daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the over-looker, and,
geois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful above all, by the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The
for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they more openlv this despotism proclaims gain to be its cnd and aim,
overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bour the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is.
geois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The con The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual
ditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealtli labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes devel
e oped, the more is the labour of men superseded by that of women.
createdoy·tIiem:-And how does tfie omrrgeolsie--get-ovet"-1:l1'!!'I
crIses? On UleOne hand bv enforced destruction of a mass of pro Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social
ductive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and validity for the working class. All are instruments of labour, more or
by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, less expensive to use, according to their age and sex.
by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufac
and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. turer, so far, at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he
The weapons with which the bourgeoisie fdled feudalism to the is set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord,
ground are nOW turned against the bourgeoisie itself. tHe shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.
But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring The lower strata of the middle class-the small tradespeople,
death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generall y, the handicraftsmen
wield those weapons-the modern working class-the proletarians.
Marx pointed out that the worker sells no t his labour but his
In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
~_ 'S :~~
480 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of the Communist Party fBi
and peasants- all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time.
becaLlse their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but
which l'vfodern Industrv is carried on, and is swamped in the com· in the ever-expanding union of the workers. This union is helped on
petition with the large capitalists, partlv because their specialised by the improved means of communication that are created by
skill is rendered worthless bv new methods of production. Thus the modem industry and that place the workers of different localities in
proletariat is recruited from 'all classes of the population. contact with one another. It was just this con tact that was needed
The proletari~t goes through various stages of development. \Vith to centralise the numerous local struggles, all of the same character,
its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest into one natiQnal struggle between classes. But every class struggle is
is carned rm bv indi\'idual labourers, then bv the workpeople of a a political struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of
factorY, then bv the operati\'es of one trade, in one locality, against the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries,
the indiv]clual bourgeois who directl), exploits them. Thev direct the mbdem proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years.
their attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and conse
against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy quently into a political party, is continually being upset again by
Imported wares that compete with their labol)[, they smash to pieces the competition between the workers themselves, But it ever rises
machinerv, thev set factories ablne, thev seek to restore by force up again, stronger, firme.r, mightier. It compels legislative recogni
the vanished st~tus of the workman of the' Middle Ages, . tion of particular in terests of the workers, by taking advan tage of the
At this stage the labourers still form an incoherent mass scattered divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus the ten-hours' bill in
over the whole country, and broken up by their mLltual competi· England was carried.
tion. If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further,
not vet the C0nseq Llence of their own active union, but of the union in many ways, the course of development of the proletariat. Tpe
of the bourgeoisie, which dass, in order to attain its own political bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with
ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie
morermcr vet. for a t1lne, able to do so, At this stage. therefore, the itself, whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of
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proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their
enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the
industry; at all times, with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In
all these battles it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat,
non·industrial bOLlrgeois, the petty bourgeoisie. Thus the whole his. to ask for its help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena. The
tonc81 movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own ele
every victorv so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie. ments of political and general education, in other words, it fur.
But with the development of industry the proletariat not only nishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie.
incre.ases in number; it become·s concentrated in greater masses, its Further, as we have already seen, en tire sections of the ruling
strength grows, and it feels that strength more. The various interests classes are, by the advance of 'industry, precipitated i.nto the prole.
and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more tariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence.
anel more equalised. in proportion as machinery obliterates all dis· These also supply the proletaria t with fresh elements of enlighten
tinctions of' labour, and neadv everywhere reduces wages to the ment and progress.
same Jow le\'el. The growing competition among the bourgeois, and Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour,
the resulting commercial crises, make tlie wages of the workers ever the process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact
more fluctuating. The unceasing improvement of machinery, ever within the whole range of society, assumes such a violent, glaring
more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more pre· character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift,
carious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in
bOllrgeois toke more and more the character of collisions between its hands, Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the
two classes, Thereupon the workers begin to form combinations nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bour
(Trades Unions j <Igoinst the bourgeois; they club together in order geoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of
to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in the bourgeois ·ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of
order to make pro\'ision beforehand for these occasional revolts. comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole.
Here and there the contest breaks out into riots. Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
,~ .(,~
484 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of ·the Communist Party .: 485
partics hI' this only: ( 1) In the national struggles of the proletari property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to
;ms of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent
the common intcrests of the entire proletariat, independently of all already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily. .
nationality . (2 ) In the various stages of development which the Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property?
