IO TI{!

XUNDA LANOUAOE3
CHAPTEN TWO
Zidc, N.H. (1996) 'Script! for Munda . in htlr Dsnicl snd Willism
Bright (c&) Tlp Jlorlts wlrbtg York: Orford Uniwrrity Pross,
612-618.
Munda Scripts', lrz8znncs of the Tlbeto-Burman Arca,
SANTALI
22:199-232.
-(2000)'Three
volume-a, Chapter 6) 'Korku'.
volume-b, chapter 14) 'on Nihali'.
Arm Ghosh
-(this
Zide N.H. and Stampe D.L. (1968) "The position of in the
-(this
Munda famif in B Krisbnamurti (d.) Studies in Indian Lilguistics
M.B. Emeneau's Sastipurti volume), Poona: Centre of Advanced Study in
Linguistics, Deocan Collegc, 370-377. I TIIE LANGUAGE AI\[D ITS SPEAXERS
Zide, N.H. and A.R.K. Zide (1976) 'Proto-Munda cultural vocabulary: Evidence
or early agriculture' in P.N. Jenner, C. Thompson, and Starley Starosta (eds) l.l Iing'nrtic tylle
Austruasiatic Studbs, Par, II, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1295-1334.
Santali is a Munda laryuage with a suffrxing, agglutinating and a basic SOY
ltructure. The most notable characteristic of the language is the weak distinction
b€tween noun aad verb the addition of verbal suffxes that lvill turn any lexeme
into a verb, and case-markerq enclitic definitives, and number mark€rs into a noun.
ln the F€sent study, therefore" the word classes have been postulated on the basis of
morpho-syntactic criteria rather than lexical criteria alone.
The consona.nt inventory consists of five categories of plosives distinguished
with regard to five places of articulation (abial, alveolar, post-ah€olar, palatal,
lnd rclar), a aasal corresponding to each, one trill, one flap, one lateral, two frica-
tivca, and two scmivowels There ar€ eight vowels, without any siSnificant l€ngth
diotinction. Words are predominantly dissyllabic with stress on the s€cond syllable
in dissyllabic and multisyllabic words, and on the root vowel if it is monosyllabic.
Diphthongs do occur with rising and falling varieties Consonant cluters arc rar€.
As to the syllable structure the language has a predilection for CV structure closely
followed by CVC. One notable featur€ of the language is that nasals cao form the
nucleuq found nowhere else among Indian languages apart from Munda.
Grammatically speaking therc are classcs of nominals (norm and pronouD), v€rb,
dcmonstrative, adjectivg adverb, and particle. The language has a gender agneement
aystcm. Nouns ard dcmoNtratives show a two-way gender distinction -
animate
rnd inanimate Furthermore, some nolms show an overt masculine-feminine
dictinction in their forms Nouns are declined in three numbers - singular, dual,
rnd plural. Pronouns show forms for all the three numbers in all three persons
with an inclusive--exclusive distinction in the first yrrson. The third personal pro-
noun is actually derived from the distal demonstrative root. Use of the anaphoric
third penonal form is not very mrnmon. The demonstrative is divided into three
class€s - simple, interrogativg and indehnite. Each class shows an animate-inanimate
dirtinstion. Case is affecied @ the use of suffxes and postpo6itions tr&er€as sociativ€ and
ablative arc marked by postpositions, ttre gpnitive comitative instrumental-locative,
dlative, and locative are marked by suffxes, Nominative is marked on the verb as
trsDsitive subject, intransitive zuliect and traasitive object. Case is divided into core
and p€ripheral. Whercas the corc agrc6 with th€ verb in the form of pronominal
argumcft (subject, direct object, and iadirEct object), the peripheral is marked on
thc nominals and do€s not have any agrEement with th€ verb. The root morphemes,
&riwd forms, and phrases which serve as attributes in endocentric attributive mn-
atructions and as prcdicatc complements in subj€cl-predicste complement sont€nces
rrc Srouped as adjective& Adjeclivcs do not agr€e in number or in gEnder, except

lt

in r fcs bono*cd ltcml md in thc auc of qurlificd nouni, AqictilE. .rl not
inflcclod to rhow dottcr of compariron. To obtain dogrocr of compariron postpori-
tiom arc addcd to thc word with which somcthing is to bc comparcd. Numcrals arc
generally found as quantificrs combincd with cla$ilicm. Thc quantificrs ar€ us€d
singly when they arc uscd in enumerating human beings in the indefinitg whereas in
counting human beings in the definit€ and non-human beings and inanimarc objectg
the quantifiers are used combined with classifiers. Adverbs are modiliers irrespective
of the position they ocqrpy in the sent€nce.
The verb is defined by the fact that it tak6 TAM suffxes with or without the
markers for the activ€ and neutral, personal terminations, the markr for finitcness
of action, and the gerundial suffx. Words which denote actions, events, or conditions
arc not the only ones trated as lerbs, but any word is here treated as such pmvided
thal it tak€s vErbal suffxes For finitends of action it rcquires the finite marker /a/.
The TAM sulfixes hsve two forms depending on whether it is active or middle - Loiu"gp" Norman H. Zide divides the Munda languages inlo two main groups -
onc uscd on the verb in transitive constructions with the other beilg employed on
wrbs in intransitira constructions The ambitransitirc roots take on active as well as
middlc suflixcs, vcrbal roots fall into thrce classcs: intransitive only, traNitive only,
and ambitransitivc"
Vcrbal stcms arc dividcd into causatirc, rcciprocal, bmefactivg passive/rcflexivg
mcdiopasrirre, itcrotive,/intenshrc, and compound, and morphological pfircess€s are
cmploycd to form stems including prelixation, inflxation, suffxation, reduplication,
and compounding. Except the particles lkanl and ltaEkorl for th€ pres€nt and past
tcns€s rcsp€ctivEly tlene ar€ no separate tense markers, There is a concept of time
dim€rsion in the pr€sent, past, and futue tens€s and the aspoc{ suffxes along with
their onn functions denote time as well.
On the syntactic level, generally the head follows its determiner. In the simple
sentence then word order is SOY In compl€x s€ntences, mnjunctions, coordinate
clauses, and the suborditratc clauses perform nominal or attributive function.
Sentence modification is achieved through a set of particles Polar questions can be
shown by a marked intonation patt€rn.
1.2 Nrme of the lrngplge .nd tte Hbc
Thc name Santsli, the languag€, is derived from the ethf,ic nafie SAotul, the
Anglicizcd vcrsion being Santel. From S&orol the neighbouring non-Santals usc the
namc Saorari for their languagc The Santals thsmselves call their language hc| or
tq6 rc4. Bcing morc analytical they attach ra6'languagg speech' to ,rrf 'Santal man',
hcncc 'languags of the Santals'. The languagp is also sometimes returned under
thc namc @hi blasa'language of the Majhis'. In North Bcngal, in the districts
of Murshidabad, Mald4 Dnajpur, etc. the language is knorm aslryli or pahqb.
In South Bengal, particularly in the diskicts of 2+Paryanas (north and south) and
Howrah, and in Orissa the language is knowo as rrrar. In Bihar it is known as pa6i
'foreign'. The namc Sdatal, is dcrived, in turn, from SAru a-frlat'dweller of the
frontier'and is us€d to nam€ the tribe by th€ non-Sartals, particularly the Bengalees
L.O. Sk€fsrud2 tried to deri\rc the name from SAo\ a. plarF, in Midnapur in West
Bengal where the Santals were supposed to haw been setued in remote antiquity.
There is still a place called Sdor in Midnapur distric't where Santal habitation is
common. The Santals call themselves tat 'man' and the name Sanral is only used by
those who are Christianized. From the lsrm mqjhi ot mAjhi 'village headman' they
rNTU D
atso call themsclves mqtihi ot whcn ark€d about their castc' Bcing thc oldcst
niihl
ethnic stock in India tti"y ate aleo known as idrtdsi'those who have bcen lMng in
the land from the beginning.' S.K. Chatterji3 attach€s great importance to this term
for them rememberin! the contribution of the Santals in the evolution of Indian lifc
and cultue.
13 Gmetic effliation of Sonte[
Santali belongs to the Kherwari group of the North Munda sub-family of the Munda
family which-is, in turn, a section of the eastern group of the gr€at Austroasiatic
family of languages. Pinnow (1959)a olfered a classificati.ol ot $9 Austroasiatic
tans;s6 indtwo main branches - west Obergruppe, consisting of the Munda lan-
gudieJana Nahalis and Ost OberCnrppe including the rest of the Austmasiatic
Sorith irlunda (SM) and North Murda (NM). Th€ eastertr (i.e. Kherwari) and thc
west€rn (i.e Korku) form the North Munda brarch. Santali is scparatcd olf as a
special bianch of Kherwari. South Munda, on the other hand, consists of Koraput
Munda (KM) arrd Central Munda (CM). KoraPut Munda consists of Sora-Gorum
(SG) qouo and GutobRemo-Gta? (GRG). Central Munda consists of Kharia
ana angj fhattacharya? conforming to the same geographical classification puts
forward another classification based on morphological critcria He propos€s a two-
way division Lower Munda, consisting of the
- extrtme southern Munda
lhY
t-'g*g"o tl!(eyi (Gta?), Bonda (Remo), and Gutob and
-Orissa, -spoken .in- -Koraput
Munda
Nr&"ig;'i iisiricts of bordering Ardhra Pradesh .x'it! Yeeer
coverinithe rest. As the three southernmost languagel includgd in Lower Munda
do not ihow pronominal incorporation in the verb, differing from the rcst of the
Munda languages in respect to genitive marker and by not havi4g dual numb6, they
ur" U.ar"t i o-ff fto. tir" tett of tt e vtunda languages.t But whatev€r the situalion
iq the position of Santali remains the same It has been branched oll as a special
member of the northeast€rn group possibly because it has reached a higher stags
of development thar any other language of the same group and also preserves the
peculiar linguistic features of Munda more faithfully than the rest'
1.4 Nmber of sp€rken rtrd locrte of comentndotr
The total population of the Santals is 6,050,000e in India' Bangladesh, Bhutan' and
Nepal of wnict S,f59,000 are in Indiq 157,000 in Bangladesh, and 31,332 in Nepal'
'ftri exact tgure for Bhutan i8 not a'ailable The main concentration of the Santals is
in India wit[ scattered settlements in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Bhutar' They arc also
found all over the world wherever they harre found job opportunities' The classified
data of 2001 census is for all the states of India, except for West Bengal' which is not
available yel ln West Bengal it is estimated to b€ 2,280.5'10.
lhe distribution of the Saatals in different states of India, according to tlrc 1981
censug is shown in Table 2.1.
As it appears from the census data the Santal population is spread over a large strip
of land frrcring almost the whole of India- The most compact arca of-concentrarion
is the uEst€m lart of West Bengal, the southem portion of erstwhile Bihar, now
IrdfranO the'areas of Bihar adjacent to Jharkhand the northeastem distric'ts of
 I' THI MUND^ LANOUAOIS
SANTALI IT

TAll.[ trlr U8TIEUIION OF SANIAI.I OPEAMA tN INDIA

othcrs found furthcr wcet in India migratcd for betrcr liviag.l3 The hypothesis may
ststc T"r"l ---.
M"lc
' - -
i"t"t bc strcrglhcncd by their prcsene in Nepal and Bhutan.
Ardhra hrdesh 50
The Santals ar€ the most numerous among thc tribes who speak Munda. In
30 m
AtrdrDaa & Nicobar Isladr 1 3 4 the wEstern fringe of West Bengal, north Orissa and Jharkhand, normally, they
Arunach.l kadesh & 282 2n2 muster very strong. This helps them maintain group solidarity and preserve their
Bihar (ircluditrg Jharthad) 2,161,032 ,087,820 1,013,212 language and culture much better than elsewhere. The Santals now remaining
ChadiSBrh t0 8 2 in other places ar€ nothing but scattered masses floating here and therg and in
Delti t26 69
Goa, Damaa & Diu
57 the process they are all but meltcd with other dominant cultures in the region.
1 I
Gujarat 40
The gr€ater part of their substanc€ has already commingled in the fluid around
30 t0
Haryaaa l0 5
them, the remainder is saturated with it, and it is only in the very kernel and inner
5
HiDaohal PEdc6h 7 7 centre of the largest lumps that something like th€ pure original substance is to
Jaaou & I(ashmir
Karnafata
x 26 2 be sought.
45 30 l5
Madhya Pr&desh 7t5 415 270
Mahsra!htra ll0 fi
Mrnipur 351 348 3 1.5 Bilirymhn, Foc€ss€s of Aryr,nlzetion end nativization
Mcghalaya 2t2 199 l3
Mizoram 2,m 2,278 23
The proportion of the population rctaining the language decreases as the tribe
Nrgrl&Dd 1.100 1,080 m spreads over to industrial arcas, nearer to towns and cities. It is also allect€d by the
Oriu8 529,574 26/.,8y 26r'.,7m spread of education among the younger generation. The more they arc educatEd,
hrjab l0 l0 the mor€ they ar€ oblivious to their own language and drawn nearer to neighbouring
Rsjssthan 52 l5 languages of the Indo-Aryan group, say, Bengali in West Bengal, Hindi in Jharkhand
Sitti!! l6 t4 ,
Tripura 3,518
and Bihar, Oriya in Orissa, and A$amese in Assam. There aIq of course, two
1.812 t,7M
Uttd PradesL x2 257 reasons behind this attitude; first, fiving by the side of the majority communiti€s
West Bctrgal t,$2,m 82,,,973 8@A67 and in mixed localities they have to be bilinguals, as there is no other alternative.
Over a period of time they are more with the majority languagc than their owtr.
Being constantly in an ali€n system thcy automatically adapt. Second, retention of
a language also has a socio-economic background. In the job market the language
has less potential than the neighbouring majority languages. So far as the prestigs
Orissa and Assam. The dsta of l98l did not give figurcs for Assam, as census could
factor is conoerned, for ttrem it has none, since until r€cently tlrc language was not
to political turmoil. dcording to the 1971 census the frgure
i.1 *toTl^d:f#jue
goes E6,303.ru So far as the Jharkhand is concernet the figure is not availabli r€cognized in the eighth schedule of the Constitution of India. So there ware and
as still are ample rrasons for leaving their own language and welcoming the neigh-
the statc was nol formed during the last @nsus The frgurE-for iih; in
Table 2.1 bouring one In west Bengal, as a wholg 55% of the Santals speat their owD
can be read as that of Jharkhard, as the state of lharkhind *".
t"d of th" longuage but in the district of 24-Parganas the proportion falls to l0/o. The total
south€rn portion of Bihar which houses almost the whole of the "oo.iit tribes If the data
arr reprrsented in a map the areasjust described will form a compact arca, number of bilinguals among the Santals is 1,501,638, being 34.66% of the total.la
compris- Whercas the national m,erage of bilingualism is 13.37q it is morc than 30/o in the
rn-g u/$tcrn parts of thc districts of Birbhum and Burdwan,
the sadar subdivisionr l
of !ankt1, Jhargram subdivision of West Midnapur, fr-fla i, W""i r*gal, the case of tribal population. Obviously, necsssity for knowing the common la.nguage
Jh:rkland, cspecial-ly the Santat parganas Hazaritagt, SingUtrrim anO of the area is very great in the cas€ of tribes who speak a language which is not a
$:P,of
y_narDr-lym drstnctq south of Bhagalpur and Munghyr in Bihar, and Balasorg
majority one. As already said, being a minorityJanguage community, they cannot
Mlyurbhanj and Icorjhar in Orissa. In essam ttre Siaia settlementsL help speaking the dominant language of the region where they stay. In weryday
conlined interaction, they have to come across a group of people who belong to a dilTer-
to th€ tea gardens only,, wherc they were brought as labourers fte process of
shift_ cnt speech community, namely the Bengalispeech community in West Bengat,
Iq]: no:transtbr.md
aT
into the-pro.cess of migration for job opporiunity in the rea
thc Mundari and the Hindi-speech community in Jharkhand, the Hindi-speech
fTi: drstricts
mile i-h"I lso sparrcly distributed in the northern districts of Weit Bcngal,l2
of South2ztparganag Hooghly, Howrah and so on in south Bijal community in Bihar, the Oriya-speoch community in Orissa, and the Assamese-
tpcech community in Assam. It is very common then that the local languages
I-1Tj1? * in Bangtadesh
and Uhattagram"rptofa
as.dayJabourcrs The Santals s€uled at Rajsahi, Fongpiu,
are said to be immigrantg migratedfrom the Jiha
vill influence their own language in some way or another. This way Santali ig
part of the river Padma" that is, India at dife."rt to some extent, modified in phonolory, morphology, and lexicon. Syntax is not
froA. oi triito.y.-fui considering
their conccntrarior in Ncpal and Bhutan, and going by the differ"ii fiiori"s much altered.The lexical elements of the dominant languages arc taken into Santali
of tnei, cithcr through a process of nstivization orjust as they ane. The connotation of somc
ongtr and mgratiotr it may be conjecturEd that thoy are sons of the soil ard
that lcxical clcm€nts is changcd undcr the influence of the neighbouring languagss
16 TH! MUNDA LANOUAOET SANTALI I?

Ncw portporitionc and particlor arc bonouod and n8tivirod following thc phonotactic 'on thc top, above', sn lam fot flita'lhread' , mandir fot matdir-'lEfrpl,c' , l4u.for l44u
rules of thc languagc. The extont of influcnce on Santali grammar and lcxicon may 'sw€etmcai, f#,gt for sogt 'a)olh' , nni for rani 'qruan' , thai fot thai '.plL(€' , utar fot
be clarified with certain examplca uuar'norlh;,riiforrci:mustard',lag'forlagi'fof,manifotmani'meternalaunt',
Being in contact with the neighbouring world thcy start adopting its language ctc. Borrowed verb roots which ar€ natiized by adding l'aol or l'aut bke paw'lo
system along with many words being Santali-equivalenq for examplg IaCz 'sweet- fall', calao 'go' , jcgao'to link', Iagao 'cultivate' the borrowed words or Srammatical
meal', mithai's'neel', dal'tr,alrrs', caole'rie', panahi'shoes' have been incorporated elements eniing in a vowel also add a checked consonant at the and: thus - lag ' for
into their system. As professions such as shoemaker, blacksmith, and carter do lagi, tak' for ta definite article'
Dot b€long to the Santal society, the corresponding terms like muci 'shoemaker',
karnar 'blacksmilh', rnd gaQtan'carter' are borrowed from the neighbouring
language system. Similarly, for trades not belonging to their system, they have 1.6 Dirlec'trl difiereoces
borrowed trade-rElated terms from the neighbouring language system; for examplg
mal'goods' , cij 'sample', asDaD 'furniture' , bojar 'markel' , kharca 'expenditure', and Santali being scattered in differ€nt places is subject to differcnes in phonologSr'
so on. In time calculation the Aryan influence is noticeable; thus giaf, 'a while', morphology; and lexicon. Considering that therc has,been no s€ttled standard'
din'dzy', bcchcr'yeu', circkal'a long time'. Even though they have their own R.N: Cusfientioned four dialects whi-ch, according to him, was not improbable'Is
village adminfutrati on tetms like mqtjhi 'village headman' (also zrdjii 'id.) (cf Skt In some neports the numb€r of dialec{s is even more.l5 Although four or six is a bit
nudhya), and porcaya, 'villags council' arc borrowed by them from the neighbowing ambitious, a line of demarcation is emerging gradually betwe€n the variety spoken
lndo-Aryan languagcs to accommodatc thems€lves in the government-controlled in the disiricts of East and West Midnapur, Purulia and the souttrorn portion of
Panchayst systcm. Evcn in the household Aryan influence is noticeable. The inner Bankura (comprising Khatra, Ranibardh, Raipux Taldangra" and Sir apal blocks)
apanmcnt is bhitar ot bhirri, door is drar. Terms likc pr*hri'poxLd', baulc'id.' in West Oengai, Balisore, Mayurbhanj, and Keonjhar in Orissa and that spoken in
arr of Aryan origin. Normally the kioship terms and terms for body parts are the northern- portion of the district of Bankura (comprising Chatna and Saltora
kept intact. So are the numcrals But here, the Aryan inlluence is so strong that blocks), in Btbhunu Malda, Dinajpur north and south, Murshidaba4 Cochbehar'
all three areas are affected to some extent, giving way to foreig! elemetrh. Thus, and laiiaiguri in West Bengal, Santal Parganas, Dumkq Singbtum., and Dhalbhum
wife is 6aiz, ncphew bhagna, niec* bhagni, bhai is 'brother', hand is hat, otr.e k @k. in nari<hana, and Mungh5n and Bhagalpur in Bihar. Carnpbellr/ mentioned two
The present generation car only utter their numerals from one tirough five or varieties likc t torthern and Southern, although he did not enter into the details
six, thetr counting goes on in Aryan numerals. Terms for s€ntimetrtal feelings like During our field trip u/e checked the varieties in detail and found two varieties in the
naya 'affeclion', daya'pity', Iaj 'shame' arc also borrowed. The first thrce ordinal n i"-"0. rn"rtifot" Campbell's distinction of Southern versus Northern holdslt
otmtrcrs pehillpoilo 'first', desar 'second', Lra,d tesar'lhitd' Lre also borrowed from "".
Dillerences between ttre two dialects Northern (henceforth NS) and Southem
-
Indo-Aryan. (henceforth SS) arc as follows'
On the gramnatical l€vel, too, Aryan influence is noticeable. The distinction
between masculine and femining though attest€d to itr a few exampleg is framed on
the analogy of the Aryan system; the masculine noun endiug in /-al and feminine in
1.6.1 Phonology
l-l: thrss kala'dsaf' masculing and ka li 'id' feminine, kogka'mad' max,. ktttrki'id',
fcminine &ofa 'boy': kuyi'girl'. A good number of postpositions like bgit' 'for', ln the SS the Fonunsiation of [al i3 changiog and gadually being r€placed by [4,
sayge 'alongwith', upar'abane', bhit?tlbhitti 'in', sathe'along with' arc borrowed cspecialy in ti're pronunciation-of the younget generation' whereas in th€ NS it
from cither Bcngali or Hindi. A good number of particles is also borrourcd from rcmains irtact.
th€ 0ame source:.rbd7.rirdi 'if', jemn 'so lhal', ,ohle 'then/for that', ar 'and', txkhan Loss of nasal and its compensation by nasalizing the preceding vowel is the rule
'thcn', ,rr€ 'thcn'and so on. In conjugation also some roots like cal'go', bttjh'rnder. of the S$ whereas in the NS the nasal remains intact.
stand', etc. are borrowed from the Aryan languages like Bengali, Hindi, or Oriya, Compare:
but with modificati ons: l-aol or l-aul is added to the rcot rewlnngin calao or ktjhau.
When these roots are conjugated the indigenous sulfixes arc used. TAM suffrxes SS NS
are never borrowed. Aryan nouns ane also used as verbs but arc so nativized that Nt pon4, 'white'
they fit well in the Santali system. ln bahu-ad-e-a-g 'I gave him a wife', bib -ka-e- mojhi mqjhi 'village headman'
a-ko 'lhey s€nt him off', the Santali suffxes arc pitted against Aryan nouns. The Ma an4ia 'male cow'
non-native elements making their way into the vocabulary arc rcadily nativized by bliular bhinbr 'to fall'
giving a phonetic twist, and thus they are well incorporated in the language. In the q4ot at$ok' 'to com€ out'
non-native elementg following the native patt€m the vowEl /a/ is neutralized if it is oddo cutdo 'sun'
preceded or followed by /i/ or fty': thus bhitar for bhibr ot bhetor 'inside', tali for nip ncnle 'here'
,tali 'goddess Kali', kami for kam'work', juan for jua or joan'youth', bahu for bahu qe r4e 'therc'
'wife', pachim for pachim'wesl', c"ukidar for caukiclar 'vrllage gtard', upar for upr hap har4e 'there yonder'
 I' TN! MUNDA LANOUAOI! SANTAU IO

