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Culture Politics and Linguistic

Recognition in Taiwan

The consolidation of Taiwanese identity in recent years has been accompanied


by two interrelated paradoxes: a continued language shift from local Taiwanese
languages to Mandarin Chinese, and the increasing subordination of the Hoklo
majority culture in ethnic policy and public identity discourses. A number of
initiatives have been undertaken towards the revitalization and recognition of
minority cultures. At the same time, however, the Hoklo majority culture has
become akin to a political taboo.
This book examines how the interplay of ethnicity, national identity and party
politics has shaped current debates on national culture and linguistic recognition
in Taiwan. It suggests that the ethnolinguistic distribution of the electorate has
led parties to adopt distinctive strategies in an attempt to broaden their ethnic
support bases. On the one hand, the DPP and the KMT have strived to play down
their respective de-­Sinicization and Sinicization ideologies, as well as their
Hoklo and Chinese ethnocultural cores. At the same time, the parties have com-
peted to portray themselves as the legitimate protectors of minority interests by
promoting Hakka and Aboriginal cultures. These concomitant logics have dis-
couraged parties from appealing to ethnonationalist rhetoric, prompting them to
express their antagonistic ideologies of Taiwanese and Chinese nationalism
through more liberal conceptions of language rights. Therefore, the book argues
that constraints to cultural and linguistic recognition in Taiwan are shaped by
political rather than cultural and sociolinguistic factors.
Investigating Taiwan’s counterintuitive ethnolinguistic situation, this book
makes an important theoretical contribution to the literature in many fields of
study and will appeal to scholars of Taiwanese politics, sociolinguistics, culture
and history.

Jean-­François Dupré is SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellow at the School of Political


Studies, University of Ottawa.
Routledge Research on Taiwan
Series Editor: Dafydd Fell
SOAS, UK

The Routledge Research on Taiwan Series seeks to publish quality research on


all aspects of Taiwan studies. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, the books
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The Series is advised by an international Editorial Board and edited by
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13 Border Crossing in Greater 17 Taiwan and the ‘China Impact’


China Challenges and Opportunities
Production, Community and Edited by Gunter Schubert
Identity
Edited by Jenn-­hwan Wang 18 Convergence or Conflict in the
Taiwan Strait
14 Language, Politics and Identity The Illusion of Peace?
in Taiwan J. Michael Cole
Naming China
Hui-­Ching Chang and 19 Taiwan’s Social Movements
Richard Holt under Ma Ying-­jeou
15 Place, Identity, and National From the Wild Strawberries to the
Imagination in Post-­war Taiwan Sunflowers
Bi-­yu Chang Edited by Dafydd Fell

16 Environmental Governance in 20 Culture Politics and Linguistic


Taiwan Recognition in Taiwan
A New Generation of Activists Ethnicity, National Identity, and
and Stakeholders the Party System
Simona A. Grano Jean-­François Dupré
Culture Politics and Linguistic
Recognition in Taiwan
Ethnicity, National Identity, and the
Party System

Jean-­François Dupré
First published 2017
by Routledge
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© 2017 Jean-­François Dupré
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Names: Duprâe, Jean-Franðcois.
Title: Culture politics and linguistic recognition in Taiwan : ethnicity,
national identity, and the party system / Jean-Franðcois Duprâe.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. |
Series: Routledge research on Taiwan ; 20 | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016044143 | ISBN 9781138643178 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781315629490 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Political culture–Taiwan. | Culture and politics–Taiwan. |
Ethnicity–Political aspects–Taiwan. | Language policy–Taiwan. |
Taiwan–Languages–Political aspects. | Political parties–Taiwan. |
National characteristics, Taiwan–Political aspects. | Taiwan–Politics an
government–2000–
Classification: LCC JZ1536 .D87 2017 | DDC 323.1199/25–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016044143

ISBN: 978-1-138-64317-8 (hbk)


ISBN: 978-1-315-62949-0 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear
À la mémoire de grand-­maman Cécile,
qui m’a appris l’essentiel des choses . . .
Contents

List of figures x
List of tables xi
Preface  xii
List of abbreviations xiv
List of names xv

1 Introduction 1
The significance of Taiwan  2
Objectives and contributions  7
The politics of language in the sinophone world  8
Overview and limitations of the book  10

2 Conceptual and analytical framework 13


Language, identity and the modern state  13
Approaches to culture politics  16
David Laitin’s strategic-­equilibrium theory  21
Towards a model of culture politics and linguistic recognition  25
Conclusion  29

3 Culture and identity politics in Taiwan: a historical


overview 31
Early period and Qing dynasty  31
Japanese colonization (1895–1945)  34
ROC takeover and the re-­Sinicization movement  37
Democratization and the Taiwanization movement  41
Party politics and the politicization of ethnic identities  45
Conclusion  48
viii   Contents
4 The politics of Taiwanization under Chen Shui-­bian 50
Culture and identity politics under Chen  50
Analysis: the politics of identity in twenty-­first century
Taiwan  58
Conclusion  66

5 Linguistic identities at the turn of the twenty-­first century 69


Ethnolinguistic situation in Taiwan: an overview  70
Analytical framework: what are linguistic identities?  72
In search of linguistic identities in Taiwan  73
Identity and electoral politics: does language matter?  80
Conclusion  84

6 The politics of linguistic revitalization: local language


education and standardization 87
Learning the mother tongues as second languages  87
Language standardization: between Taiwanization and
Sinicization  93
Conclusion  100

7 The politics of linguistic recognition 103


The Hoklo and English co-­officialization movements (2002)  103
The drafting of the Language Equality Law proposal
(2002–2003)  105
The drafting of the National Languages Development Law
(2003–2007)  109
Legislative debates on the National Languages Development
Law  113
Outcome and analysis  119
Conclusion  121

8 Culture politics under Ma Ying-­jeou’s KMT: re-­Sinicizing


Taiwanization? 123
Back to the KMT: party politics during Ma Ying-­jeou’s first
term  123
The politics of de-­Taiwanization and re-­Sinicization under Ma
Ying-­jeou  125
Minority policy under Ma: the making of the Hakka Basic
Law  127
Contents   ix
Ma’s second term: KMT decline and push towards
Sinicization  132
Conclusion  135