Itruggle of the working class against the bourgoisie has to pass But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer? Not a
through, they alw~ys and everywhere represent the interests of the bit. It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits
1Il0vement as a whole.7 wage-labour, and which cannot increase except upon condition of
The Communists,therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the begetting a new supply of wage-labour for fresh exploitation. Prop,
Illost advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of erty, in its present foml, is based on the antagonism of capital and
cve.ry country, that section which pushes forward all others: on the wage-labour. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism.
other han d, theoreticallv, thev have over the great masS of the prole To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but 'a
tariat th e ,ld\',m tagc of dearl v understanding the line of march, the social status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only
conditions, ,md the ultimate general results of the proletarian move by the united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only
j
CTh e immediate aim of the Communist.s is the same aLthaLol all motion.
the other proletarian -p-arties: formati on of the proletariat int(L.a .g.~~l is, therefore not a personal. it is a social po.wex,
Jass, ()verthrow of the..b.our~~I.e.J:llilcr..... _G.oJ1quest of politi<:al \Vhen, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into
1'000000v the proletariat) - the property of all members of society, personal property is not.
The th eoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no wav thereby transformed into social property. It is only the sQcial charac
h"sed on ideas or principles that ha\'e been invented, or discovered, ter of the property that is changed. It loses its class-character.
hy this ()r that would-be universal reforme r. Let us now take wage-labour.
They merelv express, in general terms, acttlal relations springing The average price of wage-labour is the minimum wage, i,e., that
~ from an existing class strnggle. from a historical movement going on . quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely requisite
~ IIndcr ou r ycrv c)'cs.vl.'he aboliti()n of existing property relations is to keep the labourer in bare existence as a labourer. What, there
\.f\ not at all" distinctive feature of Communism . fore, the wage-labourer appropriates by means of his labour, merely
All property relations in the past h8\'e continnallv been subject to -sttfllcc~ ~ ~OlOlI~l1d leprodOce 3 bare exlSfence. We by no means .
II iltorica l change cOllScquent upon the change in historical condi -i'ii'rei1O to abolisli this _ ersonal a ro riation of the products of
firms. a our, an appropriation t at IS made or the mamtenance and
Th e French Re\olution, for example, aholished feudal property reproduction of human life, and that leaves no su . Ius wherewiTh to
in favour of bourgeois property. cornman tea our 0 ot erS. t at we want to 0 away Wit ,is
[:the distinguishing fe~ture of Communism is not the abolition t1le mIserable character of tillS appropriation, under which the
of property genera lly, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But labourer lives merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only
1110dern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete in so far as the interest of the ruling class requires it.
expression of th e system of producing and appropriating products, In bourgeois society, living labour is but a means to increase accu
that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many mulated labour. In Commuriist society, accumulated labour is but a
hv the feW, means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the labourer.
. 111 this sense, the t~n'.. of the Communists may be summed up In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in
in the single sentence: AJlohtlOn of pciva.t.e..PLQ~..rty. Communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois
'vVc Communists ha\'c been reproached with the desire of ahol society capital is independent and has individuality, while the
ishing the right of pcr~onal1y acquiring property as the fruit of a living person is dependent and has no individuality.
lI1an's own lahol1r, which property is alleged to be the groundwork And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bour
of all persona I freedom, activity and independence. geois, abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The
Hard-IVon , ~cJ f-'lcquired, self-earned property! Do yo u mean the abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and
j1ropert~' of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at.
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
486 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of the Communist Party 487
By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditiom Of ance of class property is the disappearance of production itself, so
production, free trade, free selling and buying. the disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the disap
But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying dis pearance of all culture.
appears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous
other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, majority, a mere training to act as a machine.
have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended
buying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages, but have nK abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois
meaning when opposed to the Communistic abolition of buying notions of freedom, culture, law, &c. Your very ideas are but the
and selling, of the bourgeois conditions of production, and of the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bour
bourgeoisie itself. geois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class
You are horrified at our intending to do away with private prop made into a law for all, a will, whose essential character and direc- .
erty. But in your existing society, private property is already done tion are determined by the economical conditions of existence of
away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the vour class.
few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine . The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into
tenths. You- reproach us, therefore, with intending to do awav with · eternal laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from
a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is your present mode of production and form of property-historical
the non-existence of any property for the immense l'1ajority of relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production-this
society. misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded
In one word, you reproach us with intending to do a ~' ay with you . \Vhat you see clearly in the case {)f ancient property, what you
your property. Precisely so; that is just what we intend . admit in the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to
From the moment when labour can no longer be converted into admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property.
capital, money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monop Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this in
~ olised, i.e ., from the moment when individual property can np famous proposal of the Communists .