Prcnunciatioo of po(.rlvoolar |top r' flrp ir a oommon fortuc of thc SS ar ir also dilfcrcnt. Tcrms like e08z 'mother', era'wife', /crel 'husband', etc. are
oppoEcd to thc NS whcrc it ic pronouncd ar a stop
Compare: trcatcd as wlgar in the SS and arc almost obsolet€, whercas in the NS the terms
are r€gularly used without any pejorative sense In the SS the corresponding terms
ss
pdf
Ns for the r€lations ar€ ayo, bahu, andlaldl ane used for the kin rclations rcspectively.
Other examples are, for 'cloth' SS has lzgri and NS has kturc', shirt is dcra in the SS
pon4, 'whit€'
and.rizrta in the NS.
W ba4s 'to know'
hqfi hqtg '),ounger'
CefE ge4E 'swan'
L7 Orthognphy
bhega bheQa 'ram'
Ssntali was frst written down in Roman script by European missionaries It was
- There is preference for nasals to checked consona.nts in case of genitive suffrxes
for inanimatg enclitic definitive and allative suffx
uscd then for translating the Bible into Santali, for writing grammars, and also for
/-sec7 in the SS as opposed to the folk-tales and past history of the people. At that time mary scripts, at least four,
NS which preserves the checked ones. werc being used for writing - like Devanagari, Bengali, Oriya and Roman. From the
Comparc: middle of the nineteenth century ttrrongh the third quarter of the twentieth century
the language was mostly written in Roman script. Even the people thems€lves used
ss Ns to write in Roman only for obvious reasons Regional or Devanagari scaipts came to
l-oOl l-a*'l 'gcnitivc suffrx for inanimatr' be used much later. After Pandit Raghunath Murmu developed a script of their own,
l-reql l-rcak'l 'gcnitivc suffix for inanimat€' namely Ol Ciki, movements started for its recognition. ln the 1970s many schools
\ad ltak't enclitic definitive werc started to impart training in Ol Ciki with initiative of a group of the Santals
lsenl lsec'l 'towards' A group of writers started writing in Ol Ciki. Magazineg journals, and newspapers
bcgan to be publshed. To the pres€nt date a consensus has not been reached as to
ln the SS, sometimes there is a tendency, also shared by the younger generation which script is to be adopt€d.
of the NS-to pronouce /e./ as [il and /o/ as [u]. In certain examples tikJaa,a, .you A good many wriringt likc Kher*al Bcqso Dhcrrm P rhiby Rlamdas\rdl, Ol Dchc
two'(cf, aben in NS), azkz they two' (cf" onko in NS} zr.rhis,lcf ze in NS)-the OntrhG *nd Lila God€r' by Ramchand Mvmro, Darega Dhon and, Bitlhu Chaadanby
pronunciation has b€en established. Among ttre elders and the enlightened, in the Raghunath Murmu, Bhwka lpil, Bitbk BeJa, erc. by Saradaprasad Kisku have been
NS /e/ and /o/ are pronounced as halfdos€ front and back vowels respectively. published in Bengali script. Even Ramdas Tudu and Raghunath Murmu who had
develo@ scripts for the language published their own books in the languagp using
Bcngali script. A good number of books w€re also writt€n in Devanagari and Romal
1.6.2 Morpholog rcripts - Stephen H . ls.{txm,o\ Hq Bapla Puthi, G.C.'ludrls Chur&tala (a coller*;ion
In morpholory SS has certain feafir€s which the NS does not possess of po€ms) and Bakhm are written in Roman. Since 1965 The Santali Litcrary and
the genitive case in the SS two sullircs arc found when the govemed noun is Cultural Society has been rendering remarkable servie for the developm€nt of the
I" Santali languagc and literature by means of publishing Santali books and journals in
animatc! one for the singular and the other for plural. /+c7 is used whcn the noun
governed is in singular arLd. l-renl when it is plural. In the NS /-renl is for both Roman script. Nsrayan Soren, Balkishorc Baskey, Bhagbat Murmu, Babulal Murmu
singular and plural. rnd Manikchand Hansda are well-known writers of Sartali literaturc. Many of their
Example: writings are published in Devanagari script. However, Manikchand Hansda and
S.D. B€sra wrcte in Roman script. Some of the most important Santali magazines ar€
SS NS Itra lla6 (n Roman) inct,1922, Marshal 7a6oz (in Roman) sincr,1946, Hc7 Scmbad
il-ic' ncnn(*.) 'my gott' iy-ren mercnt lny goay' goats'(sc. and pL.) (in Devanagari) sine, 1947, Pachim Baagla (in Bengali script) sj.ne, 1956, Jug Sirijcl
il-ren mer n 'my goats' (in Roman) since 1971. Apart from these many other periodic journals are being
The causative stem forming sufrix is /-ieccl in the published from West Bengal, Jharkhand, Bihar Orissa, and Assam. ferrc from West
- SS and locol in the NS, altho"sh
this is more phonological than morphological. B€ngal and Upel from Assam need mention. Ielre is published in Bengali script aad
Upel in Roman. Tko monthly ma€azines are published from Bangladesh - lDoa&'
kurunuTureak' Kwai and CrDer', from Rongpur and Dhaka respectively. Bottr arc in
l-6.3 Vocabuhry Roman script and serve as a link among those of Bangladesh, Indi4 and Nepal.
Santali has recently been recognized by the Government of India as an ollicial
In the lexicon SS and NS are somewhat dillerent, initiated by borrowing from the languagg and it has be€n included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of
neighbouring languages. The local borrowings in the two dialects are.dtigh tt ut lndia. The Ol Ciki script has also been recognLed by the Government of West
sometimB one appears to be unintelligible to the other. In certain cases thJ usage Bcngal as a medium of publication of Santali textbooks It has already been included
,O T'I! MUNDA LANOUAOI3 IiANTALI 2I

itr thc curicula of thc UniwnitiGr WhoGs! two of thG Univorsitioq Burdrvsn snd J. l, l Yocalic allophony
Vidyasagar, arc flcxiblc in thcir spproach (i.c. traching, framing of qucstion papcrc
and f,,riting th€ same, will be in Roman, Bengali, or Ol Ciki until a particular script Note that /a/ is found mostly in the environment preceded or followed by /i/or /n/:
is accepted on consensus), the Vishva Bharafi University imparts through [tomaJr hr example, adi 'very much', agu'bir,g', nia 'this very', tna 'that very', gai 'cow',
script. Some of the Universities of Bihar and Jharkhand have htroduced Santali dai 'el&r sisler' , gfii 'carl', tuar 'orphan', where the occurrenc€ is predictable. In
as a modern lndian larguago and litcrature in their syllabi, libcrally accepting both
$ome cases there is no swh predictable environment, like ad'take possession of',
,rs int. (bullock or buffalo), 6ad 'high lyin g ie-freld', ba('flood', nt 'a tnrne', dat
Roman and Devanaga . It is yet to be scen which script is accepted finally, as a good
perc€ntage of population is in favour of regional seripts, Roman, or Devanagari. 'branch of tree', saDra 'tasteless', laya 'l eave alotrLe' , dabla'toobroad' , datra'a @tlaia,
They arc opposing introduction of Ol Ciki. Serninars and conferences are being plant', gahla 'lovt pitched', etc. In a number of examples like az 'law (cf. Bengali/
organized in the government and on the organizational level to resolve thc issue But ilindi, a,iz 'id.'), ad'origin'(cf. Bengali/Hindi, adi'original'), ag'fire'(cf. Sanskrit
the dcbatc continues agni. Bengdi agw, Hindr ag 'id.'), agla 'forthcoming' (cf' Hindi agls'agilt 'id.'),
at 'sugar-cane' (cf. SkL *yn 'id.'), 5s 'scales of fish'(cf. Hindi drs'id.'), ras'heap'
(cf. Bengali rCli 'id.'\, rat 'figfit' (cf. Hindi, rai, 'nigjit'), raska 'ioy' (cf. Hindi,
2 PHONOIOGY rusika'id.'), dag 'run' (cf. Hindi daug, Bengali clauy 'id.'),.rb, 'caste' (d. Bengati
SaJrtsli is a Munda language with an elaborat€ system of vowels and consonants lati'id|'t, pac' 'fle' (cf, Skt pqtca'id.'), dal 'pulse' (cf. Hindr Qail 'id.')' Qan'witch'
when compared with other languages of the same group (c[ Bhattacharya 1954, (cf. Hindi Qain, Bengali Qaini'id;), ghal 'fault, sir' (cf. Hindi 9i4,, 'id.'), bhaga
1975, Stampe 1963, Matson 1964, Biligiri 1965, Zlde 1965, Femandez 1967, Rao 'ncphew' (cf. Rerydi bhaginc-bhagna'id.'), Das 'age' (cf. Hindi bais, Br;r.g i bcves
1982, Osada 1992, Nagaraja 199, Ghosh 2003). Thcrc arc eight vowel phonemes 'id.'); although there is no predictable environment on the surfacc level' the occur-
with nasalized counterparts (€xcept /e/ and /o/). But the nasal ones are used rare$ rcrl(,. of lal can be justified by comparing it with the Indo-Aryan words where
as comporcd with their oral countcrpart& kngth is not phonemic, although there is [l'l or [rl in the neighbouring syllable. ln some of the examples like pac',
aocording to Bodding (1922, 1929) all vowels may b€ short or long. It has post- [as. etc. /a/ occurs because of thc neighbouring palatal consonant or semivowel,
alveolar consonants and asphatcd stops, It also has checked consonants occurring [c''l and [y], respectively. Bodding (1922,1929) referred to at least three 'resultant'
finally. Altho"eh most of the aspirat€s ar€ found in loanwords, in some words of ttre vowels: g, g, and g. Besides a (Boddingt g) no other variety, eith€r f or 9, is attested
native systEm the aspirates do occur but their origin is doubtful. In some cases aspi- to in our data.
rates originate through syllable reductiot li&:e aji+hanhu = ajirur ('husband/s'ifet
elder sister'). AJthough aspiratiou in Pinnowb version (1959), was abaent in Proto- 2. 1.2 Distribution chart
Munda, it has sprcad into the phonemic syst€m of Sartali. The status of the checked
consonants is clear - these are final allophones of the corresponding stop conso- Distribution chart for the vowels is provided as follows:
nants except for post-alvcolar, which has none The checked plosives (abial, ahaeolar,
palatal, and velar) involve a closure in the glottal cevity checkitrg release of the air. Vowel hitisl M€di8l Fhal
A weak release is audiblq howevcr, if it is immediately followed by the corresponding
lit + + +
unchecked mnsonant. Except post-alveolar all plosiws have nasals in tfue phonemic + + +
lcvel, and occtrrerce of the post-alveolar nasal is prediaable Thue is post-alveolar lel + + +
non-aspiraled flap without hrying its aspiratcd count€rpart, as mentioned in some + + +
literatur€ (Neukom 2001 :5). t + +
+ + +
+ + +
2.1 Vowels + + +

Table 2.2 lists Santali vourels

2,1.3 Contrast pairs
TABLE 2.2 SANTALI V(NVEI.S|
Minimal and subminimal pairs are provided for illustration.
Ftoot C€trtrd Ba.k Vorryels:

HiBh i i l :/ul:.
Mid-hieh e a 5
i/ 'feather' ul 'mango'
Midlov e t , biri1 'rnpaid' bunon 'lie da un'
i-ow a d
si 'plough' su 'hiss'
22 TH! TTIUNDA LANOUAOIi 3ANr Lr 2l

lil'Jdt lil:lll:
it ef rNrr"(call) miru 'perrot' iri 'rimless'
bit "tap'
'foresf ber 'sun' lel:lEl:
ji 'smell' ie coNJ.part. hec' Ec'
'come' 'heavy'
lel:ld:
lC:l5l:
egar lundertal<e' egef 'scold' h? INIEIU. lt:) 'also'
hel 'time' hel 'bind togettrer' lel: 15l:
atre 'edge' aP 'vicinity' kar 'sore on the leg' Er 'thistle'
lel'lol:
ht l:li l:
4ok' 'other' otak 'uncover' ut' 'swallow' at 'camel'
jel 'deer' jol 'fire' miru 'parrot' ndri 'rimless'
je TNDEF.IART. jo 'ta$e'
lel:lal:
Bodding (1922) gives several values of each of the vowels, that is, each vowel may
em 'gi\rc' arlt 2 sc. pn"
be 'narrow' or 'wide' or 'mid-mixed', in his own wordg depending on the environ-
,rEl' 'ele' mat' 'bamboo' ment in which it occurs. So far as our data goes, such distinctions are non-phoncmic.
brt" 'plcarc'
lel'lCt
W 'frequently'
Moreover, Bodding's (1922) identification of six 'modified'vowels like g,g, f, r', ? and
gr could not be identilied in our data €xcept /a/, that is, Bodding's g and in line with
8l 'sow' cf 'pull'
Pinnow (1959:35) they can be discarded as non-phonemic.
lEl 'bind togEthar' hcl 'quickly'
le 'or' J' 'smell'
lal'JC:
2.1.4 Length andnasali tion
ak' 'bow' ck' 'to smoke'
jak' 'touch slightly' jck' 'sqrcep' Vowel length is not phonemic. A vowel can be long or short depending on whether
hcra 'away,up' hcrc 'tortois€' it occurs in an open (ong) or closed syllable (short). Nasalization is phonemic.
lol;lC: Nasalized forms of all the vowels arc attested in our data in a limited number of
oco causative suff xtk' 'lernove' cxamples. Because of the paucity of data contrastive pairs could not be given.
hon demonstrativc hcn 'son'
lo 'draw water' lc 'bum'
lal:lal: 2.2 Diphthongs
(w,f 'pickles' acur 'tum'
bal 'burn a hole' bal 'influence of Bonga' Bodding (1922, 1929) lists three kinds of diphthongs -
descending (after elide),
Paem 'snrim' pallr:a'distilledliquor' rscending (before glide), and level @oth vowels are equally strong). He arranged tle
lollul: following diphthongs into the abovE three categories He also suggests most of the
ot' 'mushroom' ut' 'swallow' Santali diphthongs belong to the first category.
kol 'scnd' kul 'tiger' Descending: ae, ao, gi, gu, eo, go, gi, go, iu, oe,9e, gi, and ui
alo 'villasp' atu 'flow'
lel'lal: Ascending: ea, 14, oa, ug, and ui
elo 'broken in' atu 'flow'
[.evel: ed, q, io, iu, oa, u4
ber 'time' batr 'a oertain tree' For the ascending dipthongs he had the words 'may be countcd as', aad for the level
hela 'cut down abundantly' hob 'bravo' ones he noted that 'the last class is not however, always pronounced as one diphthong
lol!at: thcy are frequently, some of them generally, dissolved into trro dhtinct sy[ables with a
oco causalive sulf acu 'set to do' cuphonic semirowel betw€en them'(1922:6). In our dat4 descending diphthongs are
hola 'yesterday' hab 'bravo' thc most common ones, although s"ith differences from those of Bodding with a few
cin 'a piece of land' ciro 'the sun grass' arcending diphthongs Level ones are found nowhere in our dala.
lal'ldl:
ak' 'bow' ak' 'bellow' Descending: ae, @, ao, tL ui, ai, au, eL cg eo, oe, and oi
jok' louch slightly' jdk' 'keep in order'
Asccnding: ea, oa, rc, b, and io
sla 'f€m. attendant' dvd 'true' Table 2.3 dctails Santali vowel combination&
2'l TH! UUND^ LANOU OIt SANTALI 2!

ffi el bt 'to tcll'

vl/v2iccaaaou alk2u 'to feel'
kai 'sin'
I ie. io. rll
e el @ dai 'elder sister'
e eo au auri 'soon'
a ae ao baisau 'to establish'
e ei EI'I hibu 'to shake'
a f br4"" 'to test'
o oi o€
JC hcedak' 'thunder shower'
u ui ua*
bxha 'brother'
ke 'to ask for'
ckce 'who'
Not€ that wherever there is // or /ry' in the combination /a/ becomes [a]. It is also ot moQon 'bald'
to b€ not€d that in Bodding's (1922, 1929) data, diphthongs like 'ei werc not attested noi 'listen, my gid'
to. Hc had 'nl, 'go', *rd '9f, all of which arc not found in our data. We found 'of oi nrr.('yes')
instcad. 'tll' slways b€ha/es like a descending om as oppos€d to thal in Bodding poi 'retribution'
whcrc it is both arccnding and descending. The so+alled level ones of Bodding are 'wooden spoon'
4oi
dwap found dissolvcd into two syllabl€s For most of the combinations,, except oe hoe 'to be'
lb, lo, ea, sr. thc coda is cmpty. Exept thes€ four all other combinations may be hoeo 'to shave'
considercd as a nuclcus followed by glide. Examples: 'pice'
POeS.t
tu 'spirit' u, nu, 'this rcry' podoe 'pull'
Jru
tiak' lead' ut uihor 'fond rcmembrarce'
uufl 'forest tre€' an4b 'male' rui 'cotton'
brrb 'with dilficulty' turui 'six'
bte 'because of' muiguc' 'dirty'
el meila 'fair' io tiok 'to reach'
meilo1 nrr. 'come' ea barea 'two'
fua 'back' 2,3 Vowel hrrtmry
,eqt 'cold'
So far as the harmonic sequence is concerned, ther€ appear to be oertain restrictions
seo 'to rct'
eo that need mention here:
eora 'to wind thrcad oa toa 'this'
round the spindle' loa 'milk' (i) ln the same stlEss gmup, if // or /l/occurs, lal btt raot lal will occur; ,trb 'this
heoa 'to accustom' very', ina'thal very', raa'f*er', busak'give birth to', butal'powet', bib'lo
leoha 'mix with a liquid' dismiss'.
w, rw, 'fever' (iil la! tlrtt tot tat a-occurs with /e o e r/; aben'you' o4 abon 'we'rxcL, cle 'we'o<cL,
eo Itco 'to carry on heap' ftpt 'to rcturn' c/o prohibitive rerl nahel'plot;rgh', talan 'to stay, arsn 'to listet, asea'tohad' .
,EOrA 'to invit ' fior 'orphan' qficrn'to hezr', sadc,zl-'horrc', aibm'maltt, ascl'chief', benu'lo rlrakc', bo1gc
botte 'stick to' 'evil spirit', pea 'threc', dela 'invite to come'.
ala sefue 'in the past' (iii) If there is lel ot lzl in th€ first syllable of a stress unit having morc than one
aerra 'many' syllable there must alwtys& lel or lcl in the follorving syllables; eger to scold',
bethae 'rcund about' i*cp' 'to U:gn', etcnr'ight', enzc' 'to dance, gejer 'to brak, genhec' 'a rag,'.
,ruejiu 'woman' gclc'to help', g4en 'part.', although diphthongs like ee and ee ar€ found in a
naekz 'priesf limited number of examples
ao sAo 'in association' (iv) Although s€quenoe like e-i and o-i arc found high vowels seldom m-occur witl
barhao 'to ins€ase' mid-high or midJow vowels (exceptions brng: bedit 'pagal , begari'forctd
ba,ao to obey' labourr', bepari'trader'. These are all loanwords.).
benao 'to make' (vl lel *d lol noru co-occur with // in the same str€ss unit.
26 THI MUND^ I.ANOUAOIi SANTALI 2?

2ra Cotrlooo lnvrntory iTlrErfr[Jn flnFiurt F:r&]

r TABLE 2.6: EORnOWED SIJB.SYSITM

Aspirares in Table 2.4 ar€ givEn in parcntheses, as th€y s€cm to b€ borrowEd, not v-# v-v Y- l#
natirrc. As the languags has borrowed extcnsively from the neighbouring Indo-Aryan /p/'" tp1 Ipl tpY-+ lpl lpl tp] h1
languages, trvo sub-systems had developed; I pr€sume one to be natirrc and the other N tbl tbl lphl Irhl Iphl tph]
borrow€d. In the nati\rc subsystem the contrast between voiced and voiceless plosiveg B] ttl It'y-#
ocept for rarcflex, is neutralized in final position where they are replaced by cor- rt'v-El
responding checked sounds. Within the borrowed subsystcrn voiced and voiceless
N tb1 tb1 tbl
hy td] td1 tbbt lbhl tbhl tbhl
plosi\€s contrast in all three positions The borrowed sub-systern has aspirated plo-
N ttI tll tr1 tt1 FI Fl
siveq both voiced and voiceless The nativB sub-system seldorn uses aspirarEs o(cept t{/ 141 r{1 t41 fthl Ithl tthl Irhl
for a few words like dhin'srallLe' , ojlu4r (aji + ianiar) 'trife's or husband's elder sister'. fit tr1 ttl tk'y-+ ldt td1 td1 td1
Ghosh 0994) did not mention the aspiraled plosircg as the words' aspirates arc mostly, lal tsl tsl tdhl Idhl tdhl ldhl
if not aU, of Indo-Aryan origin, Taking togetler both the native and borrowed words, KJ lcl lcl lc']/-# [c] lcl lcl
Neukom (2001:5), hourcver, posits aspirat€s including an asptated flap /;t/ in the pho- u [1 t'I lchl Ichl Ichl lchl
ncmic systcm of Santali. Moreover he has, though hesitatingly, identified checked [p't' lml lnl tnl lDl lll [] tit ti1

c' k'l as phonemeg which may not be so. The distribution of the consonants is shown lnl tal [tr] lnl tiht Ih] tihl Ijh]
in two charts, obviously with the idea of showing the dilferences betsrcen the two. [nY-hpA
N tkl tk1 tk1
2,1,1 Consonants tkhl lkhl tknl tkhl
tE ts1 ts] ts]
Tsblc 2.4 lirtr Santali consonants. t*t Isnl tshl tshl
Notc that thc borrowcd sub-,system is dillercnt fmm the native sub-system in that N hl hl lnl tEl ID1 lmI
it has aspirated plosives in all the flrve places of articulation. In addition, it has N ry td tll lnl tn1 tnl
lltl/-hpA
q
final contrast of voiceless ald voiced unaspirated plosive* which is not there in the
nativc subsystem. Comparatiye charts showing distribution of consonants as s€en N lsl ts] tsl tsl Is1

in Tables 2.5 and 2.6 will illustrate the point. N thl Ihl lhl20 tht thI th1 tht
hl h1 Ir1 trl hl tr] t-l
A closer scrutiny of the Tables rcveals that tl
a Id Irl fi! td
(i) Whereas, within the nati\rc sub-system, the contrast between voiced and voice-
less unaspira&d plosives, except alveolar in the final position, is neutralized, it
it
ltl
tll t[
M
Ivl
! tll IIl
M
Ivl
q
exists in th€ borrowed sub-system. There arc, howeraer, a few instances (eg. o{o/c
'lake ou't', aktk\tash',7ut 'dark', ,, 'earth') where non+hecked plosives occur
finafly, but thos€ are just too few to lead to a conclusion. Neukom (2001:5) Examples:
considers, perhaps in a reserved way, checked [p' t'c' k'] as phonemes, but in our
data they arc actually allophones of /p t c U.
(l) sap'-ed-a-e 'He is catching.'w sab-e&a-e
(ii) In the native subsystem [p' t' c'k'] are specified when before voiceless plosives,
(2) sab-a-e 'He catchevwill catch.'vx sap'-a-e
Bnd nasals, when they occur finally, optionally appear as voiced [b dj g ] before
13) sap'-lcc!'-la-a-e 'He caught ttrem.'
vowcls [t'] is also realiz€d as [t'] b€fore [k]. (iii) Asptate plosives, both voiced and voicelesg are partof th€ borrowed sub-
system. Examples like .lhiri'stone' and Qhumbak' 'crumple', as given by
T.IBLE 2.4: SANTALI CONSONANIS Neukom (2001:5), are either due to contraction of a vowel (dihir>dhiri) or
Bilabial Alveolar Post-alveol.r Palaral Velar Glottal are borrowed from lndo-Aryan through a process of nativization (ft' added to

p t
flhmba).
Plosiveo:vl t k (iv) Velar nasal occurs medially (mostly with homorgauic nasals) and only finally,
(ph) (th) ({t) (ch) (kh)
b .t j nwer initially in the native sub-syst€m, whercas in the borrowed sub.systcm it
4 s
(bh) (dt) Hh) (ih) kh) does not occur at all.
Nasal t (v) Palaral nasals do not occur in the borrowed subsystem.
Frilalive J h (vi) ft/ in both sub{ystems do€s not occur initially. Aspirated fthl, Postulated by
Trill Neukom (2001:5), without a.ny minimal pair is not att€sted to in our data.
Flsp Bodding (1932) also do€s not give any.
Iateral I (vii) Glidcs do occur in both, but only medially. [vl is not attested in our data.
Glide v
Bodding (1936) mcntions this as a labiodental open voiced sound.
2I TH! MUN]'A LAM'UAOII TANTALI 29

2.4. I. I Conronrnt phoncmc oppolition! N:khl:

kot verb copula khan 'if'(L)
(i) Voiceless vs Voiccd: bakfa 'prverse ' bakhra 'sharc'(L)
ld:lU: U'Jsht:
pon 'four' -boa 1rr. pr, mcl gan 'about' ghorta 'bell'(L)
ape 2n pr aben 2pr ol ba$a mixd' aghmo 'extend(L)
Itl:ldl: (iii) Alveolar vs Post-alveolar:
tala 'middle' d4l 'thrash'
then'
ltl:lt!:
oto 'village' adz
Hrj h
talo 'half' talao 'transgress'
jeW 'length'
al' 'lose' ot 'g€atly'
celgt
lH'Jsl:
'who'
wr{:
ktl4 'pullet' 'agee upon'
dole 'be heaped' 4"lo 'scales of balance'
akl verbal suff.
calot
494 'exaggerated'
ad 'half'(L) a4 'cover'
hl:lgl:
t1t'tQ!:
am 'gaw' qta 'sort kind'
lal@ 'disobcy' 4alao 'make over'
b 'two' ba7 'pool'
tutw 'crunch' st4ts 'pour down'
A 'trkc posscasion of' laC 'excr€ment of horse' (i9 Trill vs Lateral:
(ii) Unsrpiretc ve Aspiratc (ln thesc pairs borrowed words are marked with 'r--): lrl:lU:
lplzlpW:
rui 'mustered'(L) bi 'tell'
'break wind' phada 'open'(L)
ore 'nine' alc I rn-rt. p<cl.
Ndto bq 'time' bel 'sFead a mat'
pafa*' 'split' pharak 'distarce'(L)
aw 2 pr.pl. aphcr 'sow seed'(L) (v) Nasals:
M:lbhl:. lml:lnl:
bat 'two' bhn 'load' trt optative particle ru postposition
lab 'profif etrupt 'do such' enal 'a while ago'
lll:llu: drm 'delay' dcn leap'
tala 'middle' thops 'slap'(L) lnl:l9l:
,it 'when' thir Stiu'(L) ,u,mrn 'soft' lardm 'suck in'
lanr 'below' lqthak' 'humpy'(L) im 'lever' fil lpn sc.
kitab 'book(L) bthnE 'feign not to know' lnl:.h1l:
ldl:ldhl: enec' 'until' evg4 'mother'
ful 'value'(L) dhana 'basket'(L) mul 'segr' mu! 'kind of pulse'
dhi 'delay'(L) tlhiri 'stone'
bob 'loan of sced' badho 'obstruction'(L) (vi) Fricatives:
godhga 'a felled sapling'(L) ld:N:
lcl:lcN: sakur 'leaf' hako 'fish'
ml 'so'(L) chql 'bark(L) busup' 'strast' bahg 'flower'
bickom tather' bicluau 'disentangl€'(L) aa 'hope'(L) ah wrrr of pleasure
t!.ljht:
jal lick' jh2l 'long'(L) (vii) Glides:
aimao 'test' ajlnar 'elder sister' lwl'lyl:
ItlltUl dawo 'claim'(L) fuya 'mercy'(L)
tdkt 'rupee'(L) lhak 'deeive(L)
killi 'kettle'(L) k"lhi 'room'(L) 2.5 Supnsegncntdph€oom€m
tQ!:\w:
lg4ra 'bullock' 41r"0 'stick'(L) Santali has no phonernic tones or r€gistGrs. Bodding (1929:6) also denies the €xictrncc
canQbcl 'tail ja4lua 'phlegrnatic' of tonc in the language But lcrrel rising or falling intonation is significant in thc
!O THI MUNDA LANOUAOIi SANTAU 3I

scntcnca StEs! i! alwayr on thc cccond ryllablc of a word unlcrs it is monoryllabic, 3l (i.e 2.86?"/o) arr trisy'labic (most of which arc borrowcd). Due to thc prcdominance
ir€spectivc of whcther it is an open or a clos€d syllabla of dissyllabic word4 natirrc words which werr supposed to have been trisyllabic have
bccn rcduced to dissyllabic by dropping a vorvel olf of the second syllable; for exam-
ple, a + kiti! > akri|'*11',lnprn + <p> = hapfqn < lupafon 'arestors'.
2.6 Sylleble stsuctue
So far as the syllable structurc of the stems is concerned the following sequences
Santali words have tle syllable structure of (C)V(C)(C), where Cl stands for all rra observed:
kinds of plosives, nasals (except /?D, trils, laterals, and fricatives C2 staads for homor- CVCY tnlz,re 'ancienf
ganic nasals V is a vowel or nasal. In addition there are certain general constraints
CVCW na.nao 'hotour'
(i) Words can begin with any vowel, diphthong, and coosonant other thsa ltl, l1l, CVCYC da"pal 'fiCht'
lwl, a'rd lyl. CVC.CVC dal.pag'half-naked'
CVCC.CV Qqgra'bsllock'
(a) The nucleus may be a vowel or nasal. Boti //
and /r/ arE attBted itr this VCV a.4i 'very'
function. Forms like lmahnderl' day bfore yesterday' [ma-hn.derl, I mahn gal V.CW el<oi 'same'
'dear' [ma.h1.gal, /zr alnlat 'dir*lion'lma.hl.{a] have a nasal at the nucleus V.CVC o.pct 'pull mutually'
of thc sccond syllablc. VC.CY ck.E 'time'
(b) Thc opposition [fvoicc] is neutralized in the coda in the natirrc zub-system. VC.CW ul.1au 'reverse '
(s) No natirc wod has cithff /.r/ or /i/ in the coda. tr herc these are found they VC.CVC cn.tct 'mif,d'
at! inysriably lndo-Aryan loans, c.g ar'wish', Des'good', 6ci 'orcellent'. WCV aema 'many'
(d) Non-narivc words with CC at the ons€t simplify CC either by vowel insertion WCVY ai.kau 'feef
or by dropping a C; for cxalrlple, prabhu> purbhu'lord', skul > rs&z/ 'school'.
With CC at the coda thc same process is employed; for examplg bench > Of these sequenceg CYCYC is predominantly used. Tii- and more syllabic words
benci, foresl > phTes, brcttle > brtcl. erc rare In words with morc than one syllable the second sy'lable gets ttre stress
(ii) An instance of CC at the coda is invariably a combination of C2 and Cl; for
examplg sezdra'hunt', n@' tzil', ncnj'beautiful'. 2,7 Morphopbonologr
(iii) CCC in the middle of a word is realized as CC.C; for examplen sendra l*nd.ral
and C at the onset of the next syllable is invariably alveolar fill (i) Checked consonants of the verb stems optionally become voiced before fmite
/-al arrd marker for the imperative mood.
Santali has the types of syllabl$ illusfated below:
(4) fuk' 'rain' dag-a. 'It rains/will rain.'
Y e.hcp' 'begn' also dslt'-a
W aerna 'many' (5) sap' tatch' sab-a-m 'You carch.'
VC ac' 'self' d* sap'-a- m
CVC ssn 'go' dal 'beat' rc6 'speak' (6) rcp ' 'brE*' ra1rud-a-e 'Hebreaks/wi[ brcak.'
CV a.gu 'bring' ma.hn.ga 'dear' d* raptt'-a-e
CW ba.4ae 'know' (7) perec' 'fi11' percjaa 'He fills/will fi!I.'
CYCC can4bcl 'rail' gend.rec' 'rug;' zlsrc. perec'-a-e
VVC ead 'memorize'(L) (ii) Checked consonants of the TAM sulfixes in the active (r) are obligatorily voiced
CY\C luar 'orphan' before hnite /-cl and vowel-initial pronominal sullixes (p 'I' and -e 3rn sc.).
It is to be noted that syllables consisting of Y vv, or WC, are rare in Santali. (E) jm-kcd-a<
The language has a predilection for CV structure, which Bodding (1922,1929\ has eal-Psr:A-FN-3sc:suB,
described as 'open syllable' and Neukom (2001) as 'light syllable', closely folloued 'He at€.'
by CVC, Bodding's 'close' a:rd Neukom's 'heavy' syllable
In a frequency counting, out of 1,858 syllables (taken from Macphail (1983) (9) dal-ked-e-a-ko
distributed over 1,081 words), CY is 885 (i.e.47.631%), CVC 641 (i.e. 34.49y/o), y beat-Psl^-3sc:oBJ-3PL:suB,
104 (i.a s.59?D/o), VC 75 (i.e. 4.03670), W l0 (i.e 0.s387"), and $lY 122 (i.a 6.5tr/o\. 'They bear him.'
Other types are negligible (10) tul-ke1'-l<o-o<
Santali also has gedominandy dissyllabic word structure Lr the same counting it *as bcat-Psr:a-3PL:oBr-FrN-3sc:suBr
oherrcd that n3 (i,a 7|.fiT/o) are dissyllarbic 2@ (t.a 2.4.&4Y{ monocyllabig and 'Hc beat them.'
r.tIIII.IIIrNfiXfTJII.Ir/.laI{l SANTALI II
{ll) sq'-hd-c-a-kbt zrir 'this pcrson' ,'t/-*rr thcac turo pcBons' za-lra thcsc pcrsons'
carch-PluF3so:oBJ-rrx-3or,:surr this-^NrM.-so. this-^MM.-DL.(^MM.) this-^NIM.-pL (ANIM.)
'They two caught him.'
naaz'this thingl ractir thce tuo thingl zo-c-&o ttrse things
Tltiswty et'> ed in prcsent imperfect, &et'> kcdiapast,let'> redin plup€rfect.
this-rNAN.-sc. this-rNeN.-ot-. this-nrex.-pu
(iii) Checked consonants in verb stems become voiced when followed by middle
voice sulfx /-olc7. Thug ck*e-s 'who' ck?-e-kin'who lwo' ckc-e-ko \ho all'
INTEN.-ANIM..SG. INIET.-ANIM.-DL. INTER.-ANIM..PL.
(12) hij-*'-a-e (<hec' 'crlme')
come-lr-gnt-3sc:surr ok-a-a 'vhich' oft-c-lrin 'which two' ok-a-l<o'whidt all'
'Hc comeJwill come' INIEN.-INAN.-DL. INTER.-INAN.-PL.
TNTER"-INAN.-SC.