9 Conclusion: prospects for culture politics and linguistic


recognition after 2016 137
Ethnicity, national identity and party politics after 2016: the end of
a relationship?  139
From ethnic politics to generation politics?  143

Appendix: summary of the main law drafts used as a basis


for the Language Equality Law of 2003 148
1  Indigenous Peoples’ Languages Development Law draft
(2002)  148
2  Language Script Basic Law draft (2002)  149
3  Language Fairness Law draft (2002)  150

References 153
Index 163
Figures

4.1 Party support in Taiwan 63


4.2 Party ideologies during and between election periods 65
5.1 Preferred language for expressing emotions by age 71
5.2 Components of Taiwanese identity 77
6.1 Hoklo standardization ideological spectrum 97
Tables

2.1 National identity cleavage matrix in Taiwan (fictional) 27


4.1 Position on national status by ethnicity 60
4.2 National identity by ethnicity 61
4.3 Party support by ethnicity 64
5.1 Language spoken at home by ancestry 74
5.2 Preferred language of communication with children 75
5.3 Support for fortifying mother-­tongue education in schools 76
5.4 Importance of speaking Mandarin/Hoklo to be considered
Taiwanese 79
5.5 Position on language officialization 80
5.6 Parameter estimates for MLR of national identity 81
5.7 Parameter estimates for MLR of party support 83
9.1 Party support by ethnicity 141
9.2 National identity by ethnicity 141
9.3 Position on national status by ethnicity 142
Preface

This book began as a PhD thesis submitted at the University of Hong Kong in
2014. I am indebted to the University of Hong Kong for providing the Postgrad-
uate Studentship, and to the Department of Politics and Public Administration
(PPA) for extra financial and logistic support. I would have been unable to com-
plete this dissertation without the supervision of Elaine Chan, who patiently read
many drafts and provided extensive comments on each of them. Dr Chan trusted
and encouraged me in each of my endeavours, and I am truly grateful for her
relentless support. Thanks to May Yim and Victoria Kwok from the general
office, without whose invaluable administrative help I could not have made the
most of my PhD experience. I also want to thank other faculty members (current
and previous) from the PPA department who have provided me with academic
advice and mentorship, or simply made my life in Hong Kong more enjoyable,
in particular Joseph Chan, Lam Wai-­man, Peter Cheung, Siegfried Van Duffel
and Sara Jordan.
I could not have gained such knowledge about Taiwan without spending sub-
stantial amounts of time there. I am indebted to the Taiwan Economic and Cul-
tural Office in Canada and the Taiwan Ministry of Education for funding my
Mandarin Studies with the Huayu Enrichment Scholarship, and to the Academia
Sinica Institute of Sociology (IOS) for accepting me as associate student and for
providing me the Fellowship for Doctoral Candidates in the Humanities and
Social Sciences. The Doctoral Fellowship at Academia Sinica gave me the
opportunity to work under the guidance of Hsiau A-­chin, a leading expert on
cultural nationalism and language politics in Taiwan. This opportunity also
enabled me to discuss my research with other distinguished sociologists and
political scientists specializing in ethnic and national identity studies, such as
Wu Nai-­teh, Chang Mao-­kuei, Wang Fu-­chang and Wong Ting-­hong. In addi-
tion to receiving extensive feedback from the IOS faculty, I also had the chance
to interact with researchers from other institutes, such as the Institute of Lin-
guistics and the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China (CEFC). I
am grateful to Michael Hsiao Hsin-­huang, who was then Head of the IOS, for
giving me this research opportunity, and to all the staff who helped me during
my tenure of the Fellowship. Tess Yeh Chun-­chiao, research assistant at the IOS,
has provided invaluable assistance with translation, interpretation and contacting
Foreword   xiii
interviewees. Ms Lee Su-­Chuan, Executive Secretary at the IOS, has also been
extremely kind and helpful during my stay. Special thanks to all my interview-
ees, and to Linda Arrigo, who generously shared her captivating experiences and
unparalleled understanding of the Taiwanese democratization movement with
me on numerous occasions.
The project of turning my thesis into a book began while I was Postdoctoral
Research Fellow at the Chair of Taiwan Studies and the School of Political
Studies at the University of Ottawa. I would like to thank Scott Simon (Chair of
Taiwan Studies) and André Laliberté (School of Political Studies) for this oppor-
tunity to spend one year in Ottawa building on my PhD research.
What began as a research interest on Taiwanese society has turned into a deep
admiration and affection for the Taiwanese people; the graciousness, kindness,
generosity, determination and innovative spirit of Taiwanese people truly make
this country a hidden gem. Thanks to each and every Taiwanese person who has
made my life there so enjoyable and rewarding.
Parts of this book build on work that has already been published. Chapter 5
largely consists of an updated version of a paper published in the Journal of
Multilingual and Multicultural Development in June 2013. The first section of
Chapter 6 is based on a paper published in 2014 in Current Issues in Language
Planning on multilingual education. Chapter 7 is derived in large part from an
article published in Language Policy in June 2015. Finally, some parts of
Chapter 2 build on and expand on an article published in Identities: Global
Studies in Culture and Power in July 2016. Occasional overlap with these publi-
cations may also be found in other parts of the book. I am grateful to Taylor and
Francis and Springer for granting me permission to reuse this material. I believe
this book as a whole provides a more thorough, in-­depth and up-­to-date analysis
of culture politics in Taiwan than can be offered in stand-­alone journal articles,
and I would like to thank the Routledge team, in particular Dafydd Fell, Editor
of the Research on Taiwan Series, and Rebecca Lawrence, Editorial Assistant
(Asian Studies), for supporting this project.
This book was mostly written in Taipei and in Hong Kong. Living in the
Sheung Shui countryside has been challenging at times, but it has also been an
eye-­opening and rewarding experience. I would like to thank my adopted chil-
dren, Satie, Lulu, Prince, the late Leo and Siu Yuk, for providing me with affec-
tion, company and entertainment, and for showing me that non-­human animals
are persons, too. I also want to thank members of our colony with whom I
interact on a daily basis, as well as those who have departed this world already.
Undertaking and finishing this research would have been impossible without
the support and assistance of my family. Thanks to my dad, Alain, and to my
mum, Nicole. I also want to thank my wife, Pui Man, who has accompanied me
and patiently supported me on this journey.
Abbreviations

