Redevelopment-Importance of Preserving the Community: Case of Dharavi

Project

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Table of Contents
1. Introduction............................................................................................................1

Section 1: Community Discourse.................................................................................2

1.1. Community in General.....................................................................................2

1.2. View of Modern Sociologists...........................................................................2

1.3. Community as Space......................................................................................3

1.4. Community and Contribution...........................................................................4

1.5. Changes in global viewpoint on Community in last few decades...................5

1.6. Doolittle and Macdonald’s Sense of Community............................................9

1.7. Political Definitions of Community.................................................................10

1.8. Criticisms and Re-conceptualization of political definitions of community....13

1.9. Community: East Vs West.............................................................................14

Section 2: Case Study-Dharavi Redevelopment Project............................................16

2.1. Dharavi: The story so far..................................................................................16

2.2. Relations between stakeholders......................................................................18

2.3. Dharavi and Policies.........................................................................................21

3. Conclusion...........................................................................................................24

3.1. Further Research/Recommendations...........................................................24

References.................................................................................................................26
 1. Introduction
Redevelopment in a region carries with it many influences on the local community of
the region. The community of the region is the element that is affected by the
consequences of the redevelopment regardless of whether they are positive or
negative. Hence, every redevelopment plan should consider the local community as
the one of the most critical element and should further make them an active member.

The local community participation and making them the centre stage of the changes
that are going to take place should be the core strategy of the redevelopers. Any
redevelopment carried out without keeping local community in perspective can result
in discontentment among the community, create feelings of distrust towards the
redevelopers, can create acts of clashes within the community or with the
government and can even alter community value structures. For instance, if highly
modernized redevelopment takes place suddenly across a culturally rich community
then it is bound to affect the individuals of the community and especially the
youngsters creating imbalance.

The present research aims to study the influences of redevelopment on the

community residing in the slums of Dharavi, one of the biggest informal settlements
across the world. A key aspiration of the study is to analyse the various facets of the
community and conduct an in-depth analysis of theoretical framework of community.
Further the theoretical underpinning is then compared with the case of the
redevelopment project being carried out in the community of Dharavi. The study will
reflect upon the scenario of the Dharavi redevelopment project and will analyze how
the redevelopment plan is ignoring the role of the people of the community. Further
the dissertation will also talk about the relation between the stakeholders. Building
upon these, the dissertation will study the agenda of the government and how
government policy has affected the redevelopment plan and its impact on the
Dharavi community.
The findings highlight the need of recognising the diversity within a community and
acknowledging the diversities to design a redevelopment project conducive for the
needs of the whole community. Further recommendations are provided on how the
redevelopment plans can be made more community based and participatory.

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Section 1: A review of Community definitions and various facets of Community
Section 1 of this dissertation will explore the different ways in which community is
defined by academics as well as through policy and politics. This includes the key
features of a community; what it generally consists of and the different interpretations
of community by different elements or stakeholders, especially the people that make
up the community. Further, the introduction will also reflect on the implications of
these concepts and features of community in the context of the redevelopment plans
in Dharavi.
Though the researcher has attempted to explore a good deal of past literature by
exploiting secondary resources, however, several of unpublished sources or inability
to access several other piece of literature might have occurred. Hence, this review
can be seen as only a part of literature on the subject that is synthesized by the
researcher by reviewing through own viewpoint.

1.1. Community in General

The term “community” comes from the ancient latin term “communitas” which
actually means comrade or well structured society (Messing,2009). In Communities,
purpose, faith, resources, choices and hazards are some of the influencing variables
that are common and they impact upon the behaviour and identity of the participants
of the community and their mutual bonding.

In today’s times, an ideal definition of community would include mutual ethics,

shared individual care among fellows, and concern for one another (Peck, 1987).
This idea strengthens the 'communitarian' idea of social equality, wherein nationality
essentially involves shared responsibilities deprived of which discrete rights would
not be imaginable. According to Dwyer (2004), “a solid logic of 'community',
described here as 'an entity with certain shared standards, rules and objectives
wherein every adherent aspect it is where the shared objective is as their own', is a
general requirement for communitarians. Hence it can be said that Community
makes distinct independence promising by guarding and supporting its adherents

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and is capable to ask for and defend distinct faithfulness to mutually described
responsibilities and exercises that are specific and definite to a selected community.

1.2. View of Modern sociologists

Modern sociologists employ the notion of community largely to denote the communal
procedures of communication and the exchange of functioning within assemblies,
instead of labeling assemblies that are obvious and recognizable on the platform
(Crow and Allan, 1994; Day and Murdoch, 1993). But, the notion of a native
community defines certain logic of common personality, that persons who reside in
a region are far more than merely its ‘populace’: "residing in a region gives a
possible chance for shared contribution and participation with others living there as
well". (Crow and Allan, 1994) In the works of Putman (2000), the ironic engagement
of lives which occurs inside native communities is perceived to establish valued
communal wealth for the government, along with the distinct inhabitants themselves
(Halpern, 2005; Prime et al, 2002). But, the procedures which together create and
reinforce a community give evidence that can be freely used to recognize that
community.

1.3. Community as Space

Peck (2006) remarked that building a sense of community is easy but maintaining
this sense of community is difficult in the modern world and the idea of ‘space’ is
extensively involved on strength, strategy, equality and citizenship. Webster and
Engberg Petersen (2002) denote to ‘political spaces’ as those official networks,
political treatises and communal and political rehearses by means of which the
deprived and those groups operational with them can trail poverty drop.

