Ana & Dino Demicheli, Salona AD 541 PDF

LXXX, 1-2
2018
FRATELLI LEGA EDITORI

FAENZA
Ana Demicheli - Dino Demicheli *
Salona AD 541: precisely dated sarcophagus

of vaginarius (scabbard maker)
Saturninus, fabrica armorum Salonitana
and the plague of Justinian
Abstract
The article describes the inscription on the lid of the sarcophagus discovered in
Vranjic (Croatia) during the development-led archaeological excavations carried out
in 2007. The inscription mentions the married couple Saturninus and Justina who died
in the summer of 541. Saturninus was a vaginarius, i.e. a maker of scabbards, which
is an occupation rarely mentioned in epigraphic sources. Sixth century Salona saw the
practice of producing inscriptions which mention the occupation of the deceased more
often than in other periods, and this inscription fits the pattern. The inscription was
dated absolutely by consular year, indictional year, date and day of the week, which
makes it thus far the most precisely dated antique inscription in Dalmatia. The authors
believe that the reference to a scabbard maker points to the continuing operation of
the military factory in Salona (fabrica Salonitana armorum) during the 6th century, the
existence of which was confirmed in the 4th and 5th centuries by Notitia Dignitatum and
one other inscription. The stylistic features of this inscription were used to narrowly
date another military inscription on the sarcophagus which could be linked to the
Byzantine-Gothic War waged in the Salona area around 535. Since both occupants
of the sarcophagus died around the same time, it is believed they could have been
victims of violent death or some acute illness. During that time, between 541-543, the
so-called Plague of Justinian was recorded on the Mediterranean, which killed around
a quarter of the population. Salona was a port city and the plague, which had already
spread across the Mediterranean from Egypt, could have reached it by ship, already
by the summer of 541.
Keywords: Salona, Dalmatia, Late Antiquity, scabbard maker, vaginarius, scabbards,
fabrica Salonitana armorum, sarcophagi, calendar, Ostrogoths, indictional dating, the
Plague of Justinian.
* Zagreb.
358 ana demicheli - dino demicheli
Introduction
During the development-led archaeological excavations of the

Vranjic coast in 2007, a sarcophagus lid was found dating to Late
Antiquity and carrying an interesting inscription (Fig. 1) (1). The
lid was discovered in its secondary use in the embankment used to
consolidate the south-eastern coast of the Vranjic peninsula, and
such construction intervention was confirmed on all sides of the
peninsula. During the archaeological excavations between 2005
and 2008, numerous fragments of architectural sculpture were
found, as well as many sarcophagi and Latin and Greek inscrip-
st th
tions dated between the 1 and 6 centuries (2). The only excep-
tion is a Greek inscription from the Hellenistic period (3). Coastal
consolidation, i.e. construction of coastal structures where an-
tique spolia were used, was done in the early medieval period (4).
Based on the type and quantity of the discovered and recorded
Fig. 1. Sarcophagus lid found in Vranjic.
(1) Archaeological excavations were carried out by the company Geoarheo d.o.o. and we
would like to sincerely thank the head of excavations, Goran Skelac, for the provided material
and documentation for publication. This find was recorded in the field documentation under the
number 213/07.
(2) The Croatian Conservation Institute (Hrvatski restauratorski zavod) conducted
underwater archaeological excavations in 2005 and 2006, while the company Geoarheo d.o.o.
carried out excavations of the coastal area in 2007 and 2008, where a sewer pipe was to be placed.
Reports on the conducted excavations: Vodicka Miholjek 2008; Skelac, Vodicka 2009, with
field reports published in HAG in 2006 and 2007, and the most comprehensive description of
the finds from the development-led excavation in Vranjic to be found in Radiċ Rossi 2008a and
Radiċ Rossi 2008b.
(3) The inscription is currently being published, and has thus far been photographically
reproduced several times (e.g. Radiċ Rossi 2008b, p. 497).
(4) Radiċ Rossi 2008b, pp. 499-500, based on radiocarbon dating.
salona ad 541: precisely dated sarcophagus of vaginarius 359
material it is most likely that parts of Early Christian church ar-

chitecture and a part of one or more necropoleis were used in the
construction (5).
The area of the Vranjic peninsula formed part of the Salona
ager in Antiquity, but it is unclear whether it was truly an integral
part of Salona itself or a separate settlement which developed right
next to it (6). The Salona bay stretches across the northern part of
the peninsula and it was most likely involved in the operation of
the former Salona port (7). Vranjic has not been archaeologically
excavated since it is densely populated, but the findings recovered
so far indicate the existence of a settlement and agricultural facili-
ties (8). The finds include over 30 inscriptions from Late Antiquity
(mostly fragments), and the particularly interesting site Crkvine,
where the remains of an Early Christian church were found near
a necropolis which extended from Vranjic eastward (9). Unfor-
tunately, the remains of this church were destroyed during the
construction of an industrial complex, even though it was clear
that a part of the architectural material belonging to this Early
Christian structure had already been used for the consolidation of
the Vranjic coastline in the medieval period (10). Antique monu-
ments were used in the construction of several houses in Vranjic,
and they are best preserved in the house Benzon which contains
47 such monuments, 15 of which bear an inscription (11).
Description of the Sarcophagus Lid and the Inscription

The sarcophagus lid was carved from limestone in the gable
roof design with four acroteria in the corners. These types of acro-
(5) One should mention that the majority of material from Antiquity and Late Antiquity
used for coastal consolidation is still either under the peripheral area of Vranjic or under the sea.
(6) According to D. Keckemet and I. Javorciċ, a compact settlement developed in Vranjic
between the 4th and 7th century, while only villas, i.e. agricultural buildings, existed in the area
before that period (Keckemet, Javorciċ 1984, p. 31).
(7) Based on the latest finds, the theory of the Salona shipyard being located in the area in
Roman times has been proposed again recently (Radiċ Rossi 2008a, p. 30).
(8) For more detailed references on the finds in Vranjic see Buliċ 1913, Javorciċ,
Keckemet 1984, Radiċ Rossi 2008a; Švonja 2014.
(9) Buliċ 1913; Lozo 1998.
(10) The material used were parts of columns, capitals, pilasters with crosses and other
architectural elements belonging to church architecture. Furthermore, the finds of wine presses or
olive presses indicate that the material could have belonged to an agricultural facility. We would
like to thank our colleagues, Irena Radiċ Rossi, PhD, and Goran Skelac, MSc, for providing us with
the documentation from the conducted excavation.
(11) Švonja 2014, p. 286.
Fig. 2. Inscription of the vaginarius Saturninus and Justina.
teria are rarely found on sarcophagi from Salona, but three more
lids with similar elongated acroteria were found during the same
excavations (12).
The left side of the lid of the sarcophagus of Saturninus and
Justina is missing, with its front and rear acroteria, as well as the
initial part of the inscription lines where several letters are miss-
ing. The right lateral side contains a slot for the iron cramp which
connected the lid to the chest. The dimensions of the preserved
part of the lid are: length 147 cm, height 54,5 cm, width 62 cm.
The four-lined inscription (Fig. 2) is carved between the front ac-
roteria, and the text reads as follows:
[----]CA SATVRNINO VAGENARI
[----]VGALI EIVS IVSTINAE·DEPOS
[-----]IE XIIII KAL·SEPT·IND IIII·BASILI
[-----]ONS DIE SATVRNI †
Restitution of the inscription: [† Ar]ca Saturnino vagenari/[o et