CCA Council for Cultural Affairs (文化建設委員會)


CIP Council of Indigenous Peoples (原住民族委員會)
CPC Communist Party of China (中國共産黨)
DPP Democratic Progressive Party (民進黨)
HAC Hakka Affairs Council (客家事務委員會)
HBL Hakka Basic Law (客家基本法)
IPBL Indigenous Peoples Basic Law (原住民族基本法)
IPLDL Indigenous Peoples’ Languages Development Law (原住民語言發展法)
KMT Kuo Min Tang (國民黨), Chinese Nationalist Party
LEL Language Equality Law (語言平等法)
LFL Language Fairness Law (語言公平法草案)
LSBL Language Script Basic Law (語言文字法草案)
MOE Ministry of Education (教育部)
NLC National Languages Committee (國語推行委員會)
NLDL National Languages Development Law (國家語言發展法)
NLPC National Language (i.e. Mandarin) Promotion Committee (國語推行
委員會)
PFP People First Party (親民黨)
PRC People’s Republic of China (中華人民共和國)
ROC Republic of China (中華民國)
TLPA Taiwanese Language Phonetic Alphabet (台灣語言音標方案)
TSU Taiwan Solidarity Union (台灣團結聯盟)
Names

This list only includes frequently recurring names of key personalities relating to
language revitalization and policy-­making in Taiwan.

Ang, Weijin (洪惟仁), language revivalist, creator of the TLPA (Taiwanese


Phonetic Language Alphabet)
Chen, Chi-­nan (陳其南), CCA Chairman, 2004–2007
Chen, Robert (鄭良偉), NLC Chairman between 2003 and 2005; linguist
Chen, Shui-­bian (陳水扁), Taiwan President (DPP), 2000–2008
Cheng, Cheng-­yu (鄭正煜), cultural revivalist, Director of the League for
the Taiwanization of Education (教育臺灣化聯盟) and Taiwan South Society
(臺灣南社)
Chiu, Yi-­ying (邱議瑩), Hakka DPP legislator
Chiung, Wi-­vun (蔣為文), Taiwan independence activist and Hoklo revivalist;
scholar
Huang, Jong-­tsun (黃榮村), Minister of Education, 2002–2004
Kuan, Bi-­ling (管碧玲), Hakka DPP legislator
Kung, Wen-­chi (孔文吉), Aboriginal KMT legislator
Lee, Teng-­hui (李登輝), Taiwan President (KMT), 1988–2000
Lee, Yung-­te (李永得), Hakka activist, HAC Chairman (2005–2008; 2016–)
Li, Khin-­huann (李勤岸), language revivalist; scholar
Ma, Ying-­jeou (馬英九), Taiwan President (KMT), 2008–2016
Shih, Cheng-­feng (施正鋒), main drafter of the LFL, LEL and NLDL; political
scientist
Tsai Ing-­wen (蔡英文), Taiwan President (DPP), 2016–
Tu, Cheng-­sheng (杜正勝), Education Minister, 2004–2008; scholar
Yiong Cong-­ziin (楊長鎮), Hakka activist, secretary of the Hakka Affairs
Council in the 2000s, co-­drafter of language laws
Yu, Boris (余伯泉), language revivalist, creator of the Tongyong Pinyin
1 Introduction

The creation of national language communities has played an integral role in the
emergence and institutionalization of the nation-­state system centuries ago
(Gellner 1983). Language has remained a defining feature of politics well after
the consolidation of the Westphalian order, and it still features as a fundamental
component of many nation and state-­building processes. In the late twentieth and
early twenty-­first centuries, language movements strove not only to revive dead
or dying languages, but also to create new language communities or to empower
old ones by officializing and promoting otherwise vibrant yet institutionally mar-
ginalized regional languages. Linguistic revitalization and recognition move-
ments have often emerged in the context of recognition politics and
self-­determination projects (Taylor 1994). As Liu (2015) points out, language
regimes institutionalize power relations between different ethnolinguistic groups,
so that the formal recognition or marginalization of specific languages by gov-
ernments also implies the recognition or marginalization of these groups. From
this perspective, it is not surprising that disputes over the content of language
regimes are often at the centre of ethnonationalist conflicts, sometimes violent
ones. At the same time, language is also imbued with a flexibility unseen in
many other types of ethnocultural conflict. In the words of Laitin (1999: 2, 4),
“Language conflict [. . .] has its own particular dynamic”, as “[. . .] language
grievances (as opposed to say, religious grievances) tend to redirect conflict from
the military to the political/bureaucratic realm”. A mother tongue can feature as
a defining component of ethnic belonging, but unlike many other aspects of eth-
nicity, language can also be acquired. Far from being exclusive, a language can
coexist with many components of ethnicity, such as race, religion or even other
languages. Language, as a component of both ethnic and national identities, con-
stitutes a powerful yet highly malleable substance for identity building.
If language has been a powerful force in nationalist movements, there is little
evidence that such movements have been triggered by language itself. Quite on
the contrary, language conflicts, like other types of ethnic conflicts, are perhaps
most fundamentally by-­products of competition over institutional access, control
and change. For instance, the rise of language politics in places like Québec,
Flanders and Catalonia has occurred concomitantly with regionalist and seces-
sionist politics, and has often served as a platform to (re)negotiate the parameters
2   Introduction
of contested national identities. According to David Laitin’s theory of language
and identity change (e.g. 1998a, 2007), language and identity shifts are in some
circumstances mutually reinforcing phenomena, and nationalist, regionalist and
postcolonial political elites have a rational incentive to promote indigenous or
titular languages as a way to enhance regional distinctiveness and promote polit-
ical autonomy. In most European states, progressive assimilation has enabled the
languages of dominant groups to stand as legitimate symbols of the nation’s cul-
tural fabric. For many of the more recent language movements, however, pro-
moting the language and culture of historical majorities or politically dominant
groups has often been more controversial, and efforts were made either at
making linguistic concessions to speakers of minority languages, or at “detach-
ing language from ethnicity” so as to make the dominant language acceptable to
all ethnic groups (Dupré 2015: 154). In many postcolonial or highly hetero-
geneous societies, language regime change has further involved complex bar-
gaining processes, resulting in language regimes that often have little to do with
ethno-­demographics. This is particularly obvious in postcolonial polities where a
colonial language or a non-­indigenous lingua franca have maintained their prom-
inence. In these cases, Laitin (e.g. 1992, 1993) sees language outcomes as the
result of a conflict of interest between different societal actors, and the creation
of language regimes often ends up reflecting linguistic utility rather than ethno-­
demographics.
Due to these ramifications between language and the concepts and practices
of ethnicity, culture and national identity, this book opts for a broader concept of
culture politics, rather than language or ethnic politics alone. By culture politics,
I refer to political debates and agendas concerning the place of culture in state
institutions and public life more generally. Culture politics is an exercise that
attempts to define the cultural boundaries of the nation and, by extension, of the
state that governs it. When civil society actors and political parties engage in
culture politics, they attempt to (re)define the culture(s) that can or should stand
as legitimate national symbol(s). Since most aspects of culture, such as language,
are inherently linked to ethnicity, it follows that cultural recognition usually
implies the recognition of ethnic groups. In places like Taiwan, where the polit-
ical scene is itself divided on national identity, cultural recognition is further
interlinked with and intensified by national identity politics; as the nation’s polit-
ical status is debated, it is inevitable that its cultural parameters will also be. By
framing the subject matter in terms of culture politics, I want to make full use of
the malleability of language as a component of different types and layers of
identity: sometimes ethnic, sometimes national, sometimes both at the same
time. For the purpose of this book, culture politics is the realm where ethnic pol-
itics, language politics and national identity politics intersect.