A few writers review ‘democratic spaces’ wherein inhabitants can involve themselves
in demanding nationality and impact governance procedures (Cornwall and Coelho,
2006). Andrea Cornwall through are writings highlights, that these spaces for
contribution are not impartial, however are themselves formed by strength and
relationships, which both border and go in them (Cornwall 2002). Between all, she
pulls upon French societal philosophers (Lefebvre, Foucault, and Bourdieu) for
whom the idea of strength and the idea of space are intensely related. Citing
Lefebvre:

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“Improving citizenship involvement needs far more than just appealing or comprising
people to contribute. And it demands more than merely creating place accessible for
people to present their requirements and movements in collective ‘voices’. Actual
contribution needs allowing people access to data on which to base planning or to
drum up to declare their privileges and claim responsibility. To do the same needs
dynamic involvement in developing voice, constructing serious awareness,
promoting for the presence of females, kids, uneducated, deprived and excluded
people, forcing open cracks to broaden places for engagement in policy making and
constructing the political abilities for independent involvement, it calls for procedure
that reinforce the potentials of dynamic resident involvement with four of the official
kinds recognized here; both those protracted by the influential, and those by which
residents create and frame their own circumstance of involvement and discover and
employ their individual voice. And it depend on policies to improve residents’ political
abilities in the public policy field’ from the capability to make nous of compound
financial or spending statistics, to having the linguistic with which to claim with
technical authorities: on preparing common man with the ‘arms of the influential.

With regards to the aspect of space coming into play in the current development
plans at Dharavi, it can be seen that there exists space between the policy bearers
(government) and people living in Dharavi. This is because government on its part
has the power to force its plans and can justify it stating numerous reasons. However
the community living at Dharavi still cannot come into terms with these justifications
for redevelopment. As stated by Cornwall (2002), ‘Space is a communal
merchandise … it is not merely “there”, impartial vessel before you to be filled,
however is an active, humanly built medium of regulator, and therefore of
supremacy, of strengths’. Lastly, there are the spaces which are demanded by fewer
influential players for or in contrast to the strength bearers, or shaped more
independently by them. Cornwall (2002) denotes to these spaces as ‘organic’ spaces
which arise ‘out of balances of mutual interests or credentials’ and ‘may arise into
existence as an outcome of widespread organization, like around individuality or
concern oriented worries, or may comprise of spaces where in compatible persons
link collected in mutual recreations’(Cornwall, 2002).

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1.4 Community and Contribution

Citizens as statistics provided, as asked to propose views, as requested to

participate in agreeing on primacies, as engaged in policymaking are all types of
contribution that would appear requirement for speaking regarding “citizenship
contribution” as a civil right (Gaventa and Valderrama 1999; Gaventa 2002). All these
kinds of asked contribution continue depending on being presented an opportunity to
contribute. Still much arises to rest on who comes forward for these deals of
engagement and the way the restrictions of their involvement are demarcated.
Further micro-degree study is needed if we are to know which kinds of contribution
work where in types of places to offer people with chances to understand
comprehensive citizenship. (Cornwall, 2002)implies here that added knowledge is
desirable of the requirements for involvements in specific space as well, avoiding
from the one-size-fits –all finest rehearses example in the direction of policies that
take reason of ethnic, political and ancient backgrounds.

It is with these queries that the effort of the DRP is associated, with introductory fresh
viewpoints and creating fresh contacts. Considering contribution as sited rehearsal
pleas for methods that discover places for contribution in the spaces where in they
happen, outlining their prospects related to real political, societal, ethnic, and ancient
exactitudes, rather than perfect ideas of independent rehearsal. This is response
give occasions to question few of the structures by which we presently create sense
of contribution and for an added thorough logical conduct of main ideas and their
inferences for contributions as a political rehearsal. It is expected that the effort of
the DRC can donate to these schemas.

1.5 Changes in global viewpoint on Community in last few decades

As seen in the previous paragraph, the modernization has brought with it queries
regarding on how the rapid development can be balanced with the need of equality
and freedom and uniqueness of communities involved therein. Thus it can be seen
that community in the modern world are viewed as a hindrance to development. This
is what is happening in the case of Dharavi. The redevelopment though might
appear necessary will hugely affect the spirit of the community that has been living
there for several years.

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In this section I will discuss how the concept of community has changed through the
last decades and how modernization has influenced these changes. During the era
of the 1960s and early 1970s, the notion of community had a great outline - together
as an explanation of how people existed as well as a prototype for planners.

Rapid financial changes were resulting in extraordinary physical movement, and also
in the direction of the centralism of strategy creation, wherein communities usually
seemed to be implications to the development. This in response assisted to weaken
native bonds - as for instance, with alterations in native communal accommodation
distribution, whereby poor 'outside people' took primacy over less poor 'inside
people'. There was a conceptual response as well to the idea of community between
sociologists, particularly those women's lib who sensed that females' roles in
communities established a restriction on women’s individual liberty. Simultaneously,
sociologists were serious of the manner that certain planners were employing the
word to influence native decision making (Rex, 1988). Hence adverse features of the
idea came into light, wherein community was supposed to be conservative,
contentious and high-class. Though, by the end of 1980s began a rise of the sense
that there was something precious being missed, resulting in efforts to recollect the
idea. This in turn then cultivated an entire fresh trend of guidelines to improve and
redevelop communities over the reorganization of authority. Numerous of these
openly, however more usually implicitly, identify that the unity of a community and
publics' connection to it are straight associated with populace steadiness and period
of stay in a region. (Young and Lemos, 1997)

An aspect which at times seems to stop this association from being revealed more
openly is the place of racial subgroups. Extensive migration has had a weakening
outcome on numerous town regions; however most critics have desisted from stating
this for anxiety of being termed as racialist (Browne 2004; Dench 2003; Furedi
2001). Conversation of community associations concerns has been reserved for
numerous eras. But, there exists an irony in it. Racial subgroups themselves are
perceived as requiring having constancy so as to form and defend their individual
communal wealth, and their individual issues in attaining this have progressively
gained consideration of people of host societies in recollecting theirs. This has
resulted in thankfulness that ‘poor white communities' can be destructed by quick
movement in populace, usually motivated by community housing strategy, and that

