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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Pseudepigraphic writings 1 Hippocrates : edited and translated with an

introduction by Wesley D. Smith.
p. cm. - (Studies in ancient medicine : v. 2.)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Contents: Letters-Embassy-Speech from the altar-Decree.
ISBN 9004092900 (cloth)
l. Hippocrates-Spurious and doubtful works. 2. Medicine, Greek
and Roman. !. Hippocrates. II . Smith, Wesley D. , 1930-
III. Series.
R126.H7A1 1990
610' .938-dc20 90-42993
CIP

ISBN 90 04 09290 O

© Copyright 1990 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, The Nelher/ands

All rights reserved. No parl oJ this book may be reproduced or
lrans/ated in any form, by prinl, photoprinl, microfilm, microfiche
or any other means wilhout wrillen permission from the publisher

PRINTED IN THE NETHt:RLANDS

 CONrENTS

Preface............................................................................................ IX
Abbreviations.................................................................................... x
Introduction........................... ..... ............... ....................................... 1
Speeches, Decree............................................................................ 2
The Speeches and Medica! History..................................................... 6
Persian Letters....... ........ ... ... ..... .................... ........................ .... ... .. 18
The Democritus Letters................................................................... 20
Miscellaneous Letters............... ........... .......................................... .. 32
Manuscripts ................ ..., ............................................................... 35
Dialect. ...................... ................................................................... 43
. Editions............... ........................ ..................................... ............ 45
Sigla............................................................................................ 46
ETIIITOAAI IIPE:EBEYTIKm: ETIIBQMim: AOfMA 1-27................... .... 47
Bibliography ..................................................................................... 127
Index................................................... ............................................ 131
 PREFACE

This is the frrst full scholarly text of the Pseudepigrapha since Littré' s edition
of 1861 and the frrst English translation ever to be published. I have utilized the
texts of the papyrus manuscripts of the letters and have developed a new
assessment of the epistolographic manuscript tradition and made a new collation
of all important manuscripts.
These are important writings, though they have been neglected for various
reasons. They are not what they pretend to be, and the mentality they express is
different from a modero one. Far from answering the questions moderos have
wanted answered, the Pseudepigrapha have appeared to confuse the subject. The
ancients did not know precise!y what Hippocrates wrote nor details of his life any
more than we, but like us they were curious to understand by what miracle the
peculiarly Greek, disciplined, mtional, progressive medica! profession had
developed. They answered their questions not as moderos have, with theories
about schools and scientific method, but with narmtives, stories that embodied
their best thoughts (or instincts) about human personality and historical process.
Sometimes one feels that their "best thoughts" are none too good, but not seldom
they seem at least as good as more impressively phmsed modero insights. In any
case, these pseudepigraphic writings are what survived by whatever series of
accidents. They were attached to the writings collected under Hippocmtes' name
and developed their own history as texts.
In the many years that 1 have worked on these writings 1 have benefitted from
assistance by many people and institutions. My early work on the manuscripts
was supported by a grant from the National Library of Medicine. 1 enjoyed the
hospitality and assistance of the libmry of the Wellcome lnstitute for the History
of Medicine, and have received much help from the libmry of the University of
Pennsylvania. 1 completed prepamtion of the book in London, Ontario, enjoying
the hospitality of the Jason A. Hannah Institute. I received much helpful
criticisni from my London seminar colleagues, Paul Potter, Beate Gundert and
Maury Hanson, and this is a better book for it. Phillip De Lacy read an early
dmft, John Graham, Ann Hanson, and John Scarborough read it all. I have used
many of their corrections and suggestions. Karen Faulkner, my wife, has made
critical corrections and improvements at every stage. The Humanities Computing
Center at the University of Pennsylvania, and Jay Treat's instruction, made my
composing the book possible. For the basic editing I used the Ibycus computer
system created by David Packard, and in this I received much help from Roben
Kraft and Jack Ahercrombie. The book was finally composed by me on the
Macintosh using Kadmos fonts, a process that gives a satisfying degree of
control, and also malees me peculiarly responsible for !hose mistakes that remain.
 ABBREVIATIONS IN1RODUCTION

Systematic Greek attempts to reconstruct the early history of medicine began in

AJP American Journal of Philology. the Hellenistic period after the anonymous remains of early medical works had
AM Athenische Mitteilungen been collected under the name of Hippocrates in the Alexandrian Library, and after
BCH Bulletin de Co"espondance Hellenique. the profession had divided iÍlto sects, aipécrnc;, which held distinct doctrines
BHM Bulletin of the History of Medicine. about methodology in medicine. Medical people who wrote histories were apt to
CMG Corpus Medicorum Graecorum. project backward onto the ear1y period the disputes in which they were engaged, to
D-K. H. Diels, W.Kranz, Die fragmente der Vorsokratiker. 10th ed., emphasize epistemology and methods of inference, and to try to demonstrate that
1961. they themselves were the logical end of medicine's development 1 But medicine
F. Gr. Hist. Felix Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. 1923-.
Rudolf Herzog, Heilige Gesetze von Kos. 1928. was of interest to other parts ·of the populace also, as a cultural phenomenon. It
H-G
HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. was an expression of Greek genius and Greek ethics, of Greek discipline's
Kühn Carl G. Kühn, Claudü Galeni opera omnia, 1821-30. conquest over disorder, and it was proof of the superiority of mind and will to
Littré Emil Littré, Oeuvres completes d' Hippocrate.,l839-1861. physical forces, and of humaneness to indifference. The subject matter of
NGG Nachrichten d. Gottingen Gesellschaft, Phil-Hist. Klasse. medicine is pain, difficult breathing, vomiting, urine and bowel movements,
N.H. Naturalis Historia. mixtures of honey and barley broth and acrid herbs, sweat, reduced diet,
OCD Oxford Classical Dictionary, 2nd ed., ed., N.GL. Hammond, and menstruation and lochial flows, and other undignified things unfit for literature.
H.H. Scullard. Oxford: 1970 Yet potentially medicine's effects are as great as battles won and cities conquered.
P-H W. R. Paton andE. L. Hicks, The Inscriptions of Cos, 1891. Because of its crucial effects on human lives it offered scope for mystification and
RE Paulys Real-Encyclopiidie der classischen Altertwns- for self-enrichment of the practitioners. And because the power of medicine to
wissenschaft, Neue bearbeitung herausgeben von Georg
make a difference in most cases was ambiguous, it gave rise to popular humor
Wissowa 1894 ff.
REA Revue des Études Anciennes. about medical quibbling, obfuscation, murderousness, and greed.
REG Revue des Études grecques. Thoughtful popular literature about the nature of the profession took the form
Ser. min. Claudii Galeni Pergameni scripta minora, vols. 1-3, ed. J. of imaginative historical dramatization such as we have in the Hippocratic Letters
Marquardt, l. Müller, and G. Helmreich, 1884-93. and speeches, which tum the profession into a personality that experiences
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. problems and triumphs.2 The form was congenial to the Greeks, who used it often
SIG Wm. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum3 , 1920. to fill the place of literary and social commentary and historical analysis. Both
S-W Susan M. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos, 1978. the epistolary genre and the imaginative speech put into a historical setting were
ZPE Zeitschriftfür Papyrologie und Epigrafik. much used for propaganda for and against their subjects. So it is no surprise that
Hippocratic pseudepigrapha were written. It is disappointing that they are
virtually all that we have, that there are not even poor historical accounts to give
us clues about the !eality that the pseudepigrapha pretend to portray. And the
very meagemess of the pseudepigrapha suggests that they are largely based on airy
fancies, unlike sorne pseudepigraphic collections that exploit richer historical
material contemporarY with their subjects.3

1 See W. D. Smith, "Notes on Ancient Medica! Historiography." BHM 63 (1989) 73-109.

2 In the Corpus Hippocraticum we have semi-professional rhetorical defenses of medicine from
charges of intellectual emptiness and lack of success, of which the best example is lt. 'tÉXV11S. On
the Science.
3 The Letters of Themistocles, Plato, and the Minor Socratics are rich, for example, to the
extent that they exploit good material, much of which remains to us. The letters of Heraclitus are
even thinner than the Hippocratic letters, presumably for lack of source material.
2 IDPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
But these meager writings were influential. They became the standard picture
of the father of medicine, whether by codifying already current stories oc creating
them. While probably people would not have asserted their literal accuracy, their
substance was alluded to as the real story of Hippocrates. They were not in
competition with other versions. Though there are minor discrepancies, the
picture given by the various "lives" of Hippocrates corresponds with the
pseudepigrapha. But the letters and speeches themselves are a miscellaneous lot
which appears to have grown by accretion, the later additions expanding and
interpreting themes from previous periods.
We read them, therefore, as literary interpretations of medicine's history and
status. We relate them, as best we can, to the period of their composition and
identify the influences behind them and the concems that shaped them. The
speeches and L>ecree seem to be the earliest
Speeches,L>ecree
Presbeutikos
Thessalos' ambassadorial speech is a literary exercise in persuasive rhetoric.
While offering variations on the formula "Unaccustomed as I am to public
speaking," the speaker repeatedly draws attention to the structure and style of his
speech. He points to the parts of the speech as it proceeds, and notes that bis
style is appropriate to his subject matter. He carefully uses the standard devices
to gain the audience 's respect and approval, being very clear about the good and
bad, and addressing the audience's self-interest He pays close attention to the
nature of proof at each stage, including the aitiae, the substantial proofs of the
truth of bis story in the Delphian inscriptions and the Athenian gifts and crowns.
He carefully marks introduction, narrative, argument and conclusion. He uses but
does not overuse the rhetorical figures. The speaker plays with sounds, uses the
figura etymologica frequently at the opening of sections, and tlrroughout varíes
the length of his sentences. The speech has a nice formal shape which he
announces at the beginning, consisting of the narration of four euepyecr Ía.t, the
benefits or good deeds, done by the people of Cos and Hippocrates' family.
The "eldest" story, told "mythologically," as the author says, succeeds in
evoking the tone of epic, or of the tales of Herodotus: a mysterious oracle brings
Fawn and Gold from Costo Delphi, and the water supply of the besieged town is
discovered by the general' s wallowing horse. The story reads like a tale told by
Coans to fit one of their leading families, which has a Thessalian connection,
into early Greek history. It is noteworthy that Pausanias (10.37.6-7) tells a
different story of the Amphictyonic war, one which he presumably heard at
INTRODUCTION 3
Delphi. According to him, Solon was summoned from Athens by the
Amphictyons for help in the siege, and he poisoned the water of the besieged
town, Crisa, with hellebore and thus brought down the guards with severe
diarrhea. In Pausanias' story, Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, is the Amphictyonic
general, while in the Presbeutikos the general is Eurylochus, a Thessalian of
Heraclid descent. The importance of Thessaly in the Presbeutikos is further
shown by its appearance in the later tale of the plague: Hippocrates is resident in
Thessaly when he is summoned by the northem barbarians, and from Thessaly he
sends bis sons, son-in-law, and himself to spread the medica! advice that will
avoid the plague. The Epibomios, of course, is spoken in Thessaly.
The second tale, about Cos's self-sacrificing resistance to the Persians and
Cadmus's efforts to keep the Sicilians from joining the Persian side, again reads
like a corrective, Coan, version of the history of the period involved. It corrects
Herodotus by describing resistance to Artemisia on the island itself.4 It also gives
a different version of the role of Cadmus from that given by Herodotus.
Herodotus says that Cadmus was the agent of Gelon, sent to Delphi to treat with
Xerxes if the Persians won (7.163-4), but the author of the Presbeutikos makes
Cadmus a panhellenic patriot whose purpose was to keep Sicily on the side of the
Greeks. The section on Cadmus seems rather lame in comparison to the earlier
vivid description of the islanders' sufferings: Cadmus, the speaker says, did many
fme things which he has not time to recall. The third tale, that of the plague,
appears to be a history· made up by the author of the Presbeutikos himself,
though it could actually be a traditional story on Cos. It does not appear to be
based on a historical event like the other three tales, not even a minor event
highly exaggeraied. While one assumes that the author knew about the Athenian
plague and knew Thucydides' description of it, the substance of this story of
intemational medica! intrigue is a new departure, not based on serious historical
accounts or medical texts. In later times, possibly inspired by the fantasy
expressed in this work, the story developed that Hippocrates had cured, or helped
to cure, the Athenian plague by purifying the air with frre. 5 But the story told
here of a plague threatening from the north, presumably because it had no
historical support, was virtually ignored in later times, appearing only in Pliny. 6
And the notion of mass prophylaxis against plague by dietary instructions, which
the Presbeutikos proposes, is otherwise unexampled, though of course it is an
adaptation of the standard dietetic advice that one should counteract the effects of
the seasons by ordering one's regimen. The Presbeutikos envisions the plague as
4 One would infer from Herodollls that Cos acted like the neigltboring islands and contributed to
Xerxes' fleet (HdL 7.47: All the islands sent earth and water to the Penian king; 7.99: Artemisia
led Coans among othen.). That Coans did join the fleet may be what the Presbewtilcos intends to
say by mentioning the "bitter bargain," too bitter to talk abouL Below, page 116.
S Jody Rubin Pinault, "How Hippocrates cured the Plague," J. Hist. Med. and Allied Sciences 41
(1986) 52-75.
6 Pliny, Naturalis Historia 7.37 for the plague from the north, 36.79 for the statement that
Ernpedocles and Hippocrates used fire for certain epidemic conditions.
 r
1
4 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
coming from the northwest, visiting frrst the lliyrians and Paeonians, who are
classed as barbarían enemies of Greeks, and Greeks include Macedonians. The
political alignment thus imagined may well have been inspired by the activities
of Philip ll of Macedon, who conquered the Paeonians and ffiyrians in 359-8 B.
C., and brought them under Macedonian influence.7 The clase attachment of
Hippocrates' family to Thessaly which this tale employs may well be based on
family rather than political history, and we need not try on the basis of it to relate
the composition to a time of specially clase relations between Thessaly and Cos,
such as may be suggested by inscriptions from the mid-third century B. C. 8
The final tale is Thessalos' claim that he went to Sicily with the Athenian
expedition of 415-13. The imagined events are not impossible historically. This
tale reads as though it is based on the narrative of Thucydides, but the author does
not provide any convincing details to disarm our disbelief, while he lamely has
Thessalos claim that there are great numbers of things that he could say.
Thessalos says only that the task that he undertook involved misery and self-
sacrifice, took three years, and was acknowledged by the gift of l!- golden crown
from the Athenian people. Similar lack of detail keeps the dramatic date and occa-
sion of the speech obscure, although the statement that the speech is being
delivered nine years after the aborted plague sourids explicit enough. Thessalos,
after retuming to Cos to marry, presumably around 413, when the Sicilian
expedition ended, is at the dramatic date of the speech back again in Athens
pleading that the Athenians not enslave Cos, and he threatens that Cos will get
the aid of Thessalians, Argives, Spartans and Macedonians. The list of potential
Coan allies is based on the Heraclid descent claimed by the aristocracies, and not
necessarily related to any historical moment
Speech from the Altar, De cree
The briefer, related pieces, the Epibomios and the Athenian De cree, envision
closely related situations. The Epibomios appears to be spoken by Hippocrates
in Thessaly (no city is specified)'after the Athenians have disregarded Thessalos'
pleas. In language drawn from the other speech, Hippocrates is made to say that
the Athenians have "put Cos in the portian of a slave" (page 109 below). The
Epibomios is, therefore, the appeal to the Thessalians on the basis of Heraclid
ties that Thessalos threatens in the Presbeutikos. Ludwig Edelstein argues,
mistakenly, I think, that the Epibomios is written as though Hippocrates is a
stranger in Thessaly, visiting for the frrst time.9 In fact Hippocrates says that he
is well known there and that his name has travelled even farther than his body. It
is a courtesy to readers that he does not repeat the whole substance of the
7 Account in Diodorus Siculus 16. 4.
8 Sherwin Wbite, A11ci•1t1 Cos, 109-110
9 RE Suppl. 6, 1298.
INIRODUCTION 5
Presbeutikos to illustrate his claims. Only here are the obscure figures Rhoia,
Anius and Sunius mentioned in the pseudepigrapha (below, page 109), and their
relevance is not obvious. Sunius, who does not otherwise figure in extant
versions of the myth, and who appears in the accusative, Sunium, may be the
ancestral connection the author is stretching for: the name of a part of Attica
proves old ties with Asclepius' father Apollo. Such abstruseness is not out of
place in this turgid, brief speech.
The Athenian Decree also seems to derive from the Presbeutikos. It fulfills the
Presbeutikos' statement that the Athenians voted Hippocrates a golden crown and
initiation into the mysteries in recognition of his services in preserving them
from the plague. The Decree goes beyond the Presbeutikos in saying that
Hippocrates published his writings in arder to create more physicians, 10 and that
he resisted the Persian King. In its list of honors, the De cree goes beyond the
Presbeutikos by granting to Hippocrates perpetua! dinners in the Prytaneum, and
by granting Coan citizens the right to participate in the Athenian ephebeia.
Absence of reference to Thessalos' service to the army in Sicily is of no
significance because the dramatic date of the De cree precedes it
Jody Rubin Pinault has described the formal similarity of this to actual
honorary decrees, and· of the gifts to Hippocrates to the ones the decrees list.U
Her analysis of the form inclines toward judging the Decree as somewhat late
insofar as it reflects the style of extant Athenian decrees of the ihird century and
la ter. I think that we can add other evidence as well. The De ere e ' s
acknowledgment of the Hippocratic Corpus might appear insignificant, but it is
not. It draws our attention to the fact that the celebrations of Hippocrates and his
family in the Presbeutikos and Epibomios show no consciousness of the Corpus.
Whoever wrote the Decree, though he was probably unaware that his point of
view represents such a change, has in his mind an image of Hippocrates which is
shaped by a body of medicalliterature. Furthermore, the writer of the De cree has
the Persian letters in his consciousness. The inclusion of the Persian king in the
Decree implies the existence of a coherent story on that subject; that is, it refers
to at least sorne version of letters 3-6. The Decree's phrase "common enemy of
the Greeks" seems to reflect the actual phrasing of letter 5. No other compelling
verbal similarity argues knowledge of the letters in the form ihat we have them.
In sum, the Presbeutikos and the slightly later Epibomios appear to be the
earliest documents of the pseudepigrapha, and to be closely tied to Coan-
Thessalian relations of sorne kind, though perhaps only of Hippocrates' family,
10 In
the Duree, it is stated that, besides making public the precautions which his students are
lo publish abroad, Hippocrates .published his treatises beca use he wanted to bring more
physicians into existence: lif: 'ICO.i. acpeóvro<; !tEpi.
ultáPXEW In lhe Presbeutikos it is
said only that he wrote down the cure and pusted it publicly in the various cities: xai.
eEff1tEÍ11Y !tEpi.
1 Jody Rubin, Bio¡iraphical Fictio11 in IM Lives of Hippocrat•s, diss., University of Penna'.
1983, pp. 110-111.
6 IDPPOCRATES' LETIERS, ETC.
and to reflect the aura of Athens' past. The Decree is later, Athens oriented, and
acknowledges the Corpus Hippocraticwn and the Persian story.
The Speeches and Medical History
In trying to relate the speeches to the Hippocratic Corpus and to ancient
medical history, we are trying to relate a number of unknowns to one another.
The nature of medical training and medical practice at any particular time is
difficu1t to establish, in the early period most of all; the formation of the Corpus
and its relation to medical practice is a matter of much dispute and conjecture; and
the history of Cos is at best shadowy. I begin with the relation of the speeches
to the Hippocratic Corpus. The two speeches, the Presbeutikos and Epibomios,
are listed by Erotian as pan of the Hippocratic Corpus, arnong the works that
relate to the science: Oath, Law, On the Art, On Ancient Medicine; but he
distinguishes the speeches from the rest with the remark that they show
Hippocrates more as a patriot than as a physician. Erotian's work
is based on a series of collections of Glossae, dictionaries of rare and interesting
words in the Corpus, that had begun in Alexandria where the Hippocratic collect-
ion likely carne into being, and so Erotian's testimony probably testifies to the
existence of these two speeches in Alexandria, possibly in the last quarter of the
third century B.C.12 It also indicates that the speeches were transmitted with the
medica) works, and conversely, because the letters are not mentioned in Erotian's
discussion, we may suspect that, whatever their date of composition, the Ietters
were added to the collection of medical works at a time later than the two
speeches. My reasoning here perhaps requires defense, since Herzog's assertion
the Presbeutikos, · Epibomios, and De cree must have a:ppeared in an
Alexandrian catalogue has rightly been dismissed as mistaken. 13 Despite the
meagerness of our knowledge of the early glossographies, we do know from
Erotian's discussion of his predecessors that the tradition was continuous
beginning from Bacchius, and it looks as though Erotian had direct access to
Bacchius' Glossae in the composition of his own work. Erotian rejects Pro"hetic
2 as spurious, for reasons that he does not state, but mentions no other spurious
works. It is likely that his rejection of Prorrhetic 2 is based on the work's
arnbiguous status in the tradition. While he says of the Presbeutikos and
12 Por the dating of the various glossographers see Max Wellmann, Hippo/cratesglossare,
Quellen lUid Studien zur Geschichte tkr Naturwissenschaften lUid tkr Medizin 2 (1931). We have
no direct evidence for Bacchius' glosses on the Presbelllilcos and Epibomios, but it is only
fortuitous when Erotian specifically quotes Bacchius' gloss of any word along with subsequent
glossograpbers' criticisms of Bacchius.
13 Edelstein, RE Sup. 6, 1305, 1-10. There is no evidence for an Alexandrian catalogue listing
medical worlcs.
INTRODUCTION 7
Epibomios that they are not properly medical works, he indicates no suspicion of
them. One may suspect that if he had grounds for rejecting them, such as their
absence from Bacchius' Glossae, he would have done so.14
It does not seem to me possible to find a precise moment in time at which to
place the composition of the Presbeutikos according to the view of Greece it
shows. As 1 suggested above, its version of Greek political alignment, the status
of Macedonians, Paeonians and lliyrians, suggests a time after the mid-fourth
century. One cannot even exclude, probably, the periods when Athens was
helpless and not imperial, because the memory of Athens' greatness in
Hippocrates' time, and the memory of the moral problems associated with her
empires were adequately preserved in Iiterature. The Presbeutikos is not pro-
paganda aimed at influencing great states, but is rather an attempt by a family
from a minor state to place itself in history. It dramatizes Cos as an innocent
victim with a history of political neutrality, reminiscent of Melos in Thucydides
(5.84-114). It is credible, then, that the two speeches were composed between
350 and 250 B.C.
The two speeches arrived in Alexandria and became pan of the Corpus
Hippocraticum With the anonymous medical works that were assembled under
Hippocrates' narne. It remains a mystery how and over what period of time the
Corpus itself, so heterogeneous and of diverse qualities and points of view, carne
into being. The nearest thing to an explanation that we have is an account
written at the library in Alexandria: Zeuxis, an early second century B.CY
commentator on works of the Corpus said that medica! works on ships coming
into Alexandria were seized and copied and stacked in a room or rooms for later
incorporation into the Library.
And, they say, the Ptolemy who was then king of Egypt becarne so
greedy for books that he ordered that the books of everyone who arrived
by ship be brought to him. After he had them copied on new paper he
gave the copies to the owners of the books that had been brought to him
on the debarkation, and deposited the conftscated books in the library with
the inscription "Of those from the ships."
Shortly later he says,
14 Por further discussion see W. D. Smith, The Hippocratic Tradition, 199·204. When I wrote
that, I was uncertain whether the Presbewtilcos and Epibomios were in the original collection in
Alexandria. I am now convinced that they must have been.
!.5 There has been some discussion of Zeuxis' date. Karl Deichgriiber, Die
Empiri/cerschule, 2nd. ed. (Berlin: 1965) 263, placed him in the first century, but that has been
corrected by Pridolf Kudlien, RE II.19 (1972), cols. 386-7, and Jutta Kollesch, Der Kleine Pauly 5
(1975) 1527.
8 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
r INfRODUCIION
The king's agents inscribed the names of all the travelers on the books
that were put in storage, because they did not take the books straight to
the library, but stored them in houses in heaps. 16
The medica! works collected into the Corpus are stubbomly anonymous,
giving few hints about the histories of the authors or the circumstances of
composition. 17 The two speeches, it appears, provided the only biography and
history transmitted with the collection. lt is a compelling possibility that these
tales of Hippocrates, when added to the anonymous medical works, had the effect
of identifying the whole as the writings of Hippocrates. The Hippocratic Corpus
was frrst edited in the frrst century A.D. by Dioscurides and Capiton, who were
the frrst to do extensive Echtheitskritik on the collection. It was obvious to them
that the works were not all by one author, but they had no information about
their sources. As so often in Greek historical and literary scholarship, the
reasonable solution, in the absence of evidence, was put forth as the true one.
Their imaginative solution was to use the story about Hippocrates' family and
Coan medica! succession to conjecture authors for the works in the collection
which they could not credit to Hippocrates. They conjectured that the surgical
works were early, before the time of the Great Hippocrates, that the "best and
most useful" works were by Hippocrates, and that Hippocrates' sons acted as bis
literary executors after bis death and interpolated sorne passages. Further, works
were conjecturally attributed to the sons, son-in-law, and grandsons, who would
naturally bear the name Hippocrates. 18 Though they celebrate Cos and
Hippocrates' family, the two speeches themselves are silent about medica!
literature, a fact that makes good sense if they were composed before the
Hippocratic Corpus existed. The fact that they were in the Corpus accounts for
the authority their information exerted in interpretation of the Corpus.
16 cplÁÓ'tlJLOV 15t 1ttpt 1:ov (1:Ó)1:e 1:i;<; Ai"(Únou ll'toÁtJLaiov oÜ1:ro
yevécrBal cpacriv, Ól<; lCO:l 1:&v 1CO:'t0:1tÁEÓV'trov a1t<ÍV't(J)V 1:a lCEÁEÜO'O:l 1tpo<; O:U'tOV
lCO:l 'tO:Ü't' ti<; lCO:lVOU<; l<ÍP'to:<; yp<ÍljiO:V'tO: 15ll5óvm JLEV 'tU ypo:cpÉv'to: 'tOt<;
15tcr!tÓ'tO:l<;, O:.v 1CO:'t0:1tÁtucr<Ív'troV tJCOJLÍ0'8T]O'O:V o:i 1tpo<; O:U'tOV, ei<; 15t 'tU<;
1:u lCOJI.lO'BÉv'to:, JCo:t dvo:t ri)v au1:oi<; "T&v tlC
1tÁOÍrov " .... lCO:l 't&V iii.,}.rov a1t<ÍV't(J)V 1:&v 1CO:'t0:1tÁEÓV't(J)V QJI.O: tnÉypacpov Ot 'tOÜ
Ú1tT]pÉ'tO:l 1:0 OVOJLO: 'tOÍ:<; a1tO'tLBEJLÉVOL<; d<; 'tU<; a1to8f¡JCa<;. ou yup ti>Béro<;
(eiro8ecrav) EÍ<; 'tU<; au1:u cpÉptLV, aA.A.u 1tpÓ1:epov tv OtlCOl<; 'tLO'l
lCO'.'tO:'tiBtaBm aropT]I5Óv. Galen, Comm. Í1l Hipp . Epid. lll, ed. Emst Wenkebach, CMG V 10,
2.1, p. 79 (Kiihn 17A 606-7). In this passage Zenxis discusses a copy of Epitkmics 3 that was
aPfarently brought to Alexandria by Mnemon of Sidon.
7 Sometimes author's concems show through: !be author of Genera/ion/ Nature ofthe Child is
careful to cross-reference his other writings by title (cf. Iain Lonie, The Hippocratic Treatises 'On
Genera/ion', 'On the Nature of /he Child', 'Viseases IV' [Ars Medica Il7, Berlín: 1981] 51-52.
The author of Fractures 1Joints speaks of the sins of his colleagues (see, e.g., Limé 4.182-184),
and the author of Epid. 5 recoWtts his own mistakes (see. 5.27, Littré 5.226).
18 see The Hippocratic Tradition pp. 235-239.
9
It remains puzzling how it happened that it was not known precisely what the
Great Hippocrates had done and written, but yet bis fame was augmented by
stories like those in the pseudepigrapha. It does seem likely that there are in the
Corpus writings by Hippocrates, and other writings from Cos besides the two
speeches. It seems likely that the works that became the Hippocratic Corpus did
not arrive in Alexandria as Hippocratic writings, but became so there: nor did the
works arrive with their various authors known, but have that authorship stolen in
the Library. It is apparent, therefore, that the works arrived piecemeal, as in
Zeuxis' description, and that the Corpus does not represent the library of a Coan
school, at least nota library that was in order and transferred in an orderly fashion
like the texts of the tragedies from Athens. The works of the Corpus are therefore
simply anonymous pre-Alexandrian medica! works, and we can draw no direct
inferences from them about Cos in Hippocrates' lifetime. If the Corpus cannot
be invoked as the evidence for a flourishing scientific medica! school on Cos in
the Classical Period, we must inquire what is behind the stories of Hippocrates
and bis invention of medica! science, and try to separate those descriptions of
Hippocrates which are simply descriptions of the Corpus Hippocraticum from
other, conceivably more substantial, evidence. One even has to ask, was there a
Coan school?
The existence in a later period of sorne sort of formal state sponsorship of
physicians on Cos is indicated by epigraphic dedications from states that had
requested physicians from Cos and who expressed gratitude for their services in
decrees, of which copies were erected on stones in the Coan Asclepieion. The
earliest of them is from the third century. 19 For the preceding period we have no
such evidence, and nothing of the kind is suggested by the Presbeutikos and
Epibomios. The traditional picture of the Coan medica! school has largely been
a projection backward of the situation in the second century B.C. and after. S usan
Sherwin White has made a very useful collection of the material from Cos,
including a list of personal names from inscriptions and elsewhere, and I shall
freely refer to her work. 20 However, she gives the outdated traditional description
of the old Coan school of Asclepiadae, an exclusive group defined by blood ties,
and she sprink:les her discussion with suggestive phrases: there was a "medica!
centre" on Cos, the Cnidian "local medical school had largely ceased to function
by the end of the fourth century" (which is when our clear evidence begins), and
so on.21 But the evidence that she herself gives seems to point in a different
direction: all the epigraphic documents we have from Cos indicate a broad and
open medica! profession, while control of the profession by the Asclepiadae is
nowhere evidenced. No physician is ever called an Asclepiad in an inscription.
19 A physician Hennias, who was honored by Cnossos and Gortyn, and the same man, perhaps,
al so by Halicarnassus. Susan M. Sherwin White, Ancient Cos (Gottingen: 1978) 267-8, and
Louis Cohn-Haft, The Public Physicians of Ancie11/ Greece (Northampton, Mass.: 1956) 66-7.
20 S usan Sherwin White, prev. note. Henceforth, S-W.
21 S-W 256-274. In her reconstruction of the early Coan school she generally follows P. M.
Fraser, Ptolemaic Ale:ran.dria, vol. 1, Oxford: 1972, 343-4.
10 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
r INTRODUCTION
The doctors of Cos are named as composite groups in two inscriptions, one of
which delineates their privileges ata sacrifice and the other of which concems
ritual purifications in the cult of Demeter.22 Physicians were sent officially by
the Coan ecclesia to states that requested them. Decrees honoring such physicians
were erected on Cos (at the Asclepieion, which is why we have so many),
thanking the physicians for dedicated service and for saving lives. Sherwin White
gives profiles of ten physicians of the third and second centuries who can be
identified from the inscriptional evidence. 23 One, at least, may be from
Hippocrates' family. A Hippocrates, son of Thessalos, who was a physician, was
honored by a foreign state (name not preserved) for bis good will and medical
service, around 200 B.C.24 In addition, a wealthy man named Hippocrates lent
money to the state of Calymnus in the mid-fourth century, anda Hippocrates, son
ofThessalos, contributed toa wartime collection of money around 200 B.C.25
The way Sherwin White puts it (262-3) is, "The koinon of Coan Asclepiadai
no longer provided the institutional framework of the Coan physicians." And
among the reasons she considers, "The introduction in Cos of the idea of payment
for teaching, which implied a widening of the traditionally family basis of the
medical profession, contributed in the end to undermine the continuance and
viability of a professional koinon the membership of which depended exclusive!y
upon descent." But we should recognize that there is no evidence for that ancient
status of the koinon of Asclepiads, from inscriptions or from the Presbeutikos,
our oldest literary source that touches on the subject. The notion of a koinon
which ran a school and controlled access to the profession was never held by
anyone in antiquity, but is a modero inference based on several things from
antiquity, of which the following seem tome to have contributed most
l. Lack of any early medical literature other than that attributed to
Hippocrates. This produced such statements as that Hippocrates
invented the science, or brought it to perfection from an inchoate
form, 26 that he was the frrst to write, that he separated medicine from
philosophy,27 etc.
2. The description of Hippocrates' family in the Presbeutikos, and the
prominence of the Asclepiadae.
3. The promises made by the oathtaker in the Hippocratic Oath: To
hold the teacher equal to his own parents and his children as brothers;
to teach his own sons, the teacher's sons, and pupils who have signed
the covenant, but no one else.28
22 H-G 1 (P-H37) and H-G 8, both in S-W p. 263.
23 S-W 266-270.
24 Text in Jost Benedum, "Griechische Artztinschriften," ZPE 25 (1977) 272-274.
25 S-W p. 269.
26 See
the Hippocratic Letter 2, and the Pseudo-Ga!enic lfltroductio, Kühn 14.674-676.
21 E.g., Celsus, De Proeme 8
28 Edelstein 's ana!ysis of the oath as a document from a small religious sect, Pythagorean
inf!uenced, has not gained universal acceptance, but no one now wou!d attribute the oath to
11
4. Galen's inferences from the above, and from his own peculiar version
of medical history, which claimed that Hippocrates knew everything,
including anatomy, at the very beginning. In his Anatomical
Procedures at the opening of Book 2, he conjectures why no
Anatomies were written befare Diocles in the fourth century. His
answer is that while medical education was in the family people
practiced dissection under parental instruction from childhood. But
when people outside the family were instructed in medicine as adults,
things changed, education became poorer. "Hence the Art, being no
longer exclusive to the Asclepiad family, was ever degenerating from
one generation to the next Thus, too, arase a demand for memoranda
to preserve knowledge."29 Galen's imaginary version is based on false
premises about Hippocrates' anatomical knowledge, and is his own
construct. But it has been taken as primary evidence about the Coan
schooL People cite it, and they do not cite anything else, because
there is nothing.
5. Plato, in the Protagoras (311-312b), says that Hippocrates teaches
for money. Modems have embellished that, and say that he introduced
the practice, was the first to do so. Sherwin White says that
Hippocrates' acceptance of money was a precedent, somehow inferring
it from Plato, though Plato says nothing of the sort 30
The works of the Corpus itself refute the notion of a restricted gentilitial
practice, because the authors refer to other physicians whose theories and practice
they disapprove, and give the impression of a broad and open profession, and it is
clear that, since there were no legal restrictions on the practice of medicine, even a
family swom to secrecy could not have kept medical practice to itself. It is worth
noticing that there was another interpretation of the early medica! craft which had
a vague in antiquity and early modem times, also based on the word Asclepiad:
Asclepiad was interpreted as priest of Asclepius, and it was imagined that the
Asclepiads practiced medicine at the temples, and that scientific medicine
developed out of priestly medicine practiced in the temples. A story based on
these ideas said that Hippocrates got his methods of treatment from copying the
dedications in the temple of Asclepius which told of the god' s procedures.31 What
these interpretations real!y tell us is that the situation in the craft of medicine in
the period befare the assembly of the Hippocratic Corpus was a mystery because
there were no writings about it, and the Corpus was of little help in creating
reliable history.
Hippocrates or say that it represents the genera!ity of the medica! profession, on Cos or
elsewhere. Ludwig Edelstein, Tire Hippocratic Oath, BHM Suppl. 1 (1943), rep. in Ancie111
Medici11e , , ed. by O. Temkin and C.. L. Temkin, Baltimore: 1967, 3-63. Cf., e.g., Fridolf
Kudlien, "Medica! Ethics and Popular Ethics," Clio Medica 5 (1970) 107-111.
29 Anal. Admi11., Kühn 2.280-281. Trans. Charles Singer, Gale11 on AMtomical Procedures,
London: 1956, p. 31.
30 S-W. p. 261.
31 Pliny, N. H . 29.2, Strabo, 657 = XIV.l9.
12 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC. INTRODUCTION 13

It will be useful to look at historical information we have for comparison with

the Presbeutikos and Epibomios. No contemporary writings from Cos are H ippocrates as known in EvenJs in Cos
preserved, and our knowledge of Coan history is sketchy. In the absence of local Athens, Ale;candria, Rome
Coan histories, we depend on inscriptions and on occasional mentions in ancient 400
historical sources.32 In the latter part of the flfth century, Cos was a part of the Cos allied with Athens, 430-405,
Athenian Empire, paying money into the empire's treasury at Athens and subject and 380-330, with considerable gaps.
to the vicissitudes of the war between Athens and Sparta and also to the Hippocrates' method is described
machinations of the Persian king and his satrap who was in charge of Caria, the by Plato (Phaedrus).
area of modem Turkey opposite Cos. In the years approaching the drarnatic date
of the Presbeutikos and Epibomios, Cos suffered a number of upheavals. In 412, Aristotle speaks of Hippocrates 366 Synoecism of the island,
Meropid Cos, a city probably in the northeastem part of the .island, which had the great, and elsewhere mentions establishment of Cos city.
recently been devastated by an earthquake that Thucydides (8.41.2) calls "the a Coan oligarchic revolution
largest in our memory," was sacked by the Spartan general Astyochus. In 411, (Politics 1304 b, 1326a) 353 Artemisia, (widow of Mausolus)
Alcibiades, on behalf of the Athenians, built fortifications there and put an 346 Demosthenes says Cos under rules Cos from Caria. Her head
Athenian govemor in place. We lack details of Cos's position in the following Carian control (5.25) on Coan coins (?)34
years, which include the date at which the Presbeutikos is set, but after the Menon's medica! doxography 332 Cos taken by generals of
Athenian defeat in 405, Cos apparently became allied with Sparta, and in 394 was features Hippocrates. Alexander the Great. Critodemus,
detached from Sparta by the fleet of the Athenian Conon and the Persian satrap 310 Hippocrates, son of Draco, an Asclepiad, Alexander's
Phamabazus. Cos must have made sorne accommodations with the new Athenian physician to Roxane, killed physician (Arrian, Anab. 6.11.1)
Confederacy in the Aegean in 377, though it does not appear in the Iist of the along with her.
confederacy's members. In 366, possibly following civil strife on Cos, the 315-190 Cos in close relations with
whole island was organized into a single govemmental unit with its seat on the Ptolemaic Egypt
northeast coast in the city of Cos. The change probably involved a considerable 300
removal of population and activity to the new city from Astypalaea at the other Praxagoras of Cos, teacher of ca. 300 Monument at Delphi
end of the island, the place that we might imagine was where Hippocrates was Herophilus, an ASclepiad, put up by the koinon of
bom, but from which there are few material remains. 33 In 357 Cos joined the fl. ca. 300. Asclepiadae of Cos and Cnidos.
ruler of Caria, Mausolus, along with Rhodes, Chios and Byzantium, in war 300-250 Building of the
against Athens. After Mausolus' death his wife Artemisía assrimed his position. 300-200, The Alexandrian Asclepieion on Cos.
During Alexander's conquests Cos was liberated from Carian control by Library was established and the ca. 250 Coans establish relations
Macedonian forces in 332, and after the division of Alexander's empire was Hippocratic Collection made. with the Thessalian koinon.35
associated with the Ptolemies until after 200, from which time ít was tied to 250-200, Xenocritus of Cos, fust 242 Asclepieia festival initiated
Rome. Beginning about 300, the Asclepieion outside the city of Cos was made glossographer of the Hippocratic as an intemational event
an irnportant shrine, and an international festival, to be celebrated each five years, Corpus, followed by the Glossae
was established there in 242. One would assume that the Asclepiad clan was ofBacchios
instrumental in caring for it and promoting it The information is not full, but at 200
least we can get a sense of a continuity. 200 Hippocrates, son of Thessalos,
praised on a Coan monument.

32 Intriguing evidence has come to light about a local Coan Epic, Meropis, of the late sixth
cenrury. It appears to have narrated Heracles' visit to Cos and bis banle with the Meropids. See
Ludwig Koenen and Reinhold Merkelbach, • Apollodoros 9eéilv ), Epicharrn und die
Meropis," in Collectanea Papyro/ogica, ed. Ann Ellis Hanson, part 1 (Bonn: 1976) 1-26.
33 G. E. Bean and l. M. Coolc, "A Wallcing Tour,"" Annwal of IM British School al AtMns 52
(1957) 119-127.
34 See the account of this dispute, S·W 76 n. 241.
35 Inscription published by M. Segre. Riv. Philol. N.S. 12 (1934) 169-193. The occasion of
the decree seems to be that the Coans have established an arrangement for the importation of
grain from Thessaly, and are grateful for Thessalian concessions.
14 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC. INTRODUCTION 15

After 200 Cos becornes dependent on ÚEV, Óp.ÓOa.v'ta XP'Í)0- must do so only after
Rorne, but is a civitas libera. 9at ep.ev 'AoJCAan[ui1- swearing that he is an
Asclepius on Coan coins. oac; JC(l'ttt avopo[yév 1- 10 Asclepiad by the male
100 EtaV •••.Q\ - line ...... .
Apollonius admires "rnost 01- - - -
divine Hippocrates." r- -
Cato deprecates Hippocrates' [Stone badly wom and
attitude to barbarians. Cos 's status of civitas libera abol- [lacuna] broken in this area]
ished under Caesar Augustus
IAD Oc; o[é 1ea notí\t naptt1 and he who acts contrary
53 A.D. Emperor Claudius grants 't<lU'ta, J.L(T¡ .p.EV au'tro1- 15 to these things should not
irnrnunity from taxation (facitus, t e\oo&>v i[ 1:0 J.L<X.V1- have access to the sanc-
Ann. 12.61). Xenophon of Cos, 'tEiov JCa9á.ne[p 'AoJC(A)1- tuary in the manner of the
Erotian rnentions the an Asclepiad, is Claudius' personal J.L110E, [ai 't]- Asclepiads, ami, if any
Presbeutikos and Epibomios. physician, and virtual ruler in Cos. t &Uo yépac; oíoo[1:1- other privilege is accorded
Scribonius Largus rnentions the Hippocrates on Coan coins. [a]t na- 20 Asclepiads by the Delphians,
Hippocratic Oath. [p10. J.LT¡ oíooo- he should not be given it if
100 [9]at, ai Jea p.T¡ not'Í)t JC- he does not act according
200 [a't]tt 'ttt yqpaJ.L(p.)Éva. to what has been written.
ca. 200, First scholarly edition
of the Hippocratic Corpus The stone is broken in the middle and the upper and lower pieces do not fit
together, and it is again broken at the bottom, though its top is intact. One
I return now to discussion of the status of the Asclepiads in relation to the cannot tell how much text is missing, but, since it is stoichedon, the number of
medical profession. Important to discussion of the subject has been a monument missing letters in the damaged lines is clear. The stone says, pretty clearly, that
that was set up at Delphi in the fourth century B.C by the koinon of the the Asclepiads' koinon had privileges at Delphi, and that they were closely
Asclepiads of Cos and Cnidos, on which is inscribed a copy of a decree passed by guarded. Perhaps the middle of the stone, which was wom away when it was
members of the koinon which defines its members as Asclepius' descendants in used as a paving block, told what the privileges accorded to the Asclepiads were,
the male line and speaks of their privileges at Delphi. Presented frrst by Jean and scholars have discussed the possibilities of promanteia and prothysia, the
Bousquet, it was republished by Franciszek Sokolowski in something like the right to go to the head of the line, and to be exempt from preliminary taxes, etc.
following form.3 6 Other decrees relating to koinons give them security from taxes or from being
drafted for military service in foreign states.37 The koinons were associations of
'AoJCA.amaoíi- The koinon of the various kinds, groups of worshippers, guilds of craftsmen, federations of states,
v 1:&t JCow&t Kónrov Coan and Cnidian groups of magistrates. 38 Koinons of Asclepiasts, worshippers of Asclepius,
Jéat.KvtOÍrov · 1:ov acp- Asclepiads decrees: functioned and left monuments in Athens, Colyphon, and elsewhere. Louis
ucvEÚJ.Levov 'AcrJCAa- any Asclepiad who Robert properly argued that there are no grounds for connecting Asclepiasts with
ntáOav i; 5 comes to Delphi, if the medical profession. 39 Similar conclusions apply to the koinon of Asclepiads
1:&t p.a- he wishes to consult that erected this stone. The stone shows that the Asiatic koinon of Asclepiads
V'tEÍrot x.pf1cr9at 9- the oracle or sacrifice,

37 A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, The Dramatic Festiva/s of AthtiiS (Oxford: 1953) 315-319

36Jean Bousquet, "Inscriptions de Delphes," BCH 80 (1956) 579-593. Franciszek Sokolowski,
Lois sacrées des cites grecqu¿s, Supplement (Paris: 1962) No. 42. It was published also in SEG
16.326, where the conjectural restorations are different in some particulars. See also Heinrich
Pomtow, "Delphische Neufunde, Ill. Hippokrates und die Asklepiaden in Delphi," Klio 15 (1918)
303-338.
presents such decrees relating to the koinon of artists of Dionysus.
38 Coan inscriptions include a decree by a guild of caterers, P-H 131, a guild of worshipers of
Zeus Hyetios, P-H 382, and the mention of the koinon of Asia which held games at Pergamum, P-
H 104.6.
39 Louis Robert, two articles entitled "Décret des Asclépiastes de Ko1ophon": REA 28 (1926)
7-9, and Revu¿ de Philologie Ser. 3., 8 (1934) 272-4.
16 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
had a special relationship with the Delphian sanctuary, and it is likely that
reciproca! privileges were extended at Asclepiad centers in Cos and Cnidos, the
best lmown of which is the Asclepieion on Cos. It seerns obvious that the
Asclepiads would have been involved in setting up and rnaintaining the
Asclepieion in Cos, as well as in prornoting the penta!teric international festival
and garnes that were held at the Asclepieion, and which were fully established in
the rnid-third century. It was always the policy of Delphi to rnaintain cordial
relations with noble farnilies. The Asclepiads of Rhodes clairned to have been the
early kings of Rhodes,40 while the Presbeutikos rnakes the same clairn for the
Asclepiads of Cos. It appears, then, that this docurnent is only indirectly related
to the history of medicine, but it does shed light on the Presbeutikos because it is
a record of the Asclepiads whorn the Presbeutikos celebrates. Bousquet was
inclined to think that the stone validated the Presbeutikos as a historical docurnent
by testifying to the reality of the renewal of ancient relations between Cos and
Delphi in Hippocrates' time, perhaps by Hippocrates hirnself.41 But that is not
what it shows: rather than showing that the rnyths of the Presbeutikos are all
true, the stone verifies only that the rnyths were told against a background of a
noble Asclepiad clan.
What of these Asclepiads and the rnedical profelision? At least frorn the time of
Hippocrates the narne Asclepiad is associated with the medica! profession.
Theognis and Euripides use Asclepiadae to mean rnedical rnen. They do not mean
Asclepius' sons, or rnernbers of the aristocratic farnily in Jonia, they mean
scientific rnedical rnen, as they conceived thern.42 Plato uses "Asclepiads" freely
to refer to physicians.43 Theopornpus, in an aside in his history, said that the
physicians of Cos and Cnidos were Asclepiads, descendants of Podaleirios, who
settled in Syrnos after the Trojan war.44 Plato, referring to Hippocrates, says,
"he of the Asclepiads" to rnake clear which Hippocrates he rneans. Specifications
of specific individuals as Asclepiads, however, come quite late in time, and are
rare. Arrían describes Critobulus, physician to Alexander of Macedon, as "a Coan
physician, ofthe Asclepiad farnily," when he reports that his sources disagree as
to whether Critobulus removed an arrow frorn Alexander, or whether it was done
by Perdiccas, Alexander's Galen, in different places, specifies that
Ctesias and Praxagoras were Asclepiads.46 However, no physician is ever called
an Asclepiad in inscriptions, whether tornbstones or honorary inscriptions, nor in
the literary epitaphs in the Greek Anthology, so far as I know, with one
40 Aelius Aristides, 11ept 568.30-32 (ed. Dindorl).
41 See the Presbeutikos p. 114, lines 31-35.
42Euripides, Alcestis, 968-70, Theognis 431-3.
43 E.g., Republic m, 405-406. Pla10 conlillsiS the rough and ready medicine of the original
sons of Asclepius with the degraded medicine of the Asclepiads of his own day.
44 F. Gr. Hist. 115 F103 (14), from Photius' summary of Theopompus. "He says that the
physicians of Cos and Cnidos are Asclepiads, and the earliest of them carne from Symos,
descendants of Podaleirius."
W'tpov Ki¡>ov, 'tO yi:vos 'tó>v Am<A'11ttá&í\v, Anabasis 6.11.1
46 10.28 Kiihn, Meth. med., and 18a.731 Kiihn, the commentary on JoinJs.
INTRODUCTION 17
exception that I have found, which in effect shows what could have been done,
and what we are rnissing. That is an epitaph frorn Phrygia of the 2nd century
A.D. (i.e., the period of Galen and Arrian), in which the dead rnan's farnily has
given hirn the title of Asclepiad, apparently because of his father's status as
physician, but possibly frorn the clairn of farnily descent The farnily adds the
clairn that he has gone off to Asclepius' medica! school in the sky (or the
underworld).Q
JCEÍ:J.lat 1 'AntJCov atJ.la,
cOICUJ.1Ópou 7tEÍcriJ.la'ta 1
i'll'tPotl mv EAEEWÚ 1
J.l'll'tPt JCaO"t"fV1Í'tq> 'tE &J..[r]IEa 1
aU "oí J.l.Ev lCAaÍoucrw, f:yro 1 8' Evt 7t1Xtcrl. JCÚ9T]J.1a.t 1
[a]ea.vá'trov 7tat[ol.] 1
I lie .dead here, a Miletopolitan citizen, of Athenian
blood, freed frorn the bonds of Chance, which brings
swift doorn. I was an Asclepiad, rny father was a
physician. I leave for rny rnother and brother painful
grief, but I, rnyself, sit arnong the children of the gods,
getting instruction frorn Apollo' s son.
Thus, Asclepiad could be used generically for physician, and sorne physicians,
as well as non-physicians, also clairned to belong to Asclepius' farnily. But there
are no signs of exclusivity in the medica! profession based on farnily status. We
have fourth and third century inscriptions frorn Cos relating to groups of
physicians, and they sirnply speak of the doctors, toi iatroi.48 Sherwin White,
puzzled by the phenornenon, follows P. M. Fraser in deciding that the early guild
of the Asclepiads rnust ha ve lapsed.49 We should correct that long-standing but
baseless clairn, and say instead that people were ready to rnake their narne a poetic
byword for physician because of Asclepius hirnself, but the Asclepiadae were not
the whole of the medica! profession, even on Cos, nor were they all physicians.
The Presbeutikos helped the farnily of Hippocrates to put an irnpress on people's
thoughts about medica! history. One did not have to believe its assertions in
detail in order to believe that Hippocrates and the Asclepiads were quite
impressive.
To surnrnarize, then, the Presbeutikos and Epibomios are a species of
propaganda for the Asclepiads and Cos. Their introduction into the Hippocratic
Corpus, in the absence of good biographical and historical inforrnation about
47 Published by Wemer Peek, Griechische Vers-inschriften I (Berlin: 1955)718. Earlier, A.
Besseu, BCH 25 (1901) 327!.,6; W. Peek, AM 66 (1941) 81f., 24; J. and L. Robert, REG 55
(1942) 356, 146.
48 H-G 1 (P-H 37) and H-G9. See S-W p. 263.
49 S-W 262-3.
18 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC. INTRODUCTION 19

early medicine, had much to do with the characterization of early medicine that
became common in antiquity and has received new wrinldes in modem times.
The Persian Letters
In letter 3, the king of Persia, Artaxerxes, wants Hippocrates to come to his
court, because good menare hard to find. The phrasing of letter 3, "It is not easy
to find men Buvá.J.LEVOÍ n JCa:ra probably has a general sense, "men
worth consulting." The king's invitation to Hippocrates is an offer to set him up
as a rich Persian noble in exchange for his company, and Hippocrates' reply
speaks to that invitation, putting himself and his science above concem for
riches, but he adds the statement that he should not cure Persians from disease
because they are enemies of Greeks. The king's response in letter 8 is a furious
threat, and the Coans, who take seriously the threat that they will be wiped from
the earth, give a brave and pious answer. Letters 1 and 2 stand somewhat apart.
They are more expansive in style and introduce other dimensions to the exchange.
In letter 1, the Persian king is desperate. He writes to Paitos, possibly Petos,50
to whom he has given many gifts, and ask:s for a natural or scientific remedy for a
plague, which he characterizes as a beast besmirching flocks and, probably a
reflection of the !liad, as dart after dart He wants to scourge the plague: are we to
recall Xerxes having the Hellespont whipped (Hdt. 7.35)? The flowery response
of Paetus/Petus in letter 2 gives Hippocrates a heroic genealogy from the gods
but also shows an interest in the history of the techne of medicine and creates
sorne new terminology for it: Hippocrates moved medicine from minor and
individual activities to large and scientific-technical ones: EJC J!t!Cp&v JC<Ú
iBtro-ttJCrov de; J!Eyá.A.a: Jea: l. 'tEJ(;vml. Natural
diseases are resolved by nature, science must cure epidemic ones. The method of
the science in curing plague is to judge the alterations of bodies, 'trov
crroJ.LÚnov. Despite the impressiveness of this terminology, it does not turn up
elsewhere, but appears to be rhetorically effective coinages by the author himself.
It is probably true, then, as people have argued, that the frrst two letters, which
tie the king's invitation to a Persian plague, were composed later than, and,
rather cleverly, as an introduction to, the letters that follow. The case seems
strengthened by the fact that the ancient papyrus manuscripts of the letters contain
only letters 3-6 and 11 (and the epistolographic manuscript Parisinus graecus
3052 contains only 3-9). There are grounds for asking whether the manuscript
tradition can offer insight into the !lates at which the letters were composed.
50 The name is discussed by Dimitrios Th. Sakalis, "Beitriige zu den pseudo-hippokratischen
Briefen." in Formu de pensée dans la collection hippocratique, ed. F. Lasserre and P. Mudry.
(Geneva:1983) pp. 504-5. Though the rest of Sakalis' argllll1ent about the purpose of the letters
is rather unfortunate, his proposal that the addressee of Artaxerxes' letter is an Oriental is
eminently reasonable.
One notes that letters 3-6 and also 11, which is their companion in the papyrus
texts, concentrare on the ways in which venality hanns the science, selecting that
theme out of the potentially more complex dramas. But, in fact, letter 11 does
mention a Persian plague, and that suggests that it was written after the
substance, at least, of letter 1 existed, and thus seems to me to defeat the
arguments of those who insist that letter 1 must have been written after the date
of the papyri because 3-6 are unaware of the plague.
Further, 7-9 do not appear in the papyrus manuscripts, which is the only thing
that might lead one to distinguish them from the others. They match 3-6 in style
and tone. 7 is a letter of transmittal, perhaps with a pun on ·a Persian name,
that, like 3-6, shows how intriguing the author found the process of getting
letters to and from a Persian king. 8 is a handsome letter which uses intemperate
language and concludes that Hippocrates has a bad character because he rejected the
invitation. Letter 9 comes up to 8 in quality, affecting Coan dialect and
characterizing the brave independence of the populace of the small island. The
economy, or reticence, of the writing in 7-9 incline meto associate them closely
with 3-6, and I infer that they were simply omitted from sorne selections. I
conclude that our papyrus manuscripts exhibit a brief selection from the whole,
and that they cannot tell us about the assembly of the whole collection. This
conclusion affects our estimate of letter 11 in its relation to the Democritus group
of letters: it, too, is pulled from a larger group.
One is still left with the question of sequence of composition. The whole
group including 1 and 2 is more interesting literarily than letters 3 and following
by themselves, a fact which in itself provides motive for their composition.
Letter 2's celebratioii of Hippocrates' genealogy, and its exploration of the notion
that he changed the nature of the medical profession tells us more of the author's
interests, and I would infer from his creative medical terminology that the author
of 1-2 is an intellectual, non-physician. The author's statement that the
Athenians and others sanctified Hippocrates and worshiped him in his lifetime
removes it from the speeches and Decree, which are presumably its sources. Does
the name Paetus tell us anything, or to put it another way, how useful is the
conjecture that names of correspondents of 1-2 and other letters were chosen to
flatter people who bore those names and were contemporary with the author of the
letters? It is a good academic idea, the sort of idea which once proposed resists
testing, and is fruitful of endless conjectures.51
51 J. F. Marcks, Symbolae Criticae (Diss, Bonn: 1883), has been influential, in the absence of
competing interpretations, in dating all the collections to the same period in Rome. He had two
arguments (p. 43-4) about names in the Hippocratic letters: that there must have been a Crateuas,
grandson of Mithridates, whom letter 16 was intended to flatter, and that the name Dionysius
must be used in order to flatter Dionysius of Halicamassus. Subsequently Diels used flattery of
contemporaries as a general principie for dating the letters in Hippocratische Forschungen V,
Hermes 53 (1918) 57-87, and fonnd a Paetus of the second century A.D. Philippson dated the
letters to 44 B.C. by fmding a different, earlier Paetus: Robert P,hilippson, "Veñasser und
Abfassungzeit der sogennante Hippokrates-briefe" Rheillisches MIISeum 77 (1928) 293-328.
Fridolf Kudlien developed Diels's conjecture further in the article "Paetus", in RE Suppl. 10