The significance of Taiwan


The case of post-­democratization Taiwan (or the Republic of China [ROC])1
expresses the conflicting relationship between ethnolinguistic and national
Introduction   3
identities in the context of party politics in a particularly forceful manner. Tai-
wan’s population is predominantly Han Chinese, with a small Austronesian
Aboriginal (原住民) minority of about 2 to 3 per cent. Taiwan’s so-­called Han
population is however far from homogenous. It is divided into three ethnolin-
guistic groups: about 70 per cent of the population is Hoklo (福佬), 15 per cent
Hakka (客家) and 13 per cent Mainlanders (外省人) of various ethnolinguistic
backgrounds.2 The ancestral language of the Hoklo is often rendered as Southern
Min (Minnanhua 閩南話) or Hokkien (福建話), but is more commonly referred
to as Taiwanese (台語) due to its demographic and historical prominence in Tai-
wanese society. The Hakka’s ancestral language is simply known in English as
Hakka (客家話). Aboriginals, themselves divided into 16 officially recognized
tribal groups, have traditionally spoken a variety of Austronesian languages and
dialects, the number of which is up to debate (the Taiwanese government offers
teaching materials in 43 of them), though many of these are now practically
extinct or severely endangered (Legislative Gazette 2007: 496). Originally from
southern China, the Hoklo and Hakka only began to settle in Taiwan in large
numbers when the territory came under Chinese control in the seventeenth
century. Nonetheless, these two ethnic groups are considered native or indi-
genous (本土人/本省人) alongside Aboriginals. The first generation of Main-
landers, on the other hand, came to Taiwan from the Chinese Mainland after
1945. Originally from various parts of China, and therefore speaking a wide
variety of languages, their offspring have assimilated into or at least identified
with Mandarin (known as Guoyu 國語 or national language) at an early stage of
their settlement in Taiwan (Her 2009).3
From 1895 to 1945, Taiwan went through a period of Japanese colonization
during which Japanese was enforced as both state language and education
medium in elite schools. In 1945, Taiwan was handed to the Republic of China,
itself controlled by the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuo Min Tang or KMT, 國民
黨). In accordance with the Chinese policy, Mandarin was promoted as de facto
national and official language. A Mandarin-­only policy was enforced with par-
ticular strength from 1956, as local languages were gradually banned from public
spaces. The period of Martial Law (1949–1987), during which KMT-­affiliated
Mainlanders occupied the bulk of administrative positions in the authoritarian
ROC state, has been decried as a new form of colonialism by many native Tai-
wanese nationalists and international scholars. In 1987, due to internal and exter-
nal pressures, the KMT government lifted Martial Law, propelling progressive
yet rapid liberalization and democratization. Taiwan’s democratization was
accompanied by a Taiwanization (台灣化 or 本土化)4 movement led by pro-­
Taiwan independence political elites and intellectuals trying to reclaim the place
of Taiwanese culture in Taiwanese society and state institutions. In the context
of Cross-­Strait politics, the movement also aimed to emphasize the cultural dis-
tinctiveness of Taiwanese society vis-­à-vis its Chinese counterpart. Increased
use of Hoklo in formal domains, together with discourses on the public use and
promotion of local languages, has become more prevalent in the past decades.
The aim of many language revivalists has been for Taiwanese languages – in
4   Introduction
particular Hoklo – to be recognized as national languages and become fully-­
fledged societal languages on a par with (or even above) Mandarin. In other
words, Taiwan has been home to an important language revitalization and recog-
nition movement.5
While many Taiwanization policies were initiated by the reformed KMT
under the presidency of Lee Teng-­hui (1988–2000), many initiatives on language
revitalization in the 1990s – notably in the field of language education – were
proposed and promoted by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP, 民進黨). As
Taiwan’s largest pro-­independence party and leader of the pro-­Taiwan Green
coalition,6 the party capitalized heavily on Taiwanization. Its rise to power as
minority government in the 2000 presidential election, under the leadership of
Chen Shui-­bian, provided an opportunity to formally change Taiwan’s cultural
landscape and linguistic regime. However, the DPP did little to enhance the
status of Taiwanese languages vis-­à-vis Mandarin during Chen Shui-­bian’s two-­
term presidency (2000–2008). In 2002, proposals by the more radical Taiwan
Solidarity Union (TSU, 台灣團結聯盟) to make Hoklo a co-­official language
were rejected with little consideration. Instead, the DPP administration submit-
ted proposals for a Language Equality Law (語言平等法), calling for the recog-
nition of all of Taiwan’s languages (Hoklo, Hakka, Mandarin and Aboriginal
languages) as equal national languages. A shorter and largely token version of
the proposal re-­emerged in 2007 as the National Languages Development Law
(國家語言發展法), which was debated in the Legislative Yuan (Taiwan’s legis-
lature), but not adopted. By the time the KMT came back to power in 2008, little
change had taken place in Taiwan’s linguistic regime. Interestingly, while some
significant initiatives in Hakka and Aboriginal policy were implemented, the
revitalization and recognition of the Hoklo majority’s culture had become akin
to a political taboo.
The case of Taiwan raises interesting questions on the relationship between
language and identity, and on culture politics more generally. What explains
recent trends in culture politics and language recognition in Taiwan? More spe-
cifically, what explains the limited success of Taiwanese language revitalization
despite the consolidation of Taiwanese identity in recent decades, and the rel-
ative marginalization of the Hoklo majority’s culture in recent identity dis-
courses and ethnic policy? Since many of the most successful language
movements appear to gravitate around the culture of regional majorities, Tai-
wan’s paradoxical linguistic dynamics deserve further investigation.
Some may argue that a shift towards Mandarin is inevitable in all sinophone
societies, and that differences between Taiwanese groups and between their lan-
guages are too trivial to warrant the adoption of ethnic or language politics
frameworks. Unlike Mandarin, which has enjoyed more than a century of
government-­led standardization efforts in China, other languages spoken by
Sinitic groups remain largely unstandardized, and have long been portrayed as
mere dialects (方言) rather than languages. While Mandarin was only introduced
in Taiwan in the late 1940s, its hegemony today is such that it is now seen as
a  Taiwanese language in its own right; indeed, Mandarin can increasingly be
Introduction   5
considered the language of Taiwan (Dupré 2013; Scott and Tiun 2007; see also
Chapter 5). The hegemonic status of Mandarin may partly explain why support
for local language revitalization and recognition has been lukewarm at best. In