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this is a reason of white opposition to migrants and leading to proposals of clash,
separation and community collapsing down. According to Mumford and Power
(2003), "It is the point where in community approval is crucial and has, actually, been
ignored by community housing agencies. The possibility for ethnic fight over this
matter is genuine, and if not tackled sensibly, could weaken community relationships
for long." Till now there is certain disparity over these matters. However the
agreement which appears to be evolving currently, particularly after the Cantle
Report (2001), is that 'community cohesion' is declining where populace movements
are much quick or huge. Native private communal bonds consume time to grow.
Migrant crowds may spend the intermediate time of establishment more effortlessly if
they also reside collected in racial alliances among which solid shared provisions are
guaranteed (Chisholm and Smith 1990; Goodwin and Cramer 2000). Hence racial
communities have worth in the private realm. However so as to avoid risky splits in
the native community, novices should be united as soon as possible into occupied
contribution within prevailing community establishments together with recognized
adherents, instead of making perpetual distinct individualities.

Certain consistency in housing forms is required earlier to family and individual

bonds can grow; thus time is needed (Forrest and Kearns 1999; Willmott, 1963)
however it is not enough. Assembly places are required, that is, sites where isolated
links of interdependence can collect to extract mutual site significance. Community
institutes like schools play a vital character here, as site where the bottom-up
procedures (the private realm) of domestic life interconnect with the (top-down)
territorially-planned community realm, input into it and develop to be planned by it
(Morrow, 2000). This is vital logic, as it implies that 'community' is what interlinks the
people and the isolated spheres.

1.5.1.Community viewed as based on locality and civic amenities

Civic amenities, like schools, society halls, faith-based groups, shops, hospitals and
fitness centers, are appreciated as civic institutes where individuals and families
collect and part their ‘isolated’ lives. Channels of exchange grow into relations at
these sites, in manners which strengthen bonds to neighborhood. (Hidalgo and
Hernandez, 2001) These places then turn into basic structure masses of native
community uniqueness, on which a pyramid of more comprehensive ranks of

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affection and individuality is built. In certain communities, nearly all the people are
alike in reference of few vital feature or features. The mining communities Durham
and the Lancashire cotton cities used to be ruled by a sole career and a solitary
communal class. Existing communities also show some shared features, compared
to communities described by racial individuality. Contrary, the idea of community
does not indicate the need for regularity in the populace. In fact, the very notion of
mutual requirements and duties conveys the inference that communities require
various expertise and aptitudes to work efficiently (Peck, 1987).

1.5.2. Community Engagement viewed as a identity of a community

“There are several dissimilar kinds of community, and producing harmony among
people who live close to each other relies not merely on communal equilibrium or
unity, but instead on the groups of communal give-and-take, fight, interdependency,
offense and the like which persons produce in their associations with others
engaged". (Crow and Allan, 1994) As a result, although similarity of the populace on
few features may be an appropriate standard to recognize communities, the overall
tactic is to take into account the character of the ‘populace’ services which offer the
prospect for community participation to be made and which in any case concurrently
recognize the centers of those communities.

There has been certain work done recently to create tools of community engagement
and events. The UK Home Office Citizenship Survey (Home Office 2004), for
instance, gathered information on a range of kinds of native association and
contribution, which could direct to probable pointers for evaluating the forte of native
community. The information is restricted, but, by their avoidance to casual bonds,
specifically family associations, which in the opinion of maximum sociologists are the
things supporting the life of communities usually. A least, the data does not allow
native communities to be recognized all across the native administrations of UK. Due
to lack of direct methods, constancy in the populace gives a valuable pointer of forte,
as endurance is of the core in community life (Phillipson et al, 2001). Hence there
are several native communities which have extensive pasts of sensible existence as
mutual articles and (independent) artistes, within which families and institutes have
tailored for descendants, and native character developed. But, to depend only on the

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constancy of the populace as an investigative of native communities would be a too
basic tactic to the stuff.

Consequently we arrive to the point that, at numerous facts in the conversation, the
significance of institutes, stores, community halls faith-oriented services, hospitals
and health centers has been emphasized, these services offering comparatively
steady and significant sources which allow communities to practice and to operate.
These, and perhaps other, services are pointers of designs of everyday and weekly
conduct. In this reference, they are suggestive of what is recognized as efficient
communities, efficient being one more term to indicate the operational of
communities. To the degree that these conduct forms produce sense of native
belonging; the services also discover the cores of efficient communities, the
apparent or touched communities. With reference to institutes, it is noteworthy that
the progress of kids' trusts and centers implies that in the time to come many
amenities may come to rotate round basic education institutes, so that their salience
might arise as facts of civic facility delivery, along with their importance as the
centres of community procedures.

1.6 Emerging Sense of community

As we move through the community discourse we will now look upon sense of
community. Sense of community is the power that binds a community together
(Doolittle and MacDonald, 1978). Understanding sense of community is imperative
for this research as people in Dharavi has been living there for decades and have
developed a strong cohesive connection with their community and any
redevelopment that place has to consider that it should not affect this sense of
community.

Doolittle and MacDonald (1978) established the 40-article Sense of Community

Scale (SCS) to review interactive conducts and approaches at the society or locality
phase of community association. The SCS is based on what was named as the
"critical measurement of community organization" (Truman, 1969), and it was to be
employed to distinguish low, medium, and high SCS localities on its five aspects:
casual communication (with fellow citizens), security (occupying a decent place to
reside), pro-urbanism (secrecy, obscurity), neighboring likings (liking for often
neighbor communication), and localism (sentiments and a wish to contribute in

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locality matters). The outcomes of Doolittle and MacDonald's research resulted into
three generalities. First, there is an opposite association among pro-urbanism and
liking for neighborhood. Second, there is a straight association among security and
favorite for neighborhood. Lastly, pro-urbanism drops as vision of security rise.