L..
20 HlPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
The Derrwcritus Letters
Letters 10-17
The novella in letters which relates to Hippocrates' visit to Democritus
expands sorne minimal biograpbical conjectures: Hippocrates and Democritus
were contemporaries, and therefore must have known one another. Material for
the expansion, as it relates to Democritus, is provided by moral philosophy,
Iargely cynic-stoic, which dramatizes the superior, cultured wise man in his
relations to society. As it relates to Hippocrates, material for expansion is
provided, so far as one can see, not by historical information, but by the current
sense of the medical profession, wbich creates for Hippocrates a personality fit for
the successful medical man as conceived by the writers. That more than one
writer is involved seems clear from the way the letters after 17 differ from 10-17.
Modero readers, especially in the nineteenth century, have been put off by this
father of medicine, who, when he invents the techne, is notan aloof scientist
formulating scientific method for medicine and promoting intellectual or other
revolution, but a practical organizer, self-conscious, indeed, about ethical aspects
of his craft and about the serious issues raised by questions of what is normal and
abnormal. This Hippocrates knows the proper place of a wife, the value of
friendship, the socially destructive effects of greed, and the emotional volatility of
mobs. But bis perspective is imperfect befare he comes to know the sage
Democritus, who can give insight into the utter pettiness of most human
concems. The added letters, 18-21, introduce other ideas. We can consider their
(1965) 473-4. Sakalis' proposal (n. 50) is a needed corrective. To take such dating of the 1etters
by the narne Paetus seriously we have to be convinced that a Paetus would feel honored to be
figured as the corresponden! of the Persian king who had received many presents, and that
producen and users of the Hippocratic Corpus and the bibliographic material attached to it would
engage in and enjoy this kind of falsification as part of their experience of Hippocratic material.
I have not seen any discussion that faces that question directly. The inference about the narne
Krateuas is still more tortured: Hippocrates addresses a Krateuas in Letter 16, and says that he is as
good as bis 1tp01tá'tcop. Marcks begged all intervening questions and invented a grandson of
the farnous Krateuas, physician lo Mithridates VI, who died in 63 B.C., to be the object of
flattery. But Diels and others who have subscribed to the notion (e.g., Kind in RE s.v. Krateuas),
were apparently unaware that Alexis, a fourth·third century comic poet wrote a
The letter can readily refer to a historical or imagined person contemporary
with or older than Hippocrates, and need not involve a jarring anachronistic violation of the
dramatic date of the lener. True, the comic figure, Krateuas the drug-vender, was probably not
presented as a dignified intellectual, but quite the contrary (See R. More!, s.v. Pharrnakopoles, RE
19 pt. 2 [1939) cols. 1840-1). Nonetheless, my argument is that in order to satisfy the conceit of
the Hippocratic letter, one needs only a sense of the figure of Crateuas and the sense of farnily
tradition.
INI'RODUCTION 21
dating and the relation between the groups after considering the substance of the
whole.
Letter 17
The seventeenth letter provides the climax and the intellectual center of the
novella, bringing its themes to fruition. Dramatically, the letter maintains its
narrative point of view precisely and with good effect. Hippocrates, the narrator,
describes bimself as competent and optimistic, ready to calm the frightened and
over-emotional Abderites and to face the problem of madness if it exists. His
narrative of the walk to Democritus' house and of the setting in which
Democritus is studying is told in an objective way, but its language evokes
symbolism that pastoral poetry and philosophy had developed, the paJe and
emaciated, hermit-like philosopher, the babbling brook and spreading trees of the
rural retreat, and even a sanctuary of the nymphs, the sort of place where
something extraordinary and supematural will happen to those who are open to
it.52
When the two men meet, Democritus' courtesy and apparent sanity disarm the
narrator. He is also, apparently, sincerely impressed by Democritus' assiduous
anatomical research on animal carcasses. Democritus seeks the gall, "its nature
and place," because its excess or deficiency is conceived as the source of madness
as well as of other disease. The effect of this would depend on when it was
written and what views were current about anatomical research, as we shall note
below. In response, instead of referring to his own comparable investigations,
Hippocrates wishes he had leisure to do sorne research, and is brought up short
when Democritus laughs violently at his expression of regret that bis numerous
mundane concems prevent him from having time to investigate the nature of
things. Hippocrates gently reproves Democritus for his excessive and
inappropriate laughter, and offers to cure him of his affection or to undergo
52 There appears to be here a reminiscence of Plato, Phaedrws, 230.b, where Socrates describes
the setting of the dialogue in a place sacred to the nymphs. Nit '<ftv "Hpav, JCaA!Í "(E f¡
JCa'tayCIYflÍ. il 'tE yap a;m, J1M' 'tE JCai V'l'TlA!Í. However, the phrases
became commonplace after Plato used them, if they were not earlier. Compare similar settings in
Euripides' H ippolytws and the epigram by Thyillus of the first century B. C.
1tá)c; iiv lipoaepá.; cXltO 1CP1'1Vilio.;
JCa9ap<i>v Vli<Í'tOlV ,.¿;J1• apuaaÍJlaV,
\mó 1:' aiyeípou; Ev 'tE 1COJ11Í'<!I
¡¡ AElJ1éiivl JCAl9eia . avanauaaÍJlaV ;
(Phaedra at Hippolytus 209ff)
Al lt'teAÉal '<<(> llavi JCai al 'taVUJ11Í1CEE<; atta,
Í'tÉal il e· lepa
JCai Kai 'tail'ta llavl lCIÍneA.A.a
CÍ"flCEl'tal, liiljiTI; cp<ÍpJ1a1C"
(Anth. Pal. 6.170)
22 H1PPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
correction himself, and he goes straight to the point: sanity requires making
distinctions between good and bad. Democritus in turn offers his own therapy, the
picture of humans wasting their lives on valueless activities worthy only of
laughter. Hippocrates' ironic reply is wasted on him: Perhaps the whole world is
ill and has nowhere to go for therapy, for what is outside it? He is told that there
is an infinity of worlds, and that he should not belittle nature' s riches.
Democritus' first wave of description of irrational human behavior does not do its
job. Hippocrates still can claim that there are objects inappropriate for laughter.
People strive because they must, necessity drives them to choice and action, and
they cannot help it if they go wrong. Democritus' second wave of description is
more analytical, employing tenns developed by Cynics, Stoics and Epicureans to
signal mental and moral instability which the philosophies aim at curing, but
there is apparent Democritean language also in the description of life as change.
Failure to use the senses, to recognize their own limitations, and to adjust their
desires to reality, insures the mindless vacillation that Democritus laughs at in
men. This second wave tenninates in another extended list of human
irrationalities which seems to get out of hand and become repetitious. One may
suspect that it has been extended by additions after the original composition.
The narrative ends abruptly with Hippocrates' sudden conversion to
Democritus' point of view, and that conversion is presented without the
qualifying wit that one might desire. And, as Temkin points out, the cynic
laughter of the ending leaves us unresolved as to the proposed nature of medical
science: what would a humane Cynical science do?53 One literary effect,
somewhat grotesque, but too compelling to ignore, is probably present in the
ending: Hippocrates says that he will become Democritus' herald,
Athenaeus54 preserves from Machaon 's reminiscences of the wandering musician
Stratonicus this joke: Stratonicus went to Abdera and found that each Abderite had
bis own herald, through whom he could proclaim when he wanted the
coming of the new moon. As a result, there were in Abdera more heralds than
citizens. Stratonicus, when asked why he was walking on tiptoes, said that he did
so for fear that he would step on a (either "herald", or the shell of a whelk
or limpet), and ruin bis foot If the audience is supposed to recall that story about
Abdera, the author is thumbing bis nose somewhat at the audience's engagement
in the more serious questions he has suggested, and this certainly affects our
response as audience. We should also acknowledge another, subtle, literary effect
at this point InLetter 15, thé goddess Truth told Hippocrates that he would fmd
her at Democritus' house. Now, at the end of Letter 17, without specific
language to recall the earlier letter, Hippocrates sees Democritus as virtually a god
whose wisdom will teach men "to be reasonable and decent." He
53 Owsei Temlcin, "Hippocrates as the Physician of Democritus," Gesnerus 42 (1985) 455-464,
461 -2.
DeipMsophistae 8.349 b. Also in A. S. F. Gow, ed., Machao11, Cambridge Oassical Texts
and Comrnentaries (Cambridge: 1965) p. 41.
INI'RODUCTION 23
promises that he will come back the following days for further instruction, and
then will go forth as the herald of Democritus' wisdom. He announces to the
"true Abderites" what he has learned. We may notice another touch at the end: a
servant silently appears to receive the books of Democritus when he rises from
his seat This perhaps surprises us if we have started thinking of Democritus as a
mendicant Cynic. We have to adjust our response, and to think of Democritus
more as an eccentric aristocrat on bis country estate than as a hennit
10-16
Letters 10-16, which set the scene for Hippocrates' encounter with Democritus
have comparable touches of comedy of manners which enhance the novella' s
effect The strokes are often bread, but there are subtle ones as well. The
Abderites' appeal is properly hysterical and insensitive (particularly about
money); Hippocrates is properly cautious about diagnosis but ready to make great
exertions in the humane task.55 In letter 12, in which he accepts an offer of
entertainment in Abdera, he begins the development of psychological ideas with a
brief discourse on the nature of melancholy, a discourse whose terms recall
Aristotle, Problems 30.1, the classic text on the subject in antiquity,56 but
considers other possibilities as well, finally foreshadowing what the actual event
will show. In letter 13, in which he enlists a friend to cometo watch over bis
affairs in his absence, he manages a lecture on the nature of women and the proper
control of them. In 14, while requesting a ship for transportation, he takes
seriously the notion that a melancholic Democritus is truly out of bounds in his
scom of the world. Letter 15, on bis dream of Asclepius, shows Hippocrates as
the sensitive, pious man who is specially guided by the god. In 16, requesting
drugs from his root cutter, he discourses on the evil of greed and offers a lecture
on pharmacology. These letters show the double competence of the great
scientific intellect, as Hippocrates organizes bis mundane affairs efficient1y.
When, fmally, Hippocrates receives the therapy for his in letter 17, after
confessing that bis success in mundane affairs robs him of the time to think, the
details of these earlier letters are cast into a new light. The result is a rather
pleasing literary structure. The letters preceding 17 can only be thought to be
accretions if one fails to see the pretty structure of the group.57 Perhaps letter 11,
the response to the Abderites, stands out. It has sorne especially turgid language,
e.g., "1 am persuaded that science is the gift of the gods" 1 was
convinced (as was the case) that the matter was pressing futep
E1tE í-yew to 1tpfi-y¡.ux, but it has nothing that is incompatible with the
55 Owsei Temkin (n. 53) describes well the considerations of differential diagnosis invo1ved in
musings, p . 456-7. ·
Jackie Pigeaud, in La ma/adie. de r lime (Paris: 1981) pp. 452-477, offers a sensitive reading
of the Democritus letten in reference to the theme of madness and its cure by 1aughter.
57 Edelstein, for example, said that the letter to Krateuas is "inorganic". The p1ot does not
depend on it in any way. But that is simp1y to talce an odd view of what the letters are abouL
r
24 lllPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
characterization of Hippocrates in the rest of the group. 11 is in the papyrus
manuscripts, possibly alone, and in the epistolographic tradition in manuscripts
in which 10-17 occur without 18ff, a fact that might incline us to think that the
collection grew by accretion around 11, or that 10 was written later than the rest
But 11 could have been selected from the larger collection for the papyrus
selection as representing important sentiments from the mouth of Hippocrates. It
contains a serious expression of medical ethics regarding money: who hires out
prostitutes his techne, which is also the theme in the selected group of Persian
Ietters. Hippocrates' diatribe on passions as diseases of the soul which is
embedded in 11 's Iecture on money is also classic, having a Stoic ring. Letter 11
embodies in brief the story of Artaxerxes' invitation, and it gives the impressive
description of the festival of the renewal of the staff in Cos.'8 We should
recognize the possibility that Letter 11 can stand alone, and could have provided a
core around which the other letters were composed. My own feeling is that letter
10 is detachable, though well composed for the group, and that occurrences and
non-occurrences in the manuscript tradition are more suggestive in its case that it
is not part of the original group.
Democritus' investigation of the animal gall-bladder and hile in Letter 17 is not
modelled on any known investigation in antiquity. For writer and intended
audience, the investigation shows Democritus' seriousness and sophistication, and
casts Hippocrates in the light of a naif. In describing the premises of his study,
Democritus says that 1tapaJComí is for the most part caused by excessive bile;
bile is by nature present in all, sorne more, sorne less, and diseases are its
aJ.LE'tpÍT¡, its excess; bile is a material sometimes good, sometimes bad.
"Diseases are its excess" is the letter writer's own formulation. The term
a¡.LE'tpÍT¡, or a¡.LE'tpÍa, is used in medical writings of the Hellenistic period and
later, usually in reference to environmental factors, never of the bile. In non-
medical writers it is in common use from the fifth century on in moral contexts,
similar to its thematic use in the Democritus sequence of letters to refer to
Democritus' condition. In the 13th Ietter Hippocrates muses that what
Democritus suffers may not be a disease but <i¡.LE'tpÍTJ 1tatad,c;, an excess of
learning, culture, study, thought to be excess by laymen, but not really so, since
excess of virtue is nevera bad thing. Again in Letter 14, Hippocrates plans to
reprove Democritus for his a¡.LE'tpÍTJ. In Democritus' diatribe in Letter 17 he
speaks of human failings as UJ.LE'tpOt bn9u¡.Lím and opj'Í¡ a¡.Lé'tpoc;. We need not
look to medicine for the source of the term Democritus uses, then, but we note
that the phrase opj'Í¡ a¡.LÉ'tpoc; is reminiscent of a sentiment actually expressed by
the historical Democritus, lC<IlClX 1tllV'ta 1tapa1COAou9e'i ata 'tac; U1tEpJ.LÉ'tpouc;
' 8 An interesting ceremony is described at the opening of 11, the analepsis of the rhabdos,
presumably the renewal of the staff of the starue of Asclepius, a ceremony which is not described
elsewhere. Is it an invention of the author on the pattem of a ceremony e1sewhere, or does it, as
Sherwin White (Ancielll Cos 340-341) says, assure us that there really was such a ceremony?
INI'RODUCTION 25
opyác;, "all evils come in the walee of excessive passions."59 We will return to
this below.
The statement "Bile is sometimes good and sometimes bad" seems also to be
original with the letter writer. One will search long for a similar view in the
medical writings. Bile is in the Hippocratic Corpus generally a cause of disease,
particularly of fever. Viseases 1.2 can be taken as the normal view: the intemal
factors that cause disease are bile and phlegm, which are always present in sorne
amount, but food, drink, or environmental factors can malee them produce disease.
In Sacred Visease the bile is responsible for one kind of madness (the term there
is ¡.taWÓJ.I.EVot, ?tapaJComí is not used): ''Those maddened by bile are noisy, malee
trouble, and are restless, always doing something inappropriate. "60 The Sacred
Visease does not ascribe the affection to the gall bladder, though it describes at
length the anatomy of the other kind of madness, from phlegm . Aristotle
discussed the existence and place of the gall bladder in Parts of Animals Book 4,
ch. 2. His concem in that work is to show Nature's providence, and to find the
purpose for aU things. But his creativity fails in the face of the gall and the gall
bladder. He has to conclude that not everything is for a purpose; sorne things are
for a necessity that is created by things which are for a purpose, and such is the
gall. 61 Athenaeus managed to malee fun of Aristotle because of his fascination
with which animal had and which did not have a gall bladder.62 Mnesitheus of
Athens denied that the elephant hada gall bladder, and Galen corrected him. 63 But
Galen is reticent on the subject of the purpose of the gall, and indeed I cannot
parallel the assertion of Letter 17. The reason is that no one imagined that the
hile was useful in digestion, nor could anyone conceive another use. Aristotle's
view is the standard one. Use of the term ÜA.1J, substance or matter, in the
description of hile by the author of Letter 17 suggests both that the Ietter is post-
Aristotelian and that an elemental theory lurks behind the formulation, even
though one would not look for an elemental constituent in one place in the body,
only a pathological one. This suggests sorne influence from the view expressed
in Nature of Man in the Hippocratic Corpus, that yellow and black hile are
normal constituents of the human body (in that sense they could be called good,
though the Hippocratic author does not so call them), whose seasonal increase and
excess cause diseases. The author of Nature of Man, aside from his elemental
theory, has normal views, as shown in his section on the fevers that bile causes.64
He himself would not have said what Democritus says in Letter 17, nor sought
m
understanding Democritus' manner, but he is in the background of what is said.
59 D-K frag. B 143, from Philodemus De ira.
60 oi Be Ú1to KtKpánat 'te Kat KaKoiipyot 1eat oúJC <Í'tpeJLatot, .Ui..' aiei 'tt
<hatpov
61 De Partibus Animalium, 676 b16-677 b14.
62 Deipnosophistae 8.353 d-e, in reference to Aristotle, HA 506.
63 Anal. Admi.n., Kühn 2.69.
64
Chapter 15, Iittré 6.66-8. For its close relation lo the earlier part see the discussion by
Jacques Jouanna in his edition, CMG 1.1.3 (Berlin: 1975) 22-34.
26 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
Democritus investigates madness by investigating its seat, an activity that
seems simple and straightforward to us, and did to later antiquity, but is too
sophisticated for the period that provides the dramatic date of the letter, and
probably before the firSt century B.C. The idea of the affected place as the cause
of disease is normal in Greek medicine from the earliest material that we have, as
witness Sacred Disease' s confidence that the epileptic goat's head will be found to
be full of water,65 and the numerous descriptions of the conditions of the interior
of the body imagined to account for symptoms. Ancient Medicine propases
relating textures and shapes of organs to perceived symptoms,66 but systematic
study of the specific relations of organs, in their size, shape and condition, to
normal and pathological phenomena carne somewhat later, out of the work of the
anatomists of Alexandria. Aristotle's investigations of organs in the Parts of
Animals are a search for apxa.í, for the sources and causes of their presence or
absence in the various animals, and for their normal function, with an eye to
classification of animals and man into higher and lower, less and more perfect.
Implications for pathological anatomy are there, but are not pursued. Diocles'
anatomy, of which we know little beyond its being the frrst that Galen knew,
asks whether the body has this or that pan, what is the shape of the uterus, etc.,
in the preserved fragments.67 Diocles' pathological work, in Affection, Cause,
Treatment, relates affection to organs in. the Hippocratic manner, to imagined
malfunction, irritation, blockage.68 It was Herophilus and Erasistratus who
opened bodies to attempt to correlate shape, size and conditions of organs with
normal and pathological phenomena, as Democritus is apparently doing. They
used human subjects, and were, if Galen is accurate, effectively without
successors befare Marinus revived their pursuits using animals for dissection and
study.69 We would place Marinus in the firSt-second century A.D. The writer of
Letter 17 is not necessarily writing in the wake of Marinus. He could have come
up with the notion of Democritus' research himself or have been stimulated by
others' musings on the subject befare Marinus. But I think that the subject
would not have occurred to him as it did before the time of Herophilus, and
probably not for sorne time later until the anatomy was generally known. The
author shows no signs of being a physician.70
65 Sacred Disease, Littré 6.382.
66 Ancient Medicine, cb. 22, Littré 1.626.{534.
67 Diocles' Analomy is fragments 23-29 in Wellmann's collection: Max Wellmann, Die
Fragmente der silcilischen Aerzte Auon, Philistion, und des Dio/des von Karystos, (Berlin:
1901).
68 Diocles Fragments 37-82, Weiimann.
69 In his description of bis own epilomies of Marinos' work, Galen tells os thal Marinos deall
with the Iiver, and the gall bladder wbich is on the Jiver in the twelfth book of bis work, wbich
was a combined analomy and physiology. Galen, On his own Boo/cs, Ser. min. 2, 107 (ed.,
Iwan Müller).
70 Simplistic answers lo qoestions of the aothor's training and .ootlook should be avoided, soch
as Philippson's statemenl thal the aothor is of coorse a rhetor, and Celsos, too, was a rhelor, so
dabbling in medicine is no indication of being a physician (n. 51 above, p. 309); the other
INTRODUCTION 27
W e need further to belabor the bit of humor created by the author of Letter 17,
by asking what general view of Hippocrates the author expected his audience to
have, i.e., how they would receive Hippocrates' plaintive wish that he had time to
do research in the interior of the body. I have mentioned earlier Galen's
arguments in his Anatomical Procedures that Hippocrates knew all of medicine
including anatomy, but transmitted it orally. Galen is original and overexuberant
in bis Hippocratic interpretations in that direction, and he did not have
predecessors who made such extreme claims. But there are hints of discussions in
the Hellenistic period in which Hippocrates was put forward as one who, in
Celsus' terms, pursued the Nature of Things. When Celsus describes disputes
between Empirics and Dogmatics about knowledge of causes, and, in relation to
that, about the importance of anatomy, he tells us that the Dogmatics had claimed
Hippocrates as their predecessor. Celsus' discussion lacks detail about who said
what when, but he reflects generations of discussion when he says,
It is probable that Hippocrates, Erasistratus, and certain others, who
were not content to busy themselves over fevers and ulcerations, but also
to sorne extent searched into the nature of things, did not by this become
physicians, but became by it greater physicians.71
Celsus, incidentally, also says that Hippocrates, according to sorne, was a
student of Democritus.72 It seems probable that Celsus thus acknowledges Letter
17, or sorne reflection of it. The wit of Letter 17 reflects serious discussions and
assertions about the nature of medica! thought and development of method. But it
does so in a distorted way: Democritus' doctrine in Letter 17 is not about medica!
thought and method, it is about the philosophic life, with sorne incidental
suggestion, in the manner of Socrates, that if you choose the philosophic life all
else follows. We note, however, that what follows in this case reflects
discussions about medicine of the period after about 200 B. C.
We now proceed to the aspect ofLetter 17 that has received the most attention,
and on the basis of which it is usually judged and dated. Democritus' speech
belongs to a recognizable literary genre, the diatribe, which in its developed form
discourses with more or less wit and indignation the follies and vices of mankind
in imitation of Diogenes and the other cynics. Roman Satire developed an
elegant version of it, apparently with sorne influence from the Cynic Menippus,
of the early third century B.C. Not only has the work of Menippus almost
extreme is offered by Sakalis (n. 50 above) p. 501 , who proves that the author is a physician by
quoting statements that show general interest in medicine.
71 Celsos, De Medicina, Proemium 47 (ed. Marx): Veriqoe simile esl el Hippocralem el
Erasistrarum, et quicumqoe aiii non conlenti febres el ulcera agitare rerum qooqoe natoram aliqoa
parte scrutati sunt, non ideo quidem mediros fuisse, verum ideo quoque maiores mediros extitisse.
72 Proemium 8. For a discossion of Celsos' point of view aboot Hippocrates, see The
Hippocratic Tradilion, pp. 225-30.
 28 IDPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
totally perished, but so has the rest of early Cynic literature. Diogenes of Sinope
founded the Cynic tradition in the early fourth century, and was seconded by
Crates who spread his philosophy.73 He hirnself probably established the values
to which the Cynics ascribed and the tenninology for them, which were passed
down in sayings, anecdotes, and dialribes. The values included aU'táplCEta., self-
sufficiency, and ava.í<leta., shamelessness. Shamelessness involved flouting
conventional manners and morality and living in the natural way. Indeed,
Diogenes was said to have accepted the comparison to the behavior of dogs,
which gave the sect its name. Crates wrote letters which embodied Cynic views
and which were much praised (though the letters preserved under his name are not
the genuine ones). The Cynics also promoted xa.t<lda. and <lt1Ca.waúv11. Their
tendencies are related to the philosophical traditions of various sorts that traced
their origins back to Socrates. The tradition of Cynic Ietters, then, stems from as
early as the last part of the fourth century. But that early material is lost, and the
letters we have in the names of the major Cynics seem to come from somewhat
later and to be epistolographic dramatizations of the Cynic biographies of the sort
that we find in Diogenes Laertius book 6. None of the preserved letters can be
dated precisely, but the tendency of scholars has been to date the genre as a whole
to the last century B.C and the first and second A.D., in part on the inference that
the Cynic tradition died out in the second century and was revived in a new, Stoic
fonn only in the frrst century. Adjustments to those views remain to be made in
the light of Dudley's arguments that the Cynic tradition did not die and experience
rebirth, but was continuous. Increasing work on and interest in the
epistolographic material promises sorne revaluation, or more convincing
affirmation.
The Hippocratic letters 10-17 do not put themselves in the same category as
the Cynic letters but are more refined. They do not set out to rub the reader's
nose in a doctrine, nor to engage in a leveling disparagement of major
philosophies. True, Democritus' guffaws at the shallowness of his townsmen
constitute a breach of the decorum they expect, but the effect is very different
from that of Diogenes' breaches ofdecorum by pointed insult, or more dramati-
cally by public masturbation or by spitting in his host's face, or by rec-
ommending stealing from temples. In the Hippocratic letters, mild, uplifting
sentiments are set forth in a dramatic context of nonnalcy and courtesy, and
Democritus has only a few of the trappings of the mendicant saint, more like
Socrates than Diogenes. Yet the Hippocratic letters do not approach the leve! of
seriousness and concem with genuine philosophic issues that the letters of the
minor Socratics and of Plato do. The laughing Democritus acknowledges,
especially with his diatribe, the Cynic view.
Zeph Stewart presents interesting and convincing arguments that the ethical
sayings of Democritus, which tum up in the florilegia and make up a large
73 I follow here !he account of D. R. Dudley, A History ofCynicism (London: 1937).
INfRODUCTION 29
proportion of the fragments, were selected and preserved in a Cynic tradition.74 In
an attempt to date the laughing Democritus as an invention of that tradition,
Stewart is led to the circle of Menippus.75 The themes of the Hippocratic letters,
Democritus' laughter, and the stupid Abderites are frrst used by Cicero,76 who, of
course, did not invent them. Nothing gets us any closer to the specific date of the
Democritus sequence, which could have been written any time in the two
centuries before the first century papyrus which testifies that Letter 11 was read in
Egypt in the early frrst century A.D., and it could have been written in the eastem
or westem Mediterranean.
The letters of Heraclitus show a number of parallels with those of
Hippocrates.77 Heraclitus in Letter 1 is invited by.Darius to be given wealth and
honor as a guest in Persia. He refuses, not out of patriotism, but because it is
appropriate to live on little. He is threatened, as his seventh letter says, by an
Ephesian law that would exile all rnisanthropes, and those who do not laugh. He
explains that he does not laugh because he bates man 's wickedness, evidence of
which he details: fraud, lust, war, gluttony, luxury. And he compares beasts
favorably with mankind, exactly the themes that Democritus develops to explain
his laughter. The seventh letter, which contains Heraclitus' dialribe appears to
have been subject to expansion by the addition of indignant detail. Thus, in a
second century A.D. version recovered in a papyrus (P. Gen. 271), Heraclitus
goes on from the point at which the medieval manuscripts end, to add further
comparisons of man with animals and to denounce poets for their portrayals of
immorality.78 But despite generic similarity between the Hippocratic and Hera-
clitean letters, there are no obvious verbal connections. The Heraclitean letters
are, like the Cynic létters generally, very insulting about the medical profession.
In letters 5 and 6, Heraclitus says that the physicians cannot understand dropsy
and cannot cure it, because they cannot tum a rainstonn into a drought. Far from
knowing and imitating the cosmos as the way to healing, the doctors simply
massaged him like a leather bottle. But doctors had killed his uncle,
Heracleodorus, and pocketed the reward. The Heraclitean letters are plausibly dated
to the frrst century B.C.79
74 "Democritus and !he Cynics," Harvard Studies Íll Classical Philology 63 (1958) 179-19 1.
For a ·recent eva1uation of the ethical fragments, see Charles Kahn, "Democritus and the Origins
of Moral Psychology," AJP 106 (1985) 1-31.
75 pp. 185-6.
76 De Oratore 2.58.235 for !he 1aughter, Att. 4.16 and 7.7 for the stupidity of Abderites.
Horace, Epist. 2.1.194-200 uses the theme of the laughter, and Juvenal, 10.34 and 46-53 uses
both lhemes.
77 Available (text., translation, inuoducúon) in Harold W. Attridge, First Cuúury Cynicism in
/he Epistles of Heraclitus (Scholars Press, Missoula, Montana: 1976) .
78 Published by V. Manin, "Une recueil de diatribes cyniques: Pap. Gen. 271," Mwsewm
Helveticwm 16 (1969) 77-117. There has been sorne disagreement as to whether the papyrus
represents an original or an expanded version of the Heraclitean letter. 1 follow Leonardo Taran:
R. Mondolfo and L. Taran, Eraclito, Testimo,ia11u e lmitazioni, (Florence: 1972) 298. The
olher view is expressed by Attridge, pp. 8-11.
79 Discussed by Attridge (n. 77) pp. 5-6.
30 IllPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
18-21
The group 18-21 are written from a different point of view than the group 10-
17. 18 does not commence from the tone of the conversion in 17, though the
basic facts addressed are the same, save for what Democritus was employed in
thinking about when Hippocrates arrived. This Democritus is rather annoyed in
18 at the danger Hippocrates posed for him, carrying the dangerous drug hellebore
around, ready to use it in therapy. He writes on the physician's need for
thoughtfulness and adduces terms from bis philosophy to validate bis credentials:
Democritus has found the nature of reality and separated it from the ivOaAJ.LoÍ, the
wandering motes, or perhaps images, that confuse our vision. The medica! man,
too, he writes, must judge from reality (1tpftyJ.La.), not the undependable sense of
sight, must know the configurations (pu9¡.¡.oí), and treat the totality of the body
(mcijvo<;), not just the 1táeo<;. He sends a treatise on madness, a treatise he calls
his own, which is made out of excerpts from Sacred Disease.
How, one asks, could this letter be so near to the substance of 17 and yet so
discrepant? It is possible that 17 and 18-19 are independent versions of the story
of Hippocrates' visit to Democritus, neither writer aware of the other, or that one
was written in asan altemative to or "correction" of the other. Different views on
this subject have been held without conclusive arguments being advanced, and
the discussion has been complicated by other matters. Hermano Diels considered
the discrepancies insignificant and attributed 1-24 to the same author, arguing
against the view of Marcks that they were by separate authors.80 Diels was much
moved by what he took to be a longer, altered version of letter 19 that appears in
a sixteenth century manuscript, Urbinas graecus 68. Diels was taken by a notion
that Max Pohlenz had put forward, that in the papyri we had original editions and
second editions of sorne letters by the author himself. 81 He concluded that the
treatise on rabies in Urb. 68, which is much longer than Letter 19, but uses sorne
of the same material in the midst of a pastiche of Hippocratic and other medica!
works, was a second edition of Letter 19 by the same author. 1 suspect that the
attraction of that conclusion, along with his general contempt for the letters, led
him to assert that the letters, however discrepant, were all the product of one
hand.. Philippson82 supported the notion. Hans Diller pointed out sorne time
later that the treatise on rabies is added to the text of Urb. 68, and is a sixteenth
century forgery, or perhaps one should say exercise.83 Edelstein, and so far as 1
know, everyone else, has since thought that 18-21 are by a different
80 H. Diels, Hermes 53 (1918) 84, who discusses Marcks, Symbola Critica ad Epistolograplws
graecos (Bonn) 1883.
8 1 Max Pohlenz, "Zu den hippokratischen Briefen," Hermes 52 (1917) 348-353.
82 Cited in n. 51 above.
83 Hans Diller, "Die sogennante zweite Fassung des 19. Hippokratesbriefes," Qwd/en 1tnd
Stitdkn Zltr Geschichte der Natwwissensclwften lt1ld der Medizin ill4 (1933) 35-44.
INTRODUCTION 31
author or authors than the preceding ones.84 Recently, HermanDe Ley has argued
that there is a strong contradiction between the two presentations of the meeting
ofHippocrates and Democritus.85 He reads letters 18-21 as anti-Hippocratic, and
conjectures that letters 1-17 were written to counter their effect He is forced to
conjecture also that the author of 1-17 was constrained not to contradict the tra-
dition that 18-21 represent, while making Hippocrates more respectable and less
absurd, and that subsequently, he must conjecture, the two groups were combined
into one by happenstance. 86 In my view De Ley overstates the abusiveness of
letter 18, which in any case is moderated by the réply of 20. Democritus'
suspicions of Hippocrates are exaggerated, as patients' suspicions sometimes are.
The author of this group does not descend to having Hippocrates say "1 have never
given medicine inappropriately," or "1 am, after all, the sainted Hippocrates."
Instead, he has him respond that mistakes are possible. The reader is aware that
no mistake was made in this instance. And there are no grounds for saying that
1-17 respond specifically to 18-21. In addition, De Ley conjectures that the
author of 18-21 was actually confused about the authorship of the Sacred Disease,
and that of the Epidemics, and he argues that that confusion is evidence that
Letters 18-21 were written early, befare the Corpus was known. That seems to
me to be a counsel of desperation. The kind of confusion involved in attributing
those works to Democritus is unlikely at any time. On the other hand, it is an
odd witticism to attribute Sacred Disease to Democritus in order 10 produce a
treatise on madness for him, but that is apparently what the author of 19 has
done, meanwhile acknowledging Hippocrates' Epidemics and quoting them back
10 him. Knowledge of the corpora of the two great men is part of the point of
18-21. The author plays with Icnown texts of Democritus and Hippocrates while
dealing, in a dilettant's manner, with technical and ethical issues that they raise.
As we noticed above, 10-17, which have their own brand of moralizing, are not
close to the specific work of the great men, but move in an atmosphere of
commonplace and abstraction.
So, assuming that the two groups are by different authors, it is easily possible
that they are independent of one another, two versions of a story that was current
about Hippocrates and the "mad" Democritus, but I think it more likely that the
notion of the treatise on madness comes to Letter 18 from 17, but that the author
of 18-21, while getting inspiration from 17, is less interested in the Cynic drama
of conversion than he is in the literary possibility of an exchange and challenge
between two wise men, of whose work he knows something. If the author of 18-
21 took the idea of the treatise on madness from 17, as I suspect, he dropped the
notion that it was a treatise on the nature and place of the gall, because no such
84 Edelstein's discussion is in RE Supp. 6 (1935) col. 1204-5.
8' Hennan De Ley, De samenstel/ing van de Pseitdo-Hippo/uatische Brievenversamllling en
haar plaats in de traditie. Handelingen der Kon. Mats. voor Taal- Úlleriaulde
en Geschkdenis, XXITI (1969) 47-80.
86 De Ley 78-9
32 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
treatise was available to him from anywhere. But he could make a treatise by
borrowing from Sacred Disease, as he did.
Letter 19 begins with an explanation of madness that is Hippocratic in its
physiology, Democritean in its epistemology: excessive moisture in the brain
distorts perception, and what the tongue of the madman speaks is what the
distorted perception is receiving. The rest is from Sacred Disease and Epidemics
5.
Letter 20, Hippocrates' own cover letter for a treatise on hellebore, commences
with a commonplace about common failure to appreciate medicine,87 but he
admits that his medicine has not reached perfection, nor did that of Asclepius
befare him, as one can infer from transmitted writings. He then answers mildly
to Democritus' criticism of his actions and transmits bis treatise on treatrnent
with hellebore. One is naturally curious whether the author of these letters made
the compilation himself. Excerpt literature is the stuff of medicine, and
Aphorisms, from which the core of the treatise comes, is already excerpt literature
which physicians would adapt and expand for their own purposes. Because
hellebore is so dangerous, but remained prominent as a remedy, everyone would
naturally try to be up to date on it.
The Miscellaneous Letters 22-24
The Letters 22-24 do not belong to the other groups. 22, recommending
geometry to Thessalos, stands apart, 23 is a literary exercise on anatomy, and 24
appears to refer to 23, orto another work like it, and to to be an introduction toa
Regimen. A1l three letters subscribe to the notion of medicine as paideia.
Where and when they became part of the collection is not clear, but sorne
conjectures, at least, can be ruled out
Letter 23 has a detachable philosophic dietetic proem, which does not fit the
subject matter of the letter itself but reads as though it was written when 23 was
made part of the collection. That is to say, I suspect that the person responsible
for this letter borrowed the anatomy and composed the proem. He recommends
medicine for two reasons: because it is good for those engaged with literature and
culture in general, and because medicine keeps one healthy and keeps the body
from interfering in intellectual pursuits. One must anticipate disease, which
develops even during health, for disease will weaken the body's will to pursue
virtue. One is reminded of Celsus' observation that philosophers busied
themselves with medicine because mental activity is so hard on the body, and also
one is reminded of Erotian's observation that Hippocrates is worth reading for
anyone interested in A.oyt!d¡ (literary culture), by which he means
87Similar statements can be found in the Hippocratic Corpus, e.g., De arte ch. 4 (Li. 6.6), Dis.
1, ch. 8 (li. 6.156).
INTRODUCTION 33
particularly the history of the Greek language.88 The anatomy in 23 is not going
to keep anyone healthy, of course. Its tone and purpose are summed up near the
end: it describes the different types of organs that have been designed for use by an
incorporeal nature resident in the inner sanctums of the body. The anatomy
simply names the parts and adds a brief poetic description of fonn or function of
each. In the process it reveals particular insights which place it after the work of
Herophilus and Erasistratus. The useless spleen,19 the bladder woven from
vessels, 90 are suggestive, as also, perhaps the notion that swallowing is
accomplished by a shove rather than attraction.91 The claim that the brain, in its
acropolis, gives directions to the limbs through the nerves, places it definitively
after the Alexandrian anatomists' discovery of the nervous system. The advanced
anatomy is used casually, not in self-conscious display that it is modero. Nor is
there emphasis on teleology and the wisdom of the artificer, as in Plato, Aristotle
and Galen. It is a modest, reverent appreciation of the organs that serve us and an
appreciation of the tenninology.
Letter 24 promises to do, but does not do, what is done by surviving works on
dietetics, of which our best examples are the Hippocratic Regimen and Galen's
Hygiene. The Letter of Diocles to King Antigonus which is offered by Paulus
Aegineta 1.99, is a brief, summary version of a regimen. In its effect, Letter 24
reads like a cover letter for a regimen, containing a few relevant general principies
that are introductory to such a work. The provenience of the general principies is
not obvious. The division of diseases into the types kata genos and kata patlws
has no direct parallel, and the purpose of the division is not clear. The principie
that desires for nutriment and also diseases come from opposites is good doctrine
from the Hippocratié Corpus. The writer draws from the Corpus his illustrations
for the principie that diseases resolve diseases, but his tenninology for the
principie, expressed in Ilberg's excellent emendation, imo voúcrrov
is not directly paralleled elsewhere.
Attempts to place this letter have not been notably successful. Hennan De Ley
concludes that the addressee is Demetrius Poliorketes, father of Antigonus
Gonatas. 92 In this he follows Felix Heinimann, who says that this letter and the
letter from Diocles to Antigonus preserved by Paulus Aegineta are of the same
18 Celsus, De mJ!dicina, Proem. 7-10, Erotian, VociUII HippocraticariUII Collectio, ed., Emst
Nachmanson (Goteborg: 1918) p. 3, OOOl'YE avmtolOÜV"tal. The similarity to the
in the letter seems noteworthy, and I do not find a similar phrase elsewhere.
9 Erasistratus seems to have said that the spleen is good for nothing JUÍ"tTJV): Galen,
Us:t:,ness ofthe Parts 3.315 K. andNatural Facrdties 2.91 K.
Erasistratus said that the compound organs were woven from veins, arteries, and sinews, with
nutriment poured into the container thus formed (1tapÉ'"fXU)la). Cf. Galen, Nat. Fac. 2.96 K.,
Anonymus Londinensis chapt XXI, Pseudo-Galen lntroductio sive mJ!dicus 14.697-8 K., Soranus,
Gyn. 3.4.
9! Cf. Galen, Na/. Fac. 2.60 K.
92 De Ley, pp. 73-76.
34 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
period, possibly by the same author.93 De Ley associates this Ietter with 23, the
anatomy, and hence would date both to the last quarter of the fourth century B.C.
As we have seen above, that dating is far too early for the anatomy. Because the
author of 24, (which claims to be a letter from Hippocrates) claims authorship of
23 (which claims to be from Democritus), other conjectures about the change in
attribution are also required. 1 think that we need not take very seriously the
possibility of a relationship of date and/or author between the Hippocratic Letter
to Demetrius and the 'Diocles' letter to Antigonus. The names of the addressees
are the closest link between the two letters. Both address the subject of staying
free from disease, the theory of which is laid out in the Hippocratic Regimen.
But the Hippocratic letter is only an exercise in the proem to such a letter, while
the 'Diocles' Ietter has its own proem and the prescriptions that it implies. The
'Diocles' letter describes the symptoms that appear on the development of an
affection in any of the four regions, head, chest, intestines or urinary system, and
gives prescriptions, mostly purges, intended to aven serious illness. And it also
gives a general regimen for the year according to hot, cold, wet, and dry aspects of
the seasons, the year being divided into six pans. Another extant letter, entitled
Hippocrates or Diocles to king Ptolemy, gives much the same material in a dif-
ferent order with sorne verbal differences, and that may shed light on the history
of the 'Diocles' letter, but none, 1 think, on the Hippocratic Letter 24.94 The
letters differ in style enough that we need not assert that the Hippocratic letter is
an introduction to the 'Diocles' letter, nor that the 'Diocles' letter is an expanded
version of the Hippocratic one.
93 Felix Heinimann, "Diokles von Karystos ond der prophylaktische Brief an Kiinig
Antigonos", Museum Helveticum 12 (1955) 158-172. The Diocles letter was edited by Wemer
Jaeger, Diokles von Karyslos (Berlin: 1938) pp. 75-78. Heinimann argoes against Jaeger's
acceptance of the Diocles letter as genuine and denies that the addressee is Antigonos
Monophthalmos. Rather, he says, the philosopbic qoalities anriboted to the addressee seem to fit
Gonatas, as Amaldo Momigliano argued, "Una lettera a Claudio e una 1ettera ad Antigona
Gonata", Athenaeum 11 (1933) 132-135. Bot Heinimann rejects Momigliano's notion (wbich
follows Wellmann) that the aothor is Aristogenes.
94 Published in J. F. Boissonade, Anecdola Graeca 111 (Paris 1831) 422-428. A scribe at sorne
point in the tradition of ms. b wrote after 1etter 24, "We should 1ook for the rest of this 1etter and
the whole of the one to Ptolemy". This observation seems perceptive on two counts: he read 24
as a cover letter, and he was aware of the other dietetic letter. .It does not prove anything about
the ultimate origin of the letters, though it could possibly say something aboot the formation of
the collection that ms. b offers.
1NTRODUCTION 35
1HE TEXT AND THE MANUSCRIPTS
The peculiar history of these writings is reflected in their odd textual history.
There was never a complete collection of the Hippocratic pseudepigrapha before
the publication of the Aldine edition of Hippocrates. Two distinct textual
traditions descend from antiquity: the manuscripts that carry the medica! writings
of the Corpus Hippocraticum carry the Epibomios and Presbeutikos and the
Athenian Decree, numbers 25-27, preceded by letters 1-22; manuscripts of the
epi.Stolographic tradition, which carry various collections of letters, alllack the
two speeches, and exhibit severa! different selections of letters: Pal. gr. 398, the
oldest by five centuries,95 contains 1-24, and also 25, which it has between 9 and
10. The next oldest, Vat. gr. 1300, of the fourteenth century, has only 1-5 and
11-17, a collection characteristic of a number of Renaissance manuscripts. 96 The
papyri of the second century A.D. also lack 6-10, which might make os suspect
that this is an old selection. Vat. gr. 1354, of the ftfteenth century, in company
with other Renaissance manuscripts, has 1-5, 11-18, 20 and 22. 97 Parisinos gr.
3052, of the sixteenth century, has 3-9. Its omission of 1-2 is rerniniscent of the
papyri, with which, as 1 am about to say, it has affmities also in its text of letters
4and5.
Altemative versions of letters 4 and 5, already apparent in the papyri, further·
complicate the manuscript groupings. In the pair 1 designate 4 and 5 Hystanes
says that he is forwarding the king's letter, and Hippocrates writes in response to
"the letter you said carne from the king." In the pair I designate 4a and 5a there is
no rnention of the king's letter: Hystanes says that the king desires Hippocrates
to come, and Hippocrates tells him to tell the king "No." The pairs 4 and 5 or 4a
and 5a should logically appear together, but the groups of manuscripts ring all
possible changes:
Papyrus 1: 4 and 5
Papyri 2 and 3, and Par. gr. 3052: 4a and 5a
Mss. of the medical trad., MlN and Pal. gr. 398 (b): 4 and 5a
Other mss. of the epistolographic tradition besides b: 4a and 5
In addition, papyrus 1 has 4a in its margin and papyrus 2 has 5 in its text
following 5a
Though the complexities of the manuscript tradition go back to antiquity, it is
not immediately obvious how the divisions between manuscript groups
9S Ms. Pal. gr. 398 was copied in Constaninople in the mid-ninth centory. See N. G. Wilson,
Scho/ars of ByzantÍJ<m (Oxford: 1983) 87-8.
96other manuscripts of this group are Laor. Plol 59.27, Mutinensis 54 (TII B 2), Parisinos 2652
(Littré's o), Parisinos 3050 (Littré's u). [See note 101 be1ow.J
97 This groop is exhibited by the following fifteenth and sixteenth century mss.: Bononensis
3563, Conv. Sopp. 153, Laur. Plul 57.12, 57.45, and 59.5, Motinensis 191, and Parisini 2755
(Littré's a), 3047 (Littré's 't), 1760 (Littré's ro), and Paris.205 Sup. (Littré's '1')·
36 IDPPOCRATES' LETIERS, ETC. INTRODUCTION 37

developed. We are not seeing a case in which a brief selection was made out of a
larger corpus, but perhaps rather a result of the piecemeal growth of the Manuscripts of the Epistolographic Tradition
collection.
No definitive study of these manuscripts has been done, and 1 do not have a
complete inventory. 101 1 have chosen the best representatives of the groups that 1
MANUSCRIFI' EVIDENCE found.

Designation Date Contents

Manuscripts of the Medical Tradition
b Palatinus graecus 398 saec. IX 1-3, 4, 5a, 6-9, 25, 10-24
a Vaticanus gl'aecus 1309 saec. XIV 1-3, 4a, 5, 11-17
Three of the independent ancient Hippocratic manuscripts have the
e Vaticanus graecus 1353 saec.XV 1-3, 4a, 5, 6-9, 11-18, 20, 22
pseudepigrapha, one lacks them entirely, and one has only the Speechfrom the
(+ marg. 25, 10, 19, 21, 23-24)
Altar.
d Vaticanus graecus 1354 saec.XV 1-3, 4a, 5, 11-18, 20, 22, 6-10
<p Parisinus graecus 3052 saec. XVI 3-9
Designation Date Contents
M Marcianus graecus 26998 saec. X 1-3, 4, 5a, 6-22, 25-27 Papyri
8 Vindobonensis Med. gr. 4 saec. X-Xl99 no pseudepigrapha p1 P. Oxy. IX 1184v s. 1 A.D. 3, 4, 5, 6a (and in marg. 4a)
A Parisinus graecus 2253 saec. XI 26 p2 P. Berol. Inv. 7094v s. 11-IIl A.D. 3, 4a, 5a, 5, 11
u Urbinas graecus 64100 saec. XII 1-3, 4, 5a, 6-22, 25-27 { P. Berol. J:n.v. 21137v
V Vaticanus graecus 276 saec. XII 1-3, 4, 5a, 6-22, 25-27 J..' P. Btrol. J:n.v. 6934v s. n-mA.D. 3, 4a., 5a., 5, 11

Manuscripts of the Medical Tradition

98 M is mutilated at the end, and has lost most of the text of the PusbeuJilcos. Where M is
defective, I use three mss. of the M tradition in its stead:
I Parisinos graecus 2140 saec. XIII 1-3, 4, 5a, 6-19 init., 26-27
W Parisinos graecus 2142 saec. XIV 1-3, 4, 5a, 6-18, 26-27,
25, 19, 20, 21, 23, 22
G Parisinos graecus 2141 saec. XIV 1-3, 4, 5a, 6-19 init., 26-27
Ms. L a copy of M, is the source of Hb (i.e., the second and l.ater part of H) -and of G. In its
original form it apparently had the full text of M, including the end of 27, but it 1ost sorne folios
before they were copied. See Jacques Jouanna, "L' Analyse codicologique du Parisinos gr. 2140 et
1' histoire du texte hippocratique," Scriptoriwn 38 (1984) 50-67. Hb appears to have copied the
penultimate page of I before its loss (Jouanna p. 58-9); G lacked two folios of I, and restored them
from elsewhere (one does not know whence). Hb filled the gap left by I' s loss of earlier folios by
copying 19-23 and 25 from a ms. of the b tradition, but not from b itself. I use the text of H to
suwlement the evidence of b and e in 23.
N. G. Wilson, Scholars of ByzanJiwn, p. 148, pl.aces this book in the reign of Basil II in
Constantinople.
100 This ms. was designated X by J. Heiberg in Hippocrates, CMG I 1 (Leipzig and Berlin:
1927), Vat. by J. Jouanna, Hippocrate, Des VenJs. De l'Arl, Budé V.1 (Paris: 1988). For
descriptions and dating see Jouanna, p. 52, and B. Alexanderson, Die Hippolt:ratische Schrift
Prognostilcon (Goteborg: 1963) 87. It is a Greek-Italian manuscript from the area of Reggio,
N.G. Wilson, Scho/ar.f of Byzantiwn, p. 212.
The oldest and manuscripts which contain the works of the Hippocratic
Corpus, as well as other medical writings, are AMUV. Ms. A contains, from the
Pseudepigrapha, only 26, the Speech at the Altar. The others contain all the
Pseudepigrapha save for 23 and 24. H, a recentior of the M tradition, has 23, in a
text not copied directly from either of the other two extant sources, b and c. Ms.
M is mutilated towards the end, in 27. For the tradition of M, where M is
missing, 1 use Gm, recentiores of the M tradition. 102 Of these three, frrst I,
101 While this book was in the press, there appeared D. Th. Sakalis, InllOKPA TOYI
EniiTOAAI, ' EJ<liO<Jll 1<pln-.d¡ "'" EPf111Vtun-.d¡, Ioannina, 1989, which includes an
extensive account, with a proposed stemma codicum, of the manuscripts which contain the
Hippocratic Letters (1-24). His information should be added to what I give here.
My manuscriptS acd = O represent Sakalis' epistolographic E family, while my ms. .p comes
from his other epistolographic family, t.
102 For descriptions of MIVH, see lppocrale, Epükmie Libro Seslo, a cura di Daniela Manetti e
Amneris Roselli (Florence, 1982, Biblioteca di Stwdi Superiori LXVI) xxv-xxxviii. Cay Iienau,
ed., Hippocratis De Superfetatione, CMG !.2.2 (Berlin 1973) distinguishes older and younger
parts of manuscript V, to the younger part of which (Vb) the Pseudepigrapha belong, and
similarly older and younger parts of H are distinguished by Hermann Grensemann as Ha and Hb,
Über AchlmoMtslcinder, Über das Siebe111710Mtslcind (unecht) CMG I 2, 1 (Berlin: 1968). For a
study of the rel.ations of the recentiores to M, and the scribal corrections and conjectures that they
exhibit, see J. Irigoin, "Le role des recentiores dans 1' établissement du texte hippocratique,"
Corpll.f Hippocralicwn, Colloque de Mo11.f, ed. R. Joly (Mons 1977) 9-17, and S. By!, "Les
38 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
then H fails, leaving G as the only representative of the M tradition at the end. (1
do not cite Gill when M is available.)
Manuscripts of the Epistolographic Tradition
All the Pseudepigrapha, save for 26 and 27 (Speech at the Altar, and Embassy)
come to us also in manuscripts of the epistolographic tradition, which, besides
Hippocratic Letters, contain collections of letters attributed to well known figures
of antiquity, Euripides, Heraclitus, Diogenes, etc. The two lines of transmission
for the Hippocratic letters existed separately from at least the frrst century A.D.
The epistolographic tradition for Hippocratic letters itself seems to have been
split early into several branches which contained different selections of letters, the
fullest represented by ms. b, which uniquely contains 23 and 24, the next fullest
by my manuscripts e and d, and the next by the tradition that provides the
majority of our Renaissance epistolographic mss., as in my ms. a, and the
smallest by ms. cp. 103 For the epistolographic tradition, Littré used , in addition
to b and cp, seven fifteenth and sixteenth century Paris manuscripts which he
designated OO't'llX'Ifro. Putzger used the same epistolographic manuscripts as
Littré, which Littré reported accurately.104 My mss. acd, along with b, are
intended to represent the available tradition in the epistolographic manuscripts. a
is of the same type as Littré's ocr't'Ux'lfro, carrying the same letters and essentially
the same text, and it is older than they, though 1 have not been able to establish
that any of them were copied directly from it. Mss. e and d are of a type that is
not represented among the Paris mss., an expanded collection that adds letters 18,
20, and 22 to those of a. e is additionally of interest because it has a marginal
addition which is Iike the text of b, but independent of it, and therefore can
broaden our evidence of those treatises for which b has been the only witness.
Littré's ms. cp, which uniquely of the epistolographic group contains the selection
Ietters 3-9, is erratic in its text, but has seemed to be worth reporting because it
recentiores du IIllité pseudo-hippocratique Du Régime; quelques problemes," Hippocratica, Acles
dw Colloqlll! Hippocratiqlll! de Paris, ed. M. Gnnelc (Paris 1980) 73-83. Manuscript U is described
by Putzger, p. V. Manuscript G was used by Asulanus for the A1dine edition of Hippocrates (note
the apparatus for .p. 110, line 20, 122.2, etc.). It has a number of conjectures and proposed
corrections. Jacques Jouanna, Scriplorium3S (1984) 56-9, est.ablishes that Hb and G were copied
from ms. I after it had 1ost a number of folios. ..
103 Manuscript b is described by Putzger on p. V of bis edition, and in H. Stevenson, Codias
manwscripti Pa/atini Graeci Bibliothecae Vaticanae (Rome 1885) 254-57. Descriptions of a, e,
and d are given by Ingemar Düring, Chion of Herac/ea pp. 29-30, and good physical descriptions
of the manuscripts by Sabatucci, 380-391. For their affiliation, see, e.g., apparatus to page 78
line 23 be1ow: post o.:coc; add. abcd, om. MUY, md in the same line MUVb,
acd, md p. 62, line 12: 'tE MUY lle acd om. b. In d the text of letters 6-10, n:adings
from which I report, was added after 1etter 22 by the same hand as the preceding, but apparently
from a different source. d's text in these added 1etten is closer to the text of the medica! than the
episto1ographic tradition.
104 Putzger appears to have codified Littré' s information by using r and R for many and all of
OCJ'tUX'I'"'· He st.ates wrongly (p.VI) that they contain Letter 10.
INTRODUCTION 39
has affmities with the papyri. The statement that it contains unique memory of
true readings, however, has seemed tome optimistic.105 The papyrus texts of the
Letters represent different early se1ections of 1etters from the epistolographic tra-
dition.106 The text they carry is related to both the medical and epistolographic
tradition, which one can infer is a sign that they come early in the divided
tradition.
We can best approach the history of the whole collection through its parts. We
start from the likelihood that there was never a full collection of 1etters, speeches
and decrees from which selections were made, but groups that were assembled at
various times into different collections. The nature of the groups can perhaps
shed Iight on the arder of composition of the 1etters, if not the abso1ute dates.
25-27
As 1 argued above, the speeches, 27 and 26, are the oldest pseudepigrapha, and
were part of the Hippocratic collection in the Alexandrian Library. 25, the
Athenian Decree, was added at sorne point to illustrate them. Why, one asks,
does A have on1y 26, and not 25-27like the other medical manuscripts, MUV, or
like e, none at all? And why is b alone of the epistolographic group in having
25, and if it has 25, why not 26 and 27? Such quizzical questions sometimes
admit of convincing answers, sometimes do not. In the case of 25-27, it seems
reasonable that the copyist of e, or of an ancestor, creating a practical medical
manuscript, passed the pseudepigrapha by entire1y, and the scribe of A, or its
ancestor, who was writing Hippocratic material, took the speech of Hippocrates,
but rejected that of Thessalos and the decree, while the branch represented by
MUY, interested in biography as well as medical works, kept all three. Sorne
scribe of an ancestor of b, a systematic collector of letters relating to
Hippocrates, copied 25, the decree, and placed it in the most reasonable place for
it in b's collection, after the Persian Ietters, because it refers to Hippocrates'
rejection of Persian overtures, and it offers similarities and contrasts with 9, the
Coan decree, which it follows in b's collection. But 26 and 27, being speeches,
were rejected as inappropriate to an epistolographic collection. e is a manuscript
of the type of a, but after it was copied it was augmented in the margin with
Ietters from the b collection, in the arder of b, 25, 10, 19, 21 , 23 and 24. The
text of these supplements in e shows that they were not copied into e from b
itself, though b is three centuries older than e, but from a relative. Thus we can
speak: of a b tradition.
105 <p agrees with now one, now another of the papyri in its readings, see, e.g., apparaws, p.
50, lines 16, 19, 62.6,7,8, etc.
40 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
900A.D.
1000
9) 1100
1200
1300
1400
e
'-
25only
1500
{in margin)
10-21
The Democritus sequence, as one infers from the occurrences of the letters in
the manuscripts, divides into the basic group 11-17, and additions, 1Oand 18-21,
of which 10, 18, and 20 are letters, and 19 and 21 are the discourses on madness
and hellebore. 10 is the letter from the Abderites that 11 from Hippocrates
answers, and it is of comparable quality with 11-17, but its weak representation ,
in the epistolographic tradition sets it apart It is clearly missing from the
papyrus collections, which have 3-5 and 11, and they might or might not have
had others beyond 11. It seems possible, though not likely, that out of an
original, complete collection, a selection of "Hippocratic Letters" would reject 10.
1 am therefore inclined to conclude that 10 is a later addition to 11-17. The
treatises 19 and 21 are pastiches, and 18 and 20 are cover letters for them. Do we
infer from their manuscript occurrences that 21 is the last written, and thus
probably 19 illso was written after 18 and 20,and that the whole sequence 18-21 is
an exchange between Democritus and Hippocrates which is inferior to, and written
later than, 11-17? b has the whole group, 10-21, d lacks 10 and 19, e lacks 10,
19 and 21, anda lacks 10 and 18-21. b and the medical tradition have them all.
22, the letter to Thessalos, appears wherever 20 does.
INTRODUCTION 41
900A.D.
1000
1100
1200
1300
1400
1500
1600
1-9
The Persian Letters offer the most complex pattern in the manuscript selection,
even more interesting because the complexities show up early, and are even
greater in the papyrus manuscripts which come near the beginning of the
tradition. Letters 4 and 5 appear in two versions. The pair that 1 designate.4 and
5 relate to the forwarding of the king's letter to Hippocrates and his answering it
as "the letter you said carne from the king," 4a and 5a do not refer toa letter from
the king. Instead, Hystanes conveys to Hippocrátes the king's desire for him, and
Hippocrates replies with a sumrilary dismissal. The various .groups of
man\]Scripts have.different choices from these two pairs of letters, but they do not
choose only the logical pairs. The papyrus mss. have logical pairs, and p 1, which
has 4 and 5, has 4a also in its margin, while has 4a and5a and 5 in that order.
On the othér hand the mss. of the medical tradition have 4 and 5a, while the
epistolographic group represented by acd have 4a and 5. Ms. b, the most
venerable of the epistolographic mss. has 4 and 5a, unlike the bulk of the
epistolographic mss., and like those of the medical tradition, and q¡, a late
epistolographic ms. has 4a and 5a, like the papyri p 2 and p3. Letters 6-9 do not
appear in the papyri or in a and d, but they are in e, and also in b and the medical
tradition. And they are in q¡. q¡, like all three of the papyri, lacks 1 and 2, while
the other mss. of the epistolographic and medical traditions have them. The
rationale is not obvious.
42 HIPPOCRATES' LE'ITERS, ETC. INI'RODUCTION 43

23

900AD.
1000 900 A.D.
1100 1000
1200 1100
1200
1300
1500 1400
1500

23-24
Finally, 23 and 24 appear only in b and in c's marginal addition, and 23
appears in H, a manuscript of the medical tradition which is derived from Mor a
close relative of M, but is eclectic in íts text in the pseudepigrapha.107 H's text of
23 and c's text of 23 and 24 are not taken directly from b. They are independently
derived from a relative or relatives of b. H could have taken íts text of 23, the
fancíful anatomy attributed to Democritus, from a source that had both 23 and 24,
while rejecting 24, the hygiene to Demetrius attributed to Hippocrates, but a
reason for doing so is not apparent, and one is at liberty to conclude that H's
source lacked 24. The order of H's texts of the pseudepigrapha suggests a search
for a complete collection. 108
I have not found it possible to combine all these elements into a single graph
or stemma to show relationships. Indeed, I cannot say what the history is that a
stemma should clarify.
Secondary Tradition
The secondary tradition for the text of the pseudepigrapha is very thin. Erotian
cites ten words from the Presbeutikos, identified by Ernst Nachmanson,
Erotianstudien, Uppsala: Almquist & Wiksell, 1917, pp. 440-441. There are a
number of indirect references to the contents of the letters, but little evidence for
the text.