i]ugali eius Iustinae. Depos/[itio d]ie XIIII Kal(endas) Sept(embres)
ind(ictione) IIII Basili/[o Iun(iore) v(iro) c(larissimo) c]ons(ule) die
Saturni †
Descriptive translation: The sarcophagus of Saturninus, scabbard mak-
er, and his wife Justina. They were buried on the day of Saturn, on the
14th day before the Kalends of September, in the fourth indictional year,
during the time of the consulship of Basilius Junior, the most illustrious
man.
(12) Inv. no. 214/07, 286/07 and 287/07. The lids bear no inscriptions, except for 214/7,
which has the monogram incised. These four listed lids were probably made in the same period.
The letters of the inscription are regular and uniform (size 6,5
cm), and most have triangular line-ends (serifs). The separating
triangle-shaped characters are carved in the second line between
E and D, in the third line between L and S, T and I, and in between
the number IIII and B. Horizontal lines are carved above the ab-
breviations Sept, ind and cons. The inscription ends with a Latin
cross, and by comparison with other sarcophagi from Salona (13)
dated to a similar period, we believe there was a Latin cross at the
beginning of this inscription as well. The inscription lines have
been regularly aligned from the right side and we believe that they
were inscribed in the same manner on the left side. Based on his
name, Saturninus was of Roman origin and we presume he came
from the Salona area. The name Saturninus/Saturnina has been
found on three other inscriptions from Salona dated to the period
of Late Antiquity (14), while it occurred regularly in Dalmatia
during the first three centuries of the Empire as a cognomen (15).
The name Iustina/Iustinus has been found on three inscriptions
from Salona dated to Late Antiquity (16).
The Date of the Inscription
The inscription date consists of the day of the month, the in-
dictional year, the name of the consul and the day of the week. The
burial of Saturninus and Justina is the only event documented in
such a manner from Late Antiquity in Dalmatia which has been
preserved to such a degree. Usually it is easy to date an inscrip-
tion based on the inscribed name of the consul, since we know
when each individual consul held office, but that is not always the
case, as can be seen here with the aforementioned consul Basilius.
During the last few decades of the fifth century up until the mid-
sixth century there were several consuls bearing this name. The
inscribed indiction proved to be crucial, stating that the burial
th
took place on the 14 day before the Kalends of September (i.e.
(13) For example, Salona IV, 284, 285, 292, 299. We know that many inscriptions contained
a cross placed at the beginning, but since a large number of these are in fact fragments where
the last part is missing, it is possible that there was a cross placed at the end as well. For more on
crosses, see Salona IV, 95-96.
(14) Salona IV, no. 282, 378 i 495.
(15) Alföldy 1969, p. 288 s. v. Saturninus.
(16) Salona IV, 75 (Iustinus); Salona IV, 230 (Aurelia [Ius]tina); Salona IV, 800 (Ἰουστῖνος).
on August 19th) of the fourth indictional year. The indiction num-

bers indicate the years within a 15-year cycle introduced during
the era of Diocletian, at first in Egypt and in the East, in the late
third century, then in the West where it had long stayed in use.
st
Every new indiction started on the 1 of September and it lasted
th
until August 31 of the following year. The only year which was
the fourth indictional year during the time a consul of the name
Basilius held office was 541, the year of the consulship of Anicius
Faustus Albinus Basilius. Basilius served alone and he is known
as the last consul in Roman history (17). The honorary title v(ir)
c(larissimus) and the adjective Iun(ior) were added in the recon-
structed inscription in analogy to other inscriptions which men-
st
tion him (18). The fourth indictional year began on September 1
540 and lasted until the end of August 541, encompassing the date
th
mentioned in the inscription - August 19 541. Apart from the
date being written, the text also mentions that the burial occurred
on the day of Saturn (dies Saturni), i.e. on a Saturday. Inscrip-
tions mentioning the specific day of the week are generally very
rare and usually date to the Christian period (19). This interesting
fact brings to light the issue of deviation from the official imperial
calendar. Namely, according to the Julian calendar, which was in
th
force during this period, August 19 541 fell on a Monday, not a
Saturday. However, it seems that deviations of one or even several
days are not a rare occurrence in epigraphy and documents from
Late Antiquity (20). There are four more inscriptions from Salona
which mention the day of the week, but they are missing other
data for precise dating, mostly due to being damaged: the inscrip-
tion from 511 (21) tells us that the burial occurred on a Thursday
(dies Iovis), but the information about the month is missing; an
(17) Bagnall et al. 1987, pp. 7, 617. However, the office of the consul was shortly re-
established during Emperor Justin II in 566. For the discussion on 541/542 being the last year of
consulship see Meier 2002.
(18) Inscriptions mentioning Basilius Junior, i.e. Anicius Faustus Albinus Basilius, are
referred to in Bagnall et al. 1987, pp. 616-617. His name suggests he was descended from two
very famous families of the fifth and sixth centuries in Rome, the Decii and Anicii, and the family
tree of these families, indicating that Basilius was the grandson and son of previous consuls in 480
and 493, was published in Cameron, Schauer 1982, pp. 143.
(19) The days were still referred to by the names of pagan gods, and many languages
have retained this tradition to this day, e.g. Italian, French and Spanish. The exceptions are dies
Dominica instead of dies Solis sometimes used for Sunday, and dies Sabbati instead of dies Saturni
sometimes used for Saturday. Even though the Greek calendar referred to the days by the name
of the gods, in this era inscriptions often mentioned the days of the week by the ordinal number.
(20) Worp 1991, with the listed dates on the inscriptions that deviate from the calendar.
(21) Salona IV, 215 = ILJug 2529.
inscription on a mosaic (22) from the late fourth century, found in

