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MAKING OF THE UNITED NATIONS: ATLANTIC CHARTER TO
SAN FRANCISCO CONFERENCE
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 The United Nations
4.3 The Making of United Nations
4.3.1 Atlantic Charter, 1941
4.3.2 Moscow Declaration, 1943
4.3.3 The Dumbarton Oaks Conversations, 1944
4.3.4 Yalta Conference, 1945
4.3.5 The Chapultepec Conference, 1945
4.4 The San Francisco Conference: A Formal Ground Work
4.4.1 Major Themes and Debates at San Francisco
4.5 The United Nations is Born
4.6 Let Us Sum Up
4.7 Some Useful Books
4.0 Objectives:
The present chapter is intended to highlight the long historical efforts that were responsible
for the creation of the United Nations. After going through this chapter you will be able to:
• know the underlying debates and controversies regarding the formation of an
international organisation after World War II
• enhance your knowledge about the various conferences that created a basis for the
present United Nations
• develop an insight on the making of the UN
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4.1 Introduction:
Although the League of Nations did enjoy some remarkable political success in the 1920s,
the increasing economic strife and militant nationalism which characterized the 1930s led
not only to the breakup of cooperation between States but also to several conflicts which
could not be easily resolved.
Powerful States such as Germany, Italy, and Japan left the organization, and by the time the
Second World War broke out in 1939, many had abandoned the League of Nations and its
unfulfilled promise of collective security, and had instead returned to the traditional system
of defensive alliances and power blocs.
However, the efforts of the League of Nations were not completely in vain; during the
intervening war years, the Allies established plans to create a new organization, the United
Nations. Signed on 26 June 1945 in San Francisco, the Charter of the United Nations came
into force on 24 October 1945.
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the General Assembly, Security Council, Economic and Social Council, Secretariat,
Trusteeship Council, and the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Additional bodies deal
with the governance of all other UN System agencies, such as the World Health
Organization (WHO) and United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). The UN's most visible
public figure is the Secretary-General. The current Secretary-General is Ban Ki-moon of
South Korea, who assumed the post on 1 January 2007.
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Churchill after a series of conferences aboard a warship in the North Atlantic off the coast of
Newfoundland.
The two leaders declared that the U.S. and Britain sought no territorial, or any other,
aggrandizement from the war. They proclaimed the right of all peoples to choose their own
form of government and not to have boundary changes imposed on them. The right of all
nations—victors and vanquished—to have access to the earth’s natural resources was also
recognized, as was the desirability of economic cooperation among nations and improved
living conditions for working people. The charter expressed the hope that, after the defeat of
the Nazis, all countries would be able to feel secure from aggression, and that the people of
the world would be free from fear and want. It recognized the principle of freedom of the
seas, expressed the conviction that humanity must renounce the use of force in international
relations, and affirmed the need for disarmament after the expected Allied victory.
At a conference held in Washington, D.C., on January 1, 1942, the 26 governments then at
war with the Axis powers declared that they “subscribed to a common program of purposes
and principles embodied in the joint declaration...known as the Atlantic Charter.” The
statement embodying this adherence to the charter, called the Declaration by United
Nations, was later signed by most of the free nations of the world and formed the basis of
the UN organization established at San Francisco in April-June 1945. The declaration
included the first formal use of the term United Nations, a name coined by President
Roosevelt.
4.3.2 Moscow Declaration, 1943:
After long preparations, the foreign ministers of the three greatest of the United States, the
United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and the ambassador of China met at Moscow in October
1943 and issued a declaration popularly known as Moscow Declaration. It was recognized
by all four governments, for the first time, that it was essential to their own national interests
and to the interests of all peace-loving nations to continue their present close collaboration
and clearly pledged their efforts for the establishment of a general international organisation.
The declaration points out that the four governments “recognise the necessity of establishing
at the earliest practicable date a general international organization, based upon the principle
of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states, and open to membership by all such
states, large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and security.”
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This most fortunate beginning of post-war planning among the United Nations was
continued in the great conferences of Cairo in November 1943, which was followed by a
conference at the beginning of December 1943, between Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Churchill and
Marshal Stalin in Teheran. Mr. Roosevelt and Marshal Stalin met for the first time. Definite
plans for the conclusion of the war in Europe were agreed upon and the determination for
close post-war collaboration was reaffirmed.
From this series of declaration it is apparent that by the end of 1943 the leaders of the major
powers were committed to the establishment of a post-war general international
organisation.
4.3.3 The Dumbarton Oaks Conversations, 1944:
When the preparations for a new international organisation were ready for discussion by the
major powers, Roosevelt called a meeting together at a large estate named Dumbarton Oaks
on the edge of Washington D.C. in August 1944. The conference was divided into two parts.
In the first part, the representatives of the United States and the United Kingdom would
confer with the Soviet representatives, and immediately afterwards the Chinese delegates
would replace the Soviet delegates for a second round of consultations.