Dialect

The Ionic Dialect of the Hippocratic Corpus is not a spoken language, but a
book language whose original forms cannot be known because of successive
corruptions and corrections of the words in the process of the transmission of the
texts. All the sources of the text, including the earliest papyrus manuscripts,
exhibit considerable inconsistency in their use of the Dialect. This is even more
true for the Pseudepigrapha than it is for the medical works. It is likely that the
dialect was, to sorne degree, mixed in the original writings, and that the Ionic, as
an affectation, was a matter of flavor about which the authors and the later scribes
107 H has the M text of 26 and 27, but in the rest has a cont.amina!ed text similar to b and 10 c.
108 H's order for the pseudepigrapha is 1-18 (fol. 530-540), 26-27 (fol. 540-543v), 544 blank,
and, in another hand, 25, 19, 20, 21, 23, 22 (fol. 544v-546v).
44 HIPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.
were more self-conscious at sorne times, and with sorne words than others.109
The process of adjusting the dialect seems to have been repeated in each
generation as the texts were copied, and recovery ofthe original has been put
beyond our reach.t10 A scholarly consensus, with which 1 am in accord, has
developed whereby, in addition to following the tendencies of the best manuscript
or manuscripts, editors introduce corrections for a general consistency of
inflectional form, avwicrt, not aU'toic;, 1totÉoucrt, not 1totoucrt, etc., and remove
the clear hyper-lonisms, those erroneous forms that have apparently been
introduced into the text by scribes as elegant "corrections". 1 have admitted sorne.
inconsistency into my text 1 have only rarely reported manuscript variations in
orthography, when they seemed interesting or where they might be preferable to
the text 1 print · pseudepigrapha in this form and sequence. The most important of these are:
Enclitics
Por accentuation of enclitics 1 have followed the principies enunciated by W. S.
Barrett, Euripides Hippolytus (Oxford,l964) 424-427. In the few cases in which
enclitics come in series 1 treat the group as an accentual unit, e.g., i¡yóv 'tE J.lE • .
109 There were discussions of, and disagreements about, the dialect in the ancient comrnentators
and editors, about which we get sorne, but not much, infonnation from Galen. See his
commentary on Fractures 188 322 Kühn, in which he says that sorne comrnentators treated the
dialect as 01d Attic, and his cornmentary on Epidemics 6, CMG 5.10.2.2, p. 483, where he tells
us that the editors Dioscurides and Capiton presented al1 Hippocl:lltes' worlcs in the Coan dialect
(as they understood it). We cannot attain the truth or !acate the lonic dialect in such cases as p.
62, líne 9, in lener 12: altav8p<OltEÜV't(ll V attav8p<OltÉOV't!ll u attav8p<OltOÜV't!ll b
clltav8p<OltEÚOV't!ll acd.
Ms. b has many suggestions written into it, sorne apparenüy from other manuscripts and sorne
ori/iinal with the corrector himself. 1 cite only the most interesting.
10 See the discussions of medical Ionic by Hugo Kühlewein, Hippocratis opera qWDe feriUitur
omnia, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Teubner, 1894), pp. LXV-CCXXVIll, E. Schwyzer in Karl Deichgriiber,
ed., Hippocratis de carnibus (Leipzig and Berlín: 1935) 62-70, Hans Diller, ed., Hippocratis De
aere aquis /ocis, CMG 1.1.2 (Berlin: 1970) 13-17, and Jacques Jouanna, ed., Hippocratis De
natwa hominis, CMG 1.1.3 (Berlín: 1975) 133-155.
INTRODUCTION 45
EDffiONS
Letters 1-5, 11-18 and 20 were fust edited by M. Musurus and printed by Aldus
Manutius in 1499 in a volume of ancient letters: Epistolae diversorum
philosophorum. The fust collected Latín translation of Hippocrates by Fabius
Calvus, Rome: 1525, contains 1-22, 25-27. The Aldine Greek princeps of
Hippocrates, edited by F. Asulanus, Venice: 1526, exhibits the complete series,
1-27, for the first time. All subsequent editors of the coq>us include the
Asul. Omnia opera HippocraJis, Venetiis in aedibus Aldi et Andreae Asulani,
1526
Com. HippocraJis Coi libri omnes, Froben, Basileae, 1538 (edited by Janus
Comarius)
Mere. Hippocratis Coi opera quae existunt, ed. Hieronymus Mercurialis,
Yenetiis, 1588
Fot!s Magni Hippocratis opera omnia quae exstanl, ed. Anutius Foesius.
Francofurti, 1595 ·
Lind. Magni Hippocratis Coi opera omnia Graece et Latine, ed., loan. Anton.
van der Linden, Leiden: 1665
Li. Oeuvres completes d'Hippocrate par Émile Littré, vol. 9, Paris:l861.
Ermerins HippocraJis et aliorum medicorum veterum reliquiae, ed. Franciscus Z.
Ermerins, Traiecti ad Rhen. 1859-64.
Hercher Epistolographi Graeci, recens. R. Hercher, Parisüs 1878.
Putz. Wa!ter Puti.ger, Hippocratis quaeferuntur epistulae ad codicumjidem
recensitae, Programm Wurzen, Leipzig: Teubner, 1914
Foes used a number of manuscripts and much medical insight and philological
ingenuity to improve the text of the early editions, which were based on
manuscripts of the M tradition. Littré extended the manuscript evidence greatly
with the manuscripts in Paris, including his C (Parisinus 2146), which is a copy
of V, eight Paris manuscripts of the epistolographic tradition, and a (less than
perfect) collation of b (Palatinus 398) made for him by a Prof. Roullez of
Brussels. Putzger, whose edition contains only 1-25, added also U.' 11 Editions
between Foes and Littré used Foes's reports of readings and his copious notes, and
similar!y Ermerins and Hercher depended on the full apparatus of Littré for their
information about the tradition of the text, as Putzger may have for his report of
the Paris epistolographic manuscripts, for whose evidence he cared little.
111 Through the kindness of Fridolf Kudlien and Jutta Harig-Kollesch 1 have been able lO see
Putzger's preliminary text for 26 and 27, which is stored at the Akadenúe der Wissenschaften in
Berlín.
46 HIPPOCRATES' LE'ITERS, ETC.

SIGLA

pl P. Oxy. IX 1184v s. I A.D.

p2 P. Berol. Inv. 7094v s. II/Ill A.D.
p3 P. Berol. Inv. 21137v and 6934v s. II/Ill A.D.
b Palatinus graecus 398 saec. IX
M Marcianus graecus 269 saec. X TOY lllllOKPA TOYl:
A Parisinus graecus 2253 saec. X1
u Urbinas graecus 64 saec. XII Ellll:TOAAI llPEl:BEYTIKOl: EniBQMIOl:
V Vaticanus graecus 276 saec. XII
I Parisinus graecus 2140 saec. XIII
G Parisinus graecus 2141 saec. XIV
H Parisinus graecus 2142 saec. XIV
a Vaticanus graecus 1309 saec. XIV
e Vaticanus graecus 1353 saec. XV
d Vaticanus graecus 1354 saec. XV
o = agreement of acd
<p Parisinus graecus 3052 saec. XVI
Diels H. Diels, Fragmente der Vorsolcratiker 6 , Berlin: 1951
Erot. Erotian, ed. Emst Nachmanson, Uppsala: 1918
Paton W. R. Paton, in, W. R. Paton andE. L. Hicks, The Inscriptíons
ofCos, Oxford: 1891.

I am the frrst to make use of manuscripts a, e, and d for the Hippocratic text,
and to employ those symbols for them. b, the oldest and best in its class would
normally be designated a, but I have retained Littré's siglum for it, as I have also
for<p.
 LETTERS, EMBASSY, SPEECH PROM THE ALTAR, DECREE
EIIIITOAAI ITPEIBEYTIKOI EIIIBQMIOI óOfMA
l. King of Kings, great ArtaXerxes to Paitus. Greetlngs
Littré IX l. BacrV.ci>c; f1É'yac; llaínp xaípEtv · The disease called plague has descended on our army. Though we have done
312 Noucroc; xpocrExD..acrEY T¡ 1CaAO'I>f.1ÉvTt A.otf.1uci, 'to'ic; cr'tpa'tEÚJ.lacrw Í'¡f.1&v much, it has given no relief. Therefore, 1 ask, in all ways and by all the gifts
Kal .xoUa xotTtcrá.v'trov Í'¡f.1&v ev&ow oÚJC eomKEV. 8eEv xav'toíroc; given by me, send me something quickly: natural remedies · from your own
1Cal7tá.cratc; 'ta'ic; 7tap' Ef.lOU ompro'ic;, 't&v ElC <pÚcrEcóc; <JO'\) sorne procedure of science, or an explanation by sorne other man who
enwo{¡J:Lacrw i;'tot 'tébv EJC 'tÉXVTt<; É'tÉpo'l> á.vopOc; ÉPf.lTtVEÍTtv 5 can cure it. Scourge the affection, I beg. Breathing heavily, anguish and despair
O'l>vaf.1ÉvO'I> i{¡cracr9at 1tÉJ.17tE 'tá.xoc;. 'tO 1tá.9oc;. á.MlCTI yap have invaded the We are beaten without striking a blow. Our enemy
JCa'ta 'tOOV ·Ox,A.rov !Cal xoA.uc; a/..'l>c; 1tVEU¡.La f.lÉya !Cal 7t'I>1CVOV exrov. oÚ is a beast ravaging our flocks. It has wounded many, put them beyond healing.
1tOAE¡.LO'ÜV'tE<; ex9pov EXOV'tE<; 'tOV 9í1pa A'Uf.latVÓ¡.LEVOV 'ta It sends down dart afier bitter dart. 1 cannot bear it. 1 no longer. have the mind to
xoÍ¡.Lvta. 'tÉ'tpmKE 1toA.A.oúc;, o'Ucrtá.'to'l>c; exoÍTtcrE · mKpa take counsel with men of quality. Stop a1l this, omitting nothing, with your
1Ca'ta1tÉ¡.L1tEt. ou <pÉpm. yvCÓ¡.LTtV OUlCÉn ex.m ¡.LE't' á.vop&v yovÍ¡.LmV 10 good understanding. Be well!
. A.uE 'taíha .xá.v'ta f.lil á.ya9ñ cr'I>VEto{¡crEt.
eppmcro. 2. Paitus to the great king Artaxerxes. ·Greetings.
Natural remedies do not get rid of the visitation of the plague epidemic.
2. lla'hoc; ¡J.qá.A.cp x,aípEtv • Diseases from nature, nature herself judges (brings toa crisis) and héals. Those
. Ta <p'l><!tJCa oú A.úEt 'ti,v entÓT¡¡.LÍav AOL¡.LLlCO'Ü xá.9o'l>c;. a
OE ElC from ·a visitation the science heals, judging scientifically the alterations of bodies.
q¡ÚcrEroc; yÍVE'tat vocr{¡¡.La'ta, aÚ'tTt Íl q¡Úcrtc; iil'tat 1CpÍvo'Ucra· ocra óe 15 Hippocrates the physician cures this malady. By family he is Dorian, of the city
E7ttÓTtllÍTtc;. 'tÉX.VTt 'tEXVtJCébc; KpÍvo'Ucra 'tÍ'¡ V 'tpoxT¡v 'tébv crm¡.Lá.'tmv. Cos, son of Heraclides, son of Gnosidicus, son of Nebros, son of Sostratus, son
314 'lxxoJCpá.'tTt<; óe ÍTt'tpoc; iíl'tat 'tou'to 'to 7tá.9oc;. 'ti¡! yÉvEt ¡.Lev 1 o.Ov ecr'tt of Theodorus, son of Cleomyttades, son of Crisarnis. He has a divine nature, and
&roptEúc;, xÓAEmc; óe K&, xa'tpoc; óe 'HpaKA.Eíóa 'tou 'lxxoKpá.'to'l>c; 'tou he has brought forth the healing science from minor, idiosyncratic activities to
rvmcrtÓÍlCO'U 'tOU 'tOU l:mcr'tpá.'tO'U 'tO'Ü 8Eoocópo'U 'tO'Ü KAEO¡.L'U't'tá.oa great scientific ones. 1 The divine Hippocrates is eighth, you know, from King
'toíl Kptcrá.¡.Ltóoc;. ot'toc; q¡ÚcrEt KÉX.PTI'tat !Cal ElC ¡.Lt1Cp&v JCal ÍÓtm'ttJCébv 20 Crisarnis, seventeenth from Asclepius, nineteenth from Zeus, and his mother is
de; ¡.LE-yá.A.a JCal 'tEX,:VtJCa xpo{¡yayE 'ti,v ÍTt'tpud¡v. yívE'tat f.lEV o.Ov ó 9Eioc; Phainarete's daughter Praxithea, from the Heraclid house.2
'lxxoKpá.'t'Tic; i::va'toc; f.lEv á.xo Kptcrá.¡.Ltooc; 'toíl ÓlC'tmKatÓÉJCa'toc; Hence, by the seed of both sides, the divine Hippocrates is descended from
OE altO 'AcrÚ111tWU, EÍlCOO'tO<; ÓE axo &tóc;, f.l'll'tpOc; OE 'tftc; gods, from Asclepius by his father, from Heracles by his mother. He learned the
1
<l>awapÉ'tTt<; EJC 'tftc; oiKíac; 'tébv 'Hpa&tórov, éócr'tE Ka'ta á.¡.L<pÓ'tEpa 'ta science from his father Heraclides and from his pdfather Hippocrates. It seems
1
crxÉpiJ.a'ta 9Eébv axóyovóc; ecrnv Ó 9E'ioc; 'l7t7t01Cpá.'t'tl<;, 7tpoc; ¡.LEv xa'tpoc; 25 likely that he was first initiated by them into the frrst mysteries of the science,
'Acr!CA.'Ilmá.ó'tlc; rov, xpoc; óe ll'll'tpoc; 'Hpa!CA.Eí011c;. e¡.La9E óe -ti,v 'tÉX.V'IlV xapá. which it is credible that even they knew, but he taught the total science to
'tE 'ti¡l1ta'tpl 'HpalCAEÍOn !Cal xapa 'ti¡! 1tá.1t1tq> '11t1to1Cp<Í'tEt. ai..A.a 1tapa
¡.LEV 'tOÚ'totc;, roe; EÍJCÓc;, 'ta xpéb'ta Et.m1Í9Tt 'tftc; Í'll'tpt!Cftc;, ocra 1tt9avov í1v 1"
!Cal 'tOÚ'to'Uc; dóévat. 'ti,v OE <!Úf.17tacrav 'tÉXV'IlV au'tOc; Ém'l>'tOV
1

Epistulae 1-2. Mss. MUVbO (O = acd) 1 1tÉ'too MVb 11 3 post 1toi..i..Ct add. 1t0A.A.án; bO 11 4 crou
om. O 11 5 EnlVO'lllá-roov UbO ante ..:éx.11; add. 'ti\; V 11 6 ..:axÉoo; U M U
iiA.ooKE MVO &i..ooKEV b iíA.ooJCa U corr. Li. 11 7 ..:ov ()xA.ov UO 1toUO; áA.u; b 11 8-9 1:0
1tOÍ!Lvlov V 11 11: A.úe bO A.úero1 MV A.úe 'tE U corr. Li. auvetliitcret: ..:ÚX'l O 11 13 post 1 With the phrase ÉK 111Kprov Kal. ílhoonJCrov ILE'YáA.a Kal. 1tpoityayE 1t 1s
add. 'té¡> MUVb post ILE"f!ÍAl¡> add. lieanó-rn MUVb 11 14 in marg. 'YP· voaft!La'ta possible that the author suggests that Hippocrates brought others outside the family into the
A.úcrEl b 'tOU Wlll. bO a lli:: ocra ¡¡¡, b ooa yñp o 11 16 ante 'tOOV add 'tflV. b 11 18 profession, as Galen suggests in Anatomical Procedures (Anal. Admin., Kühn 2.280-281), but
MUY 'Hpa!CA.eíllou O 11 21 post oi\v add. ft11iv bO 11 23 ..:oü 'AaK. O 11 25 more likely he means sinlply what is developed below, that he somehow reconstituted and
b 26 E!LUÜÉ 'tE bO 11 27 'tE om. ac bO '11t1tOKpá'tll u o;
11 28 'tOO'tOOV b (corr. b 2) ob!ectified medica! theory, which had before been peculiar to each practitioner.
Ó.1tí8avov MUY ocra m9ava b 11 29 Ob (corr b 2) In the Vita Hippocratis attributed to Soranus there is no mention of a Praxithea, and
Hippocrates' mother is said to be Phainarete.
 50 Ellll:TOAAI TI-IV. LEITERS2-4 51

tveeíq. qn)crEt ICCÚ 'tOOoíhov 'tU rucpu'Íq. employing bis divine nature, and surpassing his forebears in the natural quality of
ooov a:u'trov JCa.l. 'tft apE'tft. Ka.9a.ipEt his soul by as much as he has surpassed them in scientific excellence. He
ou S,pirov iJ.Ev S,puoOrov OE VOOTII.l.ci'trov JCa.l. a-ypirov 1toU-l,v -yf¡v cleanses the earth and sea over wide areas, not of wild beasts but of beastly wild
JCa.l. SáA.a.'t'ta.v Ota.cr1tdprov 1ta.v'ta.xou Wcr1tEp ó 'tu diseases, andas Triptolemus sowed everywhere the seeds of Demeter, he sows the
crnÉp¡.ta.'ta. 'tU 'toU 'AcrKÁTimoU 5 cures of Asclepius.
'tot-ya.pouv ÉvOtJC<Ó'ta.'ta. Ka.l. avtÉpEu'ta.t xoA.A.a.xoü Whence justly he has been given divine honors widely on earth and is accorded
'tE 'trov a.u'trov 'Hpa.KA.Ei 'tE Ka.l. 'AcrKA111ttcp imo 'A811va.írov the same gifts as are Heracles and Asclepius by the Athenians.1 Do send for
oropErov. a.U'tOV iJ.E'tcl1tEiJ.'VCX.t ICEAEÚrov ap"(Úptov Jea.l. xpucríov, ocrov av him; and direct that he be given all the gold and silver that he wants. For he
OCÓcrEW a.u'tcp. -y!lp E1tÍO'ta.'ta.t oux EVa. 'tpÓ1tOV knows not just a single manner of healing the affection, he is the father of health,
'tou 1ta.'ti,p cramíp, 10 savior, soother of pain. In short he is leader in the divine science. Be well!
'Íl'YEiJ.OOV epprooo.

316 3. 'Ycr'tá.vn 'EU,crnóv'tou úxá.pxcp 3. King of Kings, great Artaxerxes to Hystanes, govemor of the Hellespont.
x.a.ipEw· Greetings.
i11'tpou Kcpou á.1to 'AcrKA.,moü Ka.l. Él.l.E The fame of the science of the physician, Hippocrates of Cos, descendant of
á.cp'iK'ta.t oíSv a.u'tcp xpuoov óxócrov iiv JCa.l. 'ta if)J..a 15 Asclepius, has reached even to me. Give him all the gold he wants, and in
xúo11v Ólv JCa.l. 1tÉiJ.1tE ecr'ta.t -yup IlEpcrÉrov abundance all else that he lacks, and send him to me. He will have honor
JCa.l. El Écr'tl.v avi,p ICCX.'t' EupCÓ1t11V cpíA.ov comparable with Persian nobles. And if there is any other good man in Europe,
otJCq> 'tÍ9Ecro 1.1.'h -y!lp cilpeiv make him a friend to the King's house, sparing no expense. Finding men who
'tt ICCX.'tU oú PTI·{owv. epprooo. have any capacity for advising is not easy. Be well!

4. 'l1t1t01Cpá.'tEt t'll'tpcp a1to 'Ao!CÁ111ttou 'YE"fOVÓ'tt xa.ípEW · 20

crou ExEI.l.'VE 4. Hystanes to the physician Hippocrates, descended from Asclepius. Greetings.
ICEAEÚrov Oot ap-yúpwv Jea.l. xpucrov Jea.l. 'tU lii..A.a. xúO,v, Ólv Jea.l. The Great King Artaxerxes, desiring you, sent subordinates to me and bade me
ocra. JCa.l. 1tÉiJ.1tEW érou'tOV Év 'tá.XEt. EO'Ecr9a.t -yup give you silver and gold and abundantly all else you want and need and bade me
I1EpcrÉrov icrÓ'ttiJ.OV. aU o'Í)y 1ta.pa.-yívou epprooo. send you to him quickly. You will be honored equally with the foremost of
Persians. Please come immediately. Be well!

1
1
b (corr. b2) EVyEVEÍq. O 11 3 VOcrTJ¡Lá'trov: aro¡Lá't'rov
1 év8Eiq.: Sclq. bO év8É'fl U
o 11 4 SáA.aaaav O 1:a: 1:a ¡LE'ta V ¡LE'<a correctum in 1:a M 11 5 '<a om. V 11 6 bO i
avtÉpEU'ta\: ba ViÉpEU'ta\ V ávtÉpo>1:a\ Ud ávtEp -ta\ M (di:xerat ávtEpE'i'nm) ávmópEU't'a\
e 117 '<El: oi; 0 '<En om. 0119 OÜ'troM yapom. 01111 Épproao om. 0
3. Mss. p 1p 2MUVb0op 12 É:lt<Íjll'fl p 1 11 14-15 ácptlC. op 11 15 om., add.
1 The writer asserts that the Athenians accorded Hippocrates the
superscr., p,1 cp ;c.puaov: O ;c.puaiov MUVb xpuaov 1eai lípyupov p 1 oaov O 11 16 Ó!v appropriate to a bero.
áv (Éav p ) 01tavil;r¡ p 1cp mi om. op ds MU o¡LÓ'tt¡LOS op iaÓ't\¡LOS !tEP<JCÜV O 11 17 He appears to exaggerate the statements in the PrulnwiJ:os,Epibomios, and Decree, where it is
1:oi M ante mi add áAJ..a op éarlv om. Oop Écr't'iv U ávi¡p om. V post said that Hippocrates was iniliated into the mysteries at public expense. We do recall, however,
add. cpáVO\1:0 cp 11 17-18 JCai.. . n8Eao om., add. supersc., p 11 18 't'i9Eao: OtOoU p 1 !tO\OÜo that in the PresbeutiJ:os Hippocrates' ancestor Fawn is said to have been the recipient of public
11 18-19 2
... {rtfiO\OV om. p p 1119
1 MUb Épproao om. p 10cp sacrifice after bis death (be1ow, p. 115). Heroization and wonhip of Hippocrates is not
4. Mss. fMUVb 20 ' l!t!tOlCpá'tOUS Ír¡'tpi¡'> ... u xatp\V lCa\ uyta\V\Y p 1 11 21 ILÉ'Y· elsewhere part of the tradition, the nearest thing to it being the statement in the Pseudo-Soranus
'Ap1:. om. p 11 21-2 JCEAEÚrov aot: p 1 11 22 ápyúptov 1eai ;c.puaov: Xfuaov Vita Hippocratis that Hippocrates' birthday was celebrated 011 Cos. The peculiar exaggerations
1eai ó.pyupov onoaov Éav p 1 1eai ::c.puaov: 'tE mi ::c.puaiov b bv rov i:av eL this letter support the inference that letters 1 and 2 were later additions to the letter group. The
p 1 11 3-5 JCai oaa ... ÍaÓ'tt!lOY om. p 1 terminology al the end of the letter, "savior", etc., is like that used in addresses to Asclepius
general!y.
lf 111
1'

52 ETII:ETOAAI V-Vla LEITERS 53

5. 'hmoKpá:rr¡c; i11tpoc; 'Y<návn 'EAA110'7tÓVtot> imápxcp xaípetv. 5. Hippocrates the physician to Hystanes, govemor of the Hellespont.
né¡me ic; OOc; táxoc; on xat npoocpopi\ Kat ia9íln Kat Greetings.
mt náan 'ti\ ic; apKeoúan OUO'Í'!l Kat IlepaÉrov ou 9éA<p Send back to the King as quickly as possible that I have' enough food, clothing,
ouoe naÚetv áv9pómouc; voúarov, ix9pouc; ióvtac; shelter and all substance sufficient for life, and I arn unwilling to enjoy Persian
'EUT¡vrov. 5 opulence or to save Persians from disease, since they are enemies of the Greeks.
Bewell!

4a. 'Yatávr¡c; i11tpcp óv·n anoyóvcp xaípetv.

"Hv inunoA.ilv aÉo ypá'lfov o-l>v 4a. 1 Hystanes to the physician Hippocrates, who is descended from the
npoc; ta.í')'t(X 'íva. Ka.ta taxoc; 7tpoc; epp(I)O'o, Asclepiads. Greetings.
I have sent to you the letter which the king sent in his desire for you. Write a
response to it please, so that I can send it to the king quicldy. Be well!
5a.. 'InnoKpátllc; i11tpOc; ·yatávn 'EU110'7tóvtou·únápxcp xa.ípew.
Ilpoc; 1\v cpáJJ.evoc; na.pa acptx9m, nÉ¡me 10
318 a Aéyro, ypácprov &n táxoc;, K<Ú 7tpoacpopn 1 Ka.t iaSíln Ka.t 5a. 2 Hippocrates the physician to Hystanes, govemor of the Hellespont.
Ka.lnáan 'ti\ ic; apKEOÚO"!l ouaín XPEÓJ.LE9a.. IlepaÉrov oÜ oe Greetings. ·
ouoe avopa.c; vo'Úarov xa.Úetv ix9pouc; In response to the letter you sent which you said carne from the King, write to
únapxovta.c; 'EUT¡vrov. epp(I)O'o. the King and send him as quickly as possible what I say: I have.enough food,
clothing, shelter and all substance sufficient for life. It is not proper that I should
enjoy Persian opulence or save Persians from disease, since they are enemies of
6. 'l1t7tOKpÚt11<; · 15 the Greeks. Be well!
IIepaÉrov oilK docbc; &n Aóyoc; EJJ.Ot aocpÍll<;
XPUO'OU nA.éov epp(I)O'O,
6. Hippocrates to Demetrius. Health.
The King of the Persians has summoned me, in ignorance that for me 1

00,' 'l7t1tOKpÚtll<; tép cpÍAtÚtq> 7tAetO't(X XllÍpetv Ka.t • wisdom' s message is more powerful than gold. Be well! ¡
ó llepaÉrov int xpuaép te Ka.t
apyupcp ayvórov O'tl A.óyoc; EJJ.Oc; aocpín 1CEXP11JJ.Évoc; XPUO'oU 20 l
oúva.¡¡.tv 6a. Hippocrates to his dearest Gorgias.
3 Best of greetings and health. ¡1
The King of the Persians wanted to summon me on condition of abundant gold
and silver, in his ignorance that my reasoning which deals in wisdom has more :1
ante quintam epistulam ó BE al;irop.a lCO.l 1tpQs
avnq>ÓlvTlCJEV • addidit p 1 ante quintam
power than gold. 'f
epistulam add. cp 1
1
S. Mss. p p (afparet post Sa)O(=acd)cp 1 om. post add. u11:o yévous
'Aa!CA,ma.Bérov p t11Ó.f'Xcp p 1 \11:1táPX'P e 'EU11a11:. om p 'EU11=· post u11:áPXc¡¡ O 11 2
Jk¡.atA.éa.: 2
p 11 3 ap1CE"IÍCJ11 p
]eafla.t (fon. xpéea6a.t)
1 2
auvoumn p li:EplOUCJÍU cp o¡ÍaÍU ante ap1CEOÚCJU 0
1ea.i. Tiepaérov oA.jlcp: oA.jlOO BE Tiepaóiv cp oú 6éA.cp: [Jlot 9é)JltS
lj
1
2
p E1tápa.a6a.t cp 11 4 cp p 2 éóv'ta.j: v11Ó.¡JXovms p 2
4a. Mss. 6 VltCÍPlOS p om. O post
1 Tiús form of letter 4 appears in one Renaissance manuseript and in the ancient papyrus
add. p 1cp 117 ó Jk¡.a. O post Jkta. add. JJÉYaS p 3 11:éltoJ1'f p 1cp 117-8 ypávov ... :1
om. p p 11 8 o iva ['ti¡v ai)v) ali:Ócp[aa)w p iva. o 1tpos manuscripts from Egypt, showing that there were distinct versions as early as the first century A.
jla.mA.éa. om. 1?2! Es PI D. 4 and 4a both appear in our earliest papyrus (P. Oxy. 1184). 4a seems to be the version most
Sa. Mss. p"p MUVb (p3 is too tanered in this 1ener to give seeure infonnation) 9 om. properly answered by letter 5, and referred to by lener 7.
p 2V 11 10 'ti¡v i)v EltEJlVO.S tmCJ't. V 1111 a A.qro ypácprov: A.qrov ypácpro l a qm ypácpro b
2 In P. Oxy. 1184 letter S is introduced by the following: the excellent man, vigilant for
the reputation of his science and for his !ove of the Greeks wrote in reply in the following
l>tt om. p 2 Btón: l>tt p 211 12 ante jliov add. b auvouain p" xpeCÓJle6a. M U
XPtoJla.t p2 Tiepaérov BE oA.jlou: =1. oA.jlou Tiepaérov p 2 · m81Uler:" The form implies an early presentation of these brief letters whieh offered introductory
6. Mss. MUVbcpcd 15 post ATliL add. jla.mA.ci b xa.ipttv e 11 16 e descriptions of them. 1 ¡
3 Tiús versioo of letter 6 appears only in P. Oxy. 1184. The addressee is presumab1y the
6a. Apparet unice in p 1 20 MryCJO p 1 .
sophist Gorgias whom the Ufe of Hippocrates by describes as Hippocrates' teacher.

L
r'l
l1'1, 54 EDil:TOAAI VII-X.1 LEITERS 7-10.1 55

'!1 7. 1:ép ÉJ.Lép J.LE"fÚAc¡> OEcr7tÓ't] 'Ycr'tá.vr¡<; 7. Hystanes, viceroy of the Hellespont to Artaxerxes, King of Kings, my great
'EUr¡crnÓV'tou Í.Í1ta.PXO<; ¡a.ÍpEW · lord. Greetings.
1 "Hv E7tEJ.L'lf<X.<; imcr'toA.T¡v A.éyrov 7tÉ¡L'lf<X.t 'l7t7to1Cpá.'tEt, ir¡'tpép Kcpc¡> áno I forwarded the letter which you sent with orders to send it to Hippocrates,
'AcrKA.r¡nta.Orov yqovón, E7tE¡L'lfCX, JCai nap' a'hou oe h:o¡Ltcrá.¡Lr¡v physician of the Coans, born of the Asclepiads, and from him got a response
Ú1tÓ1Cptcrw T¡v ypá.ljfa.<; EOOllCE lCClt ElCÉAE'\lO"EV Ei<; crov otlCOV 1tÉ¡L1tEW. 5 which he wrote, gave to me, and bade me send to your house. 1 have sent
<pÉpov'ta ffiSv Ú1tÉO"'tEtA.á crm OtE'U'tÚ¡Et. eppcooo. Phenakaspes to bring you the letter. May you have good fortune. Be wellP

8. BacrtA.eU<; ¡LÉ')'a<; Kcpot<; 'tME AÉyEv 8. King of Kings, great Artaxerxes, says the following to the Coans:
E¡LOt<; Ú')"YÉAot<; 'l1t1t01CpiÍ'tr¡V ir¡'tpov lCCllCOU<; 'tpÓ7tou<; exov'ta lCClt Ei<; ·Give to my messengers Hippocrates, a physician of bad character who has been
É¡Le Jeai Ei<; IIÉpcra<; á.crEA')'aÍvov'ta. d oe ¡L'Í¡, ')'VcOOEcrBE x:a.i 'til<; npCÓ'n¡<; insolent toward me and toward the Persians. If you do not, you willlearn that
á.¡Lap'tÍa<; n¡Lropíav 'tÍcrov'tE<;. ')'Ó.p 'ti¡v Ú¡LE'tÉpa.v nóA.w Kai vilcrov 10 you will pay the penalty for initiating the wrongdoing. 1 will destroy your city,
Ka.'ta.crná.cra.<; Ei<; 1tÉMx')'o<; 1tOt'Í¡crro ¡LT\OE d<; 'tOV rníA.ot1tOV XPÓVOV j'VOOVa.t, drag the island into the sea, and make it so that it will not even be known in time
Ei inl. 'tOÚ'tc¡> 1:ép 'tÓ7tc¡> vilcro<; 1\nóA.t<; Kéil. to come that there was an island or city of Cos in that spot.

9. 'AnÓKptcrt<; Kcprov. 9. The Coans' Answer: 2

320 1:ép Oá.¡Lc¡> tbtox:pívacr9at 1:oi<; napa <Í"f'YÉAm<;, 1 &n It was voted by the people to answer the messengers from Artaxerxes that the
Képot ouoev oií'tE MÉpono<; oií'tE 'Hpax:A.Éou<; oií'tE 15 Coans will do nothing unworthy of Merops or Heracles or Asclepius, wherefore
'AmcA.r¡mou, Ó>v EvElCE 7tá.V'tE<; oi. 7tOAt'tClt 00 OcOOOUO"W 'l7t7to1Cpá.'tEa., ouOe d the citizens all together will not give up Hippocrates, not even if they should be
¡LÉAAOtEv óA.éBpc¡> 'tép KCXICÍO"'tc¡> á.noA.dcr9at. Kai ')'ap x:a.i going to die the worst of deaths. Indeed, when Darius and Xerxes wrote letters
áno na'tÉprov Éntcr'toA.a<; i'PCX'lfá.v'trov ')'aiav Kai i.íorop ahEÓv'trov ouK demanding earth and water from our fathers, the people did not give it, seeing that
E00l1CEV o Oii¡LO<; opÉrov ClU'tOU<; Ó¡LOÍro<; 'tOt<; líA.A.ot<; áv9pronou<; Bva.'tOU<; those who were coming against them were mortal men like everyone else. Now
ióv1:a<; in' au'toU<; ióv'ta.<;. Kai vuv 1:av au1:av ánóKptcrw Otooi · áno Kcprov 20 the people give the same answer. Depart from the Coans because they are not
áva.xropEi'tE, &n 'l7t7t0tcpá.'tr¡V ou OÍOOV'tt EICOotov. Ú1tCX')"YÉAAE'tE au'tép going to deliver up Hippocrates. lnform him, messengers, that neither will the
oi lí')"YEA.m, &n ooo' oi BEoi IÍ¡LEA'Í¡croucrw Ó.¡LÉrov. gods be unconcemed with us. 3

10. Íl ICat ÓOllJ.Lo<; 'l7t7to1Cpá.'tEt xaípEw· . 10. The Council and the people of Abdera to Hippocrates. Greetings.
KwO'UVEÚE'tClt 'ttl ¡LÉ')'tO"'tCl 'ti\ 7tÓAEt vuv' 'In1tÓ1CpCX'tE<;. ávT¡p ÍlJ.LE'tÉprov' o<; Our city is now in great peril, Hippocrates. That man of all our citizens
ICat 'tép na.póvn xpóvcp Kai 1:ép ¡LÉAAov'tt aid ICA.Éo<; T¡A.:n:íCE'to 'tft nÓAEt, 25 who we always expected would be the fame of our city in the present and future

7-9. Mss. MUVbcpcd 1 tlliil om. V 11 1-2 .•. ¡aipew: ypácp11

cp 11 3 "Hv U 11 4 Be om. cp 11 5 héi..Euev V cp
aov: ov M 11 6 á:n:Éa-caA.xa cp cpÉpov'ta ..• l:ppmao om. e seripsi
cp cp<Ívat UMb Vd Bt' EIÍ'tiÍX11 cp EppOXJo om. b 11 8
ante add. cp post exov-ca add. xai u111i; cp 11 9 :n:po cp 11 10
• U!LIDV ri)v :n:ÓA.t V xai ri)v • 11 11 '1:0 Ao\ltOV ¡póvov • rvQ)()"&iivat •
rvóxrea9at M (corr. M 2 ) 11 12 t:n:i: tV • En EV MUd • n 13 Kcjxov om. • JI 14 -c4)
MIL<p: 'tÜ ltME\ • a!tOxpivtaeat M 2 :n:epi • 11 15 VM (corr. M 2) •
cpJI16 Ólv ..• :n:oA.i-cat: Ólvov'tÍ oi A.ot:n:oi cp m>: o'i-ce MUe (corr. in
oú) d 'lltlt01Cpá't11v cpb JI 17 11éA.A.a U ante óA.é9p<p add á.p-ct. cp -có'>v b á:n:oA.ÉGOat V 11 18 1 Phenakaspes is perhaps a mock Persian name on the model of such names as Hystaspes
:n:á'tpmv cp ante yaiav add xai b yaiav om. cp 11 18-19 oÚlC t'Bm1CEV ai-cm>v-cmv cp 11 19 (Hdt. l.l83.3, etc.). Phenakizo means "eheat" in Greek; phenake iB false hair.
MUbcpe Ucd MVb (marg.) M 2 et in marg. yp. xai 2 The Coans' Deeree is in a literary Doric which in large part corresponds .with the dialect used
11 19-20 &va't. EÓV"C. om. bcp 11 20 t:n:' om. e á:n:' • by formal Coan deerees, that is to say, the "Dorie koine" used in the Doric commwüties of the ''1
'tCtV aú-cav: -cav u "CCxV am&v e a:n:Ó1Cpti1\V OtOOi om. MUVcpcd JI 21 á:n:o¡mpei-ce U e Aegean region after the fifth century B.C. See Carl D. Buck's description, The Greek Dialects
á:n:o¡oopei'tat Md áva¡oopti-ct <m orn. cp U Bioov-cat MUVcd BtooV'ttlV cp 11 (Chicago: 1955) 173-80, and the Coan Decree on procedures of sacrifice which he gives as an
21-2 altayytA.óv-coov Be aú..:rov oi • 11 22 post áiLÉIDV add. OOV't\ "l1t:n:01Cp!Í1:ta á!LÉOlV M d example, pp. 302-4 (1be same deeree appears as P-H 37, and number 43 of Felix Solmsen,
oov..:mv 'I,.:n:oJCpá'tta U JliJ

u 11 25 tcpáv11 e
'I:n::n:oJCpá-cta Í>J1ÍV e
10. Mss. MUVbcd 24 nvoovE\Ítt eh (corr. b 2) vuvi U ante add. -có'>v be
lnscriptiones Graecae ad /nlustrandas Dialectos Selectae, 2nd editioo by Ernest Fraenkel (Leipzig:
1930).
3 The readings of Mss. MUd suggest that one version of the letter ended "Neither will the gods
'i
be wunindful of us if we give hirn up."
 1
1

56 Ellll.:TOAH X.l-2 LEITERS 10.1-2 57 1

1
¡.¡.r¡BEv vuv Ó>Oe, 1táv1:ec; 6eoí, <p6ovr¡6dr¡, ol>1:oc;, imo 1toUf¡c; 'tftc; x:a.'teX,o'ÚO'llc; (All gods! May it not be begrudged in this way now!), that man has been made ill
ctÚ'tOV cro<pÍr¡c; VEVÓO'lllCEV. Oxrte <pój3oc; oúx, o 'tUX,OOV. av cpOa.pft 'tOV by the great leaming that weighs him down. As a result there is no small fear
EÓV'troc; BT¡ 'tl¡v 7tÓAtv il¡¡.Érov that if Democritus has lost his reason, the city of us Abderites will be, in truth,
Éx:A.a.6ó¡.¡.evoc; yap á.1táv1:rov x:a.l. erou1:ou x:a.l. 1tpó1:epov, E-ypmopooc; x:a.l. left empty. For, previously inattentive to everything, including himself, he is
'h¡¡.Épr¡v x:a.l. v'Úx:'ta., 'YEAOOV EX:ctCJ'tct x:a.l. ¡¡.qáA.a., x:a.l. ¡.¡.r¡oev 5 now constantly wakeful night and day,laughs at everything large and small, and
'tOV j3íov oA.ov ya.¡.¡.ei nc;, o Be o Be thinks lüe in general is worth nothing. Someone marries, a man engages in
&j¡¡.r¡yope\, cXAAoc; VOO"et, 1 trade, a man goes into politics, another takes an office, goes on an embassy,
322 'tÉ6vr¡x:ev . o Be 7tÚV'tct reA.ft., 'touc; ¡.¡.ev X:ct't'T]<peic; 'te x:a.l. crx:u6pro1toúc;, 'touc; votes, falls ill, is wounded, dies. He laughs at every one of them, whether he
Be xa.ípov'ta.c; oprov. Cr¡'tet Be o ávT¡p x:a.l. 1tepl. 'troV EV x:a.l. sees them downcast and ill-tempered, or happy. The manis investigating things
1:a.u-ra. x:a.l. eiBcóA.rov <pr¡crl. 1tA.T¡pr¡ 1:ov itipa. x:a.l. opvÉrov cprovac; 10 in HadeS, and he writes about them, and he says that the air is full of images. He
CÍ>'ta.x:oua-rei · x:a.l. vÚlC'trop ¡.¡.óvoc; 'hau:x.ñ cpoac; listens to birds' voices. Arising often alone at night he seems to be singing
· x:a.l. &.1to&¡¡.¡.eiv tví01:e te; 'tl¡v x:a.l. &r¡¡.¡.ox:phouc; softly. He claims that he goes off sometimes into the boundless and that there
o¡.¡.oíouc; erou1:é¡l · x:a.l. 'tfi rvro¡.¡.n 1:0 are numberless Democrituses like himself. He lives with a complexion as ruined
2. 1:a.u-ra. 'ln7tÓx:pa.'tec;, 1:a.u1:a. &.A.A.a as his reason.
x:a.l. 'ta.x_uc; EA6oov vou6É't'T]CJOV ÍlJl.Érov 'ti¡v 1tct'tpÍBa.. oÚx: éXv OÜ'te 15 2. These are OUT fears Hippocrates, this is OUT perturbation. 1 Save us, come
'tf¡c; E1t' a.ú-ré¡l 7tepmro6Évn oÜ1:e x,pr¡IJ.Ú-rrov OÜ'te 1:a swiftly and bring reason to OUT land. You would not fail of fame for saving him,
1toA.Aé¡l am j3eA.-ríro 1:rov 'tf¡c; 't'Ú:x_r¡c;. &.U' ouv x:a.l. 'tctU'tct crux,va nor money, nor learning. And for you, the fruits of learning are far better than
7tctp' x:a.l. a<p6ova. 'tftc; yap ÓT¡Jl.OX:pÍ'tEro 'lf'\lX.fic;. aM' oÚB' what luck brings. But that, too, will come abundantly and ungrudgingly from us.
ei :x_pucroc; <iv En• il j3ouA.T¡crwc; oi>O' Because it is for the Iüe of Democritus. Not even ü it be gold will the city fall
1:ouc; it¡.¡.Érov vocrúv, 'l7t7tÓx:pa.'tec;, -roi>c; 7ta.pa.x:Ómew. the least bit short of the full amount you desire. We seem to have fallen ill in '1
20
OUT ways, Hippocrates, have gone insane in our laws. Come, best of men, to 1
6epct7te'Úcrrov. &.vBprov avBpa. ápíBr¡A.ov' oúx: Ír¡'tpÓc;, &.AA.a
lC'tÍcr't'T]c; EOOV oA.r¡c; 'tftc; 'Irovír¡c;, Íl¡.¡.iv Í.EpcÍ>'tEpov 'teix,oc;. 7tÓAW. heal a man most prominent. Come not as a doctor, but as a founder of all Ionia, 1
oúx: avBpa. 6epct1te'Úcretc;, j3ouA.T¡v Be voaoucra.v x:a.l. casting about usa holy bulwark. You will heal a city, not justa man, and you
&.vmyvúva.t. a.ú-roc; VOIJ.06É't'T]c;, a.Ú-roc; will open a senate that is sick and in danger of being closed up. You yoUTself 1

a.Ú1:oc; apx,rov, a.tnoc; CJ(l)'tl¡p x:a.l. 'tOÚ'troV 'teX,VÍ't'T]c; a<pÍSet. 'tctU'tÚ cre 25 will come as lawgiver, yourself as judge, yourself as ruler, yourself as savior and
'l7t7tÓx:pa.-rec;, -ra.\i1:a. x:a.l. tA.6cóv. 1tÓA.erov oúx: craftsman of these things. These things we expect of you, Hippocrates. May
324 aar¡¡.¡.oc;, Be 1 Í1 'EA.A.ac; oA.r¡ Be\'ta.Í crou cro<pÍr¡c;. yo u come and be these things. Not just a single city, obscUTe among cities, but
a.ú-rT¡v Be 1tpecrj3eúetv npoc; cre -rf¡c; 1ta.pa.x:o1tf¡c; 'ta.ú1:r¡c; rather all Hellas begs you to protect the very person of wisdom. It seems as
Beo¡.¡.Évr¡v. surrevec; IJ.Ev ouv. roe; EO\X:e, cro<pÍa., 'tOtaL o' though learning herself is ambassador to you, begging to be relieved of this mad-
E'Y'YlJ'tÉpro x:ex,ropr¡x:Óatv a.ú-rf¡c; 000"1tep ÚIJ.tV x:a.l. ¡.¡.áA.a. 1tAÉov. EU 30 ness. Wisdom is a thing akin to everyone but even more to those who have
x:a.l. 1:é¡l ¡.¡.ÉA.A.ovn ¡.¡.T¡ 7tpoex:A.meiv come nearest her, like you. Be certain that it will be a joy to posterity also ü
npo1:Épr¡atv &.A.r¡6eír¡c;. ai> yap yÉvoc; x:a.l. 'tEXV'TJV, Democritus does not leave off before that truth in which he hopes
for excellence. You have been bound to Asclepius in family and in science.
1 IJ.TJ lil; Vbc c11ie: olit U lil; be ante o
add. ifl Ubc 11 2 ante ÁflJL add. d 11 2-3 'tOV
AoytcriJ.OV MUbcd 11 3 ÉÓv"tcoc; liT¡: oií"tcoc; viiv d 11 4 1Cllt ante !tpÓ'tepov om. Vbc 11 5
VÚl<'ta 1<ai iíiJ.. MUd yeMi>v: 'A.i:ymv M 11 7 •. • orn. e post xetpO'tovci"tat add.
altOXElPO'tOVtl'tQl b post 'tÉ'tpiD"tat add. 'tO ltÜ.V be 11 8 yEJ..il. !tCÍV'tQ MUd 'tt orn. Vbe 11 11
CÓtalCO"Ilcr"tElV MUd 11 12 1Clll ante Á1111· bis V post Á11JL add. be 11 13 cruv
U in marg. y p. <J"Ilvliwp9op00c; 1:0 crói¡La 'tfi 'l"lXÚ M 11 14 post 1:aiim add. liT¡ be ya p
Ct't't001J.t8a V 11 15 VO"IJ8E't1Í<JIDV MUd post lta"tp{lia add. ILTJ liT¡ 1Clll yap oulif:
Écr¡LEV. Íl (1Cal H) Év Ú¡Liv ¡L(lprop{a l<El't<ll cH(marg.) 11 16 om. b 11 19 éiv en:
scripsi mss. ciqmcr"tepi¡crE"tat: scripsi aqrocr"tEpi¡crav"ta MVbe U -aV'tt d in marg.
yp. 1:0 lioiil..ov o"llli' b 11 21 8epCÍnE\laov U &vlipa cip{O,'A.ov om. Vbc 11 22
Vbc iep=Épcoc; U 11 23 UV lil; vocroiicrav 1<ai: lita vócrov Vbc 11 24
MUV aV"Il"(ViiVat u om. be 11 25 'tOU'tO\l e Ct<p{g, UVbc 11 26 post É'A.BWv add 1 "tapanÓ)le8a: The Abderites use tenninology which indicates that they need the ataraxia
aiJ.a, et superscr. add b !tÓ'A.ecoc; u 11 27 lil; om. Vbc 11 29 !tCÍcr11 u 11 30 i:yymÉp<fl Mb
U Ttl''iv MUV 11 31 xaipu MU !tpoA.tnciv V 11 32 np01:epi¡cretv be yÉvet 1Cllt 'tÉXV11 V which Epicurean philosophy brings. The early Cynics used ciná8eta along with amáp1<eta 1:0
describe their detachment from mundane concems.
 58 EIHETOAAI X.2-XI LEITERS 102-11 59
ó OE 'HpaxAéou<; EO"'ttV aoeA.qnoou<;, acp' o-1> é&; 1tOU nuv9ávn And Asclepius was the nephew of Heracles. From Heracles, as you are perhaps
ná.v'tro<;, 4> E1tCÓvup.o<; ;, 1tÓAt<;. OO'tE JCá.JCEÍVq> xá.pt<; ;, fi1'\P.01Cpl't01.> yÉvot't' perfectly aware, carne Abderos for whom our city is named. So the cure of
iiv lTtO"l<;. óp&v o.Ov, c1 'l1t1tÓ1Cpa.'tE<;, E<; ávmmmcría.v &noppÉov'ta. JCa.t of¡p.ov Democritus would be a kindness to him as well. Seeing our people and a
JCa.t civopa. apÍO"Tt!J.OV, mteuSe 1tpo<; 'Í¡p.Éa.<;, Seóp.e9a.. cpeu, Ó><; JCa.t 'ta aya.9a farnous man dribbling away to insensibility, hurry to us, we beg. Oh, how e ven
neptcrcre-í>cra.v'ta. voucrot 'tU'YXá.voucrw. ó yap ooov Éppcóo-Gt, npoc; 5 excessive good becomes disease! Democritus, as he had strength for the heights of
a!Cpa. crocpÍTtc;. rcra. lClVOuVE"Í>El yí)y Sta.voÍa.<; !Ca.t wisdom, is equally in danger of ruination by a stroke to his mind and by silliness.
1Ce1Ca.JC&cr9a.t. oí. S' aAAOl OO"Ol 1tOAAol p.EÍva.v'tec; iv The other Abderites, many as they are, who remained unlearned, keep the
ana.tSrucrÍTI 'tÓv 'YE lCOlVOV JCa.'tÉXOUO"l vouv, aAAa vVV 'YE cppovtp.Ól'tepot vócrov common mind, but, witless before, they now have more wit for judging the
crocpou !CpÍVElV oÍ. 1tptv acppovec;. i:St ouv JU'ta 'AcrKA1'\1tlOU 1ta.'tpÓ<;, let IJ.E'ta disease of a wise man. Come with father Asclepius. Come with Epione,
'Hpa.KAÉouc; 9uya.'tpo<; 'HntÓvTtc;, t9t IJ.E'ta 1ta.ÍSrov 'trov inl "IA.tov Heracles' daughter. Come with her sons who fought against Troy.1 Come with
cr'tpa.'teucra.p.Évrov, let vuv na.tcóvta. vo-í>crou cpÉprov alCT\. ci>Ka.p1t"Í¡cra.t oe yf¡ Apollo's cures for disease. May the Jand be fruitful with roots and plants, the
{>íCa.c; JCa.l p.a.vÍTl<; avGt,. axeSov oUOÉ1tO'tE fl<Íwers that cure madness. Maybe the land and mountaintops will never have
yovtp.Ól'tepov eUcpOp'tÍO"OUO"lV OU'te yf¡ OO'tE óp&v a!CpcÍ>peta.t i\ vuv borne more productively than now, for Democritus, the plants that heal. Be
'ta 1tpoc; ri¡v ÚyEÍT\V. Eppcooo. well!

11. 'InnoKpá.'tT\c; JCa.Ui'tÍp.q> xa.ípew ·
326 'O noAÍ'tT\c; Úp.Érov 'Ap.EAT\aa.yópTt<; ic; K&, 1ea.l E'tUXE 'tÓ't' 1 iouaa.
-rile; f¡ avá.AT\'!ftc; iv h:eívn 'tfi 'Í¡p.Épn 1ea.l É't'IÍatoc; Éop't'IÍ, Ó><; to'tE,
na.v'tÍyuptc; f¡p.í:v , 1ea.l nop.1tft 1tOAU'teAft<; ic; JCUná.ptcrcrov, ilv e9oc; avayetv
'tOÍ:O"l 'tql 9eé¡) 1tpOO"'tÍ1COUO"l. rnel OE 0"1tOUOOCetv Ecp!CEl JCa.t ElC 'trov Aóyrov
1ea.l EJC -rile; ovwc; ó 'Ap.EATtoa.yÓpT\c;, 1tEtcr9eíc;, onep ÉnEÍyew 'tO npf¡yp.a.,
avÉyvrov 'tE Úp.Érov TI¡v E1tlO"'tOAftV JCa.l i9a.úp.a.cra. on 7tEpl Évo<; av9pcÍ>1tou
Ó><; el<; av9pro1to<; f¡ 1tÓAt<; p.a.Ká.ptoÍ ye Of¡p.ot JCa.l ÓJCÓO"Ol toa.cn
'tou<; aya.9ou<; avopa.<; Ép"Í>p.a.'ta. Érou't&v 1ea.l ou 'tou<; núpyouc; ouSe 'ta
'tEÍxea., aA.Aa aocp&v avSp&v aocpa<; yvcóp.a.<;. iyro Oe 1tEt9óp.evoc; 'tÉxva.c;
IJ.Ev dva.t 9e&v xá.pt'ta.<;, av9pcÍ>1touc; Se epya. cp"Í>ato<;, JCa.t P.Tt VEP.EO"'IÍOTt'te,
avOpE<; oux úp.ac; SoJCÉro, aA.A.a cp"Í>atv a.u'tl¡v JCa.AEÍ:V p.e
áva.crcóo-a.cr9a.t 1t0Í11p.a. Éromf¡c; nvSuvel>ov Úno vo-í>crou Sta.neadv. OO'te npo
Úp.Érov iyro vuv cpúaet 1ea.l 9eoí:aw Úna.JCoÚro vocrÉov'ta. Í1Ícra.a9a.t,
d Sit JCa.l VOUO"Ó<; icrnv. á.Ua lllt aná.'t'[l O"UO"!CtaCea9e, OnEp eiíxop.a.t. JCa.t
yÉVOl'tO JCa.l 1tA.ÉOV -ril<; ÉV Ú¡J.Í:V eUVOÍCX<; 'tE lC!J.'tÍplOV Ka.l 1tp0<; Ú1tÓVOla.Y
11. Hippocrates to the Senate and People of Abdera. Greetings.
Your fellow citizen Amelesagoras carne to Cos. It chanced to be the day of the
Assumption of the Staff, which you know is an annual festival and elaborate
procession to the cypress grove customarily led by people related to the god.
Because Amelesagoras gave the impression of urgency by his speech and
expression, 1 was convinced (as was the case) that the malter was pressing. 1 read
your letter and found it arnazing that you, the whole city, like a single man, were
in an uproar about a single man. Blessed are peoples who know that their good
men are their defense, not towers and bulwarlcs, but rather the wise minds of wise
men. 1, convinced that Science is the gift of the gods, and that men are the works
of Nature (lake no offense, Abderites), believe that not you, but Nature herself is
calling me to save her creation which is in danger of crumbling through disease.
Hence instead of you 1 now obey Nature and the gods' command to heal the ailing
Democritus, if indeed it is disease and you are not darldy deceived, as 1 in fact
pray. May it be still further testimony of your good wi11 that you were perturbed

2 cP om. be 411JL01<phro U 11 3 ib om. Vb 11 6/h:pa corr. in áxpav b 11 7 ante add. 5'

claiv MVb 11 8 ye: MUd vüv ye: JlftV mi MU 11 9 post 7tet'<p0c; add. mi 7ttÍ'tprooc;
b) 'A..óA.M.>voc; be 11 10 'HpetxA.Éroc; U 11 11 vüv om. Vbc ltcttÓvtet MVb yp. xai 7tmmvtc; in
marg. M EU1Cetp7t!Íaat: scripsi EÜxapltfiaat MUVbc EÜxap!tiÍaE\ b 2d 11 12 xai
¡lo-rávatc; Md lCeti ¡lo'távec; u <r,tE5pO u post <r,tEOOV add. oOv be 11 13 axp=!Ípta b2
11. Mss. p (p2 vix legibilis)MUVbO(=acd) 15 '!7t7t01<ptÍ'tllc; om. ad 'l7t7toxpá'touc; U ante
¡louA.fi add. 'tfi MUbO mi om. V ante ll!Ífl.C!> add MUb mi 51ÍJ1cp xaípew om. O 11 16
J1EAolO'Ct"(Ópet1 o p 30 itc; Km u 11 17 i¡ (ávavtc; a) 'tiic; pá¡lllou o
OOpll b OID. p 0 11 18 ftJllV om. 0 7tOJ1"1111Y( ]'teAoECt p 7tÓJ1"11V ltOAoU'teAoÉet b b 11V p3
áyew O 11 19 éllcóxe• U deficit hic p 3 11 20 7tpoaóvtoc; (·Eroc; e) UMO éltfiv V 11 22
llopu¡lEiaBm MU mi om. bO iaaat: i'Ctatc; U 11 23 ÉpuJLa'ta: EpJLCt'tet O ante ÉpÜJL add. mi b
deiicit hic p 2 ou 'touc;: au'touc; a 11 24 aoq><xc; om. sed add. in marg. M yv<Í>Jletc; U
7tEÍ9o¡¡at 0 11 25 VEJ11Í011'<E corr. in U (om. JLTt) V 11 26-27 É¡¡É
avaaólaat o 11 27 lltct!tEOEtV: 5ta<pllapfivat V 11 28 vüv om. o ÚltetlCOUOOV OlteU5ro u 11 29 tire
Oi¡ O Ei"Ef Oi¡ MU ante voüaoc; add. 'tomo MUb MUbd 11 30 xai ante 7tA.Éov
om. UOM i¡¡¡iv U 1 Epione is wife of Asclepius, mother of Machaon and Podalirius.
 60 EniETOAAI XI-XII LEITERS 11-12 61

Sé epxo¡.¡.Évcp oiít' iiv oiít' iiv Seoc; even by a suspicion.