the Kapljuc basilica, dates the end of the work on the mosaic to a
Thursday (dies Iovis), but we do not know the year or the month;
the fragment of the sarcophagus of a soldier (23) contains no in-
formation on the year or month and it is dated to the late fourth or
fifth century, but the text mentions the day of Saturn (Saturday)
or Sol (Sunday). The most famous inscription from Salona dating
from Late Antiquity is the one on the sarcophagus of the abbess
Iohanna (24). The inscription mentions the indictional year, the
th
date (the fourth day before the Ides of May - the 12 of May) and
the day of the week (dies Veneris - Friday). Since the inscription
was damaged, the indictional year could be read as quarta decima
or quinta decima which has led to different opinions on the date.
All proposed dates for this inscription have been based exclusive-
th
ly on the fourteenth or fifteenth indictional year in which the 12
of May fell on a Friday (25). The proposed framework for dating
this inscription was given as between 582 (the fall of Sirmium as
the cause of Iohanna’s flight to Salona) and the fall of Salona in
the first half of the seventh century. The only year in this period
th
when the 12 of May fell on a Friday in the fourteenth or fifteenth
indictional year was 612, so this is the suggested date for the in-
scription and it is considered the latest dated inscription from Sa-
lona. Since no consul or ruler is mentioned, this year has been cal-
culated solely by taking into account the referred day of the week,
which is not always, as we have seen, a reliable indicator for pre-
cise dating (26). From the study (27) carried out on the precisely
dated epigraphic monuments and documents on papyri, which
also refer to a day of the week, and their calculation into the Julian
calendar, based on the identified deviation of one to three days,
we can assume that mentioning the day of the week was an indi-
vidual decision which did not necessarily correspond to the actual
(22) Salona IV, 66 = ILJug 2586.

(23) Salona IV, 478 = CIL III, 9538.
(24) Salona IV, 219 = CIL III, 9551.
(25) References dealing with this problem are numerous, and they have been listed with
the description of the sarcophagus of Iohanna in Salona IV, no. 219, 490-494. In recent times, this
problem has been elaborated by providing a full analysis of every inscription reading (Basić 2008).
(26) Based on the aforementioned, we believe that the other 14th and 15th indictional years,
which were taken as possible dates, should not be set aside fully. We are aware that this leaves open
the possibility of numerous interpretations, but a different year would perhaps better resolve the
chronological doubts linked to Iohanna’s inscription that, for example, Buliċ had (Buliċ 1906,
pp. 300-302).
(27) Worp 1991.
week day. It is also possible that some divergence in the referred

day of the week occurred due to an error made by the client who
ordered the inscription be made (28). On the other hand, it is also
possible that some days of the week were mentioned precisely to
highlight fateful or astrological significance (29). One such well-
known inscription (30) mentions the little girl Saturnina, pointing
out that she was born and she died on the day of Saturn; another
is the inscription which commemorates the veteran born on the
day of Mars, recruited on the day of Mars, discharged on the day
of Mars and who died on the day of Mars (31), obviously high-
lighting his fate of spending his life under the protection of Mars,
the god of warfare. Saturninus probably got his theophoric name
because he was born on a Saturday, the day of the god Saturn,
but we cannot speculate whether the day of Saturn was also de-
liberately mentioned here, irrespective of the actual day of the
week, particularly because his wife Justina is also mentioned on
the sarcophagus. Whatever the reason for the date and day of
the week not being aligned in the text, it is still irrefutable proof
that an inscription cannot be precisely dated based solely on the
referred day of the week, without having final confirmation in the
form of an eponymous magistrate, i.e. consul. Had consul Basilius
not been mentioned, we would have dated this inscription, based
on other elements, to 556, the fourth indictional year in which
th
August 19 fell on a Saturday (32).
In our opinion, the most likely theory is that the date of their
th
death was Saturday, August 17 , and that the burial occurred on
th
Monday, August 19 .
Inscriptions on Sarcophagi from Sixth-Century Salona
There are several hundred inscriptions from Salona which

can be roughly dated to the sixth century. Many of them are only
(28) Worp 1991, p. 223; Bagnall et al. 1987, p. 61.

(29) For more on the days of the week mentioned on Christian inscriptions in Rome and
Italy, see the discussion where they have been viewed from different aspects (Pietri 1984).
(30) CIL X, 2933 (Cumae).
(31) CIL XIII, 1906 (Lugdunum), natus est die Martis, die Martis probatus, die Matis
missionem percepit, die Martis defunctus est.
(32) It is also interesting that the year 556 is linked to Basilius because during that time
the years were marked sometimes as those following the consulship of Basilius, since he was the
last consul. However, the phrase post consulatum Basilii was usually placed alongside the number
indicating the year following his consulship, which is not the case here.
fragments so palaeography is the only way to determine their date,

however it cannot be used as a precise indicator. Nonetheless,
there is a whole stylistic group of sarcophagi from sixth century
Salona characterised by a specific manner of text composition,
which begins with the word arca. So far around 40 have been
found (33). Their common characteristics have been determined
and this group has been roughly dated to the sixth century, allow-
ing for the possibility that this practice could have occurred in the
last few decades of the fifth century, and it could have continued
in the early seventh century as well (34). The inscription of Sat-
urninus and Justina, being precisely dated, confirms the estimated
time period for the mentioned group of sarcophagi.
The common characteristics of the majority of inscriptions on
these sarcophagi are as follows: the inscription is always placed
on the lid of the sarcophagus; the text begins with the word arca,
with a carved Latin cross usually placed in front; after the word
arca, the name or names of the deceased are mentioned in the da-
tive case (rarely in the genitive); most inscriptions mention the oc-
cupation of the deceased, who are in that case always male; their
age is never mentioned; if it is a married couple, the name of the
husband is placed first, followed by the name of his wife who is
usually called iugalis (35).
The inscription on the sarcophagus of Saturninus and Justina
entirely fits into the aforementioned group, apart from referring
to a date which has so far been the case on only one other in-
scription in this group (36). This inscription comes from the sar-
cophagus of Andrea who was a cancellarius palati, and who died
on the fifth day before the Ides of March in the tenth indictional
th
year during the consulship of Agapetus (March 11 517) (37). An-
drea served at the Ostrogothic court, since the Ostrogoths ruled
over Salona during that period. One other sarcophagus (38) dated
to 517, whose letters indicate different palaeographic character-
istics, comes from Salona. It was probably carved in a different
(33) The word arca itself (including the Greek form ἄρκα), meaning a sarcophagus, appears
on inscriptions from Salona in almost 100 cases.
(34) Salona IV, 44.
(35) Salona IV, 44-45.
(36) Since many inscriptions from this group are fragmented, it is possible that some of
them may have referred to a date in the text.
(37) Salona IV, no. 217 = ILJug 2675, Arca Andreae benemori ca[nc(ellarii)]/ pa<l=T>ati(i)
V Idus Ma[rt]ias ind(ictione) X A[ga]/peto v(iro) c(larissimo).
(38) Salona IV, 215 = ILJug 2529, ]nn[--- su]b d(ie) Io<v=B>is ind(ictione) [III]I Felice [--.
Fig. 3. Inscription of the Saturninus, miles Salonitanus.
workshop in Salona, and since only the last line of the inscription
has been preserved, it is not known how the text began.
So far there have been 10 inscriptions from sixth-century Sa-
lona which were precisely dated to the year (39), and all of them
th
come from the first half of the 6 century, which is unsurprising
since after 541 there were no consuls whose office was the most
reliable factor in determining a precise date. The two earliest come
from 511 (40), while the latest is here described inscription from
541. Their mutual differences in terms of workshop production
only point to the fact that during this period several workshops
were active in Salona with highly skilled stonecutters. By review-
ing other inscriptions from the Salona area which begin with the
word arca, we have found that the most similar inscription to the
one on the sarcophagus of Saturninus and Justina is the one men-
tioning another Saturninus who was a soldier from Salona (miles
Salonitanus) (Fig. 3) (41). His inscription reads:
†Arca Saturnin/o militi Salonitano
The text composition commemorating the soldier has similar

