Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
Recognition in Taiwan
Jean-François Dupré
First published 2017
by Routledge
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© 2017 Jean-François Dupré
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has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Names: Duprâe, Jean-Franðcois.
Title: Culture politics and linguistic recognition in Taiwan : ethnicity,
national identity, and the party system / Jean-Franðcois Duprâe.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. |
Series: Routledge research on Taiwan ; 20 | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016044143 | ISBN 9781138643178 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781315629490 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Political culture–Taiwan. | Culture and politics–Taiwan. |
Ethnicity–Political aspects–Taiwan. | Language policy–Taiwan. |
Taiwan–Languages–Political aspects. | Political parties–Taiwan. |
National characteristics, Taiwan–Political aspects. | Taiwan–Politics an
government–2000–
Classification: LCC JZ1536 .D87 2017 | DDC 323.1199/25–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016044143
List of figures x
List of tables xi
Preface xii
List of abbreviations xiv
List of names xv
1 Introduction 1
The significance of Taiwan 2
Objectives and contributions 7
The politics of language in the sinophone world 8
Overview and limitations of the book 10
References 153
Index 163
Figures
This book began as a PhD thesis submitted at the University of Hong Kong in
2014. I am indebted to the University of Hong Kong for providing the Postgrad-
uate Studentship, and to the Department of Politics and Public Administration
(PPA) for extra financial and logistic support. I would have been unable to com-
plete this dissertation without the supervision of Elaine Chan, who patiently read
many drafts and provided extensive comments on each of them. Dr Chan trusted
and encouraged me in each of my endeavours, and I am truly grateful for her
relentless support. Thanks to May Yim and Victoria Kwok from the general
office, without whose invaluable administrative help I could not have made the
most of my PhD experience. I also want to thank other faculty members (current
and previous) from the PPA department who have provided me with academic
advice and mentorship, or simply made my life in Hong Kong more enjoyable,
in particular Joseph Chan, Lam Wai-man, Peter Cheung, Siegfried Van Duffel
and Sara Jordan.
I could not have gained such knowledge about Taiwan without spending sub-
stantial amounts of time there. I am indebted to the Taiwan Economic and Cul-
tural Office in Canada and the Taiwan Ministry of Education for funding my
Mandarin Studies with the Huayu Enrichment Scholarship, and to the Academia
Sinica Institute of Sociology (IOS) for accepting me as associate student and for
providing me the Fellowship for Doctoral Candidates in the Humanities and
Social Sciences. The Doctoral Fellowship at Academia Sinica gave me the
opportunity to work under the guidance of Hsiau A-chin, a leading expert on
cultural nationalism and language politics in Taiwan. This opportunity also
enabled me to discuss my research with other distinguished sociologists and
political scientists specializing in ethnic and national identity studies, such as
Wu Nai-teh, Chang Mao-kuei, Wang Fu-chang and Wong Ting-hong. In addi-
tion to receiving extensive feedback from the IOS faculty, I also had the chance
to interact with researchers from other institutes, such as the Institute of Lin-
guistics and the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China (CEFC). I
am grateful to Michael Hsiao Hsin-huang, who was then Head of the IOS, for
giving me this research opportunity, and to all the staff who helped me during
my tenure of the Fellowship. Tess Yeh Chun-chiao, research assistant at the IOS,
has provided invaluable assistance with translation, interpretation and contacting
Foreword xiii
interviewees. Ms Lee Su-Chuan, Executive Secretary at the IOS, has also been
extremely kind and helpful during my stay. Special thanks to all my interview-
ees, and to Linda Arrigo, who generously shared her captivating experiences and
unparalleled understanding of the Taiwanese democratization movement with
me on numerous occasions.
The project of turning my thesis into a book began while I was Postdoctoral
Research Fellow at the Chair of Taiwan Studies and the School of Political
Studies at the University of Ottawa. I would like to thank Scott Simon (Chair of
Taiwan Studies) and André Laliberté (School of Political Studies) for this oppor-
tunity to spend one year in Ottawa building on my PhD research.
What began as a research interest on Taiwanese society has turned into a deep
admiration and affection for the Taiwanese people; the graciousness, kindness,
generosity, determination and innovative spirit of Taiwanese people truly make
this country a hidden gem. Thanks to each and every Taiwanese person who has
made my life there so enjoyable and rewarding.