(13) dej-ok'-me (<tuc' 'climb) W-e-o 'anyone' jAhA-e-kin'aay lwo pnors' jdhd-e-ko 'anybody'
climbu-2scrup INDEF.-ANIM.-SG. INDEF.-ANru.-DL. INDEF..ANIM..PL.
'Climh' jdhA-o 'amytrng' W-kin'Lny $rc thiags' jAhA,ko'ny d'l'
(iv) lel of TAM suffxes l-etl, l-lcet'l arLd llet'l is raised when followed by lnn sc. TNDEF.(INAN.ISc. noer.(n+x.)-or,. nvorr.(rxrn.|n.
sulfix. Thus,
Note that, in case of demomtratives the gender suffix for the animate in the singular
(14) tcl*i*itt-a-e merges with the number suffxes in dual and plural, but the inanimate marker rcmains
tie-Psr:^- I SG:oBJ-FE{-3sc:suB, intact. This may indicate that /-i / is the animat€ gsnda marker which is dropped
'He ticd me' when dual and plural suffxes arc pr€s€nt. This may also indicate lhat l-kinl aII,d
(9 Verb stsms cnding in a vou,el (especially /d) get an incrernent [-r] in the imperatirc,
l.kol xe oiginally dual and plural markers for the animate, and their application
to inanimate nominals is rather secondary. In case of interrogatives and indefiniteg
(15) telgon-ms (<teBo'sta[Ld') howwer, the animate gender sufflx is coNistently g€sent in singular, dual, and
stand-2sc:[{P plural.
'Risc up'
The dual forms of the first and sccond personal pronouns are also us€d to
(16) topon-me (<topo 'bathe') dcnote singularity whetr thes€ are used among certaifl kin-relations. Parents-in-
bathe-2sc:rup law and children-inJaw use second person dual in addressing each other, and use
'Take bath-' th€ exclusive form of the first personal pronoun in talking to each oth€r and rcfer-
ring to themselves, when just on€ person is meant. This forms a sub-system of
3 MORPHOIOGY honorific usage.
3.1 Nomind norphologr llTl ceka-en-a-bet bahu
how-rsr:u-m.r-2ousuw daughter
The morpheme that take case allixes and postpositions and that show agreement in
'How are you, daughter-in-law?'
the vcrb arc clsssed as nominals with subcategories of nouns and pronouns Nouns
and pronouns arc grcupcd under thc same class, as they ha\ro thc same functional llEl rua-k'-kn-a-litr
load. Thc major diffcrcnce between the two is that whereas on the paradigmatic axis ferrer-u-cop-mr- I ot-. pr
nouno show oppoaition in number, (tgender), and casq pronouns show opposition 'I am getting fwer.'
in pcrson, numbcr, and csse
There is no honorific pronoun in Santali. But nowadays ther€ is a tendency among
3-1.1 Nunber thc educaled Santals to us€ the dual form of the s€cond personal pronoun to address
rnd talk to a rcspected, scnior, or unfamiliar person(s).
Santali has thrce grammatical numbers, both on norninals and predicates - singular The plural also functions as an exprcssion of singularity among ertain kin-relations
(unmarked), dual (marked by -tfl), and plural (marked by -&o). Number marking Co-parcnts-inJaw in addressing each other and talking among themselves use the
is obligatory in the case of animate nouns Pronouns have s€parale forms for all the inclusive form of the first person when just one person is meant-
thr€e numb€rs in the first and second person. The thtd person pronominal form
takes the dual and plural sulfixes to fiorm their dual and plural forms In the third
(19\ henda ho nmdhi, cet'leka menok'-bon-a 'O co-parcnt-in-lar, how are you ?
person animate there is a marker /-il; in th€ interrogative and the indefinite, /-€l in l20l adi muskil-re-bon paXao-aka-n-a 'I am in gr€at trouble'
the singular, but those are more gender markers (animate atrd inanimate). Somaimes l/ro / with the addition of /ra-l,bere l-nkol, finaions as the plural suffi,L
set*o'dog' seta.kifi 't\,o dogs' seta-ko'dogs' Ms'a Santal s€pt' > At4u-tako'IJoen of the Tudu s€pt'
dog-sc. dog-or,. dog-ru htpcnem-7 'my daughtcr' > hcpcnem-,y-tako'my daughters'
I'I TH8 MUNM LANOUAOES SANTAU ]5

ln thc abscncc of morr cxamplcs it is dilfrcult to oay anything dclinitc conocming a7.ll-IFff['sff.rTI-:rTrtri
this, that is, wh€ther it is plural or has somcthing to do with bclongingncss Caia Merkcr ExsEplc Syntartic fucrion
CoE
3.1.2 Case NoEhativc a bxha Tlausitiw srrEJ
ItrtraBitive suE
Case markers attach dirccfly to the bare nominal. Satrtali cases can be divided into Trsnsitive oN
following categories: Pe pherul
Geoitinc -.€z (adE) iv-ren hceha'ry boy' p68e88or
. Core (subject and object): unmarked. ak'redk'(indn) tt4k'ri'nyhn!d'
. Peripheral (comitative, genitive, instrumental, sociative, allative, ablative, and dare-reok' jc 'fruit of te'
Comitative -theillllEc' b*ha-thet goal,plare
locative): marked on the nominal. I nstflmetrtal- -E (fu-E inrtrumEnt,
[rc{ti\e ish.l-E cause, Eotion
Core cases are unmarked on the nominal but are marked in the verb in the form Sociarive sao' b*ha-rao assooiation
of incorporated pronouns (if subject or object is a.nimate) as transitive subject, Allative -senl-tec' o$k'-vc' dircctioD
intransitivc subject, and transitive object. In the case of verbs tating two objects Ablative khrtlkhx' dare-khat source, origitr
thc so-cEllcd indircct object (dativ€?) is marked in the verb with the applicative pre- Locstive dak'-re spatio-temporal
locatiotr
fix /aJ. lf thcrr ar€ two objects and both ar€ animatq only the indircct is maiked
in thc vcrb that is. thc indircct object is raised to object with the applicative /aJ.
Note
Gonitiw io also markcd in the verb when it denotes inalienable possession, in which Periphersl case6 are Earked otr the nominals.
calc thc prcfix /r/ is attached to thc applicative forms of the pronouns; otherwise it
is markcd in the noun phrase and functions as an attribute. Consider the following
examPles:
lreaft7 is found to be attached with animat€ noun. Examples showing occurrences
(21\ gidra rak'-ed-a-e (lel is marked for the transitive suBr.gi#a) of genitive suffxes:
child cry-TMPRF-FrN-3sc:suEr
'The child is crying.' ipren menm 'my goat' hcpcn 'try sot
arn-ren
ac'-alc' jqga 'his leg' ogak' 'our house'
abo-ak'
(22) phultnoni sen-ck'-a-e (lel marked for intransitive suar.) ogak'-reak' &tar 'door of the house' dare-reak'ja 'fruit of the trce'
Phulmoni go-m-fin-3sg:subj
'Phuhnoni will go/goes' Here genitive suffxes are us€d to express possessive relationship or belongingness to
somebody or something.
(23) dal-ked-e-a-e (/-e-l marked for transitive oru.) Sometimes genitive sullixes also mark the topic of dircussion:
beat-psr:e-3sc:orr-rrx-3sc:sual
'He beat him.' noa-reak' mit'6q kohani bi-ad-iq-a<
(24\ lai-a*o-a-e (l-aW markd thisccN- one-c6sFR story tell-Appl:psr:A-lsc:oBr-rnt-3sc:sup
for traasitive ox. with applicative /a/)
'he told me a story about this'- denoting something about or concerning.
tcll-rrpl-3pr-:orr-mr-3sc:susr
'Hc will tcll them,' So far as formation of l-renl and l-reak7 is concemed, Neukom (2001:29) tries to
dcrirc rh€ ftom locdi\,€ sutrx /+d with the 'additional elenrent *'( in casc ofl -ren I) ard
(25) untbac'-ak' ja1ga raput'-ak4t'1-ae-a
inanimate lok'I. Ghosh (1994) tries to denye l-rcak'l ia tE same way, but h€ could
3scror3s-crN leg break-pr.r':l-poss-3scposs-rx
not derive /-rery' fmm the same locative, as the meaning of the frnal -n (in /-renl) was
'He has broken his leg.'(-tu-l marl<ed for possessor/undergoer of the action)
not clear. Neukom, too, has the same problem as he submits 'which has no clearly
Table 2.7 lists case markers definable meaaing' Q@l:29). L. Burrows (1915:17) called this type of genitive a
locative-genitive, as this type of genitive often denotes a b€longingness of something
Genitive Therc ar€ two sets of sulfixes for genitivc - one for animate the other to a plaoe.
for inanimate The sulfix for the animate lrary' is used when the governed noun is
aJ.imxe aod l-alll is used when the governed noun is inanimate. For the inanimatc Camirotive The suffx for this case is l1lazl (with the variaat -1hec). Bhattacharya
therc are other su(fixes toq such as /-reat7, l-reanl, l-renak'|, a'nd, l-renayl. The ( 1975:148-149) assigned this suffx a dative rol€ in saying that 'when the verb has
sullixes marked as 'other' are normally attached to inanimat€ nouns and demon- two objects, if both the objects ar8 animate, the indircct object which precedes tlre
stratives ln one example like hapgam-la-reak' katha'story of the anc$tors', rlirect object takes a dative sulfix (or postposition) whercas the direct object is in
!6 TH8 MUNDA LANOUAOIE SANTALI !7

the accusativc casc i.a it i0 rcprscntcd by 8n objcct particlc in thc vcrb...'. Hir (331 nai-tel ml-ak|a
cxamples arc: rivcr-roc-lsc:surr go-u-m.r
,naeju-then gilba! en-kz&e-a 'l go/shall go to the river.'
worran-DAT child-1sc:sr.rsJ give-rsr:,r-3sc:ox-rn (Y) ,h somze-E-rt cal-ak'-a
'I gav€ the child to th€ woman.' when time-rcc-2sc:sr;&r go-M-FrN
gi&a-lhet ,naeju-tt em*zd-e-a At what time will you go?'
child-DAr x,oman-1sc:suar give-rsr:,r.-3sc:orr-m.r Functions as instrumental are:
'I gave the woman to the child.' (i) Instrument:
lamy d*a l-then I is not found in the dative role and if there are two animate objects (35) Coil-E tiok'-tv
of the wrb, the indirect object with the applicative marker is always shown in ttre stick-by pulldown-2scrur
verb rather than tle direct object. Neukom (2001: 29) assigns the suffix dative statu& 'Pull down by the stick.'
But the examples he has cited (except examples l0 and 11) appear more comitative
than d8tivc. Data containing /-riez / in my lield notes are more comitative than any-
(36) ni frati-re cire fi4iled-e-a-e
thing. Considcr thc following: 3sc arrow-Ns bird pierce-rrur:e-3sc:os-rn-3sc:susl
'He had pierced the bird with the aEow-'
(26) hr-tlr,n mena-k|a
Iro-with cxist-M-rrN (ii) Cause:
'lt ir with ma' (37) uni btt -te dag-akad-a-e
(271 ona alo-fun-e seler-en-khan-ge ui biq dc 3sc fear-ngs runaway-rxr:e-3sc:srmr
that light-near-3sc:suer rcach-psr:M-if-rcc 3sc snake rop 'He has run away out of fear.'
h2lbrbe gcc'-en-a (iii) Manner:
weapon-nw-3sc:sr.nr kill-psr:Ir-rn{ (38) khusi-tE-bon raska- k'-kan-a
'Having bcen rcached near the light that snake was killed by the weapon.' pleasure-ns-lrr,.nc enjoy-u-cor-rrN
(28) lui bu4lti-tlEn ccl>bon 'We are enjoying with pleasure'
that oldwoman-near go-lPl.rNc 1iv) Through, by means of:
'Let us go to that old woman.'
(39) tinok' gxna|-te-m hatao-a
(29) iV an-lher noa karha bllagit'-iq hec'-len-a how price-Djs-2sc:suBJ take-FrN
lsc:sutsJ 2-near this rvord tell-for-1sc:sr.rw come-prup:u-F At what price will ),ou take?'
'l had come to tell 1ou this'
140) noa kapQ-te ca-lak'-me
(30) to.i ato nefihi-tlan scpthct'-e J4on-a this door-nrs go-u-2sc:rur
3sovillagehcadman-with help3sc:surr get-rnr 'Go lhrough this door.'
'Hc will gpt help with the village headman.' (41\ noa dor-te cal-ok'-me
this coridor-rxs go-u-2scrlc
lnstrumental-lrcatbe The suffix /-rel is us€d to indicate two funstions - instrumental 'Go through this door.'
and locatilt With the locativE function it indicates the place (as well as the time),
the dcstinatioo (r€ached) as against ttre allalive l-sen I which indicates 'movement Som€tim€s /-16l is also found with the subject in passiye construction:
towards, dir€ction', etc.
@2) ilr-te-J, mak'-akan-a
(31) oka-te-m cal-ak'-kan-a lsc-tr{s-lsc:suBJ cut-PRF-M-Ftra

where-roc-2sc:surr go-M-coFFrN 'It is cul by me.'

'Where are you going? Socr,Ttiua Sociative is markcd by a postposition sdo 'with, in association with'.
(32) iskul-te cal-ak'-me 143) ab-sdo hij-*'-me
school-mc go.u-2sc:rrr lpl.rx-soc come-u-2sc:rup
'Go to the school.' 'Come with us'
II THB MUNDA LANOUAOBC IIANIALI !9

(44) pc,cb-sAo s.let ld,l egu-l4 Thc full form of thc first person is p instcad of -J4, and the s€cond person imperative
book-soc slarc too-3so:suBJ bring-y-nx form me for -m is uscd whcn the term for th€ kimhip ends in a coosonant.
'He will bring slate with books too.'
sdo is also found to oocur with suffx /-rel , thlJs saoE 3.1.4 Ddoimess
(45) hcpcn-sdotc bma e\ga h5< g)c|ledaa
Santali has one marker -rer'for nouns to mark definit€n€ss and another -la&'for
cub-soc-nrs bear-rtu. too-3sc:sLur kill-pr.up:,c.-3sc:oBJ-FrN pronouns To mark ursp€cified objects Santali has none; the numeral for 'one' may
'He killed a she-bear along with her cub.'
be us€d to maxk nondefmite rcfeEntial entity. The definite marker is uscd to emphasize
AllarttE Tk atralite suffx /-s€n / (vadant lseC/) exprcsses dtection towards destinadon. especially idcntity.
(46\ gcla-sen-ge dhar hena-k'-a (50) g lra-E '-ko-e ern-at'-l@a, ale dc bag
all-er-l-poc sharpness exisfu-rnt ch.ild-prr-3pr:orr-3sc:su,rr give-ern:xr:e-3puorr-r 1pr-.p< ror mc
'There is sharpness in all dircctions.' 'He gave only to the children, not to us'
Dir-ss, 'towaf,ds thc forcst' bzra-sez 'towards the mountain- (51) 4ar-Et' agu-i-me, dare-tct' ikz-k*k'- nc
branch-oer bring-y-2sc:ne tree-prr be-r.roo-ru-2sctr,p
,{6rarrw Thc po$tpoiition for the ablative is khcn (with variant khr') and is used 'Briry the branch, let the trce ba'
to orpl!$ 'from. awsy from':

l11l bn-khn hgon-nt l. 5 Nominal classl gender

trc!-Arl' comcdown-2sc.:rMP
3.

'Comc down frcm thc trca' Santali has two t)?es of gonder distinction, one grammatical and the other lexical.
(48) safin-khcn gel.ck'-kan-a The grammarical gender distinguisheg on the one hand, between [tanimate],
roof-$L see-m.-@Ft.,.-' which is a native system, atrd betweeo [tmale] with the inllections l-al nd l-il,
'It is being seen from the roof' r$pectively, which is borrowed from Indo-Aryan. The lexical gender ig in
Bhattacharyat (1976:195) term, 'compounded sex-based gender', thar is, sex-linked
/cicz is also found to occur with inanimate wfftx l-ak'l: words are attachcd to the sexually indeterminate nouns to mark male or fernale.
@9) rqja ogak'-khm-ak'-e day-kd-a Santali distinguishes betw€en two classes of nouns - animate and inanimate.
king house-mr-nuN-3sc:sl:ar run away-rsr:l-rw From verb-roots and stems, derived demonstratives as well as lodcal attributes,
'The king fled away from the house.' indehnite pronoung and derived adverbials, animate nouns are derived with suffx
/-ic'l and inanimare nouns with /-clsI.
Ircarr\E The suffx for the locative is /-re./, indicating locarion in spatiotemporal axes
It specifies destination or place reached. Sq if /-re / indicat€s locative of motion, /-rel nhcyic' 'sower' nhryak' 'thal which is so['n' <nhty'lo e,tt'
indicates locative of rest.
tudsl-ic' 'mnwhobats' rhful-ok' 'that which is beatenl < thl'ta lrf,a/''
,ai-ic' 'his one' rui-ak' 'his thing' < zai 'this one'
khagan-re 'in the ditch' singag cktc-rc 'at night fall' t E-n-ic' 'one of this side' ncu-n-ak' 'thing of this side'(< zctez
ato-te 'in lhc villry' lulat'-re 'in the darf bhitri-re 'inside' 'belonging to this direction-, 'in this
direction'
3.1.3 Percon podic' Vhite one' pon{-ak' khite thing' < poad'white'
Santali distinguishes between alienable and inalienable possession. In the case of alien- arak'-it' 'red one' arak'-ak' 'red lhing' < arak' 'red'
able possession, the possessor appears in the genitive before the head noun. In case of 4qk'-ic' 'any one' elak'-ak' 'anylhing' < 4qk' any'
inalienable possession, instead of a gsnitive attribute the head noun itself is marked jdhdn-ic' 'somebody' jAhAn-ak' 'something' <7ArA 'any, some'
for the posessirrc relationship by any one of the sufixes for the three persons, namely wfl<a-t-ic' har like this' nogka-n-ok' 'thing lik this' < zogfra 'in this
,
-7 for frst trrrson, -m for second person, and for third person, irrespective of manier'
singulaq dual or plural. The verb root [,ith TAM sufftxes can also take these suffrxeq and then the entire
The syst€m applies to kinship datiotral terms only. As in: wrb constructioa bemmes a noun, for example:
bckc-t 'his/their younger brcther' b"ko-!t 'my/our younger brother' ful-kede-y-ic' 'one who struck him'
apa-t father'
'his/their e\ga-t 'his/their mother'
elga-m 'thy/your mother' kimh-tre '*rylyour wife' Besides living bcings the following objects are also considered admate. C€lestial
hcpcn-iry 'mylort;. son' bodica, that iq tho sun. moon. and stars are considerod animate. Consider the
{O THB MUNDA LANOUA(IE$ SANTALI ,al

following cxamplcs whcrc thc aborrc ar€ markcd in thc wrb in thc form of third koga'boy' : kny' 'girl'; bho la' dog' : bhuli'bitr;h'
personal pronominal marker: bhQa'ran' : bhirli'sh*p' m,,rra'malgrnal l|xlde' i ,,14/mi'malemal almt'
(52) silcarlo rakap'-kan-a-e kalo 'deaf' : kzli'&af .stt"r.' Icoy ka' foolish' : hq ki'foolish.ruu.'
sun rise-corrn-3sc:sur l<ola' dumb' : ktfii'dumb.r,ex.' c$a'dd headd' : cadri'bald.reu.'
'The sun is rising.'
(53) tritldacAdo dubuc'-en-o-e Sex-based gender This may be puely lqical where separate words for male and
moon set-Psr: M-EN-3sG:suBJ female ar€ us€d to indicate differ€nt cat€gories.
'The moon set.'
anQb'ox':gai'co,x' bteha'brother':misera'sislet'
(54) hola-ren tpil-ttt ltel-kz{-kn-a jdwdy 'husba.nd' : bahu'wife' ierel'husband' i n oejiu'vife'
yesterday-cBN stax-lsc:sr.rBJ see-psr:l-3pr,:orr-rn opat'ftther' : engat 'mother' ftada 'he-buffalo' : D ft 'she-bulfalo'
'I saw the stars of yesterday.'
Spiritual beings are regarded as animate. Consider the following examples: Compounded sex-based gmder. b this type the distinction betwe€n jmale is made
(551 uni nit'-!q kali-boyga betuo-akad-e-a< clcar by combining sex-based words like atflia, sot/i, @1hor, aad ht4u for male and
hc onc-cr.ssrr Kali-idol make-nr:r-3sc:ou-rrN-3sc:suru ryga, bachi, and palhi for female with sexually indeterminate words.
'Hc hor madc a Kali idol.'
ar4b pu.si'fiale @l': enga pusi'c*i' rcu sardi sirn'co&' : elga sim'h '
Thc wordr 'pulf-ball', 'cor-wax', 'complete shells of snails', 'thorn when pricked' pEllur mihfr 'mab alf' : bachi milfr'do' mu hQu sukri'boar' : pathi sltki 'prg'
srt rc8srdod as animatc.
(561 putka-k, halag-ket'*o-o J.1.6 Pronouts (pernnal inknogative, elc)
mushroom-3pl:suBJ collect-psr:A-3pl:oBJ-F[.r
'They mllected mush.rooms.' 'fhe free-forms for the personal pronouns are given in Table 2.8. These pronouns may
not b€ overtly marked in the utt€rance if the identity of the referent is not focused.
(57) Ergct' mou-k'-ko-a
Note that there is an inclusive-exclusirrc dilfer€nce in fust person dual and plural.
ear-wax harre-u-3Pl:oBr-FrN
These forms are used in different social settings among certain kin-relations They
'There a.re earwaxes'
rre not used indiscriminarcly. A more formal description would be that inclusirre is
(58) !7t i7r+en jhinuk-lyr rapak'-kct'-ko-a l+sp€akfi +hearerl where as exclusive is [+speaker -hear€r], that is, the inclusive
I ls-ceN shells-lsc:slrsJ burn-psr:l-3pl:oBr-r,^-. is marked by the presenoe of the addressee in the discourse while in the case of the
'I burnt my shells' cxclusive it is not. There is also a distinction in the third person, that of anaphoric
(591 janwt-ilt to,'-ked-e-a vs. unmarked.
thom- I sc:suBJ extract-psr:A-3sc:oBJ-F^- Personal pronouns are not overuy marked if they arc not focused.
'l extracted the thom.'
(62) khan ont qixm-kate go[a bad bcehar-kin
si-caba-kzd-a
Dcad human bcings and animals are considered animate if the name is used or the then that hearcv whole high low land-2pr:surr plough-finish-rsr-rn
pcrson or animal rcfcrrcd to. 'Then having head thar they two ploughcd up the whole laad.'
(601 erc'htt-ko (63) an - Se biqe ,cbe cik*lao! goj-ea
dcadman-3pusuu bring-rsr:e-3sc:ou-rl"-* thou-FOC tell-2scrw then how-cv-lsc:surr kill-3sc:oar-rnr
'They brought the dead man.' 'Then thou t€ll hoy shall I kill him.'
(6ll gcc' anlia-ko topa-lad-ea
dead bull-3pusuu bury-rsr:l-3sc:orr-r.^* TABLN 2.& PE*SONAL PRONOUNS
'They buried the dead bull.'
Perso! Singular Dual Plual
The animatFinanimate distinction is also marked in the choice of genitive
Drc! E(CL TNCL E'(CL
sullixes -/-rerl for aiimate and l-qk'l with variants for inanimate
First ,l alq alu obo ale
InJlected gendcr. Sometimes the distinction between tmale is expre*scd morphologi- SecoId aben ape
cally. Certain nouns ending in -c form their femininc by replacing the final -o by -i Third .E akil oko
This is obviously an Indo-Aryan trait borrorcd by Santali. tli nkbt orrl@
12 T}IE MUNDA LANOUAOIE SANTALI
'3
ln (62) thc fuu form of thc rubjcct Eonoun ir not ulGd a! it ir not focu!.d. it ir only ffi
markcd in the prcdicata ln (63) thc full form of 2so. rr rubjcct is uscd with thc focus Admetc Itra male
marker ge as it is focuscd.
RGfcEntial Ccre okl
Notr-rcfereDtial cele cel'
Use ofthedulor plural when person is addrcssed The first person exclusive dual
one
a/frr is used by a single spealer when Jhe talks about or refers to him/herself to hiJ
her father/mother-in-laly, and first person plural inclusive is us€d by a single speaker
when Jhe talks about or refers to him/herself to hiJher co-parEnt-in-layr. The second known to the addressor, and the non-rrferential when it is uncertain. Bottr the types
person dual is used by parcnt-inla in addressing son/daughter-inlaw whetr just one form their dual and plural with -/crlz and -&o.
person is meant.
(71) ckce- kan-*m
(64) henda ho snulhi cet'-lekt mena-k'-bona which person corrnt.-2sc:surr
o co-parcnt-inJaw how-like be-u-l pr-.ngc-rnl 'Who are you?
'O co,parent-in-lax, how are you (we)?'
(72) oki-tak' b on-ak'
165) 4; muskil-re-bon pqao-akmt-a which-orr mp thou-csN
rEry troublc-roc-lpusuu fall-p*r:Ir-rnr 'Which (thing) is yours?'
'l am in grcst troublc.'
(73) cele kot-a-e
166l uk*cn-a-bca bahu who coprnr-3sc:sr;rr
ho*,-rsrtr,r-rnr-2or-:suu daughter-in-law 'Who is there?
'How art you. daughtcr-inJaw?'
(74) cet'-,-an Jruttstt
167l rua-k -kan-a-litt what-Poss-2sc:suBJ name
fcvcr-Ir-copFrN.- I oI,:suRr 'What is thy name?'
'I arn getting fever.'
Note that ,&re can bc used for human only, that is, it is + human, for non-human
Anaphoric rs. Uwnarkzd. Therc are two sets of forms for the third lrrson, one based animale to be specified the definitive suffix -r4&' is added.
on ac' and the other on demoDstrative zrri which is unmarked. The forms based on
dc' arc atraphoric while thoso baled on the demonstrati\€ t n i, 'that person', are both (75) oka-tak' b atn-ak'
anaphoric and deictic. ac' (with akin and ako in dual and plural) is used for human which-nrr rop 2s-csN
refercnt only and refers back to the topic; otherwise rari (az&rn and oz&o in dual and 'rffhich one is yours?'
plural) is used. Other forms of Interrogative are
(68') tuer fufr sidra. ac' baba ban-uk'aa
orphan girl child. she father r*c-u-3sc:oar-rnr ,rr,'when'; lmak"howmuch'; cedak"wtry'; ceka I cika'how'
'The orphan girl. She has no father.' ,rir is also found to oocur with locative suffx -re.