characteristics to the inscription on the sarcophagus of Saturninus
and Justina: the carved Latin cross, the word arca at the begin-
ning, and the name and occupation listed in the dative case. The
interesting coincidence is that both inscriptions mention the male
(39) Salona IV. no. 95, 215, 216, 217, 218, 607, 680, 755, 777.
(40) Salona IV, no. 215, 216.
(41) Salona IV, 282 = CIL III, 9537.
name Saturninus. Even though the sarcophagus type is entirely

different, according to the palaeographic characteristics we be-
lieve that both sarcophagi were most likely produced in the same
workshop.
The term miles Salonitanus could have referred to a locally re-
cruited man from Salona during the Byzantine-Gothic War. Cas-
siodorus, describing the circumstances in the early sixth-century
Dalmatia, mentions the phrase Salonitani milites (42), but he is
probably referring to Ostrogothic soldiers settled in Salona (43).
A papyrus from sixth-century Alexandria confirms the presence
of a military unit called Σαλονίται (44), which was possibly made
up of locals from Salona who travelled east after the war in Dal-
matia had finished (45).
A few other inscriptions bear letters that are somewhat famil-
iar to those on the sarcophagi of the two men with the name Sat-
urninus, but since they cannot be precisely dated, apart from one
from the period 554-562 (46), they will not be further discussed
here.
Dalmatia during the Byzantine-Gothic War - the Historical Back-

ground
Saturninus and Justina died in 541 when Dalmatia had
been free from Ostrogothic rule, which lasted from 493 until
537 (47). Salona, like the rest of Dalmatia, had become a part
of the Eastern Roman Empire in 437, and as the metropolis of
Dalmatia, it remained the most significant city in this part of the
Empire even after the fall of the Western Roman Empire in 476.
When the former Western Roman Emperor, the de facto ruler of
Dalmatia who was living in Salona (or Aspalatum), Julius Nepos,
was killed in 480, Dalmatia was placed under the rule of the con-
queror of Italy, Odoacer. He was killed in 493, in Ravenna, by
(42) Cass. Var. I, 40.

(43) Gracanin 2015b, pp. 58-59.
(44) PSI III 247. The transcription and photograph of the papyrus can be found at: http://
papyri.info/ddbdp/psi; 3, 247.
(45) Salona IV, 588.
(46) Salona IV, 23 = ILJug 2258E. It is dated according to the episcopacy of Petrus which
was between 554 and 562.
(47) For more on the historical sources and references concerning this and the following
period see Goldstein 1992 and Gracanin 2015a. For more on the situation in Dalmatia in the
early 6th century, based on the facts presented by Cassiodorus in his Variae, see Gracanin 2015b.
the Ostrogothic king Theodoric (475-526), after which Dalmatia,

as part of the king’s patrimony, became part of the Ostrogothic
state. Even though the Ostrogoths received a third of the property
and assets of the Dalmatian citizens, the Ostrogothic period is
considered to have been prosperous for Dalmatia, at least during
the reign of Theodoric, which is also evident from the economic
revival brought on by Theodoric’s politics (48). Cassiodorus states
that Theodoric wanted to improve mining, trade, maritime affairs
and other sectors of the economy, so he opened new mines in the
interior of Dalmatia and introduced new tax on trade (49). Ostro-
goths were of Arian faith, but it seems they tolerated the indig-
enous Roman Catholic religion (50). There must have been an Ar-
ian church in Salona, but so far none of the discovered churches
show exact proof of Arian worship (51). Significant church coun-
cils held in Salona in 530 and 533, presided by the great bish-
op from Salona, Honorius Junior, are further proof of religious
tolerance, and they resulted in major church reforms (52). The
entire political situation changed in the former Western Roman
Empire after the death of Theodoric and the subsequent murder
of his daughter Amalasunta, which paved the way for the East-
ern Roman Emperor Justinian (527-565) to try and reconquer the
Western Roman Empire. He waged war with the Goths for 20
years (535-555), and due do its geographical location, Dalmatia
was often the scene of battle between Justinian’s forces and the
Ostrogothic army (53). Justinian entrusted his experienced gen-
eral Mundus, who was the magister militum per Illyricum, with
the liberation of Dalmatia, and as we know from the Byzantine
writer Procopius, he succeeded in this task in 535 (54). It is pre-
sumed that the Ostrogoths withdrew to the Dalmatian interior,
i.e. the hinterland of larger cities, because they regrouped and
returned the following year in larger numbers aiming to reclaim
(48) Uglešiċ 1991, p. 70.