{mócrxmto. rocrtE J.111S' u¡.¡.e'ic;, avÉpec; aA.A.' e&.te But neither god nor Nature would promise me silver for coming, whence do not
ei..Eu9ép,c; tÉXV1lc; EAEÚSepcx JCCXt ta EP"f<X· oi Se SouAEÚEW you, men of Abdera, force it on me, but leave free the work of a free science.
tac; rocr7tep cxutac; ex: tftc; People who put their knowledge out for hire require it to be slavish, exchanging
7tpO'tÉP1lc; 7tcxpp1'\0"Í1'\c;. et9', roe; dJCóc;, Kcxt 'lfEÚacxtvto iiv Ó>c; 1tepl J.l.E"flXATJc; 5 its earlier freedom of speech for fetters. Mter that in alllik:elihood they may lie
328 voúaou 1Ccxl apv,Seiev iiv roe; 7tepl 1 ¡.¡.uc:pf¡c;, lCCXl oUlC iiv about a disease as though it were serious, and malee disclaimers as though it were
1Ccxl 7t!Í.Atv ¡J.i¡ ICA.,SÉvtec;. oilC'tpóc; "(E o 'tiDV &v9pámmv &n insignificant. They may not come when they have promised, and again may
OAoU amo\> roe; ltVeUJ.l.IX 'Íl WpópTtt<><; Su:xSÉSUlCEV' ecp' ilv come uncalled. Man' s life is a pitiful thing: through the whole of it, lik:e a
et9E J.l.lXAUJ'tCX UltCXVtEc; iTttpol 'XIXAEltm'tÉPTtV winter wind, has penetrated the unbearable love of money. If only al1 physicians
!J.CXVÍTtc; voucrov' lCCXl vouaoc; EOUO"CX ICCXl 1CCX1COUOCX. Se 10 would come together to cure a sickness which is worse than madness, because it
eymyE 1ecxl ta vuxftc; vom1J.l.cxtcx 7tUvtcx ac¡x>Opcl.c; is considered blessed, though it is a disease, and a ruinous one. In my view al1
o
nvac; lCCXl cpcxvtcxcrícxc; tcp A.oym¡J.cp, Ó>v St' ape'tftc; U1t01CCX9cxp9dc; affections of the soul are insanities which imprint certain extreme beliefs and fan-
eyro Se d ltAOU'tElV UltCXVtoc; 6J i:ivSpec; tasies on the reasoning faculty, and the man who is purged of them by means of
OUlC iiv ELVElCE SÉlCCX 'tCXAQV'tQlV 7tpoc; aU' virtue becomes sound. If 1 wanted to enrich myself by every means, oh
E7tl 'tOV ¡J.Éya;v TtP'XÓJ.l.TtV IIEpaÉmv ev9cx 7tÓAEtc; OAat 7tpocrf¡cra;v 'tftc; 15 Abderites, not for ten talents would 1 be coming to you. 1 would be going to the
av9pcí>7tmv EUSCXtJ.l.OVÍTtc; "(E"(EJ.l.tO¡J.ÉvCXt. tCÓJ.l.TtV 5' iiv 'tOV ElCelOE AO\f.lÓV' great king of the Persians where 1 would be given whole cities brimming with the
&AA.' UltTtPVTtOlXJ.l.TtV ex9p1¡v 'EA.AáSt XCÓPTtV ei..Eu9ep&crcxt 1CCX1Cí'¡c; voúcrou good fortune that comes from men. 1 would be healing the plague there. But 1
1eayro tó yE t7t' e¡J.ol Kcxtcxvcxu¡.¡.cxxrov toi>c; dxov S' iiv refused to free a land inimical to Greece from the evil disease, I, too, fighting my
IXtOXÚVTtV 'tOV 7tCXpa ltAOU'tOV Kcxl ltCXtpÍSoc; ex9pi¡v 1tEpLOUOÍ1'\V, naval battle against the barbarian in the way available to me. I would have
S' iiv cxuta roe; ÉAÉ7toA.tc; 'tftc; 'EAA&Soc; U7tápxmv. OUlC EO"'tt 20 acquired disgrace by acquiring wealth from the king and opulence inimical to my
7tÁoutoc; to 7tcxvtcxxó9ev 'XP11J.LcxtíCea9cxt. ¡J.eyáA.cx yap Íepa tf¡c; ape'tftc; fatherland, and in wearing them I would exhibit my office as a destroyer of Greek
ecrnv int OUlC opucrcró¡.¡.evcx &AA.' EJ.l.cp<XVÉCX eóvtcx. i\ OUlC OleaSE cities. 1 Wealth comes not from moneymaking by any and al1 means. Great are
rcrov clJ.l.lXP'tTIJ.l.CX acf:!Cew ltOAE¡J.Íouc; lCCXl cpíl..ouc; ¡J.ta9ou; &U' oux Ó>Oe EXEt 'ta virtue's sacred shrines to justice. They are not buried, but manifest. Or do you
T¡¡.¡.ÉtEpcx, 6J Sf¡¡.¡.E. ou 1CCXp1tOU¡.tcxt Se voúcrouc; ouSe St' Euxftc; ll1COUOCX ti¡v not think that it is an equal sin to save the enemy and to save friends for pay?
f.TtJ.l.OlCpÍtEm 1tcxpá1Cpouaw' oc;, et'tE uytcxÍVEt, cpíA.oc; EO'tCXt, dn VOOEÍ:, 25 That is not my way, oh people. I get no harvest from disease, nor was any prayer
330 Sepa7teu9elc; 1ti..Éov 1tuv Se autov 1eat atEppov of mine answered when I heard of Democritus' derangement He, if he is well,
'tU ilSEcx lCCXl 'tftc; UJ.l.EtÉpTtc; ltÓAEmc; eóvtcx ICOOJ.l.OV. Eppma9e. will be my friend, and if he is sick will be the more so when he is cured. My
information is that he is a weighty man, solid of character and your city's jewel.
12. 'l7t1t01CplX'tTIS XCXÍpEW' Bewell!
Oi tT¡v tf¡c; ltÓAt<><; altoSóvtec; 1Ccxl tE1,v
axÉSocra;v · ilcrS,v tE 1ClXptcx 1Ccxl OÉO 1Cal ti¡v ÉtÉpT\V 30 12. Hippocrates to Philopoimen. Greetings.
The ambassadors who delivered your city's letter also gave me yours.
was delighted at your promise to receive me and to offer other entertainment.
ll
1 o-ike Seos O 11 2 cívÉpes: om. bO add. l> b

¡
ante MU 11 3 1mi om. O
¡ua9apreúov·w; VM(corr. M 2 ) 11 6 &v om. b JI 7 ante re add. lié b 2 11 8 ooc;: iíxrr.ep b
OlaOÉOoll<.ev M V 11 9 ¡úil.l.ov bO MU
auvíeaav d post add. Vb (it9él.!laav in mar¡¡,. add. b post
CÍ1to8epa1teüam) JI 10 voüaoc; éoüaa: voaéouaa O lC!lJroÜaa mut in ouaa b JI 11 ante
2
vuxf\c; add. vo JLilVÍ!l<; aq>olipac; elval EJL1tOlOÚIJ!l<; o 11 12 'tWV A.or•ap.mv a
CÍ1to1Ca9ap9Eic; bad 11 14 OcOOel<.a U 11 15 ÉPXÓp.tvoc; O 1tpoaÍleaav M 1tpoaíeaav U 1tapf\aav
V 11 16 EÚlia•p.ovÍ!lc;: EÚ'tU'XÍil<; O ¡¡• om. O É1<.ti O Él<.ciaal U post Aolp.Óv add. aú1:mv bdM2
(in marg.) aÚ'tov U cívtcl>v ac JI 18 re: p.ev O l<IJ.'ttvaup.áxouv O JI 13 '
=pa om. O JI 20 EAEltÓAetc; M tanv b Jl22 Éanv om. O É1ti Oll<.atoa>Ív!lv mil<.
opuaaóp.eva: u1to Otl<.atoaúv!lc; oú MUVb JI 23 ante l'aov add. OOc; b 2 post
áp.áp1:11p.a add. dvm MU post q>ÍI.ouc; add. iíia9m MU post p.ta9oü add. q>Sdpnv b OOE U
11 24l> om. ac l)f\p.at corr. in lif\p.e M li€ orn. sed add. superscr. b 11 25 éarlv bO 11 26
ante 1tl.éov add. q>íl.oc; O JI 27 tppcoo9e Om. ac ·
12-17. Mss. MUVbO(=acd) 28 'l1t1t01<.pá1:11c; om. O Jl29 cívaoovnc; Ob2 JI30 cívé&aav O
li€O 11:ai1 om. bO post add. n b U..•axvrop.évouc; i:o V 1 éi.É1toAtc; is an Aeschylean word, from Agamemnon 689.
 62 ElliETOAH XII LEITER12 63

eJ..Soq.J.EV o' Üv 'tÚX11• lCat Ó><; Then we may come with good omens, and we shall come, as we suspect, with
XP110'to'tépnow iA.ltíotv, Ó><; iv 't'ft ypmpft 7tapaoeof¡A.OYtat, ou ciA.A.a better hopes, as my letter showed, if the man is revealing not madness but an
vuxftc; nva prootv Otaoacp,véov'toc; 'tOU civopóc;, overwhelming strength of soul, having not children nor wife nor relatives nor
1taÍorov ouoí11c; nvoc; oA.roc; iv property, nor anything at a1l on his mind, but day and night staying by himself
cppov'tÍOt ióv'toc;, oe ICUt cicppÓV11V 7tp0c; Érou'tov Kal 5 and being mostly alone in caves and the quiet covering of trees or in soft grass, or
iotáCov'toc; 'tU 1toAAa iv av'tpotcrt imo oKtáoEot oevopérov by quiet streams of water. Such things are generally characteristic of
Ev J.laAaKflot 1tOÍUOtV 1tap' TJ<rÚXOtOtV ú&i'trov pd9potcrt. J.lEV melancholics. Sometimes they are quiet, solitary, and like deserted places. And
o"Úv 'tU noA.A.a 'to"iot 'totaíha · oÍ111poí 'tE yup evÍO'tÉ dcnv they avoid people, considering the face of their own tribe alien. But it is not
Kat J.lOVf¡pttc; lCat 'tU"YXWOUOt · Mav9p0>1tÉOV'taÍ 'tE Ó'lftV unlikely that when people are serious about leaming, other concems are put to
ciA.A.o'tpÍ11v a7ttOtJCoc; oe 'to"iot 7tEpl 7tatod,v 10 flight by that one orientation to wisdom. Justas slaves, serving men and women
'tuc; ií.A.A.ac; cppov'tíoac; Ú1to 'tf¡c; iv oocpín ota9éoEroc; who are making a tumult and quarreling in a house, when the mistress suddenly
é&:mep yup 'tE !Cal EV 'tft<Jtv appears, eringe and fall silent, similarly the other passions of the soul, the
Kal ÓKÓ'tav aÚ'to"iotv f) oÉ01tOtva ministers of men's wickedness; when the face of leaming exhibits herself, all
E7ttO'tfl, 7t'to,Sév'ttc; 7tapa7tA.,oíroc; ai. A.ot1tal other affections, because they are slavish, withdraw. It is not wholly madmen
'lfUXTJV E1tt9uJ.l.Íat, civ9peó1totot KaKOOV Ú1t11pÉnoEc;· ixf)v o' f) oocpí,c; Ó'lftc; 15 who want caves and quiet, but also those who scom human affairs in their desire
E7tto't'l\ou, Ó><; oo'UA.a 'tU AOt1tU 1tá9ea EKICEXCÓP111CE. 1to9éouot o' for freedom from perturbation.1 When the intellect wants to stop being battered
332 av'tpa Kal Í'¡OUXÍ11V OU 1táv hroc; oÍ. UAAU Kal oÍ. 'tOOV by externa! tumult it tak:es the body quicldy then to quiet. Then it stands upright
civ8pro7tÍvrov Ú7ttpcppovf¡oav'ttc; ÓKÓ'tav in itself and looks round in a circle at the place of truth, where there is no father,
yup ó vouc; imo 'tOOV civanaúoao9at 9eA.fton. 'tO no wife, children, mother, sibling, relatives, menials, no Chance, in sum, none
oroJ.l.a 'tÓ'tE 'taxéroc; ic; i,ouxí11v eha civao'tuc; óp9toc; iv 20 of the things that will make a tumult. All things that perturb stay shut out by
i:rou'tép nepttolCÓ7tEt K:ÚICA.cp xropíov ciA.,ad,c;, iv ou na't'l\p, ou yuv'l\, oú fear; out of respect for those who live there they dare not approach. And those
'tÉKVa, oú J.lTt'tT\P. oú Ko:oíyv,'toc;, oú oú OJ.l.roEc;, oú 'tÚX11, oúx oA.roc; who live in that place are the sciences, virtues of all sorts, the gods and demigods,
oúoev 'trov EJ.17tOt110Óv'trov. náv'ta o' cinoKEKAEtOJ.l.ÉVa 'tU will and thought. In that place the great pole has made a wreath of his restless
'tapáooov'ta EO'tT\KEV úno oúoe 7tA11otáoat ún' stars. And there, perhaps, Democritus, too, has been removed by learning. And
'tOOV aU'tÓ9t OÍ.lCEÓV'tO>V. oÍ.KÉOUOt OE 'tO xropíov ElCetVO 'tÉtyat cipt'tO:t 25 so, since he no longei" sees those in the city because he has traveled so far, he is
1taV'tOtat Kal 9Eol Kal Kal !Cal K:al Ó judged mad for his love of solitude. The Abderites want it proved, and will pay
7tÓAoc; EV EKEÍvcp 'tép xropícp 'touc; 1tOAUKtv1\'touc; 1Ca'tÉO'tE1t'tat, ic; o for it, that they don't understand Democritus. But do prepare to receive me, my
'táxa úno oocpí11c; J.lE'tCÍJKto'tat. eh' oÚKÉn ópérov 'touc; iv 't'ft dear Philopoimen. 1 am not willing to make trouble in a city so perturbed, and 1
7tÓAtt iht 'tT¡AoU J.laYÍ11c; vouoov OtU 'tO have, as you know, an ancient relatíon of guest friendship with Be well!
01tEÚOOUOt OE ápyupíou eA.tyx9f¡vat, Cí'tt ou 30
aA.A.u oú YE lCa'táp'tUE 'ti¡v é1 É'ta'ipt <lltA01tOÍf..111V. ou yup
EaéA.ro 'tE'tapayf..J.ÉVU 't'ft 7tÓAtt napaoxdv ÓXA110tv ElC naA.atou totov exrov
OE, Ó><; otoSa. EppcOOO.

1 &v om. O 11 3 om. O 11 5 ÍJLÉpllV O llE:: U O EÚcppovÉTlv V É:CIIU"tép MU

i:cuii-to V b JCtx9Etmí>ta ( ·É:(J)'ttx M)MVb 11 6 MVb JLÉ:v 11oi..A.c'.t:
11áJL11olla O É:pllJLÍll<nV b post ftPEJL. add. É:v b u11o anáaE<n: Putz. Ú11oanáaeal
MUVb Ú11o <JJCÉ:11E<n O 11 7 i:v: 1Ctll O JLtxA.9aJCÉ:<Jl MUY MU 11apc'.t <J\llvoial U
11tlPll<J\llVOim M 11 8 JLtAan:oMXn. Ob2 citnv É:vÍO"tE Vb cimv om. O 11 9 V 11 10
O 11 12 <JEaml3fia9al M llE: O om. b "tE JCat om. V "toiaw
oiJCol<n O 11 14 O ante JCat add. llE: U ante add. ai O 11 15 ll' i¡: llE: MUO
&i1 b 11 16 lCElolPlllCE V ll' om. MU 11 17 oú oí: ou ou a 11 19 9opú¡3mv :
O amJLa : <J"tÓJLtl V 11 20 O 11 21>tEpl<JlC011Ei bO ou 11a"ti¡p om. O 11 22
2
Ob oú om. O oúx: oúli" O oUO' Vb oulii:v: ouliE: &v b U 11 23
EJ1110tll<Jáv"tmv MU EJL110toúv-.:mv O 11apáaaov (sic) U 11 25 [votJCEÓv-.:mv b om.
0 11 28 :r
0 a"tE: otá 0 11 30 b 11 31 om. 0 ou: oullf: bO 11 32
corr. in cpíA.ov b 11 33 post ota9a add. aú b [ppmao om. O 1 Ataraxia, the code word for the Epicureans for what they sought in retirement from the world.
 64 EIII:ETOAH Xill LE'ITER13 65

13. 'hmoJCpÚ'tTJ<; xaípEW. 13. Hippocrates to Dionysius. Greetings.

"H 1tepÍ¡mvóv f.LE Év 'Í\ cpeáoov ail'l:o<; EA6Eiv, Ó> É'taí:pE. Either wait forme in Halicarnassus or hurry to come, my friend. It is entirely
334 IC<l'tU 1téioav yap ÚVÚ"flCTTV E<; IICpÍ'tEO> xáptv. necessary for me to go to Abdera for the salce of Democritus, to whom the city
E<p' ov vooÉov"ta f.LE'tE1tÉJ.l'lf<l'tÓ f.LE i¡ áAelC'tÓ<; n<; i¡ OUJ.l1ta6EÍ11 'trov has summoned me because he is sick. The sympathy of the people is
áv9pómrov, 00<; J.lÍa 'lfUxTt "tép 1tOAÍ't1J, IDa'tE OOJCÉoum 5 indescribable, Dionysius. Like a single soul the city has fallen ill with its
lC<lt ainol. 9Epa1tEÍ11<; f:yro otf.Lat vouoov au"to áU' citizen. Hence they, themselves, seem tome to need treatment And 1 think that
Úf.LE'tPÍ'Ilv ouJC o'Í)oáv "fE 'tql EOV't\ Úf.LE'tPÍ'TIV, áA.A.U his is not even an illness, but an excess of learning. No, not truly an excess,
'tOÍ:Otv E1tel tO ápEtf\<; aJ.lEtpov. OE though it is thought so by laymen, since excess of excellence is never harmful.
voúoou "(ÍvEtat t0Uto tT¡v trov JCptvÓvtrov á1taWEUOÍ11V · The judgment of sick:ness comes from the ignorance of those judging. Every man
EIC<lO-:tO<;. Ó>v <lU'tO<; OUIC EXE\, to Ev lí.Ucp m<; 10 makes an assessment in accord with his own deficiency, that what someone else
1tOU JC<lt Ó Ú¡tetpÍ'TIV ti¡v Ú1tEÍA11<pE IC<lt Ó <plMp"(UpO<; ti¡v has more ofhe considers excessive. Thus the coward supposes that courage, and
¡¡.qaAO'lfUXÍ'Ilv. JCal. 1téioa to ápt:tf\<; the greedy man that generosity, is excess. Every deficiency thinks reasonable
EJCeivov ¡J.Ev o'Í)v <lU'tOV tOOV'te<;, ¡teta tf\<; ev9ev 1tpO"(VÓxno<;, virtue is excessive. When 1 have seen the man in person, and after a prognosis on
IC<lt áJCOÚO<lV'te<; trov M"(O>V <lU'tOU a¡teWOV doÓJ.le9a. ou Ó> the spot, and after 1 have heard him talk 1 shall k:now better.
autO<; "fUP Oe t'fi 15 But do you hurry to join me, Dionysius. 1 want you to stay in my homeland
¡¡.ou, rnavÉAero, OICO><; 'tOOV tE i¡¡te'tÉprov IC<ll 1tpo 'tOOV Ef.LOOV until 1 come back, so that you can take care of my affairs and even before mine,
tf\<; 1tól..w<;. ouJC oJCro<; EJC ouvwxí% to e·ta<; Eotl. 1eal. those of the city. For somehow by luck it is a healthy year with its primal
tT¡v ápxaí'TIV <pÚO\V EX,OV. mo'te ou 1tOAAat 1tAlJV nature, 1 so that few diseases will cometo make trouble. Still, come anyway.
OJ.LO><; ti]v E¡¡.i]v oiJCÍ'Ilv 1í.tt: lC<ll. tou You willlive in my house, which will be very convenient since my dear little
"(Uvaíou ¡¡.Évov'ta<; 7tpo<; tou<; "fOVÉa<; ti]v E¡¡.i]v 20 wife will stay with her parents because of my absence. But still, look after her
o¡¡.ro<; JCal. ta heív11<; oJCro<; oro<ppóvro<; JCal. J.llJ tT¡v á1touoí11v affairs, so that she behaves in a disciplined way and doesn 't think that a husband' s
lí.AA.ou<; VOJ.lÍ01J. JCÓo¡¡.wv ¡¡.E:v "fUP ápxf\<; JCal. "fOVÉa<; absence means other men. She has been proper from the first; she had very
dx.e, tov 7t<l'tÉpa EICtÓ7tro<; te JCal. ¡¡.áA.a 1 civilized parents, an extremely manly father: a dear old fellow who hates rascals.
336 Ú7tep<pu&<; "fepÓv'ttoV. áU' OJ.lO><; áel. "(UVi] "fUP But a woman always needs someone to discipline her. By nature she has the
'tO áJCÓAaO'tOV EV Érout'fi, 07tep, d ¡¡.i] JCa9' i¡J.LÉP'TIV ro<; tU 25 untamable in her and unless it is pruned day by day it goes wild, Iike trees. 2
JCa6uA.oJ.Laveí:. E"fW <pÍAov oio¡¡.m "fOVÉrov E<; And 1 think a friend is more punctilious than parents in guarding a wife. He,
¡puA.aJCi]v · ou "fUP 00<; JCal. toÚtcp 7tÓ6o<; euvoÍ'Il<;. unlike them, does not have an indwelling desire for amity, on account of which
oi> 1toUán<; ti]v vou9t:oÍ'Ilv. Év 1taV'tl. to one often puts correction in the shade. Lack of emotion is wisest in all things
á1ta9Éo'tepov ihe JllJ Ú1t' euvoÍ'Il<;- epprooo. since it is not deflected by amity. Be well!

1 'ImtolC. et xaípnv om. O 11 2 Mllcapvaaé\) O ü..8aw O 11 3 "A¡31illpáv MU 11 4

b aU' V yáp O aU' MU 11 5-6 /&; 'tÉ )101 llmcÉtt
lléea8a1 JCai ail-toi V 11 6 llf:: ¡tEv O voiiaou O a\J-to: a\J'ti)v corr. in a\J-té\) M
ail'té\) U 11 7 yt: llf: 0 11 9 -toii-to: -to inttp¡3áUov MUVb 11 10 /&;: JCai \ame; O 11 13 ev8tv llf:
scripsi év8ivllt mss. 11 15 om. O 11 16 n om. Vb MUVb f¡¡téiiv corr. in É¡tiilv 1 aPXaÍ'l is a fair1y common phrase in tbe Hippocratic writings for the original sute of
M 11 17 btd Vb btd llf: U mm' O 11 18 o\Jllf: MUV 1t0Ma O voiiaot: ao1 MU 11 19 'ti)v i:¡ti¡v an organ or bodily member which tberapy seeks to restore (see, e.g., Epid. 22.6, 2.8.4), but it is
t\JlCmpoüaav oilC. O 11 20 axollll¡tÍI'IV O 11 21 o¡tmc; an. 0 'ta: a 11 21 post ¡ti¡ add. llui O not used, as it apparently is here, for tbe natural constitution of the year with heat, cold, wet, and
post 'ti)v add. -coü O -cl\ ... axouaíu b (corr. b 2 ) 1122 yap: O om. O ante yov. add. dry at the proper times. (cf. Airs Waters P/aces ch. 10)
O 11 23 ÉX'tÓlCcoc; V ÉX'tÓltCJJc; an. O ¡tál..a om. O 11 24 llci-ta1 U ante yuvi¡ add. f¡ 2 úl..o¡tavti, in bounical terrns, Mgoing crazy for wood," occurs in plants because of excess
U ante aa><ppov.add. -coü b 11 25 qnÍCf'l V antE -to add. JCai VbO ¡ti¡ om. U2 (U hic illegibilis) nutrition. E.g., Theophrastus, De causis plantarum 3.1.5, yÍvE'tat 1Co.8áxtp
)1ft post i¡¡tÉpllV Ü tlClCÓlt'tOl'tO ó'xrntp 0 11 26 a1C¡n¡3ÉO"ttpov ol¡tat 0 post Q1Cpt¡3. add. ollla úl..o¡taviilv 1eai Cutting it back restrains its hybris and makes it more productive of
b2 11 27 -toÚ-t'!': -cou-tÉmm O bO 11 28 ll1' ou: lito O O 11 29 ii-ct ¡tiJ: i:av fruit. See Ann Michelini, M''YBPI:E and Plants," HSCP 82 (1978) 35-44, who quotes the example
nO im": bt"U eppoocroom.O from Theophrastus.
 LEITER14 67
66 EIIIHOAH XIV

14. 'hmo!CpÚ't'T]¡; t.a¡.t.ayf¡'tcp xuípetv. 14. Hippocrates to Damagetus. Greetings.

Having been with you in Rhodes, Damagetus, 1 k:now that fine vessel, Helios
atoa 7tUpa ool revó¡.t.evo<; Ev 'Poocp, t.a¡.t.Ú"fll'tE, 't'ftv VUUV EKEÍV11V, "AA.to¡;
she was called,1 with the fine stem, a sturdy keel and and good deck space. You
E7ttrpucpl] i¡v aiHn, 7tárKaA.óv nva Kal eÚ7tp'l>¡.t.vov Í.JCav&¡; (1:e)
praised her seaworthiness too, said she was lively, safe, and precise to handle, and
'tE'tp07ttO¡.t.ÉV11V, lCUl dxe brftvet¡; oe !Cal 'tO VU'I>'ttiCOV
swift of passage. Send her to us, fitting her if you can, with wings for oars. 2
aiHf\¡; ros ol;u Kal acrcpaAE¡; JCUl eÚ'tEXVOV imo'l>prf\oat Kal 'tOU 7tAoU 't'ftv 5
The business is pressing, dear friend; indeed 1 must sail to Abdera with all speed.
eil0po¡.t.Í1lv. 'taÚ1:11v EIC7tEIJ.'IfOV O:U' Ei otóv 1:e lllJ JCCÓ7tUotv, O:AA.a
1 want to cure a city which is sick because of the sickness of a single man,
1t1:epoicrw epe1:¡.t.ómu¡; rneíret yap 'to 7tpf\rJJ.a, cptA.ó'tl]¡;, Kal ¡.t.áA.a es
Democritus. You have heard of bis reputation, no doubL His city has accused
ota7tA.e'i'>crat 1tÚV'I> 1:axéro¡;. rap vooÉo'l>oav i1Íoao9at
him of being undone by madness. It is m y wish, rather my prayer, that he is not
7tÓAtV Ota vocrÉOV'tU Eva t.,JJ.ÓlCpt'tOV. aJCoÚet¡; 7t0'1> 'tavOpo¡; 'tO ICA.Éo¡;· 'tOU'tOV
truly mad but seems so to them. He laughs continually, they say, and never
7tU'tpts U'tÍ11'tUt ¡.t.avín 1CE1CU1Cé009av erro OE JJ.&A.A.ov oe lO
stops. He laughs at everything, and that seems a sign of madness to them. So
eúxo¡.t.at lllJ ióv-rro¡; UU'tOV 7tUpa1CÓ7t'tEtv, O:A.A.' ElCEÍVOtOtv oól;av etvat.
tell your friends at Rhodes to be ever moderate, never laugh much nor be stern
338 reA.éf, cpaoív, aiel JCal oi> 7taÚetat ye IA.&v E7tl 7tUV'tl. !CUt
much, but acquire moderation in both, so that you will seem very channing to
a,JJ.dov !lU'totot J1UVÍ11S 1:o'i'>'to ooJCel.. OElev A.éye 1:ol.ow iv 'Póocp cpíA.otot
sorne people, and to others a deep thinker meditating on virtue. But there is
O:ei JC(lt Jl.Tt 1toA.A.a reA.av IJ.110E 1toUa O:A.A.a
something bad in bis laughing at everything, Damagetus. lf excess is wicked,
'tOÚ'tCOV aJJ.cpOtV 'tO ¡.t.É'tptov tV!l 'tOtOt Jl.EV xaptÉO"'tU'tO'ó etVUt 15
then unremitting excess is more so. 1 may say to him, "Democritus, when
oól;ns. 'tOtOt OE cppovnO'tTt'ó 7tEpt O:pe'tT¡v EVt J1ÉV't0t n,
people are sick, being killed, dead, besieged, subject to any evil, everything that
t.a¡.t.Úr11'tE, 1CU1COV 7tUp, ElCUO"'tOV UU'tOU reA.&v'to¡;. ei rap a¡.t.e'tpÍ,
happens to them is matter for laughter to you. Are you not fighting the gods
cpAaupov, 'tO Ota 7tUV'tO!ó <pAa'l>pÓ'tepov. JC(lt e\7tot¡.t.' av a.inép· t.,¡.t.ÓICpt'tE, !CUt
when, since the universe holds grief and joy, two things, you have rejected one?
VOOÉOV'tOS !CUt IC'tEWO¡.t.ÉVO'I> !CUt 'te9ve&'to¡; !CUt 7tOAtop1CO'I>¡.t.ÉvO'I> KUl 7tUV'tO<;
You would be blessed (But this cannot happen!) if your mother never fell ill, nor
E¡.t.7tÍ7t'tOV'tOS K!liCOU eKao'tov 1:&v 1tP1lOOOJ1Évrov üA.11 crot réA.CO'to¡; imóKet'tat. 20
your father, nor again your children, nor your wife or friend, but, for the sake of
oi> eeoJJ.axeí:¡; OÉ, ei oúo Eóv'tCOV EV ICÓOJJ.<p, AÚ1t11S !CUt xupéi¡;, ou 9á'tepov
your laughter, so that it could be maintained, they were fortunate in all respects.
UU'tOOV J.I.UKÚptÓS 't' av ?¡¡;, O:AA.' O:oúva'tOV, eí J.I.1Í't11P OOt
But people do get ill, and you laugh. They do die and you are delighted. lf you
vevÓ011JCE 7ta't'ftp J.i.Íl'te 1:a Üo1:epov 'tÉKVa T¡ "f''>VTt T¡ cpíA.o¡;, O:AA.a ota 1:ov
should leam of something bad, you become cheerful. What a vile fellow you are,
oov rtA.onu, i:vu ei>'t'I>Xet<; 7tÚV't!l. O:A.A.a vooeóv1:rov reA.éf¡;,
Democritus, and how far from wisdom. Or do you think these things are not
O:Jto9vnoKÓV'tCOV XUÍpet<;, e\ 'tt 7t0'1> 7tÚ9oto IC!lKÓV, eucppaÍvet' Ó><; 7tOV1lpÓ'tU'tO'ó 25
evils? You are melancholic, then, Democritus, in danger of being a proper
d, c1 t.,J.LÓKpt'te, KUl 7tÓppro re oocpí,¡;. T¡ UU'ta J.1.110E ICUICU dvat;
Abderite, and the city is wiser than you." But we shall speak: more in detail about
¡.t.eA.unoA.éf¡; o'Í)v, t.11J.LÓ1Cpt'te, KtvOweúrov Kat ai>'to¡; dvat,
these things there, Damagetus. Your ship is wasting time even while 1 am
<ppOVtJ.i.CO'tÉP11 oe 1tÓAt¡;. O:A.A.a 7tept ¡.t.Ev oT¡ 'tOÚ'tCOV EICeioe
AÉSOflEV, t.UJ.LÚY1l'te. T¡ OE vu'i'>¡; lCUt 'tOV xpóvov, ov E1ttO'tÉAAro oot, writing to you. Be well!
epprooo. 30

:1

1 'bt7tOJ<:. om. 0 112 ante "Ai..u><; add. Ub 11 3 add. Com. 114 7tOM'ÍJv om. U 11 5 0 11
1
6 áU' om. O 11 7 at'm'¡v om. Vb -yap: o-Ov o 11 8 -yap om. bO 11 9 J<:i..é<><; &vopó; O 11 10
2 1 11
ainihat O inti'tat conj. b o1; : n O o1; : 11:ai U 11 11 V corr. in M
(om. dvat) 0 11 12 -ytMl.v U cpr¡criv 0 oÚOÉ7tO'tE O 11:ai. om. 0 11 13 aÚ'toicrt: '1
amo o aú-tii; u 'tOÜ'to ¡LC<VÍfl; bO in marg. ante Ollev add. 'tOÜ'tO OE =i ecrroeev b 2 11 13-14
i
f

b 1114 &ci om. vo post mcuepcmt. add. O:ti u O:A.A.a: J<:ai ó.Ma u 11 15 1CU1Ícracrea\
1
aici
VMm (corr. M 2) U add. 11apa b oóQI; scripsi mss. ' 1
11
'toicrt11 : or; mss. corr. Com. 11 16 &peri;; bO ev ei n n M tvt: evi V n om. O 11 17 1

Sta =v'<o;: ota=v U 11 18 11:ai 1 om. V 11 19 J<:ptvo)lÉYou b2 ntvvu)lÉvou O 11 21 Eóv-totv O 11 1 Uone1 Casson, Ships and Seamanship i1l the Ancimt World (Princeton: 1971) 346 n. 7,
22 aÚ'toov om. 0 -t' om. V om. V Íl )llÍ'tflP 01123 n... n:
JlÍl .. ·llÍl 0 &Uñ: áU' ci U 11 wou1d trans1ate "Halios was the painted device on it." Rhodes had an active cult of the god
24 \va \va Otacrcbl;fl'ta\ M 7táY'ta u 'ta post emuxei; add. o O:Uñ: Helios, in honor of whom the Halieia was ce1ebrated. (See H. J. Rose, OCD, s.v. Helios, for
iiUa MV 11 25 ante xaipn; add. ol: u 11 26 ¡¡, om. o b iiv u 11 27 ante 6fl)l. add. ¡¡, bibliography.) Casson says that lhis is the earliest instance of a name of a merchant ship that we
Ü 1<:\YOuVE\Í(l) Ü 11 28 <ppoYt)liDttpo; b (COTT b2) i¡ om. 0 Oi) om. UVQ ÉJ<:ci 0 1129 U
know, but he is probab1y assuming too early a date for lhis letter. !l
post lPÓVOV add. UbO ante ov add 1Ca9' u c!>v M 11 30 epp(l)(JO om. o 2 Alluding probab1y to Aeschy1us, Agamemnon 52, 71-ttpÚ-ymv ÉpEO'O'ÓJlEYOt, the
eagles :'rowing with wings for oan."
 68 EIIII:TOAH XV LEITER15 69 !'
15. llltAo1tOÍJ.!.EVt Xet.ÍpEW • 15. Hippocrates to Philopoimen. Greetings.
JCa.l. úúp ór¡J.I.OlCpÍ'tEco a.u't'í\ EKEÍvn 't'í\ VUJC'tt 1 was anxious, thinking about Democritus on this very night. Falling asleep
1CCt.'tet.Oa.p9eov ápxoJ.!.ÉVr¡V 'tilv ECO ova.p ecpa.v'tácr9r¡v. ot VOJ.I. towards the break of dawn I had a drearn, after which I believe that nothing
340 lCÚp'tet. J.I.TIOEv E1C1táyA.coc; o€ Otr¡yÉp9r¡v. 1 EOólCEOV dangerous will happen. And I woke up in an arnazing state. I seemed to see
y(J.p aU'tOV 'tov 'AcrlCÁr¡7ttov óp&v · cpa.ÍvEcr9a.í 'tE a.mov 1tÁr¡crÍov · 1\or¡ o€ 5 Asclepius himself, and he appeared to be near to me. 1 We were already near the
't'í\crw 'tOOV 7tÚA.ncrw E't'I>YXÚVOJ.I.EV. ó o€ oux gates of Abdera. Asclepius did not appear as his representations generally show
eicó9Ecra.v a.u·mu a.Í. etlCÓVE<; 'tE 1Cet.t ioÉcr9a.t ICet.'tEcpet.ÍVE'tO, him, sweet and gentle, but he was agitated in his bearing and rather frightening to
Ci).)Jr. 't'í\ crxÉcrEt 1Cet.l i0Éo9at El1tOV'tO o€ Ct.U'té¡> look at. Snakes accompanied him, tremendous ones in the manner of crawling
OpÚICOV'tE<; Ép7tE'tOOV Ú7tEpcpuE\c;, btetyÓJ.I.EVOt OE 1Cet.l Ct.U'tol J.I.Ct.!Cpé¡> creatures, pressing on with great slithering, with terrifying hissing, as they do in
'té¡> E1ttcrÚpJ.I.Ct.'tt lCCt.Í n cpptlCOOOEc; roe; EV ipr¡J.1Í11 ICet.l vá7tncrt ICOÍATicrt 10 deserted places and hollow valleys. Behind him his companions carne with
OÍ. OE 1Cet.'tÓ7ttV É'ta.\pot JCÍcr'tet.<; cpet.pJ.!.ÚICCOV J.I.ÚAet. baskets of drugs tightly bound. The god stretched out his hand tome, and I took
1tEptEcr<p'lllCCOJ.I.ÉVa.c; EXOV'tES iíEcra.v. E1tEt'tCt. J.I.Ot xeipa. ó 9Eoc; it and with joy begged him to come along and not desert me in the therapy. He
lCÚyeo ÚcrJ.I.Évcoc; EAt1tÚpEOV 1Cet.l 1Cet.9ucr'tEpElV J.I.OU said, "Yo u have no need of me in the present case, but for now this common
-rile; 9Epet.7tdr¡c;. ó OÉ. OUoÉv 'tl, EC\)'11. EV 'té¡> 7tet.pEÓV'tt EJ.I.EU áu.á. crE goddess of mortals and immortals will be your guide." I turned around and saw a 1'
aÜn¡ 'tll VUV 9Eoc; ICOtVil á9avÚ'tCOV 'tE 1Cill 9V'Il't00V. Eyeo OE 15 large beautiful woman with her hair braided simply. She was radiant The circles
E1ttcr'tpacpdc; ÓpÉco yuva\1ea 'tE JCal. J.I.EYÚÁ'Ilv, ácpEUc; of her eyes showed forth a pure light. You would think it was the glistering of
1tE1tAOJCtcrJ.!.Évr¡v, AllJ.1.1tpEÍJ.!.OV!l. OtÉAaJ.17tOV o' au'tf\c; oí. 'tOOV ÓJ.!.J.I.Ú'tcov stars. The god withdrew and the woman took my wrist with a gentle pressure and
lCÚJCAOt JCa9apóv 'tt otov ácr'tÉpcov J.l.llPJ.I.Ilpuyac; OOJCEiv. JCal ó IJ.Ev led me through the town kindly. As we carne near the house where they seemed
Oet.ÍJ.!.COV ixcopícr9'1l. ICEÍVr¡ o€ T¡ yuvil 1ttÉcracrá J.I.E 'tOU 1Cilp1tOU J.l.llAaJC'í\ 'tWt to be preparing to entertain me she went off like a phantom, only saying
MOVÍ11 OUX 'toU acr'tEO<; cptAocppOVEOJ.!.Évll. Ólc; OE 7tAr¡crÍov oiJCÍr¡c; ''Tomorrow 1 shall find you at Democritus' house." Andas she turned away I
'íva. EOólCEOV EU'tpmícr9at, á7tf¡Et roe; cpácriJ.Il J.I.ÓVOV Ei7toí'>cra·
20
said, "I beg you, excellent one, who are you and what shall we call you?" 1!
auptÓV crE 1t!lpa Ór¡J.I.OlCpÍ'tEcp 1\or¡ Oe au'tf\c; J.I.E'tllcr'tpE- ''Truth," she said. "And this one you see approaching," and suddenly another 1¡
cpoJ.!.Évr¡c; · óÉoJ.I.a.t, 'P'IlJ.I.Í, ápícrn¡, 'tÍc; d Kal 'tÍva crE JCaA.ÉoJ.!.Ev; T¡ oÉ · woman appeared, not unhandsome herself, but holder and agitated, "is named
'1
342 E'P'!l, aün¡ oÉ, i;v 1tpocrtoí'>cra.v Óp'í\c;. JCal 1 É'tÉP'Il nc; Kll'tEcpa.ÍvE'tÓ J.I.Ot Opinion. She lives with the Abderites."2
oUIC ÚlCaAAilS J.I.Ev 000' 9pacru'tÉpr¡ OE WÉcr9at 1Cill 25 I woke and analyzed my dream. It meant that Democritus does not need a
EC\)'11, ICilAEl'ta.t. lCil'totlCEl o€ 1tllpa 'to\crw eyeo J.I.EV physician, since the healing god stayed away because he had no grounds for
ávacr't<Xc; Ú7tE1CpWÚJ.I.llV EJ.I.IlU'té¡> &n ou oÉm'to ir¡'tpou giving treatment. But the Truth of his being healthy stays with Democritus and
01t0U YE llU'tOS ó 9Epll1tEÚCOV 9Eoc; Ú7tÉcrn¡ roe; OUIC exrov üA.r¡v 9Epll1tEÍ'IlS· the Opinion that he is sick has truly made her home arnong Abderites. I believe
áUa 'Í'¡ J.I.Ev 'AM9Etll 'tOu ÚytllÍVEW 7tllpa Ór¡J.I.olCpÍ'tEcp J.I.Évet, 'Í'¡ OE 'tOu
voodv au'tov 1tapa ióv'tcoc; 'tau'ta 7ttcr'tEÚco 30
áA.r¡9Éa dvat, llltA07tOÍJ.!.r¡V, 1eal. Écr'tÍ. ouJC Ú7toywCÓcrJCro 'ta óvdpa'ta,
1 Asclepius appears to bis worshippers in dreams, at bis shrines and elsewhere. Material is
collected by Emma and Ludwig Edelstein, Asc/epius (Baltimore: 1945). Hippocrates confidently
interprets bis dream lúmself, and needs no interpreter. Artemidorus, if consulted, would have to1d
him that dreaming of Asclepius as a statue on bis statue base is best. Dreaming of him in motion
and going toa well penon's house is abad sign, while drearning of him going to a sick person's
1 'ht1t01<p. 0111. O 11 2 aú-qi om. O 11 3 1Ca'taOap9mv .MUY -ápB(I)V b <Ípto¡LÉVU .q¡ O i¡ói V house is good. (Artemidorus, Onirocritica 2.37, Pack p. 168.) Why is Asclepius agitated in
Tioo b (corr. b2) lívttpa 'tÍ U écpav'táa6T¡ V 11 4 yqtviiaBcn O V Hippocrates' dream 7 Perhaps bis loss of the placidity characteristic of bis statues indicates bis
b e1<1tai..'tóc; O lii:: 'tt UO "((lp lii: M éliolCéoo U 11 5 'tt om. MV amé¡! b amou UV concem about Democritus. Dreaming of snakes is significant (Artem. Onir. 2.13, Pack 236·8),
mi'tÉO'Il M lii:: mi u 11 6 'tOOV: amóiv u 0111. bO 11 7 ¡LtÍAtl,ÓV 'tt (n b) mi ltpiiov MVb but the snakes of Hippocrates' dream are simp1y iconographical cornpanions of Asc1epius.
¡LÉi..tl,PÓv n b 2 11 8 MU 11 9 év axfwan i:pnt"tói u 'X.Pii¡ui n bO o Hippocrates' dream, wbich creates and interprets its own allegory, is more of a literary dream than
mi om. U amé¡! U 11 10 tp'l!LÍ'lat U 11 11 ifttpot V MU 11 12 e:ha U 0111. b:tt'ta, add. are tbe dreams dealt with by Artemidorus or by the Hippocratic Regi1112n 4.
lii: post tiípe.9; O 11 13 O b (corr. b ) ¡Lou: ¡101 MU 'tt ¡LO'Il O 11 14 2 The goddesses Truth and Opinion of Hipp<>Cllltes' dream are reminiscent of the two figures in
éJiio O 1115 'ta vüv 0111. O 'ta vüv aÜ'tT¡ U 11 16 aacpai..e; MO U 11 18 b 11 Prodicus' story of the choice of Heracles, as Xenophon tells it (Mem. 2.1.21·34). In Xenophon
19 O 11 21 e:Ü'tpe:1teia9at M ci'tprnteiaBat b ¡LÓvov: ofov b 11 23 E'P'lV O cii..tíBe.tav one of the two huge wornen, whose name tums out to be Virtue (Ape'tf)), is handsome and
11
U 11 24 aÚ'tilv M post mi add. yap O ¡101 cm. O 11 25 ou mld¡ O ou1< M ou 1<aro U respectable (ci1tprn!i 'tE ilieiv 1<ai éi..eu9€ptov cpúau) and modestly dressed, while the other,
ouli': U iliÉaBat orn. O iliÉe.tv U 11 26 ante Eq>, add. o' b "ttiatv V ¡Li:v 0111. O 11 27 called Happiness (EúliatJlOVÍa) by her friends, but Vice (Ka1<ia) by her enemies, is soft and
tme1CptvÓJ111V V o5aot'to O 1128 om. O 1129·30 1tapá ... om. U 11 30 m'tOtlCÉEt O 11 31 overfed ('te9pa¡LJ1Év1Jv 1toA.uaapriav 1<ai IÍ1tai..lm,'ta), heavily made up and immodestly
ante 4>1A.o1t. add. J, b ante oU1C add. UbO dressed.

¡,,¡
1
 70 Ellii:TOAAI XV -XVI LEITERS 15-16 71

¡.uiA.tcr'ta o!CÓ'tav 1eat 'tá.l;w i,'tptci¡ 1eat J.Lavnci¡ Kat that this is true, Philopoimen, and it is. 1 do not deny drearns, especially when
1tá.vu l;uyyevúc; eicrív, E7tet 1eat 'trov 'tEXVÉrov 1ta'tl,p etc; 'A1tóA.A.rov, ó they retain coherence. Medicine and prophecy are very closely related, since of the
1eal 7tpóyovoc; iJJ.LÉrov éo-úcrac; !CUt écroJ.LÉvac; vo"Í>crouc; 7tpoayope"Í>rov !CUt two arts Apollo is the single father. He, who is my ancestor, declares the
voaéov'tac; 1eal voal¡aav'tac; iC.ÓJ.Levoc;. [pproao. diseases that are and that will be and he heals those on whom sickness is coming
and has come. Be well!
16. 'l7t1to1CpCÍ'tTJc; Kpa'te"Í>q. xaípew · 5
'E7tÍ<J'tUJ.1UÍ CJE aptCJ'tOV, 6> É'tatpE, !Cal 'ti,v aalCTI<JlV !CUt 16. Hippocrates to Crateuas. 1 Greetings.
7tpoyóvrov lCAÉoc;, éoc; CÍ1tOOEiv CJE 'tou 7tp01tCÍ'topoc; Kpa'tE"Í>a. vuv 1 know that you are an excellent herbalist, m y friend, because of your training
o'Í)v, ei !CUÍ 7tO'tE aAAO'tE, ÓICOOU 'tE !Cal Ótcota and your ancestors' fame, so that you are not inferior to the Crateuas who founded
CÍVU'YICUÍT\ yap E1tel'YEl, !Cal JlOl 'tUU'tU E1t' oA.n 1tÓAEl your farnily. Now, if ever, gather herbs, as many andas varied as you can, for
iaoa'tCÍatov, )l.Év, á.A.A.a. vooeiv )Úp cpacrtv aU'tOV !Cal 10 necessity presses, and send them to me for a man equal in worth to a whole city-
Ka9á.pmoc; J.Lá.A.a év'toc; J.1C:XVÍT\c; éóv'ta. 11'h XP11aaí11E8a !lév'tot 'to'iat he is an Abderite, but he is Democritus. They say that he is sick and needs a
cpap11á.tcotcrtv, roa7tep !CUt 7tÉ7tElCJ!1Ut, á.A.A.' 011roc; E'lhpE7tÍcr9at XP'h purge because he is in the midst of madness. 1 hope we won't use the drugs. I
7tav'taxó9ev. 'to XPíllla 1 'trov 1tapa crot7to.A.A.á.Ktc; éBa-ú11aaa believe we will not, but 1 must be ready for everything. Tlle phenomenon of
!CUt 'tl,v 'tOOV oA.rov cp"Í>mv 'tE !CUt !CUt 'tO Í.EpCÓ'ta'tOV 'Yílc; Í:OpU!LU, plants 1 have often adrnired in your company, and the nature and arrangement of
1eal cpu'ta 1eal 'tpocpal!Cal cpá.p11a1Ca Kat 't"Í>Xll 1eal ó 7t.A.o1hoc; aÚ'toc; 15 the universe, and the holy foundation of the earth, whence animals, plants, food
á.vacp"Í>E'tat. oúoe yap dxev ot T¡ cptA.apyupí, oú15' &v !LE and drugs, luck and wealth itself springs forth. Without it, lave of money would
vuv OÉ!Ca 'tUMV'tOlCJLV á.v'tl ill'tPOU 11lCJ9rotov eA.éy¡ov'tEc;. Ei 15' have no place to stand nor would the Abderites be tempting me with ten talents,
Éoúvacro, Kpa'teÚa, 'tílc; cptA.apyupÍT\c; -ñ,v 7tt1Cpav ElCICÓ'Ifat, éoc; 111\0Ev accusing me of being a mercenary instead of a physician. If you, Crateuas, could
aú'tílc; A.dvavov á.cpE'ivat, e'Í) i:crOt, E!Ca9T¡pai1EV &v 'trov á.v9pro7trov J.LE'tCt cut the bitter root of lave of money so as to leave nothing behind, know well we
'tOOV OO>J.LCÍ'tO>V !CUt 'tac; 'lfUXCtc; voaeoÚcrac;. ai..J..a 'tUU'tU 11Ev EÚXUÍ · crU O' 20 would purge the sick minds of men along with their bodies. But that is a prayer.
"Í¡J.L'iv 'to 1tapeov 11á.A.tcr'ta 'tac; ópewCtc; 1eal ú'l'll.A.oAócpouc; For the present, gather especially the plants from mountains and high ridges.
a'tepECÓ'tepat yap 'trov ÚOpT\M'tÉprov Eialv 1eal Ópt!lÚ'tEpat J.Liü.J..ov Ota -ñ,v They are denser than the more moist ones and more bitter because of the thickness
'tílc; 'Yílc; 7tulCVÓ'tT\'ta 1eal 'ti¡v AE7t'tÓ'tT\'ta 'tou · o'tt yap EAJCouaw of the soil and the thinness of the air. 2 What they absorb is colder. But yet try
EJ.I.'Ifuxpó'tepóv écr'ttv. 7tEtpT¡9,'tt 15' o11roc; 1eal 'tac; 1tapa A.íJ.Lvnaw ÉA.douc; to gather blossoms from marsh flowers by the ponds, river flowers, and fountain
1tEq>UlCUÍac; av9oA.o'Yílaat !Cal 'tCtc; 1tUpU7tO'tUJ.LÍOuc; i\ !CpT\VÍ'tlOac; i\ 25
1tap' ÚJ.L'iV lCUAEOJ.I.ÉVac;, &e; acrBEvÉac; !CUt ct'tÓvouc; !Cal
yJ..mcuxúA.ouc; dvat 1tS1tElCJJ.LUl. 7tCÍV'tU ÓÉ, ÓlCÓaa XUAOÍ 'tE !Cal Ó7tol
pÉOV'tEc;, Ev úaA.ívotalV ayyeíotm c¡>EpÉcrBroaav, OICOOU a'Í) cp-ú.A.A.a i1 av9Ea 1 The famous Crateuas was physician to Mithridates VI Eupator, who died in 63 B. C., who
i1 Év ICC.ÓBroat lCUlVOl(Jl 1tEplE<1Cf>TllCO>J.LEVOlCJlV. o!Croc; J.LTJ concocted the antidote Mithridaticum. Crateuas was famous for his very popular, illustrated
herl>al, which was much used and referred to. Pliny, N. H. 25.8, says that it was alphabetic. In
'tflcrt 7tVoftcrt ÉKAÍ1t11 'tOV 'tÓvov 'tílc; cpapJ.I.UlCÍT\c; 007tEp ci7toA.emovuxftaav'ta. 30
addition he wrote an alphabetic, scholarly description of plants, called the m u eh
used by Dioscorides. I suspect that the audience was expected to think of that famous Crateuas and
to think that Hippocrates is dealing with an ancestor of his. The title of Alexis' play,
1 chacpUMX't"tOl o MU 11 1-2 1tav-i> Jlavnñ E<rtlV o 11 2 l!ávu: MV"CTI y suggests that the audience might well lc.now of an earlier Crateuas (see
btttiSTt b mi om. 0 ISúo M Ó 'A11ó'JJ.aw 0 11 3 Í\JllV 0 eo'IÍ<ra<; 1Cal om. 0
EO"OJlEvOUS U 11poayopt'\Íttv M 11 4 leal om. O eppOlO"o om. O 11 5 ' I1t1t01Cpá'tT)c;
above, the Introduction, n. 51). The ten fragments of Crateuas (from the margin of the sixth
century Dioscorides manuscript, Vind. Med. 1) were published by Max Wellmann, Krateuas. Abh. '¡
om. O 11 6 Ól om. bO 11 7 11poyóvoov O post O"E add. 15uváf1Et b 11 8 ota UO 11 9 áva')'1CaÍ11 yap /cijnig . Gese/lschaft zu Gottingen, Phil-hist. Kl., N. F. 3, Nr. 1 (Berlín: 1897), and with
E-n:Eiytt: !l. 6.85, Od. 19.72 ama bO 11 10 amóv cpam o JLEv uo JlEv testimonia for Crateuas in his edition of Dioscorides, Materia Medica voL m(Berlín: 1914) 139-
aou b 2 11 12 M tmpe1tteia9m b O 11 13 11apá aot 146. They do not have any language that this letter demonstrably borrows.
0 11 14 ante 1eai1 add. <Ílc; UbO ol.a.v yE b 11 15 mi cpum 0 om. U 11 16 /iv 2 Cf. Dioscorides, Preface 6: "Sites are important. whether they are in the mountains, high up,
dxe noi Élltjlíi U i] om. M 11 17 ci 15': ti9e 15(: O a'1le 15(: ci b 11 19 ante l:lea9!ípaJLEV add. b windswept. cold and arid, for the propenies of such p1ants are strooger. Those of p1ants from flat
/iv U 11 20 'I"JXa i c; U om. 0 11 21 0 Ú'!"AocpÓpOUS U and wet 1ocalities, in the shade and not open to the wind, are generally wealc.er...." /Oc; leal 11a pa
b O 11 22 yap om. a 11 24 Efl'I"JXMtpov UbO M 11 25 1eai 1eai 1ea i mi d vat
UVb UYO 11 25-6 lltiSalC. om. O ntiSalC... . lCMEOJ.l. om. Y 11 26 yáp eiatv ai a l ISe ev leal 1Ca9'1Íypots
ftJ.llV o a.; om. UMYO 11 27 om. o 11 28 UWOlO"lV y ÚeAÍVOlS u úaA.ímm M u.A.olc; o ("tóllots) 1eai JLTt .... The
:¡ /iv bO náv9ea YM 11 29 om. O 1eawoim om. O M (corr. W) sentiments are the same, but the language differs. (I'ext from Max Wellmann, Pedanii Dioscoridis i
i¡ O 11 30 l!Votiiatv bO ÉlCAEÍliEl M elCA.Ei1t11 b ElCAÍliEl U
{A.tll. U) Ub
OM2 Anazarbei De 111illeria medica (Berlín: 1907-14), translation from JohnScarborough and Vivían
Nutton, "The Preface of Dioscorides' Materia Medica: Introduction, Translation, Commentary,"
Transactions and Studies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia 4 (1982) 187-227.)
 72 EPISI'Ol.AI XVI-XVII LEITERS 16-17 73

a.u· f] 11tv 'ta\ha. 7tÉJ.1.1jfov · JCa.t rap fJ rop, 'tou Ka.l. ;, flowers (you call them spring-flowers), which 1 consider weak, slack, and of sweet
CtvÚ"flCTT rnEÍ"(El. oe jlEv aA.A.ó-tpwv 1 juice. All that have flowing juice or sap should be brought in glass jars, and
346 Oe IC<X.i 1tavu, Év f¡ i¡ · ljfU:Xa.l Oe bring the leaves, blossoms and roots in new cups that are bound tightly so that
'trov 9epa.7tEtrov oi. 1empoí, Ó>v i¡ 7tapa.qmA.a.ICÍ'¡ 'tO EA.7tOjl<X.l jlEV they will not be open to the winds and lose their concentration of pharmaceutical
ÍYytÉa. etva.t 'tOV ÓlljlÓKpt'tOV 1eal. OÍXa. Ei o' apa. n oq>ÚAjl<X. 5 virtue so as to faint, as it were, dead away. 1 But, send these things to us
Kmpou i\ "(ÉvOt'tO, 7tOMa -yap av immediately. The time of year is fitting and the constraints of the so-called mad-
A.á9ot a'tE llTt 7ta"(XU a'tpE1CEÍ11c; É7tl. 'tO MTlAoV 7t&oav ness press. Delay is foreign to all science, especially to medicine in which
XPEOO OÚV<X.jlW oi> -yCx.p apKEha.t ó lCWOuVE'Úmv OlO'l ouvá.¡.t.E9a, postponement is danger to life. The soul of therapy is in opportunity, and our
aU' btt9u¡.t.Ei Ka.l & J.l.lJ Ouvá.¡.t.e9a.. 1C<X.l O':XEOOV O'Úo O''tpa.'tE1.lÓ¡.t.E9a., 'tO job is to. be on guard for opportunities.2 Aphorisms:l.l 1 hope that Democritus
11ev av9peó7tou, 'to oe J>v 'to ¡.t.ev 'to ae 10 is well, even without treatment. But if there should be sorne failure of nature or
roptcr'ta.t. aEi ae Év a¡.t.<pO'tÉpotcrt 'to'Ú'tOlO't Kal 'tO rUP a'tÉlCjl<X.p'tov Év of opportunity or of sorne other cause (many things could escape our notice, since
-rf¡crw Ka.9á.pcrEO'l at, tÓV't{I)V. Ka.l -yap O''tOJ.Lá.xou lCÚlCOOO'tv we are mortals whose exertions are not always precise), we must gather all our
ÚcpopÓ>jlE9a. Kal a-yvoOUjlÉVTlV <p'ÚO'tv force against what is obscure. The man in danger is not satisfied with what we
oi> -yap 'Í] ai>'t-1¡ Ka.l J.1.Ía. cp'Úotc; á7tav'tmv, E'tEpov o' a.id JCal can do. He wants also what we cannot. It is almost as though we go to combat
ÉQ)1)'tl¡V OtKEiov. ÉvÍO'tE Oe Ka.l -rf¡crt 7tOA.A.<'x. 'tOOV 15 with two things, the human being and science, the first obscure and the second !¡
Ép7tE'tOOV !Cal 7tEpt:x;a.vÓv'ta. 'tfl ÉV'tO<; aüpn 1CÚ1CWO'W av't' limited by what we know. In both of them we have need of luck. Take, as an '1
i

aU'tOtO'l 7tpOO'É7tVEUO'EV. Ei J.l.Tt nc; apa. 0'7tÍA.oc; ;; OOJ.l.lJ example, the lack of precise standards in purgation for those who proceed with
Ehtptc.ó011c; Kal li7t11vT¡c; 'tou revoJ.1.Évou cpa.vEÍTl, de· ft 'tÉXVTl ota 'to caution: we anticipate harm to the stomach, and we aim at equating the
'1'1
'tilc; 'tilc; 1C<X.'top9Ó>crtoc; acpT¡jla.p'tE. OE a.iel, a.Í. pharmaceutical effect with the unknown nature. One and the same constitution
ot' Ota 'tOU'tO Ka9á.potÉc; dcrtv. Kal MEAÚJ.1.7tOU<; É7tl 'tOOV 20 does not belong to everyone, and it is always defining something different as
Tipo·hou 9u-ya'tÉpmv JCa.l. Écp' 'Hpa.KA.Éouc; Ícr'topÉov'ta.t 1 appropriate for. itself. Sometimes, too, in the case of plants, many snakes have
348 1CE:Xpfto9m, lllJ XP'IlO'<X.Í¡.t.E9a. oe btt J.1.TlOEVl. 'tOÚ'tO>V, aA.A.a. injected their poison into them, and gaping around them, have, with their inner
"(ÉVOl'tO ElCEÍVcp 'tOOV Op<X.O''tllCOO'tÚ'tO>V !Cal t11'tpt1COO'tÚ'tO>V cpa.pjlÚICO>V O'O<pÍTl fumes, breathed harmfulness into them instead of helpfulness.3 Hence, if no stain
'tÉA.oc;. Epprocro; or blemish or foul animal odor appears as token of what has happened, the
science, because of the hazards of fortune, then fails of correct procedure.
17. :x;a.ÍpEW · 25 Therefore, catharsis with the hellebores is more certain. Melampus is famous for
Tou't' ÉKEtvo, 07tEp EiKá.CoJ.1.EV, ou 7tapÉ1C07t'tEV having used it for the daughters of Proetus, and Anticyreus for Heracles, but 1
aMa 7tÚV't<X. Ú7tEpE<ppÓVEl Ka.l. 'Í]jJ.Éa.c; 1Ca.l. Ot' 'Í¡j.LÉO>V 7tÚV'ta.c; hope we use none of these things on Democritus! May wisdom in the end be
av9pCÓ7touc;. OÉ O'Ot, ros
a.A.Tl9Émc; 'tl¡v 'AcrKA.,7ttá.oa. vfta, among the most effective and healing drugs for him. well!
llV jlE'ta 'tOU 'AA.íou É1tÍ<rT]jlOV K<X.t 'Y-ytEÍ11V, É1td lC<X.'ta O<X.ÍjlOVa 'tcp
€ovn ionoopÓJ.1.11KE Ka.l. ÉKEÍvn 'tU i¡J.1.ÉPU Ka.'tÉ7tAEucrev Éc; f¡1tep 30 17. Hippocrates to Damagetus. Greetings. ·
a.u'to'icrtv É7tEG'tÚA1CEtv 7tÚV'tac; o.Ov 7tpo 'tOOV 7tUAÉrov Justas we conjectured, Damagetus, Democritus was not demented, but was
E'ÜpOjlEV me; etlCO<; oUIC avopa.c; ¡.t.oÚvouc;, a).).(x. Ka.l very wise in all things, and he gave me instruction in virtue, and through me all :f
"(UV<X.tKa.c;, E'tl oe IC<X.t lCat 7tatoía., vT¡ 9eoúc;, Ka't'll<pÉa.c;, IC<X.t 'ta men. 1 have sent you back the ship, my dear friend.. How truly it was Asclepius'