It can also bc uscd in thc samc sentanc€ when it is co-referential of tle subject. The most common indelmit€ root isJi A'any'which itself is us€d for the inanimate and
gai dr ac'-ak' goga-re-y-e it takes person marker -e for tlrc animate Both tak -kir and -to for dual and plural.
169) tr ag ader-akad-e-a
Forms of the indefinite pronouns are given in Table 2.10.
lsc bring cow TOP he-cex cowshed-rnc-y-3sc:suw bring-rnr:e-Sc:onr-rn
'Hc has brought the cow which I brought to his cowshed.'
Q6\ jAhAe-ge met-ae-rrE
Use of nni is anaphoric and deictic both. It should also be mentioned that frequency- anybody-roc tell-^ppr,-3sc:oRr-2sc:ri,p
wise usc of ani is more common. "Iell anybody.'
Q0) ni tckhn lp-ge arri-te 7el-ck'-kan-ta6kan-*e QT jAhA-te cal-ak' bi-olo-a-y+ne
She tlen there-mc mirror-rnc see-u-corrsr-rnr-3sc:suw aoy-roc go-M tell-away-^ppl--1sc:oBJ-2scxrp
'Thercupon she was looking at ttre mirror.' 'Tell me when thou go anywhera'
Forms of the intsrrogatirrc pronouns arc given in Table 2.9. Qq iaha disx -te-bon bFa
There are two typ€s of interrogatives with Janimatr distinction-rcferential and any country-LGlru,rxsuw goas,ay-FrN
non-referential. The referential is used when the identity of the p€rsou or objcct is 'We will go away to any country'
.4 THB MUNM LANOUAOB3 SANTAU 45

m TABLE 2.12: DEMONSTf,ATIVIS

Animar. lnanimrta
TYp. I: Simple DcmoBtrativ. Animatc IDaniEste
j rib'Lnyole' W'@ihisg' Proxiuara ,rr,i'this petsotr' zoa 'this thing'
DI nukh naokh
Pt iatco naako
Distal ,rri 'that persoD' oru 'thal thiq'
Sometimes the inanimate form takes the definitiye suftix -r4k'to denote an inanimat€ DI t/f,1ki,, onakbt
object. oako omko
Remorc , i'that person yonder' /rar4 'that thiry yoder'
O, iAhA-tak'-ge hatao E DL haLii lraiakh
arry-DEF-Foc tale-2sc:rup PL ta*n
'Take any (of these).'
Typ€ II: Parlicularized Demonstrative AEimate ItradEare
admr, 'some', is also fiound to be used as an indefinite for animarcr and for inanimates Proxirate ,lii 'just this person' ,,b lurt this thing
it takcs thc inanimate sullix -4&' (i.e. admak), though mor€ often it is us€d as DL nikin nidcil
PL neko ,tial<o
8n attributc r8thcr thsn a prcnoun. etal<','frordlF,r', is also used as an indcfinitc Distal iri Just that p€rson' ira lust that thing'
pronoun with -rc'for thc animatc and -alr'for the inanimate. Paradips are listed DL irrkh ia*in
in Tlbh 2,1l: PL enko itako
Remota ,ri4i lust that ooe yooder' lust that thitrg yotrder'
,rrina
iLf if,f f [triIl-iT,_:f IIfiIf,rI[EiEl DL hi*h hinakil
hinakt
Animst Inanimele

Singulry odra 'romcbody' aArrat' 'somethitrg' TABLE Al:} DEMONSTNATIVESI RETXRRING T{) SIGTIT AI{D SOTJNI)
Dual adrr*h adawk'kia
Plural da <o obrrok'l@ Demonstrative rEf to iight Demonsffative ref to soutrd
Singdar elar('ic' atrother penoD' Et4*'4t' 'atrother thing' Distsl Rehot€ Dhial
Dual etaL'kh e1&'&'kh
Pturel etak'l<o
Sitrgular ,r€ 'that s€cn ,4r€ 'that seer ,le 'that heard orer there'
4ak'ak'ko over therc' over )onder'
Dual drekh ho6kh cbkbt
Plural funEko ctako
i.1.7 Demonstratiyes
Sartali has two typ€s of demonstratives with tbree distinctions - proximat€, distal,
and remote While the proximate is in r8lation to the speaker, the distal and remote
from ar (possibly ot). As both th6 forms end in -e, it may be that it is a suffix pointing
ar€ in dation to the address€e. Two types of demonstratives are slmple, rcprcs€nted
to some direction. The sets have no +arimate distinction.
by the roots ao 'lhis', on'that', and hat'yonder'l, and portictrl$izeq rcpres€nted
by za (aleo zi) Just this', er 'just thal', nd hcn lust that yonder'. Both typcs have
3.1.8 Nwnerqls
lonimatc distinctio and intcnsified forms as well. They may be represented in
tabular form as shown in Tablc 2.12. Numerals in Saatali are gsnerally found as quantifrers combined with classifiers. The
Thc intcnsilicd dcmonstrativ€s arc deriv€d from both simplc and particularized actual number is denoted by the quantifiers used without classifiers in enumerating
demomtratiy€s for the proximate by infxing <t>; thus zn& rt'this wry one', zctby human beings in the indefinitg and with classifiers in enumerating human beings
'this very thing' from the simple typg and zit'i Just this very one' from the particu- with definite and non-human animat€ ard inaaimate objects
larizcd type. Note that only two forms, onc for the animate and the other for the
inanimat€, are derived from the simple type without dual or plural, and ooly on€ 3.1.8.1 Cardinal
from the particularized typc for animate only. It is to be notcd that when sommne
or something is to be specified, it is to b€ done with the proximate, and trot witb Therc are ten basic numerals in Santali, from I to 10, and further numerals are
the distal or remote
derived from these basic numerals There are also two other numerals for 'twenty'
There a.re also two other types of demonstralives, one referring to what is s€€n and and 'hundr€d', which are also used as bas€s for further numerals, but th€y are borow€d
tle other rcferring to lvhar is heard, detailed in Table 2.13. In the case of the former from Indo-Aryan.
therc arc two distinctions, one for the distant ard the other for the r€mote. But in the Basic native cardinals Borrowed
case of the latt€r, there is only distant. While the dcmoNtratives for what ig scen arc mil' 'one' turai 'six' iri 'tw€nty'
derived from on 'that' and ,ar 'that yonder', the demonstrative of sound is dcrivEd bar 'two' eae 'seven' sae 'hundred'
.6 THB MUNDA LANOUAOIB SANtAU 47

P 'thr€e' tnl 'cight' batea byga 'tno gholtr' pra rrrn thrcc coc&s'
pon 'four' afe 'ninc' poneajhls 'four thinga' ponca gao 'four friends'
ntE 'hve' cel 'ten'
Set III: SrIa (with variant Srrsc'): This classifrer is used with the numerals ftom
Therc arc two systems of counting one based on 'ten', that is, desimal; and the othcr
'fi\€' to 'tctr' and with the distributive numerals. It is also used rarely with the
numgral 'one'. Occurr€nces with 'oae' are, however, found in songs and prcsumably
by scor€s, thar is, vigesimal. From 'eleven'through 'nineteen' numerals are formed by
demanded for metrical purpose. The classifier is used with the same classes of nouns
adding numerals from 'one'to 'nine' to the bas€ that is 'ten'. From 'twEnty' onwardg
as in Sets I and II.
decades are formed by the process of multiplication and the numerals between thc
decades are the rEsult of multiplication and addition. In multiplication the base is m5gi-g4mka4a 'five buffaloes' turui-g4e bolga 'six ghosts'
a multiplicand and that which multiplies is a multiplier. In addition the basc is an eae-gclmputul'sevendolls'
augend and that which is added is an addend. The formation of the numerals may
be given in a formulaic shape.
3. 1.8.3 Distributive numeral
Numerals from 'cle\€n' to 'nineteen': AUGEND + ADDEND Distributive numerals in Santali are formed by reduplication of the initial consonant
gel + mit' = gehiit' 'eleYet
along with the vowel. Bodding (1929:60) has given examples of such formations,
pl+ iral = gelb"l'finretr;cn'
fron 'one'through 'ten'. In my data only the first five numerals form their distributive
Numralr for dcadcc : MULTIPLIER x MULTIPLICAND munterpaxt in this prccess, and any other distributives are formed with /@rs. Thus:
bar x gel= bargel'lwetty' mit' 'oae' > mimit''one each'
ps x gel= pegel'thiny' bar'two' > babar 'lrro eash'
pe 'lfuer' > pepe 'lhrtc each'
lntcrmcdiotc numerals: MULTIPLIER x MULTIPLICAND + ADDEND pon'forr' > popon'four each'
fur x gel + mit' ='lwe y-one' 'five' > m5m57'five each'
m5gE
ponx gel+ eae= 'forty-scven'
turui-kate 'six etch'
All the numerals arc deriv€d in this lvay until 'ninety nine'. For 'hundred' Santali
does not have any native numeral. It is r4e (cp. Skt./ararz 'hundred', Bangla/a 'id.'), 3.1.8.4 Inclusive numeral
borrowed from Indo-Aryan.
Ia the vigsimal system, that is, counting by scoreq the same process operates, Santali poss$scs thrco inclusive numerah - banar,'both'; perc,'all ttue'; and ponon,
only the base for 'twenty' is iri Evea decades ar€ multiples of twent/ and uneyen 'all four' derived by inliing <z> to the base numerals for 'two' to 'four'. They
-
decadcs are a combination of 'twenty' and 'ten'. can be used as a subject or object of a s€ntence and as an attribute in endocentric
attributive constructions
it' + isi = mir'isi 'lwefiy'
bat + isi= baisi 'forty' (80) bour-ge figi-kh-me
bartsl + $l + mit' 'fifty-one' both-rupn pierce-3Dl:oBJ-2sc:rMp
'Pierce the both-'

3.1.8,2 Clc!.ificrg (81) pene agu.akot'-ka-a-Jt

all thrce bring-rnr:l-3pr,:osJ-rN- I sc:suBJ
ThGrc ar€ thr€e scts of classiliers in Santali. 'I have brought all three'
Sct I: 1ez (with variant lec): This classifier
is used wittr the numeral for 'one'and
signifies nonJiving human beingg non-human living beings, non-human non-living (82) ponon kombTo*o gcc'-en-a
objec$ atrd the inanimate It is also used for human beings when specified. allfour thief-3ru:suar die-rs'r:u-n^-
'All four thievEs died.'
mit'ten gcc' hq
'one dead man' mit'tec' uric' 'one bullock'
mit'ten mkkhos 'one man+ate/ mit'ten harbr 'one weapon'
3.1.8.5 Ordinal
mil'len hq 'one man'
Santali has three ordinal numbers -paiiJ 'first', dasar 'second', and ,eJ4r third'- all
Sst ea: This classifia is uscd with tle mrmerals from
II: two' to Toul and for borrovrcd fiom Indo-Aryan. Sometimes th€ tanimat€ suffxes -Ic'and -aft' arc also
'tuEnty', as well as the same classes of norms as in Sct I. added. Each of them c,an occur as attribute or adverb.
1I THE MUNDA LANOUAOE$ sANf Lt O

Santali, bcing a ncighbour of thc castcrn lndo-Arysn languagco likc Dsngla. UritriE. 'iasida'with locatirE lullir -rr. hone 'within' too.
Hindi, Oriya, and Assamesg has dir€ct contact with spcakcrs of all thcsc languagcr,
Among ottrer linguistic features, Santali also uses Indo-Aryan numcrals, As a rcsult. (n) ofak'-bhifibe menuea
the first six numerals are used uniformly by all sections of society. The youngcr house-inside hare-3sc:oBr-FrN.
generation more olten uses Indo.Aryan numerals from serrcn onwards while thc 'He is therc in the housa'
older generation presorws the original numerals
talare. localiye of tala 'middle' with locative suffx -te.
j.l.9 Adpositions (91) opk'-,alne dugup'-aka-n-a-e
house-middle in sit-pnr-u-rx-3sc:susJ
Santali has a large number of postpositions. The postpositions arc added either to
the bare nominals or to the number suffxes and the definitive marker. Some of them 'He is sitting in the middle of the housa'
rcquire the genitive case Some arc used after infinitives and others after a completc
phrase - even after a senteDce. Some postpositions are complex in the s€nse that htarre. loc*;live of lalar 'below' with suffx -rg used only witll noun.
they arc composed of one postposition and a suffx. Some postpositions can take (92) dhiri-latsre
dcrivatirc sulfix€s for adjective and tanimate nouns Her€ ar€ some of the common stone-under
po.tpolitions: 'Utrder (a) stonc,'

lalat'lbg0', To indicatc purposc or intcntion after all nominals and infinitives It ceta$re. 'LtfJvEiop',loc of ceran'loP',with suffx -re.
mry .lro bG combincd with thc sullir -r8 without any change in meaning.
(93\ 4tqri-ceta re mit'-Prt fure nhEkan-a
lSll unl ml hcpca-lagtt' d) bis lflu agu-a&e-a-e hill-under one-crssFR tt€€ Psr-FrN
ko kingson-for ror poison sreet bring-errr:rsrrr-3sc:ogJ-Ftr{-}c:sr;B, 'There was a tr€e undcr the hill.'
'Hc brought poisonous sweet for the princa'
(U\ arfl-lagil'-it, hec'-aka-n-a /eta. Adjectival and adrrcrbial postposition meaning'like'. It is also found to occur
2sc-for-lsc:surr come-pRF-M-FrN with locative sulfix of motion -te in thesense of 'by any means"
'I have come for thou.' (94) nui-lelca hcg kan-a-e
(85\ uduk'-lagit'-e calao-aka-n-a osuJike matr be-rn-3sc:sus
show-for-3sc:susJ go-PrF-M-FrN 'He is a man like this person.'
'He has come for showing.'
(95) oka-lekate hi noo dc
alo-m en-ck'-a
modre 'tmolag'. Bangla word with -re, i.a modhere is also found to occur in the which-by means too ttris rop pnomr2sc:surr give-u-ml
same Sense 'Thou would not give it by any means'
(86) nolco-modre konbgo mena-e-a are.'taking alongwith'.
thcsc-among thief harrc-3sc:oar-mr.
'Thcrc is a thief among these persons' (96) ni blhiao tatam-e&a'e
3sc:suBJ stick-takealong walk-PRs:^-rnc-3sc:suBl
l87l ap*moddhere jdhde-ge lcgan hij-uk'-ne 'He is walking taking a stick along.'
2rl-among anyone-EMpH quickly come-u-2scrrur
Any one of you come quickly.' hcDc'ta.'fot, W, d\e to', indicating instrunentality.
dlrabic'. Co,\,ey tllr- sense 'till, until, up to'. Used after nominals indicating space (y7) dak' b&-hctec'te balr topo-le-n-a
a.nd after infidtives indicating time water dirty- due to NEG.lsc:stB, bathe-pu.:r-u-m.t
(88) atga-dhabic' fugo-en-d-e 'I did not take bath due to dirty water.'
peak-upto climb-psr:u-rrN-3sc:suu
'He climb€d up to the p€ak.' rufuc'. 'being with, association with', used with nominals and verb stems.
(89) uai awi hij-uk'-dhabic' okatt-h5 ak>m cala-k'-a (98) ittluluc'-e hec'-aktn-a
3sc before come-M-until where-too nnonn-2sc:suw go-u-ms. ls-along wiltr-3sc:suBJ come-pRF-M-FIN
'Do not go anywhere until he com€s.' 'He has come with me"'
!O THE MUNDA UINOUAOES SANTALI
'I
(9) sen-ck'-tuluc'< jepit'-tdi<d-a zeaar'c' 'one of thir si&', nctenak' 'thing of thir sidc' <n rsn 'belonging to this
walk-n -while-3sc:suru sleepsimultaneously-rulnr:e-m,r side' <nare 'this sid€'
'While rvalking he sleeps"' nar4enb' 'ore of tltsplrc', n 4enak''rhing of this place' < rcr{en 'belonging
to this place' <rrrr+ 'hel€
/rcle, Gerundial postposition, meaning'having done'. It is also used after nominals nolka b' 'oaelike tbis one', nonkowk' 'thing like this' <nolran 'like this'
and adjectives in an adverbial sense. < no/ra 'in this manner'
(100) ruag- hec-kate urri ioakatha bi-kcd-a-e
return -come{v hethis story tell-psr:A-Fr.r-3sc:suBJ Postposirion
'Having returned he told this story.'
sdote ic' 'comwLion'< sAoEn 'accompanfng'< sao + r€
(101) phosiqra-kate h4tao-kcd-a-e
deceitful-cv ggt-psr:A-FrN-3sc:suBJ Suffi*
'He got possession of it deceitfully.'
cheak' 'that with which is written(pen)'< ,, 'write' ,, 'instrumental suffx'
nBnte. Lil.'by saying'(rrsn 'say'+ ,e), 'for th8 purposc of'.
(lfi2l 2hcgga-nuatc mak'-agu-oktd-a-e 3.1.10.2 Infxation
atlcl-for thc purposc of cut-bring-rnr:r-rn-3sc:sun The most prcductive process of nominal derivarion in Saatali is infixation. There ar€
'H! cut and brought it for thc purpose of making stick.' at least five infixes - <lV), <nV>, <ml,/>, <gV>, and <pV> - of which <r rD, <n r>
btt, Ud rfur nominals and infinitiveg with a sense of 'owing to, due to, on and <p ,> are the most productive. The other twq <m I> and <fll> arc used rarEly.
rocount of" They arc inserted into verbg nouns, aad lexical adjectives to derive nominal& The
vowel of the infx (normally the first vowel if the root or stem is bisyllabic) is that
(103) 4l hrf-b@ bae sor-len-a of the root to which it is insert€d, the exception beng ehcp' 'begin', which repeats
many pcoplc-owingto NEG-3sc:suBJ comeclose-pr.unrrr-rnr
the s€cond vowel.
'Hc did not come closer on acount of multitude of people.'
Examples:
3.1.10 Derivation <tl/>: bttcr 'fear', < D, 'to fear'; rcrck' 'sf,altrr', < rck' 'sw';nututtt'name', <
There are three processes to derive nominals in Santali: prefxation, infrxation, and ,pun'lo name'; ctcr'warp of a web', < ar '&a pull'; etchcp' 'begirning', <
ehcp' '&girl; gaorc'help', < g2r, 'to help'; ctcmcn'oigit, < cmcn'getmimafe';
sulfixatioa. The processes are cmployed by verbs, lexical and derived adjectiveg and
satahet' 'brcath', < sahet' 'breaihe'; je@ 'lolr.g', < jetelql,ler:glh' .
trouns to deriYe the nominals.
<nY>: mcl 'writlrln piece', < aI 'write'; .1bzek' 'broom', < jck' 'suterp'; bouk'
3.1.10.1 Suffxation 'hook', <bak' 'to hook'; benet' 'stopprfiid' < bet' 'cwer with palm'; grz4
The sullixes -ic' for aldmate and -a&' for inanimate may be described as nominal- 'bride price', < gcy 'gwe to marriage'; t?n?l 'kaot', < ,r/ 'bind'; ronkap' 'np,
izcrq too Ncukom 2001:57-58). They are us€d to form rcferential nominals from: development', < rakap''i*'; ag'begin' > cncg'prefarr'; ancsar'brcadth', <
escr'broad'.
R &tpllcared verb stems and verb roots
<pV>: hcpcn 'children', < hcn'clild]' mpaj 'king and his retinue', < ra7
fu&llc' 'onc who cngaged in bealing' < dal 'beaf 'krag'; napafii'village chiefs', <manjhi'villaga chtef'1' kipbdg'zamindar and
jlruk' 'food' < j*n 'eat' his retinue', < kisdg 'zamindar'. The infx <p7> is often employed to derive
gic'ic' 'dcad one' < g?c' 'die' plural nouns.
clic' 'writer' < cl 'wdte' <mlt>: laruk' 'lcrapt', < lak' 'pal, vcrap'i cenol' 'tr,achh9 aid' , < cet' '!.sach':'
clok' 'that which is writtetr' serzbr' 'association', < salal' 'associate'; harl,on'rqhew', < hm'child' .
rchrtnk' 'thltwhich is sown' < nhcy 'sovt'
enec'ic' 'dance' <enec' 'dane' <7Y>: gcsan'grand old, namesake', < gcm'to name'; dgE'bird', < cE 'squeak'.
kirw 'that which is bought' <kiriV 'buy'
Simple and derited adjecttues 3.1.10.3 Prefixation
por4ic' 'uthite oae', pon4ak' 'white thing' porfi'wtnts' There is only one unproductive prelx in Santali, nu-, which s€rves as a nominalizer
bogeic' 'good one', bogeak' 'good thing' boge'good' in mnverting verbs to nouns. It b vcry r€stricted in usg and only three verb roots
!a THE MUNDA LANOTJAOES S,ANTALI 53

takc this prcfir for nominalization. ln somc cat6r it carrid thc moaning of rrsult and /egaz 'hurriedly'as in (109) beafi hll-tu*'-nrc
in othcrs that of the activc agcnt. hurricdly come-r-2so:Iur
marsal'hght', <anal'to hghl'i mamk' 'pear,ock', <mk' ' cry'; nacet' 'tcacher', 'Come hurriedly.'
<cet' '!f,ach'-
es/rzr'alone'as in (110) eskar nhen bog boge-a
alone stay mc good-m*
'Staying alone is not good.'
3.1.11 Adjectbes

There is little justification for positing a separate adjectival class except for a f€w
nanax- 'pre*ntly' as in (1ll) nahak'-e hiluk -a
presently-3sc:suBl come-M-FIN
derived adjectival words, which function as attributes in endocentric attributive con- 'He will come presently.'
structions ard as pr€dicate complements There arg of course, a handful of borrmrcd
words that are adjectiws at the souce and thus may be trcated as tpical adjective& ,rr'when'as in (112) ,ir-en hii*'-a
t
Thc borrowed words show sex distinction, otherwise there is no gender distinction when-2sc:suBJ come-M-FIN
ar such. Borrowcd pairslikc khepa:khepi'mad' , kala:kali'&af', kogka:hr0ki'mad', 'When will you come?'
kA1*k$ 'Uitd', ,otm:rutri 'stammering', knda:kndi 'dumb', and phogra:phugri Some other words are nl'l 'now', cr, 'immediately', hha 'fiftr', tm 'lhen', netar 'zl
'toothlc.r'rrc doclinod for gcndcr with -a in the masculine and -iin the feminine. lrresrrrt', sefuy'in old days', acfta 'suddenly', pahil'at ftsl', dinom'daily', enan
.ol lr tho rufllx for dcrivinS edjcctircs from nouns and dernonstrative adverbs of
'thea', dhirD1 'aftcr r whilc'.
lo0r ot1 mrnmt md dkaion: bgcaa koga 'rtrong boy', <da1e 'strenglh': kn4awwr Tte suffixes -/ca, {e, -re are added to the demonstrative and interrogative roots to
hat tuyawan *;.qi'kind girl', <daya .kir,d-
derive adverbs denoting location, motion, and mlnaeri no0k4'in this manner'; zcte
rl0l'i rot 4rn <ncnle 'here'; ncan @gra'tl lcr)r of
'in this dircction'; rrzCe 'herc': okare ''wltere'; oftcre 'to which si&'; ceka'hott' ,
thlr rldc' <,cls 'thit tidcl. nogkaa kemi 'work likc this' <no7&a 'like this'.
Reduplicated words with or without -r€ and words along with tieir echo counter-
Tho follorving are somc cxamples of their use as a prcdicate compliment:
parts are used as adverbs.
(l04l urli b dayaww-kan-a-e (113) paripari-te kani-me
3sc. rop kind-cop-rn-3sc:sup turn-rNs do-2scrup
'He is kind.'
Do by turns.'
(105'S ona tol dc nogkan-ge-a (ll4) kzc' kac' dak'-et'-tahEkan-a-e
that wdtitrg rop like thisroc-rnr little rain-nrrnr-cortrsr-rnr-3sc:suw
"That essay is like this.' 'It was raining a littl€.'
The word itself is not itrflected to show deg€es of comparison. To obtain comparative
Ql5) heopoko hij-uk'-tne
and superlative degrees postpositions are used with the words with which something quickly come-M.-2sc:rup
is to be compared. ftt z is used for the compamtive and words of multitude with the 'Come quickly.'
samc postposition for superlative
(116) sen-ck' sen-tk'-le-e nrea-kcd- a
(106l lwna dzre noa dare-ko khcn dc sEga-ge-a go-M go-M-cv-3sc:sr.lBJ say-Psr:A-ErN
that yondcr tr€c this tree-er-ear ror big-roc-rnr 'While going he spoke'
'That tr€€ is bigScr than this tr€e.'