Parts of this book build on work that has already been published. Chapter 5
largely consists of an updated version of a paper published in the Journal of
Multilingual and Multicultural Development in June 2013. The first section of
Chapter 6 is based on a paper published in 2014 in Current Issues in Language
Planning on multilingual education. Chapter 7 is derived in large part from an
article published in Language Policy in June 2015. Finally, some parts of
Chapter 2 build on and expand on an article published in Identities: Global
Studies in Culture and Power in July 2016. Occasional overlap with these publi-
cations may also be found in other parts of the book. I am grateful to Taylor and
Francis and Springer for granting me permission to reuse this material. I believe
this book as a whole provides a more thorough, in-depth and up-to-date analysis
of culture politics in Taiwan than can be offered in stand-alone journal articles,
and I would like to thank the Routledge team, in particular Dafydd Fell, Editor
of the Research on Taiwan Series, and Rebecca Lawrence, Editorial Assistant
(Asian Studies), for supporting this project.
This book was mostly written in Taipei and in Hong Kong. Living in the
Sheung Shui countryside has been challenging at times, but it has also been an
eye-opening and rewarding experience. I would like to thank my adopted chil-
dren, Satie, Lulu, Prince, the late Leo and Siu Yuk, for providing me with affec-
tion, company and entertainment, and for showing me that non-human animals
are persons, too. I also want to thank members of our colony with whom I
interact on a daily basis, as well as those who have departed this world already.
Undertaking and finishing this research would have been impossible without
the support and assistance of my family. Thanks to my dad, Alain, and to my
mum, Nicole. I also want to thank my wife, Pui Man, who has accompanied me
and patiently supported me on this journey.
Abbreviations
This list only includes frequently recurring names of key personalities relating to
language revitalization and policy-making in Taiwan.
The creation of national language communities has played an integral role in the
emergence and institutionalization of the nation-state system centuries ago
(Gellner 1983). Language has remained a defining feature of politics well after
the consolidation of the Westphalian order, and it still features as a fundamental
component of many nation and state-building processes. In the late twentieth and
early twenty-first centuries, language movements strove not only to revive dead
or dying languages, but also to create new language communities or to empower
old ones by officializing and promoting otherwise vibrant yet institutionally mar-
ginalized regional languages. Linguistic revitalization and recognition move-
ments have often emerged in the context of recognition politics and
self-determination projects (Taylor 1994). As Liu (2015) points out, language
regimes institutionalize power relations between different ethnolinguistic groups,
so that the formal recognition or marginalization of specific languages by gov-
ernments also implies the recognition or marginalization of these groups. From
this perspective, it is not surprising that disputes over the content of language
regimes are often at the centre of ethnonationalist conflicts, sometimes violent
ones. At the same time, language is also imbued with a flexibility unseen in
many other types of ethnocultural conflict. In the words of Laitin (1999: 2, 4),
“Language conflict [. . .] has its own particular dynamic”, as “[. . .] language
grievances (as opposed to say, religious grievances) tend to redirect conflict from
the military to the political/bureaucratic realm”. A mother tongue can feature as
a defining component of ethnic belonging, but unlike many other aspects of eth-
nicity, language can also be acquired. Far from being exclusive, a language can
coexist with many components of ethnicity, such as race, religion or even other
languages. Language, as a component of both ethnic and national identities, con-
stitutes a powerful yet highly malleable substance for identity building.
If language has been a powerful force in nationalist movements, there is little
evidence that such movements have been triggered by language itself. Quite on
the contrary, language conflicts, like other types of ethnic conflicts, are perhaps
most fundamentally by-products of competition over institutional access, control
and change. For instance, the rise of language politics in places like Québec,
Flanders and Catalonia has occurred concomitantly with regionalist and seces-
sionist politics, and has often served as a platform to (re)negotiate the parameters
2 Introduction
of contested national identities. According to David Laitin’s theory of language
and identity change (e.g. 1998a, 2007), language and identity shifts are in some
circumstances mutually reinforcing phenomena, and nationalist, regionalist and
postcolonial political elites have a rational incentive to promote indigenous or
titular languages as a way to enhance regional distinctiveness and promote polit-
ical autonomy. In most European states, progressive assimilation has enabled the
languages of dominant groups to stand as legitimate symbols of the nation’s cul-
tural fabric. For many of the more recent language movements, however, pro-
moting the language and culture of historical majorities or politically dominant
groups has often been more controversial, and efforts were made either at
making linguistic concessions to speakers of minority languages, or at “detach-
ing language from ethnicity” so as to make the dominant language acceptable to
all ethnic groups (Dupré 2015: 154). In many postcolonial or highly hetero-
geneous societies, language regime change has further involved complex bar-
gaining processes, resulting in language regimes that often have little to do with
ethno-demographics. This is particularly obvious in postcolonial polities where a
colonial language or a non-indigenous lingua franca have maintained their prom-
inence. In these cases, Laitin (e.g. 1992, 1993) sees language outcomes as the
result of a conflict of interest between different societal actors, and the creation
of language regimes often ends up reflecting linguistic utility rather than ethno-
demographics.