2 ¡th -yap U 11 3 1j1U¡ai: U 11 5 Ú')'lÉa elva\: Ú')'laÍY€\V U om. 0

lipa Om. U 116 iiJ..A.roc; U ilM11 ahÍ71 0 iiv om. MVb 11 7 (),' J1110' 0
11 8 ::tPÉO MV 11 9 post axéoov add. aei UbO post add. UbO 11 12 0\' ruA.a!JíTlc; 1 These are standard procedures and common containers for storing medica! material.
ii xai -ycip xai U 'xáxcoo\V: xá9apmv O 11 14 cpÚa\c;: <rt'ámc; U Dioscorides, Prefaa 9, recommends limewood boxes, papyrus, and silver, glass, hom,
b (corr. b 2) aiei: ei M xaiU om. bO 11 15 oixEloi M post Ol: add. lt&v a1tÓ>i..roev b 11 earthenware, boxwood, copper, and tin containers for the various types of drugs.
17 O post 1tpoa€1tV. add. xo:i IÍ-yvO\o: Eaota\ U 11 20 0\a om. U eia\V 2 1hls may allude to Precepts 1, "Opportunity is that in which there is little time" (xal pix; i:v <\>
om. O anle xo:i add. aic; bO 11 22 ¡ti1 om. U 11 23 ixeívrov b ::tPÓvoc; oú or Precepls m ay allude to this passage if it was wrinen 1ater. Both are
<po:pJ.L<Íxrov U xai om. UO aocpÍ71c; 24 tpproao om. O 11 26 -romo probably aware of Aphorisms l. 1, "Opportunity is fleeting" (xo:\poc;
iiv U 11 27 1t<Ív-ra: 1t<Ív-rac; O 1t<ÍV'ta corr. in 1t<Ív-rac; b post J.LÉrov ilerum add. O 11 3 The baleful effect of snakes on plants i s accepted by the pha rmaco1ogists. Poi sonous
28 b 2U 11 29 iiv: ¡¡ U ÚbO 1tpÓec;: 1tpóa9E M 1tpó9ec; b 1tpóa9ec; O 1tpÓnpov U mushrooms are so be cause they have absorbed snake breath or venom at the snake' s 1air :
Ü')'lii MUV 1131 aoA./.kac; UbO 1132 ¡LOÜvov UO 11 33 Ko:i post ol: om. Vb '1i118éouc; VM (corr. Dioscorides Materia Medica 4.82, Nicander, Alaipharrru:J!ca 521-<i. Pliny, N.H. 22.95, extends
2
M ) v'li O xa't71cpÉo: MUbO xai om. MO the notion to many plants.
 74 EIII:I:TOAH XVII.l-2 LETIER 17.1-2 75

vrpnct· !Cctl. ro;

bd ¡¡.awo¡¡.Évq> 'té¡> tn]llO!CpÍ'tq>, Oe ¡J.E't' o ship! Put the device of Hygieia on her next to that of Helios,1 since she truly
'tÓ'tE btd OÉ ¡J.t doov, 1tOU e<p' sailed with a god, and put in to Abdera on the very day 1 had told them 1 would ar-
é(l)\)'t&v JCat XP'Ilcr'ta; eA.1tíoa; e1towuv'to. oe o rive.
iiyEw bd 'tl¡v ¡J.t rop¡J.'Il'tO 'tOU'tO. f:yro OÉ, We found them all gathered before the gates, apparently waiting for us, not
iivOpE;, E<p'llv. oUOÉv ecr'tÍ 1tpoopyou i\ 5 men only but women, too, and old men and children, dreadfully disheartened, even
oi. o. e1t"{¡vouv UICOÚO"ctV'tE; !Cctl. 'tE ¡LE 1 'ril; the infants; they carne for the sake of a maddened Democritus, while he was even
ayopfi;. oi. ¡J.Ev E1tÓ¡J.EVOl, oi. Oe 1tpo9ÉoV'tE; hépco9EV A.Éj'OV'tE;, at that moment doing precise higher philosophy. When they saw me they seemed
9Epa1tEucrov. JCayro 1tctpúvtov 9ctppdv 00; 'táxa ¡¡.ev ouOEv(>; tóv'to; to become somewhat composed, and they affected optimism. Philopoimen started
ICctiCOU, 1tÍcruvo; E't110"ÍUO"W ropncrw, Ei. 0' apct ICctÍ 'ttvo;, to lead me off to my guest quarters and they approved. But 1 said, "Men of
Abdera, for me nothing is more important than to see Democritus." When they
2. Kctl. /i¡¡.a 'tctU'tct 'Ai.ycov iíEtv. ouOe yap 1tÓppco i, oiJCÍ'Il, ¡¡.éiA.A.ov O' heard it they praised me and were cheered up. And they led me immediately off
ouo' i, OA'Il. 1tctp'Íj¡J.EV o.Ov, 1tA110"ÍOV yap 'tOU 'tEÍxou; húrxavt, !Cctl. through the agora, sorne behind, sorne preceding on both sides, saying "Save
aváyoucriv ¡LE i,cruxn. ICct'tÓ1tW 'tOU 1tÚpyou n; Ú'lfTIÁÓ;, him, help him, heal him." 1 advised them to be of good cheer, since perhaps
!Cctl. A.ctcrincrw ev9EV 'tE e9tcopti'to 'ta 'tOU there was nothing wrong, and trusting the season of the Etesian winds, if there
JCct'tct')'CÓ')'tct. JCctl. au'to; o JCct9ficr'to Ú1tÓ 'twt was something it was perhaps brief, easily mended
U¡J.<plAct<pEt !Cctl. x9a¡¡.aA.ft 1tAct'tctVÍO"'tql, ev el;co¡¡.ÍOl 1tctxdn. ¡¡.ouvo;, 2. Talking thus I went along, for his house was not far; indeed, the whole city
WEÍA'Jlcpo;, E1tt A.t9ivq> 9có1Cq>, roxplctlCOO; 1tUvU JCctl. A.mócrctp!Co;, ICOUpt&v 'ta was not Then we were there, for it was near the wall and they brought me
yÉvttct. 1tctp' ctU'tOV o' E1tl At1t'tÓppU'tOV üocop !Cct'ta 1tp'JlVOu; 'tOU forward quietly. After that, behind the tower, there was a high hill shaded by
A.ócpou 'Í]pt¡¡.aico; OÉ 'tÉ¡J.EVo; Ú1tep EJCttvov 'tov A.ócpov, 00; great shaggy poplars, and from that spot one looked down on the residence of
ev Ú1tovoin i.opu¡¡.Évov, ctU'tO<pU'tOtO"W E1t'Jlptcpe; Democritus. And Democritus himself was sitting under a spreading low plane
352 U¡J.1tÉAOlCHV. ó o' dxEV Év EUICOO"¡J.ÍU 1toUn rnt 'tOtV yová'tOlV lCctl. tree, in a coarse shirt, alone, not anointed with oil, on a stone seat, pale and
E'tEpct OÉ 'ttvct á¡¡.<potv 'tOlV ¡J.Epoív ctU'té¡> OEO"CÓpEUV'tO Oe emaciated, with untrimmed beard. Next to him on the right a small stream
lCctl. ouxva ávct'tE't¡J.'Jl¡J.ÉVct Ot' oA.cov. ó Oe Ó'te ¡¡.ev SUV'tÓvco; E')'pctcpEV bubbled down the hill's slope softly. There was a sanctuary on top of that hill,
eYJCd¡¡.tvo;, Ó'te oe 'ÍJpÉ¡¡.tt 1tá¡¡.1toA.ú 1 'tt E1tÉxcov Kctl. Év écomé¡> which 1 conjectured was dedicated to the nymphs, roofed over with wild grapes.
thct ¡J.t't' ou 1tOAU 'tOÚ'tCOV epoo¡¡.Évcov 1tEpttxá'tEl lCctl. 'ta 25 He hada papyrus roll on his knees in a very neat manner, and sorne other book-
o1tA.ánva 't&v E1tEcrKÓ1tEt Kctl. Kct'tct9d; au'ta ¡¡.t'ttA.9rov rolls were laid out on both sides. And stacked around were a large number of
oi. oe 1tEptEO"'téi>'tÉ; ¡LE lCIX't'Jl<ptt; !Cctl. ou 1tÓppco 'ta; animals, generally cut up. He sometimes bent and applied himself intensely to
O'lftt; OctKpuÓv'tcov exov'tÉ; cpctcrtv, 'Opft; ¡¡.Év'tot 'tov i1 writing, sometimes he sat quietly attentive, pondering within himself. Then after
'11t1tÓ!Cpct'ttS. ros ¡J.É¡J.'JlVEV !Cctl oiht O'tt 9éA.n otOtV oihE O'tt EpOEl; ICctÍ ns a short time of this activity he stood up and walked around and exarnined the
ctU'téi>V E'tl ¡¡.iiUov evodl;acr9ctt 'tftV ¡J.ctVÍ'JlV ctU'tOU, ol;u 30 entrails of the animals, set them down and went back and sat down. The
UVtiCCÓICUOEV dJCtAOV j"'>Vctt!Cl. Eltt 9avá'tq> 'tÉICVOU ooupo¡¡.Évn. th' Abderites, standing about me downcast, their eyes not far from tears, said, "You
Ú7tO!CptvÓ¡¡.EVOS 1tctpoOÍ't'JlV c'iUos oA.Écrctv'tct o JCctl. ó see Democritus' way of life, Hippocrates, how mad he is, how he doesn't know
what he wants or what he is doing? One man, who wanted even more to point
out his madness wailed shrilly like a woman lamenting a child's death.
1 anle Ó>; add. <15E dxov OM 2 post 4r¡ ¡J.OlC. add. <15E dxov U 11 2 1tou om. O post 1t0U add.
b 11 2-3 ¡J.tlCpóv n É<p Éoro'toitn b 11 4 post á"fttv o 11 4-5 e..,m lie e<pr¡v co cilllit'fe· (om. Then another groaned imitating a wayfarer who had lost his belongings. When
O 11 6 lie V 'tE MO 'tE mi'trov b 11 7 él, Zeü M 2 co Zeü
fla<nA.eii cd jlcunA.eü a 11 8 !tCtpr¡yópouv bO om. O 11 10 ante ti>lil0p9. add 1eai. U 11 11 i¡
oilCÍTf : i¡ lCÍr¡ U 11 12 oA.r¡ om. O yap: lie Vb 11 13 itcroxír¡ O O 11 14 liaoijatv MV
Év'ttÜ9tv Ub (corr. b2) f.9tcoptl'tO: Écopa'tO 0 11 15 tlCá!h¡'to UO 11 17 Ub (corr. b2)
civf1A.r¡<po<; M 2 et in marg., tlC'tE'tTfY¡J.Évoc; i1 11 19 post A.ó<pou add. Béov b
Ü!ttplCEÍ¡J.tvov U 11 20 É!ttppttp(.; MVb 11 21 'trov yová1:oov U 11 22 aú1:oii U !tapE¡J.jlt jlé!lA.Il'tO U
<JE<JCÓpEU'tO bO É<JE<J'tCÓptuV'tO U 11 23 0 11 24 'tl: 'tE 0 ante ÉV add b 11 25 ante
epo. add. 'tiJN b 11 26 lttptt<JlCÓ!tEE O 11 27 anle add. ltáA.lV. U ¡e om. M (corr. Ml¡ 11 28
OOlCpÚcov O anle 4r¡¡J.01C. add. 'toii O anle él, add. b 11 28-9 co 'l!t!t. post ¡J.É¡J.TfVEV O
1í"tt tpliEt: O tplitt 0 11 30 En OM. 0 "ti¡v ¡J.aVlTfV ante jloul... U aÚ'toii 010. b (corr. bl¡ 11 31 1 Lionel Casson, Ships and SeamaiiShip in tlu Ancielll World , 346 n. 7, suggests that Helios
É1<CÓ1CU<JEV O UbO 11 32 ante ulto1Cptv. add. ltáA.tv U ltáA.tv b is thought of as the equivalen! of Apollo, father of Asclepius, and proposes that the ship's
áA.A.ov u om. b CÍ!tCOAEaáv'ta b o: 'tl Ó>v u ovo 'tl Ó>v ¡¡• av b 010. M "device" (episemon) somewhere included Asclepius in the decoration. That may be what the
author is imagining, although Helios is nowhere called Asclepius' father that 1 have seen.
 76 EIIU:TOAH XVII.2-3 LETTER 17.2-3 77

t!r¡).l.ÓJCpttoc; ima.JCoúrov ta ).l.Ev ta JCa.t ouJCÉtt Democritus heard the first he smiled, on hearing the second, he laughed. He
eypa.cpe, -d¡v OE 1Cecpa.A.T¡v 9a.).l.tva É7tÉ<JELEV. Éyro •y).!.etc; ).l.ÉV, ecpr¡v, stopped writing, and shook his head frequently. 1 said, "Abderites, you stay here.
a.utó9t ).l.Í).l.VetE · ÉyyutÉpco a.utoc; JCa.t A.óycov JCa.t crro).l.á.trov When 1 have got nearer to his speech and his person and have seen and heard him 1
'YEVT]9dc; 'tE JCa.t ÚJCoÚcra.c; et<JO).l.<Xl 'toU 1tá.9ouc; -ci¡v a/,.{¡9et!XV. shall know the truth of his affection."
3. Ka.t ta.íh' ei7trov Í'¡cruxft. JCa.t E1tÍcpopov ElCElVO 5 3. So saying I descended quietly. The place sloped sharply toa point, so that I
to xropíov · ¡.¡.óytc; oi>v E1td É1tl..r¡cría.Cov, e'tUxev hardly kept my footing as I proceeded. And when I was coming near, it happened
É1tel..9ov a.uté¡> &n 8{¡1tme ypá.cpew iv9oucrtcoMx; JCa.t ¡.¡.e9' · ei.cr'ti¡JCetv that there had come on him a fit of writing something with inspired intensity. I
oiJv 1tepl1J.EvCOV !XU'tOU 'tOV IC<Xtpov 'tflc; ava1taÚcrwc; · Ó ).l.Eta <J¡J.LICpov 'tflc; stood and waited for the opportunity of his pausing. And he, after a short time,
cpopflc; 'tOU ypacpeíou 'te Éc; EIJ.E 1tpOOtÓV'ta ICa.Í cpr¡crw, stopped the movement of his pen, glanced up as 1 approached, and said,
354 Xa.ipe, Kaycó, IIoAA.á. "fE ICa.t crú, ll111J.Ó1Cpl'te, crocpcÍ>'ta.te. 1 ó 10 "Greetings, stranger." And 1, "Many greetings to you, Democritus, wisest of
OE ot¡.¡.a.t, &n OVO).l.<X<Jtt IJ.T¡ 1tpOOEmÉv ).l.E, u ecpr¡, 'tÍ IC!XI..ÉOIJ.EV; men." He, embarrassed, I think, that he had not addressed me by name, "And
1· 1
1 liyvma. yap 'tOU crou OVÓIJ.a.'toc; ;, 'tOU 1tpOOT]"fOPl11. 'l7t1t01Cpá.'t'l]c;, you, how shall we address you? My calling you 'stranger' was ignorance of your
ecp11v, EIJ.OL'YE ó i11tpóc;. ó e!7teV, 'H téi'>v name." "Hippocrates is my name," I said, "the physician." And he said, "The
,¡¡:
'11 eU"(ÉVela.. 1tOAÚ "fE crou 'tO JCA.Éoc; 'tflc; EV i'll'tpucft crocpír¡c; 1tecpOÍ'tT]lCEV Ka.t Éc;
Í'¡¡.¡.Éa.c; acpilC'tat· tí xpéoc;, ha.ipe, 8eupó cre ilra.ye; 1tpo 15
excellence of the Asclepiads! The great fame of your wisdom in medicine has
traveled far, and has reached even us. But what brings you here, my friend? But
'

1tUv'tCOV ópnc; OE roe; ecrnv oi>toc; OUIC a'llOT¡c; cpúi..Acov 9éi'>JCoc;, XAoepoc; do frrst tak:e a seat. You see how pleasant is this seat of leaves here, green and
1ea.t ¡.¡.a.A.a.JCoc; É"(!Ca.9ícra.t, 7tpo<J11vÉcrttpoc; 'trov 'tfic; túx'llc; E7ttcp9óvcov 9có1Ccov. soft for sitting, more soothing than thrones of those envied for their fortune." 1
1Ca9ícra.vtoc; OÉ ).l.OU 1tÚAW cpr¡crív. "Iowv oi>v i\ É1tt8{¡¡¡.tov 7tpfly¡¡.a sat and he spoke again: "Do you come in pursuit of private business or public?
lJ Oeupo cppá.Ce cra.cpéi'>c;. 1Cat yap Í'¡¡¡.eic; &n <JUVEP"fOÍ:IJ.EV liv. Tell me plainly, for if I could be of any help, 1 would." And I said, 'The real
1
ICaycÍ>, To IJ.EV Kat' a1..119EÍT¡v, E<p'llV, ainov, aÉo xá.pw ÍÍJCCO 20 reason is that 1 carne here because of you, to meet a wise man. But the excuse
crocpé¡> avopí· EXEt 1tpÓcpa.crw;, 1ta'tptc;, 'tEAECO. ó :::ewín was offered by the fatherland whose embassage I perform." And he, "First of all,
toívuv, cpr¡crí, ta 1tpéi'>ta JCÉXPTJcro JCayro !Cata tak:e advantage of my entertainment." And making test of the man in all ways,
Jtá.v'ta 1C!Xt7tEp IJ.Ot IJ.T¡ 7tapa1CÓ7ttEw ÉvÉovtoc;, though it was already obvious to me that he was not really mad, I said, "Do you
if>tAo1toÍ¡.teva oicr9a., ecp11v, 7tOAt'tT]V ÉÓvta ÚIJ.Étepov; ó OÉ, Kat et7tev, know Philopoimen, your fellow townsman?" And he, "Indeed. You mean
tov I..Éyetc; utov tov oiJCouvta 1tapa 'ti¡v 1Cpi¡v11v; Tcñ>tov, 25 Damon's son who lives by the fountain of Hermes?" "That is he," I said. "1 am
Et1tOV, ép 1Cat 'tU"fXUvCO EJC 1ta.tÉprov lOtoc; ai..A.a crú, ll111J.Ó1Cplte, 'tft his proper guest by ancestral connection. But you, Democritus, please accept me
356 JCpEÍcrcroví !J.E JCat 7tpéi'>tóv "fE tÍ o
tomo ypá.cpEtc;, cppá.Ce. 1ó in still greater guest-frendship, and frrst tell me what itis that you are writing?"
ó' E1ttcrxrov ol..íyov, I1Ept IJ.a.Yl'llc;. ecpr¡. ICaycÍ>, ZEU <p111J.Í, Mter hesitating briefly, he said, "A treatise on madness." And I, "Oh Zeus, King
WICaÍpcoc; 'YE avnypá.cpnc; 1tpO<; -d¡v 1tÓALV. ó IIoÍ'IlV. 'P'Il<JÍV, 1tÓAW. of the gods! You are writing a timely refutation of the city!" And he, "City?

1 btaroúcov UO xai om. O JI 2 ypácpO)V O JI 3 ante 'Af:IO. add. J. O JlEÍVa't& UO xai aci>JUX'toc;
mi Aóycov b -.:ai Aóyou -.:ai aCÍ>fl<X'toc; O 11 3-4 -.:ai Aóycov xai acoJI.(Í'tcov yEV\ÍGOfl<Xl
1eai iSov -.:ai U 'tE om. O JI 6 ante add. S' O Jl7 btEi..Smv MUVa 'CÓ't&
b.el..9ov cd <n:e bri;A.Bov b (corr. 11 8 amoü post xatpov U 11 8-9 post
U, post bY JI 9 Ob (corr. b 2) Vb O 1!f,omÓv'ta post
CVIl<nV V JI 10 y&: 151: o 4l1JL post GO<¡ICO't. u 1111 OVÓJUX'tl u ovo ,.á 'Cl b (corr. b ) flOl V 'tÍ:
'tÍva o lCai..écoflEV V 11 12 ayvoíat b om. o habent post MUVO post
b seclusi oiívoJUX O 11 13 o151: om. b 11 14 év ill'tpt,qj: ill'tptJCiii; Ua 11 14-15
ci><; EflE O 11 15 ae ante UbO É1:aipe post iíyaye O 11 16 !Cá9taov O -.:á9Tlatv U
... 'tov ou" <il15ii Bllf!IDva O ante V ante
add. <n:t M, rn U 1117 i:y-.:aBíam: i:G'ttxaBíaat O om. bO M 1118 11áA.w:
b i15tóv n Si¡fltOV U n post oov add. bO npfiyJUX post UbO 11 19 áv
.om. UO 11 20 · ainov om. O aéo et xáptv om. U aeo nA.: Ev&lCa a&Ü · 15eüpo y(&p ií1eco aot
<roV't\JX&iv avSpl ao<pé/> 0 11 21 ai)v U 1 22 cpr¡a{ om. 0 1eaym: i:ym b om. O
1123 xa'ta()i¡A.ou U évéoV'toc;: Ub om. O 11 24 1!0At!Í'tllV ÚflE't. i:óv1:a b d11ev: E<!lll ei
O 11 26 <!>: ot MU b Ob 2 11 27 y' E-tt M om. U . oom M
yp<Íq>cov MUbQ 11 28 post OAÍyov add. xpóvov b •n Om. 0 11 29 yp<Íql&l<; U
1!p(¡c; om. b (COIT. b2 ) <!ITIGÍV: cp/J U
 78 Elli!:TOAH XVII.3-4 lEITER 17.3-4 79

'hmÓ1CpUtE<;; érro oÉ, Oúoév, Ecpr¡v, é1 a.n· OUlC oto' OJCroc; What do you mean, Hippocrates?" And 1, "Nothing, Democritus. That slipped
7tpOU7tEO"EV. aUa tÍ 7tEpl. ¡¡.avír¡c; Tí yáp, et7tEV, aA.A.o i1 tÍc; out somehow. But what are you writing on madness?" "Just what it is, how it
lCCÚ OKroc; av9pómounv lCUl tívu tpÓ7tOV a7toArocpÉottO. tá tE comes on men, and how to relieve it All these animals that you see here I am
rap EcpTJ, tUUtU ÓlCÓOa ópnc;. toútou re OÜVC.lCU avutÉ¡¡.vro, ou dissecting for that, not because I bate divine works, but because 1 am pursuing the
9eou epru, :x,o/.:íic; OE cpúow lCUl 9éow. oto9u rap 5 nature and location of the gall. You know how its overabundance generally
av9p<Ó7troV 7tUpU1C01t'Íj<; roe; uitÍll E7tl to 7t0AU aÜtr¡ 7tAeováouou, É7tÚ 7tíiOt causes dementia in men, since it is present by nature in all but less in sorne and
J.1EV EVU1táp:x,et, áA.A.a. 1tap, OtO\ JLEv eA.áoorov, 7tUp, oÉ somewhat more in others. Disproportion of it becomes disease because it is a
7tAEÍrov. ft o' a¡¡.Etpír¡ uutf\<; VOUOO\ 'tU"fX.ÚVOU<nv, cÍl<; ÜA.r¡c; ÓtE J.1EV á"fUGTlc;. substance sometimes good, sometimes harmful." And 1 said, "By Zeus,
óte oe cpaúA.,c; !Careó, Nit t.ía, ecpr¡v, é1 a.A.,eéroc; Democritus, you speak truly and wisely. For that reason 1 consider you blessed
re lCUl cppoYÍJ.lro<; · 09EV EUOUÍJ.10VÚ OE 1CpÍvro tOOUÚtr¡<; a7tOAUÚOVta 10 to enjoy such leisure. . It has not fallen to me to share in it" And when he asked,
ftouxír¡c;. ft¡¡.iv OE J.1EtÉX,Etv tUÚtr¡c; oUlC epeo¡¡.Évou OÉ, tÍ, "Why, Hippocrates, has it not so fallen?" "Because," 1 said, "traveling, children,
é1 'l7t7tÓKpatEc;, ouK "On, ecpr¡v, i1 !lltotlCÍ'Il i1 tÉlCVU i1 debts, disease, death, servants, marriages: such things whittle away my leisure."
i1 i1 9ávatot i1 OJ.100E<; i1 i1 tT¡v 4. Thereupon the man was swept back to his usual manner. He burst out
laughing; he scoffed and then remained silent 1 said, "But what are you laughing
4. 'Evtau9u ol¡ Ó avl¡p ec; to dro9oc; 1CUtr¡VÉX,9r¡ lCUl ¡¡.á)..u a9pouv 15 at, Democritus, the good things I mentioned, or the bad ones?" He laughed even
aVElCÚ"fX.UOE lCUl E1tEt<Ó9UOE lCUl to A.omov 'houxí,v lCárcó, Tí ¡¡.Évtot, more, and looking on from a distance sorne of the Abderites struck their heads,
358 ecp11v, yEA.ifc;; 1 7tÓtEpov ta a."f<Xea. 6>v d1tov i1 ta KaKá; ó oe sorne their foreheads, sorne pulled out their hair because as they later said, he was
Ett ¡¡.íiA.A.ov eyÉAU. lCUl a7tro9Ev ÓpEUVtEc; oí oí J.1EV tac; laughing more excessively than usual. I interrupted him and said, "But,
1CEcpaA.O.c; aútó>v E7tawv, oí oe ta ¡¡.Étro7ta, oí oe tCx.c; tpíxuc; 1eal. Democritus, wisest of men, 1 want to find out the reason for your affection, why 1
yáp, roe; üotEpov ecpr¡ouv, 1tapa to dro9oc; expT¡oato tép 20 or what 1 said seems to deserve laughter, so that, when 1 fmd out, I can cure my
Ú7totuxrov o' Éy<Ó, 'AUn ¡¡.T¡v, ecpr¡v, oocpó>v f.r¡J.l.Ó1Cp fault, or you, when you are proved mistaken, can repress your inappropriate
7to9éro yap uitír¡v toi> 7tC.pl. OE 1tá9wc; tÍvoc; ecpávllv laughter." He said, "By Heracles, if you can prove me mistaken you will have
éyro yÉA.roto<; i1 ta AE:x,9évta oK:roc; ¡¡.u9mv tflc; aitÍTJc; i1 ou effected a cure such as you have never achieved for anyone, Hippocrates." "How
eA.en9dc; touc; a1CaÍpouc; yÉA.rotac;. ó oÉ, 'HpálCA.etc;, E<pll, d yap shall you not be proved mistaken, oh best of men?" 1 said. "Don't you think
OUV1Í01J J.1E 9epa1tEÍTJV o'ír¡v OUOÉVU 7t<Ó7tOtC., 25 you are outlandish to iaugh ata man's death or illness, or delusion, or madness,
'l7t7tÓ1CpatEc;. Kul. 7tó'>c; OUlC EAE"fX.9don. E<pllV, é1 i1 OUlC OtEt ato7tÓ<; or melancholy, morder, or something still worse, or again at marriages, feasts,
)'E etvm )'EAOOV av9p<Ó7tOU 9ávatOV i1 VOUOOV i1 7tapa1C07tftV i1 J.l.UYtllY i1 births, initiations, offices and honors, or anything else wholly good? Things that
J.1EAU"fXOAÍr¡v i1 ocpuyl¡v i1 aA.A.o tt X,Épnov i1 tOUJ.17tUAW yá¡¡.ou<; i\ demand grief you laugh at, and when things should bring happiness you laugh at
i1 tC.lCVO)'OVÍllV i1 i1 apxac; !Ca\ tt¡¡.ac; i1 cXAAO them. There is no distinction between good and bad with you." And he said,
t t OAroc; aya9Óv; lCUl yap (i OÉOV OÍlCtEÍpEW )'EATI<; lCUl Écp' OtOtv 30
XP'IÍ. lCUtayeA.ifc; toUtrov, roote ¡¡.T¡te aru9ov ¡¡.T¡te 1CU1COV 7tapá

1 post '"'"" add. Eq>T¡V b 11 2 !tpOÚ!tecrov Ob2 rnecrEV u n; !tÜ..Et: o MTJV El' n; Ei'TI
VMb !tATJV aT¡ u 11 3 M om. uo 11 4 Eq>T¡ u 11 6 bti ltOAU bO Eltl
1tácrl¡ U 11 7 i:Aanov M 11 8 ai o' U 11 8·9 ... U 11 9 cpM:túpT¡; b 11 10 ye: O
corr. in b O 11 11 b Épro¡Li\vou U i\poJLÉvou
VbO litón Vll11-12 épeo¡tÉvou ... oúx om. a1112 ii.om. O altotlCÍT¡: c'iypot oÍlCÍTI
b a-ypotlCÍT¡ M 11 14 u ÍJ!tO'tÚ¡LVE\ b (corr. b2) 11 15 post add.
UbO 11 16 xai avaxanácrat lCQl M 11 17 Eq>T¡v: ii. dT¡JL. Eq>T¡V b Eq>T¡V
ii. dTIJL. UO cp4tupa b (corr. b2) 11 18 =i om. b 11 18-19 oí JLi:y ... rnUov post -yéA=t (20) V 11
19 post add. O 11 20 corr. in b post add. xa'tT¡véx9TI xai
¡LáA' ií9pouv no 11 21 Eq>T¡V ante áAUt o 11 22-3 EcpÚVT¡V post V post rü..=o;
b 11 23 post rü..=o<; add. O o post o""" add. bO MbO cru
om. M 11 24 U 11 25 oUOe!tclntMe MU 11 26 ante 'l!t!t. add. ii. O MO
o!cr9a 0 11 27 av9p. 0 !tapalCOTJV U 11 27-8 i¡ ¡tavÍT¡V i¡ JLEMt'fXOAÍT¡V om. 0 11 28
XEtpov MU 11 29 xai: bO 11 29-30 c'iA.Ao n oA<»;: 1tav oA<»; ovo¡ta O c'iA.Ao n 1tav oAc.>; b 11
31 ¡t!Í'tE a-ya9ov om. U
 80 ElliHOAH XVll.4-5 LETIER 17.4-5 81

OtCCKEKpícr9cct. ó OÉ, TccU't!X J.l.Ev e.O, E<pr¡, A.Éyet<;, 6> 'ImtÓKp!X'tE<;, aU' OUK "Right you are, Hippocrates, but you are as yet unaware of the cause of my
otcr9a 1t0) 'tOU llJlE'tÉpou yÉAro'tO<; cchír¡v. J:LCC9rov o' e-o oto' O'tt KpÉcrcrovcc laughter. And when you learn it, 1 arn certain that you wi1l take on a better cargo
1:f¡<; av'tt<pop'ttOaJlEVO<; a7toÍcret<; 9epcc7tEÍr¡v 1:ov EJ.lOV yÉA.ro1:cc 'tU than you brought on your embassy, my laughter, and carry it back as therapy for
1t!X'tpÍOt KCCl. i::rou'tép Kccl. 'tOU<; &Uou<; ouvftcrn av9' J>v 'i:crro<; your country and yourself, and you wi1l be able to instruct all others in virtue.
KUJ.l.E tT¡'tptrilv yvoi><; ocrn 01tOU0U 7tepl. 'ta U01tOÚOcccr'tCC 5 And perhaps in return you will teach me medicine, when you know how
360 <ptAO'ttJ.lEÚJ.lEVOt l7tpf¡crcretv 'ta JlTJOEVO<; 7tUV'tE<; av9p0>1tot 'tOV passionately people in general, striving for what is not worth striving for, pour
avccA.ícrKOUOt, yeA.eó'trov OtOtKeUV'tE<;. Éyro OÉ, AÉye, <pT¡JlÍ, 7tpo<; 9erov' out their lives on activities that are of no value, busying themselves with things
Jl1Í1tO'tE yO:p 1tii<; ó KÓcrJ.Lo<; vocrÉrov Kccl. ouK fJ::et oKou that deserve laughter." And 1 said, "Speak, by the gods! Maybe, without it being
OtiX1tÉJl'lf'll't!Xt 1tpecrpeír¡v 1tp0<; 9epcc7tEÍr¡v. 'tÍ yO:p iiv CCU'tou; ó o' apparent, the whole world is sick and has no place to send an embassy for
IToA.A.aí ye, q¡r¡crív, a7tetp Íat KÓcrJ.LroV eicrív, 'l7t7tÓKp!X'tE<;, Kal. 10. therapy. For what could there be outside itself?" And he answered, "There are
JlTJO!XJ.lro<;, i::'taipe, KIX't!XOJltKpoA.óyet 1tA.oucrír¡v -rilv <pÚcrtv Éoucrav. 'AA.A.O: many infmities of worlds, Hippocrates, and never, my friend, belittle the riches of
JlÉv' E<pr¡v' otoa!;et<; Év ioícp K!Xtpép. euA.apoup.at yap Jl1Í nature." 1 "But you will teach me that in its own season. 1 arn wary that
1tCo<; KIXL -rilv U7tEtpÍr¡v yeA.f¡v OE vuv 7tepl. 'tOU crou you will start to laugh even while going through infinity. Know that now you
yÉA.ro1:o<; 1:ép A.óyov ocócrrov. are about to give an explanation of your laughter to the life that we know."
5. 'O oe J.LaA.a 1:pavov a1ttorov JlOt, q¡r¡crí, 1:ou ÉJ.Lou yÉA.ro1:o<; ahía<; 15 5. He looked straight at me and spoke very clearly: "You think that there are
OOKet<;, aya90: K!Xt <p!XUAa. Éyro OE eva yeA.& 'tOV liv9pro7tOV' avoÍr¡<; JlEV two causes for my laughter, good things and bad. But 1 laugh at one thing,
yÉJ.Lov'ta, Keveov oe 7tpTJrJla'trov óp9&v, 1tacrnaw vr¡7ttá.CoV'ta humanity, brimming with ignorance, . void of right action, childish in all
K!Xt Jl'i]OEJ.ltft<; EYEKEV roq¡eA.dr¡<; aA.yÉOV'tCC 'tOU<; avr¡vÚ'tOU<; J.LÓx9ou<;, 1tEÍp1X't!X aspirations, agonizing through useless woes for no benefit, traveling to the ends
rft<; K!Xt aopÍO'tOU<; JlUXOU<; UJ.lE'tpíncrw E1tt9uJ.Líncrtv óoeÚOV'tiX, &pyupov of the earth and her boundless depths with unmeasured desire, melting gold and
't1ÍKOV't!X K!Xl. xpuaov Kccl. J.LT¡ 1tCCUÓJlEVOV 'tf¡<; K'tf¡crto<; 't!XÚ'tr¡<;, ai.el. OE 20 silver, never stopping this acquisitiveness of theirs, ever in an uproar for more, so
1tEpt 'tO 1tAÉov' OKO><; IXU'tO<; ÉA.á.crcrrov yÉVT¡'t!Xt. Kal. ouoe that they themselves can be less. They have no shame at being called happy for
aicrx{>VE't!Xt A.eyÓJ.lEVO<; EUOCCÍJ.lO>V' on xá.crJl!X't!X rft<; ópúcrcret OEOJ.lÍrov xepcrív' digging gaping holes in the earth using the hands of chained men, sorne of whom
362 6>v oí JlEV 'Íl1to crOJl<pft<; É7tt7tecroúcrr¡<; 1:f¡<; rft<; 1 Éq¡9á.pr¡crav, oí o e have died from the collapse of porous earth, and others of whom stay on in
7toA.uxpovtro'tÚ'tT¡V EXOV'tE<; 'ti¡v avá.yKr¡v ro<; Év 1t!X'tpÍot 't'ft KoA.á.cret endless bondage, as though punishment is their native place. They search for
1t!Xp1XJ.lÉVOUOtv, apyupov KCCl. XPUO"OV Jl!XO'tEÚOV'tE<;, KÓVEOl<; Kccl. 25 gold and silver, seekirig out tracks and scrapings of dust, gathering sand from here
'V1ÍYJ.l!X't!X ÉpEUVOOV'tE<;, 'lfÚJ.lf.l.OV (i).A_r¡v UAAIXXÓ9ev ayEÍpOV'tE<; K!Xl. 'tf¡<; yf¡<; and there and excising earth's veins for profit, ever tuming mother earth into
ÉK'tÉJ.lVOV'tE<; É<; 7tEptoucrír¡v, cciel. lumps. But it is one and the same earth that they walk on in wonder. Hilarious!
ÉK rft<; JlTJ'tpÓ<;. 'tO OE JlÍIXV rftv Kal. -¡;T¡v IXU'ti¡v Éoucrav Kal. They love the laborious, hidden earth as they violate the earth they see. They buy
9auJ.Lá.Cov'tE<; 1t!X't0Ucrtv. ocro<; yÉA.ro<;. É1ttJ.Lóx9ou KIXl. Kpuq¡Ír¡<;
rTt<; ÉpOOcrt 'ti¡v <pavepi¡v KÚva<; cOVEUV't!Xt, oÍ o' 'í7t7tOU<;, 30

1 post E<p'l M E<p'l om. O yap O 11 2 ante add. 'ti)v U post ahí11v add.
liv b 1CpÍcrcrov U 11 3 O á.noícrn bO 11 4 O á.v9' bv:
U post \aro.; add. lle U 11 5 OO"'lV O"ltoúll,v Ub oi'11v O"ltoúll,v O 11 6 npácrcro"Ucrt 1Cai
U post ¡3íov add. bO 11 7 Af:yE cpr¡p.Í: )..é-yE t<p'lv U 'J..éyco O
'l''l!!L AÉyE MU 11 8 llta'Aav9ávn UV 1!iis: MU vooécov ante nil; UbO b ante b
=i om. U oú'IC: oúllé UbO 11 9 iiv om. a yap: lli: O 11 13 ill1 b Si: vüv: O 11 15
O 11 16 q¡'J..aüpa bO yé'J..=a á.v9pCÓtto"U MU yr).jj, á.v9pCÓtto"U U p.i:v om. MV 11 17
lCEVEii U lCEVOv O É:ltl¡3o"U'J..íimv b É:ltl¡3o"U'J..a"icrtv U 11 18 O ante
add. 1Cai b2 11 19 1Cai U M (et in marg. yp. 1Cai
Eltl9"U!!Í'l O b (ante corr.) U 1120
VM 2 11 21 om. V él..ácrcrco M (corr. M 2 ) ante add. p.i¡ b oúlli::
oúlli:v O om. U 11 22 ante add. U llEcrp.íov U Ólv: oov V 11 23 úoo cro¡Lq¡iis;
MU MUO 11 23-4 ="-M\i xpóv<¡> e) o 11 24
om. V év om. a m'ta p.Évo"UO"\V Ob2 á.pyúp1ov MUb 1125 XPÚmov Ub om. MU
1Cai (sic) V M (corr. M 2 ) UM 2 11 26 'tii;:
b om. O 11 28 nóllE p.Í'lv MV IJ.Í'lv U ltOAE¡LÍ'lV bO lll: p.Í'lV Diels Putz. 11 29
=i bO 11 30 ante add. 1Cai O post add.lli: U O
 82 ETIIITOAH XVII.5-6
oi. oe XCÓPTJV 1toA.A.T¡v m:ptopíCovn:c; ÍOÍTJV E7ttypácpoucrw Ka.i 7toA.A.flc;
EeéA.ov'tec; OE0"1tÓCew OUOE a.Ú'trov oúva.v'ta.t. 'Y<lJlelV 0"1tEÚOoucrw, 1ic; JlE't'
oA.íyov ip&crw. eha. JltO"OUO"t . JlE't. E1tt9uJ.LÍTJc; yevvébcrw. ek
'tEAEÍouc;. 'tÍc; ;, ICEVT¡ 0"1touOT¡ ICa.l. aAóytcr'toc; JlTJOEV Jl<lVÍTJc;
ota.cpépoucra.; 1tOAEJ.Lo'ilcrw EJl<pUAov, iJpe¡.tÍTJV oux a.i.pe'tíCov'tec;,
W'tEVEOpEÚoucrt, avop<><povo'ilcrt. yíiv opúcrcroV'tec; ap')'Úptov CTJ'tOUcrt,
apy'Í>ptüV EÚpÓV'tEc; yíiv e9éAoucrt 1tpÍa.cr9a.t, OOVTJO"aJ.LEVOt yílv 1C<lp1toUc;
7tmpácrKOUO"t, Ka.pnouc; a1tOOÓJ.LEVOt nál..w apy'Í>ptov · Ev ocrnm
dcrw, iv <>cm Ka.Kín. oucrÍTJV J.LT¡ exov'tec; oucríTJv no9éoucrt,
exov'tec; 1CpÚ1t't0UO"W, acpa.víCoucrt. IC<l't<l'YEAro Écp. otcrt 1Cil.IC01tpa.yéoumv.
364 E1tt'tEÍVO> 'tOV yÉAO>'t<l E<p. otcrt O'I>O"'tuxoílcri. 9ecr¡.Louc; yap aAT] l9eí 11 e;
<ptAoVtiCEOV'tEc; ex9pTJV 1tp0c; áA).f¡).ouc;. oflpw EXO'Ilcrt JlE'ta
aOEA<prov Ka.i 'tolCi¡rov Ka.i 1tOAnrov Ka.i 'tll.U'ta. Únep 'tOWÚ'tO>V lC'tT]Jla'tO>V
c1v ouodc; 9a.vrov 0E0"1tÓ'tTJc; EO"'tÍV. a.u,A.o!C'tovÉoucrt, <ppove'ilV'tEc;
<pÍAO>V ICa.l. 7t<l'tpÍorov a7topÍTJV Únepopébcrt. 7tAou'tíCoucrt 'tcl ICa.l. "Ca
U'lfuxa.. OA11c; 'tflc; OUO"Í'llc; avoptáv'ta.c; rovÉOV't<lt, on OOICE¡ A.a.A.e¡V 'tO
aya.AJ.L<l• 'tOUc; OE aA.,9éroc; Aa.AÉOV'ta.c; JllO"EUO"t. 'troV yap J.LT¡ P11WÍO>V
É<pÍEV'ta.t. Ka. l. y(xp iínetpov oiKeí'>v'tec; 9áA.a.crcra.v 1to9Éoucrt · Ka.l. náA.w iv
vf¡crotcrw ÉÓV'tec; itndprov yA.íxov'ta.t · Ka.i 1táv'ta. owcr'tpÉ<poucrw ic; ioí11v
E1tt9u¡.LÍTJV. Ka.l. OOICEO'\lO"t J.LEV EV 7tOAÉJ.Lcp avopEÍ11V E1tll.WE¡cr9a.t, VtiCéOV't<lt
OE 1Ca.9' ÍJJ.LÉPTJV Ú1t0 'tflc; acrEAYEÍTJc;, Úno <ptAa.pyupÍTJc;, Ú1tO 'troV na.9érov
1taV'tO>V a vocréoucrt. 8epcrt't<lt o' dcrl. 'tOU 1táv'tec;. 'tÍ OE 'tOV EJ.LÓV,
'I1t1tÓKpa.'tec;, EJ.LÉJ.L'I'ro yéA.O>'ta.; ou yap a.u'tol. 'tflc; ioí11c; avoí11c;. aUa &Uoc;
&Uou Ka.'ta.yeA.fl'tE, oí JlEv 'trov J.LE9uóv'trov, O'ta.v a.u'tol. ooKÉO>O"t vf¡cpew, oi.
oe 'trov iprov'trov, xa.A.mro'tÉpTJv vo'ilcrov vocre'ilvuc; a.u'toÍ, oí o e 'trov
7tAeÓV'trov, &Uot oe 'trov nepl. yeropyí11v O:crxoA.,9iv'trov · ou cruJ.L<provÉoucrt
.,.Up OU'tE 'ti\m 'tÉxvncrw OU'tE 'tOtO"W epyotcrw.
6. 'Eyro oÉ, Ta.'il'ta. JlEv, E<pTJV, Kpf¡yua., AT]JlÓICpne, ouo' &Uoc; 'ttc; éiv Et11
Aóyoc; ápJ.LoOtCÓ'tEpoc; 'ta.Aa.mropÍTJv 9vTJ'tébv. O:A.A.' a.i.
VOJ.L08E't0UO"t 'tl¡v aV<l'YIC<llTJV OÍICOVOJ.LÍTJc; 'tE ElVEIC<l ICClL V<l'1>1tT]ytTJc; IC<lL 'tflc;
366 É'tÉpTJc; 1t0At'tEÍTJc;, EV f¡ XPEOOV dva.t 'tOV iiv9p0>1tOV. 1 ou yap ic; apyÍT]V
Cl.U'tOV ;, <pÚcrtc; iyévva.. EIC 'tOO't(J)V OE 1táA.w xu8dcra. EO"<pTJAe
1 post xropt¡v add. ¡uxA.a b 1távu h 2 1toUQ,v bO 11 2 é8ü..ouat V 11 3 É!C¡Je¡J).f]!Caatv U O
yevvroatv: 'tE!CVo\iaw O 11 4 'teA.ciroc; O in marg. b: yp. TÍ<; +¡ !Cevoaltou.Sít¡ !Cai ó A.oyt.a¡W<; 11 5
e¡u¡roA.a o UOb (corr. h2) 11 6 Of"ÍGGO\lG\V u iípy'lpov o 117 iípy'lpov o 11 8
1tt1tp!ÍG!COUG\ Vb cX1tOOE;(O!LEVO\ U 0 11 9 Év om. bO Év 000\ U post
=rin add. 1tOAt'tcit¡c; O ouatt¡v 1 om. Oh (add. b2) 11 10 ante add. b !Ctl'tayeA.& om.
O 11 12 .St¡pi]v V Ot¡pov b post add . .5€ MV 11 13 1toA.tt¡'toov b 11 14 ouoe d.; YO
¡Jia q>oveüov'te<; O q>ave\iv'te<; corr. in q>pove\iv'te<; M 11 15 1ta'tÉp<»v Ub (corr. b2) 11 16
áv.Sptáv'ta U 11 17 A.éyov'ta<; UO yci.p om. O ioírov O 11 18 ante 8a).. add. m¡xa b 11 19
o a u
M -OlV V 1120 É1tatVÉO'at 1122 om MV VOO'eUE\ V &v vocro\im 11 23 aU'tO<; M et
in marg. yp. !Cai au'toi ávoít¡<;: &v o!tiic; V 11 24 b (corr. b 2)
!Ca'tayeA.O. o OO!CÉOUG\ M 11 25 xaAE1tCil'tÉprov u post xal... add. crÉpt¡v b vo\iaov om. o 11 29
ai om. M 11 29-30 á),),ci. d vat U 11 30 U
b (corr. b2) 11 32 b
LETIER 17.5-6 83
dogs, they buy horses, they put boundaries around large tracts and claim them for
their own: they want to be master of much, and cannot master themselves. They
rush to marry women whom they cast out shortly later. They love, then they
hate. They beget children in desire, then they cast them out when they are grown.
5 What is this empty and irrational passion, no different from madness? They war
on their own kind and do not choose peace, they ambush ea::h other, they morder
kings. They dig up the earth in search of silver, and ü they find silver they want
to buy earth. Having bought earth they sell its fruits and disposing of its fruits
they get silver once more. How they vacillate! In what ugliness! When they have
lO no wealth they desire wealth, when they have it they conceal it, make it
d.Ísappear. 1 laugh at the things in which they fail, I laugh long at their
misfortunes, for they have transgressed the decrees of truth, trying to outdo one
another in hatred. They battle with siblings and parents and fellow citizens, and
do it for the sort of possessions that no one controls when he is dead. They
15 morder one another, they long for life without restraints while they ignore the
helplessness of friends and country. They tum the worthless and the lüeless into
wealth; with their whole substance they purchase statues, 'because the pretty
statue seems to speak:.' But they bate men that actually speak. For they aim at
the recherché. If they live on the mainland, they want the sea. If they live on
20 islands they long for mainlands, and twist everything to their own singular desire.
In war they seem to approve courage, but they are bested daily by lust, by greed,
by a11 the passions they are sick with. Each one is a Thersites of life. Why did
you criticize my laughter, Hippocrates? You people do not laugh at your own
stupidity but each laughs at another' s, sorne at drunk people, thinking themselves
25 sober, sorne at loverS, though they have a worse disease themselves, sorne at
sailors and sorne at those who practice farming. For they do not have a
harmonious relation to the crafts or to useful work."
6. 1 said, "That is a11 very agreeable, Democritus, and no other account could
describe so fittingly human wretchedness. But activities legislate the
30 wretchedness that is necessary, in running a house, shipbuilding, or public
activity in general, which men must be involved in, since nature did not beget
them for inactivity. And flowing out of these activities desire to be outstanding
has confused and tripped up many people's otherwise right thinking souls, as they
V
 84 EIIII:TOAH XVII.6-7 lEITER 17.6-7 85

1toU..rov óp8oyvCÓJ.l.OVa 'lfUXTtV, o7touSaCóv'tOOV J.l.eV amiv'ta E1tl strain for everything as though they cannot stumble, for they have not the power
&.Ota.moooín, x:a.'temovoÚv'toov <i&r¡Aón¡'ta. 7tpoopiio9m. yup to foresee what is hidden. Really, Democritus, who, on marrying, expected
Ó> .d11J.!Ó1Cpl'tE, ya.J.Jioov , xooplOJ.lOV , eáva'tOV 7tpOOE5ó1C110E; S' separation or death? Similarly, who, in bringing up children foresaw t!teir loss?
mnSo'tpo<¡>Éoov Ó.7tCÓAElaV; á.U' ouS' EV "(EOOpyín x:a.t 7tAOÍcp x:a.t So also in farming or sailing, or kingship, or leadership, or all the activities of
x:a.\ i,"(EJ.l.OVÍU x:a.l. 1tav8' ooa imápXEl lCa'tU 'tOV a.irova.. yup 5 life: nobody ever anticipated failure. Everyone feeds on good hope for those
7t'taí:om, á.U' á.ya.9Uow i::x:a.o'tO<; 'tOÚ'toov eA.xíot 't&v things. Nor is he mindfw of the worse possibilities. Isn't your laughter
St XEPElÓvoov ouoe J.I.ÉJ.I.V11'tO.l. J.I.'IÍ7tO't' oi>v ó yÉÑoc, 'toÚ'totcnv inappropriate for them?" .
7. 'O oe MáA.a, E<911, 'tov vóov x:a.t J.lax:páv 7. Demoeritus said, "Your mind is sluggish, Hippocrates. You are far away
'YE yvCÍ>J.1116 Ó.7tÓ811J.l.Ot;, 'bmóx:pa.'ttt;, x:a.t 'tapa.xílt; J.!É'tpa.· from my thoughts because in your ignorance you do not look for measures of
· E7ttox:o7tÉoov 8t' iiyvota.v. 'tau'ta. yup a.u'tu 8ta.voín <pptv'Í\ptt 10 calm and perturbation.1 lf they managed these things with thoughtful calculation
oto.tx:Éov'tEt; a.utoí 'tE á.7t1tA.A.aooov x:a.t 'tov EJ.I.OV iA.cíxpeov yé'Mna. · they would easily escape and get relief from my laughter,but as .things are,
vílv S' oot; E7tO.P11P6oi 'toí:ow iv 'tép 'tt'tÚ<poov'ta.t assuming that matters in life are fixed, they are driven crazy by them, deluded by ·
á.cruA.A.oyía'tcp Olavoín -rilt; á'táx:'tou cpopí;t;, 8uo8íoa.x:'tot. vou8mí11 yup irrational calculation about change that is irregular. They are unteachable. There
'ÍmftpXEV i1 'téOV 'tp07t'Íi0l is inherent instruction in the alteration of all things which falls on them with
EJ.l7tÍ7t'tOU(Ja, a.icpvÍSlOV 'tpOXTIACl.OÍTIV 7tCl.V'tOÍ11V EVVOÉouaa.. oi. o' 15 sharp swerves, which mak.es us aware of every kind of unanticipated revolution. 2
e11a.p11puín x:a.l. hA.eA.11oJ.1.Évot 1ta.Séoov x:a.'tu . 'to They, as though it is fiXed and secure, forget the sufferings that always befall
01lJ.1.7tt7t'tÓV'tOOV iiA.A.o'tE iiA.A.rot; 7to9óiv'ttt; 'tU A.u7tÉov'ta.,· 8tC'IÍJ.I.EVOl 'tU them, and they desire, time after time, one way and another, things that are a
ivaA.wS€Uv'ta.t 7toA.A.ñat EÍ S' EJ.lEPJ.l'ÍlptCEV x:a.'tu source of grief. In their search for what is inappropriate they tumble about in
¡ 368 o.UvaJ.lW i8Í11V 1 'tU ep8Ew' á.Stá7t'tOO'tOV E<ppoÚpEt ÉOOU'tOV numerous misfortunes. If one took thought to do everything in accord with his
x:a.l. i8í11v x:al. J.lil 20 own capacity, he wowd keep his life 'erect, he would understand himself and
ill 'tftV á.ópto'tov ex:'tdvoov, Oe 7tAoUOÍ11v <¡>Úatv x:a.l. comprehend clearly his own composition, and he would not stretch out
mÍ.v'toov n811vov St' ÓpÉoov. x:a.Sá1tep Se 'trov 1ta.Séoov boundlessly the eagemess of <ksire, for he would see that nature is rich and nurses
x:ívSuvot; 'tO 'trov EU'tUXTlJ.lá'toov o<pa.A.tpóv ion, all through her self-sufficiency. And justas blooming health offers clear danger
1 á.pÍCfTIJ.!Ol o' E7tt 't'Íic:Jl 1CO.lC08alJ.lOVÍUc:Jl iiA.A.ot 8e 'tU 'tOOV of affections1 so is a quantity of good fortune treacherous. 3 V ery prominent men
J.l.Tt Í.a'topÉov'ttt; Ímo -rilt; iSí11t; x:a.x:o7tpa.yÍ11t; Ó.7tÓ>AOV'tO, 'tU oí'¡A.a 25 are observed to be associated with evil fortune. Other people have been ruined by
x:a8á7ttp aS11ACl. StooptUV'tl:t;, imó8Et'YJ.l.Cl. 'tOV J.l.O.!Cpov their own bad luck because they have not looked into what happened to their 1 ¡
"(EVOJ.I.Évoov x:a.l. "flVOJ.lÉVOOV' Ólv x:a.l. 'tO EOÓJ.l.EVOV expftv lCO.'ta.YOí'¡oa.l. neighbors. They investigate what is patent just as little as what is obscure,
'tau8' ó yÉA.oot;. av8poo7tot, ElC'tÍVOV'tEt;, though they have as the example of things that happened and are happening a
cptl..a.pyupÍTlt;. IÍ.7tA11Cf'tÍ11t;, ex8P11t;, ÉvÉOp11t;, rntfxmA.ÍTlt;, · á.pya.A.éov long life, from which they should figure out what will happen. That is the cause
EStmtí:v 7tOAUJ.l11XO.VÍ11v x:a.x:&v, Ó.7tttpÍ11 yáp nt; Ec:J't\ x:á.v 'tOÚ'tOlOV 30 of my laughter. Mindless roen who pay the penalty for their baseness, greed,
ooA.o1tA.ox:íncn á.v9a.J.J.tA.A.EUv'ttt;, ax:oA.tócppovtt;, á.pt'rilt; Se 1tap' a.u'toí:cn 'tpÓ7tot; insatiability, erunity, treachery, scheming, malignity. It is painfw to relate their
various contrivances of evil, for there is an infinity of them too. They try to
outdo each other in deviousness, their minds are twisted, their version of
2 alhan'tiDOÍTIV o alluÍn"tiDO\V u bti Stán"tiDalV MV JlTt: TtllTt M IU'IlCÉ't' MOVEÓV'tiDV o
npoopiaao6al o nou o 11 3 ris: 'tOl·& ;¡1 om. b 11 4 ancMElaV ante natiiO't. u nA.oic¡>: ná9m V
MO<p va'lm.A.in O 11 5 oooE: ds UVO 11 6 b O 11 7 ante "fE add Sé O
oúóE:: ou O post avapJl. add. ñ U 11 8 vooGits ante UO 11 9 post anoS. add. d b wv U 11 10
Jli1 om. O au"ta om. U cppevfJpn M 11 11 "tE: SE: U ante anf¡A.A.aaov add. &v U
b(-"t't·)O Uá><pmv U 11 12 'toiaw: 'tOÚ'tOlO"lV O "tt'ti><pA(J)V'tal MU 11 14
(J\)!'Iláv't(J)V o 11 15 evvoéouaa: EA.íaaouaa uo 11 16 ElCAEATIO"JléVTI u 1117 EJl1tl11'tÓV't(J)V MU 11
18 S': Sé ns b U 11 19-20 EaU"tois U 11 20 unavof¡aav'tES U 11
21 elC'tEÍvoV'tE<; U 11 22 'tlB11vi1v O ópémv: óSotnopémv bO óllotnopouv'tES U ante
add. Ev o 11 23 EnlaqoaAéa"tEpov o 11 24 eni: EV M 11 25 ante Jli1 add. cbc; M Jli1 : s,' u llTISEv o
iatopéovus: Bt(J)pEUY'tE<; Vb in marg. b -yp. naA.au\iv Jlil ia"topÉov'te<; post 'ta add.liE: O 11
O.liTIA.a r_st Bemp. U txOV'tES om. V 11 27 "(lVOJliv(J)v om. U "(lVOJlEv(J)V: Jlil
"(EVOJliv(J)v bO =V om. u 11 28 "taüB' om. u ElC'tEÍVOV'tE<; MUY 1129 eveSpEÍTIS o entfk>uA.íis and 'tapaxfJ. see the note Letter 12, abave.
UW 11 29-30 ep-yaUov &><; EÍ11eiv a 11 31 avBoJltA.A.Éov'tal b 2 lbis passage transfers terminology from the motions of atoms to human life.
3 Democritus alludes here to Aphorisms 1.3, "In athletes extremely good condition is
treacherous", 'Ev 'tOiO"l "(UJlVaa"tllCOiaw ai tn' a<paAEpaÍ.. . .
 86 EITI:I:TOAH XVTI.7-8 LETI'ER 17.7-8 87