3.2 Verbol mrpholog/

3.1.12 Adwrbiab
The Santali verb is defined by the fact that it obligatorily takes tEnse' asp€ct and
Therc arc thrce types of adverbs: simplq derivative, and words with locatives suffxes mood markers, markers for voicg pronominal axguments, marker for the finiteness
z.rarc 'quickly' as in (107) usem kami-me of action, and s€ntential modality. The words that denote action, event, or condition
quickly do-2sc:rur are not those t€ated as verbs, but any word is treat€d as such provided it takes the
'Do quickly.' above markers The verb with the finite marker -a is tr€ated as finite, and without
this and the gerundial sullix is feated as non-fmita
dcrne lery nwh' as in (108) dcme-ko rak'-ed-a Typical of the Munda languages and Santali is the fact that the verb may be any
very much-3u:suan cry-rMpRF:A-FrN typ€ of lexemq any nominal with or without a genitive suffx, interrogativeq and
'They arc crying very much.' indefinite stems, besides an exclusive class of v€rb roots In the case of nominals,
54 THE MUNDA LANOUAOES 3ANTALI II
int€rrogatives, and indcfinitcs, thcr€ is alwayr thc ncod of 8 copula (light v€rb) to b€ arc actuslly numbcr sulflrps for thc dual and plural. Whcn a negatirrc particle precedes
used with it. Considcr the following examplcs: thc vcrb, thc clitic pronominalc arc obligotorily marked in the particle There is one
marlrer, -/c', for an inanimate subjcct used exclusively with the verbs nrez4 'to b€' and
(ll7) ttttidc on-ak'-kan-a- e hena 'lo brrc' .
3sc rop 2so.cml-cop-rnr. -3sc:suu
'He is yours' (122) cet' jtuis hena-k'-taben-a
(ll8) ckce-kora-m what thing exist-M-poss-2nddl.poss-Fhr
who-cop-rry-2sc:surr 'What thing is there of you?'
'Who are you? (123'l toti-ak' o$k'-re mit'-ta1 thili meru-k'-a
(119\ oka-reak -kot-a 3&-osN hous€-mc one-ClssFR pitcher exist-M-Fn.
which-cw-coe.rnq. 'Therc is a pitcher in (his) housa'
'Where does it belong to?'
It should be noted that the verbs mena atr'd, hena tz}€ the subject agreement in the
0m) ,jrn-a&ea-l position where the object normally comes, that is, oot alter a finite c, but before it.
medicine-*pr:psr:,r-3sc:os-rnt.- I sc:suw Examples for illustrating positions of subject pronominal clitic:
'I gave him medicine'
(124) khan-ge paloaid.-e daJ-kcd-a
(l2l) m i dt parya o-e kimir.-kcd-e-tifa then-poc Patoari rop-3sc:sr]Br rutr-Psr:l-rnr
daughter ror Pargana-3sc:sua; daughter-inJaw-xr:A-3sc:oBJ-poss-1pcs-FN
Also
A Pargana made my daughter his daughter-in-larv.'
khan-ge paloari dc dog-kcd-a-e
Note ttrat in examples 117-121 a pronoun, interrogativE and noun are used in the 'Then Patoari ran away'
predicate position with either a mpula or a tens€ marker.
(125\ ba-e yn-len-a
j.2.1 Subject lec'3sc:slgr go-PLuP:M-FIN
'He had not gona'
Santali is a nominativdaccusative type of language in terms of verb agr€€ment. The
'verb obligatorily agrees with the subject NP in terms of person and number. The
3.2.2 Object types
subject is marked by the clitic protrominals in the verb phrase freely standing after
the verb or with the word preceding it. The pronominals have the same shape as The marking of pronominal object plays an important role in Santali. The animate
personal pronoung except that the third person is marked by -e -kh, and -ko n the objects are marked in the verb in the form of iofxed clitic pronominals There ar€
singular, dual, and plural. When an animate noun stands as tlle subject NP, it agrees two tylrs of objects in Santali: one dir€ct, marked by the clitic pronominals in
with the nerb in the form of third person clitic pronouns When ttre subject NP is a inlxed form; and the other indirect, marked by an Applicative a-. In the simple
pronoun, it agr€6 with the verb by its clitic form. Table 2.14 gives an overvicw of pres€nt/futurc the Applicative is prEfixed to the clitic pronominals, and with TAM it
subject markers on the verb: is prefxed to the TAM markers

(126) dal-a-y-*e
TABLE 2,14r SANI.ILI AGREEMENT M]{XXEBS strikc-lppr-- I sc:osJ-EN-3sc:susJ
'Hd strikes/will strike for me.'
Persotr/Number Sitrgular Dual Plural
INCL ErcL INCL E(CL
(127) dal-a-n-km-a-e 'He is striking for me'
-coF
First -rt@) -w -lU non -b
Second nu -pe (128) thl-ad-iV-a-e'He struck for me'
Tbird -e +h -ko -APPL.PI'T:A

(129) dal-akawad-92-c-e 'He has struck for me.'

Noie that tll€ clitic form of the first p€monal pronoun is replaced by the full form gr .APPL.PRF:A-
when it is added to a consona[t-€nding word. The first person plural exclusive gets
an increment n in its clitic form. The second person singular -rz gEts an incr€ment e Ttc clitic pronominals for the object stand after the TAM markers and before copula
when added to a consonant-€nding word, thus erz. The third personal clitic forms kN arLd tar6ka . The clitic pronominals for the object are the same as the subject
 THE MUNDA LANOUAOEE SANTAU 57
'6
formr, exccpt for cocond person singular, which it <lll >. Eramplcr ill$trating thc (138) Activc: uri dal-fi-ka*o-e
position of direcl oliect in thc vcrb arc ahowo in Tablc 2.15: 3sS bcat-lso:oalornx-3sc:surr
'He is beating me'
T BLE 2" 1: DIXtrCT OEIEC'I PRONOMINAL INFIXXS Middle : rzzi cal-ak'-km-*e
Singulsr Dusl Plural 3sS go-u-cor-rnr-3sc:suw
'He is going.'
First dalittaa tulqa-e dal$r-o< dal-bi-a-e &I-&-c-e 'He strikcs odus'
Sccoad ful-t*-a< ful-baaa darlE-r-€ 'He strikes thou/,ou' It is also us€d with the lterative/Intensive stem to denote non-completive determina-
Third ful-eaa dal-kh-a-e dcl-lo-a-e 'He strikes him/them' tive prog€ssive
(139) dadal-kaa-a-e
Further examples: beat intensively-ooFrnr-3sc:sup
'He is beating intensively.'
(130) tul-ki&b-a-e
strikc-Psr:A-l sc:oBr-FrN-3so:suBJ Corresponding to the /6r, copula for the past is tahEkqn. Lik€ kqn, it is independ-
'Hc struck mc.' ently conjugated.

llSll ful-lctt-a*o Qa$ uGkat-a-n n6kot-a-m ta6kan-a-e

ltrikG-n.uP:^-3rc:ou-FrN-3PL:suB, cop:psr-m{-1sc:suBJ crrp:rsr-rnr-2sc:su'rr conrsr-m.i-3sc:suw
Thcy hrd rtruck him.' 'Iwas' 'Thou were' 'He was'

lll2l bl-uk4t'Jc-a-c Valit€ l@t, it never functioN as an aspect marker. In combination with differ€nt
!trikc-PRF:^- I PL:oN-nx-3sc:suu aspect suffxes, it always denotes past action or state. lt can combine with the copula
'Hc h83 struck us.' taz as well to convey the sense of past pmgressiw. The tense nuances expressed by
this copula will be shown in the aspect-cum-teDse network. Zero or the absence of
(133) dal*-!r-t< any marker d€notes the simple present/future.
strike-opr-l sc:osJ-FrN -3sc:suB,
'He should strike me'
3.2-1 Aspect
(l?4\ dal-lea-a-e
strike-nx.-2sc:oBr-FD.[-3sc:suu Santali employs a number of suffrxes to denote dilfercnt aspects lt is int€Est-
'He would strike you.' ing to note that the sulfixes employed to denote differcnt states of action ar€ also
employed to denote time dimension, thus s€rving a dual role. Aspocts in Santali
may be divided broadly into non-completive and completive, each having two broad
3.2.3 Tense divisions - indeterminative and determinative. Non-completive indeterminative is
ln Santali two copula\ ka afi tahrka , express time dimension for the present and indefinitE while the same detErminati\re is progressive. Completive ind€terminative
past, Espcctiv€ly. Thcrc is the conccpt of time for present, past, and futurg and th€ is aorist while the same d€terminative is either rcsultativg stating an accomplished
action with a rcsult which is still pl€sent; or non-r€sultati\re, stating an action which
Bsp6l sullixcs slong with their own functions denote time dimension as well.
happened long ago with a r€sult which is no longer prescnt or is an action to be
Thc copula tzn dcnot s pr€scnt time. It is quitE differcnt from oth€r aspcct-
talcn up prior to some other action. In a tabular form the asp€ct framework of
Santali may be repres€nted as follows:
tak6 its objcct bcforc it. It ha!, again, nothing to do with voice markers for actinc
or middle; it csn be us€d with both active and middle. It can also be indep€nd€ntly ffoz-cornpletirie
conjugateq thus: Indeterminative: Indefinite o
(135) kan-ay'Lam' Imperfective: Progressive
be-m.r-1sc:suar Active -e
Active & Middle kat
(136\ kan-a+n'Thote-rt'
Completive
(137) kan-a<'Heis' Indeterminative: Aorht
It is s€condarily Active -ke
shifted to the non-completive detcrminative progressive in thc
middle and with first and third person singular object in the active.
Middle
rI THE MUNDA LANOUAOE.s IANr U
'9
Detcrminatiw R$ultatiw -a*a With Applicatiw Ao7iv. .akawer'
(accomplishcd with thc rrsult still prcsont) l.0,{jdd,le -akawwt
Non-rcsultative -le Completive determinative resultative with ,ahaktn as pas, perfect:
(accompli$ed with the result not Pr€scnt) ActiYe -qkat' taEksn
The non-rcsultatiye -/e is also us€d to denote priorative action. All aspect suflixcs ]0diddle -akan n6kan
fjxl(€pt O Lad kan are ad(lrd with active and middle voice markers when they arc Completive determinative non-resultative as p luperfect
sullixed to the verb stems Aspect suffixes with active and middle markers are shown Active -le{
in Table 2.16: Middle Jez
with Applicative Active -ar'
TABLE 2.1G ASPECT ST,'FTD.}S WTIII ACTIVE
Middle -az
AND MIDDI,E MARXENSI With Benefactive Lctive -kat'
CompletiyE deteminative non-rcsultative with -tdt6kdn a8 a reriot plupedecti
No,rc0,',?btitc
lndGtcrminrtivc ActiiE o ActiYE -le{ rohEkon
Middle -ok' O l0'{jddle -len mGkan
lmFrl'cctivc prcSreisive Active -et'
4n<' kan
Non-completive determinative prog:essive as pqst progresciyei
Middle
Cotrohtltc
AcliYe -ea'rahikgl
lnddlrmlnrdv. rorirt Active -ket Middle -ok' kan n6kan
Middle -or
f, ,Gtlrminctivc relultstiv. Active -aka{ Examples illustrating use of TAM suffxes wittr two groups of stcms - active and
Midd,h -akot middle:
DcErminative troD-lEsultative Active -let
Midddle Je.t
DeterDinative p orative Active -le Simple ptesent:
Middle -/ar ActiYe: Middle:
Transitive root Intransitive root
dal-e-o-e senck'-o-e
beat-3sc:orr-mr-3sc:srisJ go-M-Ftr r-3sc:suBJ
Note that der€rminative priorative active does not tale a.ny marker in the actine. 'He beats him.' 'He goes'
The aspect-cum-tens€ network can be enumerated as follows:
Transitive-Intransitive root Transitive-Intransitive root
Non-Nst gitic'-e-a-e gitic'a-e
Non-completive indeterminative as sirzple present lfuture: lay-3sc:ow-rn-3sc:sr,,nr lie-rnt-3sc:stnr
Active O 'He lays him.' 'He lies'
I}Iiddlle -ok'O
Non-completive determinative progressve ts present progressive: Causative23 Reciprocal siem
Active -er' yel-oco-n-a-e dapal-a-kin
Middb -ok' kan see-crus- I sc:ogr-mr-3sc:sr]sJ beat each other-rn-3ol:sl'r:
Pas, 'He caus€Jallows me to s€e.' 'They (two) fieht.'
Completive indetermiaatiye torisl as simple pqsl:
Benefactiv€ stem Passive/Reflexive stem
Aclive -kct' tcl-ka-e-a-e dal-ok'-a-e'
Middle -ezr bind-sm r-3sc:ol -Ftrr-3sc:suRr beat-M-FrN-3sc:suBJ
with Applicative2l Active -at'
'He binds (the cow) for someona' 'He is bearen/beats himself.'
Middle -an
with Ben€factivez Active -ka{ Compound stcm(rr"+rn-) Compound stem(rNrR" +tr{rR.)
Completive detcrminative rcsultative as perrcr: sendra-lon-e-a-e mkap'-hij-uk'-a-e
Aaive -akat' seek and fi nd-3sc:ow-mr-3sc:sr.rar ascend and come-u-rnr-3sc:surr
Middle -akat 'He searches and finds him.' 'He ascends and comes'
M THE MUNDA LANOUAOES SA|ITAU 6I

Prcsart progtessbui Pcrlecr

Transitive root Intranritiw root Transitive root Intransitive mot
ful-ed-e-a-e sn-ck'-kot-a+ dal-akad-e-a-m sen-akan a-e
beat-pxoc:e-3sc:orr-rnt-3sc:surr go.u-cor-rn-3sc:suar beat-PR F:A-3sc:oBJ-FrN-2sc:suBJ go-rnr:u-rm-3sc:suan
'He is bearing him.' 'He is going.' 'You haye bcaten him.' 'He has gone.'
dtl-e-kor-a-e With Applicatirie z With Applicative
beat-3sc:oo-copml-3sc:suw bi-akawd+-a-m tbl-akawu-a<
'He is beating him.' tell-rnr.Ap:e-3sc:ou-m*-2sc:sunr beat-rnr.Ap:u-rrN-3sc:suw
Reciprocal stern
'You hsve told him.' 'He has beaten (paddy) for himself '
Causative stem
1,ts l- o co- e t' -tte-a-e dzpal-kqn-a-kilt Causative Causative
see-c,tus-Ilupnr:t-2sc:oRI-FrN-3sG:suBJ beat each other-coFrrx-3or-:sunr dal-oco-akad-e-*e gcc'-oco-alcan-*e
'He is causing/allowing me to s€a' 'They are fighting.' beat-c,rus-prr:l-3sc:orr-rnr-3sc:susJ die-cluspn r:u-pnr-3sc:suar
'He has been caused to beat.' 'He has causcd/permitt€d to die.'
ful-oco-e-kan-a+
baat{AUs-3sc:oBr-(pp-FrN-3sc:suBJ Reciprocal
'Hc ir cauriny'allowing him to beat.' fupal-akan-a-kin
b€at each other-IRF:u-rn-3or-:suan
BonGfactirr rtcm Passive./Reflexive stem
'They have fought.'
tcl*a+-kan-a-t lcl-xk'-kan-a-e
bind-ur-3xr:ou<rrFrtr-3sc:sttu s€c-M-@FFtr{-3sc:suBJ Passive./Reflexive
'Hc ir binding it(cow) for someone.' 'He is being seen/seeing himself' dal-okan-a-e
(D[rR" +rN"m-)
beal-prr: u-rN-3sc:susJ
Compound stcm(rR.+rR-) Compound stem
'He has been beaten/has beaten
mak'agu-ed-a-e ruaXhij-uk'-fun-a-e
himself '
cut bring-TMPRF:A-FDr-3sc:suBJ r€turn- come-M-ooP-r'N-3sc:suBJ
'He is cutting and bringing.' 'He is rcturning.' Compound stEm (rR+rR-) Compound stem (nrrR" +rNm-)
mok'-ag*akad-a-e ruaghec'-akan-a-e
Sirnple past:
cut bring-rnr:e-mr-3sc:suw rcturn come-PRF:A-Ftr {-3sc:suBJ
Transitive root Intransitive root
'He has cut and brought.' 'He has come back.'
dal-l<ed-e-a-1t 9n-efl-a-e
beat-Psr:A-3sc:ou-FrN- I sc:suBJ go-rsr:u-mt-3sc:suu Pluperfect:
'I b€at him.' 'He went.' Transitive rcot Intransitive root
dol-le&a-e sen-len-a-e
With Applicative with Applicadve go-rrur:u-rnr-3sc:suar
beat-prur:l-m.l-3sc:suBJ
biat'-koa-e bi-an-a-e
'He had beaten.' 'He had gone.'
tcll-Ar?L,psr:A-3pL:ou-rrr-3sc:surr tell-APPr-.Psr:M-Fn[-3s6:suBr
'Hc told thcm.' 'He told for his satisfaction.' With Applicative With Applicative
bi-ad-e-*m gel-aa-a-e
Causativc ctcm Causative stem
tell-Arpl.pujp:A-3sc:oBJ-F[.r-2sc:suBJ S€e-AP?,L.PLUP:M-F[{-3sc:suBJ
hl-oa-kid- jV-a-e dal-oco-en-a-e
'You had told him.' He had seen for himself'
beat-ceus-rsr:r- I sc:orr-mr-3sc: susJ beat{Aus-Psr:M-rrN-3sc:st BI
'He caused/let me to b€at.' tle was caused to/let beat.' Causative Causative
dal-oco-led-e-a-m ful-oco-len-a-n
B€nefactivE stem Passive/Reflexive stem
beat-cerx-pr,up:l-3sc:oar-rnr-2sc:surr beal-ceus-rl,unu-mt-2sc:sunl
uyuk -ka&e-a-n lel-enl< 'You had caused/permitted him to bcat.' 'You had been caused/permitted to
@ver-srr'{. psr:e-3sc:oBJ-FrN- I sc:suBJ see-psr:u-mr-3sc:suu
bc beatcn.'
'I covercd it (to help someone).' 'He was seen/saw himself '
B€nefactive stem Passive,/Reflexive stem
Compound stem(rR-+rR-) Compound stem (rNrR"+rNrR- )
pclcm+ada-e gel-kn-a-e
Vel-1on-kz&a-e may-hec'-en-a<
cover-rsN.PLUP:l-FrN-3sc:suB, see-pr,u'p:u-rn-3sc:sur;
seefind-psr:l-rnr-3sc:susr rEturn- come-rtrr: M-F[N- 3sc:suB.r
'He saw and found.' 'He came back.'
'He had covered (for someone).' 'He had been seen/had secn himclf'
O THI IIUNDA LANOUAOII
TANfAL| 6l
Rociprocsl !!om Csuratiw rtrm Causativc st m
fupal-hn-a-kln ful-o co- h t' - kiz- nhE kot-a-e dal- oco -len- nhEkan-a-e
beat cach othcr-pl,up:M-FrN-3Dr,:suBJ bcat<rus-pr,up:r-3or-:orr-cDp:psr- beat-clus-ruugu-cop:psr-mt-
'They had fought cach other.' rnr-3sc:surr 3sc:suBJ
Compound stem (rR"+rx.) Compound stem (NrR" +rNTR.) 'He had caused them to beat.' 'He had been caused to beat.'
nak'-aguJeda-e dggo-hec'-len-a-e Permissive stem Reciprocal stEm
c-ut-bring-pl,up:^-m.r-3sc:sr,u descend- come-plw:M-FN-3sc:suBJ
7e l-oco - ad-e- tahE kot-a-lo dapal- len- tah6ku-a- kh
'He had cut ard brought.' 'He had desoended and come-' S€€-CAT]S-APPL.Pf ITiA.3SC:OSJ-COP:PST- beat<REcp>-pLUp:M-cop:psr-mt-3or
Pasl Progesciyei rnq-3pL:susJ
Transitive root Intransitive root 'They had permitted him to see' 'They two had fought.'
dal-et'-tahElan-a-e sen-o k' -kot- nhikot- a- e Benefactive st€m Passive/Refl exive stern
bcat-rupnr:l-cop:rsr-Fhr-3sc:suBJ go-u-cor-oor:rsr-r'nt-3sc:suar dapal- kad- e-t aE kor-a-e yel-len-tahifun-a-e
'He was bcating.' 'He was going.' COVCT-BEN: PLUP:A-3SG:OBJ.OOF' see-plup:M-coprtN-3sc:sugJ
hrmissivc with Applicative Permissive with Applicative Ftrl-3sc:sr,u
men-ad-?tahakarr-a-m yel-an-ta6kan-a-e 'He had covered it (cow) for someone' 'He had been seen/seen himself.'
tay-APPLlsT:A-3so:oBJ-mp:rtrr- s€e-Appl.ptir:M-cop:psr-FDr-3sc:st BJ Compound stem (rn+rr.) Compound stem (nrrR.+nuR)
FrN-2!o:surJ
ye fi am- led-e- nhi kot-a-e Aruo he c' - len- tsh6kan- a- e
'You w€rc tclling him.' 'He was seeing for himself.' see fi nd-nup:l-3sc:olr-coFFrN- descend come-PLL?:M-coF,FrN-
Causativc stcm Causati\rc stem 3sc:srm 3sc:suBJ
& l- o co - e d- e - ra hE kan- a- m ye l- o co - k' - kan- taE kan-a-e 'He had seen and found hin' 'He had desended and come'
beat-crus-mm:r-3sc:oBJ-cop:psr- see{Aus-M-@Fcop:psr-r'nt-3sc:suw
rnF3sc:suBJ
'You were causing him to beat.' 'He was being caused to b€ s€en.' 3.2.5 Mood
Benefactive stem Passive/Reflexive stem The action or event in Santali can be divided as real (Indicative), desircd (Optative),
c l*a-e-kon- nhEkan- a- e ye l- ck' - kan- ta E kan- a-e
simply possible (Subjunctive), advisable (Imperative), and welcoming (Irrralis).
bind-rEN-3sc:oBJ-cop-cop:p$- see-M-cop-cor:psr-rN-3sc:susJ
FrN-3sc:suRr
The optative and subjunctive are subsumed under Optative, since the marker is
the same for both and the meanings expressed by them are oft€n fluid, and in some
'He was binding it (cow) for IIe was being seen/was seeing
somebody.'
r$pects almost identical. There is a special marker for the Indicative - any finite
himselfl'
clause with a finite -a is treated as Indicative. A verbal form with a sullixed s€cond
Compound st€m (rR.+rR") Compound stem (rmn *nrrr") person -rze functions as Impcrative, and with particle dro as negative Imperativq
nak' egu - e t' - I a lE kan-a-e rut hij-uk' - kantal6knn-a-e the clitic pronoun for second person added to the particle. Irrealis is expressed by
cut bring-rMpRF:A-cop:psr-FrN-3sc:suBJ return come-M-coFcop: :psr-FrN- the sullix -le.
3sc:sr.:aJ There is no special marker for conditional; the conditional particle khan, with or
'Hc was cutting and bringing.' 'He was r€tuming.' without a priorative sullix Je (active) and Jez (middle), denotes conditionality.
Ante ot plupertecti (l4l) janwar-i1t yarnJe-ko-khad agu-ktl-l
Transitive root Intransitive root anirnal-1sc:sus find-err-3ru:os-corp bring-3n:oar-rui-lsc:srnr
idi- le t' -ko - taG kan- a- e hec'-bn+ahGkmt-a-1r 'If I hnd animals I shall bring them.'
take away-rrur:l-3n:suBJ-@p:prir-
rnr-3sc:sr.rsJ
come-plup:M-cop:?BT-FtrI- I sc:suE, (142) ba-7 sen-len-khttt uni ba< hiiuk'l
'He had taken them them away.'
xro.lsc:sunr go-ANT:M-rART 3sc Nec.3sc:suBJ come-M-!a-
'I had come.'
'If I do not go he will not come'
With Applicative With Applicative
lai-ad-illahEk4n-a-e dal-anlaEkan-a-e
tell-APFL.psr:A- sc:olr-cop:psr- 3.2.5.1 Optative
I beat-rrnr,.psr:u-cop:psr-rn-
Ftr r-3so:st BJ 3sc:suar Markers for the Optative are -/re in the active a.od -kok'inthe middle. The modal
'He had told me.' 'He had bcaten for himself.' sullix for thc active takes object after it.
6' THB MUNDA LANOUAOII SANTALI 6t

(143) jcnt-lc-a-e 3,2,6 Olentationtdlrccrbtaltly

eat{PnA-Ftr.r-3sc:suu The concept of orientation or dir€ctionality does not play any morphological role in
'He should/might eat.' Santali. lt is, however, achiened through compound verb constructions
(t44) tul-k-iq-a-e
beat-oPr-A- I sc:oBJ-m*-3sc:surr
'He should/might b€at me' 3.2.7 Yoicelversion

(14s) sen-k-ok'-a-e Santali has two voiceg active and middle cor€sponding to semantical transitivity
go-orr-u-rnr-3sc:suar and intransitivity, rcspectively. verbs appearing in the active are traDsitire and in the
'Hc should/might go.' middlq intransitive. Some can appear in both the active and middlg and are transi-
(1.16) dal-k-ok'-a-e tive in the active and intransitive in the middle Below are some of thc verbs which
beat-orr-u-rrx-3sc:sux app€ar in both the active and the middle:
'He should/might b€ beaten.' Verbs Intdnsitfue Ttansititv
3.2.5,2 lrroalig ap' alight make alight

lrrcdL fu crprcucd by Je in thc activ€ and -/en in the rniddle.

mkap' ris€, ascend pull up
Nthao read teach
ll47l lrn-lc-al perec' be full fiU
alt-rlr:A-FrN-330:suB,
'Hc would cat.' caba end finish
O48l ,h*ko kughb-len-khan chc-ko re1gec'-len-a raput' be broken break
proxrg-3pl:sun lazy-m:u-if mo.3rusurr poor-IRR:M-FIN Citic' lie down lay down
'If they arc not lazy, they would not be poor.' busak' be born give birth
3.2.5.3 Imp€rative burun lie down lay down(of animal)

There is no special marker for the Imperative; the clitic pronouns in thc s€cond T\r,o setsof endings ar€ added to the TAM markers to exprcss active aad middle
person arc suflixed to the verb and the finite -a is not added. Clitic pronouns are One s€t consists of one mernber, -r', for the active, and the other consists of two
the same as the suflixed pronouns except for the second singular, which is -rrz. The memberg -oft'and -n, for the middle The ending -olc'is used in the simple present/
negative ImperativE takcs a finite -.a, and the clitic pronouns for the second person, futurc, F€sent and past progessivg imperatiye, and optativ€ while -z appears with
-m, -ben, and -pe for singular, dual, and plural, respoctively, are added to thc particle the other TAM suffxes. There are three verbs- topo'b ll;', te1go 'stand', and dggo25
alo prmeding the verb. 'descend' which take the sullix -z dirEctly with the stem in the simple present/
-
future, Fesent and past progressive, imperativg and optative in place of -oft', as is
(149\ tuka jmqe (1$) sen-tk'-pe normally followed in the middle
ricc cat-2scJMP go.u-2rurur
'Est rica' 'Go.' (155) lopo-n-a-e topo-n-ltfiia-e
(l5l) ah-n ful-a (152) alo-ben cal-ak'-a bathe-M-rns-3sc:suBJ bathe-u-cop. ml-3sc:surr
rnoHn-2so:rvp beat-nx rnorua-2ounP go-u-rrx 'He batheJwill bathe.' 'He is bathing.'
'Do not beat.' 'Do not go.' 1156) ,e\go-na-e tengo-n-kot-a-e
There is another kind of Imperative with the Irrealis TAM suffxes -/e in the actiw stand-u-rbr-3sc:susJ stand-M-coFFN-3sc:suB,
and Jen in the middle, from which the meaning realized is prioratirie. 'He stand$' 'He is standing.'
(153) daka jcm-le-m tcbe-n cal-sk'-a \157\ dtgo-n-d-e Qgo-n-kan-a-e
Rice eat-rRR:A-2sc:rMp then-lsc:suRr go-M-FrN desoend-u-rn-3sc:suor descend-u-coprnt-3sc:susJ
'Eat rice first then I will go.' 'He descends' 'He is descending.'
(154) calao-len-me ab-e lai-a It should be noted that semartically transitive verbs take middle endings when
go-rx.x.:u-2sc:n[P then-3sc:suBJ tell-FrN conjugarcd in the reflexive, passive, and mediopassive. Reciprocal stems arE
'Go hrst then he will say.' also conjugated in the middle Causative stems when conjugated in the passive also
66 THB MUN[,^ LANOUAOES SANTAU
'7
in Scction 3,2,4 illurtratc voicc cndings in
tal<c middlc ending!. Ef,amplca givcn and for thc Optatirc (*e) csnnot bc nogst d; in ncgstcd clauscs thc Plupcrfcct
the Passivg Reflexivc Mediopassivg R€ciprocrl, and Passive Conjugiation of thc (-bt'l-lm) afi thc lrrcalis (-lel-Iez) arc ulcd instead' (Neukom 2001:149), Past and
Causative Optative verb forms are negatcd also with ,af.