As a result of these conferences the United States, Great Britain, Russia and China
announced on October 9 their proposals for the creation of an organization to take collective
measures for the preservation of peace and the suppression of acts of aggression. The new
association would consist of sovereign states with equal rights. There would be a General
Assembly of all member states and a Security Council of eleven nations, among which the
United States, Britain, Russia, China and France would be permanent members and six
others, would be elected by the general assembly for two-year terms.
In the General Assembly each nation should have one vote and decisions should be taken by
a two-thirds majority of those present and voting. But no agreement was reached on the
procedure of voting in the Security Council in the event of a charge of aggression against
one of the permanent members of the council. It was reported that Russia had objected to
making the Big Four subject to actions against them without their agreement.
The new proposals went beyond the old League of Nations in one most important concrete
element. They proposed the creation of a military staff committee to advise the Security
Council on the use of force to repel aggression and to draft plans for the creation of a system
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to regulate and limit the manufacture of weapons of war. The agreement made clear that as
soon as the organization is created, the member states should negotiate another agreement
outlining the number and type of forces they were willing to place at the disposal of the
executive council. The new agreement as compared with the old League of Nations put a
much greater emphasis on the Security Council than on the Assembly. The Security Council
was regarded as the heart of the new organization and it would be entrusted not only with
countering actual acts of aggression but also with removing the threats to peace and with
bringing about peaceful adjustment or settlement of international disputes which may lead to
a breach of the peace. The council should function continuously with government
representatives present at the headquarters of the new organization and should not only have
a military staff committee working with it, but might also create regional military sub-
committees to deal with problems arising in any part of the world.
The new organization, more realistically than the old League of Nations, would try to bring
the force of collective action to bear on any danger spot early rather than late and investigate
any dispute and any situation which may lead to international friction, and exercise pressure
to settle the dispute. The agreement stressed the need for effective and rapid action when
force is necessary to oppose future aggression.
On the whole the new association proposed was much more flexible than the old League of
Nations. The proposals abolished the unanimity rule which previously gave all member
nations the right to veto any proposed action against an aggressor. The new proposals did
not guarantee the territorial integrity and political independence of all member states, nor
did they obligate all member states to any automatic sanctions against aggressors. These
questions were left in each case to the judgment of the Security Council in the light of the
facts existing at the time of the dispute. The new organization was mainly concerned with
one problem, the preservation of peace and international security. Though it provided for an
international court of justice and a social economic council its main purpose was, to use the
words of US Secretary of State Hull, “the establishment of an international organization
capable of effectively maintaining peace and security.” As Mr. Hull pointed out, “The road
to the establishment (of such an organization) will be long. At times it will be difficult. But
we cannot hope to attain so great an objective without constant effort and unfailing
determination.” As a name for the new organization the title The United Nations was
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suggested. No suggestion was made as to the seat of the new organization, but Russian
circles expressed a preference for Vienna and rejected definitely Geneva which was
connected for them with unpleasant memories.
4.3.4 Yalta Conference, 1945:
A number of things that had been left unfinished at the Dumbarton Oaks meeting were
resolved at Yalta in the Crimea a few months later. In contrast to the Washington meeting,
the Yalta meeting took place at the level of heads of state. Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin
met at Yalta from February 4 to February 11, 1945. The conferees also agreed that the
general conference on international organisation would be held at San Francisco beginning
on April 25 and that United States would issue the invitations. It was agreed that the
invitation would declare that the Dumbarton Oaks proposals and Yalta resolutions would
serve as a basis for conference discussion.
The issue of membership was essentially resolved even though some of the agreements
unravelled by the time the delegates reached the San Francisco Conference in April.
Trusteeship was another contentious issue at Yalta, but understanding took place. No
territories were specifically designed as trust territories until after the San Francisco
conference, but the three categories to which trusteeship could be applied were: 1) existing
mandate under the League of Nations, 2) territories detached from the enemy as a result of
the present war, and 3) any other territory voluntarily placed under trusteeship.
The other issues that seemed to have been resolved at Yalta were the veto and the
competency of the General Assembly. Under the present formula, unanimity of the big
powers would be required on substantive matters, including any enforcement action in
response to a breach or threat to the peace or act of aggression, but none of the permanent
members could use the power of veto to block a procedural vote, and a party to a dispute
was required to abstain on a decision by the Security Council to discuss the dispute.
It was also agreed to allow the General Assembly to deal with whatever issues that arose in
the international arena, including economic and social subjects. As well as the Security
Council would be reserved for security issues and would be the central mandatory body on
security affairs. There was also general agreement at Yalta that there ought to be an
Economic and Social Council.
4.3.5 The Chapultepec Conference, 1945:
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The Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace met in the Chapultepec
Castle in Mexico City Feb. 21-Mar. 8, 1945. Whereas at the three preceding Conferences of
the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the American Republics held during World War II, all
the American Republics had been represented, Argentina was conspicuously absent from the
Mexico Conference.
The Conference was convoked above all to consider the coordination of the Inter-American
system with overall international organization outlined in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals
and to take up social and economic problems of the Americas.
In all, 61 resolutions were adopted by the Conference; those concerning continental security,
the reorganization of the Inter-American system, and the so-called Economic Charter of the
Americas deserve special mentioning.
