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328 The Journal of American History June 2014

amounts in a few hospitals and pharmacies. the invention of fitness culture in the postwar
Except in rare circumstances, nobody was pre- period, McKenzie details the racial, class, and
scribing heroin for anything after 1924. gendered conceptions of exercise across this
Nobody was legally smoking opium, ei- time—conceptions that have made fitness a
ther. The 1924 heroin ban amended a 1909 key part of American national identity. That
federal law barring imports of opium prepared this history corresponds with an age of in-
for smoking. As early as 1875, municipalities creasing American affluence is no coincidence.
had outlawed opium dens and smoking. By McKenzie identifies the growing social, politi-
1914 most states had imposed similar bans, cal, and cultural investment in physical well-
ness as a largely white, middle-class concern,

Downloaded from http://jah.oxfordjournals.org/ at D H Hill Library - Acquis Dept S on March 10, 2015
and significantly tightened their narcotic pre-
scription laws. One state, New York, placed so stemming from sedentary postwar life-styles
many restrictions on cocaine that only minute and increasingly figured as an individualized
amounts could be legally distributed. By 1924 responsibility. Describing the problem these
the federal government had also shuttered the Americans faced, she asks, “How could they
public “maintenance” clinics that provided enjoy the fruits of postwar affluence while also
narcotics to addicts, thereby forcing them into managing their bodies for optimal health?”
the black market. Looking at all levels of gov- (p. 2).
ernment, early twentieth-century drug policy Proceeding chronologically from initial
was more militant and more frankly grounded explorations of fitness through the present-
in the police power than Frydl allows. day interest in yoga, Getting Physical draws
Put differently, America’s wars on non­ upon a diverse archive to construct what can
medical drug use, including the nonmedical be an elusive history. The papers of the Presi-
use of alcoholic beverages, were born in the dent’s Council on Physical Fitness are central
Progressive Era. Fast-forwarding through the to understanding the Cold War origins of fit-
ness culture, but McKenzie constructs most
reform backstory to postwar bureaucratic and
of her analysis through mining the popular
diplomatic intrigues blurs foundational mo-
press, including specialized publications such
tives and legal continuities. Where Frydl suc-
as those directed at runners, as well as popu-
ceeds is in reminding readers that policy for
lar ephemera such as fitness books and televi-
drugs such as marijuana and heroin further
sion programs. These materials help make fit-
hardened during the mid-twentieth century in
ness culture as experienced by the American
ways that contributed to political ends broader public come alive. Paired chapters on mid­
than those outlined in the statutes. century gendered differences in the promo-
David T. Courtwright tion of commercial exercise shed new light on
University of North Florida long-standing assumptions about the pressures
Jacksonville, Florida of physical attractiveness women faced and the
worries about men’s health born by both sex-
doi: 10.1093/jahist/jau208
es. McKenzie’s analysis of the cultures of jog-
ging, running, and health clubs also offers new
Getting Physical: The Rise of Fitness Culture insights: among them that jogging was an ac-
in America. By Shelly McKenzie. (Lawrence: tivity of older adults in the 1960s well before
University Press of Kansas, 2013. x, 254 pp. it became a popular trend among the young
$34.95.) in the 1970s, and that health club culture in
the 1980s became a crucial community space
Early twenty-first-century conceptions of for many, not least for gay men, connected
physical fitness are often assumed to be sci- by concern for the body growing out of both
entific truths that individuals ignore at their clone culture and the ravages of aids (acquired
own peril. Shelly McKenzie’s Getting Physical immune deficiency syndrome).
reveals that these truths have a specific cul- These five chapters tell a detailed story,
tural history encompassing a range of un- beautifully illustrated with period photo-
derstandings and experiences of the fit body graphs. Importantly, McKenzie offers repeated
from the 1950s to the present. Focusing on reminders of the exclusionary nature of much
Book Reviews 329

fitness culture, with those citizens who do not 5). This distinction is central to his argument
fit white, middle-class ideals left out by gov- as he sees the two revolutions as “intersecting”
ernment and commercial forces alike. One of and “cyclical” (ibid.). He begins the book with
the most compelling insights in Getting Physi- demobilization narratives and film noir, argu-
cal is the vast range of beliefs about physical ing that the authority of medicine and govern-
fitness, health, and exercise that held great ment grew in response to Cold War fears even
sway for a relatively brief period, demonstrat- as a “seam of distrust for authority” opened si-
ing the variability of scientific expertise. Be- multaneously (p. 108). He then explores the
cause of this, the epilogue, “The Future of Fit- Dwight D. Eisenhower years, examining simi-
ness,” rings a bit false, presenting present-day lar tensions created by the competing demands

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knowledge about exercise and health as uncon- of a healthy work force and corporations, the
testable truth, whereas the historical perspec- medicalization of the family, and rising fears
tive offered suggests this may not be so. about delinquency. In the last section, which
covers the years 1961 to 1970, he describes
Elana Levine improvements and challenges to institutional
University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee care, the rise of humanistic or person-centered
Milwaukee, Wisconsin psychology with the work of Abraham Maslow
doi: 10.1093/jahist/jau259 and Carl Rogers, and countercultural critiques
of psychiatry, including alternative therapeutic
communities such as free clinics.
Therapeutic Revolutions: Medicine, Psychiatry,
In each case, Halliwell delineates the place
and American Culture, 1945–1970. By Martin
of medicine and psychiatry in American cul-
Halliwell. (New Brunswick: Rutgers Univer-
ture. He gives voice to medical professionals
sity Press, 2013. xvi, 382 pp. $62.50.)
in close readings of central works such as Erik
H. Erikson’s Identity and the Life Cycle (1959).
Martin Halliwell is a professor of American
But he also illustrates the perception of medi-
studies at the University of Leicester, United cine and psychiatry by drawing examples from
Kingdom, and was the eighteenth Chair of film and literature such as Ken Kesey’s novel
the British Association for American Studies. One Flew over the Cuckoo’s Nest (1962) and its
He has published widely in the field of Ameri- critique of psychiatric institutions.
can thought and culture, and he is well suited The breadth and depth of the research and
to contribute to the field on the topic of medi- his command of the secondary literature are
cine, psychiatry, and culture. Focusing on the prodigious, but two problems hamper the ef-
years from 1945 to 1970, Halliwell traces the fectiveness of Halliwell’s argument. First, the
“broad trend away from large, state-run hospi- book is not tightly argued. Instead, Halliwell
tals and normative models of health to a more lays out a series of related examples drawn
pluralistic model of health care and organic from a variety of perspectives—government
interpersonal language to describe health and officials, medical professionals, novelists, or
illness” (p. 204). To make his case, he uses film producers—that give a strong impres-
films, poetry, and literature as well as influ- sion of his argument without making explicit
ential publications in sociology, psychology, connections between ideas. Second, the book
psychiatry, and medicine. He contextualizes would have benefitted from a more careful ed-
the changes in health care, framing them in iting. Editorial errors detract from the experi-
relation to federal initiatives and presidential ence of reading the book. Halliwell, nonethe-
goals for health care. less, makes an important contribution to our
The book is organized chronologically and understanding of medical authority and the
laid out in three sections that trace postwar rise of a humanistic perspective in postwar
“therapeutic revolutions.” Halliwell intention- health care.
ally uses the plural to indicate two kinds of
change: one in which medical authority was Susan E. Myers-Shirk
reinforced “in the name of helping individu- Middle Tennessee State University
als feel secure and content” and the other in Murfreesboro, Tennessee
which that same authority was challenged (p. doi: 10.1093/jahist/jau275

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