(165) wi ba-e mcn-kcd-a (166\ ba-e ruqhec'-en-a

i.2.8 Fhiteness 3sc NEc-3sc:suBJ say-Psr:A-FrN r',nc.3sc:suN 1€turn.oorne-psr:M-Fn{
A finite verb in Santali gets the finite ending -a. It gives the sentence a demonstrated 'He did not say.' 'He did not come back.'
reality. This is attached to all kinds of finite verbs excspt the Imperativer In the (167) ba< dal-kc-a (168) ba-m en-l<ok'-a
subordinate clause it is never attached. mc-3sc:surr beat-ovr-ml lrBo.2sc:sr.ru go-oPr:M-FrN
(158) uni ato-rc cal-ak'-kmt-a-e (159) mit' ghefic' tahen+nt 'He should not beat.' 'You should not go.'
3sc village-roc go-M-coFFrN-3sc:suB, one time wait-2scxMp
'He is going to the village' 'Wait for a while' In (169) the us€ of rr, rather than Da, does not mean that the Negative do€s not
tate psr TAM in the verb, but it can be interpr€ted as lrrealis:
(l&) ba-m hchc-iV-khan 7ur-k-ok'-a-y.
xre.2sc:sun call-lsc:surr-coxp fall-orr-u-rnt-1sc:sr.nr (169) adz wri h4loya d*e men-kEda chz-rt bclc-let <
'lf )ou did not call me I might havE fallen in the dirch.' then that man boy Foc-3sc:suBJ say-psr:A-FrN NEc-lsc:sr,BJ enter-RR:M-FD.[
Non-finitc forms us€d in various types of subordination aro discussed in the section 'Then that boy told, "I would never enter".' pO.Boddingl
on Syntax. Non-finirc r€fers to converbs in -kate ar.d -rs which never occur with
any TAM sullix, but they oc.ur with stem formarives like -oco (causative) and 7b7 The particle aie is an emphatic negative used with the Optative, Declarative verb
(mediopassivc). forms, and with Irealis in the apodosis of a conditional sentence

j.2-9 Negation (170) il da xhr-tt bi+c-a

lsc:suBJ rcc NEc- I sc:suBJ tell-opr:A-m\'
Negation is expressed by three particles in Santali: Day in interroptive and declarative 'I might not say.'
sentences, ,r,, as emphatic negative in declarative sentences, and alo as prohibitive (171) onko-l<o lai-ed-a ab lai benao-dare-a-e-a
negafirc h the imperative Wh6n the s€nt€noe is negated the subject clitic is attached 3pL:susJ-3pL:suBJ tell-n PRF:A-FN 1pL:suBJ tell make-able.to-Appr--3sc:oBJ-FrN
to the particle instead of the verb. The negative particle obligatorily prcoedes the wrb
it negates It cafirot take any of the TAM suffixes Consider the following pairs: tcbe jivi tbchc-b em-ke-a
but life rcc \tsc-lru:surr give-orr:l-m.l
(161) em-ad-iv-a-e ba-e em-ad-ittl *we
'They are safng, can make him by uttering (mystical formula) but we
give-mrr.rsr:l-1sc:osJ-FrN-3sc:suBJ r\EG.3sc:suBJ giv+arn-.rsr:e;lsc:orr-rrl,--- arc unable to give him life".'
'He gave ma' 'He did not give me.'
(172) ba-m dal-Ifi-khn dal-le-m-a
(1621 cal-ak-*!r chc-1t cal-ak'-a Nec.2sc:srrBJ beat-nr.:e-lsc:oar-if "hclt
xsc.lsc:suu beat-nR:A-2sc:oer-FrN
go-M-FrN-lsc:suBj mc-lsc:suBJ go-M-FrN 'If you did not beat me I would certainly not beat you.'
'l go/shall go.' 'l do noUshall not go.'
(163) em-a-etrc ab-m €m-a-e-a In (172), two negative particles have been used itr the same sentcnce - ba1 in tbe
give-A-3sc:oBJ-2sc:rMp pnoma-2sc:suar give-er*-3sc:onr-rul prctasis and ,r,
in the apodosis - and both have taken Irrslis as they arE conditional
'Giw him.' 'Do not girrc him.' sent€nc€s, This does not indicate that Da, ca.nnot bc used in the simple past.
The particle alo indicates prohibition and occurs with the simpl€ prcscnt/futur€
(164) sen-ok'-nc alo-m sen-ck'-a m
verb forms to /ey a negative imperative s€nse,
go-u-2sc:no rnoma-2sc:surr go-rrr-rnr
'Go' 'Do not go.' (173) he4e slo-m cal-ak'-a
yonder rnonn-2sc:srrBJ gG.M-Fnr
ban is reabzd as 6a when pronominal clitics for ttre subject are added to it. 'Do not go thert '
Sometimes Day is used with pronominal clitics too, but it is purely optional and has
nothing to do with strength or forre" as noted by Neukom (2001:149). (174) seton-re alo+n dagbaya-t-a
The particle 6ay is unmarked and the most ftequently used negative In contrast to sun-roc pnorus-2sc:suBJ run.about-FD,i
what has been claimcd by Neukom, that'verb forms marked for tltc Pasl (-kzt'l-en) 'Do not run in thc sun.'
6I THE MUNDA LANOUAOB.g SANIALI O

Therc is only onc instan@ itr my data whcc alo ir uscd in thc final claulc without 3,2. 10.2 Ecncfaciive -&,
prohibitive sense:
The BcnefaAivCt stem is formcd by suflixing -ka to the tra$itive and
khub ekt"kae t?l-ne jemcn alo lag-a traDsitive-intransitive roots. Whcn addcd to the transitive-intransitive roots the
very hard-cv tie -2sc:susJ so.that mc shake-rnr transitive meaning is prominent. As the name implieg this category denotes that the
'Tie it very hard so that it do€s not shake.' action is carried out on behalf of someone other than the subj*tt tcl'bind'> txlko
Both bag all.d alo can b€ used prEdicatively wittr the meaning 'not to be'. 'bind for somebody'; dapal, cover'> dapal&a cover for somebody'.
The Benefactive stern sulfx is -kak' in the South€rn dialect when the object is
(17, itt alo-khot hulec' khali-ge-e jcm-kc-pe-ge-a inanimate or there is no object at all. If the object is animate, the final &' is rcptaced
lsc:sr,sr pnoHs.ifif surely-roc-3sc:surr eat-orr:A-2r,L:osJ-Foc-FrN by the pronominal clitics In the Northern dialect it is invariably -&a Conjugation
'If I had not beeq he would sur€ly have ealen )ou.' of the Benefaaive stem in Northem and Southern is thus:
(176\ hij-uk'-me alo-m ban-a'Comq donl say no.'
Northern Souttrern
4qrro t"l-ka-e-n t 4qro al-ka-e-me
3.2.10 Detivation
bullock bind-rsx-3sc:osJ-2sc:rMp bullock bind-sEN-3sc:orr-2sc:rup
'Bind the buflock.' 'Bind the bullock.'
Thar arc four pncccrco of wrbal &rivation in Santali: prcfixation, infixation, suf- lngo dal-ka-m hoto ful-ka-k'-tne
lintion. 8nd rlduplication. paddy thrash-rnr-2sc:ur paddy thrash-rrx-rxeN:oar-2sc:rup
3.2.10,1 Crusatiw aJ-oco 'Cover the paddy.' 'Cover the paddy.'

Cawativc stcms arc derivcd from simple verb roots by means of the causative The Benefacti\rc stem is conjugated in the active ryith all TAM sullixe&
morphemes a- ar,d -oco. Of these, -oco is ernployed to all types of roots, namely
transitive, intransitirrc, transitive-intransitive, and reciprocal stems. The prefx a- is (177\ d'4ttp -kad-e-a-n
rEstricted to two transitive rcots only, Jbzl 'eat' andTr 'drink', which can take the sit-rsN.psr:r-3sc:oBr-r'n*- 1 sc:susJ
sulfx also, but never two at a time. 'I made her sit (for somebody).'
Penzrssirr is also derived by tle same sullix -oco as of Causalive but the diflercnce (178) gidra-e abuk-ka&e-a
lies in the status of the person act€d upon. In the Causative the person act€d upon is
child-3sc:srisJ wash-gex.psr:e-3sc:onr-rn.r
in the accusatira, while in the PermissivE the person acted upon is in the dative (with 'She washed the baby (on behalf of somebody).'
the Applicative marker a-).
The ruffx for Causative/Permissive -ocou has a different phonological shape in 3.2. 10.3 Reciprocal <p l>
the S'outhem dialect, while the Causative prefx is a- in both.
The Reciprocal' stcrn is fiormed by infxing <p I> after the frst vowel of the root, thc
By prctlxlng c-: vowel of the infx being the same root vowel after which the ins€rtion takes place The
insertion of the infx is r€stricted to the transitive and tra$itive-intraNitive roots.
irlz'eal' ajc*fced'; 7u 'drink' qJ& 'give to drink'
Itr the latter case the transitive rreaning is prominent. It is always conjugated in the
Thc root! also dcrivc thcir Causative/Permissive by suffxing -oco as in jtmoco 'feed' middle and occurs with any of the TAM sulfixes
and guoco 'makc drink'. Dcrivation by prefxing a- to jtn
andTz is us€d in the
(A'bar' > dopal 'br,at each othey' t 'dralrt,pnll' > cpcr 'draw/pull each other'
Northcrn dialcct and in thc older gmeration of thc South€rn dialect. The younger
gqEration of the Southern dialect prefers sullixalion to prcfrxation. lotda'lat.lgh' >lapanda 'laugh together' gahtarao'ch ' > gapalmarao'gosig'
The infx generally has a reciprocal interprctation, but with many verbe it also
Bys fxrdon -oca,'
dcnotes that the two participants of an action did something togelhe\ as lapnda
dal'beat' > daloco 'cause/allox, to b€at' yel'w' > peloco'cause,/allow to see' nd gapahnamo indicats.
rez'go'> senoco 'cause,/allow to go' ,lec''mme'> iec'oco 'cause/allow to come' (1'19) dapal-ka -a-kin (180) onleo-ko gapahnarao-kan-a
gitic' 'lie,l8,y'> giticbco 'cause./allow to lie,/lay' beat each other-coP-rni-3or,:sunr 3ru:srur-3n :suw gossipcor-rrx
gcc' 'diEkill'> gcc'oco cause./allow to diekill' 'They (two) are fighting.' 'They are gossiping.'
.7repel 'see each other,ncel' > yepebco'causelallow to see each other/meet' alal apa ,apnt-en-o ad, cedak' n"fE hof-thEn
081) h2n-160
lapam 'gel to$etber'> yaponoco 'c,nr€ldlow to get together' lpl fattrer son-lDl:suBJ fight-rsr:u-rni then why flrve man-with
rc THE MUNI)A LANOUAOES SAII'TALI 7I

3.2.10.6 ltrrativc,/intE'n3i\rc: roduplication snd infixation

dc-m nalbJ<zt'-a
roe.2sc:sup complain-xrA-FrN The Iterative/Intensive stem is formcd by rcduplication of ttre initial consonant
'We (two), father and son, fought (lit. seized each other), then why did you along with the vowel, or rcduplication of the initial vowel in the consonant and
complain to the village council.' vowel-initial roots, resp€ctively. Bodding (1929:168) and Neukom (2001:126)
metrtioned only one way of forming the Iterative/Intensive stem of the vowel-
3.2. 10.4 Medio-passive -Jb, initial roots - by infixation of -t'. In my field data there are two-vrays of this
stem formation - one by reduplication of the initial consonant and the other by
The Medio-passive is formed by suffxing Jb, to the tra$itive or a limited number of
infixation of -/c', the latter not being very fr€quent. The ol&r generation generally
intransitive roots and transitive-intra$itive roots, the transitive meadng being promi-
forms the stem from vowel-itritial roots by infxation. The formation is r€stricted
nent in the latter case The stem is conjugat€d in the Simple present/futurc' present
to traNitive roots and two intransitive roots only. Both stems are formed in the
and past progr$sive, and Imperati/a In otler tense/aspects' -jiry is dispem€d with itr
same way, and only the context determines whether InteBive or Iterative meaDing
favour of the applicative a- and the middle ending -n. It is conjugat d in the middle
is involved.
(182\ dal-jq-a-e (1831 dal-jcq-knta-e
beat-up-rnr-3sc:surr beal-uecop-m.t-3sc:slBJ get' 'snl'> geget' dag'rum'> dabg
'He beats for himself.' 'He is bcating for himself ' 1nl'w' > jck' 'svreep'> jcjck'
14pel
(l&11 hl-lqqe (1851 tul-an-a-e mak''oat'> monak' nk' 'piertr,'> rtck'
boct-xr-2so:tur best-Appt-,psr: M-FrN-3sc:suBJ
fuk''ruin'> dadak' ,ry 'pierce with arrow'> ,utryl
cas'o1nltiryale'> cacas tot"Wck' > totot'
'Bcst for yoursclf' 'He bcat for himself.'
rcX'sp*'> rcrry ger 'bite'> geger
3.2. I 0,5 Pa$ivdr€flexiw -ot' tol'birr.d' > tttol lon'get'> lqwn
Thc suffix for the hssivre/RcllexirE st€trI is -o&'. It is added to the transitivE rootg tran- The roots of the CV struc'ture arc found to reduplicate the whole roots
sitirrc-intransitiw rmts, and causati\rc stems to derive passiw st€ms When add€d to the
transitirie-intransitive rootr, the trarsitive meaning is prominent. In mnjunaion with the nu'dir}-'>ltgru si'plougb'>sisi
transitivE roots it d€not€s rcfl€xivity, that is, the subjectt action affecis the subject itself
The roots of the YC structure leduplicate the initial vowel or infix -ft'after
from tr@sitive and tronsitive-infianritive ruots:
Passive the vowel.
yon'get'> yonok' 'bgot';7ael'srr'> lelrk 'be srr.ii qi n'heal,> qrjnnok'
ar'dran,pull' >ccrlck' i ir'reap'>iirlik'ir;
'be heard'; gac' 'kill'> eojok'lgajuk' '&killrlt
er'sow'>eerlek'er; em'gfue'>eetntek'em; d'write'>ccllck'cl
Possive frcm causative sems:
rat oco 'caJdl* to medrcatg'> rotocok' '& caused to medicate' Only two intransitive roots are found undergoing rcduplication to form Itfiative/
jcmooo'fad'> j*nocok' 'be fed' Intensive stems, iterative meaning being more prominent.

Rclexive lrum fiansitiw roots: sen' go'>sesen Ja'ir'nrrf>Jtilir

,I 'write'> cbk' 'w,ila oneself'; em 'g1ve'> emck' 'give oaesell"; mde' 'CI.]l"'>
The stems formed from the dissyllabic roots tend to become trisyllabic, which is not
magok' 'curt ote*lf; ft 'rcap'> irolc' 'rrap onesclf'
tolerat€d by the language. Thereforg the trisy'labic stems b€mme dissyllabic by eli-
Thc atem formative appears in simple present/futuq pros€nt and past prog€ssivg sion of the second vowel. Thug
and Impcrative In other tcnses/aspects the simple root is mnjugated in the middle
to dcnotc Passivity/Refl exivity. benao'make' > bebna{<bebenao) bourn'play on violin'> babnan(<babanam)
hatao 1*e'>lt4htao(<hahatdo) kuli' as'k'> kukli(<kukuli\
(186) dal-ok'-a-e (187) dal-ok'-kan-a-e
Roots with diphthongs rcduplicate the first vowel of the diphthong along with the
beat-prsdnrrxv-rN-3sc:susJ beat-pAsyRFrxv-coFrnr-3sc:suan
himself'
'He is beaten/beats 'He is being beaten/is beating himself' idtial c.
(188) oyalr' hcy dak'-te (189) mak'-en-*e lzi' ?rll', > la lai' reileruts'
hous€ storm rain-rNs cut-psr:M-Ftr r-3sc:suBj ln Neukom's data, dissyllabic roots with initial comonants form an Int€nsive stem
raPut'-en-a 'He cut himsetf ' by the infxation of -/c'. This type of formation is not attested to in my data.
break-psr:rr-rrN The Iterative/Intensive tates only /san and tahEkot $d d6
not allow any of the
'The house was damaged by the rainstorm.' TAM suffxcs and pronominal obj€st clitics.
?2 THE MUNM LANOUAOES IIANTALI 73

3.2.10.7 Compound stcm &rivation j.2.12 Auxlltary verb construcrions

Compouf,d stems ar€ formcd by the root a:rd one more elernent, either a rcot or a Two used auxiliaries *e da( 'ctn' Lnd lega 'lry to', described
of the commonly
modifier. According to the semantic cotrtent of the last element" two types may b€ as V2 of the compound stem by Neukom (2001:137). The auxiliaries cited specify
distinguished: the modality of the first rcot. dap takes th€ Applicative a and is conjugated
in the activg even if ther€ is no object in the surface level. /egc is conjugated in
(i) Root + Itoot the middle.
(ii) Root + Modifier
(193) wianQiS dc kanla sudha nhct-en-b-e-te ba-e
ln the first category two transitives or two intransitives may be juxtaposed. that malerop throat also dry-rsr:u-rcs-3sc:poss-CY rr'rc'3sc:srjsJ
Transitive + Transitive nt-dafe-at'-a
sendra 'h:ullt' + Jadm 'lnd' = smdrqtan'search and find' speak-can-*mrsr:a-rnr
'Since even the throat of the jackal had become dry, he muld not speat.'
mak' 'crtt' + a8z'ffiig'= mak'agu'cu andbin1'
(194) serq-legak'-me i.t-ok'-re hi bay-re h5
(lfrl uni kuk sendm-7atn-ked-e-a sing-try-M-2sc:rrro succeed-u-rnc too NEG'Loc also
$o tigcr-3sa:suB, scarch-find-psr:,r-3sc:oaJ-Fnr 'Try to sing whether lou will succe€d or not.'
'Hc rcalphcd for and found the tiger.'
lntrandtiw + lntransitive 3.3 Exprcstires
mkap' 'slrclclnd' + lo<r'cnlme' = mkop'hec' 'ascend and come' Santali has a construction popularly termed in South Asian languages as
dtryo'dwnd'+ fuc' 'crlme' = dtrgohec' 'descend and come' echo-word formation. It is constructed in more than one way - by repeating the
element in an identical form, by augmenting a consonant in the rEpeated element,
(l9l) subodh rak4'hec'-en-a-e and by vowel mutation. Sometimes rcp€tition and vowel mutation occur simulta-
Subodh ascend come-psr:u-3sc:sus, neously. The repeated form does not havo any independent meaning but modifies
'Subodh ascended and came,' the meaning of the lirst element. Different types of oxpressive formations are
as follows:
Transitive and Intra$itive a8 also Intransitive and transitive may bejuxtapose4 but
their number is very limited.
Intransitive + Transitive 3. i. I ldcntical redaplicotion
sm'go'+ ilog& 'b able'= sendate'ab]f' to go' The expressives under this cat€gory ar€ formed by repearing the first element.
Transitive + Intransitive ahal alal 'distressed' ajak'ajak' 'clamour for'
lrcl'w' + janan'be l6m'= geljanon'*e bom' afictt atrm 'incompletely' ba4Bak' ba4gak' 'sharp painful sensation'
(192) pljanmn-kcd-e-a-7 bdsct' Wct' 'rol.ryb' 4*' @uk' 'noise of pumping into water'
rcc bc born-psr:r-3so:ogJ-FrN-1sc:sulJ
dacqdacoA 'ubiquitous' gab gab 'sir& drrply'
'l sa*, him bcing bom.'
halat'hhltt''sluhtly' jelep'jelep"flashing'
ldc' kAc' 'whine as a dog' makur mak:w 'sound of crunching'
ln the second root3 and modifiers are juxtapos€d to derive a compound stem.
Root + Adverbial modifiers
3.3.2 Pa ial rcduplicdtion
Some modifiers oocur after the root to gire a twist to the basic meaning of the root.
baTa,gct' ,olobc[ec',dorok' arc some of
ttre most mmmonly used modifiers.
This type of reduplication is formed by augrnenting a @nsonant initially in the
Neukom (2001:142) m€ntiotrs two mor€ mcdufnrs hatag and, gela
rep€atEd element. The augmented consonant may be any ofj, t, p, b, g, l, d, k, c, a
- m, ph, r ard dh

j.2.ll Nowt incorporution and combhing forms (i) ovx cvx

ak*'cabuk' 'herc and there' abe labe lust at the time of'
rarro8ant'
Sa.ntali does not allow noun incorporalion in thc p€dicarg as is found in thc South acel prcel 'abundance' lai baQai
Munda languages in the form of full inoorporation or combining forms. adha padla 'unfinished' alal kallr,l'distresscd'
74 THE MUNDA LANOUAOES IIANTALI 75

scntcnce followed by lcss or non-topical clcmcnt& Thc unmarked word order may bc
alon galon 'indistinaly' albal salba2 'contradictory' shown by th€ following sentence (195):
ou gpru 'crrmtngand going' ouk plutuk 'sundries'
at*- dtafuk' 'here and thert' qtap' jaUP' 'parched with thirst' (195) an /anm+n agu-e-a
alcjak mkjak 'ngfilY' 2sc bullock-2sc:sur.r bring-3sc:oar-rn
'You will bring thc bullock.'
(ii)
' ' Ovlx Cv2x (with vowel mutation)
Here az, being the unmarked subject, appears frst followed by lhe obj€r,',' 4aqm, fid
adh4 fldha'tialf; agagbigay \opy tn*y'; agar 4igar'ifiinge'; ahir lathir'fix
the eyesryod lffii1hJ 'ieavings of food'; ajak' buiak' 'irreg:lai: aril kuil
the verb comes at the end. As ttre following s€ntence shows, the object csn begin a
'stare as srnoke nips lbe eyex': aral koral'prplexed'; asaha dusaha 'evil omen';
sent€nce if it is thc topic of discussion:
alrs &ulrs'innurnerable' (196) kiniil dc ba-m ag*.ko-a ?
daugbtcr-in-lav mpxrc-2rc:sur bring-3rl:oar-rnr
(iii) CvlX Cv2x (with vowel mutation) 'Will you not bring daughter-inJaw?'
fucat<' 6ocak' 'nonsensical'; badha biilhi 'occr.rlt adverse ir-fltlr;nct'; bdak'
6u{u/c' 'move the lips as if spcaking'; bafraf bckct' 'chatter'; bhogbhug'ctash- As fi,rrt , is the topic of discussion, it appears in the initial slot without any apparcnt
ilngnoisrc'i catd clttu'crackle'; gasac' gusrc' 'solitary' mention of the subject which is, however, marked in the word prec€ding the verb.
There is one apparent contradiction in the object marking - the object is marlcd in
tiv) CIVX C2vX the verb by the third personal plural clitic ko allhongJa kimin is in the singular form.
fulck saJck 'somctimcs'i cos ras 'cultivation'; cedro be&o'rortSr'; cehcr behcr It indicates that the number of objects talked about are indefmitc, and the number
'itml{; celkc tttlkc'wantot'i cerc berc'lwiltur': clqgur mtqgw 'be rcstless' suffrx may not be overtly marked in the object. It may be compared with Bangla 6on

(v) CIVIX C2V2X Iou 'wife and th€ like' when a singular relation is mentioned.
The subject and object both may not be overtly marked in the sentence; their
bada kucha, \efi*' kdc'kic"slingY' presence in the sentence in the clitic pronominal form is obligatory.
(vi) vlcv v2CV (197) ona khuali-re-ge-n t?l-le&e-a, tin-rc c,
4e4e,'srrrent' that pole-roc-EirpH-1sc:surr bind-pr-up3sc:osJ-FrN how-r.ocever
(vii) VICVIC V2CV2C (vowel mutation) topak'-ktle dag-gct'-ked-a-e
adac' udtc' \nwieldly through corpulence' adagdot 'fat ar.d n ked' brcak-CV run-away-r6T:A-F[{'-3sc:suBJ
agar ogor'dttmpt' amaY omo1'diligenlly' 'I tied it Goat) to that very pole, however it ran away by breaking it.'
'bumi:rrg'
cgae ogoe arak' orok' 'slare vac-em.lly' In this sentence neither subject nor object is overtly maf,ked; they are incorporatEd
iral orol'perplexed' aslrn rzsraz, 'leisurely' in the verb or the word preceding it, which is obligatory. The locative phase appears
first itr the s€ntence with focus marker ge, which is the topic of concem.
(viii) V1CV1 YICV2 (Vl is invariably a and Y2 is r) In a s€ntence having an object and a dative (indk€ct object), the unmarked order
iila ai'dtsplJ,1tr-' adln adhi'half' is subject-dative-object-verb.
adra a*i'be ill-humoured' alra afi'&llow'
agla agli'be forctard' agra agri'show temper' 098) i,t wti noa katha-1t rEtad-e-a
ah*t ahki 'penting' ala ali'tircd' 1sc:suRr 3sc this word-lsc:suar tell-A.psr:A-3sc:oBJ-phr
udka antki 'a strong smell' ankha ankhi 'disgusting' 'I told him this word.'
apna epni'a.utomzti(,,lly' a;'sa a6si'plead an excusc' However, the dative zni or the dative and the object may be dispensed with if not
Sometimes the initial or the medial consonant of the first form tends to change in considered topical.
the r€peated form. (199\ met-ad-e-a-1t
kafur kapar'ntbtlish' hdrak' gasrak"stumbingly' iell- Appl.ps[A-3sc:oBr-Fn{- lsc:suB,
'I told him.'
Slntences like (199) prcclude a context in reference to which the object or the dative
4 SYNTAX is dropped. The following couplet illustrates the point:
lll Sytrtix of thc fuple setrtence
to, cakril<o dc ba-m 7el-baga-e*a?
QCo'1 Q. pas-akad-a-m
Santati has the unmarkcd word order SOY although tho ord€r csn be twistcd pass-rnn,r-rnr-2sc:surr orsc job-n rop Nse.2sc:suBl S€€-TNDEF-rMIRF:A-FrN
depending on the topic of disclssion. Topical elemcnts t€nd to appear lirst in the 'You have passed, are you not searching for job?'
UIETI:IIIINI fTlrliTrrlilr:l IIANTALI 77

A. pql*boga-cdaft (mS) bbe kbig+nznte dc bar-ea k@a naful- dhabic'-ren

search-nrpsn-rlcRF:e-rnt- I so:suB, yet rich-said to b€ roP two-CLSSFR bullalo plough-uptoaEN
'I am searching.' casi hcg
The position after the verb can be used for positing the converb or as a dercrmining farmer man
afterthought. 'Yet he is said to be rich who has two bulfalo-ploughs.'
(206) hcf ata-ka-re d, otico-ge a@el kisAg
(201) cet' hoy-uk'-a kugi g ba sLtk' sEfa-Xote 3pr-:sr;Br-Foc very rich
Santal village-pl-roc Foc
what be-ru-rnr girl child wdt+M educale.Cv 'They ar€ the rich in Santal villages'
'What will happen by educating a girl?'
4.1-l Agreement
(202) cal-ak' cal-ak'-te mit'-tq g@a-ge hcyre-ko
go-M go-u{V one-CISSFR rircr-mc way-roc-3u-:suw Agr€€ment rcflects natural number. Nouns like 'crowd', 'board', or 'government'
paec'-a*u agree with a verb with 3rd-pl clitic , although these nouns may not be overtly marked
1*n-ked-a
fi nd-psr:e-nn be,full-pn r:u for number,
'Whilc going along thc way th€y found a river full (of water).' Consider the following sentence:
(2071 nui boQ dc *te hi cakri ba-c em-at'*oa
ln thc phrasc lcrcl, the constituent order adj€ctiv€, numeral, demonstrative, and this board roc who even job Nrc-3sc:surr give-arn.rsr:e-3n:ou-rt
quantilicr prcacdc thc hcad noun. The structur€ of the noun phrase is as follows: 'This board has given job to none.'
(DEM) (QUAiIT) (ADJ) (ADr) NOr.rN Here bo{ is unmarked for number, but its singularity as a body is marked in the
predicate, which is incorporated in the negative particle preceding the verb in
zni iag 'this man' noa serma'lbis yar' the form of the third p€rson singular clitic -a The recilent being indefinite is
nui dagan hcy'tltis strong man' zo4 arrr, drn 'this high jImI' marked by plural -/co.
nui fli tryy hai'thts wry beautifrrl girl' tw Qi nwq bb'tltts ltry big for€st'
(208) nui ba-e
mit' hcS'one man' mil' sent16'orle yeat' sarku dt bhage-a
bele jc'np tnit' this government Top mo.3sc:su'ar good-rr
bel;t bele ji npr', ntts' 'This govemment is not good.'
'Government' being considered as a single entity agrees with the verb in the form of
Identificational sentences marked by and tahElcaa are forcted nowadays without
/ccn
the third person singular clitic -e. 'Cattle herd'is considered plural and is marked by
the copulas mentioned. This happens in most of the South Asian languages A story
the plural clitic -r@ in the verb.
begins with the foUowing sentence:
(N9) uni-ren dc pal pal gai mma-k'-ko-a
atalutt n @i'Nan]f- of the village Baredi.'lailEad of atolrutun fu{4i.l@n-o. 3s-crN rop herd REDPL cow have-u-3pr:ou-rnt
'They have herd of cattles'
ln thc IiBt parograph of the story 'sikhnat'32 there are six sentenceg of which only Indefinite reference also does not ov€rtly mark the numb€r in the noun, rather it is
two rontcnccs arc markcd by a linitc -a; the other four are without a linite marker marked in the verb. Here I refer to the sentence in (192) in which the object kialz is
or copula. not marked for numb€r but is marked in the verb.