Glynn's (1981) degree of the emotional sense of society is founded on the efforts of
Hillary (1955), enlarged by replies to a survey circulated to arbitrarily chosen
associates of the Division of Community Psychology of the American Psychological
Association. Glynn managed his method to associates of three societies and
theorized that inhabitant of Far Blum, and Israeli Kibbutz, would show a superior
sense of society as compared to inhabitants of two Maryland societies. He
recognized 202 conducts or sub theories linked to sense of society, out of which 120
articles were established, demonstrating actual and perfect features. As forecast,
greater actual stages of sense of society were there in the Kibbutz as compared in
the two American cities.

The toughest forecasters of real sense of society were (a) predictable span of
society placement, (b) fulfillment with the community, and (c) the quantity of fellow
citizen one could recognize by first designation. Glynn got an affirmative association
among sense of community and the capability to work proficiently in the society.

Rigger and Karakas (1981) researched sense of society as reproduced in local

connection and got two analytically separate however connected aspects they
named ‘community relationship’ and ‘interactive rootedness’. The community
relationship aspect confined articles regarding the capability to classify fellow citizen,
sensing portion of the locality, and amount of local kids recognized to the participant.
Interactive rootedness denotes to years of societal placement, whether one's house
is owned or leased, and projected span of placement. Employing these aspects, the
writers recognized four "significant and separate clusters of inhabitants": new
mobiles (less attached, less rooted), new contributors (high bonded, low rooted),
isolates (low bonded, high rooted), and settled contributors (high bonded, high
rooted). In this research, age played a key factor in deciding affection.

We had discussed role of contribution in the previous section, it can be seen that
sense of community and contribution are related to each other.

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They gathered that those who were utmost dedicated and pleased observed their
locality as a minor community inside the town, were far faithful to the locality as
compared to the entire town, and believed of their locality as proposing specific
events for its inhabitants-the features demonstrating the writers' concepts of sense of
society. Also reflected to be a partaker to dedication to locality and fulfillment with it
was societal cloth, a word they employed to capture the "influences of social
associations" as restrained by various kinds of fellow citizen connections.

1.7 Political Definitions of Community

An attempt to study the theoretical growth of definition of community by governments
is met by an early hindrance. The policy channels distribute community unevenly into
two elements: the one considers community as social relations; the second, who has
lead between governmental geniuses and public policy experts, theorize channels as
structural relations among commercial, government and private players.

Inside and through these two elements, there is procedural and epistemological
diversity. Some researchers depend on qualitative approaches to plot political
definitions of community whereas others embrace additional quantitative
approaches. The political definitions focuses on the physical (not social) method to
community which leads between differences in viewpoint of scholars of dominant
and public policy. However even inside the physical method, there is no agreement
on the significance of the important notions of political definitions. Though theoretical
variety, there are certain mutual facts of settlement between those who obey to a
political definitions method (Borzel, 1998).

The political definitions are motivated by the faith that these ideas offer an
analytically considerable description of the process of development of policy on
community. As per Daugbjerg and Marsh (1998: 55) say that government bodies that
define community, , “Are vital political organizations by which we are administered or
directed.” In same words, Rhodes (1997) announces that political definition of
community informs us “who administers?” How do they administer?” and “for whom
do they administer?” Moreover, Borzel (1998) defines community as “one, if not the,
leading manner of supremacy in contemporary governments.” Consequently, the
research on description of community in is motivated by the confidence that finding
them will recognize who makes verdicts and why verdicts have the burden they do.

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After the conceptions of community initially got attention in the 1970s and particularly
the 1980s, they got motivation from growths in local politics that recommended that
policy making had turn into more complicated, focused, and exhaustive as
governments had extended their contribution in community and the financial
planning. With respect to the complication and specialty, innovative administrations
pursued both probability and constancy in their policy formation situations, and the
assets and collaboration of non-government players. Dominant governments, it was
debated, merely cannot operate individually; they require the sources that provide
information and consent or lively assistance of social players for influential rule. The
rise of policy sub-branches in which government (primarily bureaucratic executives)
and non-government players were together involved in making policy and execution
was observed as an operational reaction in this reference. The fundamental principle
of the policy community/network method is that it is these which clarify distributed,
and comparatively standardized and synchronized, communications among
government and social players that policy formulation. Concentrating on official and
high-level decision-making entities such as first-ministers, legislature and cabinet
sessions therefore disregards the truths of the policy procedure and confuses the
necessities for active and genuine ruling.

By the beginning of network conception, the attention was on relations among

government and commercial or other financial welfares; with time, it has been
stretched to include other social players. Conversely, not all expert debates that non-
government players are a vital constituent of policy community. A prominent
protagonist of policy community, the British scholar, R.A. Rhodes, for instance,
usually emphases on associations between government players only, and considers
community are considered to be observed in policy executions compared to making
policy. Till now many experts, counting Canadian researchers, consider community
to be framework of focused crowd mediator that could be observed in one the
policymaking or the other policy execution levels. Where ascertain community
experts debate that community are so omnipresent in order to form the leading
outline of supremacy in some states such as the European Union (Ansell 2000),
western governments have usually been more careful, advising that whether policy
formulation progresses by means community is a prospect that has to be analytically
examined and executed.