fact, it is only in the past 30 years that the Taiwanese began to conceptualize and
treat Sinitic (i.e. Han) subgroups as distinct ethnic groups in their own rights.
While these factors indubitably had adverse effects on language revitalization
and recognition efforts, they do not in themselves constitute a fulfilling explana-
tion for the low success of cultural revitalization in Taiwan. If Taiwan’s popula-
tion has been rather indifferent to cultural recognition, the fact that the DPP did
propose changes to Taiwan’s language regime through linguistic laws indicates
that there has been some significant demand for revitalization and recognition, at
least from its cultural revivalist lobby. More importantly, the factors above fall
short of explaining the most interesting puzzle, that is, the question as to why
Hoklo recognition has been particularly controversial, while the recognition and
revitalization of minority cultures has become an imperative of party and elect-
oral politics.
With this in mind, this book argues that constraints to cultural and linguistic
recognition in Taiwan owe to political rather than cultural and sociolinguistic
factors. The most obvious political constraint to enacting significant changes to
Taiwan’s ethnolinguistic landscape was purely institutional: until 2016, the DPP
– the main advocate of Taiwanization – never controlled the legislature, which
means that Chen Shui-­bian’s government (2000–2008) was in practice a minority
government. However, the KMT had enacted a number of Taiwanization pol-
icies in the 1990s as a way to overturn its legacy of quasi-­colonial, Chinese-­
nationalistic authoritarianism, and to enhance its credibility as representative of
Taiwanese interests. Had the KMT remained loyal to Lee Teng-­hui’s Taiwaniza-
tion agenda, language regime change under the DPP government may well have
been felt as a natural and logical development in the Taiwanization movement.
But the KMT opposition the DPP government was facing in the early twenty-­
first century was a reinvented, re-­Sinicized party distrustful of Hoklo nationalism
and fixated on stalling the momentum towards Taiwanese identity and Taiwan-
ese independence. For Chinese nationalists, indigenizing Taiwan’s culture and
language regimes was too far a step in recognizing the distinct character of Tai-
wanese society. To them, the very recognition of local ethnic languages as Tai-
wan’s national languages was almost tantamount to recognizing Taiwan as a
fully independent country. At the same time, however, the KMT showed a par-
ticular openness to grant minor concessions to the Hakka and Aboriginal minor-
ities, especially if these were to be carried out at the local as opposed to the
national level.
Clearly – and this is this book’s main argument – parties’ positioning on
issues of cultural revitalization and recognition owes at least as much to electoral
strategies as it does to nationalist ideology. This is partly due to the fact that
Taiwanese parties, despite having different ethnic support bases, are not
ethnic parties per se.7 The DPP has had to choose between either appealing to its
Hoklo powerbase or widening its appeal to other groups by de-­radicalizing its
6   Introduction
Hoklo-­centred ethnonationalist ideology. Since the Hoklo are themselves deeply
divided on the national identity issue, promoting multiculturalism has been the
most rational option for the DPP. Therefore, this book contends that parties’
positioning on language revitalization and recognition in Taiwan was attribut-
able to two types of ethnic strategies: outbidding and underbidding (Coakley
2008; Zuber 2013). Ethnic underbidding refers to the de-­radicalization and depo-
larization of party agendas as they move towards the political centre or median
voter. In the case of Taiwan, ethnonationalist underbidding involved attempts on
the part of the DPP and the KMT to downplay their respective de-­Sinicization
and Sinicization ideologies, as well as their Hoklo and Mainland Chinese ethno-
cultural cores. Ethnic outbidding, on the other hand, refers to inter-­party com-
petition on a given ethnic group. Outbidding can have two effects: convergence
or polarization. While ethnic outbidding is generally assumed to increase ethnic
polarization or even lead to ethnic violence, in Taiwan, outbidding has had a
convergence effect on minorities, as parties have competed to portray themselves
as the legitimate defenders of Hakka and Aboriginal cultures and interests. In
this sense, underbidding and outbidding strategies have been complementary: as
parties have diluted their ethnocultural cores and adopted ambiguous stances on
Taiwan’s political status, they have also widened their ethnocultural profile by
absorbing elements of minority cultures. As I hope to demonstrate in this book,
this logic is in part attributable to the ethnic voting structure of the party system,
that is, its ethnic segmentation. In other words, parties adopted these particular
strategies not only because multiculturalism occupies the moral high ground, but
also because the segmentation of ethnic groups across the party cleavage made it
electorally advantageous (if not necessary) to do so.
This party logic had a number of implications for culture politics and lan-
guage recognition in Taiwan. First, these dynamics ended up removing recogni-
tion initiatives from the more conspicuous executive and legislative realms, and
relegating them to the bureaucracy. This was especially the case under Chen’s
minority DPP government, during which most initiatives on language revitaliza-
tion and recognition were carried out within the auspices of Councils and Minis-
tries, in particular the Ministry of Education. On the one hand, this enabled the
government to bypass the largely antagonistic legislature and make some limited
progress in areas such as language education and standardization. At the same
time, it also enabled the government to show commitment to loyal activists by
inviting them to serve as advisors, without having to promote their controversial
policies and ideologies in high-­profile settings. Second, although culture politics
is inherently linked to issues of ethnic and national identities, underbidding strat-
egies forced politicians to avoid ethnonationalist rhetoric when debating or pro-
moting revitalization and recognition measures. As a result, debates over
language recognition in Taiwan have put into play two antagonistic ideological
forces – Taiwanese versus Chinese nationalism – that have been articulated
through two broadly liberal conceptions of language rights. While the KMT por-
trayed Mandarin as a neutral lingua franca enabling state efficiency and inter-­
ethnic equality, the DPP’s vision of ethnic equality entailed the (equal)
Introduction   7
recognition of each of Taiwan’s ethnic languages. The largely consolidated
­language shift towards Mandarin among younger generations, compounded by
the fact that Taiwanese nationalism centres on the democratic institutions of the
Republic of China rather than its ethnocultural fabric, has strengthened the legit-
imacy of Mandarin as Taiwan’s common language, and given the KMT an
advantage in the debates.