rasi aro 'Big village"'

big village 4.1.2 Vefi sefialbation

Root serialization is quite cornmon in Santali as we have seen in compound verb

Q03) bq ba7-tE mit'sae-khcn h5 baft Ca opk' dc mena-k'-a constructions33 Along with this ver\ roots with TAM may be serialized. According
r.'rc Nrc-CV one hundred-ear- even.more about hous€ mc have -u-n*-'
to Neukom (2001:176) the two verbs either rcfer to distinct sub-events of thc same
'Never-the-less mot€ than hundred houses are therc in the village.'
situation, or they are (quasi)-synonyms and denote the same situation.'Consider the
s€ntence quoted in Neukom (2001:176):
(2M) rengec' kis57 saaon l"k* hcr-s" mena-k'-la-a
poor rich all like man-rcc have-u-3pr-:srrBJ-FrN (210) bhago-ko rugaled-c nawlcd-e
iAll types of people poor and rich are thae,' quickly-3pl:suBJ release-pr-ur:e-3sc:oar find-pt-up:l-3sc:osJ
7I THE MUNM LANOUAOES SANTALI 79

(213) *lrc.r dc l<ofa Cilba npruaTked-a 'lenda baba

that tigerror-3so:suar speak-V2-rsr:e-rnr then rop boy child speak-retum-psr:r-ru look fath€r
'No sooner had they let him out and found him than the leopard said.'
ono gwdli ma bele-jut-okor-a
The pronominal object can appear twicq as in the aborrc example, but the fnit€ -c that millet uoo ripe-prolrrly-nr:u-rnr
occurs only once with the fmal wrb. This typ€ of verb serialization is raery rarq and 'Then the boy replie4 "Look father thar mi[et has properly ripened."'
in modern-day language it is not found, at least in my data. adc nd khaa occur in continuing discoursg that is, they Feclude
something that is spoken beforg and th€ pres€nt sent€n@s ar€ uttersd in
42 Compl€x sent€ncc struchre reference to that.
Santali has a number of conjunctions and disjunctions that coordinate clauses. 4.2.1.2 Disjunctive
Although they do not have any ellect on word order, they play an important role in
complex sentences Some of the most common conjunctives and disjunctives are: se 'or' znd balkhu'otherwise' are used to form coordinate disjunctive clsus€s.

zr'and' nenkhor'htt' se'or' (214) qjam-ked-a+n se-m bo7n

adc 'then, thcreuporl bickom'rather' Q-\ khanlklac' 'thet' hear-psr:a-rnc-2sc:suBJ or-2sc:stm xgo.r.r.,-.
'Did you hear or not?'
hgkhan'otherui*''rather' Dayna 'that is to say, namely'
bcrcy
(2ll) (i)qc'babanbodh-e hchc-ad-ea (215) onka tb alo+n rxfa b"!lrl-*l"V dal-me-a
like thar rop rnorm-2sc:suBr speak-Fn{ otherwise -lDL:suBJ b€at-2sc:onr-FD.[
3sc father Subodh-3sc:suw call-*pl.psr:r-3sc:osJ-Ftrr
'Do not speak thus otherwis€ we will beat thee.'
s-e met-a&e-a
and-3sc:susJ tEll-^ppl:psr:A-3sc:oer-FN
'His father called Subodh and told him.' 4.2.1.3 Adversative

(fi b*bn gel-b&e-a-e bqru mi nenkhan,bid<om, brcy nd latka are used as coordinating conjuncts denoting the
xsc -lE--sUBJ sce-ruisl-3sc:osr-rDr-3sc:sur that is to say 3sc adversative.

hcpx em ali-e ccrck-a (216) yel-led-e-a-1t nankhatba-V gahtarao-ad-e-a

child girl very-3sc:suBJ nice-FD.l s€e-H-up:e-kc:oBJ-rD.{-lscsuar but Nnc-lsc:srru discusFAppl.ps:a-3sc:osj-Ftrr
'We did not see her, people say, the girl is very beautiful.' 'I had seen him but did not dircuss with him.'
4.2.1 Coordination nrerlc/ran is also used as a switch referencs marker.

Coordinate clauses arr formed by particles denoting conjunction, disjunction, adver- (217) ffikit d, din-ge a4i kwln ulu-kh k2ni-a nea*hat
sativq and mnclusive. 3or ror day-rcc very deligontly-3or:surr work-rnt but
4.2.1.1 Conjunctive ceka-k4lee mil' dit tni hcyrm ogak' boyga do bchok'
horrvCY-3sc:sus one day 3sc man-cmt house goddess ror head
q odc and khnn zre lhe coordinate conjunctives While ar operates within the lac'haso yon-lced-e-a
lr,ntrncr, adc ,,nd kha, operate across sentences, stomach pain get-psr:A-3sc:oBJ-Fr-
(212) (D i7 jodi nantar- t bi-a u dok'-in 'They two work very hard, but one day for unktrowtr neason the mant wife
lsc:sual if magic.chant-lsc:sr,nr utter-pN and water-lsc:suBJ was affected by pain in stomach and head.'
chitkou-a wa jan-ko jogotr-gcd-ck -a (218) nitok' tlc bickom ba-y cal-a*'-a
sprinkle-rnt this bone-pr join-V2-u-rnr now mp ralher NEG.lsc:suBJ go-M-Ftrr
'If I utter mystical formula and sprintle lvater these bones will be joined., 'Rather I shall not go now.'
$) odt topon so cy uni bu4hi b ona (zre) htf dc 4hn da ba-ko sen-len-a btrty cleko
thcreupon bath time 3sc otd lady rop that Santal Top matry rop r\Ec-3pL:suBJ go-pLUp:M-FrN rather Hindu
alo-e sap'-l<zd-e-a bapi-ge-l<o ldhEktn-a
light-3sc:sux carch-psr:A-3sc:oBJ-Ftrt MOTE-FOC-3PL:SUBJ COP:T6T-FIN
'Thereupon at the bathing time that old lady caught hold of that light.' 'Many Saltals had not gone therc rather the Hindus were more.'
 M THB MUNM LANOUAOEC SANTALI iI
(2201 an-cm kult-n-klan lrlt*>tt em-ke-m-a (227) gatfuk' olok'-kale-e lzl-kzd-e-a rrlgi
2sc:suBJ-2so:suBJ ask- lsc:orr-if then- I sc:suBJ girrc-orr-2sc:ou-nt cloth lemove-cv-3sc:srrBJ s€e-psr:^-3sc:oBJ-FDl patient
'If thou hadst asked me I would have given it to you' dc-c Iti4har.a
tzr&a is used in conditional sentencB to introduce ttre apodosis! in which the protasis roe3sc:sus die-mr:u-mr
is suppos€d not to have been r€alized, atrd thereforc, the apodosis would not ha\rc 'Har"ing rcmoved the cloth he saw the patient is dead.'
ocurred.
Q28) ktgiho .b*' b hii.th'-e Vel-ket'-ko-a
gd-pl- waler fetch come-M-3sc:sr.BJ see-psr:e-3pr:osJ-FrN
4. 2. 2 Comp lement clouses 'He saw the girls coming to fetch water.'

Comp_lement clauses pedorm a nominal function which may be subsumed as subjeci Complement clauses may be marked by th€ quotative zre t rs (it. by saying).3
or object.
(229) onlro ui aho tpat ,rnste ba!-ko 7el-1lo&*e-kan-a
father quor xeo.3rr:suw s€e-fully-3sc:oBJ-coFFrN
3pI,:susJ 3sc 3pL
4.2.2.1 ln subj€ct function
'They do not recognize him as their father.'
Vcrbc in complement olaus€s in subject Iirnclion may contain the middle voice marker:
Direct speech may be intDduced by the quotatile mtker bayma.
l22ll dlrcm on-re cal-ak' dc bay boge-a Q30) seday d2 met-a bqm kayra sako eka jcjc Mkat
daily that-mc go-M rop NEG good-FrN long ago rop say-FrN euor banana leaf-like tamarind leaf
'lt h not good to go over thcre daily.'
'Long ago it was said tamarind l€af (is) Iike banana leaf'
(2221 harnal jhtis tul-bafa d? ban
[hik-ge-a
heavy thing lift-rxprr rop Nec proper-Foc-FrN
'It is not proper to lift heany weight., 4.2. 3 Subodinate clauses

Subordinate clauses in an obliquc function are markcd by converb t4r€ and ,e,
4.2.2.2 In obj€ct function abl*itn khcn, plart marlrct thsa,ts tanprad khon, and purposive.lbmoz.
The conwrb ftare r€f€f,s to an adverbial subordinatc clausc in the form of non-
Coml,lsment clauses in an object function are quite common, especially with finite verb forms It ocun with barc mots or with the middle voice marker ard the
predicarcs of spoech. The vcrb form is without TAM suffxcs and pronominal clitics" reflexive marker 7ey, but never with tenso-asp€ct suffxes and the marker for finite.
lntensive verb stems are sometimes ussd:
(231) ac' baba subodh hcL>kae-e met-ad-e-a-e...
Q23) wi iy-thcn *thty-e hec'-en-a 3s father Subodh call-CV-3sc:susJ tcll-Arpr-.psfiA-3sc:oBJ-Fnr-3sc:sull
3sc lsc-place ask for -3sc:susJ come-psr:M-FrN 'Calling Subodh his farher told him ...'
'He came to me to ask for.'
Here I also refcr to sent€nce (227) in which the subordinate clause with t4r€ begins
l2U1 ani * baron-ko-m the sentenca In narrative, the mnwrb in /catc can b€ used as sentEnce linker, repeating
3sc bring forbid-3puoar-2sc:lrr.rp the verb of the preceding clause.
'Forbid th€fi to bring him.'
Q32'S uri k4lri tb oru sam-re-l<o bhz-kck-a fukarc
(225) 0t dc rni bnbCo-lt 1,rel-akad-e-a that old lady rop that pyr€-Loc-3pl:sr,tsJ put-rsfiA-3sc:oBJ-Ftr{ put-Cv
lsc:sr,'alrop3sc sleal-lsc:suBJ s€e-pRF:A-3sc:oBJ-FrN
'I saw him srcaling.' se1gel-ko lagao-ad-e-a
lirc-3pr-:susJ apply-ernr.rsra-&c:ow-r'n
(226) ac' baba subodh hchc-kate-e met-ad-e-a, 'They put the old lady on thc funeral pyrc; having put her on it they s€t hcr
3sc father Subodh call-CV-3so:suB, say-AppI-.psr:e-3sc:ow-rnr on fire.'
'tchen dc fo bbte ch>n coho*o*'-o., Q33) nel-jcy*ttc-n cabo-kok'-a
today roe lsc:suB, forcst-rcc NEc-lsc:suBJ go-oFr-FrN see-np-CV-1sc:sr-rs go-oPr-FrN
'Calling Subodh his father told hfun, ,"Ikday I wont be able to go to rlre forest.,',
'Se€ing it I would go.'

There are complement clauses marked for TAM, personal clitics as well as for the The instrumental -rs with a verb functions as a converb with simultaneous or
finite -a. sequential meaning. -re as a converb formative generally occurs witl reduplicated
U THB MUNI'A LANOUAOES SANTAU II

\rcrb forms, Ncukom's data (2001:188) explicato a non-rcduplicatod vcrb with -rs. (U2) Jotll thk dant-ltt nol;le*lw pasec'-lr abfi-ki.ki -a
The verb-forms indicate time and marner of action. if actual price-lso:suu gpt-nx-aoNDprcbably-lsc:sris, sell-om-3puoRl-FtrI
'If I get actual price I would probably sell the two.'
QA) col4k' csl,s*'4e mit'-tcl toyo gel-ketre-a-e
go-M go-M-cv one{uNFR jackel see-rsr:e-3sc:ow-rnr-3sc:sr.nr Purpose clauses are introduced by the postposition ,agit' 'for'with verb forms as well
'While going he saw a jackal.' x wilhjemcn in &tw€en the main and purpose clauses Yerb forms taking lagzT' art
also marked for applicative and pronominal clitics
(235) laln loha-te caho-en-a-c
precede rrorr,-cv go-rsr:u-mr-3sc:2u (243) irt an noa katha ,rEt4-rrhlagit'-0t hec'-len-a
'He went in front.' lsc:suBJ 2sc this word tell-ppl-2sc:os-for-lsc:suu come-plup:u-rnl
Subordinate clauses marked by the place maxker ,lEz function as locative adverbial
'I had mme to tell you.'
clauses. A purposive clause withTirncn 'so that'is postpos€d to the main clause, and the verb
(236\ Sopa dc am-ge si-ok'-lhn Qanra dt hga-ap-kh-me of the purpose clause is marked by TAM suffxes and pronominal clitics
tomorow rop 2sc.u plough-M-p!- hrllock rop drive-bring-3nuorr-2scrur
'Tomorrow you will drive the bullocks to the place of ploughing.'
(244) khub scktt-kat2 tcl-nE jenm alo b|-a
very hard-CV tie-2sc:D',Ip so that pRoInB shate-rnt
Vorba with lian in thc subordinate clause indicate the time from which the action 'Tie it hard so that it does not shake'
of thc msin clsulG holdr. Vcrbs occurring with ,(tr, can tate TAM and pronominal
clitica Causal clauses are e4rressed by cefuk' ss occuring before the causal clause. The
causal claus€ comes after the main claus€, and the claus€ is marked for TAM, suf-
(237) dare.khcn-e gur-en-khcn dc kahil ge mena-e-a lxeq and pronominal clitics
trsc-mr.-3sr;:suu fall-rsr:rrr-ear- rop ill roc exist-3sc:osJ-Fni
'Sincc hc fell down from the tree he became ill.' (245) uni dt chutt-i hotao-kEd-a cethk'se ni d.c-e
3sc rop leave-3sc:suEr take-psr:A-FDr b€cause 3sc rop-3sc:susJ
Temporal clauses are formed by the suffx -tlaz. The temporal sense is manifested
when the verb of the subordinate clause is marked for past. Temporal sense is also rua*'*an-s
manifested when the verb is marked for non-past and irealis. fever-u-coP-FN
'He took leave because he is ill.'
(238) ona ,nEn-kate li-e jxttt'-led-e-hhot -ge
uni
that say-cv hand-3sc:surr touch-rLup:A-3sc:oBr-rEMFmc that
,taejiu dr-e tten-ked-a, baryna 'dohai (hakur' 4. 2. 4 Relative-tlpe cl@se
woman mp-3sc:surr say-prir:A-FrN, euor help God Santali shows two types of relative clauses: one has the indefinite pronouns 7fide
'Saying thar when he had touched her hand the woman said, "Oh, Go4 help"' and jdhd; vthile the hrst one is for the anirnate, the second one is for the inanimal€.
Q3, jAhnnak'-ko kuli{cn klwa cet' lt5 alo-m The other has the borrowed relative pmnounja'which'.
anything-3n-:sr,,u ask-2ol:osJ-Trr.{p what Drsc prorm.2sc:np
bi-a-l<o-a
(246) W kclan-te-m cl-akad-a ona dc okt-re
tcll-erpl:3ru:ogr-rn any pen-ns-2sc:suu write-nr:e-rnt that Top which-lc
'\{hen they ask you do not tell them anything.' 'Wherc is the pen which you have written with?'

Temporal clauses may also bc marked by tarpcre postqsrd to dhe main clause. Q4T iAlfr dare-re-m dcc'-len-s on-re
Any tree-rcc-2sc:suBJclimb-pl,up:M-FrN that-rrc
Q40) ldha-tc jtn-le-m toprr.-lo| cal-ak'-a
mit'-tq tErrrn cak mcna-k'-a
before-roc eal-RR-2sc:rMp then-lor:sl n go-u-rrN
one-crssFR boney-comb exist-tu-rn
'Eat frst then lve will go.'
'There is a honey-comb in the tree which you climbed.'
Conditional clauses are formed by -khon with or without the irrealis -le and Jen.
Sometimes the particlejodi 'if is used when introducing the prctasis. Q4q iAhA. oto oTak'-re*o tahsn-a o*o da fli-k
any one village houseloc-3pr,:susJ stay-Ftrl 3pL:sr,BI roP very-3Pl:suB,
(241) am-em lwka*cn-khaa noa ba-y kami-ke-a Pep'a
2sc-2sc:susJ order-psr:u-ooNo thisNrc-lsc:suar work-orr-rnr fricnd-rnq
'If you order I would not do it.' 'Those who stay in the village arc rrcry friendly.'
14 THE MUNDA LANOUAOBS SANTALI II
(A9) an ja-n ncn-kz&a th*-ge-a 5 SEM^NTTCS'DTSfi)URSE
2sc that-2sa:sulr say-psr:A-FrN right-rc-ml 5.1 Sernndcs
'The word you mid is right.'
Here I will briefly address a phenomenon, namely semantic agreement typical of
Santali. Consider example (256):
4.2.5 Corelaaives

Correlative constructions in Santali are formed by using pronouns or correlative

(256) puth*ko halag-kt'-ko-a
particles in both the main and attributive clauscs mushroom-3pr,:susJ collect-psr:^-3pl:oBl-Fnr
'They have collected mushrooms'
(250) i, hilok' uni-n yel-led-e-a tn hilok' Consider ttre apparent contradiction b€tween the object NP p"tk 'mushmom'
which day 3r-lsc:suRr see-nup:r-3sc:orr-rn that day aad its agreement in the verh Apparently the object is inanimate and as a rul€ the
dc sombar taEkcn-a inanimate is not marked in the verh Herq in the case of Santali, the Santal's per-
ror Monday cDP:Psr-FrN ception of admasy is r€flected in the verb agreement, as the so-called inanimate
Thc day I saw him was Monday.' objects like puf-balls, ear-wax, or thoms being pricked are considercd animate
in Santali. The corrclation between th€ linguistic phenomenon of verb agr€ement
(251) o*o dlson-re onka ga4el hcil@ and the concept of animacy is very closc itr Satrtali. The subj€c$ and objects con-
whhh country-rcc 3pr":suer crow man-3E:surr sidered animates by th€ Santals are invariably marked in the verb in the form of
Jana<kornldkaa-a ou dis*n-ren ruj d. pjakm-a third personal clitic pronouns Consider the following example where an idol is
ltthor-ptp:M.cop:psr-FrNthat country-cEN kingror die-Rr:u-rnr considered animate:
'Thc king of thc country where the crowd of p€ople had gathered
has died.' (257) wi mit'-tq kali boggc-e beruo-akad-c-a
3sc one-crssm Kali goddess -3sc:suar make-prr:e-3sc:oor-rn
(252\ jcthm wi-i1 met-a-e-kant toEk@.-a *jokfu uni 'He has made a Kali idol.'
when 3sc..1sc:srjBJ tell-Appl--3sc:oBJ-mp coHpsr-FrN that-time3s(i
Similarly sun, moon, and stars axe also considercd a.nimate
bhagi-tkxc -t€ qit n et'-tahEkan-q
good-attentive-Brs hear-ruprr-@p:psl-rnr do
.IUhen Q58) sittut mkap -kan-a-e
I was telling him he was listening to it attentiwly.' sun risc-cop-rni-3sc:susJ
(2s3) jod wi laha-te ba-e onflo-l<ok'-a nl{c luny'e "The sun is rising.'
if 3s cearly-mc Nre.3sc:susJ come out-opr-m{ then there Another area I would h'ke to addEss is the distitrction betw€en dircct and indirect
uniba-e ,iyok'-lea causation" and the problem of the degee of control retained in the causative macro-
3sc mc.3sc:surr reach-ovr-r'nr situation by the caus€e The distinction between true causation and permission
'If he would f,ot come out earlier then he would not reach there' deserves special mention. Consider the following examples:

(2vl icrr,rr-b men-b*a temcn-ge condo ,t-ak' 8.,t41 (259) dal-oco-ke&c-a-e

as-lso:suu say-plup:a-FrN so-rcc Cando ls-cgN wish-3sc:slrsJ beat{Aus-psr:A-3sc:oar-rnc-3so:suBJ
pwau-ket'-t-Pra 'He caused him to beat.'
fulfill: psr:e-pcs- I sc-mr (2.60) dal-oco-cd-c-+e
'Chando fulfilled my wish as I had asked.' beat{Aus-Appr,:psr:A-3sc:oaJ-Ftr r-3sc:suBJ
jodi-pe uddhar-ip-a 'He permitted him to beat.'
(2s5) tcbe qe-ren gste-pe
if -2pusr,ur rescue- l sc:ow-nN then 2pr,-csN friend-2Pl-2rL:suBJ There is only one difference b€tween the two consructions, that is, in (258) the
Jrqm-e-a object is marked by the applicative a-, her€ attached to the TAM, which is absent
lind-3sc:oar-mt in (257). Thus while the cause in (257) is dircct, making it a dircct causation
'If you rescue me you will find your friend.' thereby invoMng the dir€ct object, the caus€ in (258) is rather indirect, involving
the indir€ct object with the applicative marker a-. It is easy to see the relationship
jdhd:ona, jdhde:wilonkn, ardjdhd:on-rs are types of constructions given in 24G248 between rue causative and permissive In both the constructions the marker for
and may be considered as correlative construciions. causation is the samq but while in the true causation (257) the causes is forced to
 THE MUNDA LANOUAOBS sAlmAU r
'6
bcat, in thc indircction (258) thc causc€ is p€rsuadod 8nd/or pcrmittrd to bcat, lo hcrc thc parcnt-in-law, uroc 2DL to EddrcE! thc lcas powcrful figurc, hcrc thc
other words, daughtcr-in-law. Thc lcss powcrful figurr in tum uscs lpl, while rcporting about
him- or hers€lf to the morc powerful figurc to cxFess solidarity with his- or herself,
with the true qrusativg the a.nt€rior event/agent has the power to bring thc that ig with husband and wife The concept of more and less powerful figures could
effect about; in the permissivg the anterior event/agent has the power to prcveot better be exemplified by the spe€ch pattem among the symmetric r€lations:
the elfed from coming about. In both types, the realization of the effect is, at (265'1 hznda ho stundhi, cet'-leka mena-k'-bora
least partially, withio the control of the csus€r/permitter. (Comric 1989:171) how
o (co)parent-in-lavv be-u- l pr,:rxc-sa.r
A. y'i muskil-re-bon pagrc-akmr-a
5.2 lDscourse rcry trouble-mc-ln:Nc fall-pRF:u-Fnr
'Oh, co-palent-inlaw, how are we (you)?''I (we) am in great trouble.'
ada is the marker of conthuing discourse in Santali. ,ea is also used for the samc
purpos& This is a part of a discouso b€tween two parents-in-la . In both the question and
the answer lpr inclusive is used to refer to and address, which denotes that the two
(261) ... tckh bela dutot-moto hoi-aksr-a. ada in-laws belong to a symmetric power dation, and that is why they use the same kind
thcn part of the day two-about bc-rrr:r,r-rtr{ thereupon of pronoun. When a plural form is used, the choice giv$ ris€ to certain sp€culation
sah4n-ko nit'-tlen-ko dchc- jaom- kct'-te jbtt about the social status of the participants in the discourse" when a paref,t-in-law
fircwood-pl one-place-3pl:suu put down-together-xr:l-CV all inquires about his counterpaxt, the latt€r's dependents are not left out. In Santal
hcg rtlr'-lhct-kodufup'-en-a socicty thc use of a singular pmnoun in this casc shows disr€sp€ct. Similarly, in
man onc.plaoc-3n,:suar sit-psr:u-rn addressing and rcferring to son/daughter-in-law the parcnt-in-law will always use
'Thcn it was about 2 otlock. Thereupon having put down all the firewoods 2or, as socially they are supposcd to addrcss and rcfer to both spouses The son/
togcthcr all mcn sat together in one place' daughter-in-lau in reply, will us6 the first person dual orclusi\E to denote that they
Ooth spous€s) are mentally included.
(262) ona jhurka-re dc th*-emnan-a tea dc mi W gidra The same kind of social rclation and pronominal selection hold in the case of
thal door-Loc rop actual-2sc:suw g€t-m{ then rop DEM gid child bahclrhuea (\ man and his younger brother's wife) and ajhtarea ('a man and the
prtpcr sar-tt kapat-e parm-idi-ke&a wife of his wifet younger brottrer') relations But becaus€ of paucity of space it
consecutive s€ven-DEF door-3sc:susJ cross-away-PttT:A-t^- cannot be detailed.
'You will gEt the actual door in that. Thercupon that girl oossed seven
doors onc after arother.'
6 LE)(ICON
The anaphoric ac' 'he/she/him/her' is used mort often in continuing discourse thaa
in ordinary speech. The particles like dr 'look'arc used as quotalile in the discourse" As a Munda languagg the status of Santali is much more faithfully preserved than
The borlowed particleje'that'5 is us€d as a subordinate claus€ marker. any other language of the group. The core areas of the lexicon - ttre pronoung
(263) adz hctn kuli+ct -ko4
demonstralives, grammatical morphemes, and numerals - are preserved despite
prevailing bilingualism of the speakers of the language. The terms for kinship and
thereupon man-3so:stru ask-psr:e-3pL:osJ-FDl for body parts are preserved in the vocabulary of the elders, with some changes in
jc nqjhi hagan oryk' dt oka the vocabulary of the younger generation. The terms for daily needs are allected
that villagc head oldman house rop where much by the inlluence of the neighbouring languags* The inJluence of the neigh-
'Thcrcupon the man asked them that where the house of the village bouring languages cannot b€ avoided, as in everyday activity they either have to
headman was.' interact with the local non-Munda people or depend on them. In the states they arc
distributad in, they arc the minoriti€$ They ha\.€ to have education in the medium of
Another area that needs to be mentionod is the use of pronouns among certain
the neighbouring languagg as education in their own language is still not available.
kin-relations in discourse, Consider the following examples:
In this kind of situation it is not always possible for them to maintain a clcar-cut
(264) Q.ceka-en-a-bea bahu A, rua-k'-kon-a-gV dichotomy betw€en Ll and L2 - one being at home and among tle in-group, and
how-rsr:u-rn-2or. daughter-in-law Fever-u-cop.mr-1our:< the other outside ttreir home area in the out-group. So it is quite tratural that their
'How are yorl daughter-inJaw?' 'I am getting fever.' mm language is allected, and morc and morc for€ign components will flrnd a place
in their language Still it is very deserving that the languagp is maintaining its distinct
When the father-inlaw addresses the daughter-inJaw he us€s 2DL for a singular identity, a8 compared with many Munda languages like Klaria and Jusng, whic,h
addresseg and in reply the daughter-inJaw uses IDL to talk about hersclf This have ahlost lost their Munda idetrtity. The rcason may be in the hilh number of
involves power and solidarity among in-law relations; the morc powcrful figure speakers Santali claims as opposed to the low number of speakers of Kharia and
1I1Il.IJIrIIl-,If [NlilrI.faf:n SANTALI IO

Juan8. Lorc for thcir own language ir anothor fsclor holpint tho lan$rga to prc!.rvc Ktll t,
its 'purity'. It is this lovc and pcrsistcnt strugglc for thc l.nguag€ of it! rFakcrN StePmothcr
which has earned the language a constitutional status Ar thc languagE has gaincd
constitutional status and the script has been rccognizcd as thc mcdium of rcading o ,nit'tec' casa hcg-e lahEkmra
writing, and printing of text, it cs.n be a$umed that the speakes of the languagE will one{LssFR farmer-man-3sc:suBJ cop-FIN
be much morc conscious than before in ttre maintenance of the languaga (ii) wi-ren era d. a4r khaloa hrf" tahEk&t-a.
3s-cgN wife mc very diligent (wo)man-3sc:surr cop-rni.
6.1 ArshorsietidMudr compomnts (iir) unkh-ran mit'-1ec' koto gi&a tahEkmr-ta-kin-a
krsonal pronouns arc mor€ rcsistant to loans Not a single pronoun is taken from 3pr--csx one-crssrn boy child cor-possol-rns.
the neighbouring languagcs. Morcover, the inclusive--exclusive distinction in the first ('9 ur*il d, dh ge a4i klrrumulu-kin kamii-a
person, and their use wifhin a sp€cial set of relariong is maintained as faithfully as ever 3ousuw roc day EMIH very diligent-3Dl:suBJ work-rn.
befoa Most of the grammatical markers such as TAM suffxesr genitive suffrxes,
and applicative arc of Munda origin. Terms relating to beliefg rituals such as mar- (") nenkhot cika-kate cc mit' tlh ui hcg-ren oTak'
riage and funcral and ancBtory ar€ rctained in the original form. The cardinal but how-CV ever one day 3sc mancw house
numoralt arc prc*rrcd fully, Though thc younger gEneration is more aocustomed bonga dt bchck' lac' huo non-lce&e-a
to lndo-Arysn numorali, thcy can r€cognize the original numerals, and use them on god(wife) roc head belly pain get-psrA-3sc:oBJ-mi
rpocid occadom Thc only csrdinal borrow€d is for hundred, sae, used by both the (v, ar ackt ge unkin apa hrn
oldor rnd loun8E lFncrations The erplanation behind this may be that because
counting ry r hundrld is not a Munda system, the term connected with the systcm
and suddenly rupn 3ol father son
hr! to bc bonowEd by th€ spcakcrs of the languag€. bagi-at'-kitt-c-e
leave-eppr-,psr:r-3pr:ou-rru-3sc:suu.