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Their description of eight dissimilar community models, consequently employed in
the amended group of case strategies in Coleman and Skogstad (1990), well-known
community on the foundation of the physical sources of government and community
players: more precisely, the official independence of communal interests,
synchronization capability of government players, and the mobilization or structural
growth of communal players. In their award-winning volume, the government,
corporate, and Industrialized Alteration in the west, Atkinson and Coleman related
these physical qualities straight to the receipt and realization of different types of
industrial policies. The Atkinson/Coleman/Skogstad classification proposed a
diversity of dissimilar strengthened associations between government and non-
government players, which also included associations in hierarchy (government
directed community), those where communal players were in the chauffeur’s place
(clients pluralist channels), and those where there was a more equitable balance
between state and economic actors (corporatist community). The classification has
itself been polished by other researchers (Pal, 1992) however they have not
discarded its dual physical axes (of government volume/independence and corporate
growth of communal players) or the evidence that these qualities profile the strength
dynamic among government and community in a policy segment.

Whatsoever its charm to specialists, the western classification and difference among
policy for societies and policy for community has not been similarly incorporated
external to west. There are numerous other classifications, created on similar
magnitudes according to the quantity and kind of members, the operations carried
out, and the stability of strength in the network (for instance, Van Warden 1992).
Perhaps the utmost extensively referred plan is the range established by Rhodes
and Marsh (1992) and cultured by Daugbjerg 1998. It differences community in
words of their level of incorporation, association, and circulation of sources between
adherents. At a corner of this range are communities, as incorporated, constant and
high-class strategy community and other corner is occupied by problem community
of insecurely associated, manifold, and usually clash backbite adherents.

1.8 Criticisms and Re-conceptualization of political definitions of community

Although the political community definitions are supportive in offering an expressive
picture of a policy procedure at a particular instance in time, still, critics advise there
are significant boundaries to their strength to describe policy and they result into

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three specific issues. First, it requires to be revealed that it is features of the
community itself, instead of the features of the clients to the network, which is the
main clarifying constituent (Dowding, 1995). Second, policy description of community
must be associated more analytically to circumstantial aspects.

The last are the resource of not merely the policy notions and plans that produce
modification, on the other hand describe why specific kinds of community and
societies, benefiting some players and policy results, ascend as well. And third,
respect must be provided to the part of `agency’ in policy communities/community;
which is, the volumes of particular players to react and work on their benefits and
favorites. Energies to reply to the first and second censures, and show that the
restrictions (and prospects) modeled by the network and/or wider reference outline
conduct and policy results, underestimate the autonomous influence of planned
players on means of communication inside the network and eventually policy results.
Critics actually said that it is a method that observes political players, policy network
configurations, and circumstantial aspects in communication.

1.9 Community: East vs West

Rudyard Kipling states in the Poem of East and West: “East is east, and West is
west; and not ever the two shall come across.” Still, he never anticipated that with
the technical growth in transport and interaction, the Westerners and Easterners that
have fairly dissimilar beliefs correspondingly would come across so often these days
in global set up. Though, logically, Kipling is unquestionably right in that persons with
dissimilar traditional forms (counting politics, standards, arrogances, rules, duties,
and physical characteristics), particularly those from East and West, do come across
interaction issues, failures, confusions and even fights and conflicts only for the
reason that they were not able to comprehend one another in their cross cultural
interaction (Messing, 2009).

For the reason that of dissimilar account, topography, philosophy, finances,

government, tradition, speaking, life style, communal duties, etc., persons in
dissimilar portions of the globe, particularly those in the East and those in the West
do vary intensely in their traditional designs or alignments (D.A. & Perkins, 2003).

Easterners, in contrast, are supposed to be high-class, and do not need much

detailed contextual data as most of the data is previously in the folks. And they,

14
because to their past and custom, have a habit to admire communism, chain of
command and relational synchronization in the community (Canuto, 2000). In the
case of Dharavi , Mumbai is the largest metro city in Mumbai and at the forefront of
modernization. Dharavi may have community that is under privileged, but it cannot
avoid itself from a rapidly modernizing lifestyle in the city. These fundamental
national changes may be difficult in cross-cultural interaction In case the
redevelopment takes place.

We exist in an era when deviations in tools, tourism, financial and party-political

methods, migration forms, and inhabitant’s mass have shaped a sphere wherein we
progressively communicate with persons from dissimilar traditions. And however we
want it or not, those communications will endure to develop in both occurrence and
strength. In the 21st era, the world has developed so minor that we all rely on one
another at present. Whatever occurs in one part of the globe influences other parts
as well. So, it is to the benefit of all the almost 7 billion of us who part the globe to
enhance our relational and cross-cultural interaction capabilities. In general, our
philosophies, standards, or traditional designs and alignments regulate what we
observe, the way we respond to circumstances, and the way we associate to others.
Becoming aware of the foundation or detailed arrangements of the traditional
modifications may support people to see underneath to realize why people from
different traditions behave as they do. In different terms, being aware of the
variances in traditional forms or positioning is much more significant as compared to
being aware of the eating habits of people (Scott, 1987).

This location may result into gaining the ironic variety and intellect that occur both in
the western and eastern part of the world. Finally, it is just by realizing that we may
be clever to get vision into ourselves and our individual tradition. And according to
Halls, “An understanding of various traditions may fine be our personal most
significant strength in facing the dares of our stints, overseas as well as at home.”

This has huge implications for the current redevelopment plans at Dharavi. Firstly,
Globalization and modernization is rapidly increasing as discussed above. Further,
Mumbai, being one of the most prominent metros of India is perhaps at the heart of
this modernization. Hence, it can be certain that community at Dharavi, though may
be living in much lesser privileged conditions than other Mumbai residents, but they

15
are definitely being affected by the modernization taking place. Hence,
redevelopment plans has to be such that the community’s core values and integrity
is maintained while benefits of modernization are transferred to the community.