Objectives and contributions


This book has three main objectives. The chief objective is, quite simply, to
explore and explain the dynamics of culture politics and language recognition in
Taiwan. By focusing on the main agents of language regime change, their dis-
cursive strategies and political tactics, and on the institutional mechanisms
through which they have operated, this study attempts to provide theory-­
grounded explanations for the current linguistic situation in Taiwan. Despite the
large body of literature on Taiwanese identity politics, no large-­scale study has
investigated the relationship between language (or culture) and different types of
identities and ideologies from the perspectives of political sociology, policy-­
making and electoral politics. Given that the few available studies of Taiwanese
ethnolinguistic relations and identity politics have for the most part emerged
from the fields of sociolinguistics, social anthropology and cultural studies, this
book should bring a new perspective on the subject. More importantly, the most
influential studies on the topic were published before some of the most critical
political changes in recent Taiwanese history took place. For instance, Young’s
(1988) early study of Language Maintenance and Language Shift in Taiwan
came out just after the lifting of Martial Law, while Huang’s (1993) momentous
study of Language, Society and Ethnic Consciousness in Taiwan was published
before the consolidation of democracy. Similarly, Hsiau’s (2000) influential
book on Contemporary Taiwanese Cultural Nationalism was published before
the first turnover to a DPP presidency, and therefore excludes many of the most
substantial developments in language policy, national identity and party politics
that have occurred since Taiwan’s democratization. By re-­examining the way
ethnicity, national identities and party politics interrelate in Taiwanese society
and political life, this book should, I hope, constitute a welcome addition on the
small body of literature on the topic.
Second, this book aims at testing and further developing current theories of
language, culture and national identity formation and change. More specifically,
this study is framed as a critical extension of David Laitin’s work on language
and national identity shift. As I intend to show in the next chapter, Laitin’s
rational choice-­based approach constitutes one of the most comprehensive and
compelling analytical frameworks on the topic of language and identity. Span-
ning more than three decades of scholarship, the influence of Laitin’s work is
such that, in the words of Ashutosh Varshney, “One can no longer write about
language politics, identity formation, or ethnic peace and violence without
engaging in his argument” (Varshney 2006: 21). This assertion is in fact an
8   Introduction
overstatement, not because it overestimates the potential of Laitin’s thought, but
because his work, in my opinion, remains underappreciated in studies of lan-
guage policy and identity formation. This study does not, however, apply Lai-
tin’s framework uncritically. As I will explain in detail in Chapter 2, one
shortcoming in Laitin’s work, at least as it applies to Taiwan, is that it largely
overlooks some of the variables that I see as indispensable for a complete under-
standing of language politics in democracies. In a nutshell, I will argue that we
ought to pay closer attention to the ethnic segmentation of the party system, and
to how ethnic support can structure parties’ national identity ideologies and
ethnic strategies. This has pushed me to dig further into the political and institu-
tional determinants of culture politics, and recent work by established and
emerging scholars of the neo-­institutionalist tradition, such as Daniel Posner
(UCLA), Kanchan Chandra (New York University), John Coakley (University
College, Dublin), Christina Zuber (University of Konstanz) and Amy Liu (Uni-
versity of Texas at Austin) had an especially profound influence on the argument
I elaborate in this book.
Lastly, this book aims to throw light on the politics of linguistic revitalization
and recognition in the sinophone world. While scholars have written extensively
on language politics in cases like Canada, Spain, Belgium, South Asian and
South-­East Asian countries, African countries and post-­Soviet Republics, studies
of language politics have rarely looked into cases involving Sinitic languages.
The Sinitic language family, with its distinctive written script and stable contin-
uum of closely related yet mutually unintelligible languages (often depicted as
dialects), has developed separately from Indo-­European languages and evolved
into a markedly distinctive linguistic and cultural system. This system, in which
significant territorial linguistic differences are underscored by a widespread
belief in the existence of a single “Chinese” cultural and national community,
may be distinctive enough to alter the dynamics of language revitalization and
recognition. While I abstain from expanding on this subject, this book should
indirectly contribute to the field of Chinese sociolinguistics by investigating the
politics of language in this largely unexplored linguistic setting, the main char-
acteristics of which are highlighted in the next section.