() longer be transformed in_to bourgeois property, into capital, from On what foundation is the presen t famil y, the bourgeois family,
that moment, you say, individuality vanishes . based? On capital, on private gain. Tn its completely developed
You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no form this family exists only among the bourgeOisie. But this state of
other person than the bourgeois, tha~ the middle-ciass owner of things finds its complement in the practical absence of the family
property. This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and among the proletarians, and in public prostitution.
made impossible. The bourgeois family will vanish <I S a matter of course when its
Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of
products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to capital.
subjugate the labour of others by means of such appropriation. ~. / Do you charge us with wanting to stop the expl oitation of chil
It has been objected that upon the abohtlOn of pnvate proper~. dren by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty.
all work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us . But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when
According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to ha ve gone we replace home education by social.
to the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who And your education! Is not that also social , and determined bv
work, acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not the social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention',
work. The whole of this objection is but another expression of the direct or indirect, of society, by means of schools, &c.? The Com
tautology: that there can no longer be any wage-labour when there munists have not invented the intervention of society in education;
is no longer any capital. fhey do but seek to alter the character of that intervention , and to
All objections urged against the Communistic mode of producing rescue education from the influence of the ruling class.
and appropriating material products, haye, in the same way, been The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about
urged against the Communistic modes of producing and appropriat the hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the more
ing intelJectual products . Just as. to the bomgeois, the disappear- disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all famil y
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
,... ;., ..
, .\ .~ S. ..
488 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of the Communist Party · 489
ties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their children classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to an
transformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments of other will come to an end,
labour. The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philo
But vou Communists would introduce communitv of women sophical, and, generally, .from an ideological standpoint, are not de
screams' the whole bourgeoisie in chorus. . , serving of serious examina tion.
The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere in strum en t of production. Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas,
He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in views and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness, changes
common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that with ,every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his
the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. social relations and in his social life?
He has not e\'en a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual
away with the status of women as mere instruments of production. production changes its character in proportion a,s material produc
For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indigo tion is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the
nation of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they ideas of its ruling class.
pretend, is to be openly and officiall y established b), the Commu· 'W hen people speak of ideas that revolutionise society, they do
nists. The Communists ha\'e no need to introduce community of but express the fact, that within the old society, the elemei-tts of a
women; it has existed almost from time immemorial. new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old Ideas
Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of exist c
of their proletarians at their disposal, .not to speak of common .pros ence.
titutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives, When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient reli
Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common and gions were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas suc
thus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly be re cumbed in the 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal society
proached with, is that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a fought its death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The
hypocritically concealed, an openly legalised communi tv of women. ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave ex
~
For the rest, it is self-evident that the abolition of the present sys pression to the sway of free competition within the domain of
tem of production must bring WIth it the abolition of the commu knowledge.
-.J nit)' of women springing from that system, i,e., of prostitution both "Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical
public and private. and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical de
The Communists are further reproached with desiring to \·e!opment. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, and
abolish countries and nationality. law, constantly survived this change."
The working men have no country. We cannot take from them "There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc.,
what they have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all ac that are common to all states of societv. But Communism abolishes
quire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the eternal truths, it abolishes all religion: and all morality, instead of
nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national, wnstituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction
though not in the bourgeois sense of the word . to all past historical experience."
National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all
more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the bour past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms,
geoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world-market, to uniformity . antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs.
in the mode of production and in the conditions of life correspond But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to
ing thereto, aU past ages, viz., the expl(litation of one part of society by the
The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still other. No _wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages,
faster . United action, of the leading civilised countries at least, is despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within cer
one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. tain common forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely van
In proportion as the exploitation of one incii\'idual b~ another is ish except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms.
put an end to, the exploitltion of one nation by another will The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with tradi
also be put an end to . In proportion as the antagonism between ~al property ~ions; no wonder that its development involves
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
490 Revolutionary Program and Strateg), Manifesto of the Communist Part)' 491
the most radical rupture with traditional ideas. iat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force
But let us ha ve done with the bourgeo is objections to Commu of circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means af a revo
nIsm_ lution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps 8way by
We have seen above, that the first step in the revolutio n bv the force the old conditions of production , then it will, along with these
working class, is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling conditions, ha\'e swept away the conditions for the existence of class
class, to win the battle of democracy. antagonisms and of classes genera]] \" and will thereby ha ve abol
The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, bv de ished its own supremacy as a class.
grees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to ~J~lILLl}str':l..r.n.ents In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class an
of production in the hands of the Stale, i.e., of the- proletariat or tagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the fre e develop
ganised as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive ment of each is the condition for the free de velopment of all.
forces as rapidly as possible.
Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by
means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the con III. Socialist and Communist Literature
ditions of bourgeois production; by mcans of measurcs, th'erefore, 1. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM
which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in
the course of the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further A. Feudal Socialism
inroads upon the old social order, and are una voidable as a means of
Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the
entirely revolutionising the mode of production .
aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against
These measures will of course be different in different countries.
modem bourgeois society. In the French revolution of July ]830,
Nevertheless in the most ad\'anced countries, the following will
and in the English reform agi ta tion, these aristocracies again suc
be pretty generally applicable.
cumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth, ~ serious political con
1 . :\bolition of property in land and application of all rents of
test was altogether out of the question. A literary battle alone re
~
land to public purposes.
mained possible. But even in the domain of literature the old cries
~ 2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax .
.,
. . .: , ....
}. . " .
492 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of the Communist Party 493
In pointing out that th eir m ode of exploitation w~s different to supplementary pa rt of bourgeois society . The individual members of
tha t of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that th ey exploited this class, however, are being constantly hurled down into the prole
under circumstances and conditions that were quite different, and tariat by the acti on of competition, and, as modern industry devel
that are now antiquated. In showing th at, under their rule, the ops, they e\'en see the moment approaching when they will com
. modern proletariat never existed, they forget that the modem bour pletely disappear as an independent section of modern society, to be
geoisie is the nec es ~ arv offspring of their own form of society . replaced, in manufactures, agriculture an d commerce, by overlook
F or the rest , so little do thev conceal the reactionary chara cter of ers, bailiffs and shopmen.
their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie . In countries like France, where· the peasants constitute far more
amounts to this, that under the b ourgeois regi me a class is being de than half of the population , it was natural that writers who sided
veloped, which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use, in their crit
of society. icism of the bourgeois regime, the standard of the peasant and
V/hat the)' upbr~1id the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it petty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intennediate
creates a proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat. classes should take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose
In political practice, therefore , the\' join in all coercive measures petty-bourgeois Socialism . Sismondi was the head of this school, n ot
against the working class; and in ord inary life , despite their high fa on·ly in France but also in England . .
lutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the con
the tree of industrv, and to barter truth, love, and hon our for traffic tradictions in the conditions of modem production . It laid bare the
in wool, beetroot-s~\gar, and potato sp irits .~ hypocritical apologies of economists . It pro ved, incontrovertibly, the
As the parson has ever gone han d in h and with tbe landlord, so disastrous effects of machinery and division of labour; the concen
h as Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism. tration of capital and land in a few hands; overproduction and
N othing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and
tinge. Has not Christianit v dec];\imed against private property, peasant, the misery of the prol etariat, the anarchy in production,
~ agai nst marriage, against the State? Has it not preached in the place
of these, cha ritv and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh,
the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial
war of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral
~
m onastic life and Mother Church? Christian Socialism is but the bonds, of the old famil y relations, of the old nationalities.
holv water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires either '
the aristocrat. to restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with
them the old property relations, and the old society, or to cramping
B. Pettv-Bou rgeols Socialism the modem means of production and of exchange, within the
fram ework of the old property relations that have been, and were
The feud al aristocracy was not the onlv class that was ruined by bound to be, exploded by those means. In either case, it is both
the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence reactionary and Utopian .
pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. Its last words are : corporate guilds for manufacture, patriarchal
The mediaeval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the relations in agriculture.
precursors of the modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts h ad dispersed all intox
but little developed , industrially and commercially, these t wo classes icating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism ended in a
still vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie. miserable fit of the blues.