Due to these ramifications between language and the concepts and practices
of ethnicity, culture and national identity, this book opts for a broader concept of
culture politics, rather than language or ethnic politics alone. By culture politics,
I refer to political debates and agendas concerning the place of culture in state
institutions and public life more generally. Culture politics is an exercise that
attempts to define the cultural boundaries of the nation and, by extension, of the
state that governs it. When civil society actors and political parties engage in
culture politics, they attempt to (re)define the culture(s) that can or should stand
as legitimate national symbol(s). Since most aspects of culture, such as language,
are inherently linked to ethnicity, it follows that cultural recognition usually
implies the recognition of ethnic groups. In places like Taiwan, where the polit-
ical scene is itself divided on national identity, cultural recognition is further
interlinked with and intensified by national identity politics; as the nation’s polit-
ical status is debated, it is inevitable that its cultural parameters will also be. By
framing the subject matter in terms of culture politics, I want to make full use of
the malleability of language as a component of different types and layers of
identity: sometimes ethnic, sometimes national, sometimes both at the same
time. For the purpose of this book, culture politics is the realm where ethnic pol-
itics, language politics and national identity politics intersect.
Notes
1 The terms ROC and Taiwan are often used interchangeably. However, these two con-
cepts are heavily loaded ideologically, and it will become obvious that they do not neces-
sarily refer to the same entity. Generally speaking, I try to privilege the term ROC to refer
to the state now governing Taiwan, and Taiwan to refer to the nation being governed.
2 The term 外省人 (Waishengren) literally means “people from outside the province”,
and refers specifically to migrants from the Chinese Mainland who arrived in Taiwan
from 1945 through to the 1950s. While the use of Mainlander is not entirely accurate
semantically, I prefer it to Waishengren because it is better suited, at least phonetically,
to a book written in English.
3 Her (2009: 386) suggests that out of the roughly 928,279 Mainlanders in Taiwan in
1956, more than 15 per cent were from the province of Fujian and therefore spoke
some varieties of Min languages (such as Hoklo). Nearly 10 per cent were from Guang-
dong province (mainly Cantonese and Hakka speaking), and nearly 23 per cent from
the predominantly Wu speaking provinces of Zhejiang and Jiangsu (Wu is also the
local language of Shanghai, where it is known as Shanghainese). The issue of language
maintenance among Mainlanders has been almost entirely neglected in debates on lan-
guage preservation, equality and revival in Taiwan (Liao 2000).
4 This regional cultural revival movement is usually referred to as Bentuhua (本土化),
and is often translated as either Indigenization, Localization or Taiwanization. In line
with Makeham (2005: 11), I prefer the English term Taiwanization because Indigeniza-
tion tends to be confounded with Aboriginal politics in the international literature, and
Localization can be associated with sub-polity or even municipal governance. While
there is a term for Taiwanization in Chinese (台灣化), it is more or less used alterna-
tively with, though less prevalently than, Bentuhua.
5 This movement could well be termed a language normalization movement, to use the
expression prevalent in the literature on the revitalization of regional languages in
Spain, especially Catalan. In a nutshell, linguistic normalization is a type of language
regime change that involves the teaching, the standardization and the recognition of an
institutionally marginalized language. However, the term language normalization
(語言正常化) has seldom been used in the Taiwanese context outside academic circles.
In fact, most revivalists have instead been using terms such as language revival or revi-
talization (語言復興/振興).
6 Parties in Taiwan are usually represented on a Green–Blue continuum, with the Pan-
Green camp (泛綠) leaning towards Taiwanese nationalism, and the Pan-Blue (泛藍)
towards Chinese nationalism. Parties are further divided into Deep-Green/Blue (深綠/藍)
and Mild-Green/Blue (淺綠/藍) depending on the intensity of their ideology.
7 For a discussion of ethnic parties, see Chandra (2005, 2011).
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