The politics of language in the sinophone world


Recent decades have seen an intensification in the media and academic coverage
of ethnic violence in the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) non-­Han peri-
phery, especially in Tibet and Xinjiang. However, sub-­ethnic relations within the
so-­called Han group (漢族) – the ethnic majority in the sinophone world, includ-
ing Taiwan – have generally been neglected. Studying intra-­Han relations
requires problematizing officially recognized ethnic categories and identities.
The Han are divided into a number of unintelligible Sinitic languages, generally
estimated at seven. While these languages all stem from a common ancestral
form of spoken Chinese, they have developed into largely independent and self-­
standing linguistic varieties as a result of linguistic evolutionary processes at
Introduction   9
regional level and extensive contact with other South-­East Asian languages over
the past two millennia or so (Ramsey 1987; Bauer 1987; Norman 1988; Yue-­
Hashimoto 1991; Bauer and Benedict 1997; Yan 2006). Each of the language
groups can be further divided into different language varieties or dialects. For
instance, the Min language family found in South-­Eastern China can be divided
into at least four varieties that are only partially intelligible (Southern, Central,
Northern and Eastern), which are further divided into as many as nine local dia-
lects. The main language indigenously spoken in Taiwan, Hoklo or Taiwanese,
is part of the Southern Min (Minnan) family. The existence of a large variety of
dialects within Sinitic language groups has greatly complicated standardization
efforts and the creation of effective teaching materials.
Until the early twentieth century, Sinitic languages were loosely united
through a common literary written language (文言文), often referred to as clas-
sical Chinese (古文). The fact that the Chinese writing system is for the most
part ideographic rather than phonetic probably played a role in the evolution of
old Chinese into today’s geolinguistic continuum. If Chinese characters are not
predominantly phonetic, the use of a common literature that attributed much
importance to rhymes, together with the compilation of rhyme dictionaries on
the basis of a fanqie (反切) system approximating initials and finals, ensured the
preservation of Sinitic languages’ internal phonetic and grammatical logics, at
least in their literary registers. This means that, while there have been vibrant
regional literary and theatrical traditions in different Sinitic languages, all of
those languages could also relate – albeit with their own idiosyncrasies – to a
mainstream Han high culture and literature. Through these largely independent
phonetic evolutionary processes, southern Chinese languages have preserved
many of the phonological characteristics of Old Chinese in comparison
with  Mandarin, the sound structure of which has been significantly simplified
over the past centuries (Norman 1988; Yue-­Hashimoto 1991; Bauer and Bene-
dict 1997).
Chinese languages were in a position of relative equality with regard to their
relation with classical Chinese, which was arguably equally removed from
every spoken form, including Mandarin. The creation of a modern national lin-
guistic standard in the early 1910s shattered the basis of this linguistic system
that had operated for centuries. Modern standard Chinese, based on Beijing
Mandarin (官話), has rendered the use of classical literary Chinese obsolete,
and reinforced the belief that Southern Chinese varieties are mere dialects of
Chinese rather than autonomous languages of the Chinese family. Most Chinese
have accepted the legitimacy of using vernacular Mandarin as Standard Written
Chinese, sometimes using it, as is commonly done in Hong Kong and Macau,
alongside local pronunciation. If spoken Mandarin has taken longer to take root
– partly due to political instability and to lack of teaching resources, notably
teachers – the language has made great strides in the sinophone world, espe-
cially after the 1950s. The language shift that has taken place is such that Man-
darin is now increasingly seen not only as the language of the Chinese nation,
but also that of all ethnic Chinese (see Windrow 2005).
10   Introduction
This is not to say that mainstream conceptualizations of language, culture and
ethnicity as they relate to the Han are incorrect or unwarranted. As we will see in
Chapter 2, conceptions and categorizations of ethnicity and identity are in fact
socially, if not politically, constructed. However, mainstream ethnocultural
claims on the Han all too often go unchallenged. Recent cultural and identity
developments in Taiwan show that Han ethnocultural relations can be questioned
and re-­categorized in different institutional settings, especially in the course of
democratization, and that Sinitic languages can acquire an important political
significance in the context of identity politics. Not only is Taiwan the only
democratic entity in the Chinese speaking world, it is also the only predomi-
nantly Han society where mainstream Chinese ethnolinguistic categories have
been challenged up to bureaucratic, legislative and executive domains. This
makes Taiwan a privileged candidate to initiate a research programme on cul-
tural identities, ideologies and regimes in the Han or sinophone periphery of the
so-­called “Greater China” region.