(49) Cass. Var. III 25. For more on the economic situation see Uglešiċ 1991, p. 70.
(50) There was, however, some religious conflict which was reported by Procopius, Bell.
Goth. I, 7.
(51) Ejnar Dyggve claimed that the church located south of the city basilica in Salona used
to be a place of Arian worship, but this was later dismissed. For more on this see Dyggve 1991,
pp. 391-396 (reprint from 1948), and in the same volume see the comment by N. Cambi on pp.
488-491.
(52) For more on Honorius Junior and church reforms see: Kuntiċ-Makviċ 1998; Škegro
2012.
(53) Procop. Bell. Goth. I, 16; III, 10; III, 35; III, 40; IV, 21-23; IV, 26.
(54) Procop. Bell. Goth. I, 5.
Salona and establish their rule in Dalmatia. In the ensuing battles

Mundus and his son Mauricius were killed, which forced the Ro-
man army to withdraw, and the Ostrogoths retook Salona. The
next military governor of Illyricum, Constantianus, drew out the
Gothic leader Gripas and Dalmatia was once again under the rule
of Justinian (55). Ostrogoths were finally expelled from Dalmatia
in 537, and their last stronghold was in the former Roman legion-
ary fortress at Burnum (56). Byzantine provincial administration
was set up in Dalmatia, with Salona as the capital city. During the
next 15 years, the territory of Dalmatia, especially the ports of
coastal cities, served as a base of operations for Justinian’s troops
in their attempts to invade Italy and reclaim it from the Ostro-
goths. Several battles were fought along the Dalmatian coastline
because of Ostrogothic raids (57). After Dalmatia became a part
of the Byzantine Empire, Salona remained a metropolis and be-
came the seat of the Dalmatian proconsul (58). But the situation
did not last because the Avar and Slavic invasions during the first
th
half of the 7 century forced the Roman population to flee Salona
and the city fell to ruin.
Ostrogothic presence in Dalmatia was supported by archaeo-
logical finds, and of the artefacts attributed to Ostrogoths in Sa-
lona, objects of everyday use were found such as fibulae, buck-
les and coins (59). Ostrogothic finds in Dalmatia usually come
from female graves, while warrior burials have so far not been
confirmed because it seems that Ostrogoths were not buried with
their weapons (60).
Vaginarius and fabrica Salonitana armorum
The word used to describe Saturninus’ occupation on the in-

scription is extremely interesting. It was carved in the form vage-
(55) Procop, Bell. Goth. I, 7.

(56) Procop. Bell. Goth. I, 16. For more on the details of these operations see Uglešić
1991, pp. 71-72.
(57) For more on the battles fought on land and the Adriatic Sea during the war with the
Ostrogoths see Goldstein 2005.
(58) The office of the proconsul was confirmed by the inscription Salona IV, 96 which
mentions Marcellinus, the proconsul from 598 until 603.
(59) For a broader historical and archaeological context see Vinski 1974, and for a more
recent overview with updated references see Piteša 2009, pp. 9-51. Grancanin 2015a and 2015b.
(60) Uglešiċ 1991, p. 66, n. 1, with the references on Ostrogothic finds in Dalmatia.
nario (the Vulgar Latin form of the word vaginario, in the nomi-
native case vaginarius) (61). The word vaginarius derives from the
word vagina, which literally meant “sheath” or “scabbard”. This
occupation is pretty unique, and so far it has not been found men-
tioned on Latin inscriptions, with the only reference coming from
a Greek inscription in Stobi in Macedonia, in the form βαγινάριος
(Fig. 4) (62). Iohannes Laurentius Lydus, a writer at the court of
Justinian, describes in his work De magistratibus populi Romani
the ranks and tasks of the Roman army and he mentions scabbard
makers. This work was written in Greek, and every term originally
in Latin was transliterated into the Greek alphabet and then ex-
plained or translated with the appropriate Greek term (63). This
also includes the term βαγινάριοι, as the Greek variant of the Lat-
in word vaginarii (sheathers) which Lydus translated as θηκοποιοί
(scabbard makers) (64). The term was widely used in medieval
times and can be found in the Dictionary of Medieval Latin de-
fined as vaginarum artifex (65), i.e. vaginarum opifex (66), which
translates as maker of scabbards.
The term “scabbard maker” does not appear on inscriptions
which predate Late Antiquity, the period when both inscriptions
mentioning this occupation date from. It is possible that prior
to the fifth or sixth century this occupation was not called a spe-
cific name, instead it was one of the many occupations in which
craftsmen in a professional association (collegium) or weapons
factories (fabrica armorum) engaged in. While private and state
workshops were able to manufacture weapons during the early
Principate (67), the fabricae in Late Antiquity were under sole
control of the state administration, and they were established dur-
ing the Tetrarchy (68), most likely during the rule of Diocletian, as
(61) Replacing the vowel i with e is a common occurrence on inscriptions from Salona in
Late Antiquity, for example fecet instead of fecit (Salona IV, no. 116), donavet instead of donavit
(Salona IV, no. 386), semilem instead of similem (Salona IV, no. 229), vobescum instead of vobiscum
(Salona IV, no. 343), tradedet insted of tradidit (Salona IV, no. 261), etc.
(62) Papazoglou 1990.
(63) For example, he writes tesserarii as τεσσεράριοι.
(64) Lyd. De mag, I, p. 48, 14. E. A. Sophocles (19004, p. 293) cites Iohannes Lydus in
his Lexicon under the entry for the term βαγινάριος, and explains it as vaginarius or sheath maker.
(65) Du Cange 1887, p. 232, s. v. vaginarius. Du Cange detects this word in one document
from 1214 where an individual named Guillelmus Vaginarius is mentioned.
(66) Bartal 1901, s. v. vaginarius.
(67) For more on the workshops during the Principate, see Bishop 1985, pp. 5-9.
(68) Letki 2009, p. 49.
Fig. 4. Squeeze of the inscription of the vaginarius from Stobi (Babamova 2012, p. 133, nr. 288).
mentioned by Malalas (69). While enumerating the various types

of buildings which were erected due to Diocletian’s passion for
monumental work, Lactantius mentions the fabricae in Nicome-
dia (70). The document Notitia Dignitatum, probably written in
the early fifth century (71), mentions fabricae in around 30 cities
usually located by the limes area of the Empire, and some cit-
ies had several factories which were specialised in only one type
of equipment (72). There were fabricae manufacturing body ar-
mour (fabrica loricaria), bows (fabrica arcuaria), swords (fabrica
spatharia), spears (fabrica hastaria), arrows (fabrica sagittaria) and
other military equipment (73), while others were referred to as
fabrica armorum, like the one from Salona (fabrica Salonitana
armorum) (74), which would mean they manufactured all sorts of
weapons (75). Its location is not known, but we believe it must
have been somewhere under military supervision because it was
(69) Malalas 13; James 1988, p. 265.