Conclusion: Section 1

It can be seen that rapid financial changes in the last few decades has changed the
community perceptions both in the view of sociologists as well as the government.
The modernization has resulted in extraordinary physical movement, and also in the
direction of the centralism of strategy creation, wherein communities are seen as
implications to the development

Further there has also been a conceptual response as well to the idea of community
between sociologists, particularly those women's liberty, who sensed that females'
roles in communities established a restriction on women’s individual liberty.
Simultaneously, sociologists were serious of the manner that certain planners were
employing the word to influence native decision making

In the present section it was also discussed how Persons with dissimilar traditional
forms particularly those from East and West, do come across interaction issues,
failures, confusions and even fights and conflicts only for the reason that they were
not able to comprehend one another in their cross cultural interaction

In the case of Dharavi, Mumbai is the largest metro city in Mumbai and at the
forefront of modernization. Dharavi may have community that is under privileged, but
it cannot avoid itself from a rapidly modernizing lifestyle in the city. These
fundamental national changes may be difficult in cross-cultural interaction In case
the redevelopment takes place.

In this reference, the idea of disputed metropolitan culture targets to characterize

numerous powers that form the policies of Dharavi, presenting serious perceptions
and, probably, a revived moral regeneration of the disciplines of design and
metropolitan strategy.

16
Section 2: Case Study-Dharavi Redevelopment Project

2.1. Dharavi: The story so far

The community discourse has provided important insight into the various facets of
community and the various factors and variables that influence its participants.
Further, it has also reflected upon the role of the contribution of the participants of
the community in maintenance of its integrity and its sustainability. The discourse has
also discussed the political point of view regarding community and its varying
definitions in policy. Thus, the community discourse has set the tone for the next part
of the dissertation, which is the case study of the Dharavi redevelopment project.
This is because the Dharavi slums being in existence from decades have developed
a closely knitted community and its participants have created a strong bond with their
way of living and community atmosphere. Thus te analysis of the theoretical
background on community was very essential for understanding how redevelopment
will affect the community living in Dharavi.

Encompassing nearly 239 hectares and over a projected inhabitants around 700,000
and one million individuals Dharavi is identified as one of the biggest informal
settlement in Asia and globally (BBC, 2006; Sharma, 2000). Dharavi is branded by
its planned site at the mid of Mumbai and hence catches itself at the core of an
interesting, extremely disputed argument on the future of the town. By means of the
contentious Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP), global creators, officials,
government agencies, public community and societal activities are involved in
numerous conflicts over property, mass, type and the right to a good life, whereas
ultramodern Dubai or Shanghai-type sites are fantasy for growth on what is major
real estate at present.

17
In the past developing from a minor fishing rural community, Dharavi turned into the
city’s topographical focus, since Mumbai’s metropolis growth and matching resident
settlements moved northwards, away from valued property in South Mumbai on its
present marshy, insanitary site (Sharma, 2000). On one occasion downgraded,
ignored zone Dharavi is currently located among city regions innovative economic
center named the Bandra–Kurla Complex, close to the Chhatrapati Shivaji
International Airport. From the past the place has been vividly altered and its growth
associated, layering descendants of slum inhabitants in what are today 85 districts,
systematized in a compound maze type physical design, constructed near multi-
operational work-live residence types. Its prosperous casual economy creates yearly
revenue of business projected to be greater than £350m (BBC, 2006).

Comprehensive growth procedure encouraged by public community and mixed

resident clusters in Dharavi. The earlier was expressed in a journal published by
Bombay First and McKinsey & Company Inc. (2003), in which out of the several aims
to turn it into a first-class metropolitan one was described as lessening the amount of
persons residing in slums in Mumbai from more than 50 % to 10–20 % by 2013 by
means of “more effective administrative techniques and market-oriented tools,” and
moreover “guaranteeing no fresh slums build up in the town” (ibid., pp. 20–21). Out
of the central troops repelling these exclusive, top-down and market-steered image
of Mumbai is the Alliance, an alliance of an NGO called the Society for the Promotion
of Area Resource Centres (SPARC) along with to two non-profit groups, Mahila Milan
and the National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF).

Comprehensive growth from scratch is compelled by the Alliance in their meeting

with Dharavi’s accommodation supportive societies to build restoration homes by a
society-oriented procedure, and by their contribution in building a substitute for the
Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP).

Precisely, the thing pursues to spatially portray the contests and objectives for the
existence of unstable personalities and constructions over the challenging and
hindering kinds of supremacy in Mumbai and Dharavi that form publics’ admittance
to lodging and slum renovation, as paradigm of a broader challenge over societal
integrity.

18
Dharavi as a community desperately needs attention from the authorities to improve
the adverse living conditions of the informal settlement. As section 1.3 highlights the
community as space calls for more involvement in governance concerning the
community. There is clearly a lack of involvement of the community in the
redevelopment project.

Further, the top down approach can be viewed as the consequence of the view of
government towards community as discussed in the section on community in policy.
It was discussed in the community discourse that definition in policy often deviates
from the actual condition that may be happening within the community at that
particular event of time. Further, it is a general definition and character and nature of
every community differs as discussed in the opening section of the community
discourses. Further, it was reflected that contribution of the participants of the
community is absolutely necessary for it maintaining its sustainability and integrity.
However the top-down approach towards the redevelopment project has excluded
the community in decision making concerning them.

2.2. Relations between stakeholders

Kamala RahejaVidyanidhi Institute for Architecture (KRVIRA) has been associated
with the development project providing assistance in carrying out research within the
community of Dharavi and giving recommendations to the government. KRVIRA
points out that any development project carried out in Dharavi has to be community
driven “As what Dharavi is today is due to what the people made it.” According to the
research carried out by KRVIRA the community of Dharavi is very efficient and self-
sustainable, the community is highly mobilized and has a very strong network which
extends to other similar informal settlements around the city. KRVIRA highlights
government redevelopers carry out research and mapping activities with involving
the community and thus the plan of high risers has failed in the redevelopment
project. The one size fits all attitude of government led redevelopment has ignored
the community of Dharavi leading to discontent. KRVIRA held research and mapping
exercise highlighted that within a particular sector of Dharavi the community further
need to be divided sub sectors due to the diverse needs of the people which need to
be considered in the redevelopment. For example a part of the community needs a
considerable amount of open space with adequate sunlight to dry poppadum which
is one of the means of lively of many families in the community. Also the community

19
needs open space for children to play, weddings, funeral processions which are
being overlooked by government redevelopers.