Overview and limitations of the book


This book is divided into nine chapters. Chapter 2 reviews mainstream
approaches to the study of culture politics and language recognition, with a par-
ticular focus on David Laitin’s work. The chapter then elaborates on the analyt-
ical framework of the book, arguing that studies of cultural recognition and
revitalization movements ought to grant special attention to the institutional and
political contexts in which they emerge and operate – in particular, the party
system. With this framework in mind, Chapter 3 reviews developments in lan-
guage policy, identity and party politics up to the period of democratization and
the end of Lee Teng-­hui’s (KMT) presidency in 2000. Chapter 4 offers a more
exhaustive treatment of Taiwanization, ethnic policy and identity politics under
Chen Shui-­bian’s DPP government (2000–2008), setting the context for the fol-
lowing three chapters, which analyse the Taiwanese language movement along
the dimensions of language use and revitalization, language education and stand-
ardization, and language recognition. Chapter 5 draws a portrait of the socio­
linguistic situation at the turn of the century and, through an analysis of large-­N
survey data, assesses the place of language in Taiwanese identity and the extent
of popular support for linguistic revitalization and recognition. Chapter 6 surveys
bureaucratic initiatives to linguistic revitalization by exploring the cases of local
language education and standardization from the late 1990s through to the 2000s,
while Chapter 7 provides an in-­depth investigation of language recognition by
analysing attempts by the DPP government to formally change the de jure lan-
guage regime through the drafting of language laws. Chapter 8 offers an over-
view of the more recent developments in cultural revitalization and recognition
under Ma Ying-­jeou’s KMT government (2008–2016), and re-­evaluates the state
of national identity in Taiwan in light of the KMT’s rapprochement with China
and in view of the mass protests that have erupted in opposition to recent devel-
opments in party politics and Cross-­Strait relations. Finally, Chapter 9 concludes
Introduction   11
this book by analysing the prospects for culture politics and language recogni-
tion following the DPP’s landslide victory in 2016.
As this introduction suggests, this book raises many questions that have not
been addressed adequately in the academic field. Admittedly, however, the book
does not provide clear and empirically based answers to all of those questions.
While attempting to emphasize depth over breadth and contribute to theory
development in the fields of sociolinguistics, sociology and especially political
science, this study of linguistic recognition in Taiwan remains largely macro-­
oriented and somewhat “interpretive” rather than purely empirical. An adequate
understanding of the dynamics of culture politics in contemporary Taiwan hinges
upon a knowledge of the country’s history, culture, international relations, ethnic
relations, national identity, political institutions, etc., to name a few. None of
these variables can be considered fixed; quite on the contrary, these variables
denote processes that are in constant evolution. Therefore, while this book
attempts to provide a clear historical and empirical background on which to lay
down the analysis, it cannot do justice to some of the most complex and signi-
ficant social and political determinants at play in the Taiwanese case, such as
democratization, factionalism or the politics of cultural lobbying. Moreover, by
operationalizing culture by way of language, this book also deliberately leaves
out a wealth of other cultural practices and identities that might even take pre-
cedence over language in some contexts. For instance, religious identities and
organizations are entirely neglected in this book, despite their lasting influence
on Taiwanese civil society, social networks and even politics more generally
(e.g. Laliberté 2004). It is possible that elements such as religion, place of resid-
ence, class, gender, educational achievement or age are more significant markers
of identity than language. However, this book is not about identity as much as it
is about cultural recognition – the decision by authorities to acknowledge, value
and promote some cultures over others – and neglecting these factors was a
necessary compromise. Moreover, the fact remains that language has arguably
been more extensively politicized than any other ethnic or identity issue in
Taiwan, as testified by the language law proposals analysed in this book.
Similarly, although I have endeavoured to emphasize the importance of elect-
oral concerns in my framework, I am also reluctant to portray it as a fully
explanatory and generalizable model. There are endless types of social identities
and ethnocultural conditions, most of which play a role in ethnolinguistic out-
comes. However, one of the objectives of this book is to offer an institutionalist
answer to the question of cultural recognition by articulating the fundaments of a
model of cultural recognition that can be applied to a variety of ethnocultural
contexts. In doing so, the framework identifies the party system’s ethnic voting
structure as independent variable, and gives only minimal attention to how eth-
nocultural identities are conceived and expressed in the first place. Some will
argue that starting at this nod of the explanatory chain overlooks important
factors about identity formation in specific cultural and political contexts. My
response is that this is a necessary trade-­off in developing an institutionalist
theory of cultural recognition that can be applied to wider contexts, at least to
12   Introduction
ethnically diverse democracies that have been divided on the national identity
issue. In the end, I have tried to both broaden and deepen the analytical scope of
the study by placing it half-­way between explanatory and narrative research, at
the risk of leaving both positivists and interpretivists unsatisfied. Finally, I have
endeavoured to provide non-­Taiwan experts with a clear and concise narrative in
the hope of popularizing the use of Taiwan in comparative studies of culture,
language and identity politics, and some Taiwan experts may feel that this has
been done to the cost of oversimplification. I hope this book will at least provide
the fundaments on which to base more in-­depth analyses of culture politics, lan-
guage recognition and national identity in Taiwan and other societies where eth-
nicity and national identity have been important cleavages.

Notes
1 The terms ROC and Taiwan are often used interchangeably. However, these two con-
cepts are heavily loaded ideologically, and it will become obvious that they do not neces-
sarily refer to the same entity. Generally speaking, I try to privilege the term ROC to refer
to the state now governing Taiwan, and Taiwan to refer to the nation being governed.
2 The term 外省人 (Waishengren) literally means “people from outside the province”,
and refers specifically to migrants from the Chinese Mainland who arrived in Taiwan
from 1945 through to the 1950s. While the use of Mainlander is not entirely accurate
semantically, I prefer it to Waishengren because it is better suited, at least phonetically,
to a book written in English.
3 Her (2009: 386) suggests that out of the roughly 928,279 Mainlanders in Taiwan in
1956, more than 15 per cent were from the province of Fujian and therefore spoke
some varieties of Min languages (such as Hoklo). Nearly 10 per cent were from Guang-
dong province (mainly Cantonese and Hakka speaking), and nearly 23 per cent from
the predominantly Wu speaking provinces of Zhejiang and Jiangsu (Wu is also the
local language of Shanghai, where it is known as Shanghainese). The issue of language
maintenance among Mainlanders has been almost entirely neglected in debates on lan-
guage preservation, equality and revival in Taiwan (Liao 2000).
4 This regional cultural revival movement is usually referred to as Bentuhua (本土化),
and is often translated as either Indigenization, Localization or Taiwanization. In line
with Makeham (2005: 11), I prefer the English term Taiwanization because Indigeniza-
tion tends to be confounded with Aboriginal politics in the international literature, and
Localization can be associated with sub-­polity or even municipal governance. While
there is a term for Taiwanization in Chinese (台灣化), it is more or less used alterna-
tively with, though less prevalently than, Bentuhua.
5 This movement could well be termed a language normalization movement, to use the
expression prevalent in the literature on the revitalization of regional languages in
Spain, especially Catalan. In a nutshell, linguistic normalization is a type of language
regime change that involves the teaching, the standardization and the recognition of an
institutionally marginalized language. However, the term language normalization
(語言正常化) has seldom been used in the Taiwanese context outside academic circles.
In fact, most revivalists have instead been using terms such as language revival or revi-
talization (語言復興/振興).
6 Parties in Taiwan are usually represented on a Green–Blue continuum, with the Pan-­
Green camp (泛綠) leaning towards Taiwanese nationalism, and the Pan-­Blue (泛藍)
towards Chinese nationalism. Parties are further divided into Deep-­Green/Blue (深綠/藍)
and Mild-­Green/Blue (淺綠/藍) depending on the intensity of their ideology.
7 For a discussion of ethnic parties, see Chandra (2005, 2011).
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