5.2 lann strrtr (vi, khan 4i &*-re-kin pa(n-en4

then very troubl+mc-3pr-:surr fall-prr:M-Fn{.
The majority of loans come from the neighbouring Indo-Aryan languagsg like
Bengali, Hindi, Oriya, and Assamesg with which the language has been in contact
(viiD kami hi ni, b ban-kin kami-da7e-ak'-kaa-a
for centuries Th€ most notable of the loans from these languaggs arc the ordinal work even now Foc xsc-3nr:suBr work-can-u-cop,ro.l
numerals like palr 'first', d:sar 'semnd', atad tesar 'third'; many postpositions like (tx) cedak'je ,ruyjiu kami-ko da or ukin oTak -re
bgit' 'for', sdo 'with', scgge 'along wilh', upar 'above', bhitatlbhitri'nside', llcn because that woman worker-pr rcc and 3or- house-rcc
'with', sarlr 'along with', etc. are borrowed either from Bengali or Hindi. The parti-
cleslikejodiljudi'if', jem t'so that', tahle 'then', ,o emphalic, ar'aad', txkhrn'the,,',
ekkal bmuk'-lco-a
abBolutely \Ec-3PL:oBJ-Ftr{
artd, jlkbn 'when' are from the same sourca The masculinFfeminine distinction
ending in -c or -i as in kah vs. kali'derf ndkopkavs.laqki 'mad', is of Indo-Aryan (x) ada aya hudb-baga*atE mit'-tEc'
origin. Although th€r€ is no exact figure, almost 20lo of the lexemes of daily needs thereupon much thoughrabout{v one{6sFR
arc borrowEd from Indo-Aryan. As there arc no statistics of the regional loans, it is kaki-gc-kin solchdl oga-lced-e-a.
vcry dillicult to discuss thc loans from Oriya or Assamesg which need further survcy. aunt-mother-3DLsr.rBj marry a widow bring-rsr:e-3sc:suu-ml.
Loans from other Munda languages like Mundari and Hq with which it is also in
contact, nccd in-depth investigation and comparative study. Otherwise it is difric.ult (xi) ui agu+aE thom db b th*-Ee din-ko khena-kzd-a.
to specify the figurc" It is also very risky in the sens€ that if the languages under 3s bring-cv some day mc right-ErpH day-3rr:su'u pas&psr:a-Fni.
consideration are of the same stock, thc common vocabulary could be considered (xii) ita ,alcm dc uni gi.&a kaki g?ak' net'
as cognates, rather than loans from one another. just that after rcc that boy aunt mother-cEN eye
sonag-re b ,4, sikiT-ge gel-e-a
7 BRIEF ANALYSED TTXT front-Loc mc very hate-EMpn see-3sc:oar-ru.
The following t€xt was collected from Gobinda Hansda, aged 40, of the village (nir) adc onq-te mit' din uni ayo b ac'-ren
Jitpur, Jamtara, Santal Parganag Jharkhand. The story describes the stepmothcr's thercupon that-Ns one day that woman Foc 3s-cEN
attitude towardl the stepson. The area from wher€ the story was collected falls in thc lcrel-tet'< met-q-e-kan4, 'nui gi&a dc
Northem dialect arca of Santali. husband-osr-3sc:suBJ say-ern-3sc:oar-corrn this boy Foc
90 THE MUNM LANOUAOBS ltAtrfl^Ll 9l

jAhA-sen idl-olo-ka-e-ne at
bqklwrt (xriiD ftEnkhan ual d&e gcfo-bglt' tkt*ge bag hec'-len-a
any-to drirrc-away-rrx-3sc:oru-2sorup and othcn isc but boy that kill-3so:os-for tirre-eupx NBc come-pLUp:M-FrN
gcc'-giQi-ka-e-me.' (xxi{ khan ayo-e nen-kd-a, 'soum khet-ben si
kill-off-rsN-3sc:oBJ-3sc:rlp. then woman-3sc:suw say-rsr:e-rnr whole land-2or:sur.r plough
(nv) khon herel-tet otu kalha qtbm-toray caba-kzd-a. adc enre hi nui gidra dc ba-m
then husband-rx.lr, that word listen arvay finish-psr:l-m* yet still even this boy mc NEG.2sc:suEr
tbgil'-gct'-en-a gcc'-thye-ad-e-a' .
deafen-insta.Dfl y-Psr:M-Fnr, kill-can-,rppr,.xr:e-3sc:oBJ-FrN
(xv) ar mcne n E-tE mcn-jcta -a ie nui ayo da (ov) khan orw ,kte uti ayo gidra gtia-bgit' mit'-tec' kwafked-a
and mind mind-roc say-ur-Alpt ,pnr:M-FrN that this woman mc then tbat time that woman @ kill-hc:orfor onenur- efhrt-xr:*rn.
cit k&tha-e met-d-ila. (xr"i) met-a&e-q4, 'hna lanli-re gwdlibon
what word-3sc:suBJ say- AppL.psr:A- lsc:oBJ-Ftr L say-erer-rsra-3sc:ermr-3sc:suu that.]onder plainsroc millet-lnisuBr
(xvi) adc e4t hudis-re-e patrao-en-a. cas-akat' onrz-ge si-bea'.
thcn vefy think-Loc-3sc:susJ fall-psr:u-rnt. cultivate-pnr:r that-ErflH plough-2or.rrr,P'
(xvii) ad>e kuli-ruag-ke&e-a, 'cedak'-em (xxvii) t&7 jckhtc -ge wi gfuba dc ona isi-lr- scb-clc'
thcn-3so:suu ask-r€turn-psr:A-3sc:ou-rnr why-2sc:suw that time-EirpH that boy Foc that plough-nrs pierce-n'
agls-o-c-kan-a?' g)c'-oco-y-e-rfl
worry-*rl- 3so:oar-co*.nN? die-c,c.us-el?H-3sc:onr-2sc:nF
(xviii) adc uni ayo-e rcpruag-ked-a '8, il b (nviii) qr ona jayga-r€ d. 4ak' cas-ls7 hgao-a.
then that woman-3sc:susJ tell-r€turn-psrrc.-F$r yes lsc:suw roc and that place-loc roc any cultivate-lDl:suBJ apply-FD{,
afu-ci-tt gel-e-kan-a'. (xxix) adc uni hcrel-Et'
d2 ono-ge hE-ad-a.
worry-EirpH-1sc:suBJ see-3sc:oar-cor-rru. rcc that-EMpH yes-AppI,.psr:A-FrN
thereupon that husband-ErAl
(vfu) khan furel-tet'-e mea-kztl-q, 'on-ge lai+ne (*xx) khan dcsar hibk'-ge setak'-re g *a-e
then husband-nul-3sc:sr.nr say-rsr:,r-rnr tS-rupn tell-2sc:MP then s€cond &y-nrru morning-roc boy-3sc:suar
tcbe cika-kdE-l gcj-e-a'. ,net-a.e-ker-a 'fulq-la si-ok'-la| idi-a
th€n how-cv-lsc:suBr kill-3sc:osJ-FtrI. look-prr plough-r.l-lol:surr drirrc-ru.r.
say-,rprr-3sc:osr-cop-pnr
(ru) adc uti ayo-e bi-a-e-kan-a, 'qrn-ak'. isi (xxxi) ona gundli-la1 si-oco-g-a ar et&'
then ttrat woman-3sc:suB, tell-Alpl-3sc:GJ-coFFtr{ 2socrx plough that millet-1Dl:sr,u plough-ceus-lu-m* and another
tlc jckhm si-ok'-ben jcTao-idi-a u jckhen cas-bon lagao-a' .
rcc when plough-u-2ousuu link+ontinue-mr that time cultivat+ I PL:suRr apply-FrN.

gidra dc laha-ka-e+ne at am dc tayxtt -rc (xxxii) khon l<o6a gi&a raTnoX-kctl-a, 'henda baba, ona gundli
boy rcc front-srN-3sc:osJ-2sc:r,p and 2sc Foc behind-rrc then boy child tEll-retum-psr:A-Ftr{ oh father ttrat millet
si-nc sr on-ren Qqra khub hga hga-kitnne. mdt bili-jut- aka .a.
plough-2scne and 2ecmr hrllock wry driw drive 3ol-2sc:nrp. oPr ripe-proprly-nr:u-rnr.
(xxi) nz jckhen-geui giha d. ona isi-E-e (xxiii) gapa meql khon-ge j*t-jut-uk'-a.
that time-Er,pH that boy rcc that plough-nis3sc:suw tomonow aftertomorrow then-Ei,oH eat-suitable-M-Fnr.
gutu gcjck'-a (rxiv) ona de cedak'-lo1 si-barij-a
insert kill-u-rnl. that Foc wh;r -lol:suar plough-waste-FDr.

Or$ khot ona qiorn-ktle gota bad bayhor-kin (rrxv) khut utri gidra-ren aps-t'-tet'-e hulis-kcd4, 'sari-ge
th€n that listen-CV whole upland low.land-3pr,:susJ then that boy-crx fathcr-nrer--ou-3sc:suu think-psr1{-rnr right-rrr,nn
si-ctbo-lce&a nui gkha dc bhage solh*gei bi-a-n-lctn-a'.
plough-fi nish-rsr:e-rn. this boy Foc good advice-runr-3sc:sux tell-*pr-lsc:oBJ-cop-FrN
O2 THE MUNDA LANOUAOBS
(xxxvi) odo ,n:rre m:t E-E hudis-jq*an-a-a
tlrercupon mind mind-r.oc think-upcopmr-3so:suu
(rqvii) hudis-kate gidn-ren apa-t-Et' d2 ac'-rm ayo-e
think-cv boy-cEN father-D{ L-orr mc 3s-csN wife-3sc:suu
me,-adaa, 'U d2 nui gi&a dc chc-tt
say-*t.rsr:l-3sc:ow-rn lsc:sunr mc this boy rcc NEG.lsc:suB,
gcc <lage-kz-a' .
kill-can-orr-rnl
(xxxviii) ona q$cm-sdote uni ayo dc a4i ru0gao-gcl'-en- o-e
that listen-with that wife rcc very be angry-instantly-psru rN-3sc:suBJ
dt boge-tc-kin jhogfa-e -a.
and good-rNs-3ur:suar quarrrl-rsr:u-r,^_-
(xxxix) odc uni ayo dt-e laga-gili-kad-e-a
thcn that woman roc-3sc:suu drive-away-rrN.psr:e-3sc:oal-r.r^-
( xxxx) ,nuccl'-en-a.
finish-rsr:x-r,rr.r
l. There was a farmer. 2. He had a diligent wife. 3. They had a son.4. They always
worked very hard. 5. The farmer's wife had a sudden attack of headache and stomach-
ache, 6. Soon she passcd arvay leaving behind her husband and son. 7. Thercafter these
two faced lots of problems 8. They could not even go to work. 9. The absence of a
womaJr to take cane of household chorcs led to this situation. 10. TherEupon after a lot
of contemplation they brought a stepmother for ttreboy @ sangha marriage I L After
she arrived things worked well for sometime, 12. After sometime the boy was looked
upon with hatrcd by the stepmother. I 3. One day the woman told her husband. 'Drive
a,vay the child anywhere or otherwise kill him.' 14. Having heard that the husband
felt as if he had been deafened. 15. He rcflec16d over what the woman told him. 16.
He then fell into d€ep thought. 17. He asked he! 'What bothers you about the bof'
18. Then she replied. 'I am looking at him with geat fear.' 19. He told hel 'Suggpst
to mc how to kill him.'20. Sh€ sugg€stc('When you tu.o go to work in the hel{ you
should link your plough th€n keep the child in fmnt of yoB and 1ou plough from
behind driving your bullocks very hard.'21. 'Then the child will die being pierced by
the )oke' She continued. 22. Aft€r that the father and son ploughed up the whol€ high
land and low land for many days 23. But he never got amund to killing his son. Z.
The woman told the farme4 'You have ploughed the whole held and still you could
not kill the boy.' 25. Then the woman made another suggestion on how to kill the
boy. 26. She told the farmer, 'ln that far of plain (where) you plough for our millet
cultivation.' 27. At ttrat time when you are ploughing that field, let the boy die by
being pierced by the yoke', she said. 28. i{nd in that piece of lard u/e will cultiyare
other cmps' 29. The farmer told her he would do as she told him. 30. Th€ next mom-
ing he told his son, 'Look chil4 we will take the plough.'31. 'We will plough up the
millet ard cultivate another crop' 32. Then the boy replied, 'Oh fathe! that millet has
ripened.' 33. 'Tomorrow or the day after it will be edible' 34. 'Why shall we waste the
SANTALI 9I
crop by plouShinsf 35. Thc farmcr thoughf 'The child is giving me advie in good
spirit.'36. Hc th€1l made up his mind. 37. Hc told his wifg 'I can newr kil thfu boy.'
38. ort hcaring that the womaa became very angry and quarreled with him. 39. Then
he drorc the woman away. 4{). The story ends here
NOTES
1 S.IL Chatterji, 'Foreword' la IIOR BAPLA PATHI (Pahil hatrz) by Stephen
H. Murmu, Benagaria: Mission Press, pp. v*xi, 1961.
2 L.O. Skrefsrud, 'Introduction' to ,{ Crammar of the Santhal Language,Benares:
Medical Hall Press, 1873.
3 S.K. Chatterji, 'Forewofi' to HOR BAPLA PUTHI (Pdhil hatin).
4 Pinnow in his later pap€rs took up the position of the Munda languages
and comparing the external rclationship of the Munda languages nith other
Austroasiatic ones he revised his earlier thesis slightly, but the position of Munda
remains the same, that is" Munda-Nahali is separated offas the western branch;
cf. H.J. Pinnow's (l%0, 1963) 'Uber den Ursprang der voneinander abweichenden
Strukturen der Munda Und Khmer-Nikobar Spraslrcn', IndoJranian tournal 4(l):
8l-103. "The position of the Munda languages within the Austroasiatic family',
in H.L. Shorto (ed), Linguistit Comprison in South-East Asia and PaciItc, W.
140-152.
5 Here ttre name conforms to that ofRobert Shaffer (1940), F.B.J. Kuiper (1962),
and S. Bhattarharya (1957) rather than Pinnow's Mhali.
6 Norman H. Zidc, 'Munda and non-Munda Austroasiatic languages', in T.A.
Sebeok (ed), Czrrent Tben^ in Ltuguistics, 5: 4ll-433. The Hague: Mouton.
7 S. Bhattacharya, A New classification ofMrndd,Indo-Iranian toumal,XYll:1,
(197s):97-101.
8 EDITOR:S NOTE: Both Remo and Gta? have dual somewhere active in their
grammars.
9 Ethnologue l4th edition 2000.
l0 Census of India, l98l Series l, INDIA-Part iv-B (i), Population by Language/
Mother Tongue (able C-7), New Delhi: Registrar General and Census
Commission, India.
11 The sadar sub-division of Bankura covers the western and southern parts of the
districr.
12 The districts having Santal population in the northern part of West Bengal are
Murshidabad, Malda, North and South Dinajpur, Ialpaiguri and Cochbehar.
13 Ghosh (200311) argues that'Ifall the ... problems are resolved we may come
up with differ€nt type of classification of the Munda where South Munda
rnay or may not find a place. We may even come up with a different theory of
migration where North Munda including Kharia-Juang may be found to enter
India through the Himalayan range, leaving trac€s of their migration in the
pronominalized Himalayan languages.'
14 Census of India, 1981, Series l, India-Part iv-B(ii), Population by Biliagualism
(table C8), 4.
15 R.N. Cust, I Sfercr, ofthe Modem Languages ofthe Eost Indies,London: Trubner,
1878.
16 The Ethnologue (Grimmes 1996) mentions six dialects in India: Karmali
(Kholc), Kamali-Santali, Loharisaf,tali, Mahali (MahlQ, Manjhi, Paharia.
17 A. Campbell (1988: preface) notes that 'Northern Santali or that spoken in
Bha8elpur, Munghyr, the Santal Parganas, Birbhum, Bankura, Hazaribagh
and Manbhum, is the language of the overwhelming majority of the trib€, and
!ll| THE MUNDA LANOUAOES SANTAU 9!

is morc polishcd than Southcrn Santali. Thc formcr io. thcrcforc, rogardcd as
thc Standard, and Soutlcrn Santali, or that spokcn in thc rcmaining districtr,
as a dialect, o1 possibly, a group of dialects of it.' ,19, Chicago: William
Ahmcd, E. (1969) 'Santal parganas', Encyclopaedla Britanica
18 Ghosh (1994:8) notes 'Covering only West Bengal and Santal Parganas of Bcnton.
Bihar dialectal situation in Santali has been chalked out and in that casc Bagchi, P.C. (1929) Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dmidian in India, Calcl.lllai University of
also Campbell's demarcation as Northern and Southern Santali has been Calcuua.
confirmed.' Banerj€g G.C. (1894) Introduction to the Kharia l-atguage, Calcutta: Bengal
19 /pF[b/-V is optional in case verb roots, obligatory in case of TAM. Sccretariate Press.
20 Occurrence of/h/ in frnal position is found only in interjectives, otherwise /h/ Bhaduri, M.B. (1931) A Mwdari-English Dicrionary, Calcufia: Calcutta University.
does aot occur finally. Bhat, D.N.S (197) 'Noun-rrrb distinc'tion in Munda languagos', in A. Abbi (ed)
2l With Applicative c- Past and Pluperfcct are realized as at'< o+ket' a,r,d. a+let'. Lo.guges of Tribal arul Indigenous Peoples of India, Delht:' Motilal Banarasidas'
22 WitJr Benefactive -&a Past Pluperfect are rcalized as -kat' < ka+ kefatd ka+ let , 2n-25r.
23 Causative and Permissive are expressed by the same suffix -oco, which in Bhattacharya, S. (1954) 'Studies in the Paren glaryu;agE', Indim Lingtistics,l4filD:
Southern Santali is rcdized * -hcce 4143.
24 Applicative in the perfect is infixed between the perfect suffix and the voice marker 0957) 'Field-notes on Nahali', lzdim Lingistics,lT:'245-258.
........_ (1965) 'Glottal stop and checked consonants in Bonda', Indo-Iruian Joumal,
4' in the active, i.e. -ako+a+r\ euphonic w comes between thc final -a of aka - IX(l):69-71.
and Applicative a.
...._ (1966) 'Some Munda etymologies', in N.H. zide (ed.) Sludies in Compararive
25 In thc morphophonology it is shown that this n is a phonological increment.
Concidcring thc verbal paradigms it h b€tter to consider it as a middle voice Austruasiatic LilwuricJ, The Hagu€: Mouton, 2H0.
markcr. (1968) A Bondo Dicrionary,Poona: Deocan Collegs.
25 An cxccption is Ncgative Impcrative which takes the finite marker -a. (1969) Sone More Munda Etymologies, Poona: Pratidanam'
-_- 0970) 'Kinship terms in the Munda laagngez', Anthropos,65i 444465.
27 An cxception is Negative Imperative which takes the finite marker -a.
2E Ncukom (2001:123) tries to describe this formation as Completive. The stem is
-
-."...._ (197, 'Munda studi€s: A nerv classification , Indo-Iroriot Jounal, YIII:\,
conjugated throughout with TAM suffixes. For a similar formation in Kharia 97-101.
(this volume).
see Peterson Biligiri, H.S (1}6, XTraia' Phorclogt Grwtttw otd Vo&tlry,Poma: Deccan College
29 The infixation is the only process offorming the reciprocal stem in the Southern Soraverb, arestricted study', in G.B. Milnerand E.A. Henderson(eds)
dialect while in the Northern the stcm is sometimes formed by suffixing -ot'as in lndo-Pacifu Lhguisric Studies II, Amsbrdart: North-Holland Publishiug Company,
-(1965)'The
231-250.
dal-ok'-kan-a-kin'They (two) are fighting each other.' The suffixed reciprocal is
used by male te€nagers in the Northcrn dialect. It is then, unlike infixed stem, Bodding, P.O. (1922) Materialsfor a Santali Growrur I ( Mostly Phonetic),Drn*a:
conjugated in the Simple present/Future, Present and Past progressive and in Santal Mission of the Northern Churches
the Imperative. In other tens€s and moods simple roots are conjugated in the (1925) S@.ali Folk-Taks 1-i, Oslo: H. Ascheboug & Co.
(1929\ Materials fot a Santali Gronmar II ( Mostly Morphological), Dumka:
middle. - Santal Mission of the Northern Church€s
30
3l
-
32
),

_(l Dictionory, 3rd edn, R.M. Macphail (ed.) Benagaria:

33 of verb serialization given by Neukom (2001:176) are drawn from Santal Council.
Bakher which is connected with the ritual performed after death. Thes€ Chatt€rji, S.K. (1923) 'The study of Kol', The Calcut q Reyiew,\1ll:.451473.
constructions sre like llindt mantra, r,ot of colloquial language. (1926) The Otigh ord Development of the Bengali Language, Calcutta: Calcutta
A Compare bole in Bangla as in ami jabo bole janiechi'I have informed I would -University.
(1953) 'Th€ laneuages of the Adivasis', March tn India, Q2): 14-16.
go.'
35 Compare Bangla kache, OldBargla|hiVe asin amar kachellh ive laka nei'lhwe (1961) 'Foreword' in S.H. Murmu I{OR BAPL,4 PUTHI(pahil hotin),
-
no money with me.'
36 .r? is a relative pronoun in Bangla, us€d also as relative clause marker.
-
37 saygha is a kind of marriage prevalent among the poor Santals. In this type ,Indian
of marriage no social function is organized. A widow or divorcee is takcn as a
mate and no vermillion is applied in this type ofmarriag€.
38 ma is a particle used regularly with the Optative ofthe verb; with the Imper&tiw ,If,
it has an optative sense. In connection with clauscs it impli€s stat€m€nt of
reason or cause,
96 TH8 MUNDA LANOUAOES SAtrIT Ll 97

Unlvenals ord Llngulsrtc Typobgt.
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(1994) S@tali - A Look into S@ttoli Morphologlt,Neut Delhi: Gyan publishing
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Wisconsin.
."......._ (t971) 'Derivation and case in Sora verbs', Indion Lhguisrics,3213,194-206.
Suryakumari (1991) A Desctiptive Study of Santali, PhD disscrtation, Central
Institute of Indian Languageq Mysore
Zide A.K. (1978) A Note on glottalization and rclea"se in M\tl,dz', Indian Lhguistics,
39(14\:7O-75.
Zide, N.H. (1958) 'Final stops in Korku and Sar.tLli', Indian Lingtistics,li 448.
0966) 'L,our tone ard proto-Korku-Klerwarian vowel systcrn', in N.H. Zdc (ed.)
Studies in Conryrative Austroasiatic Litguitlics, The Hague: I0,'.ortlil,2l+2D.
- (1972) A Mnnda demonstrative slatem: Santali', in J.M.C. Thomas and L. Bcrtrot
(eds) langrcs et tecluiqcs. Nature et Sociele Tom I, Pais:, Y)incki*k,267-274.
- On&\ Studes h Mtm& Nuncmls,Myff,rc: Central lnstitute of Indian lrnguagE
-
The Santals are the most numercus of tlle Munda groups and the study of their lan-
guage and qrlture dates back to the e3rly nineteenth century. The larguage was first
brought to light by foreign missionaries Rev. J. Phillips (1845) was a pioneer among
the European scholars who studied the Santali language, His A Sotali Primer (l&45),
Sequel to a Santali Primer (1850), nd An lntrudtclion to the S@tal Langlage (1852)
were sensations in the scholarly world. In his introduclion he submits with 'unfcigncd
9! THB MUNDA LANOUAOE3

CHAPTER THREE

MUNDARI *
Toshiki Osada

1 INTRODUCTION
Mundari is mainly spoken in the stat€ of Jharkhand, which was recently set up by
the Government of India on 15 November 2000, and in the adjoining states of
Orissa and West Bengal in India. Mwfiameans'village-headman'in Mundari. But
the language nane mu4Qdii is glven by the neighbouring peoples, the iodigenous
nane is hoXo jagar 'human language' or mu4Qa jagar 'I&'dtlnda language'.
As Gregory Anderson shows us in the Introduction of this book, Mundari
belongs to the Klerwarian group of the North Munda branch. According to the
Census of India 1991, the number of speakers of Mundari is 861,378. The same
Census reports the number of speakers of Munda as 413,894. The names Munda
and Mundari s€em to confuse. It is likely that the census oflicer did not have perfect
criteria for naming the languages in India. There is actually no difference between
the Munda languag€ and the Mundari language linguistically. Thus, the total
number of the speakers of Mundari is likely to be more than one million. From
a tinguistic point of vieq the designation Munda is used for the language family.
Mundari, on the other hand, rcfers to an individual languagg namely the language
of Munda peopl€.
As Hoffmann reported h the Encyclopaedia Mwdtrica, Yol.l, page (6), Mundari
has four dialects; that is, Hasada from /rasa-dc? '(literally) land water Glace name)'
in Mundari, Naguri from nagri Qian name), Tamaria ftom tamaf-io 'language
of Tamar (pface name)', and Kera from kera? Qrrf*i. endrng, instead of keda b
another dialect). Munda (1980:kha) has proposed the name Latar dialwt (btar
means'low') inst€ad of Tamaria. I do not adopt this tErm herc because I have never
hel.rd lalat jagat in Mundari.
The Hasada dialect is considered as the standard variety among Munda peoples
Hasada speakers are located on the eastern side of Ranchi-{haibasa Road while
Naguri speakers are situated on the w€stern side The Tamaria dialect is distributed
in the Panchpargana area (Bundrl Tamar, Silli, Baranda and Rahe). Further, KEra
is mainly spoken by the inlabitants of Ranchi city and the adjacnt ar€q who ethni-
cally b€long to the Oraon tribe. According to Pinnoiv (1959:2), Ho should be consid-
ered as a dialeci of Mundari from a linguistic point of view.l We, honrever, regard the
Ho language as a separat€ language on the basis of the ethnic idcntity of its speakers
(see the chapter on Ho and the other Kherwarian languages in this book).
The study of Mundari started h the nineteenth century for example, Haldar
(1871), Whitley (1873), NotEott (1882). These works arc neither comprehensivq
nor reliable from a linguistic point of view. For examplg the glottal stops werc not
described in these works Linguistically oriented grammars have been written by
Hoffmann (1903), Cook (1965) (his data arc collected not by him but by Hoffmann),
Sinha (1975) (his desctiptions contain a lot of self-contradiction and some data are not

99