A resident of Dharavi awaiting the redevelopment since childhood expresses his

dislike towards the redevelopment proposal, “when I die there will be no way I can
have a funeral where my family and friends can come to and help take my body
through the community to the crematorium. The government will deny be a proper
funeral.”

According to KRVIRA there is lack of political will as every political party that is in
charge of governance blames the predecessor and thus the redevelopment projects
keep getting delayed. KRVIRA research has raised concerns of management and
thus recommends a partnership between the community and the local authority in
order to assure maintenance of facilities.

The lack of political will is echoed by representatives of NSDF who points out that
the miniscule amount of development that has taken place has been carried out on
the main road connecting Dharavi to Bandra-Kurla Complex. The NSDF which
mostly consist residents of Dharavi add this type of redevelopment is only to beautify
the external area or the “border” of the informal settlement while the majority of the
community suffers in the interiors with appalling living conditions. According the
NSDF it is also done to hide the problems of the community by building high rises
around the informal settlement. This highlights the obvious community’s lack of faith
in the government.

So as to comprehend how the spatiality of disputed metropolitan culture are

replicated and to understand a dichotomization of place as corporal, stationary,
metric place with societal agitations must initially be strengthened. Image of this kind
is not fresh but worked upon in Heidegger’s (1962) “human spatiality”, Lefebvre’s
(1991) usage of “existed place of the societal and political world” and Bauman’s
(1993) embracing of multifaceted spatial communication among “reasoning, ethical
and artistic places and goods”.

Thus it can be seen that the barriers of redevelopment of informal settlements like
Dharavi is due to the nature of these settlements. It has been discovered that
debates about the crescendos of any informal settlements are mainly ruled by

20
absence of adequate awareness, in specific on the topic of transformation. These
works highlight the reason for this is mostly due to lack of interest and abandonment
by the government of the informal settlements. The subject is more heightened by
the point that Dharavi is detached from the adjacent modernized locations and is
considered redundant. In return, these informal settlements are omitted and ignored
from official schemes.

In this reference Sandercock (2005) mentions that self-governing exercise is

weakened, since the contradictive principles of common crowds are socialized by
individuals in rule having justified their personal prudence of what creates a “decent
town.” She too suggests that within the modern age, progressively molded by
worldwide aggressive capital, the principles that mold metropolitan sites are keen to
turn into little locally circumstantial and more affected by a variety of leadership “pre-
shaped and accepted cultural essentials,” which target to offer “social assistance” to
a “pre-planned vision” of a maintainable, fit, striking, and aggressive “decent town” –
as is seen in the exclusive, top-down principles conveyed by Vision Mumbai.

In researcher’s view this agenda allows a in depth insight of the supreme

associations implanted in town makeovers that methodically omit Dharavi slum
inhabitants in the administration, adaptation, and development of their existing
places.

Regardless of such huge idealistic metropolitan visions, in reality, place has

continued to be characteristic of actual/simulated supremacy and cash, and is hence
an article of important controversy. The findings and annexation of such dialogues in
reference to Dharavi points out to the letdown of planners to focus their personal
considerations to evaluation and avoid their passion with the article itself, in the
procedure opening up place for more traditionally delicate methods to build house or
renovate in town makeovers.

A dream like that, wherein integrating the idea of spontaneous, rhizomatic, liquid and
obviously cumulative manufacture of places, as Brillembourg (2004, p. 79) claims,
“links to the kingdom outdoor what is agreed logic, employed with what previously
prevailed, substantially and communally,” as a “shared structure” breaking down the
eternally unstable (Roy, 2009b, p. 80) contrast of the lawful–unlawful, genuine–illicit;

21
official–unofficial.

Hence, considering Dharavi not as an equal “worldwide example of a populace

depository” (Davis, 2006) but as an “actual positioning that concurrently signifies,
competitions and contraries all other ambiences” (Faubion, 2008) or a town formed
of contamination, uncertainty, and in a situation of continuous transformation, will
benefit us to know slum modernism as a reply and struggle to government and
financial-led ideal and futuristic development. There “the casual clarifies the performs
(societal, financial, architectural and metropolitan) and the procedures (spatial and
physical) that a collection of shareholders (inhabitants, designers, architects,
property-owners and the government) accept not just to acquire admittance to
property and lodging, but to gratify their requirement to involve in town life as well”
(Brillembourg, 2004), and in spirit permits for the rise of methods of profound social
equality (Appadurai, 2001). A heterotopian dream like that assists to structure
Dharavi and its disputed modernism as “places separately, exposed but lonely”
(Foucault, 1984, p. 180), a place of delusions that condemns everything in space
round it and challenges the deadliness and supremacy of the Dharavi
Redevelopment Project (DRP).

Truly, no dominant strategy, metropolitan design, zoning regulation, or building act

can ask for share in Dharavi’s property, since it was constructed several eras ago
exclusively by continuous movement of migrants flying rural scarcity, political
harassment, and regular tragedies and its comes under the purview of SRA (Slum
Redevelopment Act . The act also provides the right to the dwellers to choose the
developers. By giving the right to the dwellers to choose their developers has huge
implications for the residents. Firstly, in researcher’s view, this will provide the
community to decide how they actually want the redevelopment to take place. By
choosing the developer they can make sure that environment can be designed to
suit their community needs.