(70) Lact. De mort. pers. 7.
(71) It seems that the Notitia Dignitatum was already compiled in the late fourth century for
the eastern part of the Empire, while the one for the western part of the Empire (to which Dalmatia
still belonged) was compiled in the early fifth century.
(72) For example, Antioch or Nicomedia. A list of imperial workshops can be found in
James 1988, p. 323.
(73) Letki 2009, pp. 56-59; James 1988, pp. 261-262.
(74) Not. dign. Occ, IX 22.
(75) Letki 2009, p. 59.
easier to defend as such (76). Notitia Dignitatum, thus, confirms

the existence of a fifth century fabrica in Salona (77), but we be-
lieve it also existed during the fourth century. This is supported
by the inscription of Maurentius, a fabricensis in the imperial fab-
rica (78), dated to the fourth century (79). Another Adriatic fab-
rica is known from that period, the one in Concordia, which spe-
cialised in the making of arrows. There were many fabricenses in
the Empire, and like the many civilian public servants during Late
Antiquity, they were ranked as soldiers, some of the quite highly,
which tells of their utmost importance in the imperial service (80).
A magister officiorum managed the state factories in each half of
the Empire, and the praepositus fabricae was in charge of every
fabrica (81). Saturninus’ occupation would fit in well with the op-
eration of such a fabrica that we believe existed for over a century
and a half before Saturninus’ time in Salona (82). When it comes
to the fabricae in the western part of the Empire, their fate re-
mains unclear after the Western Roman Empire fell. Cassiodorus
mentions factories and their craftsmen in two texts, but he does
not use the terms fabricae and fabricenses, but armifactoria and
armifactores (83). Since Cassiodorus himself was a magister officio-
rum under the Ostrogothic king Theodoric, it seems that western
workshops continued to operate, but under Ostrogothic rule (84).
Saturninus could have arrived with the Byzantine army, but he
(76) For the assumption that the fabrica Salonitana armorum may have been located near
Diocletian’s palace in Aspalatum, see Cambi 2005, pp. 139-140; cf. also Basić 2014, p. 75, n. 50.
(77) Notitia Dignitatum also tells us that the procurator of the workshop for making and
dying woollen military uniforms (gynaecaeum) was transferred from Pannonian Bassiana to Salona.
This entails the transfer of the whole production line of woollen uniforms, the reason for which
was most likely the lack of stability on that part of the imperial frontier (James 1988, p. 266).
(78) Salona IV, no. 645, Maurentius fabricensis / una cum Concordia / uxore sua sarcofacum /
vivi sibi ordinaverunt.
(79) The inscription was found in Split, but it has been subsequently lost. It was dated
to the fourth century based on the phrase vivi sibi which is typical of that era (Salona IV, 1023).
Another inscription from fourth century Salona (Salona IV, no. 610) mentions the word fabrica (in
the form fabreca), but based on the inscription analysis (Salona IV, p. 981), this does not necessarily
refer to a weapons factory.
(80) James 1988, pp. 275-277.
(81) James 1988, p. 273. The inscription closest to Salona which mentions a manager of
a similar workshop has been found in Concordia, Flavius Romulianus, p(rae)p(ositus) fab(ricae)
sagitt(ariae), CIL V, 8662+8697+8721.
(82) Even though Notitia Dignitatum is known from a mid-15th century transcript and
drawings, it is assumed that the drawings are a faithful rendition of the original illustrations. One
of them clearly depicts a scabbard, along with other items made at a local weapons workshop (Not.
Dign. Occ. IX, p. 144, ed. O. Seeck).
(83) Cass. Var. XVIII i XVIIII.
(84) James 1988, pp. 283-284.
also could have been making scabbards for Ostrogoths during the
Ostrogothic rule in Dalmatia, and after Dalmatia was reclaimed
for the Eastern Roman Empire, he could have worked for a new
employer. This possibility arises from Procopius’ information
that, having conquered Dalmatia and Liburnia in 537, Constan-
tianus won over all the Goths who stayed in the area after Gripas
escaped to Ravenna with the rest of his army (85). If the Goths
were spared and some also likely recruited into the Roman army,
we can be sure that individuals with specific skills would have
been easily accepted into the Roman army as well. We believe
th
that weapons were continuously produced in Salona from the 4
century onwards, and that the scabbard maker Saturninus is a
small but significant link that proves the ongoing operation of the
th
Salona weapons workshop until the 6 century (86). A fabrica of
this type would have been expected and necessary in a city like Sa-
lona, especially during the time of the aforementioned wars, when
a large number of military personnel was concentrated there (87).
To further highlight Salona’s military and strategic importance in
the era of Justinian, we might add the plausible assumption that
he established a military mint in Salona in order to pay his own
army settled in Dalmatia and Italy (88). He released a series of
bronze coins into circulation without the mint mark (of the fol-
lis, semifollis and decanummius denomination), which are mostly
found in Salona and its surrounding area, and in Italy. Some theo-
ries suggest that these coins were minted in Ravenna (89), but so
far there are still more examples of these coins found in Dalmatia
than in Italy. Minting currency during this time in Salona could
have been a continuation of the same industry which had already
th
existed in the 5 century (90).
(85) Procop. Bell. Goth. VII, 37.

(86) Finds of military equipment from Salona do not necessarily point to it being
manufactured there, but of the more important 6th century finds we will mention two spathae
(Piteša 2009, p. 19) and a helmet with four ribs (Piteša 2009, p. 17) which is considered to have
been manufactured in Salona, along with other helmets of the Narona/Baldenheim type found in
Dalmatia (Vinski 1985, pp. 89-90; Piteša 2009, p. 13). For more on the helmets not being made in
Dalmatia, but in some Italo-Eastern Gothic workshop instead (most likely Ravenna), see Uglešić
2002, pp. 61-69; Uglešić 2003, p. 204.
(87) Procopius mentions a large concentration of military forces in Salona several times
during the account of the Byzantine-Gothic War. These forces were made of many peoples, apart
from the Byzantines, such as the Lombards, Herules and Gepids (Bell. Goth. III, 10; 35; 40; IV,
21-23; 26).
(88) Hahn 1973, pp. 75-76; Bakota 1974; Maroviċ 1986, p. 288.
(89) Baldi 2015.
(90) Demo 1988.
The sword was part of the standard military equipment in