EU'tt 'tO XÉPEtOV. qnAOijfEUOÍTJV yap acn.:ciicrt, q>tATJOOVÍTJV x:ocr¡.¡.Éoucrt, vó¡.¡.otcrw excellence is superiority in evil. They train themselves in lying, they wear
a7tet9euv-ce<;¡, o of. a.u-c&v l((J.'ta.x:pívet -cl¡v a1tpompeuÍTJv, ¡.¡.T¡-ce ópi¡creros ¡.¡.T¡-ce licentiousness as an an ornament, they disobey laws, and, what condemns them to
ax:ofts JlE'tÉ;(OV'tE<;¡. ¡J.OÚVTJ o' a.i:cr9TJUt<; av9pc.óxou a'tpEKEÍU Ot<J.VOÍTJ<; inability to make rational choices, they use neither sight nor hearing. Perception
'tTJAaUrTt<; -có -ce eov Ka.l -co ecró¡.¡.evov 1tpoopeo¡.¡.ÉvTJ. oucra.pecr-ceuv-ca.t 1tiicrt alone is a beacon for right thinking, as it sees what is and foresees what will be.
Ka.l mxA.w -cotcrw a.u-cotuw É¡.meA.áCov-ca.v apVTJUU¡J.evot 1tMOV 1tAÉoucrt, 5 But they are dissatisfied with everything and keep retuming t.o the same things.
yECopyíTJV amoua¡.¡.evot yeropyouuw . ya.¡.¡.e'tl¡v É'tÉpTJV They renounce sailing, then sail, they reject fanning, then fann, they cast off a
370 EUÚyOV't<J.t, yevvÍ¡U<J.V'tE<;¡ e9<J.'If<J.V, 9Ú'If<J.V'tE<; EyÉvvTJ<J<J.V, 1 7táA.tv 'tpÉq>OUUt · mate and take another, they beget and bury, and, having buried, beget and rear
E<; <J.U'tO o' WptlCÓ¡J.EVOt cr-ceváCouut. again. They pray for old age, and ü they reach it lament it
8. 'Ev ouoe¡.¡.tft JCa.-ca.u-cácret i::xouat -cl¡v yvCÓJ.iTJV· Tt'YEIJ.ÓVE<; Ka.l 8. There is no condition in which their minds are finn. Kings and leaders call
¡.¡.a.Ka.píCoucrt 'tOV iOtCÓ'tTJV' ó OE iOtCÓ'tTJ<; opÉyE't<J.t ó 10 private citizens blessed, the private citizen grasps after a kingdom; the city's
1tpo1toA.t-ceuó¡.¡.evos -cov xetpo-cexvEl:JV-ca. aJCív01lvov, ó of. xetpO'téxvTJs leader envies the craftsman as safe, and the craftsman envies the leader as powerful
E!CetVOV CÍ><; EU'tOVEUV't(J. JC(J.'tU 1tÚV'tCOV. -cl¡v yap op9T¡v x:ÉA.eu9ov -cfis in all things. But they do not see the straight path of tranquility, clear and
T¡pe¡J.ÍTJ<; ou 9eropouuw Ka.9a.pl¡v JC(J.t AEÍTJV l((J.t axpÓU7t'ta.tU'tOV' 11v oi.>oels smooth, which will not make them stumble, but which no one has been bold
'tE'tÓA¡J.TJICEV <pÉpov-ca.t OE E1tt -cl¡v a1tet9f¡ x:a.l UlCOAti¡v enough to enter. They are borne along struggling on a treacherous and twisted
l((J.'t<J.<pEpÓ¡J.EVOt JC(J.t 1tpOO'lCÓ7t'tOV'tE<;, oí OE 1tAEtU'tOt 15 path, burdened and stumbling; most fall down, panting as though pursued,
ElC1tÍ1t'tOV'tE<;¡, acr9¡.¡.a.ÍVOV'tE<; CÍ><; OtrolCÓJ.l.EVOt, EpíCov'tE<;¡, UO''tEpÉOV'tE<;¡, quarreling, slipping behind, getting ahead. Disgusting loves have set sorne of
7tpOTJ'YEÚJ.l.EVot. JC(J.t oÜ<; ¡J.Ev a.u-c&v EpiD'tE<; a-cácr9a.A.ot U1t01tE1tpi¡x:a.crw them on frre for another's bed as they put their trust in corruption and shame-
áA.A.O'tpÍTJ<; eUVfj<;¡, <p9opft, UV<J.t0EÍU xtO'ÚVOU<;¡, OÜ<;¡ 0E 'tÍ¡JCEt q>tAapyupÍTJ<; VoUO'O<;¡ lessness, and sorne the boundless disease of greed melts away. Sorne attack one
oí o' aUT¡A.otO'tv av'tExt'tíOev-ca.t, oi o' l)1t0 E<; i¡Épa. another. Sorne, carried up int.o the air by desire for glory, are borne down t.o the
UVEVE;(9Év'tE<; !C<J.ICÍTJ<; E<; a1troAEÍTJ<; JC(J.'t<J.<pÉpov-ca.t. 20 depth of ruin by a burden of evil. They destroy, they build. They give and
JC(J.'t(J.UlCÚ1t'tO'I>Ut, E1t0t1COOOJ.l.OUO'V xa.píCov-ca.t, eha. ¡J.E't<J.VOOUO"tv f¡ receive friendship, then they change their minds or withdraw what properly be-
a<pa.tpeuv-ca.t -cu q>tAíTJs oíx:a.ta., exePTJV -cu longs t.o friendship. When they are in trouble they tum family relations into the
1tOAE¡J.01tOtEUV'tE<;¡, IC<J.t 'tOÚ'troV 7tÚV'tiDV a.hÍTJ <ptAa.pyupÍTJ. 'tÍ VTJ1tÍrov enmity of war. Of all this, greed is the cause. How do they düfer from children
a9upóv-crov Ota.q>ÉpOUO't, 1ta.p' otcrw J.l.Ev f¡ yvCÓ¡J.TJ, 'tO OE 1tp00'1tEO'OV at play, whose minds lack judgment and who take joy in whatever falls to them.
'tEpxvóv; Év OE 'tOtUt 9u¡.¡.otO't 'tÍ 1tEptO'UOV CcpotO'W aA.óyotO't xa.pa.AeAoÍ1t<J.O't, 25 In their passions what excess have they left t.o the irrational beasts, except that
xA.T¡v on Év a.u-ca.pKEÍTI ¡.¡.Évoucrw oí -cÍ<; yup A.Érov E<; yftv x:a.-cÉx:pu'lfE beasts retain self-sufficiency? What lion ever bid gold in the ground? What bull
372 1 xpucróv; 'tÍ<; U1tATJO''tÍTJV butted out of greed? What leopard overfilled himself insatiately? A wild
KexcópTJx:e; ot'l'ft ¡.¡.f.v &ypto<; al>s, ooov üoo-cos c1>péx9TJ. A.úJCos ot: oopoo'lfa.s -co boar feels thirst for as much water as he takes, a wolf devours what he gets for
1tp00'1tEO'OV -cf\<; ava.yJCa.Ía.<; 'tpO<pf¡<;¡ ava.xÉxa.u'ta.t. f¡¡.¡.épncrt OE JC(J.t needed nourishment, and stops. But, days and nights strung together,
OUIC E;(Et 9oÍVTJ<; x:ópov JC(J.t xpóvrov ¡J.Ev 30 man is never glutted with a banquet. The order of the seasons is a marker
Évta.UO'Írov OxEÍTJ<; aA.óyrov 'tÉp¡.¡.a. EO''tÍ. ó OE 'tO oicr-cpo¡.¡.a.vÍTJV for the breeding of dumb beasts, but man perpetually is driven by a gadfly
EXEt 'tfis ¡.¡.T¡ yeA.ácrro -cov cla.íov-ca. ot' ep(l)'ta., 0-ct of wantonness. Hippocrates, should I not laugh at a man who weeps for love

o:
1 aaJCEÜc:n: qoum o lCIÍOILO'Il VOb 2 11 2 scripsi ó mss. anpooptOÍTlV b 11 3 !LE'tÉ¡OV'tEI;:
scripsi ·a<; mss. 3': -yñp U litavoín MUV 11 4 O 11 5JtáAtv post a>Ytoimv U 11 6
altEllt<Í!LEVOl b ya!LE"tiJv: deficit hic ms. a 11 7 YEVV. É6a'!'. om. 0 post 9a'l'. add /í. bQ 11 8
ciixov'tat b (corr. b2) ante E; add. eha O 3' om. bO 11 10 ó 1)1: om. V 11 UbO
31: om. o 11 13 ilPEILÍTlc;: apniic; MU oúli1: de; b 11 14 b a1tEt9i¡: llfl aA.119ii u
évavd11v 0 11 16 a1t01tÍ1t'tOV'tE<; b ante aa811aÍv. add JCai. b 0 11 17 o{c; 0
a'taa9<ÍAotc; (·Aol d) 0 11 18 eUvi¡c;, <p&p¡j: <pOOpa<; eUvi¡c; bQ cXVatliEÍTl<;
M cptl..apyupíav U -í11 O 11 20 O ante JCan11c; add. Ú1tÓ b 11 21 éltotJCOOo!Loiiat: eh'
oÍJCOOo!LÉO'Ilat b d 'ta OÍJCOOOILOVOl U 0 1 i¡: !Cal bO, om. U 11 23 1t0AEILOVO\
0 et in marg. yp. ltÓAE!LOV b 1t<ÍV'tCl>V om. 0 a i'tOV 0 ante
.,,A.apy. add. ;, o 11 24 á9up<ÓY'trov MV aOupeóv'trov bO 11 25 au11oicn: v 11 26 A.eóv'trov
o 11 27 ante ltAEOV. add. -d]v b E!CopÉaaa'tO u 11 27-8 a1tA110'tl11V 1CE1,00P111CE: de;
a1tA110't. 1)1: !CE;(Cl>p. U 11 28 ÓltÓOov U oopix911: Ópq,9¡¡ U !Copea9i¡ 0 11 29 1)1: om. b 11 30
Ooív11c; om. O JCai om. O 11 31 U aypírov U ron ante "<éplla O '<O om. V
 88 EIIIl:TOAH XVII.9-10 LETIER 17.8-9 89

a1t01CÉ1CAEt<J't1Xt; J.l.aAt<J't!X 5' ilv EU JC!Xl. <pÉp'Tl't!Xt when it is his good fortune to have been locked out? And especially if man is a
l¡ Kn'ta KP'Tlf.l.Véi>v i1 innev& 'tov yÉI..oYm; J.l.il yel..acrm 'tov daredevil and is carried away down cliffs or in the deeps of the sea, shall 1 not
vf¡n <pop'tÍotcrt ehn J.l.EJ.l.<pÓJ.l.EVOV 't'ft OnA.ann, on apply my laugh? And shall I not laugh at the man who lowers his ship in the
nA.1lp11; water with a great cargo and then blames the sea because the sea takes it full to
9. 'Eyro J.l.Ev 5oKÉm yeA.f¡v · 5E: JCn't' nu'téllv iíOeA.óv 'tt 5 the bottom?
AU1t11PÓV. aA.A.' ou5E: imf:p 'tOÚ'tWV ixpf¡v dvnt J.l.'Tl'ttWJ.l.ÉV'TlV 9. 1 do not think it right to laugh; I wish I could find something to make
nmT¡ovn q>ÚpJ.l.!XlCIX. Ó vou9eaÍ11 crot yevÉcr9m· them grieve. But there should be no medical art contriving healing medicines for
11UX1XPÍ<J't'Tl't!Xl. oux O't\ JCayoo them. Let your ancestor Asclepius be your warning. He saved men and got a
EÍJ.l.t; 1XÍ'tÍ11V ICIX't!X'tEÍVm IC!Xl. thunderbolt for thanks. Do you not see that I, too, am a portian of the evil? In
WIX'tcÍJJ.Vm, éxpf¡v ÓE av9peó1tmv nÍ'tÍ'IlV Épeuvf¡crnt. oux O't\ K!Xl. 10 looking for the cause of madness I stretch animals out and cut them up, but 1
ó xexi..T¡pm'tnt; anetpn Kn't' nu'téllv ná.Oen should be seeking the cause from men. Don't you see that even the cosmos is
ÉJC vouaós É<J'tt. full of misanthropy? It has collected an infinity of affections for men. Man as a
\U
,. · a<ppmv Óta · whole is an illness from birth, while being raised, resourceless, suppliant for aid;
374 1 aA.oytcr'tín as he grows up he is incorrigible, mindless under his teacher' s hand; when grown
ÉK J.l.'Tl'tPcf>mv yap AúOpmv Óta 'tOU'to oí JJ.Ev 15 he is reckless, and past his prime he is pitiable, having produced a crop of
9uJ.Lt1Col. Knl. aJ.LÉ'tpOU oÍ O' Év <p0opñcrt K!Xl. J.LOtX,EÍU<Jt Óta suffering for himself with irrationality. That is what he is when he leaps forth
oí ó' Év J.LÉ9ncrt, oí o' Év É7tt9uJJ.ÍU<Jt 'téllv ai..I..MpÍmv, oí ó' Év from his mother's bloody mess. For that reason, sorne are volatile, brimming
a7tmAEÍU<Jt 'tWV crcpE'tÉpmv. Ó<peAOV ÚTt'Í'¡pX,EV étxáv'tmV with unlimited passion, sorne live always in corruption and sexuallicense, sorne
aV!XKIXAÚ'If!XV't!X J.L119' Ev 'tWV 7t!Xp!XKCÍAUJ.l.J.l.IX, et9' in drink, sorne in coveting other' s goods, sorne in squandering their own. 1 wish
Ópiiv 'ta 1tP110"0"ÓJ.l.EVIX EvOOV. er5oJ.l.EV liv J.l.Ev 5f: 20 I had the power to open up everyone's home and leave nothing covering what is
óE: niKíncrt ÓE <pcÍpJ.L!XlCIX óE: within and so see what was being done inside. We would see sorne people eating,
OE OE sorne vomiting, others torturing people with indignities, sorne mixing poisons,
óE: énl. KIX't'Tl'YOPÍ'Tlv <pÍA.mv óE: óta sorne contriving plots, sorne voting, sorne rejoicing, others weeping, sorne
<jl\AOÓOSÍ'TlV lCIXÍ 'YE 'tWV IC!X'ta vux!lv composing accusations against friends, sorne mad with ambition. And there are
ICEU9oJ.LÉvmv. JC!Xl. 'tOÚ'tmV ÓJCÓ<JO\ J.l.Ev vÉot, ÓJCÓ<JO\ 5f: 25 deeper actions that are liidden in the souJ.I And all of them, young and old, are
apvEÓJ.l.EVOt, 1tEVÓJ.1EVOt, At¡J.ép oí OE aam'tín begging, refusing, needy, too well off, pressed by starvation, weighed down by
ÓÉ<Jf.L\Ot, oÍ 5f: 'tpu<pñcrt wastefulness, wallowing in filth, chained, proud of their luxuries, sorne feeding
aAAol ai..A.ot a EX,OU<Jl, people, others slaughtering them, others burying, people who despise what they

1 Pl'!'01CtV0UVi¡ o en: u om. o 112 JW9éilv ;¡ xptljl. o puaov u ante ntMiyou; add. ;¡V
UbM 11 3 JI.EJ1'PÓfltVOV: J1EIL'I'áJU:vov b JCai O 11 4
MU at'm!v: rllv bO 11 5 oÚOaJ1&;: oúli' b OÚJC O 11 6 J1T)nOOJ1ÉvT)v: Putz.
ioojLÉVT)V V ioojLÉVT)V MU llfl bO 11 7 na.Ínova. MV na.tÓlvta. O
nA.eíova. U ante o add. JCai U M (corr. M 2) 11 8 ante add. o & U
bO post opft; add. Oe U (hic et in 10) 11 8-9 On tii; 1CO.l<Ítl; lCÓ.'YOO jLOÍPtl; b
&tt JCá.yro -rii; aú-rii; J10ÍPtl; O 11 9 ante add. mi O U bO 11 10
epEÚva.a9a.t u 11 11 ante Ó.1tEtpa add. mi UbO 11 12 auvi19potaev o oA.o; ¡, á.v9p. b 11 13
UO lita xetpb;: évoeiJ; U 11 14 post add. b nóvou;: XPÓvou; O 11 15
yeoopyfiaa.t b ante Ota add. mi b ante oí add. JCai O 1116 VOUJ1t1Coi M OUJ1t1Coi V év om. M
<!)9op. JCai J1otx.: JCai 11axftm VM 11 17 post nav'tó; add. oúO' tv J1áxatc; JCai
U oL .. J1é9nat om. O nt9uJ1Íat; U 11 18 á.nooi..dn O Q)cpeA.e O 11 19
ávaJCaAÚ'!'O.V'ta; u b J1tl0Ev o cl o' et in marg. 'YP· d9' u 11 20 opav ... oii; Ot om. V
11i:v ... 'tou; oi: O ia9íova; U 11 21 'tou; .. . om. MV JCU'toiiv'ta; U 1 Perhaps "There are deeper deeds than those hidden in the soul." This senten ce is hardly
V 11 22 UbO "touc;1: oiic; b 'touc;": oiic; bO 11 22-3 'touc; Se JCA.aíov'ta; cogen!, and this section generally lacks coherence, but there may be allusion here to an actual
om. MV 11 23 bti JCO.'ttl'YOPÍU i:oov cpúi..oov O b oii; bO 11 24 JCaÍ ye statement by Democritus that there is a veritable treasure house of evil hidden within men (Plut.
nvec;: 'YE uo JCai re ett Paaú"tepa b 11 26 1tEVÓJ1EVOt om. M 11 27 PePoAT)jLÉVOt b Animilu an corp. aff. 500 D, Die1s-Kranz 68 B 149). 1Ctu9ojLÉvoov is a poetic word which may
(corr.b2) O 11 28 á.A.A.ot om. b anne 9a.rt. add. OtO post 9am. add. allude to the often quoted words of Achilles in lliad 9 , "I bate like the gates of Hell the man who
iíllot JCI..aiov'tt; U hides one thing in bis heart but says another." -yáp J10' 'Aioa o l!Úi..n m v,
O; x' E-repov jli:v JCci9n evi cppeaív á.i..i..o o e etl<{l.
 90 EITil:TOAH XVII.9-10 LETIER 17.9-1O 91

376 imcpopíou<; K:TI¡crux<; cOPJlll,JlÉvOt, oí JlEV avaícrxuv-tot, oí OE <pEtOCOAoÍ, oí OE
U1tA'IlO"'tOt, oí JlEv <pOVeUV'tE<;, oí OE 'tU7t'tÓJlEVOt, oí OE 'Íl1tEPll<!>aYeUV'tE<;, oí OE
EmEPCOJ!ÉvOt K:EVOOo/;ín. K:at oí JlEv t7t7totcrt 1tapEcr'tóYtE<;, oí OE avopácrt, oí OE
K:Ucrív, oí oe A.í9otcrw 1\ l;úA.mcrw, oí oe xaA.Kép, oí oe rpa<i>'ílcrt · K:at oí J!Ev f.v
oí o' Ev O"'tpa't'llríncnv' oí OE ÍEpoxrúvn<n, oí OE Cf'tE<pavll<popíncrw.
oí OE Ev01tAot, oi OE a1tOK:'tEWÓJlEVOt. <pÉpov'tat OE 'tOÚ'tOOV EK:acr'tot oi JlEv E1ti
vaUJlaXÍllV' oi OE rnt O"'tpa'tEÍ'IlV' oi OE in' aypotK:ÍllV' E'tEpOl OE rnt <pop'tÍOa<;
o
vau<;, oí. e E<; aropT¡v, E'tEpot o' E1t' El(l(All<JÍ11v, oi o' E1ti 9Éll'tpov, oí. oe E<;
<puyT¡v' aA.Aot OE aM.axóaE. K:at oí. J!Ev E<; <ptA1100VÍllV K:at ÍlOU1ta9EÍllV K:at
aK:pacrÍ'TlV' oí. OE E<; apyÍllV K:at 'tcX<; aval;íou<; ouv K:at oucrTI¡vou<;
cr1touoa<; ÓpEuv'tE<; Kai 'tooaÚ'ta<;, 1té.O<; J!Tt xA.EuácrcoJlEV 'tov 'tot'ijcrOE
aK:pacrÍll<; EXOV'ta au'trov; K:ap'ta yap EAnOJlal JlllOE 'ti¡v aT¡v ill'tPlKTtV
ávOaVEW aU'tOtO"tv. OucrapEO"'tÉOV'ta\ yap 'ÍJ7t' aK:paO"Íll<; iÍ7tacrt K:at JlaVÍllV
'ti¡v cro<pÍllv voJlíCoucrt. ií1tou yap 'Ú1tovoÉco crou 'ta 1toA.A.a 'tíl<;
E1tlO"'t'TÍJlll<; 1\ lha cp8óvov 1\ Ol' axaptcr'tÍTtV. Ot 'tE yap vocrÉOV'tE<; iÍJla 'téj}
378 crcf!Cccr9at 'ti¡v 1 aÍ'tÍTtv 9EO'icrw 1\ 'túxn 7tpOOVÉJloucrt, 1toA.A.ol. oe 'ti\ <pÚcrEt
7tpocrávav'tE<;. Ex9aípoucrt 'tOV EUEP'YE'tftO"aV'ta, O"JUK:pou oE'iv
7tpocra'YavaK'tEUV'tE<; d voJlíCov'tat XPECO<pEtÁÉ'tat. o'( 'tE 1toA.A.oi 'tO 'tíl<;
a'tEXVÍll<; Ecp' ECOU'tOtO"lV EXOV'tE<; aÍOptE<; EÓV'tE<; K:a9mpoucrt 'tO K:pÉcrcrov. EV
avatcr9T¡'totcrt 1áp cicrw aÍ. 'Vílcpot. oihE O' OÍ 7tácrxov'tE<; O"UVÓJllAo\ ctvat
9éA.oucrt oÜ'tE oí. ÓJlO'tEXVEUV'tE<; Jlap'tupEiv. cp9óvo<; 1ap EVÍcr'ta'tat. ouK:
a1tEÍpcp crot 'tiDV 'tOlOÚ'tCOV AEO"XllVÉCO 'taU'ta, cracpÉco<; OE ciocb<; 'taU'ta EV
aval;w7ta9dncrí crE 1tOAAaK:l<; 'YEVV'I19Év'ta K:ai ou Ot' oucrÍllV 1\
<ptA.o'tco9ácrcrov'ta. a'tpEKEÍll<; yap OUOEJ!Ía OÜ'tE yvébcrt<; omE Jlap'tUPÍll.
1 O. 'E7tEJlnOÍa AÉ'Ycov 'tau'ta KaÍ J!Ot, 9eoet01Í<; n<;
K:a'tE<paÍvE'to K:at 'ti¡v 7tpmÉpllv au'too JlOp<pT¡v E/;cA.EA.T¡aJlllV K:aÍ Cl'llJlt,
have while pursuing others' possessions, sorne shameless, others stingy, others
insatiable, sorne murdering, others beaten, others arrogant, others soaring on
wings offalse pride. Sorne beside themselves for horses, sorne for men, sorne for
dogs, sorne for stones or wood, sorne for bronze, sorne for paintings; sorne men
5 in embassies, others in military command, others in priesthoods, others wearing
crowns of victory; and sorne under arms, sorne killing; each of these is borne
along, towards sea battles, or fighting on land, or fanning, or merchant ships, or
the market place, the assembly, or the theater, and sorne into exile, others
elsewhere, sorne to love of pleasure, self-indulgence and wantonness, and sorne to
10 laziness and indifference. When we see these wretched, unworthy pursuits, so
nÍany of them, how can we fail to mock at their life which cleaves to such
wantonness. Really, 1 expect that your medical science is not e ven pleasing to
them. They are disaffected from everything by their wantonness, and they
consider wisdom madness. Yes, 1 suspect that they have slandered most of your
15 learning through jealousy or ingratitude. lf they are sick, as soon as they are
saved they assign the cause to the gods or to fortune, and many of them fasten the
cause on Nature. They hate their benefactor, and they are almost more angry ü
they think they are indebted. And the majority, void of knowledge or training
themselves, in their ignorance destroy what is superior, for the votes belong to
20 the imperceptive. E ven those who have experience of it do not want to associate
with it, nor fellow practitioners to bear witness to it, for they are full of jealousy.
1 am not saying this to you because you have no experience of such things; 1
know well that you have often been put in undeserved positions in regard to these
things and that you are not one who mocks people on account of money or from
25 spite. For of strict trutli there is neither knowledge nor testimonial."
10. He smiled as he said these things, and tome, Damagetus, he seemed like a
divine figure, and 1 forgot his earlier form. 1 said, "Oh grea1 Democritus, 1 shall

1 UbO JC't1Íma;: O Ó>pf11Íf1EV01 O 11 2 ol JLh

ol fltY cpovciov'te; Ub ol lil: q>povÉov'tE; O Ul<EP'lq>a.veúovu; V Ul<EP'lq>a.voÜv"tm U 11
3 rna.1pÓf1EY01 UOb 2 2
M (corr. M ) 11 4 Ti A.i9. u ol lie xa.A ... ypaq>. om. bO
Év om. bO 11 5 Év om. bO ante lepo>. add. Év UO bO 11 6 Év OM.o1mv O 11
7 oi lit mi O"tpa.'t. om. MV O"tf'<X't'l'YlTIV 0 oi liE: bt' áyp. om. U q>Op'ttlia.; om. UbO 11 8
ifttpot: oi UbO b 11 9 q>U'Ya.liei11v O ..()i11v b ..()cia.v U lil: oni. O mi1 om. bO 11 10 ante
au.,. add. .,a.; O 11 11 o7touliCt.;: axouliCt.; 'tOla.,\.,a; bO 'I"'XCt.; 'tOlO.Ú'<a.; U xA.roáo0011m V 11
11-12 't01íiolie á1Cpa.Ot1'!;: 'tOUÍvlie álCpO.Ol<J.V U á1Cpaal1'!V b() 11 13 avliáv11 U Ult' á1Cp:
áJCpotiou O a.ú.qj et in marg. 'YP· .qj áKpÓáou b Ü1taa1 om. UbO 11 14 ii1<ou ... u1tov.:
iíKOIJoa. yap ;,,¡, voociv'trov O M.ojlao9a.i: oa.cpÉroc; O ciJc; oa.cp&.; At.>jlaa9m U
oa.cpEroc; b (M.ojlaa9a.i 001 b 2} 11 15 ¡¡,• áxpla"ttTIV M "té¡): 'tO b 1116 ante 9Eoiow
add. fi O .qj q>ÚoE1: .qj iliia. q>Úm U 1117 q8pa.ivouo1 Ob (corr. b2) 1118 b post
:xpÉoxp. add. dva.1 b 'tE om. O 1toA.u Vb .,¡,, "ta U 11 19 Écp': Év UbO 'tE post áilip. add. O
1Ca.8a.1poüot: q9pa.ivoum O 11 19-20 Év a.ia811't0im O 11 20 auvÓf11Ao1 dvm:
bO OflOMYEiv U 11 22 á1teipcp oo.: á1ttipo1; U a1tE1po; ai> bO á1<eiproc; oi M A.eax11vÉro:
scripsi At"X'lvÉrov MV A.Eax'lflá"trov U A.EaxÉrov bO 11 lil: om. UO mÜ'ta.11 om. UbO 11 23
Vb oú om. UbO oúm11v: airia.v U ñ: 'tE 1((].[ O JCai liui U oÉo lC(].i liui b 11
24 q>1A.O>"tnX3áoov"ta U q>1Ao"tÓl9a.oov bO cpV..Ov "ta.9áoov'ta V á"tperi¡; U oúliEflli\; Ob
(corr. b2) oÜ'tE om. bO 11 25 post 'E7tEf1. add. liE: U 9Eotlliti U n; om. b 11 26 Ka.i "ti¡;
7tpÓJ'ttl; a.Ú"toü f1opcpíi; é1CA.a.9Óf1tvo; b éJCA.ti..TioflÉVTIV UV éJCA.tl..tioflTIV M Ka.i 'P'lfl" 'PTIJ1Í
lil:b
 92 EITILTOAAI XVII.lO-XVIIT LETIERS 17.10-18 93

re 1tÚV'tCI)V arov K& carry the great gifts of all your friendship back toCos. You have filled me with
· 1tOMoU yáp 'tilc; a1tOVOCJ'téro great wonder at your wisdom. I shall go away as herald that you have tracked
380 Sé CJO'\l <iA.T]0EÍT]V cpúaeroc; 1 lCat V01ÍCJO:V'toc;, down and understood the truth of human nature. And taking from you the therapy
Oepa:1tEÍT]v Se 1ta:pa aci> 'tilc; rop'llc; for my intellect 1 shall go away since the hour and the tendance of the body
'tou'to Ka:l. 'toU a:üpwv Se Ka:l. Ka:'ta 'to 5 demand it. But tomorrow and the day after we shall be in the same place." 1 said
év 'tUU'tcp 'YEV110Óf.LE0a:. avta'tÚflT]V 'tO:U'ta EÍ1toov KO:t ihotf.Loc; that and rose, and he was ready to go with me. Someone carne forward from
aKOAO'Il0eí:v. 1tpoaeA.eóvn Sé 'tlV\ OUK ota· oaev rnel>íaou 'tU Kayoo somewhere, and he gave his book-rolls to him. 1 went off quickly to the genuine
lCO:t 'touc; eÓv'troc; E1tt 'ti\ Abderites who were waiting for me at their lookout. 1 said, "Men, many thanks
WO:flÉvOV'tác; "AvSpec;, E<pT]V, 'tilc; éf.Lf xáptc; Úf.LÍ:V 1tOM1Í. for your embassy to me. For 1 have seen Democritus, wisest of men, alone most
yap doov. avSpa: aocpCÓ'ta:'tOV. av0peó1touc; 10 capable of teaching mankind virtue."
l>uva'tCÓ'tO:'tOV. 'tO:U't' exro aot 1tEpt That is what I have to tell you about Democritus, Damagetus. Happy news
'Y'1Sóawa: 1tavu. epp (J)(JO. indeed! Be well!

18. 'l7t7t01Cpá-ret eí) 1tpánew. 18. Democritus to Hippocrates. Greetings.

'EltfiA.eec; cOc; (}¡ Scóo-rov 1tewOdc; Y ou carne to me to administer hellebore, on the assumption that 1 was mad,
W01Í'tOt(JlV avSpám, 1tO:p' otaw ó 1tÓvoc; ElCpÍVE'tO. Se 15 persuaded by mindless men in whose judgment my labor was madness. As it
1tEpt lCO:t ltOAoypa:cpÍT]c; En 'tE aa'tprov oupa:vírov happened, I was writing about the disposition of the cosmos, about the heavens
rvouc; Se 'ti¡v E1tt 'tOÚ'totCJ\ cpúaw roe; <iKepaíroc; lCáp'ta: and about the stars. Since you know the nature that is in those things, with what
lCa:l. roe; 'tT]AOU lCO:t 1tO:pa<ppovT¡aeroc; purity they are ordered, and how far from madness and delirium they are, you
Ka:Séa't'llKEv, flEv <púaw brf¡veaa:c;, Se Ka:l. KEÍvo'llc; praised my nature and judged those people crude and insane. A11 those things that
ÓKÓCJa: rap StaAA.á't'tOV'tO: ava 'tOV T¡épa: 1tAáCet 20 go through the air and confuse us by altering their appearances, things which are
382
ii Si¡ IKa:l. 'té'teuxe, 'tO:U'ta: seen in the universe and which change their forms, all these has my intellect
<pÚaw Epruv1Íaa:c; a'tpEKéroc; Ec; <páoc; iíra:re· Se 'tOÚ't(J)V brought unerringly to light, searching out their nature, as my books about those
im' EfletO ypa:<peí:aa:1. XP'h JCO:t aé, (}¡ 'l7t1tÓKpa'tec;, 'totO'Il'tO'tpÓ7totaw things bear witness. 1 Hippocrates, you should not have associated with men of
avSpám lCat Ó>v vóoc; JCa:l. such character, whose intellects are superficial and infmn. lf you had given me
Ka:Oéa't'llJCEv. d yáp 'tot 1tEta8dc; cOc; E7tÓnaac;, év 1t1V'Il'tñ 25 · the drink, as being mad, madness would have come in that drink, and they would
liv eyqÓVEt lCO:t aéo 'téXV'IlV roe; 1tO:pO:t'tÍ'IlV

1 O re: 'tE MV yap O náv1:rov: 1:ólv UbO 11 2 ante aocp. add. Ub 11 3 liÉ: 'te O
UM (corr. M 2 ) post á/..118. add. lie V cpúc:nv U post add. JCai
bO 11 4 lit: 'tt 0 l<apCt <JOU post U 11 5 a1tat't: 0
U 11
U JCai om. O 11 6 avta'taJlÉvllv U O 11 7 Él<aJCo/..ou9eiv bO
o1eo8ev M i5no9ev b a!teliílicro MU 11 8 bO 1eai om. bO MUO U
11 9 UJliv om. UbO 11 11 lluváJlevov O AaJl. V 1112 U bO
post MVU add. re b
18. Mss. MUVbO(=cd) 14 (J. il<l<. post ilJliv bO 11 15 nóvo;: e post add.
MUb 1CpÍvE'tat MUbO post lie add. TÓ'te U 11 16 U 1117 rvcóan M rvcúaet
u b yvói9t o Él<i 'tOÚ"tOl<n: 't<ro'tÉrov bO Mb2 UbO 11
18 Éntlitli11Jl· ' e\11 llelillJl. UbO 1119 JCa9e(J'ti¡JCot bO a"llvÉa; •.. lie
mi a"llvei; JCai U 11 20 lltaUá't'tov"tat U 11 21 U auveop&1:at
b ÉÓV'ta M Jltll<JÉOV'ta V clJl<X'Iftpot<JJltll ÉÓV'ta et in marg. TP·
mi CtJltt'VtpumnJltv b ÜJ1Etvov U {Jltii e) ÉÓv-ra O corr. Li. Taii'ta: 'toÚ'toov
u 11 23 'tOtoÚ"tot; 'tpónot; u 11 24 V UM 11 25 'tOt om. o post 1 This letter seems to refer to titles of works by Democrirus: nepi lCOOJlOU, "On the Universe",
add. 'tOÚ'tota{tv) UbO Év l<tv.: i¡ mvu"ti¡ b it m"tÚVll O 11 26 Jlavín M éiv an. V Éyeyóvetv nol..oypacpía, "Description of the Heavens", nepi aa'tpoVOJlÍa;, "On Study of the Stars", nept
MV ÉytyÓVll U U ante JCa'tÉJlEJl'V· add. éiv UbO Ólc; napat'tÍllv: é.íanep a\nov b (- 'tólv lltacpepÓv"trov /ruaJlólv, "On Varieties of Configuratioo", and l<Epi cl.Jletljftpu<JJlÍ<I>V, "On
ÍllV b 2) ci>c; napaínov O Changes of Configuration". Democritus used the verb aJlEl'lftpu<JJltiv, apparently, to describe
changes of form, and the noun mcijvo; for body ("structure'') as opposed to soul. See D-K,
Vorso.kr. 68 C 5, B 57, 270 etc.
 94 Ellll:TOAAI XVIII-XIX LETI'ERS 18-19 95

1ta.pa.1Co1cil<; 'YEYEV'T]fl.Év11V. eU•.éJ3opo<; yap Úyta.Ívoucn ¡.tev Bo9d<; E1tl0"1CO'tet
Buxvota.v, fl.Efl.11VÓcrt oe KÓ:p'ta. Ox¡,EJ..eiv ei:m9ev. Évvo'fÍ9'Tln yáp · d ¡.tT¡
JCa.'tetA'fÍCj)Et<; fl.E ypÓ:tpOV'ta., ava.JCedt¡.tÉvov oe i1 O"X.ÉO'T]V 1tEpt1ta.'tOUV'ta. 1Ca.l
xpocro¡.ttAÉov'ta. É¡.ta.u'tép Ó'te ¡.tev Bucrxepa.ívov'ta, Ó'te Be ¡.tetBtrov'ta. exl
'tOtO"tv ivvoou¡.tÉvmcrw Ú1t' É¡.teto 1Cttl 'totcrt fl.Ev xpocro¡.ttAÉoucrt 'trov yvcopÍ¡.tcov
ou 7tpocrÉx.ov'ta., É<ptcr'táv'ta. oe 'tl¡v (hávmav Kttl 0"1CE1t'tÓ¡.tevov E1C1tÓ:"fAco<;,
cpT¡9'T]<; iiv Ó11fl.Ó1Cpt'tov 1Ca.'tá ye O'frtO<; 1CpÍaw E'IC 'trov Ópeo¡.tÉvcov ¡.ta.vÍ'T]<;
eiJCÓVt EOtlCÉva.t. xpT¡ o\Sv 'tOV i'T]'tpov ¡.tT¡ J.LÓVOV O'f'El 'tcl 1tá9'T] 1CpÍvew' a.AAa
JCa.l. 1tP'fÍ'YJ.La.'tl 'tOÚ<; 'tE {m8J.LOU<; ava.1CpÍvew él)<; exl 'tO 1tAetO"'tOV' Ka.l. 7tÓ'tepov
lipX.Ot'tO 'tO 1tá8o<; i1 i1 A'fÍyot, lC!Ú Bu:xcpopT¡v 1C<Xt rop'llV lC!Ú lJAllCÍ'T]V
384 1ta.pa.'t'T]pOUV't<X i'll'tPEÚEtV 'tO 1tÓ:8o<; OUAOJ.LEAl11V 'tE 'tOU 1 O"JC'fÍVEO<;. ElC yap
'tOÚ'tCOV émáv'tCOV ei>x.ep&<; 'tl¡v voucrov eÚp'fÍaet<;. a1tÉO"'ta.A1C<X BÉ 0"01. 'tOV
1tEpt ¡.ta.VÍ'T]<; /Jyyov. Eppcocro.
19. Tov xepl. ¡.ta.VÍ'T]<; Aóyov a.u'tép ypa.c:pÉv'ta. Ev 'té¡> Ilepl. i.epft<; voúcrou.
Ma.wo¡.tÉvq> oÉ, Ó><; ec:p11v iv 'té¡> Ilepl. i.epft<; voúaou, Ú1to úypÓ't'T]'tO<; 'tou
EylCE<pÓ:Aou, EV Éan 'tcl 'tft<; VUX.Tt<; epya., (hav úypÓ'tepo<; 'tft<; <pÚcrto<;
WÓ:"flC111ClVEt0"8a.t, lClVOUJ.LÉvOU Be fl'fÍ'tE 'tl¡v Oljltv fl'fÍ'tE 'tl¡v aJCo'fÍv'
aAAa aAAO'tE aAAa. Ópav 'tE JCa.t a1COÚEtv, 't'fÍV 'tE yArocraa.v 'tOta.íha.
Ota.AÉyecr8at ota. iiv ¡3A.É1q¡ 'tE JCa.t a1Coún ÉlCÓ:O"'tO'tE. ooov Be iiv a'tpEJ.LÍ<JTI ó
E"flCÉq>aA.o<;, 'toooí'>'tov JCa.t c:ppovei x,póvov ó liv8pC01to<;. rívE'ta.t Be T¡ Bta.c:p8opa
'tou E"flCE<páA.ou imo c:pAÉyJ.La.'to<; JCal. x.oA.ft<;. yvq Be ÉJCÓ:'tepa. &Be· oí. J.Lev
yap imo c:pAÉy¡.ta.'to<; ¡.tatvÓ¡.tevot 'tE dcrl. 1Ca.t ou J3o'll'ta.t ouoe
8opu¡3có0n<;, oí Be Ú1to x.oA.ft<; 7tpft1C'ta.t JCa.l. JCa.JCoupym JCa.l. ouJC i¡pe¡.ta.tot. i\v
¡.tev ¡.ta.Ívcov'ta.t, a.i>'tat a.i. 7tpoc:pÓ:<nÉ<; eiaw, i\v oe oEÍ¡.ta.'ta. Jea l.
c:pó¡3ot, Ú1to J.LE'ta.cr'tá:crw<; yíve'ta.t 'tou EylCEc:pá:A.ou 8ep¡.ta.wo¡.tÉvou úxo x.oA.ft<;
óp¡.tÓlcr'Tl<; m' au'tov JCa.'ta 'ta<; <pAÉ¡3a<; 'ta<; a.i.¡.ta'tínoa<;, ihav oe a1tÉAen T¡
xoA.T¡ 1tÓ:Atv E<; 'ta<; Cj)AÉ¡3a.<; !Cal 'tO O"Wfl.<X 1tÉ1taU'ta.t. avtft'tai. Be JCa.l.
ooft'tat !Cal E1ttA'fÍ9e'ta.1. 1tapa JCa.tpov ljiUX,O¡.tÉvou 'tOU E'YlCE<pÓ:AOU Ú7t0
Cj)AÉy¡.ta'tO<;, JCat 1tapa 'tO eSo<;. (hav oe ó
É"flCÉq>aA.o<; ota9ep¡.ta.Ív11'ta.t Ú1to x.oA.ft<; JCa'ta 'tcl<; <pAÉ¡3a.<; 'tcl<; dp'llfl.Éva.<;
have blarned your science as contributing to insanity. Hellebore given to the
healthy darkens the mind, but it generally helps the mad. Consider, if you had
found me not writing, but reclining, or walking around slowly, communing with
myself, sometimes exasperated, sometimes smiling at my inner thoughts, not
5 attending to conversation of acquaintances, but with my mind entirely engaged in
intense investigation, you would have thought that Democritus, by the eye's
judgment from things seen, was the image of madness. The physician must
judge affections not by the eye only, but from their action infer the configurations
insofar as he can, and whether the affection is at its beginning, or middle, or is
10 departing; making close observation of peculiarity, season and age, he should treat
the affection and the totality of the structure. For, from all these things you will
teadi.ly discover the disease. 1 have sent you my treatise on insanity. Be well!
19. The d.iscourse on madness written by him in Sacred Disease.1
When a person, as 1 said in Sacred Disease, is mad from moisture in the brain,
15 where the functions of the soul reside, whenever bis brain is wetter than is
ñ natural, of necessity it is put in motion, and when it is in motion neither sight
nor hearing is steady, a person sees and hears now one thing, now another, and
bis speech says whatever he is seeing or hearing at each moment. So long as the
brain is steady, a person is sane. But corruption of the brain comes from bile and
20 phlegm. You will recognize the two kinds as follows: those who are mad
because of phlegm are quiet, not loud or disruptive, but those mad from bile are
violent, troublesome, are not calm. For continuous madness these are the causes.
But if there are frights and terrors, they come from disturbances of the brain when
it is heated by bile rushing into it through the blood vessels. When the bile goes
25 back again into the vessels, and the body they stop. One experiences distress,
nausea and amnesia when the brain is chilled inappropriately by phlegm, and is
compacted more than usual. And when the brain is suddenly heated by bile in the
30

1 yevÓJlEVOV b (-TIV b 2) !1Ev om. V 11 2 V post Si: add. bO CÍ>cpÜ.et o

eimeev om. O Putz. MV U -rl b yvéiiat O post yó.p add. cbc; O 11 3
O ávalCelCMtJlÉvov Si:: áU' ávalCelC. O ávalCnJlevov Si: Mb oxeSov
MV oxo:l.í; U 114 Énmci> U Éamép mi bO 11ML.11ME U ••. oSe M 11 5
yvoopÍJ.IlllV om. U 11 6 bO U i:<pímav-,;at V
UbO 11 7 <Jní911<;: E-yvroc; bO in marg. yp. i:my:l.roc; b ye: "tilv O 11 8 xpl¡ -,;otou-,;ov
oi\v XPfl b JlÓvov: JlÓvn 'tÜ V 11 9 11PTÍYJlnmv b npá.yJlnot 0 Ob
(corr.b2) 11 10 U post i)A.uc. add. mi MV post i)Au<. b habet spatium ex erasura 11 11
napa-,;11pouv-,;a: 11npa1:11pÉetv eha Ob (corr.b 2) o"IÍAoJLeAÍTIV oÜ'te JLE"tcl "tilv JLü.étt¡v U 11
12 "tilv ... eUp!Í<JEt<;: av O) bO IÍ11É<TtetAa bO
19. Mss. MUVbc 14 ante add. o nepi MU 'ln11o1Cpá.'tet11epi
Ji'lVÍa<; (om. 'tOV ... VOÚOO"Il) b 11 15 MntVOJlÉVq> •.. voúoou om. V ÚypMÉpru; u 11 16 n: t<TtlV
b 11 17 "tilv 11 om. U 11 18 áA:l.Me: /íAAo n U áAAa opav: Morb. sac. áUoí11v Vbc áUoíetv U 1 The descriptions of madness are excerpts from Sacred Disease 11 (Littré 6.388-390) and from
áUoi ilv M 11 19 ¡3A.i:net U á1eoÚet U 11 26 om. MU i) om. U 11 27 ni:naw1:at be 11 28 post Epidemics 5.80 and 5.81 (Li. 5.250-252). The original texts do not seem lo be perfectly
ÉylCecpá.A.ou add. et iterum del. 9epJUXtvOJlÉVO\l Ú110 V 11 30 ltpOElPTIJlÉva<; be understood by the excerpter. Notable is the use of Ílxoo1:pocpaí, "relapses," as a symptom of
madness in reference to Epid. 5.80. 1 have translated it "failings."
 96 EIUtTOAAI XIX-XX LEITERS 19-20 97

EvÚ1tV\IX. opevcrt cpof3epa Ka.l eypmopÓ'tt 'tO vessels I mentioned, when the blood has boiled, they see fearful dreams, the face
1tpooomov Ka.l oí ócp9a.A.¡.tol Épupa.ívov'ta.t, Ka.l T¡ yvCÓ¡.t'll É1twoe'i 'tt is inflamed as in one who is awake, the eyes grow red, the mind imagines sorne
386 lCIX.lCOV ÉpyáCecr9a.t. 'tOV'tO Ka.l Ev 'tql Ev1>1tVÍcp l1tácr"X,E\. &ta.v 5e 'tO a.t¡.ta. horrible action. This is experienced even in the dream, but it stops when the
crKe5a.cr9'í\ 1táA.w 1tÉ1ta.u1:a.t-. ev
5e 'tcp 1té¡.t1t'tq> 1:&v blood is distributed again to the vessels. In Epidemics V you described a man
'E1tt5Tl¡.tt&v <Í> Éyíve'to á<pmvÍ'Il, ciyvota., crux.va.t 5 who experienced voicelessness, and disorientation, frequent delirious talk, failings.
Ka.l ú1tocr1:pocpaí. T¡ Se yA.iixJcra. crd'llpft, Ka.l ei ¡.tT¡ Sta.dúcra.t'to, A.a.A.etv oux. His tongue was hard, and if he did not irrigate it he could not speak, and it was
'tE íiv, Ka.l cr<póSpa. 1tucpT¡ 'ta 1toA.A.á. <pAE¡30'to¡.tÍ'Il EA.ucrev, úSp01tocrÍ'Il, generally very bitter. Phlebotomy brought relief, drinking water, honey-water,
¡.LEÁ.ÍKP'Il'tOV, illipópmv OAÍ"((V x.póvov É'tEÁEÚ't'llcrEV. draughts of hellebore. He, after surviving a short time, died. And there was
íiv ov, &te 1tÓ1:ov Óp¡.tqn,, ñls a.UA'IJ'tpíSo¡; ÉA.á¡.t¡3a.vev ei another who was seized, when he went to a symposium, by terror of the flute girl
UlCOÚcrEtEV a.UA.oúCJ'IlS· Se UICOÚ(l)V oOOEv rna.crxev. 10 if he heard her playing. B ut when he heard it in the daytime he suffered no effect.

20. d> 1tpánew. 20. Hippocrates to Democritus. Do welll

'tÉ"X,V'IlS, JJ Ka.'top9có¡.ta.'ta. ¡.tev oí 1toA.A.ol 1:&v Most people do not praise the successes of medical science, and they often
av9pCÓ1tmv ou 1ta.v1:á1ta.crw É1ta.woucrw, 9eotcrt Se 1toMá1CtS 1tpocra.p1:&crw. attribute them to the gods. But if nature is recalcitrant and weakens the patient,
. i\v Sé n T¡ <pÚcrt¡; Ú1te!CA.úcrn 1:ov 9epa.1teuó¡.tevov, 1:Ó'te t'll'tpov 15 then they blame the physician and pass over the divine. I think that medical
lCIX.'ta.¡.tÉ¡.tcpOV't!X.l 'tO 9dov. 1Ca.l eymye SoJCé(l) 1tAEÍova. science is allotted more reproach than honor. 1 And, in fact, I myself have not
¡.tE¡.t'lft¡.LO\PÍ'IlV i\ 'tt¡.tT¡v 1CE1CATlP009a.t 'ti¡v 'téX,V'IJV. f:yro ¡.tEv yap É¡; reached the goal of medicine, though I am now old. And indeed, neither did its
OUIC a<pty¡.ta.t 1CIX.Í1tEp ilS'Il 'Y'IlPIX.A.Éo¡; ouSe yap ó 'tíicrSe founder, Asclepius, but he too, was inconsistent in many things, as books of
eúpé't'lls UA.A.a 1ea.l Év 1toA.A.oicrt Ste<pcóv'llcrE, Ka.9á1tep those who recorded it have conveyed to us. The letter sent by you to me offered
T¡¡.tiv ¡3í¡3A.ot 1ta.pa.SeSó¡JCa.crw. T¡ ¡.tEv oí)v Ú1to crÉo É1ttcr'ta.A.etcra. 20 criticism about treatment with hellebore. I was summoned to give you hellebore
T¡¡.t'iv É1ttcr'toA.T¡ lCIX.'tE¡.té¡.tcpE'tO 1tEpl 1:ou Élli¡3ópou. icrftx.9Tlv on the assumption that you were mad, Democritus, and I had not divined what
¡.tev oí)v, JJ J.LEJ.l.TlVÓ'ta. ÉUe13opt&v, ou kind of person you were. But when I met you 1 knew yours was not the work of
ocrn¡; 1tO't' S' Ev'tU"X,OOV eyvmv ou ¡.ta epyov, madness, but of virtually total control of mind. I praised your nature and judged
áAA.a crxeSov a1toSoxíis MCJ'IlS, lCUp't!X. crT¡v cp'Úcrw btf¡v ecra. ap tcr'tÓV 'tE cp'ÚcrtO¡; you an excellent interpreter ofNature and the universe, and 1 criticized those who
ÉPJ.l.TlVEU'ti¡v 1Ca.l lCÓcr¡.tou E1Cptva., Se Écra.ya.yóv'ta.¡; ¡.tE É¡.tE¡.L'IfUJ.l.TlV 25 had brought me, and caiied them mad. They needed the medicine, I said. Since
¡.tEJ.l.TlVÓ'ta.¡; · yap a.u1:ol E"X.P'!lCov. É1tetST¡ 'toÍvuv 't!X.U'tÓ¡.ta.'tov chance brought us together, you will do well to write tome often and share your
É¡; 'tO IX.U'tO ilra.'YEV' 1tOtT¡cret¡; É1ttCJ'tÉUmv T¡¡.ttV 1t1>KVÓ'tepov Ka.l compositions. 1 have sent you the discourse on hellebore. Be well!
388 'troV Ú1t0 créo ypa.cpo¡.tevmv ftmv. a1técr'ta.AlCa. Sé crot
Ka.l 'tOv llepl Élli¡3optcr¡.tOU A.óyov. eppmcro.

2 cpA.byux be epe:ú9ov"tCt.l be 11 3 ÜI<V<p be 11 5 e!>: Ó><; MUV MV 11 7 ,; V 11 8

"tEÚ'tTIOEV M (corr. M 2) 119 ov: U om. M on: on U óp,.& V op11rov U U
20. Mss. MUVbO(=cdJ, 13 !tÚ!L!tOAoM>t U 11 14 oü: o{i"to' U "ta !tOMa U
!tpoaámoumv Vb (corr. b) 1115 ttV't,!tp!Íl;aaa: ttV'Cl.!tpál;,n JCat 0 Ú!ttlCAoÚGll ; {¡I<OlCAoÚOTI'tU'
V tt!tOAoEan M2t>o áltoi..ian u eEpa!tEÚOV"ta M 'tÓtt: 'tOV bO cm. M u 11 16 E-yciryt:
f:rro Ob (corr. b2) 11 17 ILEILII"ILUPÍT'IV M rap om. b (add. b 2) 11 18 iíll11 om. Ub (add. b 2) 11 19
2
b (corr. b ) ev 1<0U.Oim cm. O 11 20 om. V add. altera manus ttltOO"tMciaa bO
11 21 U 1ttpi om. O 'tOÜ U 11 22 O 11
23 ervrov : Élllov 0 1124 crxtoov om. U om. M (add. in marg. M 2 ) UO
lacunam habet b A.tn 'tE'tPliLILÉVov (infra, p. lOO !in. 6) folio uno amisso. 11 24-5
Ep!LT'IVÉa O 11 25 V 11 27 l;uvlirarev O 11 28 O O
11 29 post lltpt add 'tOÜ. M i!pproao om. O
1 Cf. Viseases 1.8 (Ji. 6.156) and Law 1 (Ji. 4.638) for the expression of similar sentiments.
 98 EIII:I:TOAH XXI LEITER21 99

21. Ilepi 'bmo1Cpá't'T]c; ..1r¡¡.Lo1CpÍ'tcp 21. On treatment with hellebore, Hippocrates to Democritus.1
Totm ¡.L'h pr¡i15ícoc; avro JCa9utpü¡.LÉv0tO"t xpo -rile; 1tÓOtoc; 1tpoü-ypuÍvEtv 'tCt For those who are not easily purged upward, moisten their bodies before the
crcó¡.La'ta xA.eíovt 'tpo<pñ JCal. ávuxuúcret. ix'hv xín xpoc; 'tac; draught with extra food and rest2 When one drinks hellebore, bring him more
JCtvTtO"tac; 'tOOV O"O>¡.lcl'tO>V ¡.LaAAOV ayetv, ¡.LtJ xpoc; Üxvouc;. Or¡A.ot Oe i¡ toward bodily movement, not sleep. Seasickness shows that movement disturbs
Vll'l>'ttAÍ'Il 1ht JCÍV'IlO"tc; 'tCt O"CÍ>¡.lll'tll 'tctpácrcret. ix'hv ¡.LaAAOV ayEtv 5 bodies.3 When you want the hellebore to bring up more, disturb the body.'
JCÍVEt 'ta crCÍ>¡.LU'ta. ExtlCÍvauvoc; 'totcrt cráp1Cuc; úyt&c; Hellebore is dangerous for those with healthy flesh. 5 Those who are not thirsty
exoucrt. OOot iv <pap¡.LUIC01tOOÍUO"tv l!tJ Otljfélxn, m9atpó¡.LEVot ou 1tll00V'tllt when they have drunk the drug do not stop being purged until they are thirsty.6
xplv ,; OtljfftO"O>O"t. 0"1tllO"J.l0c; el; 9uvácrt¡.LOV. E1tl Ú1tep1Ca9ápcrEt Convulsions caused by hellebore are a deadly sign.7 Convulsion after excessive
0"7tllO"J.lO<; extyevÓ¡.LEvoc; 1CU1CÓV. iv 'tapuxftcrt 'tilc; JCOtAÍ'Ilc; !CUt 'totcrw purging is bad.8 In perturbations of the intestines and vomitings that are sponta-
E¡.LÉ'totO"t 'totcrw llU'tO¡.LCÍ'tcoc; ,;v ¡.lEV o tu od JCa9uípecr9at 10 neous, if they purge what they should, they are helpful and the patients bear it
JCa9aÍproV'tllt, 'tE IC!lt eUq>Ópcoc; <pÉpoucrtv · ei OE ¡.lft, 'tOUVUV'tÍOV. CÍlc; easily. If not, not9 As I said in Prognostic, purging upward is convenient for
oe E<¡l'llV EV 'téj> IIpoyvrocrnJCéj>, JCá9upcrtc; ei>9net i¡ &vro, e¡p' cl1t'l>pÉ'tcp those without fever who have no appetite, who have heartbum, fainting,
acrt'tÍ'Il, Kapotroy¡.Loc; ,; O"JCO'tÓowoc; ,; cr'tÓ¡.La E1C1tt1Cpoú¡.Levov, JCa9óA.ou bitterness in the mouth, and generally for pains above the diaphragm.10 Purging
Ú7tep 'tOOV ¡ppevrov OOÚVUO"tv. 'Í¡ Oe ICcl'tO>, 01t0'1> xropic; 7tl>pE'tOÜ O"'tpÓ¡poc;, Ócr¡pÚoc; below is convenient for intestinal pain without fever, pain in the lower back,
óoúv11, youvá'trov lCU'tUJ.lftVta oucrepyoüv'ta, óOúvat ev 'toicrw Ú1to 15 heaviness of the knees,11 menstrual difficulties, pain below the diaphragm. In
lhá¡ppay¡.La. oe iv 't'ficrtv <pctpj.lct1C01tOO"ÍUO"tv 'touc; ácr'tEÍouc; 'tCt purgations, watch out for those whose bodies are in good condition, especially the
O"CÍ>j.lll'tll, ¡.LclAtO"'tll oe 'touc; ¡.LÉMvuc; 1Cilt úypooápJCouc; IC!lt 'tOU<; úxo!;itpouc; dark and moist-fleshed, but also the dry, and those who stutter and lisp. Those
oe lCill ljfEAAouc; IC!ll 'tpauA.oúc;. ÓJCÓO"ot OE 'tU <PAE'Y).LiltVOV'tll Ev apxñ -rile; who try to relieve inflarnmation immediately with purging at the beginning of
voúcrou, roe; E!p'llV EV 'téj> IIEpt 1t'ttO"clV'Ilc;. Eu9écoc; E1ttXEtpOÜO"t AÚEtv the disease, as I said in On Barley Gruel, do not help the swelling and
390 !pllpj.llllCEÍTI, 'tOÜ ¡.lEV /;uv IC!ll <¡IAE'Y¡.llltVOV'tO<; OUOEv OxpEA.ÉO'I>O"tv, inflammation, for while the affection is raw it yields nothing, but they melt down
20
ouoe yap OtllOtOot cOj.lOV EOV 'tO xá9oc;, 'tCt oe clV'tÉXOV'tll 'téj> vocr.f¡¡.LU'tt IC!lt the healthy parts that are resisting the disease. When the body is weak:ened the
Úytetva !;uV'tftlCO'I>O"t· acr9EvÉoc; OE 'tOÜ O"CÍ>¡.l!l'tO<; ywo¡.LÉvou 'tO VÓO"'Ilj.lll disease wins and they become incurable. 12 But one should give hellebore to those
E1tt1Cpll'tel, IC!ll clVtft'tcoc; exoum'. oe XPtJ otcrw cl1t0 ICE!pllAfjc; who have a flow from the head. And do not give it in empyema. tJ And do not
pEÜ¡.LU. l!tJ oe mi Ej.l7tÚO>V. ll'h !pllp¡.LUICEÚEtv 'tOU<; axpóouc;, purge those who have bad color, who are hoarse, have swollen spleens, are
'tOU<; 'touc; cr7tAr¡VCÍ>OEac;, 'touc; acpctÍ¡.Louc;, 'touc; 1tVE'I>¡.lll'tWOeuc; 25 anemic, have lung problems and dry cough, are thirsty, flatulent, who have
!Cal /;'llpa <pucrcóoeuc;, Ev'tE'tct¡.LÉvouc; Ú7toxóvopta JCai stretched hypochondria, ribs and upper back, who have torpor, whose vision is
7tAeupac; 1Cilt ¡.lE'tcl!ppEVU, 'tOU<; cl1tOVEVUp1CO>¡.LÉvouc; IC!lt cl¡.Lilupa darkened, who have echoing in the ears, are incontinent of urine, nor to the
lC!lt olcrtv 'tOOV cmrov IC!lt -rile; oupT¡9p'llc; cl1Cpll'teic; ¡.lTjOE 'tOU<; iJC'tEpCÍ>Oeuc; jaundiced, those with weak: intestines, or who have bloody stools, or in cases of
ll acr9evéuc; ll UÍ.¡.LoppWOEil<; ll Ev <pÚ¡.LUO"tv. llV OE !pllp¡.LUJCEÜO"Ut OoJCtl, tumorous swellings. 14 If you decide to purge, purge upwards safely with
o
clO"<pllAm<; avro JCá9utpE, ICcl'tO) e I!Tt. ICpcl'ttO"'tOV oe 30

1 This treatise is a pastiche of statements on treatment with hellebore from the Corpus
Hippocraticum, accurately transcribed, but with changes lo make a coherent work. Sorne
compatible material has been added from e1sewhere.
z Aph. 4.13.
3 Aph. 4. 14
4 Aph. 4.15.
5 Aph. 4.16.
6 Aph. 4.19.
7 Aph. 5.1 (cf. Coan 556).
21. Mss. MUVHcb(ex p. 100, !in. 6) 3 nA.dovt : !Ü..Éov ij U nit t U 11 5 j3oúA.tt UM (corr. 8 Aph. 5.4 (cf. Coac. 554).
M 2) ártt e 11 6 ante add. 't<i<; e 11 8 15tljiÓ>croxn M post Olta<rJLoc; add. ij A.vrJLoc; e 11 11 9 Aph. 1.2 (cf. 1.25, 4.3, Epidemics 6.5.1).
=llaipov'tcn V d : ijv e 11 12 eú9t'tet eH eú9t'tir¡ MUV Ó>v mss. corr. Li. 11 13 post Ó.crt'tir¡ 10 This paraphrases Aph. 4.17-18. The citation of Prog. is false.
2
add. ij M ij om. e (bis) Gl<O'tOOOtvoc; UH <r'tÓ¡m'toc; U JI 14 d U 11 17 M 11 20 11 Aph. 4.20. The following material (through "lisp") is not in the Corpus Hippocraticum, and
'tou : 'touc; e e e 11 21 15taSiSco M St®illcocrw U 11 24 EJLltvov has clearly post-Hippocratic 1anguage.
MU eJLlt'tÚcov e post add .13€: Uc JI 25 j3pcxnooeooc; e 11 28 =i 1 om. e ofaw: oi VMU 12 Adapted from Reg. Íll Acut. 3, 2.402 Li.
'trov vc&.:cov M 11 29 U OOl<Éll H OOl<tt M 001<Étt e 11 30 VM J<á9apt U 13 Reg. i11 Acut. Append. 16, 2.474 Li.
14 Adapted from Reg. Íll Acut. Append. 23, 2. 506-8 Li.
 100 Ellll:TOAAI XXI-XXIT LETIERS 21-22 101

litct.t't&v. roe; lie Eq>llV EV 'tép ilpoppll'ttlCép, ,.d¡ <pct.piJ.ct.lCEÚEtv llllliE 'touc; hellebore, not down; it is best to treat them with diet.1 As 1 said in Prorrhetic, do
bta.vEIJ.OUV'tct.<; IJ.ÉA.a.va., áxocrhouc; Kct.l xa.pa.q>Ópouc;, Kct.9' criJ.tKpu not purge those who suffer from black vomit, lack of appetite, delirium, small
oliuvcóliEct.c;, OIJ.IJ.ct. 9pa.crú, 1CEKAt1J.ÉVOV ExOV'tct.c;, (¡lCO'tCÓOEct.c;, pains in the pubis, with eye bold, partly closed, who have swelling, blindness,
Cixpou<;, llllOE 'touc; f.v 1t'1>pE'tép 1Cct.'tct.1CE1CAct.cr1J.Évouc;. ro<; lie lack of color, nor those burning with fever, or prostrated by it. 2 Andas 1 said in
E<pllV Év 'tép ilEpl 7tncr<Ívll<;. CTil(¡ct.IJ.OEtOE<; Civro 1Cct.9a.ípEt. i¡ 7tÓcrt<; ÍÍilt(¡'l) 5 On Barley Cruel, sesamoid (the fruit of the black hellebore) purges up. The dose
opa.xllfic; EV 'tE'tptiJ.IJ.ÉvOV. OE 1Cct.l. 'tOt(¡tV is half a dram crushed in oxymel. A third part of the drink is mixed with the
'to 'tpÍ'tov IJ.Époc; 'tf¡c; xÓOto<; Kct.l. xvÍyEt. Kct.9a.ípnv lie Kct.l 'touc; ev hellebores and chokes less.3 Purge those with chronic quartans, those with chronic
xpovíotcrt 'tE'tct.p'tct.Íotcrt 1Cct.l. 'tOU<; EV At1t'Opt00Et 1tUpE'tép xpovíouc; Kct.l. Ólv OÚlC malignant interrnittent fevers, those without thirst or significant excretions, but
392 iton oÍ\¡10c; llllÓE á7tÓ1Cptcrtc;, 'toÚ'touc; 1 oe IJ.Tt 7tpÓ'tEpov 'trov 'tpt&v not before three seven-day periods. Sometimes also those with pleurisy and iliac
7tO'tE oe Ka.l. 7tAEupmKou<; Ka.l. EÍAEoonc; · roe; e E<pllv f.v 'tép ilEpl. o 10 problems.4 And as 1 said in On Women' s Diseases, purge if the womb needs
yuva.tKdrov, Ka.9a.ípEtV Ka.l. ilv a.i IJ.fi'tpct.t Kct.9ápcrEroc; oérov'tct.t. purging.'