In countries where modern civilisation has become fulll' devel
oped, a new class of petty bourgeois h as been formed, fluctuating C. German, or "True," Socialism
betwcen prole tariat and bou rgeo isie and e\'er rcnewing itself as a
4. This applies chiefly to Ge rman y ier British aristocracy are, as yr.' , The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature
where the landed aristocracy and squire· rat her above that: but t hey, too, know that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and
archy have large portions of their es· holY to make up for decli nin g rtnts by
tates cul tiv ated for their own accoun t· lending their names to fioaters o f more that was the expression of the struggle against this power, was intro
by stewards. and are, mo reover, exten· or less shady joint·s tock companies. duced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie, in that coun
sive beetroot·sugar manufacturers and [Engels, En gl ish edilio', 01 1888 ]
distillers of pota to spirits . The wealth try, had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism .
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
494 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of the Communist Party 495
German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits, By thi s, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to "True"
eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting, that when these Socialism of confronting the political movement With the Socialist
writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social con demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism,
ditions had not immigrated along with them. In contact with against representative government, against bourgeois competition,
German social conditions, this French literature lost all its immedi bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois lib
ate practical significance, and assumed a purelv literary aspect. erty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that th ey had
Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by this bourgeois move
demands of the first French Revolution were nothing more than the ment. German Socialism forgot, in the nick of time, that the
demands of "Practical Reason" in general, and the utterance of the French criticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence
will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes of modern bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic con
the law of pure Will, of 'Will as it was bound to be, of true human ditions of existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto,
Will generally. the very things whose attainment was the object of the pending
The work of the German literati consisted solely in bringing the struggle in Germany.
new French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical To the absolute governments , with their following of parsons,
conscience, or rather, in annexing the Frenc.h ideas without desert professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome Scare
ing their own philosophic point of view . crow against the threatening bourgeoisie.
This annexation took place in the same wav in which a foreign It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bullets
language is appropriated, namely, by translation. with which these same governments , iust at that time, dosed the
It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic German working-class risings.
Saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works· of ancient While this "True" Socialism thus served the governments as a
heathendom had been written. The German literati reversed this weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time,
process with the profane French literature. They wrote their philo directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the
sophical nonsense beneath the French original. For instance, German Philistines. In Germany the petty-bourgeois class, a relic of
beneath the French criticism of the economic functions of money, the sixteenth century, and since then constantly cropping up again
a they wrote "Alienation of Humanity," and beneath the French crit under various forms , is the real social basis of the exi sting state of
icism of the bourgeois State they wrote " dethronement of the Cate things.
gory of the General," and so forth. To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of things in
The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie
the French historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of threatens it with certain destruction; on the one hand, from the con
Action," "True Socialism," "German Science of Socialism," "Phil centration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a revolutionary
osophical Foundation of Socialism," and so on. proletariat. " True" Socialism appeared to kill these two birds with
The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus com one stone . It spread like an epidemic.
pletely emasculated. And , since it ceased in the hands of the Ger The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of
man to express th e struggle of one class with the other, he felt rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental
conscious of having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of repre robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal
senting, not true requirements, but thc requirements of truth; not truths," all skin and bone, served to wonderfully incre:1se the sale of
the interests of the proletariat , but the interests of Human Nature, their goods amongst such a public .
of Man in general, who belongs to no class, has no reality, who And on its part, German Socialism recognised, more and more,
exists only in the misty realm of philosophical fantasy. its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bour
This German Socialism , which took its schoolboy task so seriously geois Philistine.
and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such mounte It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and
bank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence . the German petty Philistine to be the typical man . To every villain
The fight of the German, and especially, of the Pruss ian bourgeoi ous meanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, Socialistic
sie, against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarch y, in other interpretation , the exact contrary of its real character. It went to the
words, the liberal movement, became more earnest. extreme length of directly opposing the " brutally destructive" tend
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
496 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of the Communist Party 497
ency of Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial relations between capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the
contempt of all class struggles. \Vith very few exceptions, all the cost, and simplify the administrative work, of bourgeois govern
so-called Socialist and Communist publications that now ( 1847) ment.
circulate in Germany belong to the domain of this foul <lnd enervat Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only
ing literature.5 I when, it becomes a mere figure of ~peech .