Late Antiquity, and one can assume that the term vaginarius pri-
marily means a maker of scabbards for swords. Scabbards for
swords, like the metal sheaths for daggers, were attached to the
leather belt around the soldier’s waist and another strap which
was placed diagonally from hip to shoulder. Archaeological finds
of scabbards are rare, since most were made of leather-covered
wood. More durable materials were placed on the leather, such
as metal appliqués, a sword frog hanging from the belt or metal
reinforcement on the tip of the scabbard (chape), and these are
usually the only parts that have been preserved. Scabbards from
this era were usually richly decorated with appliqués of gold sheet
with colourful motifs, but such finds are normally linked to the
Merovingian workshops located in the area of present-day France
and Germany (91). So far there have been no finds of swords with
scabbards dating from the Ostrogothic or Justinian times in the
Salona area, and we do not know what the Salona scabbards made
in the first half of the sixth century looked like (92). To illustrate
the appearance of scabbards made on Byzantine territory in this
era we will refer to four plaques dating from Late Antiquity (origi-
nally there were five, one is missing), carved in high relief and
made of ivory, which most likely together formed a leaf of a dip-
tych, an element well known from Late Antiquity. This artefact
is known as the Barberini Ivory, now on hold in the Louvre in
th
Paris. Dated to the second quarter of the 6 century, its central
plaque most likely depicts a triumphal Emperor Justinian (527-
565) celebrating his victory over the Persians (93). The figure left
of the central plaque, interpreted as a military officer (94), car-
ries a sword in a decorative scabbard hung from his belt (Fig. 5).
One scene from the story of Joseph on the famous ivory throne
of Archbishop Maximian of Ravenna also depicts an individual
holding a sheathed sword, carved in high relief, which closely re-
sembles the one depicted on the Barberini Ivory. The throne was
(91) Menghin 1983, pp. 94-134.

(92) From more recent times, we have a burial of a soldier with a sheathed sword, probably
from the mid-sixth century, found in Šċitarjevo (Andautonia). The burial site is currently being
published, and the excavation report was published in Kušan Špalj, Nemeth-Erlich 2009.
(93) Gaborit-Chopin 2003, p. 53. There are also other theories, all listed in Cutler 1991,
pp. 338-339.
(94) Cutler 1991, p. 339, and older references which list other theories about this figure’s
function.
Fig. 5. Detail of the Barberini

Ivory with a figure carrying a
decorated scabbard (Gaborit-
Chopin 2003, p. 50).
made in a Byzantine workshop in Constantinople or Alexandria,

and is dated in the time of Maximian’s episcopacy between 546
and 554.
The Plague of Justinian in Dalmatia
Since both Saturninus and Justina were buried on the same

day, we assume that they most probably have died on the same day
or within a short time from each other, maybe from violent causes
or from some acute disease. Cause of death, especially if it was
due to disease, was usually not recorded on inscriptions. So far
we only have two late antique inscriptions from Salona mention-
ing the cause of death, both stating that the deceased succumbed
to an illness known as scrofulae (95). In the preliminary analysis
of the human skeletons found on the Salonitan south-eastern ne-
cropolis has been discovered that some of the individuals have suf-
fered from malaria (96). Many historical sources from this period
mention that from 541 to 543 a large, extensive geographical area,
from Persia to present-day Ireland, was afflicted by a plague pan-
demic, referred to as the Plague of Justinian, which is of particular
interest to our discussion here (97). This period was particularly
devastating for the citizens of the former Roman Empire, with es-
timates saying that around a quarter of the population died from
the plague (98). Epidemic waves were at their height as many as
18 times between 541 and 749 (99), and natural disasters followed
th
the plague in the 6 century (100). As reported by contemporary
writers, the Plague of Justinian was preceded by unusual weather
phenomena which started in 536 (101). The descriptions vary so
the cause cannot be precisely determined, but it could have been
a recently discovered powerful volcano eruption in the Northern
Hemisphere, from March 536, the ashes of which remained in the
atmosphere for around a year and a half (102). Procopius writes:
For the sun gave forth its light without brightness, like the moon,
(95) Salona IV, no. 502, 711. Both are dated to the 4th or 5th century, and commentators
believe that the word scrofulae mentioned on the inscriptions could refer to a form of the Bubonic
plague (Salona IV, p. 1088), even though the term scrofula is used today to describe a bacterial
infection of the lymph nodes.
(96) Mardešiċ 2003, p. 80, n. 21. The results have not been published.
(97) This type of infection is known as the Bubonic plague or the Black Death, the same
one which plagued Europe in the 14th century. Apart from sources from Late Antiquity (the most
significant being: Procopius, BP, II, 22.23; Anecd. VI, 22, XVII, 16-21, XXIII, 17-20; Euagrius
Scolasticus, Hist. eccl. IV, 29; Iohannes Ephesius, Hist. eccl. frg. II E-H; Paulus Diaconus, Hist.
Lang. II, 4, IV, 4; Michael Syriacus, Chron IX, 28), the Continuator of Marcellinus, 543), we will
refer to a few recent works whose references abound in readings on this topic: Stathakopoulos
2007; Horden 2005; Little 2007; Allen, Neil 2013.
(98) According to Procopius, the plague was killing 10,000 people a day in Constantinople
(Procop. BP II.23, 1-3).
(99) Stathakopoulos 2007, p. 100.
(100) Allen, Neil 2013, pp. 71-91.
(101) For more on these events and an analysis of historic sources (Procopius, Ioannes
Laurentius Lydus) referencing them for the year 536, see Arjava 2005.
(102) Büntgen et al. 2016 state that from 536 to 660 the Northern Hemisphere experienced
the so-called Late Antique Little Ice Age, which began with the aforementioned volcano eruption
in 536. These climate changes affected the environment which led to crop failure, famine and
during this whole year... And from the time when this thing hap-
pened men were free neither from war nor pestilence nor any other
thing leading to death (103). During the following years crops
failed (104), and this combination of poor living conditions con-
tributed to a wide-spread pandemic of catastrophic proportions
in 541. It is thought the disease was mainly spread by rats, i.e. the
Oriental rat flea (Xenopsylla cheopis) infected by the bacteria Ye-
rsinia pestis (105). According to latest research, the bacteria strain
in question is Y. pestis originating from Asia (106), but the dis-
ease could have been spread from Africa (107), and the Egyptian
port of Pelusium is often mentioned as the point of origin from
which rat-infested ships carrying grain spread the plague across
the Mediterranean (108). Egypt was the largest grain exporter in
Antiquity in general, and a major source of grain for Dalmatia as
well, since the conditions for plant growth were insufficient to en-
sure enough grain to feed a city the size of Salona. Byzantine writ-
ers recorded the plague outbreak in the summer of 541, which
means that there had already been afflicted people in various ar-
eas for some time, before the plague reached pandemic levels.
Procopius, who first mentions this disease, tells how it ravaged
the entire world (109), although he does not specifically mention
the Adriatic. It is assumed that the plague reached Illyricum in
543 (110), and the Additamentum written by the Continuator of
the Chronicle started by Marcellinus Comes leaves open the pos-
sibility of the plague reaching Illyricum earlier. A quote from the
Chronicle referring to the events of 543 would read in translation
as follows: A great death is ravaging Italic lands, after it has dev-
astated the East and Illyricum in equal measure (111). The quote
the plague in 541, and most likely triggered the political, social and economic turmoil in the next
period (op. cit., p. 4).
(103) Procop. BP IV, 16, translated by H. B. Dewing.
(104) The famine of 537, but not its cause, is referenced in the sources Liber pontificalis
(Vita Silverii 100): per universum mundum - worldwide; Paulus Diaconus (Hist. Lang. 16.18) and
Cassiodorus (Var. 12.22-24). Procopius writes the same thing for the year 539, listing the siege of
Rome as the cause (Bel. Goth. 6.20, 15-33).
(105) Stathakopoulos 2011, pp. 89-90.
(106) Harbeck et al. 2013, p. 4.
(107) Sarris 2007.
(108) Stathakopoulos 2007, p. 100; Sarris 2007, pp. 122-123.
(109) Procop. BP, II, 23, 21; 21, 6-9.
(110) Grmek 1998, p. 792; Horden 2006, p. 135.
(111) Marcellinus 543, Mortalitas magna Italiae solum devastat, Orientem iam et Illyricum
peraeque attritos. Even though the meaning is the same, another edition of the Chronicle of
Marcellinus quotes the second part of the sentence as: Oriente iam et Illyrico peraeque attritis.
clearly shows that the plague reached Italy in 543, after it had
ravaged the East and Illyricum, to which Dalmatia belonged. We
do not know the scale that this disease reached in Dalmatia nor
how long it lasted, but since there were several epidemic waves, it
is certain that coastal cities were exposed to a new epidemic every
few years. One of the greatest bishops in Salona, Honorius Junior,
th
died in 547, and the writer Daniel Farlati (112) states in his 18
century work Illyricum sacrum that Honorius died from the dis-
ease (113) which had plagued the area. Salona was one of the most
important cities of Late Antiquity, and one has to imagine a large
number of travellers, sailors and tradesmen regularly coming and
going from the city, back and forth, by land, and especially, by sea.
Saturninus and Justina died in the summer when maritime traffic
in the Mediterranean was quite heavy.
Inscriptions rarely mention the cause of death, which is espe-
cially evident from those dating to Late Antiquity. On the other
hand, there are a lot more dated monuments from that period
than from earlier periods. They could assist us in detecting a pos-
sible increase in the number of deaths since the appearance of
the Plague of Justinian. For example, an analysis was conducted
for the area of Palestine and Arabia using the dated inscriptions
which showed that the increased number of monuments corre-
lates to the epidemic waves of the Plague of Justinian, with most
finds dating to the year 541 (114). Considering that the number
of deaths in this pandemic reached millions, a few dozen inscrip-
tions does not seem to be a lot. However, taking into account the
circumstances during this period, the fact that inscriptions were
not so often set up, and a time gap of almost 15 centuries, one
cannot expect a much larger number of finds. The sarcophagus
of Saturninus and Justina allows us to consider the Plague of Jus-
tinian. There are in fact several dozen funerary inscriptions from
th
Salona dated to the 6 century which commemorate a husband
and a wife, or a child and a parent, and we have to wonder if some
of them were not also victims of the Plague of Justinian or another
epidemic wave related to this disease.
So far we have had no data on the plague epidemic in Dal-
(112) Farlati 1753, T. II, p. 194.