22. 'l7t7t01cpá'touc; 7tp0c; 'tov uiov 8Ecrcrct.A.óv · 22. Hippocrates to his son Thessalos. Greetings.
'lcr'topÍllc; Be IJ.EAÉ'tro crot, eh 7tct.t, 'YEOOIJ.E'tptlCf¡c; Kct.l ápt91J.T¡otoc; · oú yap Devote yourself, my child, to the study of geometry and numbers. Not only
IJ.Óvov créo Kct.l. 'tov EÚKAEii Kct.l f.xl xoA.A.a XPTtOtiJ.OV f.c; áv9p001tÍV11V 15 will it make your life respectable and effective in many ways with respect to the
11oíp,v f.xt'tEA.ÉcrEt, áUu Ka.l. 'tl¡v 'l'uxitv 'tE Ka.l 't'llA.ct.uyEcr'tép,v human condition, but it will improve your intellect, make it more quick and far-
lCct.'tU 'tO EV t'll'tPUCí\ ovf¡cr9ct.t 7t&v on XPTI Cel!. lCct.Í'tOt f¡ IJ.Ev 'tí'¡e; "(EOOIJ.E'tPÍ'Ilc; sighted for achieving anything you want to do in medicine. The study, indeed, of
Ícr'topÍ'Il, f.oí'>cra. 7tOAUOXTtllOOV 'tE Kct.l 7tOAuetO'Í¡c; Kct.l 1tiiv IJ.E't' geometry, being many-shaped and multiformed and proceeding wholly by
7tEpct.tvo1J.ÉV11, EO'tct.t XP'IlOÍIJ.'Il 7tpÓc; 'tE 'tU<; 'trov ocr'tÉrov 9écrEt<; Ka.l demonstration, will be useful for positioning bones, articulating them, and for all
1Cct.\. 't'Í¡V AOt7t'Í¡V 'tOOV IJ.EAÉrov E<; 't'Í¡V yup 'tOÚ'tOOV 20 other orderings of the limbs. In the variety of these matters a physician is more
xoA.u'tpoxí11v eÚE7tt"(V(J)(J'tÓ'tepoc; 'tE Cip9prov Kct.l 't'ft 't&v ocr'tÉrov 't&v adept at setting the joints, sawing off shattered bones, and boring boles, putting
áva.xpÍcrEt 'te Kct.l EK'tpuxT¡crEt Ka.l cruv9ÉcrEt Kct.l. them in place and removing them and all other therapeutic measures, if he knows
1Cct.l 't'ft A.otx'ft 9Epct.xdn xpf¡cr9a.t, eioroc; ÓlCOtÓV 'tE xropíov EO'tl 1Cct.l. 'tO ElC the nature of the place and of the bone that has been displaced from it.
'tOÚ'tou ocr'tÉov. i¡ oe 'tf¡c; ápt9¡.t.T¡crtac; 7tpÓc; 'tE 'tuc; And in relation to cycles, irrational alterations of fevers, and crises of the ill,
xeptóOouc; Kct.t áA.óyouc; 'trov xupE't&v IJ.E'tct.O'tácrtct.c; Kct.l. 't<Xc; KpÍcrta.c; 'trov 25 let orderly calculations assist for safety in disease. For it is a noble thing to have
vooEÓv'trov Kct.l 't<Xc; f.v voúcrotcrtv ápKÉoucra. EO'tro. ¡.t.áA.a. yup such assistance in medicine: it renders, unerringly, easily intelligible those por-
oE¡.t.vov Ú1t11PEOÍct.v EXEtv Év t'll'tpucft 'totT¡voe, ilnc; oot 'ta ¡.t.ÉpEct. 'tf¡c; E7tt'táotac; tions of intensification and remission, which are unequal in their fate.
1Cct.l 'tf¡c; ávéotoc; Civtoct. EOV'tct. 't'Í¡V IJ.Otpct.v EU"(V(J)(J'tct. 7tct.pixe'tct.t xroptc; Wherefore, do enter into the power of such knowledge. Be well!
á¡.t.xA.a.Kí'llc;. lito Oi¡ Káp'ta. f.c; Oúva.¡.t.w á<píKVeo 'tf¡c; 'totf¡crBE EIJ.7tetpí11c;.
Epp(J)(JO. 30

2 1Cc:r.8' 1CCP.8cioew Mss. corr. U. ex Pro"h. !11 3 óo-uvcbliec:r. V 114 lCCP."UJlm:cblia U JI 5 év

'<éi> om. MU 1CCP.8aipetv U Jl6 'tt'tptJ1J1Év'!' Mss. -ov Reg. in Aclll. 11 7-8 'toi; É"tlPoviot; V 'toi;
Év :xpov. M JI 9 Jl'flOe: oúoe H 'tOÚ'to-u; Oe: 'tOÚ<JOE u 11 11 OÉoV'tCP.\ u
22. Mss. MUVbO(=cd) 14 c1> 1tCP.t ante JlEAÉ'tOl V 11 16 'tE om. bO 11 17 óví\cr8c:r.t: M óveicr9at
uo OOV'flcr9c:r.t b roví;cr9c:r.t V b JI 18 ltOAU<JXE\JlOOV corr. in ltoi..u XE\JliDV M
1tOA"U<JX'flJ1Óc; UO 11 19 E<J'tOl U 'tE om. O 11 19-20 !CCP.i om. U b 2 11 20
ti)v: El<J'fl bO JI 21 éJllloi..il VM 'tOOV om. o JI 22 avc:r.ltoicra V 1123 doo; corr. in ti&Oc; M
ÉlOÓ't\ U 11 24 scripsi MVb U tl;atpEÚJ1EVOV b2
1Adapted from Reg. in Aclll. Append. 25, 2.510 U.
tl;EpEÚJlEVov O 'tE om. O 11 26 'ta;: 'ti;; mss. corr. I..i. ea'tro: ÉlCIÍcr'<cp d Ecr'tat b 2 JI 27
Éltt<J'támo; M 11 28 'ti;; om. O ávtcra ÉÓv'ta ti)v: ÉÓv'ta ávtcra ÓV'ta 't'flV ('<Ü U) MUb Óv'ta 2 Adapted from Pro"hetic 1.71, 5.528 U .
3 Reg. in Aclll. Append. 28, 2.514-16 U .
ávtcra ÍcrO'tiÍ't'flV O ávtcra ti)v b JlOtpa U 1129 ácptlCVÉOl U acptlCVÉoto O 4 This material is related to a discussion of causus in Critica/ Days, Uttré 9.280.
' This is not a quotation from a known work, though it is suggestive of Aph. 5.36, Natwre of
Woman 23 (7.342 U.), and Viseases ofWomenl.!6 (8.54ll), 1.74 (8.156-8 Li.), 2.110 (8.238
U.).
 102 Elli!:TOAH XXIII LEITER23 103

23. ÓTU.i.Ó!Cpt'tO<; 'hmo!Cp<Í'tEt 1tEpl <pOOEO><; av9pcímou 23. Democritus to Hippocrates. On the Nature of Man.
394 XpT¡ 7t<Ív'ta<; áv9pcímou<; ir¡'tpt!CT¡v 'tÉXVT\V E7tÍcr'tacr9m, 6> 'l7t7tÓJCpa !'te<;· All men should lmow the science of medicine, HippocraleS (it is a beautiful
JCaÁov yap ÜJ.i.a JCal E<; 'tov 'tOÚ'trov J.i.<ÍAtcr'ta 'tou.; thing, useful to life) especially those men engaged in education and reasoning.
JCal A.óyrov yqevr¡J.i.Évou.;. Ícr'topír¡v cro<pÍr¡<; yap The search for wisdom is, I think, the sister and companion of medicine. For
lT)'tpucíj<; aOEA<pTtV !Cal <JOq>Ír¡ J.I.Ev yCtp 'lf\lXTtV avapÚE'tat 7ta9érov, 5 wisdom draws the soul back from passions and medicine takes away the body's
ir¡'tpt!CT¡ OE voúcrou<; crroJ.I.<Í'troV a<patpEt'tat. OE voücro<; 1tapeoúcrr¡<; ills. Disease develops when health is present, and it is proper for right thinking
ÚyEÍr¡<;, ilv JCaA.Ov 7tpovoe1v 'tOU<; Ecr9A.a <ppovéov'ta<; · crroJ.I.anJCfl<; men to foresee that But as soon as the state of the body is ill, the mind brings
aÁyeoúcrr¡<; 7tpo9UJ.I.Ír¡v liyEt vÓo<; E<; J.I.EAÉ'tr¡v apE'tÍ'¡<;. voücro<; yap no eagemess to the practice of virtue. The presence of disease powerfully darkens
1tapeoücra oew&<; 'lf'UxTtV aJ.I.aUpot, q>pÓvr¡crw E<; cr'UJ.I.7ta9dr¡v liyoucra. q>ÚcrEro<; the soul by tuming the intellect towards sympathetic affection.1
av9p(J)7tÍVr¡<; T¡ 7teprypaq>T¡ 9eropír¡v EXE\ 'tOt"Í¡VOE. ó J.I.Ev Éj'ICÉ<paAo<; q>poupet 10 Of man' s nature the outline has this aspect The brain guards the acropolis of
'tl¡v liKpr¡v 'tOÜ acr<páA.etav EJ.1.1tE1tt<J'tEUJ.i.Évo<;, ÚJ.i.Écrt the body, the trustee of its safety, housed in tendinous tissues. Over them a
<J'UVE\<JlCa'tOtlCÉOOV, Íl1tEp J>v O<J'tÉOOV q>Ú<JtE<; aVaj'!CaÍn apr¡putat tWofold growth of bone, fitted by necessity, conceals the ruler, guardian of the
q>ÚAaJCa JCaAÚ7t'toucrw, É)'ICÉq>aA.ov, 'tptxrov d>JCOcrJ.I.Íat intellect, the brain. An elegimce of hair decorates the skin. The visual faculty of
xpma lCO<JJ.i.EÜcrt. 'tO 'tiDV OJ.I.J.I.a't(J)V Óp'll'ttlCOV Év 7toA.uxhrovt q>OOAEÜOV the eyes, lurking in a many coated abode of moisture is established beneath the
úypoü imo J.i.É'tro7tov JCotA.acrín 9eropÍr¡<; atnov. 15 brow, in a hollow, and is the cause of sight. The precise pupil accepts the woven
OE ICÓP'Il <pÚAalCa 'tapcrov Ell!CatpÍr¡<; Ú7tOJ.i.ÉVEt. Ot7tAOt OE pcó9rove<;, lid as guardian of her proper times. The pair of nostrils, supervisors of smell,
ocr<pp"Í¡crto<; ÉmyvCÓJ.i.OVE<;, ocp9aAJ.I.IDV '(Et'tVÍ'IlV. J.l.aA.a!CT¡ OE mark off the neighborhood of the eyes. The soft touch of the lips, folded about
xnA.érov aq>T¡ <J'tÓJ.I.a'tt 1tEpt7t't'UOOOJ.i.ÉV11, PT\J.I.<Í'tOOV ai:cr9r¡crtv 'tE the mouth, by its supervision offers accurate articulation and perception of
otáp9procrw 7tapÉ<JX111CEV IC'UpEpVroJ.i.ÉVr¡. yévnov OE alCpO'tEAE<; JCal speech. The projecting chin is a tortoise shell bolted on. He who made us
XEAÚVEtOV yÓJ.i.q>OtOt OUV'IlPJ.I.OOJ.i.ÉvOV. évooxe1a J.I.Ú9rov ma 011J.I.WUpyQ<; 20 opened our ears as receivers of tales. The passion that is in them is an
ávécpyev' otcrw E1tECoV ó 9UJ.I.O<; OUIC acrcpaA.T¡<; Ot"Í¡lCOVO<; aA.oytcr'tÍT)<; yÍVE'tat. undependable servant of irrationality. The tongue is the mother of talk,
A.ahT\<; J.1.1Í't'T\P yA.&crcra, liyyeA.o<;, 1tuA.ropeücra 'tl¡v yeücrw, ixupoicrw messenger of the soul, gatekeeper of taste. S he is guarded by a finn battlement of
oOóV't(J)V 9ptj'!C0t(Jt 7tE<ppoúpr¡'tat. ppóno<; OE JCat TtPJ.I.OOJ.i.ÉVOt teeth. The windpipe and gullet, adapted to each other, are nearby. One gives onto
li.Uf¡A.otcrt )'Et'tVtrocrw · ó J.I.Ev yap E<; JCÉAeu9ov 7tVEÚJ.I.a'to<;, ó OE E<; pu9ov the path of the wind, the other conducts food to the depth of the belly, with a firrn
396 lCOtAÍr¡<; 'tpo<pT¡v 7tp01tÉJ.1.1tEt }..áppov ro9EÚJ.I.EVQ<;. JC(J) lvoEtOTt<; OE 1CapOÍ11 25 push. Conical, the royal· heart, nurse of anger against all schemes, resides in the
pacrtÁÍ<;, op'Yíl<; 'tt9r¡vo<; 1tpO<; 1tiicrav EmpouÁ"Í¡v, évoéouJCE 9cópa1Ca. 9aJ.I.wal chest. The many caves of the winds, channels for air, produce the breath that is
OE 7tVEUJ.I.<Í'trov crf¡pa'Y'(E<;, <prov'íj<; atnov 7tVEÜJ.i.a the cause of speech. The organ that supplies the blood, which alters the food
'tÍIC'toucrw. 'to OE xopr¡j'Üv a'íJ.I.a'to<; 1eal 'tl¡v 'tpo<pi¡v cri>v A.opoicrt with its lobes, will often wrap around the hollow (vein), lhe liver, cause of
7tOUá1Ct<; lCOtAU 1tEpÍ7tAOOV EO'tat E7tt9UJ.I.l'T)<; ai:nov. xA.ropT¡ OE xoA.T¡ passions. The yellow bile stays by the liver and when it overflows becomes the
7tpo<; i11tan J.i.Évoucra 1eal Otacp9opT¡ crcÍ>J.I.a'to<; áv9p(J)7tr¡·{ou Ú7teppA.úcracra 30 ruination of man's body. The harmful spleen, useless inhabitant of man's body
j'ÍVE'tat. pA.apepo<; OE OCÓJ.I.a'to<; av9p(J)7tÍVO'U 1Cal avroq>EATt<; EvOtlCo<; 01tATtV sleeps opposite, responsible for nothing. And between them their mistress,
<Í1tÉvavn E'ÍÍon 7tpO:yJ.i.a ai'toÚJ.I.EVO<;. J.i.Écrr¡ 'tOÚ'trov xopmet the all-receiving belly has her couch, supervising the digestion. Attached
1taVOÉ1C'tetpa lCOtAÍr¡, 'tTtV 1tÉ'Iftv. evoxa OE to the stomach joined in artisanry of construction, the intestines are coiled
lCOtAÍr¡<;, cruv9écrero<; 011J.I.WUpyín OUVOEOJ.i.EÚJ.i.EVa, EÍAEt'tat 7tEpl lCOtAÍr¡v about the belly, the cause of reception and division. The twin kidneys firmly
EV'tEpa, A'lÍ'IfEOO<; !Cal a1t01CpÍcrero<; ai:na. OÍOUJ.i.Ot VE<ppol icrxíotcrtv 35 established in the loins and clothed in fat, are not foreign to excreting orine.
Evr¡opacrJ.I.ÉvOt JCal oüprov E1C1CpÍcrEro<; oi>JC li.A.A.ó'tptot

23. Mss. beH 3 !;u!L<popov b 2 11 10 b eH eorr. Putz. 11 12 ov be

O:vayJCaÍal b civayJCaial eH 11 13 tUlCOC:SILÍa eH 11 14 lCOC:S!Ló>c:sal beH correxi 11 15
beH eorr. Diels. JCoMxc:sfn beH eorr. Diels. 11 16 \JnoJ1EvElY beH corr. Li. 11 19 neplÉa:tE e
CÍ1Cp01:EYt; b41 23 1:pl"fXOLC:Sl b 1:PlXOLOl eH corr. Coro. 11 25 lCQ>YOElOe; be 11 28 J1E"tá¡3ai..ov e
v : ei; e 11 29 JColA.i) bH nepfnA.oo; beH eorrexi oe xA.olpi) H 11 30-31
av8p6lltr¡tou ... c:s<Í>1La1:o; om. H 11 33 o' fvuxa 61: beH corr. Coro. 11 34 c:suv6oveÚJ1eva e 11 35
A.ef'lleco; e 11 36 Olí !LO' be 6f\1101 H corr. Foes
1 The author of this 1etter seems to have made up this phrase, and Johames Cbrysostom seems
to have been impressed by it: "Do you not hear the doctors saying ' vóc:so; yap napoüc:sa liewéiic;
0:11aupoi;' l11 acta apostolorwm homiliae, Migne 60.32.39·40. Suseeptibility of the
sou1 to the body' s affeetions was, of course, an important philosophical as well as medical
question, as is shown by Galen's Qr.wd allimi mores corporis lemperameflla sequalllur, Galen. Ser.
11Ú11. 2, 32-79.
 104 EIIll:TOAAI XXlli-XXIV lEITERS 23-24 105

1tE<pÚJCacn. ICÚptoc; emácrllc; ICOlAÍllc; ó ICaAoÚfJ.EVoc; E1tt7tAouc; yacr'tépa. Presiding over the whole belly the peritoneum, as it is called, surrounds the
7tftcrav EfJ.1tEplEÍAll<pEV' f.LÓVOU <J1tA11V0c; citep. veupOO,c; ICÚcrnc; icrx.ícp whole belly save the spleen alone. Next is the sinewy bladder established with its
cr'tÓfJ.a crUfJ.7tE7tAE'YfJ.évcov ándcov, oüpcov EKKpÍcrecoc; ahí11 mouth in the groin, of woven vessels, the cause of excretion of urine. As
ytyYE'tat. T¡ 'YEl'tVtéOOa 'taÚ't'fl fJ.1Í'tllP tl, liAyoc;, 'tWV ev neighbor to it, ludes the mother of babes, who, dread pain, is contributor of
yuvatJCl. f.Lóx9cov J.lupícov 7tapat'tÍll, f.11Í'tP11 necpC.ÓAEUKEV · T¡ nuJ..copQc; f.Lux.o¡crw 5
myriad difficulties in women, the womb. Her gate, seething flesh in the hollows
icrx.ícov f3pácracra crcpÍ'Y'YE'tat VEÚpetcnv' ilc: OE nA1Í9ouc; EICX,Eoucra of the groin, is wrapped in sinew, and it pours forth from excess of the belly's
yacr'tpoc; cpúcrtoc;, EK 'tÓKou npovoí11c;. iK GC.Óf.LU't<><; KPEfJ.Ucr'tol. EK'tOc; oiKÍllv nature, in her anticipation of children. And hanging away from the body, the
VEfJ.OV'tat EKyoVOIC'tt<J'tat ópx.etc; noA.ux.hcovec; EÓV'tEc;. cruv Ol<JW iv 11J3n ano testicles, fashioners of offspring, mak:e their borne on the outside; they have
398 cpJ..ef3écov 'tE JCal. veúpcov 1 nAéwa. oüpcov equcnv notEÚfJ.EVOV, auvoucrí11c; many coats. With them on the pubis, a woven construction of veins and sinews,
ÍmoupyÓv, <pÚcrtoc; Üno tlf3'11c; <JICEAll Oe 10
which accomplishes the outpour of urine and is the assistant in sex, was crafted
Kal. f3pax.íovEs Kal. 'ta 'toÚ'totatv iÍKpa, nftcrav by nature, surrounded by a thicket of pubic hair. The legs and arms and the tips
apx.T¡v GUV119petaf.J.iva EX,OV'ta, veúpcov 'tE oocpa.A.íl Ael'tOUpytllV 'tWOUCHV, T¡ attached to them collectively have all the source of ministry, and perform
aGC.ÓfJ.a'toc; iv J.1UX.O¡(J1 cpúcrtc; nav'tÚfJ.Opcpa <J1tM"fXVCOV 'YEvll, a unerringly the service assigned by the nerves. But it is the incorporeal nature in
9áva'toc; E7ttcr'ta9el.c; cOKEcoc; EnaU<JE AEt'toupyÍllc;. the inner parts who fashions multiformed types of organs. Death, when it comes
nigh, swiftly ends their service.
24. 'lmtoKpá'touc; úymvov 7tp0c; f3aatA.ila 15
'l7tnoKpá'tllc; Kcpoc; f3acnJ..e¡ x.aípEtv· 24. Hippocrates' Hygiene for King Demetrius.
JCal. npÓ'tEpOV J.lEv ci> f3acrtAru, nEpl. -tilc; av9pC01tÍVllc; Hippocrates of Cos to King Demetrius. Greetings. 1
cpúatoc; iv KE<paAaÍcp 9Ecopilcrat 'ta J.lEPll. 'taÜ'ta Ka9ánEp Earlier having been concemed to arrive at a summary view of the parts of the
r#coaac;, a7tE<J'tetAaJ.LEV. vüv Oe nepl. Ó>v J.LÚAtcr'ta 'touc; human organism, 1 composed it and sent it to you at your request, king. Now,
EJ.Lq>povac;, TtJ.Ldc; 'ta f.Lev Kal. napa 'trov npÓ'tepov 7tapEtAll<pÓ'tEc;, 'ta 1eal. 20 conceming what intelligent men must especial!y be concemed with, having tak:en
vüv au'tol. yeypáq>aJ,Lév aot. olcrt ail 'trov npO'tépcov sorne things from my predecessors and having myself made additional discoveries
appCO<J'tllJ.lÚ'tCOV GllJ.lEÍOt(Jl 'YWOJ.1EV01(JW E1taJCo/..ou9&v JCal. XPC.ÓJ.lEVoc; I have written it for you. Following and using this and the signs from previous
nAE1<J'tÚKtc; avoucroc; av Elllc; 'tOV iinav'ta x.póvov. E<J'tl 'YEVll illnesses, you will always be generally free from sickness.
appcocrn&v ánáv'tcov T¡ ¡.lev Ka'tá yévoc;, T¡ JCa'ta ná9oc;, lllnesses in allliving creatures are of two varieties, one disease is according to
aVÓJ.LOtat. 'tcXc; int9uJ,Líac; 'tác; JCa'ta 'ti¡v 'tpocpi¡v EIC 'tWV ÚnEVUV'tÍCOV Ó'lfet 25 type, the other according to the affection, and they are dissimilar, You will see
('ta J.lEv Úypá), 'tWV ICEVOUJ.LEVCOV 'tcX nA1ÍP11, nAllpOÚV'tCOV that desires for nutriment spring from opposites, the dry desiring the wet, the
oe lCEVÚ. 'tác; oe voúaouc; á7táaac; Ú7tEVUV'ttCOV Ó'lfE1 Ka9E<J'tllJCUÍac; Kal. empty the full, the full the empty. And you will see that all diseases arise from
voúaouc; Ú7t0 VOÚ<JCOV AOOJ.Livac;. Úno (J7ta<JJ.LWV nupE'toc; emyEVÓJ.LEVoc; t<J'tll<J1 opposites, and that diseases resolve diseases. Fever supervening from
'tO vÓCJ11J.La. KE<pa.l..ilc; noAA.ác; 'tá Ka'ta 'ta ci>'ta payév'ta i1 convulsions puts down the disease,2 and flows break:ing forth from nose or ears
Ka'ta 'tac; p¡vac;. [crnacrf.Lol.] nftcrt J.LEAanoA.tlCoiaw ai¡¡.oppo'ioec; 30 put an end to severe head pain.3 And in all melancholics hemorrhoids coming on
entyWÓfJ.EVat naúouat 'tác; fJ.EAa"fXOAÍac;. Kal. Ka9ól..ou ¡¡.iv icrnv JCat stop melancholy.4 And generally the head is the root of human ills, and the
400 'tWV av9pC07ttVCOV VOGllf.LÚ'tCOV Tt ICE<paA1Í, Kal. 1 'tá appCOO't1Í¡.ta'ta 'tcX greatest sicknesses come from it Por, placed over the mouth like a cupping
¡¡.éytcr'ta EIC 'taÚ'tllc; napayÍVE'tat. intlCElJ.lEvllV yap au'ti¡v 'té¡> <J'tÓJ.La'tl glass,5 it is its fate to draw the excrement and the thin humors from all ingested
rocrnep G11CÚav 'tWV ecrcpepOJ.lEVCOV á7tÚV'tCOV GUJ.LJ3atVE1 au'ti¡v material.
EAICEW 7tEpl't'tC.Ó¡.ta'ta !Cal. 'toilc; X.UfJ.OÚc;. od npocréx.Ew 35 Having accustomed yourself to live in a private way, you must pay attention to

7 b 2 11 8 EX"fOVOl rno"tal bcH corr. Diels. aúv otmv ev ill3n: scripsi t.Ovol
iíl3tl be H 11 10 Ú!tOOtOTl¡LlOÚP'YTl'tal bcH corr. Li. e 11 13
e 11 14 e 1 This is the least literate of the letters, and it has the weakest manuscript evidence: one of the
24. Mss. be (Littré's Ms. D gets its text from Comarius, Base! 1538) 17 ¡LEv om. e JI 20 =
three manuscripts (D Par. Graee. 2444) is in this treatise a eopy of Comarius' printed rext of
eb2 e 1123-4 Oúo YÉvTl .. ·Íl o€ om. e 11 26 1:a )1Ev úypá: addidi om. mss. 1538. Its existence in ms. b, however, insures that it is not a produetion of the Renaissance.
edd. 11 27-8 ... om. e 1128 llberg mss. edd 11 29 be 2 Drawn from Aph. 4.51, or Grises 6! (Li. 9 ..294).
Foes in not. "ta1 : seripsi &tav be al¡La Com. 11 30 seclusi om. e 11 31 3 Drawn from Grises 51 (l..i. 9.292).
Éltl'Y\VÓ¡Ltvat: seripsi -ot mss., edd. 1eai1 om. e 1132 Í1 om. e 11 33 aÓl¡Lan Com. 11 34 011CÚ b 4 Drawn frcm Aph. 6.11.
corr. b2 5 The comparison of the bead to a eupping glass is from Diseases 4, Li. 7 .548.
 106 Ellll:TOAH XXIV ..10rMA LEITER 24; ATHENIANDECREE 107

'tOV vouv, ili(co,; Cftv aÚ'tov 7tapacncEuáoav'ta, É<; 'tau'ta 'tCt J.1ÉP'Il· OKCO<; those parts, so that diseases that do befall you receive no increase because of your
J.111llEJ.1taY AaJ.1¡3ávOV't(l 'tCt 7tp007tÍ1t'tOV't<l 'tOOV ápp<OO't'TIJ.Lá'tCOV, lltá care and excellent regulation, and your abstaining from sexual excesses, excesses
'tE 'tf¡,; ÉmJ.LEAEÍTI<; Kai 'tf¡,; 'tf¡<; 1tapa ooi ytvoJ.LÉv'TI<;. Kai J.11Í'tE 't'fiot in variety of foods, and excesses of very relaxing sleep while your body is
'tOOV al¡!pOlltoÍcov aKp(l()"tUO"t J.11Í'tE 't'fiot 'tOOV Otaq>Ópcov EOEO"J.Lá'tcov J.11Í'tE without exercise. Rather, following the signs that appear in the body, study each
'totmv íS1tVotot 'totow áruJ.Lváo'tou eov'to<; 'tou oCÓJ.La'to<; 5 of the body's crucial moments so that, having taken preventive measures against
XPCÓJ.LEVOV, aA.A.' E1t<lKOAou0ouv'ta 'tOtO"t O"'TIJ.LEÍOtO"t 'tOtO"t ')'l."fVOJ.1EvOtO"W iv 'tép the disease that is going to be brought on, using the remedies 1 describe, you will
O"CÓJ.LU'tt Ot<l't'TIPEtV 'tOV Katpov EK<lO"'tOV O"CÓJ.1U'to<;, oKco,; av 'tO live free from disease.
áppc00't'TIJ.1<l 'tO J.LEAAOV E1tti¡!ÉpE0"0at, 't'fiot 0Epa7teínmv now av Éyro ypál¡!co
XPCÓJ.LEvo,; llta'tEA1\<; civouoo<; icóv. 25. Decree of the Athenians. The Council and the People of Athens have
ch:reed:
25 . ..1ÓyJ.La 'AO,va(cov. 10 Whereas Hippocrates of Cos, being a physician and descended from Asclepius,
't'fi Ka l. 'tép OT¡J.Lcp 'trov 'AO,vaícov. É7tetli-ft 'l7t7toKpá't'TI<; has shown great concem for the safety of the Greek people,
Képo<;, Ía'tpo,; Ú7t!xpxcov Kai yqovro<; a1to 'AO"KA111ttOU, J.LE"(áATIV EÜvotav And whereas on the occasion of a plague coming from the land of the
J.LE'ta O"CO't'TIPÍa<; ÉvOÉllEtK'tat 'tot,; "EU11otv, Ü'tt Kai AotJ.Lou ÍÓv'to,; a1to 'tf¡,; barbarians towards Hellas, he sent out his pupils to different places to proclaim
E1tt 'tTJV 'EA.Aáoa, Ka'tá 'tE 'tÓ1tOU<; a7tOO"'tEÍAa<; 'tou,; aÚ'tOU what therapies they had to use to keep themselves safe from the imminent plague,
J.1!X01l'tCt,; 1t<lP1Í"f'YEtAE 'tÍO"t XPTt Oepa7tEÍat<; XPCOJ.LÉVou,; aO"I¡!<lAOO<; 15 and, in order that medical science bequeathed to the Greeks would preserve safe
0t(l()"cOOE0"0at 'tOV E1ttÓV't!X AOtJ.LÓV, 07tCO,; 'tE Ía'tptK-ft Oo0EtO"a 'tot,; "EAATIO"tv those that were ill from it he generously published bis writings on medical
áol¡!aAro<; o<flCn 'tou<; KáJ.Lvov'ta,; ai>'tóv, o e Kai science because he wanted there to be many physicians who saved people,
'tCt<; 1tEpt 'tft<; Ía'tptKfi<; 'tÉXV'TI<;, 7tOAAoU<; 'tou<; And when the Persian King sent for him on condition of honors equal to his
Ú7tápxEw Ía'tpoÚ<;· 'tou 'tE IlEporov J.1E't<l7tEJ.17tOJ.1Évou au'tov É1ti own, and on condition of whatever gifts Hippocrates chose, he scomed the
402 'ttJ.L<lt<; 't<lt<; Ka't' <lU'tOV 1 raat<; Kai ocópot<; El¡!' ot<; av !Xll'tO<; 'lmtoKpá't'TI<; 20 promises of the barbarian because he was a foe and the common enemy of Greeks,
aí.pf¡'tat, 'ÍmEpetOE 'ta<; 'ÍmooxÉoEt<; 'tou Ü'tt 7toA.É¡.uo,; Kai Kowo<; Therefore, so that the Athenian people may show itself to desire the best
ixOpo<; ú7tf¡pxE 'tot<; "EU11ow. o1tco<; ó Of¡J.Lo<; 'A011vaícov l¡!aÍv'TI'tat always for the Greeks and so that they may show proper gratitude to Hippocrates
7tpoatpOÚJ.1EVO<; 'tCt XP1ÍO"tJ.1<l Ota 1t<lV'tO<; Ú7tEp 'tOOV 'EUT¡vcov Kai i:va xáptv for his beneficent acts,
á1toOép 7tpÉ7touoav 'l7t7tOKpá'tEt Ú7tEp 'tOOV ei>Ep"fE'tTIJ.Lá'tcov, OÉOOK'tat 'tép It is decreed by the people to initiate him into the great mysteries at public
Of¡J.Lcp J.Luf¡oat au'tov 'tCt J.1UO"'t1Ípta 'ta J.1EyaAa Ka0á7tEp 'HpaKAÉa 25 expense as was done with Heracles, the son of Zeus,
'tOV ..1 tÓ<;, K<lt O"'tEI¡!<lVOOO"<lt ai>'tov O"'tEI¡!ávcp xpuoép a7to XPUO"OOV XtAÍcov. And to crown him with a gold crown worth one thousand gold pieces, and to
avayopEUO"<lÍ 'tE 'tOV O"'tEI¡!<lVOV IIavaO'TIV<lÍOt<; 'tOt<; J.LeráA.ot<; EV 'tép áyrovt proclaim the crown at the great Panathenaia at the athletic competition,
'tép "fUJ.1VtKép · Kai 7tÜO"t Kcócov 7tatol.v iv 'AOT¡vat<; And that it be permitted to all sons of the Coans to be ephebes in Athens,
E1tEtOf¡7tep T¡ 1t!X'tpi<; <lU'tOOV avopa 'tOtOU'tOV E"(ÉVV'TIO"EV. dvat Oe since their country has begotten such a man,
'l7t7tOKpá'tEt Kai 7tOAt'tEÍav Kal. O"Í't'TIO"tV iv IIpu'tavEÍcp lita 30 And that there be for Hippocrates citizenship, and sustenance in the Prytaneum
for his lifetime.

5 Ú!t€pKoAa.cr·tu:oic; be Ú!t€p1CCI.Ao\lcrnxoic; b 2 corr. U . post Ún€p1C. add. Kai e 11 ·6 XPOÍJ.tEVoc; be

corr. U . 11 9 1lta"t€A.e\; be corr. Foes 11 7 tKaO""tov: A.J. Graham É:l<IÍO""to\l mss. edd.
25. Mss. MUVbc 12 Í'l"<pO<; be 11 13 &n: scripsi &t€MUVbc ocrnc; b 2 xai om. U 11 14 '<€
om. MVbe 11 15 b om. V 'tficn V xp/J 9€panEÍalc; MUV Sei (Se e)
XPí\cr9a, 9€paneímc; are; be 11 16 01acrci>crecr8a.: b(corr. b 2 )e U
post tfl'tpu<i, add. '<ÉXV'l U "<ÉXV'l &.nóUcovoc; (<inóA.A.ro b) be S1aOo8eiaa Ubc 11 17 U
aÚ"<mv MUb 0'\lyyptÍijlm e MVb 0"\lyypaq>Q; U 11 18 nq>9Óvroc; : nq>€l0Wc; Mbe
nKpl¡3mc; U 'tete; : 'ta MVbe ia'tp1ri¡c; : MU Í'l"<PlJcii<; Vbe 11 19 Ífl'tpoúc; Ú!tlÍPXElY U
1t€pO'É:OOV b 11 21 aip€l'tal e ante ltOAÉ:¡uoc; add. xai be 11 22 post Oí;¡wc; add. Ó be 11 24 !t€pl be
O€OÓJC'l'tal M 2 O€oox9ro b 11 25 oo¡uo M (corr. M2) "ta ¡tqáAa. be Ofl¡toaimv b
S,¡tó V 11 26 XP\lOÉ:m b 11 27 livayop€Úcr€"<e M (-al'te M2) nvayopeücra1 Se be 11 28 nap'
&.S,vaÍolc; U post add. xa9ánep na1criv (corr. ex nacriv) 'AS,vaímv be 11 30 Ola
'tÉ:A.o\lc; cb (eorr. blj
 108 XXVI EIIIB.QMIO:E AOfO:E 26SPEECHATTHEALTAR 109

26. 26. Speech at the Altar.

?.Q 1tol..l..ol 1eal 1tol..l..&v 1tol..írov oilCTl'taÍ, E.v ¡¡.qá.!..n I'E"Yé.O'ttc;, You many inhabitants of many towns, men of great merit who bear the
lCOWOV ouvo¡¡.a 8Ecroul..oí, 7tiX.crw civ9pCÓ7tOLcrt m1CpT¡ civá.l'lCTl 'tU ¡J.e¡J.Otpa¡¡.Éva- common name Thessalians, bitter to all men is the necessity of bearing what fate
cpÉpEw· lCIIp'tepEtV a Ei JCal ví">v EI'OO dJCrov, has decreed, for it forces us to acquiesce in what it wants. If 1 yield now to that
E¡J.TI I'EVeTI 9aUouc; cr'tÉ'lfii<;, m' 'A911VIIÍT)<; ÍlCÉ't'Tl<; 'íopu¡¡.at, 'tÍ<; EOOV 5
necessity, and, along with my family tak:e up suppliant boughs and declare myself
XPTt l..qtw 'toicrw cii'VoÉoucrw. 'l7t7t01CpÓ:'t1l<;. el> livopt<;, ó ÍT)'tpÓ<;. ó¡¡.oíro<; ou a suppliant at Athena's altar, it is needful to tell those who do not know, who 1
ota crt¡¡.vfic; 1eal JCaAf\<; ahí11<; E¡J.E EIJ.trou'tov 1eal na\00.<; ú¡¡.iv am.
I'LVCÓcrJCtcrOt, el> 7tAT)9Ú<; · 1eal OlÍ, el> livopt<; oiJCtí:m, f.v otcrw, €Í7ttí:v 1 am Hippocrates the physician. Likewise 1 tell you that it is not for a
404 cXAT)9É<;, 1toUoí:crw Úf.LÉrov l1eal nol..írov Úflt'tÉprov I'LVOOcrlCOIJ.IIL. 'tÚmp pompous or specious petition that 1 put myself and my children before you.
d7tetV, OUVOfl!I o. ÍOÉT)<; JCal 7tpocrOO'tÉpro ICEXOOP11KE, OoJCÉro oe 'tOU'tO EIC 10 Know that, oh people. For, my friends, among whom 1 can truly say I am
'tÉXVT)<; EIJ.fi<; Ú!'lEÍ11<; 'tE JCal at'ttov civ9p<Ó7totcrw • ou ¡¡.óvov 'toicrt 'tT¡v known to many of you and many of your cities, and to speak figuratively, m y
ÚflE'tÉP11V oÍlcÉoucrw, 0:1../..a. JCal nol..l..oí:aw 'EI..I..1lvrov EnU<; Úf.LÉrov name has traveled even more widely than my form, and that, 1 think, is because
yw<ÓcrJCo¡.¡.at. 1ío11 otón Eyro i:mé¡.¡.ewa 'to 't11Aucoí">'tov npfii'J.I.II EPI'q> out of my science comes the cause of health and life formen: not only to those in
EpÉro. 'A9T)vaiot, el> c'ivopt<; Stcraal..oí, KaJCro<; xpecó¡.¡.tvot, your country but to those many Greeks in your vicinity am 1 known.
J.l.1l'tPÓ7tol..tv i¡¡.¡.E'tÉp11v K& f.v ooú/..11<; flÉpet ota'tí9ev'tat, 'ta El..eú9tpa ota 15 Now, 1 shall tell you why, in fact, 1 have submitted to doing such an
7tpoyóvrov JC'tlÍcrto<; iotÓ1C't1l'tii 7totEÚ¡J.Evot, ou'tt aioecr9Év'te<;, extraordinary thing. The Athenians, oh men of Thessaly, using their power
Ecr'tw au'totcrw ci1to 'A7tÓAArovÓ<; 'tE JCal 'Potoí"><;, E<; "Avtóv 'tE JCal wrongly, have put our mother city Cos in the portion of a slave. What was free
loúvtov 'tOU<; JC€Ívrov 1tatoa<; ixvEhat, oü9' 'HpaK:AÉou<; EUEPI'Ecrt&v through the possessions of our ancestors they have made their private possession,
E'íVEICEV 7tpaÚvcrtac; E<; vóov &e; ó lCOLVO<; u¡.¡.í:v 'te JCal T¡¡.¡.iv op9&c; showing no reverence for the kinship that they have from Apollo and Rhoio,
1tOLÉrov Sto<; E<; ElCeÍvouc; 1CII'tÉ9E'tO. UJ.I.Etc; 'te cii..Aa. 7tpo<; Ato<; ÍJCEcrÍou JCal 20 which carne down to Anius and Sunius their sons. Nor do they bring to mind,
ee&v ÓJ.I.O!'VÍOOV cXJ.I.ÚV!I'te, EAeu9epcócra'tE, 'tf\c; ÍOÍT)<; cpLAO'tLJ.I.ÍT)<; for the salce of Heracles' generosity, gentleness which the god who is common to
J.1.110Ev f.Ud7toV'ttc;. you and to us rightly brought into being and established for them.
Still, I beg you, will you, by the god of suppliance, Zeus, and the gods of his
family, cometo our aid? Help us. Free us. Do not fall short of your own sense
ofhonor.

26. Mss. AMUV 2 ltÓAoecov MUV(corr Ml¡ oilCTI'tctÍ om. A rqovÓ'te; AM 11 3 11.11<pf¡ A
I'EII.01pTI¡uÍVct MV(corr. Ml¡ 114 Kctp-ttpd MUV mss. corr. U ií: dA. ¡loÚA11'tct1
M EllCIDV V u A 2 11 5 EII.Ql revea u 'Aih¡voíot; u A idnc; A 11 6
ó.rvcoÉOUO"\V M 011.01 &x; oú A ó K<floc; Cornarius 11 8 l\VCÓ!nctcr9e scripsi -Ela\ mss. me;
M119oüc; A é}, U 11 9 cU119ói<; V 11 10 li' clliÉilc; M lit iliÉilc; A Oo1<Ét1 M lioJCet U 11
12 i¡¡LE"tÉpr¡v UA 2 post oiJCÉOUO"\V add. cUA.a JCai ltoUT¡v A 11 13 li1Ó't1 É'fO> scripsi lit Ó'tÉco A
lit lín qco MUV Ílltt¡LE1vá'tt A 11 13-14 [péco om. A 11 14 él.: om. A U.
f.toucrw A M U qoucrw ii V 11 15 ll.tpÍli1 'ti9tv"tct1 V ¡uÍpt1 li1ct"tí9t'tct1
2
AM(corr. M ) ¡uÍpn li1ct'tÍ9talla1 U 11 16 ili1ÓJC"t11"tct: liopínea V (Ü)la OopÍJC"t11'tct Putz.) 11 17
'P01oii; A 'HpctKA.Éouc; MUV Aiviov mss. "Av1Óv Paton 11 18 KtÍvcov: nvó"w M ÍJCVÉeallm
A 11 19 lttpu'¡o; vóov A lttp111o; vóov M ltEp1 É<; vóov V lttpi ibv voov U 1ocus corruptus
ltpaiÍvcrroc; scripsi ex. gr. 11 20 'tt: lit A post A1óc; add. 'tt V EÍKEO"Íou A 11 21 AM 11
22 ll.llliE u EMÍltOV"tE<; M tvált'tOV"tE<; A ÉA.AoÍ'tOV'tE<; u
 110 XXVII IIPEl:BEYTIKOl: Aorm: 1-2 27.1-2 EMBASSY 111

27. 8ecrcrW..Ou 'ImtoKpá'tou; uiou. 27. The Ambassadorial Speech of Thessalos, son of Hippocrates.
Ilpocrf¡JCew Íl'YÉo¡.tat, Cb iivopec; 'Aih,vatm, JCa9tcr'tá¡.tevov Éc; Ú¡.tÉac; Kal J.I.Tt 1 think it is fitting, Athenians, that a man who comes before you not known to
ywcocrJCÓ¡.tEVOV 1tav'tl 'tép 1tA.f¡9et, 7tp&tov 01'¡/Ji)crat J.I.Ev oonc; !Cal o9ev EO'tÍ, the whole assembly reveal who he is and whence, befare he engages in the rest of
J.I.E'taoe 'talha 'trov iiA.A.cov A.óycov ÍÍ1t'tt:cr9at. É¡.tol. J.I.Ev 1ta'tT¡p his speech. My father is Hippocrates. What ability in medicine he has, you
'I1t1t01Cpán¡c;, ov Ú¡.tetc; ywC.ÓOKE'tE Év h¡'tpt!C'ft ÍlAÍ'ICT\V oúvaJ.IW EX,Et. oüvo¡.ta 5 know. My narne is Thessalos. Those of you who know me are not few or in-
OE 8ecrcraA.óc;. ywÓ>cr1CO¡.tat OE ICU'"(cO OUIC Ev OEU'tÉpotcrtv ÚJ.i.ÉCOV, ouoe significant. M y homeland is Cos. How it has been closely related to you from
406 6A.íymcrt, 1ta'tpl; OÉ ¡J.Ot Kéilc;, ilv oKcoc; ÚJ.i.lV 1oiKEÍ'Il Écmv apx.aícov, E'tEpot ancient times others will tell you who are better able than 1 to relate history. 1
Époumv oi:'twec; Í.O'topí11v Ouva'tCÓ'tt:pot. i\A.aov ()e 7tEJ.L<p9dc; úito have come because my father sent me with four benefits to describe to you that
'tou 1ta'tpÓ;, 'tÉcrcrapac; ex.cov ei>epyecríac; d1tetv 1tap' ÍlJ.i.Écov Éc; ÚJ.I.Éac; we have given you. The first ancient, in the time of our ancestors, common to
'YE'"fEVTJ¡.tÉvac; · 'ti¡v J.i.Év nva 7taA.atav É1tl 'trov 7tpoyóvcov, Kowi¡v ic; 10 all the Amphictyons; of whom you were not the smallest part. The second,
éiltav'ta; -iouc; 'A¡.t<ptlC'tÚovac;, Ó>v ÚJ.i.Etc; OUlC iA.ax.ícrn¡ ¡.totpa· 'ti¡v o' É'tÉpTJV greater still, which carne to the majority of Greeks. lt will be clear that these two
'taÚ't'IJc; JCal OnKVOUJ.I.EvTJV Éc; 'EAAf¡vmv 'touc; · Kal afnat are benefits from my ancestors and my city. The third is from my father alone,
¡.tev ¡pavf¡crov'tat -rl;c; 1tóA.wc; Kal 'trov 7tpoyóvcov 'trov É¡xéliv ioucrat · Í1 oe
'tpín¡ and is such as no single man ever gave to you and to numerous Greeks. The last
'tOU 1ta'tpo; iOÍTJ, JCat n¡AtJCaÚ'tTJ OOTJV de; avT¡p ouodc; ÍlJ.i.lV 'tE 1Cal7toA.A.otcrw of the four is shared by my father and me and it carne not to many Greeks, but to
'E).).f¡vcov 1Ca'tÉ9E't0' Í1 O' Ílcl"'tán¡ 'troV 'tE<Joápcov lCOWi¡ 'tOU 7ta'tpoc; Kal ÉJ.i.f¡, 15 you yourselves. lt might seem smal1 in comparison to the previous ones, but
!Cal OUIC En Éc; 1tAeÍovac;, aAA' Éc; ú¡.tiic; aÚ'touc; OttiCVEOJ.I.EV'Il, i\1tpoc; J.I.EV 'tcl<; great when measured against the kindnesses of other people. These benefits are
É'tÉpac; euepyecríac; Kal 7tpo'tÉpac; cr¡.ttKpT¡ ilv ¡pavd11, 7tpoc; oe É'tÉpcov such as 1 have said in a summary way. But it is not only necessary to state them
xápt'ta; J.I.E'tpEOJ.I.ÉV'Il J.I.E'"(áA'Il- ai. J.I.Ev oT¡ EUEpyecríat 'totau'tat oihcoc; but to show how they are true.
EX,O'\l<JW ilc; E<p'IJV dvat, roe; cruveA.óvn d1tEtV, OEt OE ¡.ti¡ J.I.OUVOV ¡pávat, aAAa 2. 1 shall make the beginning of m y speech the beginning of the benefactions,
Kat 00c; dcrw UA'Il9t:tc;. 20 and shall speak of the most ancient frrst. In this I may be constrained to speak
2. 'Apx.T¡v o-0v 'tép AÓ'yc¡> 'ti¡v apxT¡v 'troV Íl1toupytéilv 1totf¡cro¡.tat, 'tcl OE somewhat lengthily and mythologically, but the subject wants to be told in an
apxatÓ'ta'ta 7tp&ta EV otcrt 'táx' iiv J.I.E J.LalCpÓ'tepa !Cal archaic manner. There was a time when there was a Crisean race which lived
¡.tu9coOÉ<J'tEpa d1tElV. 1t09Et OÉ 7tcoc; apxaícoc; A.éyecr9at. iiv yap x.póvoc; O't' around the Pythian shrine and held land now dedicated to Apollo. The area by
iiv Kpícratov e9voc;. ÉcpiCEOV J.I.EV 1tEpl 'tO Ilu9t1COV iepóv, yílv o' dxov Ti '"(E which the Locrians live is called the Crisean Plain. The city Melaina is there,
vuv 'tép 'A7tóA.A.covt KaAEt'tat oe 'to ¡.tev Kp ícrawv 7te()íov e!> 25 and Mount Cirphius, by which the Phocians dwell. Once on a time, the
AoKpol. !Cal e!> MÉA.mva 7tpÓcrEt<Jt, 'tO OE KÍp<plOV opoc;, e!> <I>O>KEts Criseans, becoming numerous, strong, and wealthy, used their good fortune for
7tapáKEtV'tat. ofnm oe oí Kpícratot, yevÓJ.LEVOÍ KO'tE 7toA.A.olKal icrxupolJCal evil purposes. They grew arrogant and performed many dreadful, illegal actions,
7tAoÚ<JtOt, 'tOÚ'tot<Jt 'tOt<Jtv aya9otcrtv E7tl !CalCa ixpf¡crav'to. expressing impiety towards the god, enslaving Delphi, plundering its neighbors,
yap ltOAAcl oewa !Cal 1tapávo¡.ta eipyácrav'to, Éc; 'tOV 9eov robbing visitors to the temple, carrying off people's wives and children, and
ÓEA<pouc; JCa'taOO'\lAOÚJ.I.EVOt, 1tpocroÍKo'\lc; 9empouc; <J'UAÉOV'tE<;, 30 violating their persons. The Amphictyons, 1 in anger at that, invaded their terri-
408 yuvatJCá; 'tE !Cal 1tatOac; aytvÉOV'tE<;, 1 !Cal E<; 'tcl <JÓ>¡.ta'ta tory, and, having beaten them in battle, devastated the land and sacked their cities.
av9' Ó>v 'A¡.t<ptlC'tÚove; opytcr9ÉV'tE;, <J'tpá'tE'UJ.I.a Éc; 'tTJV yílv In this transaction, having done many unholy deeds, they met with miserable
au'troV, !Cal J.Láxn vt¡cf¡craV'tEc;, 'ti¡v XWPTJV ÉO'!ÍO'UV Kal 'tac; 1tÓAtac; rnóp9eov. results, and paid certainly no less than they had done. The luckiest of them were
ev9a 7tOAAa ·!Cal avÓcrta 1totf¡craV'tE<; altf¡vn¡crav, Kal oÚ ¡.tEÍco Ó>v
'tÍVOV'tEc;· J.La1Captcr'tol o' iicrav aÚ'troV oí Év xepcrl 'tEAeu'tf¡oav'tec;, 35

1 Amphictyons (also spelled Amphictions), from "dwellers about", means

27. Mss. M(vel GID)UV 4 post -r«XU-ra add. OÜ-r"' V 115 exnv U 11 8 lluva-rcírra-rot V 119 1tap' members of a religious organization of states to service and protect shrines, etc. The best known
ÚJUOV u 11 11 V 11 12 'Ellñva:lV : <illilA.ülv mss. corr. Com. 11 17 was the Delphic, associated with the temple at Delphi, an organization of twelve states initially,
MU 11 20 dvat M OOc; dvat U which after the fifth century included all Greek states. The substance of !he oath which was taken
OOc; dvat V corr. Asul. ex ms. G 11 23 aPXaioc; MU 11 23-4 0-r' oo by its member states may have influenced the substance of this narrative. They swore "not to
U oo ijv M 11 26 11pomm M 11 V napaxÉov-rat V xo-re: O-re M(corr. M ) -ró-re liT 11 28 é11t:
2
destroy any polis of the Amphictyones, or starve it out, or cut off its running water, either in war
éltd V 11 29 post 1tapávoJLa add. 1tpáyJLa"ta U 11 30 M MU or in peace; if anyone transgresses these rules, to take the field agamst him and call up the Polei s,
V corr. Asul. ex ms. G 11 31 -re: lli: MV ayttv M ayev U and if anyone plunders the property of the god or is privy to such robbery or has any designs
V 11 32 post a-r¡><Í'ttuJLa add. xat MV 11 33 -ri)v XÓlf>11V om. u 11 34 u 11 against the sanctuaty, to take vengeance for it with hand and foot and voice and all one's power."
34-5 JLEtÓvülv J.v MV (From Victor Ehrenberg, The Greek (London: 1969) 120. The First Sacred War, here
described, took place ca. 590 B. C.
 112 XXVII ITPEIBEYTIKO:E AOrDI 2-3 27.2-3 EMBASSY 113

Oe'Íl'tepot oe oí Oopuá.A.onot yevó¡.tevot, o'i oe É'tÉp11v xcóp11v JCat 1tÓÁm<; those who died in combat, and, secondly, those who became the spoil of war and
rnepatcóG11aav · 1:a yap mpÉ'tepa JCaJCa OÍ>JC dxov Év O<pGa.A.¡.tolatv · oí oe were carried away to another land and other cities, for they did not have their evils
m'l1:ou 1:&v aix¡.LaA.eó'trov á.'tUxÉo'ta'tot oam ftKiCov'to Év before their eyes. But those captives who stayed there were the most unfortunate:
XOOP11 't'fi Érou'troV ;uv ")'UVat;J. !Cal. 'tÉICVOlOW, 'te !Cal. aCJ'tEa. 1tUpl they were outraged in their own land with their wives and children, and watched
1tapaOlOO¡.Leva é9ecópeOV. en OE tO'Útrov lCÚICtOV OlÍl"ffV oí Év tOlCJl 'tEÍXeOl 5 their fields and cities given over to frre. Still worse than that was experienced by
ÓICÓ'te trov eÍp'll¡.LÉVO>V JCalCroV a ¡.LEV a o' those who were holding out within the fortifications. 1 They saw sorne of the evils
É1tuv9á.vovto, 1tAÉOV troV C:ÍA119Émv · yá.p 1tOU e9oc; I have described and learned of the rest, and what they heard was worse than the
"(Ívea9av JCat &¡ JCaKW; ÉA.1tÍOas CJO>'t'llPÍ'IlS e!xov. truth, for that is how it usually is. And they had little hope of being saved.
3. "'Hv oÉ o«pt n:óA.t<; érYi>s tOÍ>tou tou tÓ1tou ¡.LE"{ÍCJ't'll, oJCou wv ó Í1tn:ucoc; 3. But there was near to them a city of that place, a very large one, where now
áymv tí9etat, ta tEÍX'Il Én:eoJCeuá.Covto, JCal touc; É1C t&v &.A.A.rov 10 the equestrian contest is set. They built up its walls, and they received the
1tÓAlO>V Ola<pe'Í>yovta<; ÉoÉxovto. ta OE áxpela !Cal ta fugitives from the rest of the cities. They cast out what was useless and collected
áva"(lCala ÉCJeJCo¡.tíCovto, JCal otevoouvto ún:o¡.LÉvetV, ÉA.n:íaavte<; ¡.tftte inside what wa.S needed. And they determined to endure, in the hope that the city
ex9p&v ¡.LÚX11 tT¡v 1tÓAW aÍpe9í;vat ¡.LTtte !Cata ¡.L'Í\ICO<; xpóvou. oÍ o' would be taken neither by enemy action nor by length of time. But the
'A¡.t«ptJCt'Úove<; ta &.A.A.a u JCa9elA.ov É1tt ta'Í>t11 tfl n:óA.et «ppo'Í>ptov Amphictyons razed the rest, set up a fort against the city, and sending the rest of
1tOl'llOÚ¡.LEVOl, !Cal. É<; 1t0Al0p1CÍ11V CJICeUÚCJaVte<; 'tO aAAo otpá.teU¡.La !Cata 15 the army back to its cities, made preparations for a siege. As time went forward
1tÓAta<; C:Í«pf\JCav. 1tpoióvto<; OE tOU xpóvou JCal. AOt¡.LOU É¡; to CJtpatÓ1teOOV and plague fell on the army and the soldiers sickened, and sorne died, and sorne
É¡.L1teoÓv1:o<; Jea l. t&v atpanrot&v voaeÓvtrov, nv&v oe !Cal left the besieging force because of sickness, the Amphictyons were troubled.
án:oGv'llCJJCÓvtrov, t&v oe Jeal. ÉKA.móvtmv to «ppo'Úptov ota tT¡v vouoov, oí Sorne advised one thing, others another. And so it tends to go with joint
'A¡.t<ptlCtÚove<; É'tapá.oaovto, JCal &.Um &.A.A.a · cptAel oe ta projects. But finally, rankling at their suffering and disagreeing among
JCowa oÜ1:ro 1tro¡; 'y ívea9av tÉA.o<; oe á.ya.valC'tÉovte<; té¡) 1tá.9et JCal 20 themselves, they turned to the god and asked what they ought 10 do. He bade
410 'té¡) 9eép E1tÉtpe'lfaV !Cal. TlPOV'tO 1 O'tl xpT¡ 1tOleLV. ó o' them fight, and promised that they would win if they went to Cos and brought
ÉKÉAeuae 1tOAe¡.tdv, JCal. Ú7ttCJXVÓ'to Kpatftoew, ilv É¡; K& éA9óV'te<; ÉAá.cpou back for assistance a deer's child with gold, hurrying so that the Criseans did not
1tatOa É<; E1tllCOUPÍ'IlV árá.rmvtat ;uv xpuaép, CJ1te'Íloa.vte¡; ID<; ¡.LT¡ 7tpÓ'tepov oí loot the tripod in the inner sanctum beforehand. If they did not do it, the city
Kptoalot év té¡) áOútcp tov tpín:ooa auAftoO>CJtv · ei oe !J.ft, tT¡v n:óA.tv oux would not be captured. When they heard that, they went to Cos and made an an-
áA.cóaea9at. oí oe tauta C:ÍJCoúoavte<; JCal. É<; K&, ta 25 nouncement of what the oracle had said. The Coans were at a loss and did not
¡.Lavteu9Évta C:Í1tTt'Y"fetA.av· C:Í7topeÚvtmv oe t&v Kcómv JCal áyvoeÚvtmv understand the oracle, but a man stood up, an Asclepiad by family and an ancestor
to ¡.tá.vteu¡.ta, C:ÍVÉO"'t'll á.vftp, yÉvo<; ¡.LEv 'AaKA11má.o11s. 7tpÓ'yovoc; oe Í'¡¡.LÉtepo<;, of mine, by common agreement the best physician of the Greeks of that time,
Í'll'tPO<; OE 'EUftvrov !Cpá.ttCJtO<; O¡.LOAoyoÚ¡.LEVOS t&v tÓte, ovo¡.Lá. oí whose name was Fawn (Nebros). He said that he believed that the oracle was
oons óvo¡.taatl. Elp'll 'tO 9éacpatov ÍÍICelV 1tpos Éroutóv. El1tep ó 9eo<; oÜtm directed to him. "lf in fact the god so advised you to come to Cos and fetch a
n:ap'(¡veaev Ú¡.Ltv, éA.9óvta<; É<; K& éA.á.cpou 1talOa É<; É1ttJCoupí11v árare\v · 30 deer's child for assistance, this is Cos, the offspring of deer are called fawns, and
KID<; ¡.LEv rap aÜ't'll, ta OE . ÉAá.cpmv EIC"fOVa JCaAÉovtat, OÉ Fawn is my name. What better assistance to a sick army could there be than a
¡.LOt oüvo¡.ta, ÉlttlCoupÍ'Il o' iiv &.U11 tÍ¡; n:potÉP'Il yÉvotto atpat01tÉocp vooéovtt physician? And as for what was joined with that, indeed, 1 do not believe that the
Í'lltpou; Kal ¡.LT¡v tó te eú&U ÉXÓ¡.Levov, ou ooJCÉro on tous toooutov 'EUT¡vmv god directed those who excel the Greeks so much in wealth 10 come 10 Cos 10 ask
Ú7tepéxov'ta<; É<; K& e1:a!;ev ó 9eo<; vÓ¡.LtCJ¡.ta xpuaouv for gold currency. Rather this oracle comes on my house. Gold (Chrysos) is the
ahelV · áUá tolho to 9éo«patov É<; tT¡v É¡.LT¡v oÍJCÍ'Ilv EPXetat · Xpúoo<; yá.p ¡.LOt 35 narne of my youngest male child. He is in all respects, in form and in excellence
JCeJCAÉatat áppÉvrov 1taÍorov ó veCÓ'tato<; · eott oe n:á.vta Jeal. ioén JCal É<; of mind, if a father may say so, outstanding among citizens. 1, therefore, unless
'lf1.lxT¡v ápe'tft, ID<; n:atÉpa AÉyetv' 1tOAl11tÉrov. erro ¡.LEv otiv. d ¡.LT¡ you decide otherwise, will come myself and bring my son, with a fifty-oared ship
Ú¡.LtV &.A.A.o OO!Cet, autÓ<; 'te d¡.Lt JCat 'tOV 1tatoa &!;m, 1tEV't1llCÓvtopov

2 É1tepatcó6rtcrav: $e¡lcucó6rtcrav V 11 3 V 114 ii<Tte M 11 6 e¡IA.eltov MU 11 10

MU 11 13 éx9p&v: li. ex ms. J bp' íi:.v MUV 11 16 á<pijJCEV U 11 deficit ms. M,
memorabo mss. m 11 23 mss. corr. Com. 11 26 U 11 27
um lle om. u 11 29 uv 2m V 11 30 u om. V 11 36 1 "holding out" is interpreted by Erotian as "offering help". Erot.
lCClt Eillb, vm 1!civn JCat illén u 11 37 u 34. 20N.
 114 XXVII IIPE:EBEYTIKOl: Aorm: 3-5 27.3-5 EMBASSY 115