There exists a complex web of relationships between the stakeholders involved

Dharavi community. On one hand the community is close knit and highly mobilized
and at the same time political entities are causing the community progress to slow
down. Taking cue from section 1.5 it is clear that there is strong sense of community

22
which is highlighted in the self-resilient character of the community. The community
having very little resources still thrives on the many small scale business. Also most
families generate income within the community or stay in the community to generate
livelihood. Dharavi as a community desperately needs attention from the authorities
to improve the adverse living conditions of the informal settlement. As section 1.3
highlights the community as space calls for more involvement in governance
concerning the community. However the top-down approach towards the
redevelopment project has excluded the community in decision making concerning
them.

2.3. Dharavi and Policies

In the previous section we have reflected upon the scenario of the Dharavi
redevelopment project and how the redevelopment plan is ignoring the role of the
people of the community. Further the previous sections also talked about the relation
between the stakeholders. Building upon these, this section will now study the
agenda of the government and how government policy has affected the
redevelopment plan and its impact on the Dharavi community.

From the early 1990s, inside the agenda of the Administration of Maharashtra’s slum
restoration scheme, the Bharat Janata and Rajiv Indira Cooperative Housing
Societies have functioned with the not for profit contractor group called NIRMAN of
the Alliance in the making of their individual slum restoration home-making. In these
model setup events, the Alliance has pursued to allow a bottom-up method by
straight involving Dharavi’s underprivileged in the manufacture of place in Dharavi,
demanding their right to accommodation in the town. These actions demonstrate, by
earlier unrecognized resolutions in place they regulate the town poor’s capability to
contest and alter formal guidelines and protocols that incline to work in the benefits
of leading authorities. The latter is built in volume construction and authorizing slum
inhabitants by exercise and service in the construction procedure, and particularly by
connecting and instructing expertise to let them to deal with the government.

Standard set up offers a language tool for dealing among the authorities of town
administration and the “unlawful” engagements as well to which the underprivileged
generally must have choice, transferring the load for civic bureaucrats and other

23
specialists far from cleaning unlawful actions in the direction of constructing on
“genuine” replicas (Appadurai, 2001).

In modern ages, though, fronting “Dubaification” (Dubaification is metaphor term

taking Dubai as a measure of development that is aimed at) in the top-down,
technological DRP procedure. Later in following years of bottom-up stress strategies
and fights, counting exposed literatures to the administration and broadcast media
and nonviolent complaints from inhabitants of Dharavi, frontrunners of noticeable
proletarian crowds and non-profits and the Concerned Citizens of Dharavi (CCD, it in
NGO run by the community of Dharavi to protect their rights and put forward their
voice to the government, it is a registered organization under the Societies
Registration Act of India, 1973), a place was prepared for recognized contribution
when the CCD was authorized as a Committee of Experts (CoE) in 2008.

Majority of residents and organizations like KRVIRA and NGO’s promoting

community lead development are very doubtful and lack faith the redevelopment
project. According to most the redevelopment being proposed is not for the
benefitthe community but instead for economic growth. They feel human growth and
that the aspect of kindness is not reflected, while monetary gain is. This has led to
Dharavi being misused by revenue-driven builders observing the prospective in
Dharavi as leading property to be retailed and by statesmen considering Dharavi as
a “poll bank”, where assuring growth may create polls.

NSDF calls for more transparency as it is of the opinion that the proposed
redevelopment project favors entities that have vested interest mainly financial rather
than favoring the community. NSDF feels there is lack of progressive policies and the
interaction between the community and the officials is superficial. The NSDF strongly
believes the community itself can take initiative and show the government a way
forward for the redevelopment. NSDF adds that Dharavi can raise its own funds for
the redevelopment by selling a small piece of land for commercial purpose to use for
the redevelopment of the community.

The government’s inefficiency to recognize the strength of the community has

resulted lack of progressive policy. This in turn has contributed to growing discontent.
As section 1.6 reflects it is importance to acknowledge the main character and

24
diversities of a community in order to crop up beneficial policies for the community in
question.

3. Conclusion
The above two sections have established the significance community and the
features of a community. The literature review and the examination of the case study
highlight the importance of the community and its involvement in a redevelopment
project taking place. There are further challenges of redevelopment of informal
settlements due to the nature of these settlements. It has been discovered that
debates about the crescendos of any informal settlements are mainly ruled by
absence of adequate awareness, in specific on the topic of transformation. The two
sections of this dissertation highlight the reason for this is mostly due to lack of
interest and abandonment by the state of the informal settlements. The subject is
more heightened by the point that such informal settlements are generally detached
from the adjacent towns and are considered redundant. In return, these informal
settlements are omitted and ignored from official schemes. This in turn results in
internal processes being developed within these informal settlements. The
processes are founded on informalities without which it will be difficult for the
informal settlements to survive. Renowned markets flourish within these informal
settlements making them self resilient and self contained. The informal processes
and markets need to be recognized by the authorities when conducting a
redevelopment project in order for the community to continue to grow and prosper.
The subject of outcomes of restoration is in the first place is a political issue. The
absence of awareness about the underlying forces of the informal settlements, the
inducements for restoration and the will to deliver adequate housing for the deprived

25
are the key problems associated to growth. So as to effectively restore the deprived
populace of a town, these problems must be solved.

3.1. Further Research/Recommendations

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List of Acronyms

DRP- DRP or Dharavi Redevelopment project is an ambitious redevelopment

scheme planned by the Mumbai development Autority to redevlopp the slums of
Dharavi.

SPARC- SPARC or the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres is an
non profit society registered under Societies act of India 1973, and works in
Maharsatra to help people leaving in slums or other unauthorized people to relocate

Kamala RahejaVidyanidhi Institute for Architecture (KRVIRA) – It is an NGO and

has been associated with the development project providing assistance in carrying
out research within the community of Dharavi and giving recommendations to the
government.

National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF): It is national level NGO that works for
welfare of slum dwellers.

29
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