In a broad resolution on the subject of the establishment of a general international
organisation, the conference listed several suggestions for change, including 1) stress on
universality of membership, 2) amplification of the powers and role of the General
Assembly, 3) expansion of the jurisdiction and competence of the International Court, 4) an
expanded role for regional organisations within the general framework, and 4) adequate
representation of Latin America on the Security Council.
Check Your Progress 1
Note: Use the space given below for your answer. Also check your answer with the model
answer given at the end of the Unit.
Q. 1 How was the formation of the United Nations different from the League of Nations?
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Q. 2 Discuss major outlines of the Dumbarton Oaks conversations?
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its members, including the use of the veto; the role of the Secretary-General the framework
for the use of force by the UN; human rights; and international court of justice.
Membership
Immediately, the issue of membership exploded. The Latin American countries insisted that
Argentina be accepted for original membership. So was the case of membership of the
Ukraine and Byelorussia, and the provisional government of Poland, insisted by the Soviet
Union. Finally, the membership of Argentina, Ukraine, and Byelorussia was accepted after
much hue and cry and the conference proceeded.
Competency of the General Assembly:
The Latin Americans also emphasised the importance of enhancing and making more
specific the powers of the General Assembly. It was agreed that the General Assembly could
take up any matter considered important to the members, but that when the Security Council
was seized with an issue, the Assembly would refrain from taking up the matter. The
competency of the regional organisations, in relation to the UN, to resolve the local issue
regionally was also agreed upon. Importantly, it was eventually agreed that the General
Assembly would have power over the budget.
Trusteeship:
On the issue of trusteeship, the conference was wholly divided. Arab delegations were
concerned about the status of Syria and Lebanon, which had been invited to participate in
San Francisco. Both countries had been League of Nations mandates of France before the
war. But with the occupation of France by the Nazis, both the countries considered
themselves independent. France reacted against the proposal.
Ultimately, a compromise was reached and a Trusteeship Council was created as a major
organ of the UN. It was also agreed that “independence”, interchangeable with “self-
government” or self-determination”, was included as a goal for the trust territories.
Self-Defence:
Another issue that launched a heated debate was the issue of self-defence. However, the
issue was also agreed upon that the states would have right to self-defence if an armed attack
occurs.
The Veto Debate:
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The principle that there should be a veto was settled at Yalta, but the issue opened up again
in San Francisco. The controversy was surrounded not only on veto power of the five super
powers, but also on the lack of clarity concerning the application of the veto in specific
situations. However, the US tried to avoid discussion on the application of veto decision.
The Soviet Union was very outspoken on the veto and insisted the discussion that covers
veto as well. Thus, the veto became the serious issue that divided the big five. Finally, they
agreed upon a consensus on their right of veto and its mode of application.
On the issue of the veto, Arab delegations accepted the great powers’ need for a veto in the
Security Council. The smaller countries were generally opposed to the veto. But the major
powers unanimously declared that without the veto there would be no charter. The smaller
countries, however, succumbed to the pressure. In the final vote on the veto, 33 nations
supported it, 2 (Cuba and Colombia) voted against it, and 15 countries chose to abstain.
The Role of the Secretary-General:
In San Francisco, the role of Secretary-General of the UN was considered primarily an
administrative position. There were number of proposals discussed on the mode of elections
of the Secretary-General. It was finally settled that the General Assembly would elect the
Secretary-General. The position was generally considered as a bureaucratic function.
Nevertheless, the Secretary-General was given the power under Article 99 of the Charter to
bring an issue to the attention of the Security Council, thus adding a political competence to
the office. Today the nature of the position as global leader has evolved well beyond the
original intent.
The Use of Force:
Clearly the founders of the UN intended for the Organisation to be able to use force to deter
aggression. This was carefully delineated in Chapter VII of the Charter, specifically in
Article 42.
Human Rights:
The Holocaust and the contempt for human rights demonstrated by the Nazi regime were
fresh in the memory of the global community that gathered in San Francisco. Human rights
were considered important, but the Charter was primarily focussed on collective action
against the aggressor than dealing with individual suffering. The issue of the enforcement of
respect for human rights was beyond the scope of the conference but most paid the moral
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homage to the concept. The Latin American delegations and some forty groups representing
professional, labour, business, religious, and women’s organisation strongly lobbied for the
inclusion of human rights at San Francisco. Ultimately, provisions for a human rights
commission were written into the Charter.
Although the San Francisco conference declared the Economic and Social Council as the
major organ to enlarge the economic and social activities of the UN, but its activities have
been reviewed and closely scrutinised by the General Assembly.
International Court of Justice:
A decision to establish a new Court was made before the San Francisco conference
convened. However, the statute of the Court was adopted in San Francisco as a part of the
Charter. The new statute was nearly identical to that of the Permanent Court of International
Justice. Nevertheless, the International Court of Justice was incorporated into the United
Nations as a major organ rather than having an independent status as in League days.
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Q. 2 Give your comment on the veto power of the major powers in Security Council.
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