412 'tOt<nv 1 ef!o'ün 'tÉAmtv 'tE JCal. equipped at my expense with medical and military assistance so that we can give
'íva Uf!<pÓ'tEpa ó flEV et1tE, 'tOtO'l 5é oí. OE aid in both." So he spoke. The Coans agreed and they were dispatched.
U1tEO''tcÍATJO'aY. 4. This Fawn brought on board with him a Calydonian man who had been
4. oé ó JCal. KaA.u5Ó>vtov livopa 1tap' E(l)l)'tip raised with him, about whom my story will soon speak when the need arises.
'tpE<pÓf!EVOV, Ú7tEp ot 'tO amÍJCa ó Or¡A.cóoEt, &tav i¡ eA.en. O'tE o' 5 When, then, these men carne to where the army was deployed, the god was
o.Ov a<pÍKOV'tO ot'tOl oÍ. ot 'tO O''tpa'tÓ1tEOOV ExE'tEAE'i'to, Ó exatpEV · delighted, for the deaths of the soldiers ceased, and when by divine chance, while
o'í 'tE yap 9áva'tOl 'trov O''tpa'tlOYCIDV Kal. 9dn 'tÚXTI 'í7t7tOU 'tou the horse of Eurylochus (who commanded the army, being a Thessalian and
EUpuA.óxou, i¡yEt'tO 'tOU 1tOA.Éf!Ol> . ecl>v Kal. livro9Ev descended from the Heraclids) when he was rolling in the dust, broke through the
'HpaKA.eto&v, 'tOV crroA.íjva 'tÜ óxA.ft, 5t' ot 'tO ü5rop ií'YE'tO 'tO pipe with bis hoof where the water was led towards the wall, Fawn polluted the
ÓKÓ'tE OtaKovíecr9at ií9EA.EV, q>apf!cÍKotcrw Ef!ÍTJVE 'to üorop · 10 water with drugs. Thereupon the intestines of the Criseans were ruined, and it
ev9ev aí. ICOlAtal 't&v Kptcraírov E<p9áp110'aV' Ka l. J.Lf'YcÍAa 5i¡ 'tl contributed a great deal to the capture of the city. From then on, the spirits of the
'to áA.&vat 't1,v 1tÓA.w · Kal. EV'teu9ev aí. yv&J.Lat besiegers were elevated in the belief that the god was clearly giving aid. They
E1ti¡p9r¡crav 'tmV 1tOAlOp1CEÓV'tQ)V' 'tOU 9eou iío'll launched attacks; they set up prizes for those first onto the walls; the contest to
OE 7tOlEl>f!.Évrov JCal. ct9A.a 7tpO'tt9Év'trov 'tOtO'l 7tpÓ>'totcrw E7tl 'to mount the wall became very strong, and the city was taken. Gold was frrst to
ó ayrov !Cal. i¡ UPE'i'to. 15 mount the wall and he captured the tower. With him, on foot and carrying bis
E1tl 'tO JCal. 'tOV xúpyov, OE au'tip shield, went the man from Calydon of whom I spoke. Gold fell from the top of
be ó av1,p ó 1tEpl. ot ó J.LEv the tower, struck by a spear thrown by Mermodeus, brother ofWolf (Lycus), who
Oópan ExEO'E JCa't' EJC 'tou xúpyou Ú1to MepJ.LOOÉro, 'toU AÚJCou perished by stoning when he entered the inner sanctum to loot the tripod. So, the
OE aOEA<pEOU, a1tÉ9avE O'te 'tO liOU'tOV 'tOV 'tpÍ7toOa city was taken in this way. The assistance of Fawn with Gold in medical and
cruA.i¡crrov. i¡ o' o.Ov fíA.ro· fí 'tE 'tOU E1tliCOUPÍ11 O'UV Xpúcrc:p 20 military matters properly carne to pass. And the god proved true and did what he
a1ti¡V'tT¡O'E !Cal JCa'ta 'tCt ia'tpllCCt JCal. JCa'tCt 'tCt 1tOAEf!.l1CcÍ, 'tE o promised. For that the Amphictyons dedicated a temple to Apollo, the one which
JCal. a Ú7tÉO'XE'tO E1tOÍ110'EV. E<p' otcrw oí. 'té¡) fl.EV is now at Delphi, and never before having established athletic and equestrian
'A7tÓAAOlVl VTJOV avé9ecrav' 'tOV vuv EÓV'ta EV ay&vci 'te contests, they now established them, and they sanctified the entire land of the
'Y\Jfl.VllCOV Kat Í.7t7ttKov 7tpÓ'tEpov ou vuv n9Éacrt, 'ti¡v 'tE 'trov Criseans, giving to the giver what he had given, as he prophesied. Fawn's son
414 Kptcraírov xropr¡v a7tacrav JCa9tÉprocrav, 1 'té¡) Oóvn EOroKE a Ka9' 25 Gold they buried in ihe hippodrome and instructed the Delphians to offer sacrifice
O'tt EXPTJO'E, 'tÓV 'te 'tOU 7tat0a Xpúcrov e9a'l'av EV 'tip í.xxo5pÓJ.Lc:p, Kat to him at public expense. And to the Asclepiads from Cos was given, for Fawn's
OTJIJ.Ocrín · 'AcrKATJ7ttcÍoncrw oé 'tOtcrw eK K& sake, the right of priority in consulting the oracle, the same as the
ioo9r¡ xcipm7tp0f!.U9ír¡ J.LaY'tEÍTJV' m9cÍ1tEp 'tOtO'lV Í.EpOJ.LVTÍJ.lOO'l, Hieromnemones1 , and to the Calydonians on account of that man and bis service
KaA.uorovÍOlO'l OE a1t' EICEÍVOU 'tOU Kal. JCal. even now has been given priority in consultation at Delphi and perpetua! rights to
vuv iv 7tpOJ.LaY'tetTJ JCal. aiElO'l'tÍTJ OÉOO't<Xl. aA.A.' E1tcÍVElfl.l E1tl 'tCt 30 food. But I proceed to our situation. Because what I am saying is true, when my
l¡f!.É'tepa. O'tl yap aA.r¡9Éa A.Éyro, 'tOU Kal. Efl.EU E1teA.9óv'troV' father and 1 went there the Amphictyons renewed those things and granted them to
UVEVEÓ>craV'tO 'tau'ta Ka l. a1tÉOocrav' Ka l. EV O''ti¡A.n us, and they inscribed it on a column which they set up at Delphi. And the end
EV avÉ9Ecrav. Kal. 'tOÚ'tOU j.LÉv J.LOl 'tOU A.óyou of this story is that in that place it demonstrates in all simplicity that our
EV'tau9a OEÍKVUO'l iJfl.E'tÉpouc; xpoyóvou<; ·ÚJ.LÉrov ancestors were your benefactors.
eUEpyÉ'tac;. 35 5. I shalllay down that story and pickup another, a different one about the
5. ToU'tOV OE liA.A.ov aí.pi¡O'Ofl<Xl 1tepl. 't&v au't&v' ou 'tOV same things. When the Great King with the Persians and other barbarians made
au'tóv · &te yap ó IIÉpcrncrw Kal. 'toicrtv liA.A.otcrt war on those Greeks who did not give him earth and water, our country chose
Ecr'tpcÍ'tEUOEV rnl. l!'h ü&>p JCal. 'Yílv 'Elli¡vrov, i¡

1 ui..Éa¡taatv u 11 4 VHI 11 15 scripsi VHI

avaf3áat¡toc; U 11 17 UHI 11 18 JCa'tálCpt; U 11 19 E/..romo; UHl Éi..E\la'tó; V correxi 11
20 ií 'tO u n ¡¡• Hlll 25 JCa9tEpiDG!lV'tO UHI 11 28 11po¡ti¡9Et!l u 11po¡t'fl9Ía V 11púJL\l9ÍTI H
11pOJL'fl9Í'fl I 11 30 Év dEÁcpoia.: cillEi..cpoi; U 11pOJL!lV'tEÍa U 11po¡tav'tÍ'fl V lluat'tÍ'fl U
1 Hieromnemones was the name of religious and administrative officials in many Greek states.
lltEtat'tl'fl VHI 11 31 É¡ttUV V i..é:yro lC!ll EJLEUV (om. 'tOÜ 11!l'tpo;) I 1133 avi9'flaav u 11 36
'to\Í'tO>V U The Delphic Amphictyony had hieromnemones as representatives from member states, whose
functions are described in the inscription IG II2 1126.
 116 XXVII ITPEl:BEYTIKOl: AOrol: 5-7 27.5-7EMBASSY 117

1ta:tpl.s 'Í¡ 'Í¡¡.LE'tÉPll E'íJ.,.E'"CO ¡.¡.&A.A.ov mxv&r¡¡.¡.d a1toA.Éu9a:t, ros ¡.¡.i¡ JCa9' Ú¡.¡.Érov rather to perish all together so as not to take up arms and set out in a naval
'tE JCal. 1:rov 1:ai)'"Ca ú¡.¡.í:v ywrouJeÓv1:rov 01tA.a JCal. Ev expedition against you and those that agreed with you. In this refusal the Coans
U'tpa'tEÍllV a1tOU'tEÍA11, a).).' avÉvEUUE JCaÁÓv n !Cal. '"CWV 1ta1:Éprov exhibited a greatness of mind worthy of our forefathers, who are said to be earth
¡.LE"(aAo<ppOVEU¡.LÉVll, o'i 'Yll'YEVEtS 'tE JCal. bom and Heraclids. They decided, though there were four fortified towns on the
ouv u<pw, 'l:Euuáprov EÓv'trov EV 't"Í1 vT¡ucp, 1t<Ív1:' 5 island, to abandon them all, and to take flight to the mountains and there to cling
JCal. ES '"Ca opEa JCa'tacpuyoüuw UO>'"CllPÍllS· 09ev oi¡ 'tÍ lC!XlCOV OUIC to their salvation. And from this what evil did not cometo pass? Their land was
a1ti¡V'"C11UE; XÓ>PllS AE11Aan:o¡.¡.ÉV11S !Cal. uro¡.¡.á'trov EAEU9Éprov devastated, their free persons were enslaved and killed by the law of enemies, the
JCal. lC'"CEWO¡.LÉvrov EX9prov vó¡.¡.cp, 'tils OE !Cal. '"CWV city and all other defenses, and the sacred places were burned, and fmally they were
&A.A.rov EpU¡.L<Í'tO>V JCal. Í.Eprov E'"Cl OE !Cal 'ti\ 9uya1:pl. given over to Artemisia, daughter of Lygdamis, in accordance with an ancestral
416 '"COÜ AuyO<Í¡.LlOS JCa'"Ca 1ta1:proov 1 VEÍ:lCOS oo9Év'trov 10 quarrel, to catch with a dragnet everything that was left Still, it seems, we were
1t<ÍV'ta ocra A.oma aA.A.a yáp, d>r; 9Eoí:mv OUIC not neglected by the gods. There were extraordinary storrns and the ships of
'li¡.¡.EA.eú¡.¡.E9a· oe yÉvo¡.¡.Évrov a'í 'tE ví;Er; 'tils 'Ap'tE¡.LtUÍllr; Artemisia were all in danger of destruction. Many were destroyed and many
ElCWOÚVE'\lUav a1tauat a1toAÉu9a:t, 1tOAAaL OE !Cal a1tÓ>AOV'"CO, er; '"CE 1:0 thunderbolts fell on her army, but the island was hardly touched by lightning.
u1:p<Í'tEU¡.La ai>'tils 1toA.A.ol KEpauvol. EVÉ1tEuov, n 1:fir; vT¡uou And it is said that visions of heroes were seen by the woman. And terrified at all
KEpauvou¡.¡.ÉVllS. AÉ'YE'tat OE !Cal. <páu¡.¡.a'ta T¡pcórov 1:1\ yuvatlCL ocp9í;vat. a 15 this she departed with her work undone, having made a bitter agreement, too bitter
oi¡ 1t<ÍV'"Ca cpo a1tÉU't11 Epyrov aVlllCÉU'"CO>V. ó¡.¡.oA.oyí llV 1tt1Cpi¡v to describe, so let it go. But 1 will here give to my ancestors the. dignity, no false
1t0t11Ua¡.LÉV11, !Cal AÍllV 1tt1Cpi¡v OO'"CE a<pdu9ro. a1toOÓ>uro OE !Cal. one, that the Coans never took up willing arms against you, nor against the
Év'tai>9a 1tpoyÓVOlUl '"COÍ:Utv E¡.LOÍ:Ut ou '!'EUOÉa '"COÜ ILTt't' Ecp' Ú¡.¡.Éar;, Lacedemonians nor any other Greeks, though many of the surrounding people
¡.¡.T¡1:' E1tl AaKEOat¡.¡.ovíous Tí nvoo; &Uour; 'EUT¡vrov, Kcóous eJCoÚuta o1tA.a who lived on the islands and mainland of Asia joined with the barbarians in the
JCaÍm:p 1toA.A.rov 1:rov ó¡.¡.oü vT¡uous 'tE Jeal. 'Auí11v oiJCeÓv1:rov 20 war when they were not forced.
UUVao/a¡.¡.Évrov '"COÜ 1tOA.É¡.LOU OU 6. Ca<4nus and Hippolochus were at that time in charge of the city. And it is
6. Oí. yap 1tpoEu'tmEr; 1:mE 'tils 1tóA.tos Káo¡.¡.or; '"CE 1eal 'I1t1tóA.oxos · in the realm of truth that Cadmus and Hippolochus are my forebears. Cadmus
E1t' aA.119Eí: OE Ket'"Cat 1tpoyóvous E¡.LOUS dvat '"CÓV '"CE Kao¡.¡.ov !Cal. '"COV who formed the plan itself is in the line of my mother, and Hippolochus is an
'I1t1tÓ}.oxov · ó ¡.¡.ev yap KáO¡.¡.os, &; Jeal. 'ti,v ai>'"Ci¡v iíp't'lluEV, i::uu 'tils Asclepiad, fourth in line from Fawn, who destroyed the Criseans. And we are
E¡.LfiS 11111:PÓS, ó o' 'l1t1tÓAoxOS 'AulCA111ttaOÉrov '"CÉ'"Cap'tOS a1to '"COÜ 25 Asclepiads by maie descent. Therefore, it was sorne of our ancestors who
Kptuaíour; UU'YJCa9eA.óv'tor;, T¡¡.¡.e'ir; a· 'AulCA111tt<ÍOat 1Ca1:' avOpoyÉvEtav. undertook this excellent work also. I proceed to Cadmus, who was so concemed
rou'l:E JCal. 'l:Ou'to 1:0 KaA.ov 1:rov 'Í¡¡.LE1:Éprov 1tpoyóvrov 1tpoEÁÉu9at. that the Greeks' affairs should prosper, that when the country was no longer
o, E1tL '"COV Káo¡.¡.ov. ot'"COS yap 01, ó avi¡p oihros EU1tEUOE '"Ca '"C.rov 'EUT¡vrov besieged by Artemisia he left his wife and family behind and went with the rest
1eaA.a mu1:e, óKÓ'"CE T¡ xrop11 \mo 'Ap1:E¡.¡.tuí11r;. au1:oü who had made this choice to Sicily, trying to prevent Gelon and his brothers from
JCa'taAmrov 1:i¡v yuvaÍ:Ka !CaL "{EVETtV, ci>XE'"CO '"COÍ:Ut 1:aÜ1:a 30 making a treaty of friendship with the barbarians against the Greeks. 1 He did
aÍ.pEO¡.LÉVOtUW E1tl. OlCO>S réA.rova !Cal. '"COUS aOEAcpous lCO>AÚUEt many other fine deeds as well, on which there is not time to elaborate. The
Ka'ta 'EUT¡vrov 1tpor; 1:oor; · oe Jeal. benefits to you and to the rest of Greece from my city and m y ancestors are these
&Ua 1tOAAa JCaA.a Epya, l!ll!CÚVEW oi> a ai. ¡.LEV oi¡ Oll¡J.ÓUtat and many others like them. My rhetorical power is not adequate to them.
418 JCal. T¡¡.¡.Érov 1tpoyóvrov Ú1toupyím ES Ú¡.¡.Éas 1 JCal. 1:ous &A.A.ous "EA.A.11vas 7. 1 now proceed to hold forth, for you who are well aware of it, the
at'"Ca:t !Cal. 1tOAAaÍ. JCal. yap ElCAEÍ1tEt T¡ oúva¡.¡.tr; '"COÜ A.óyou. 35 benefaction of my father Hippocrates, and what 1 say shall be the truth. In the
7. o' iíóll EVEtOÓuw EUEP'YEUÍllV '11t1t01Cp<Í'tO'IlS 1ta1:pos E¡J.ÉO
1tpoéxeu9av A.Éyrov o' av aA.119EÚOt¡.Lt oihros. ÓJCÓ'"CE Aot¡.LOÜ pÉOV'"CQS Ota 'tilr;

vm
:n:po llE: J1ÍCL u u
11 5 aq>tv: amoi; 11 6 &ín lCCLxO &ín JCCLJCWV vm
corr. Asul 11 7
llE: i]M'ttuoJliv111 VHI llE: TJM'ttuJ1ÉvTJ; U corr. Com. 11 8 inetvoJlivQ>v U qGp.¡i UI 11 10
U v\1eo; V vÍJCo; U vi1eo; H I non 1egibilem corr. Li. tJCaari¡veuae V 11 14
Évrneaov um 11 19 nva;: scripsi E:'tipou; mss. 11 26 lCplGCLÍOU u 1Cptaaaíou V 1Cptaaíou;
ms. K(Li. )Com. 11 30 1:au1:a : 1:a a'i'tá UIH 11 36 EPXQ>JlCLt U Évetllatatv V ev eilleatv H I
Évetllóatv U 11 37 ii npoaeúxeaGat U il npoqeaGat V npoqéaGat (om. ij): HI

1 Cf. Herodotus 7.163-4, and above, Introduction, p. 3.

 118 XXVII llPEI:BEYTIKm: Aorm: 7 27.7 EMBASSY 119

11 \mépKn'ta.t 'IA.A.upt&v Ka.l lla.tóvcov, (llCÓ'tE óT¡ ixl 'ta.Ú'tT\V 't!¡v time in which the plague was running through the barbarian Iand north of the
xropr¡v ÍJCVEÍ'tO 'tO Ka.KÓV, oÍ. 'tOÚ'tCOV 'troV iOvÉcov KU'tU Illyrians and Paeonians, when the evil reached that area, the kings of those
Ír¡'tpt!CT¡v 11 aA.r¡ST¡c; ioucra. 1CUV'ta.xóet \axuev EPXEcr9a.t, KU'tU 1Cct'tpoc; 'tOU peoples sent to Thessaly after my father because of his reputation as a physician,
EJ.I.Éo rcÉJ.Lrcouaw Ercl 8eacra.A.ír¡c;, EKEÍ yup óT¡ ó EJ.I.Oc; rca.'t!¡p Ka.lrcpÓ'tepov which, being a true one, had managed to go everywhere. He had Iived in Thessaly
xhl vuv o\lCllCJlV dxE, Ka.AÉOV'tE<; UU'tOV ic; E1ClX:OUpÍr¡v,- xpuaou 'tE Ka.l 5 previously and had a dwelling there then. They summoned him to help, saying
apyúpou x:a.l iiA.A.cov X:'tEÚVCOV ou Jl'Í¡V Eq¡aaa.v 1CEJ.l'lfElV aA.A.u Ka.l that they were not going to send gold and silver and other possessions for him to
arcoíaa.cr8a.t óx:ócra. &v UU'tO<; E8éA.n E1CUJ.1ÚVUV'ta.. ó óe Ep<Ó'tr¡atv have, but said that he could carry away aii that he wanted when he had come to
1COtr¡OÚJ.I.EVO<; ÓX:Ota.Í 'ttvE<; Ev J.I.EpEt X:lVTtO"tE<; "(tVOV'tUl KU'tÚ 'tE X:UÚJ.I.U'tU help. And he made inquiry what kinds of disturbances there were, area by area, in
Ka.l aVÉJ.I.OU<; Ka.l áxA.úa.c; Ka.i 'tiiA.A.a. a
rcécpux:e Ktvdv rca.pu 'tO heat and winds and mist and other things that produce unusual conditions. When
x:a.8Ecr'tr¡x:Óc; · - Óx:Ó'tE óT¡ rcáv'tcov J.La.ST¡ata.<; avEÍAE'tO, 'touc; J.leV xcopEiv 10 he had gotten everyone's infonnation he told them to go back, pretending that he
EX:ÉAEUCJEV orcíaco, axoq¡r¡VÚJ.I.EVO<; Jl'Í¡ otóc; 'tE dva.t ÓÚVUJ.llV ec; xropr¡v 't!¡v was unable to go to their country. B ut as quickly as he could he arranged to
ix:dvcov iéva.t· ox:coc; Óe etXE 'ta.xécoc;, aU'to<; J.lev 8eacra.A.oiatv ftp'tÚE'tO announce to the Thessalians by what means they could contrive protection against
rca.pa.nÉAAEtv ÓKoÍotO"t XPT¡ 'tpÓ1tOtO"t 1ca.x:ou 'tOU rcpoatÓV'tO<; the evil that was coming, and, writing down the therapy, he posted it around the
1COtEÍcr8a.t, Ka.l Sepa.xdr¡v 1tEpi 'tU<; 1tÓAta.c;. EJ.le OE ercl. cities. And he sent me to Macedonia, for we had an ancestral guest-friendship
Ma.KEÓovír¡c; yup 'Hpa.x:A.EtÓÉcov o'i EKEt X:a.'téxouat 15 with the kings of the Heraclids who are in power there. And 1 went where my
1tU'tpt!CT¡ ÚrcfipXEV 'Í¡J.ltV. x:ayro J.I.Ev iíetv J.I.E Ó 1tU't'Í¡p EX:EAEUCJEV father ordered me, outside Thessaly, to help the people there. And 1 was
arco 8Eacra.A.íac; 'tOtO"lV EKEl. O"UVE'tE'tUX:'tO óé J.I.Ol ec; instructed to be of use in your city. But my brother Draco he commanded to set
rcóA.tv 't'Í¡V ÚJ.I.E'tÉpr¡v. aÓEA<pEOV OE tov EJ.I.OV .6.páx:ov'ta. ex: lla.ya.crécov out from Pagasae and sail to the Hellespont, giving him advice similar to that on
ÓpJ.Lr¡8év'ta. 1CAOOV 1COtetcr8a.t ecp' 'EMr¡O"JtÓV'tOU EKÉAEuO"E, xa.pa.rcA.r¡crir¡v óouc; which he himself had acted. Por not aii places produce the same diseases because
420 úno8l¡Kr¡v ft a.u'toc; t:xpr¡crcrev · ou 1 yup xáv'tE<; 'tÓnm 'tu a.u'tu cpÉpoum 20 the environment from the air is not alike everywhere. And he sent Polybius, his
xa.ST¡J.La.'ta., Ótu 'tO J.l'Í¡ 1tÚV'tT\ 'tU 1CEptÉXOV'ta. aépoc; OJ.I.Ol<l. dva.t. son-in-law and m y brother-in-law, along with others of his students to go travel
OE 'tOV 't'Í¡V Suya.'tÉpa. exov'ta., E¡.L'Í¡V ÓE ÚÓEAcpel¡v, Ka.i iiA.A.ouc; 'troV various waterways and highways of different regions so that he could help as
J.La.Sr¡'tÉcov ÓtÉ1CEJ.11tEV ec; É'tÉpa.c; É'tÉpcov Ka.\ 1tACO'tU<; x:a.l. ÓÓouc; many as possible. When he had finished his business in Thessaly he traveled to
1tOpEUO"OJ.I.EVOU<;, ox:coc; O'tl rcAEÍCJ'tOlCJtv roe; ÓE óT¡ 'tU KU'tU neighboring peoples offering help. Going to Pylae he ministered to the Dorians
8eacra.A.ír¡v T¡vúaa.'to, E7t0pEÚE'tO 'tOtCJtv EXOJ.I.EvOlO"lV e8vEat J3or¡8écov. E1tl 25 and the nearby Phocians. And when he carne to Delphi he made a suppliance to
llúAa.c; OE eA.erov .6.roptciat Ka.i 'tOtCJtv ÓJ.I.oU cl>coKÉcov ixl¡pKEt. Ka.i ÓKÓ'tE óT¡ the god in behalf of the Greeks. And having made sacrifice he hurried to the
ic; .6.eA.cpouc; acpÍX:E'tO, úrcep 'EUT¡vcov ÍKECJÍr¡v ESE'tO 'tép Seép, Ka.l Súcra.c; territory of the Boeotians, and having helped them similarly he spent time in your
't!¡v ixl. BotCO't&v, 'tOtO"t ó' eKEt irca.JJ.Úva.c; áva.A.óycoc;, iv 't'ft ÚJ.I.E'tÉPU Ka.l territory, and he spoke the means of your safety, with great feeling, as 1 shall
ix:a.vu a vuv E"(ID ixa.yopEÚCO 'tU ÚJ.I.tV aeo'tl¡pta. EK 8UJ.I.OU 1tUV'tO<; et1tE. relate. 1 believe many of you know that 1 speak the truth, for it is not long ago,
OOKÉCO ó' ÚJ.I.ÉCOV Ü'tt aA.r¡SEÚCO rcoUouc; ytvCÓO"KEtV· ou yup rcáJ.m, aU' 30 but this is the ninth year since 1 traveled about and was sent to the Peloponnesus
E'tO<; ea'tl 'tou'to eva.'tov, oi> ÓtEA.l¡A.u8a. Ka. l. ex l. llEAonóvvr¡crov to help also those who lived there. On all sides in word and deed worthy honor
ECJ'tEAMJ.I.TtV, Ka.i 'toicrtv Ex:eívn oix:éouat xáv'to8ev ó' T¡¡.tiv x:a.l. carne to us, so that we did not regret that we did not get money from the Illyrians
A.óycp x:a.l Epycp n¡.tT¡ arcl¡v'ta., IDCJ'tE Jl'Í¡ J.I.E'tUJ.1ÉA.Ea8a.t on oux: and Paeonians. But what was given by you was large compared to other
XPTIJ.1a.na¡.tou 'tou 'IA.Aupt&v x:a.l lla.tóvcov. xa.pu oe 'tU<; cities, for your city outdid the cities of other peoples. Athens is, after all
iiUa.c; xól..ta.c; 'tu xa.p' ÚJ.I.Écov ooSÉv'ta. J.I.E"fÓ.Aa · ll 'tE yup nol..mír¡ 'Í¡ 35 something higher for reputation, and the gold crown presented in your theater
ÚJ.I.E'tÉpr¡ únepfjyE 'tu<; hépcov · a.i. y&p 'AGfjva.t úvr¡A.Ó'tepóv n 'trov iiUrov
1tÓAtCOV ec; óól;a.v, x:a.l ó Ev 'tép ÚJ.I.E'tÉpcp 8er¡'tpcp xpúcreoc; CJ'tÉq¡a.voc; E1tt'tt:Sdc;

1 11AttÓvrov mss. corr. Com. e11' a.ü"ti¡v U 11 2 lKVE'tO V H I 11 3 11!1.Y't!1.XÓ9ev UHI

ante I(!J.'tCt add. IC!J.t V 11 6 IC'ttá'trov u oü lllY VH oü )LEv I E<pa.aev u u HI 11 7
i1!a.¡LÜva.v'tl U 119 V U om. HI 11 10 xcí:.pa.v U XcÍlpT'Iv HI 11 12 deficit ms. I 11
13 1:Ó11ot; U 11potÓv'tt U 11 18 i'!!1E'tÉP11Y U 11 21 Jlo'le,)La.'ta. UH 11a.v'ta. (om. 1:a) U 11 23
lhe,e11 n· e; V 11Ao1:a; UH 11 24 11a.peao11Évou; u 11 25 Jlo,9oov u 11 32 eKEÍv'lv u
JloTJ9iJaoV't<ll u JloTJ9ilaoY'tt; V JloT]9i]aoY't!J. H corr. Asul. 11 34 O..A.upto\i V 11 37 xüaeo; V
 120 XXVll ITPErBEYTIKOI Aorm:: 7-9 27.7-9 EMBASSY 121

CT¡A.ou 7tpo<; 'CO ch:pov aA.A.a Kal -coího 'CO KaAOV imepepaA.eo9e, took us to the heights of envy. But you even exceeded that elegance by initiating
J.l.'l.l1ÍO"av'te<; -ca AT¡J.L'TJ'tPOS KalKÓp11<; opyux Kal 'COY 7ta-cÉpa Kal EJ.l.E ÓTlJ.l.OO"ÍTI. both my father and me into the ceremonies of Demeter and Kore at public
8. Kal -cpeí:<; J.l.Ev atrtaí J.!.Ot otov avúovn 'CE -coi><; A.óyous Kal expense.
422 ox.owírov 7tpoéx.eo9at (aí) 1tÓhÓ<; -ce Kal 7tpO"(Óvrov Kal 1ta-cpO<; -coi'> EJ.l.Éo 8. These are the three; 1 have succeeded in pulling forth the argumen!S without
x.apt'tE<; 1 7t0AA0l0"tv 'EA.A.T¡vrov· 'tE'tap't'llV a· avaA.T¡voJ.Lat AÉ'(Etv 5 using ropes; the three favors done by m y city and my ancestors and my father, for
U7tO'I.lP'\'Í11V' iív. ros U7tE9ÉJ.L11V' E<; UJ.Lii<; iyro Kal ó 7ta-rltp ó EJ.!.Q<; Ka-ce9ÉJ.LE9a. Greeks generally. 1 shall undertake to describe a fourth benefit which as 1 sug-
o-ce yap 'AA.KtPtalillv ('Íl 7tóA.ts) E7tl I1KeA.í11s 7toA.A.fi J.LEv gested, 1 and my father did for you. When the city was sending Alcibiades to
liwaJ.LEt, oux. oihro lii: 7tOMU Ól<; 9a'Uilao-cU, Ei ynp Ól<; epya, A.óyou ev Sicily with a great force, not just great, but arnazing (1 wish that it had been as
ElCICAllOÍU U7tEp ill-cpoí'> 7tp07tEO"ÓV'tQS ov liÉot aKOAO'U9el.v -cép o-cpa'tEÚJ.Lan, arnazing as the need!), when there was preliminary discussion in the ecclesia
7tapeA.9rov ó 1ta-cT¡p i.>1téox.no ÉJ.LE É1tl -ca ocólla-ca licóoew, -col.otv 10 about a physician who was needed to accompany the army, my father carne
ioímat Oa7tavT¡J.LaO"t JCa'tEO"lCE'I.laO"J.l.EvOV !Cal li-cep J.l.109&v ahT¡mos eros av ó forward and proposed to offer me for the care of your bodies, equipping me by his
o-cóA.os a1to011J.l.U, EV EAaO"O"OVt n9ÉJ.LEVOS 'tO A'U0"1'tEAE<; EOV 'tils own expenditure and without request for pay so long as the expedition was away,
UJ.!.tV X.PEÍ'Il<; EO"OJ.!.ÉV'IlS· E'(ID yap oi>x. OlCOO<; av -ca U7tapx.ov'ta making light of the expense because it was only appropriate to your coming need.
JCa-ceOa7taVO'UV, o E7tOÍEOV UJ.l.lV U7tO'I.lpyÉrov, aMa !Cal EV líA.A.otot For 1 would not only have squandered whatever 1 had, which in fact I did, in
J.l.E'(aA0\0"1V epymotv E'tE'ta'(J.l.llV. Kal -coí'>-co EAaX.tO'tOV -c&v J.l.EAA.óv-crov 15 helping you, but 1 was also dispatched in other great actions. And this is a small
P119T¡oeo9at· 7tpoeíA.e-co yap J.LÜA.A.ov ó. 1ta-r!tp EV EJ.Lol -cép i.>tel. 1eal Ev Yil part of.what there is to be said. For my father chose in your behalf, for me his
o9veíq; aA.úew JCalJCa-ca 9aA.aooav !Cal JCa'ta JCtvOúvou<; 1tOAEJ.!.t1COÚ<;, !Cal son, that 1 wander about in a strange land, and on the sea, and in the dangers of
Jea-e' appcoo-cíac;, a'i -col.ow ev 7tAavcóOeot pímotv d9toJ.LÉvat eiol J.!.ÜAAov war, and arnong sicknesses, which generally settle more on those whose lives are
7tpooJCa9íCew i1 -col.ow iv -ce-cayJ.LÉvn Ccoft ·. T¡7tío-ca-co yap x.aptn x.apt-ca spent wandering about than on those in a settled life. For he knew that one
J.LE-cpel.o9at, 1eal J.l.Tt oíóv 7tEp n CÓVE'UJ.!.ÉVototv EJC x.etpo<; E<; x.eí:pa<; 20 measures a favor by a favor, and does not, as with items of commerce, once and
n7t1Évat. ó J.l.EV Oi¡ 'tOlOÚ-crov iyro OÉ, a-ce 7tal.s for all pass it from hand to hand and go away. So, he initiated these things. 1,
Erov ElCEÍVO'I.l, oÍ>OEv EAAEÍ7tro qHAO'ttJ.!.Íll<; Kal 'tÉX.Vll<;. Po119Érov Kal being his child, was not behind in desire for honor and in the science; 1 helped
IClVO'I.lVEÚrov ouv UJ.!.tV ÓICME 1tO'U Katpo<; Eill· Kal E<; -cama J.l.E aJ.LcpÓ-cepa oií-ce you and underwent dangers whenever the time carne. And in both of those
voí'>oos oií-ce KaJCo7ta9EÍ11 oii-ce cpópoc; ó iv 9aA.aoon 1eal ó EV x.épocp pursuits not disease nor distress nor fear of the enemy on the sea or land held me
7t0AEJ.l.Írov ei:pyev J.Lap-cupÍll OE oÍ>JC Ev líA.A.otoÍ now, Év o' UJ.l.lV aU'tOlO"l 25 back. The witness of that lies in no others than you yourselves. Wherefore, if
424 KEI.-cat· roo-ce, ei -ccp avnAEIC'tÉOV, avao-cl¡-cro f1110EV oJCVl¡oa<;, aJ.J.' oÍ> someone needs to contradict me let him stand forth without hesitation. But 1 do
OOJCÉro ljfEÚOeo9at. -caí'>-ca OE 1 E7tl -cpía e-cea, o-cecpavro9eís 'CE not expect to be proved false. Having done these things for three years, having
'X.P'I.lOÉcp o-cecp<ivcp, Kal en KaMtOV EÍ>c¡JllJ.!.EÚfLEVO<;, É<; TltV iOÍ'IlV a7tf¡J.9ov rnl been crowned with a golden crown and praised yet more decorously, 1 went borne
yaJ.Lov, ID<; otaoóx.ous m-cao--cl¡aatfit 1eal -cÉXV'IlS Kal yeveíls 'ÍlfLE-cÉP'IlS· to my own land to marry, so that 1 could produce successors for our science and
9. "A J.l.Ev oT¡ 7tapa 7tÓAtO<;, 7tpoyóvrov' 7ta'tpÓ<; 'tE Kal EfLÉO UfLlV U7tapx.et, 30 our farnily line.
-caíh' EO"'tÍV· eip'll'tat OE !Cal Ólv 'Ílf!.Et<; 7tap' UJ.LÉrov E1ta'l.lpaJ.Le9a. OOJCÉro OE 9. These, then, are the things that carne to you from my city, my ancestors,
1tOAAOU<; U¡LÉrov 9a'l.lJ.LaCew, o-cerov x.apw -caí'>'ta ava¡LEJ.l.É'tP'Il'tat" ros oíSv my father, and myself. And 1 have described what we got in return from you. 1
!Cal UJ.!.Et<; doil-ce Kal EJ.!.Ot yÍV'Il'tat a E'(ID E1tt9'1.lJ.LÉOl, JCatpo<; A.Éyew. ó expect that many of you are wondering for what reason 1 have been measuring
1ta-cl¡p, é1 lívope<; 'A911val.ot, Kal eym aheó¡Le9a UJ.LÉa<;, oihro ynp d1teí:v these things out So that you can know, and so tha:t 1 can.a chieve what 1 want, it
EAE'I.l9Épous Kal cpÍAb'l.l<; 1tapa cpíA.rov wx.eí:v EAEÚ9epov, ElC 1ta-cpíoos 'tils 35 is time to say it. My father and 1, oh men of Athens; beseech you (for, for free
UJ.l.E'tÉP'IlS 07tAa 7tOM¡Lla fl.Tt lípao9at. d OE oel.,- ébaxep io-roc; OEt -coi>s imi:p men to speak so, and for friends to get favors from friends is the behavior of free
'tÍ'!<; ai.>-c&v 1tpOEA1lA'I.l9ó-cac;, Kal OEÓ¡LE9a fl.Tt 'Í¡¡LÉac; ÉÓv-cas men) do not raise up aggressive war from your land. And if it is necessary, as it
is perhaps for those who have gone forth in behalf of their own land, we beg that
2 ante ¡LUG't!Ípla add. Opyta U 11 3 aoióvn V ofov avÚovn E U
liv otóv 'tt H post add. xai U 11 4 1tpoéxealle V ai scripsi 11 7 ft
coni. Li. secutus Foes H 11 8 -yñp oa' EJY't'l coni. u. 11 9 u 11 10
eJ!l om. u oóiow u 11 12 Q1t0&,¡10i H EOw u 11 14 1C(l'tE0a1tiÍVIDV edd. -{)UV mss. 11 17 o9veíq.
aA.ÚElv : scripsi aA.A.eúew V o9veía aaA.eúew U aA.eúew H ante
add. xai U 11 19 bcia'ta'to U 11 22 éA./..í1t0> U 11 23 ft11iv UV 11 24 xepai mss.
correxi 11 25 o€. om. H 11 27 E'tea: rn u 11 29 yáp¡LOv u 11 31 rnaupcb¡lclla u 11 32 QV(l¡lE'tpEl'tal V
11 33 ol!t,'tal u iOíi'tE H yívE'tal u 11 36 iipaallE H oEi: Oft u
 122 XXVII IIPEl:BEYTIKOl: AOrDl: 9-10
27.9-10 EMBASSY 123
J.u:yá:A.cov, Kat 'totoÚ'trov Év &úA.rov J.LÉpe\ neí,ae.a9a\· en
OÉ, Kat yap OÜ'tro<; apJ.LOOE\ A.Éyetv. 1tOl1Í0'1J0'9e, ÍKe'teÚOJ.LEV. 'Ca ÍlJ.LÉ'tepa you not put us in the condition of slaves, us who are worthy of so much, and
ÚJ.LtV a{Hota\ 8oupÍK't1J'ta xoA.A.ol. JlelÓvrov Éxá:vro· yÉV1]0'9e, á:A.A.' who have been the source of such things as we have. And further, and this will
ÚxÍOe0'9e Kat 'tOU'tO on hÉpro<; ihepa Í1 'tÚX1J 'taXÚVEV KaÍ 1tO'tE O'J.HKprov be a fitting way to speak, we beseech you, do not make our possessions your
Jle"fÓ:Ao\ 7tpoe.8e.T¡9,aav, Kai oí Kap'tepot Ol' O'<O'tT'IPÍ1110 ewxov. 5 booty, if you who are many prove superior to us lesser numbers, but look on this
OOKÉ<O OE O'Úvo,A.ov, áx; Év01]AÓ'tepov eÜtro, on E<p' évt avopi ou 1tÓAl¡;, fact, that fate speeds one thing one way and another another way. Sometimes the
aUa xoUa eOve.a iío, 1tO'tE ro<pe, cO<peA.,9Év'ta Év 1tOAEJllKOtO'l, Kat ev9a great have had need of the small, and the strong have found safety by means of the
'tÉXV11 icrxÚe\. Jl1]0E axo¡3&.A.,a9e. Kai yap OUOE EO'JlÉv. áx; weak. 1 think it is clear, and I need not be more clear, that by a single man not
Év ÚJltV JlUpwpÍ1] KEÍ:'taV a}.}.' JlEv OÍ 9eoÍ, ev9ev 'YÉVD¡; ElÍXOJlU\ just cities, but many nations, have been seen to be helped before this in military
dva\, 'AcrKA1]1t\OIO Kai 'HpaKA.il¡;, Éx' cixpe.A.dn av9pÓl1t<OV eyÉvOV'tO, Kai affairs, and wherever science is powerful. Do not cast us away. We are not
lO
'COÚ'tou¡; 0\. Év'tauea Év 9e.&v xropn EXOUO'\ 1tW'tE!O. 1tÓA\IO OE worthy to be cast away, as yori yourselves have witnessed. In the beginning, the
Kat eyro ó AÉyrov É¡; 'tOtoÚ'tou¡; ave.pxÓJle9a, áx; av9pro1t<OV A.óyo\ gods, from whom I claim our race comes, Asclepius and Heracles, were of great
Ka'tÉXOUO'tv · o9ev Kat Úxep 'EA.A.{¡vrov <paVEÚJle9a aJ.L<pÓ'tepOl 'tUÚ'CTI benefit to men, and ali hold thém in the place of gods for their virtue here. And
426 xpoüná:J.Le.vo\ Kai Éxi xav"ti KaA.A.ía'tq>· ou yap Jlu9o¡; 1 'Ca Tpro'iKa &.AA.' my city, and I, its speaker, go back to therit, as the stories of men hold. So it is
epya, Év otcrtv Íl K&¡; auv 'tñcrtv érou"til¡; vT¡uatv ou xoUoo'ti¡, Jlf.'YÍO''t1J 8' e¡; that we both clearly stand here for the benefit of Greece and in the fairest light.
15
O'UJlJlUXÍ1JV E<J'tÍV. OÜ'tro<; OE Kai 'AcrKA1]1t\OU xa'ioe¡; ou 'tÉXVTI JlÓVOV' a}..Aa The Trojan War is not a myth, but a fact, and in it Cos with her own ships was
Kal. onAo\crtv eni¡pKe.aav "E U 11m· Maxá:rov yÉ 'tO\ Ka'tÉ9e'to Év 'tft not quantitatively great but was very great for the alliance. And thus Asclepius'
Tp<OM\, O'tE, áx; o\. 'tau'Ca ypÓ:<pOV'tE!O A.Éyoucrtv, 'íxxou É¡; xóA.tv sons helped the Greeks not by science alone, but by arms. Machaon laid down
IlpmJ.LOU e<JilA.9e. Jl1Í'tE Ka9Ó't\ EJl<pUAol, Jl1Í'tE Ka9Ó't\ ES E7taP1J'YÓV't<OV his life in the Troad when, as those who wrote of it say, he went into Priam's
E7tapT¡yov'tE!O 'Yf.'YÓVUJlEV "EU,atv' aO\JC1Í()1J'CE 20
city out of the horse. Do not, because we are of your own people, because we are
10. Oú Jl1JKUvÉro ouoe 'Ca Kp\aa'la oÜ'te 'Ca A.Éyrov, ÓKÓ'te your benefactors and descended from your benefactors, do not wrong us.
Kai UK1]KÓa'te KO:i Év xe.pat Jl&AA.ov 'COOV ap'tÍro<; etp1]JlÉv<Ov EO''tÍV· Év 9uj.Lcp 10. 1 will not stretch this out by speaking at length again about the Crisean
OE Kat OÜ'tro¡; ÍlJlÚIO OE EUEP'YÉ'ta\ ro¡; affair, nor the Persian War, when you have heard and have it in hand more so than
'ta epya <p1JO'Í. 'tÍve.¡; <pave.icr9e., oí 7ta'tÉprov ye.y&'te¡; o'írov oí what 1 have just said. But take it to your hearts that it is not pious to wrong
dxov, &v 'CO W'CL 'COU XP1JO't0t a\.pi1a9e.; ou yap e9ÉA.ro 25 those who have done you good. And we are benefactors, as the facts relate. What
7ttKpÓ'tepov AÉyetv. y&.p, Ó> avope¡; 'HpaKA.eíonaw J.LEV will you seem to be, you who descended from such ancestors as the storytellers
E'CtvOV xapnac;, É'tÉpütat OE eUEP'YE't1]9Év'te¡; É1ti¡pKecrav. relate, if you choose to wrong us instead of being good men? 1 do not wish to say
8' a.v JlE ÍlJ.LÉP11 JlUKpa A.Éyov'ta, ei ÓKooa ani¡V't1]KEV still more bitter words. Your ancestors, oh Athenians, paid back kindness to the
aya9a OUOEv EV XPEÍTI ÚJ.LtV Erff.'YOVOO\. OE Érou'tou¡; Kat Jl1JOE sons of Heracles, and gave assistance to many others from whom they had
eJleU EÍ1tÓV't010 yYOO'tE ÓKOta xpi)O'O'E'te' KUKOV Ó> avope.¡; 30
received benefits. A long day would fail me while 1 was still speaking if I should
ou yap 'Ca Érou"til¡; JlÉ'tpq> 'tUJl\EÚE0'9a\, &.AA.a o{¡ nva¡; Kai go through how many good deeds you have done for how many people who had
7tÓAla¡; Kat e9ve.a eAUJl{¡Va'to. e¡; É'tÉpou¡; OE ol:ov É¡; KÓ:'C01t'tpov not been of service to you. Look about at yourselves, and recognize, without m y
roe.u UU'COL & Kat erro &A.,aéa AÉy<O. Kat vÉo¡; OE VÓJlOIO oan¡; saying it, what you are doing. Power is an evil thing, oh men of Athens,
EU'Cuxín Kai e¡; 'Ca 0U0'1te'tÉa oúx ÚJlÉ'tEpov. because it does not know how to regulate its affairs in a measured way, but it has
noUa yap Kai OOOE OaÍJlovo¡; 1tE1tEÍp1]cr9e. oúoi:v Új.Lii¡; d OE Kai 35 sullied cities and nations. Look at others as if into a mirror and see what you
are doing. And 1 am telling the truth. lt is a youthful ordinance that, having
put its faith in success, does not look also at the bad consequences. That
2 mss. corr. Asul. ex ms. G 11 3 11oA.A.oi: 11oA.u UH 'YEVTÍaea9e mss. correxi 11 11 4 is not your way, for you have had much experience of fate in that
U1!EÍoea6e UV oníx11: áPXiJ H 115 11pOEOÉ811aav VH (deficit hic H, utar ms. G pro trad. Marciani)
11 9-10 ciíxo!lat 9eivat U e\lxo11t8' tfvat G 11 ll apcrii<; "Cfi<; UG 11 15 Év o{mv G Évotttv V i:v manner. We are not wronging you. But even if we are doing wrong, let us
of.; U "Cfiatv Écoo"Cfjm vñaotatv V Écoo"Cfjm vñaot<; U vñaotatv G
Écoo"Cfi<; Peterson vñuatv: scripsi 1!0AÁÓ<mJv VG 11 19 EJUJ>UAoot 1<a8ón om. U
11 20 U 11 21 oúoe: lie UG 1<píaatrov U 11 23 i>11ci<; oe U uJLÉa.; lie V correxi 11 24
oL. .yqcí),;e.¡: nvÉ<; 9roi yqÓte<; U yE:y<>vÓte<; G 11 25 a ipeia6at U 11 26 ¡Lt1<pÓtepov U
11 28 JLE om. U ¡LE i¡ G V U V 11 31 om. U 11 32 U 11
34 j3A.É11et<; U j3A.É11ttv V ¡3A.é11tt Lind. 11 35 11E11ttpaa8at U
 124 XXVII IlPEI:BEYTIKm: AOfOI 10 27.10EMBASSY 125

¡.d¡ 07tNHUtv, aUit A.ó-ycp, OE !Cal arrive at judgment by reason, not by weapons. 1 beg this of you also, do not
'toího, 7t0lf\Uat xaptv É'tÉpOlUtv ÓcpElAf\Ual, E1tlKOUpf¡uauw mak:e us incur an obligation to others for assisting us. For others will help us if
mtJCoupf¡uouut yáp, -i\v óp9&c; 7tOtÉc.oow, o'( 'tE 8EuuaA.Í1¡<;, "ApyEo<;, they behave properly: people in Thessaly, Argos, Sparta, the Macedonian kings,
428 1 MaJCEOovÍ'Il<; d JCou t'tEpot 'HpalCA.E'lOat .¡; wherever other Heraclids or connections of the Heraclids live. It is better to do
'HpalCAElOÉrov OU'Y'YEVÉE<; oix:ÉOUUl. X:pE'iuuov cX'tEp Pí'll<; 'tcX oíx:ata 1t0lElV ;; 5 what is right without constraint than under force. And I did not say rebellion, but
· ouJC et1tov o' É7tavámauw · 'tomo OE cpavEpov 7totÉrov, O'tt 1 am making this clear, that many peóple care or will care about us unless the
7toUo'lut ;; EÍ ).LT¡ 7tav'taxó9ev otX,E'tat 'tO XP'IlO'tOÚ<; existence of good men ends everywhere. My power of speech is small, since 1
av9pclmou<; etl etva1. f:yoo ).LEY otJv, j.Ltx:pT¡ yáp ).let 8úva¡.Lt<; AÓ'you, (Í'tE 7tpo<; have adapted myself to concern for other things, and so 1 shall stop at this point.
É'tÉprov E1t1j.LÉAE1aV 'Í¡pj.LOO¡.Lévcp, Ev'tauea JCa'tanaúuro. OE npo<; But 1 ask, in· the name of those of you who are proxenoi,1 and those who are used
Ú).LE'tÉpou<; JCtÚ 'tOÚ<; Ú¡.L'iv UV).lpaúA.ou<; Ei9w).LÉvoU<; dva1, JCal 8Eéi>v 10
· to giving you counsel, and for the sak:e of the gods and heroes, and the charity
!Cal 'Í¡pCÓrov !Cal X,apÍ'trov, a\ av9pCÓlt01U\ nap' av9pCÓltrov yÍVOV'tat, that humans give to one another, restrain one another's enmity, and tum it
exGpw;; j.LEv EtpyEtv 'tcX<; <iUT¡A.c.ov Új.LÉat;, E<; 8e cpíl.a 7tpO'tpÉ7tEu8at· EÍ rcXP towards friendly acts. If we shall not encounter such things in your city 1 do not
év 'tf\ Ú).lE'tÉPTI 7tÓAEt 'tOÚ'trov ouJC oto' oJCou iA.eóv'tE<; Ó>v know where we can go to get those good things that we desire.
Íj.lripoj.LEV EUj.LOlp'Í¡UO).LEV.

1proxenoi: c1Uzens of Athens (similarly in other cities) who represented the interests of
foreign states to the goveming bodies. The explanation of this word appears in Erotian, and was
restored to the text in this place by Nachrnanson.
2 ú¡¡.iv UV 11 3 V 11 6 btavaat'am VG btavaatám U 11 lO scripsi
mss. edd. (cf. Nachmanson, Erotianstud. 441) 11 12 Ex,9pat G VG ilf!íi<; U corr. Asul 11 14
CylCUp'Íao¡wt UG
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 INDEX
130 BIDUOGRAPHY

Abdera 55, 59, 61, 65, 67, 69, 75 Byl, Sirnon 37

Abderites 21, 23, 29, 40, 57, 59, 61, 63, 69, Cadmus 3, 117
Sabatucci, A. "Alcune note sulle epistole di Chione," Studi ltaliani di .filología Calydonia ll5
71, 75, 77, 79, 93
classica !4 (1906) 374-414. Abderos 59 Calydonians ll5
Sak:alis, Dimitrios Th. "Beitrll.ge zu den pseudo-hippokratischen Briefen." in Achilles 89 Calymnus 10
Formes de pensée dans la collection hippocratique, ed. F. Lasserre and P. Aelius Aristides 16 Casson, Lionel 67, 75
Aeschylus, Agam.emnon 67 Celsus, De medicina 26, 27, 33
Mudry. (Geneva:1983) pp. 499-514.
Alcibiades 12, 121 Chtysos 113
Scarborough, John, and Vivian Nutton. ''The Preface of Dioscorides' Materia Alexander the Great 12, 13 Chrysostomus, Johannes 103
Medica: Introduction, Translation, Commentary," Transactions and Studies Alexandria 6, 13 Cicero, De Oratore 29
of the College of Physicians ofP hiladelphia 4 (1982) 187-227. Alexandrian Libraty 1, 7, 9, 39 Cirplúus, Mount 111
Schneider, K. E. C. "Hippokrates und Artaxerxes." Janus 1 (1846) 86-115. catalogue 6 Oeomyttades 49
Segre, Mario. "Grano di Tessaglia a Coo." Rivista di Filología e d' Istruzione Alexis,Kpan:úa; ii 20, Cnidos 13, 14, 16
71 Cos, histoty 2-4, 6, 8-9, 12, 14, 16-17
Classica N.S. 12 (1934) 169-193. Amelesagoras 59 Crateuas, 71
Sherwin-White, Susan M. Ancient Cos. Gottingen: 1978. Amphictyons, Amphictyonic War 3, 4, lll- Crisamis 49
Smith, Wesley D. The Hippocratic Tradition. Ithaca and London: 1979. ll5 Crisa, Criseans 3, 111, ll3, 115, ll7 , 123
anatomy in Alexandria 26, 33 Critodemus 13
_ , "Notes on Ancient Medical Historiography." BHM 63 (1989) 73-109. Ctesias 16
Sokolowski, Franciszek. Lois sacrées des cités grecques, Supplement. Paris: Anius 5, 109
Anonymus Londinensis 33 Cynics, Cynic philosophy 20, 22, 28, 57
1962. Anticyreus 73 Damagetus 67, 73, 91, 93
Stuart, Zeph. "Democritus and the Cynics." Harvard Studies in Classical Antigonus 33, 34 Darius 55
Philology 63 (1958) 179-191. a11á.BE.a 57 De Ley, Hennann 31, 34
Apollo 59, 71, 75, 109, lll, ll5 Deichgriiber, Karl 7, 44
Sykutris, J. "Epistolographie." RE Suppl. 5 (1931) 185-220. Delphi 2, 13, 14, 15, 16, lll, 115, 119
.<iPl,aÍTl 65
Temkin, Owsei, "Hippocrates as the Physician of Democritus," Gesnerus 42 Argos, Argives 4, 125 Demeter 10, 51, 121
(1985) 455-464. Aristogenes 34 Demetrius 53, 105
Wellmann, Max. Krateuas. Abh. kOnig. Gesellschaft zu Gottingen, Phil-hist. Aristotle 13, 33 Democritus 19-24, 26, 27, 28, 31, 40, 42,
History of Animals 25 57-103
K!., N. F. 3, Nr. l. Berlin: 1897. On the Nature of Man 103
Parts of Animals 25
_,Die Fragmente der sikilischen Aerzte Akron, Philistion, und des Diokles Problems23 11Ept QflE\1jllp1lCJf1ÍIDV 93
· von Karystos. Berlin: 1901. Arrian, Anabasis 13, 16, 17 !tEpt 93
_ , Pedanii Dioscoridis Anazarbei De materia medica. Berlin: 1907-14. Anaxerxes 18, 24, 49, 51, 55 !tEpt lCÓCJflOU 93
11epi pucs¡uí)v 93
_, Hippokratesglossare . Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Artemidorus, Onirocritica 69
Artemisia I 3, 12, ll7 11oA.oypa<¡lÍa 93
Naturwissenschaften und der Medizin 2. Berlin: 1931. Diller, Hans 30, 44
Artemisia II 13
Wilson, Nigel G. Scholars of Byzantium. Oxford: 1983. Asclepiads 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 53, Diocles ll, 26, 33, 34
55, 77, ll3, 115, ll7 Affection, Cal/Se, Treatment 26
relation to medica! profession 14-17 Diogenes of Sinope 28
Asclepiasts 15 Diogenes Laertius 28
Asclepieion 9, 10, 12, 13, 16 Dionysius, Hippoc.' s correspondent 65
Asclepius 5, 14, 17, 23, 32, 49, 51, 55, 57, Dioscorides, De materia medica 71, 73
59, 69, 73, 89, 97, 107, 123 Dioscurides and Capiton 8
in dreams 69 Doric dialect 55
Assumption of the Staff 59 Draco 119
Astyochus 12 drugs, storage 71
ataraxia 57, 63, 85 Dudley, D. R. 28
Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 22, 25 Düring, Ingemar 38
Athens Edelstein, Ludwig 4, 6, 11, 23, 31, 69
Decree 107 Ehrenberg, Víctor 111
Prytaneum 107 61
Athenian Empire 12 Epibomios, 3-6, 109
atoros, motion of 85 dramatic date 12
Attridge, Harold W. 29 Epicurean philosophy 57, 63

1 Bacchius 6
57

Bousquet, Jean 14, 16

Epione 59
Epicureans 22
Erasistratus 26, 27, 33
Bucle, Carl D. 55 Erotian 6, 14, 33, 43, 113, 125
132 INDEX INDEX 133

Euripides, Hippolytus 21 Fractures/Joints 8 Me:rkelbach, Rheinhold 12 Rhoio 109

Eurylochus 115 l.aw91 Mennodeus 115 Roben, Louis 15
Fawn (Nebros) 2, 49, 113, 115 Nature ofMan 25 Meropid Cos 12 Roselli, Amneris 38
Fraser, Peter M. 9, 17 Nature ofWoman 101 Meropis (epic) 12 Sacred War 3, 4, 111
Galen 17, 33 Oath 11 Merops 55 Sakalis, Dimitrios 18, 27
Anatomical Procedures 25, 27, 49 On Ancient Medicine 6 Michelini, Ann 65 Scarborough, John 71
Commentary on Hippoc. Joints 16 On Genera/ion', 'On the Nature of the Mithridates VI Eupator 71 Segre, M. 13
Hygiene 33 Child', 'Diseases W 8 Mithridaticum 71 Sherwin White, Susan 9, 10
lntroductio sive medicus (sp.) 33 On the Science (1<. 1, 6 Mnemon of Sidon 8 Sicily 3, 4, 5, 121
Methodus medendi 16 On Women's Diseases (1) 101 Mnesitheus 25 Singer, Charles 11
On his own Books 26 Precepts 73 Momigliano, Amaldo 34 snakes
On the Natural F aculties 33 Prognostic 99 mushrooms 73 dreams about 69
Quod animi mores 103 Pro"hetic 1101 Nebros: see Fawn hannful effects on plants 73
Usefulness of the Parts 33 Pro"hetic ll6 Nicander, Alexipharmaka 73 Solmsen, Felix. 55
gall bladder 21, 24, 25, 32 Regimen 34; Regimen W (Dreams) 69 Nutton, Vivían 71 Solon 3
Gelon 3, 117 Regimen in Acute Diseases (On Barley "Opinion" 69 Soranus
Gnosidicus 49 Grue/) 99, 101 Paeortia 4, 6, 119 Gynecology 33
Gold (Chrysos) 2, 113, 115 Regimen in Acute Diseases, Appendix Pagasae 119 Vita Hippocratis 49, 51, 53
golden crown 4, 5, 107, 121 99 Paitus 18, 44 Sostratus 49
Gorgias 53 Sacred Disease 25 Paitus 49 Sparta 4, 12, 125
Gosswein, Hans-Ulrich 37 Hippolochus 117 Paulus Aegineta 33 Speech al lhe Altar see Epibomios 109
Greek Anthology 16 Homer,l/iad 89 Pausartias 3 spleen 33, 99, 103, 105
Halicamassus 65 Horace, Epist .. 29 Persian King 61, 107, 115 see Darius, Stewart, Zeph 29
Hanson, Ann 12, 39 hybris 65 Xerxes, Artaxerxes Stoics 20, 22, 28
Harig-Kollesch, Juua 7, 45 Hygieia 75 Persian War 115, 117, 123 Strabo 11
Heinimann, Felix 34 Hystanes 51, 53, 55 Perus 18 Stratonicus 22
Helios 67, 75 llberg, Iohannes 33 Phainarete 49 Surtius 5
Hellas 57, 107 lliyria 4, 6, 119 Phenakaspes 55 Symos 16
hellebore 3, 30, 32, 40, 99, 101 initiation 49, 79, 107, 121 Philip II of Macedon 4 Tacitus Annais 14
Heracles 59, 73, 79, 107, 109, 123 Ionia, founder of 57 Philopoimen 61, 63, 69, 71 , 75 Taran, Leonardo 29
choice of Heracles 69 lrigoin, J. 37 "Damon's son" 77 57
Heraclides 49 Jaeger, Wemer 34 Phocians 111, 119 85
Heraclids 125 Jouanna, Jacques 25, 44 Pickard-Cambridge, A. W. 15 Temkin, Owsei 11, 22
Heraclitus, Lel/ers, 29 Juvenal, Sal. X 29 Pigeaud, Jackie 23 Theodorus 49
Herodotus 2, 3 Kaltn, Charles 29 Pinault, Jody Rubín 3, 5 Theogrtis 21
Histories VII 163-4 and VII 99 3 Koenen, Ludwig 12 plague 3, 4, 5, 18, 49, 61, 107, 113, 119 Theophrastus, De causis plantarum 65
Hist. VII 35 18 koinon 10, 13-15 Plato 33 Thessalians 115
Hist. VII 163-4 125 Kudlien, Fridolf 7, 11, 45 Phaedrus, 230.b 21 Thessalos 2, 4, 5, 10, 13, 32, 39, 40, 101,
Herophilus 13, 26, 33 Kühlewein, Hugo 44 Prolagoras 311-312 11 111
hieromnemones 115 Letters Republic ill 16 Thessaly 125
Hippocrates Diogenes 38 Pliny, Naturalis Historia 3, 11, 71 relaúons with Cos 3
worshipped as hero 51 Euripides 97 Plutarch, Animine an corp. aff. 89 Thucydides
Airs, Waters, Places 65 Heraclirus 1, 29 Podalirius 59 Athertian attack on Melas 7
Aphorisms 32 Minar Socratics 1 Pohlenz, Max 30 Hist. vm 41 12
Aph. I 1 73; Plato 1 Polybius (or Po1ybus) 119 plague of Athens 3
Aph. I 9 85; Themistocles 1 Pomtow, Heinrich 14 Sicilian expediúon 4
Aph. I 2, IV 13-16, IV 19, V 1, V 4 · Locrians 111 Praxagoras 13, 16 Triptolemus 51
99; Lortie, Iain 8 Praxithea 49 Trojan War 123
Aph. VI 11 105 Lycus 115 Presbeutikos 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 12, 14, 16, 17, "Truth" 69
Coan Prognoses 99 Macedonia 4, 7, 12, 125 35, 43 Vita Hippocratis see Soranus
Crises 105 Machaon 22, 59, 123 dramatic date 12 Wellmann, Max 6, 26, 34, 71
Critica! Days 101 Manetti, Dartiela 38 Prodicus 69 Wenkebach, Emst 8
Diseases 15, 97 Marcks, J.F. 30 Proetus 73 Xenophon Mem.Il.l 69
Diseases W 105 Marinus 26 pronnoi 125 Xenophon of Cos 14
Diseases ofWomen 1101 Melaina ( city) 111 Ptolemy 7, 34 Xerxes 3, 18, 55
Epidemics ll65 Melampus 73 Putzger, Walter 38, 45 UMJ)IlXVEt 65
Epidemics V 8, 95 Melas 7 Rhodes 67 Zeus 49, 77, 79, 107, 109
Epidemics Vl99 Mertippus 28 Rhoia 5 Zeuxis 7, 9