498 Revolutionary Program and Strategy Manifesto of the Communist Party 499
torically created conditions of emancipation to fantas tic ones, and revolutionary, their disciples have, in every case, formed mere reac
the gradual, spontaneous class-organisation of the proletariat to the tionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of their masters,
organisation of society specially contrived b)! tllcse im·entors. Future in opposition to the progressive historical development of t~e prole
history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propag;!nda and the tariat. They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently, to deaden
practical carrying out of their social plans. the class struggle and to reconcile the cl ass antagonisms. The)1 still
In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring dream of experimental realisation of their social Utopias, of found
chiefly for the interests of the working class, as being the most suffer· ing isolated "!Jhalansteres," of establishing "Home Colonies," of
ing class. Only from the point of \·iew of being the most suffering setting lip a "Little Icaria"6-duodccimo editions of the N ew Jeru
class does the p.rolet"riat exist ·for them. salem-and to realise all these castles in the air, they are compelled
The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their own to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois . By degrees
surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative Socialists
far superior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the COil· depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic pedan
dition of every member of societv, C\'en that of the most fa voured. try, and by their fanatical and superstitious beJief in the miracu
Hence, thev habitually appeal to societv at large, without distinc· lous effects of their social science.
tion of class; nav, by preference, to the ruling class. For how can They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part
people. when onc.e they und.erst"ncl their s\'stem, f"il to scc in it the o.f the working class; such acti on, acC'Ord ing to them, can onlv result
best possible plan of the best possible state of society? from blind unbelief in the new Gospel.
Hence, they reject all political, and especially all revolutionarv, The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respec
action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and endeav tively, oppose the Chartists "nd the Reformistes.7
our, by small experimcnts, necessarilv doomed to failure, and by
the force of example, to pave the way for the new social Gospel.
s--.. Such fantastic pictures of future societv, painted at a timc when
D the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but;] fan IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the
~j tastic conception of its own position correspond with the first Various Existing Opposition Parties
instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of
society. Section II has made clear the relations of the COlllmunists to the
But these Socialist and Communist publications contain "Iso a existing working-class p"rties, sllch as the Ch"rtists in England and
the Agrarian Reformers in America.
critical element. Thcy attack every principle of existing society.
Hence they are full of the most v"lu"blc Ill "tcrials for thc enlighten The Communists fight for the attainment of tIle immediate aims,
ment of the working class. The practic<ll measures proposed in them for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working
-such "s the abolition of the distinction bctween town and coun class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent and
take care of the future of tll"t movement. In france the Commu
try, of the family, of the carrying on of industries for the aCcolmt of
private individuals, and of the. wage system, the proclamation of nists ally themselves WIth the Soci"I-Democrats,8 against the con
social harmony, the conversion of thc functions of the Sl"te into a servative "nd radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to
mere superintendence of production, all theSE propos"ls, point 6. Phala J.st~,.£s were SOcLaJist colonies 8. The party then represented in Par
on the plan of Charles Fou rier ; icaria liamen t by Lt.·dru-Rollin, in literature
solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms wllich were, at that was the name given by Cabet to his by LO ll is Blanc. in the da ily press by
time, only just cropping up, and ",hidl, in these public"tiom, are Utopia and, later on, to his American
Communist colony. [Enge/s, Eag/ish
the Rtlorme. The name of Social
Democracy signified, with these its in
recognised in their e"rliest, indistinct J'nd undefined forms only. edilion 01 1888] ventors, a section of the Democratic or
These proposals, therefore, are of a purely Utopian char'lcter. uHome colonies" wrre what Owen Republican part)' more or less ting ed
called his Communist model socielies . with Sociali s m. [Engels, English edi
The significance of Critical-Utopian Soci:!lism <1:Jd Communism Phalatute.res was the name of the tion of 1888)
bears an inverse rebtion to historical development. In proportion as public palaces planned by Fourier . /ca The party in France which at that
ria was the name given to the Utopian time called itself Socialist-Democratic
the modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this land of fancy, whose Communist illsti. was represen ted in political life by
tUlions Cabet portrayed. [Engels, Ger Ledru-Rollin and in 1itera~u_re by Louis
fantastic standing apart from the contest, these fantastic attacks on "'an edition 01 1890] Blanc : th us it differed immeasurably
it, lose all practical value and all theoretical justification . Therefore, 7. This refers to the adherents of lhe from present-day German Social
ntl\'Spaper La Rt/orm e, which was Democracy . [E,zgels, Ge,.man e.dition oj
althougll thp. origin'ltors of these svs tClllS wcrc, in lll"nv respects, published in Paris from l843 to 185 0. 1890]
11_C Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in The Marx-Engels Reader, Ed. Robert c. Tucker, New York, 1972, pp.469-500
II