(113) Farlati uses the word pestilentia, which translates as a disease, but also the plague,
which was undoubtedly the case here.
(114) Benovitz 2014, pp. 492-498.
matia from the analysis of human remains. Those who contracted

the plague would die within a few days, so no permanent changes
would be visible on the bones, but a DNA analysis could confirm
whether someone died of the plague. This was in fact proven re-
cently by a genomic analysis conducted on two skeletons from
the Aschheim necropolis in Bavaria, which were used to recon-
struct the genome sequence of the Y. pestis strain from the time
of Justinian (115). A large part of the south-eastern area of the
necropolis in Salona has recently been excavated, and over 900
late antique burials have been found, with those dating to the
th
6 century as well (116), so this could be a chance to use DNA
analysis on human remains to try and ascertain information on
the diseases which could have been the cause of mass deaths in
this period. It would be interesting to compare them with the hu-
man remains found in the northern Salonitan necropolis, from the
location Bencunuše (117), and the most recent ones found in the
walled tombs at Manastirine (118).
Since the plague had spread across a large part of the former
Roman Empire, it marked the end of Antiquity in a way. Dalmatia
could not have avoided the plague, and this pandemic could have
been one of the reasons why major coastal cities were abandoned
during mid-sixth century (119). It has also been suggested that
the plague had weakened the population of Dalmatia to such a
degree that it made it easier for the Slavs to conquer this area in
the following decades (120). We believe that discussions on Dal-
th
matia during the mid and second half of the 6 century should
take into account the ordinary daily lives of citizens in the wake
of the plague, how it affected e.g. the administration, economy,
construction, church and the movement of ethnic communities.
(115) Harbeck et al. 2013; Wagner et al. 2014. The bacteria has been sequenced from
the teeth of the two deceased, and it was established that this strain differed from the one which
plagued Europe in the 14th century and China in the late 19th and early 20th century, from whence
it spread across the globe. The Y. pestis strain from Justinian’s time is now extinct, but Y. pestis
can still be found in rodents worldwide and continues to pose a threat to humanity (Wagner et
al. 2014, pp. 324-325).
(116) Excavations were carried out in 2010/2011 at the site of Smiljanovac in Solin, and
head of excavations was Slavko Galiot, MSc.
(117) Some of the graves could be dated to the 6th century. For more on the excavation
results see Kataviċ, Jeronciċ 2014.
(118) Development-led excavations were carried out at a site west from the cemetery
basilica at Manastirine in 2015 and 2016, and head of excavations was Ema Višiċ-Ljubiċ, MSc.
(119) Goldstein 1992, pp. 65-67.
(120) Grmek 1998; Sołtysiak 2006.
Even though the inscription is not long, the sarcophagus of

Saturninus and Justina has provided information which only few
inscriptions from late antique Salona have had, and it helped us
th
connect several spheres of life in 6 century Salona. The reference
to a scabbard maker fits in well with the time of Justinian, when it
was listed as one of the military occupations, and the presence of
a scabbard maker in Salona proves the continuous existence of a
th th
fabrica which was confirmed in Salona in the 4 and 5 centuries.
This inscription is also unique for its exact date, making it thus far
the most precisely dated inscription in Dalmatia from Antiquity.
The inscription itself shows how without reference to a consul,
a monument cannot be dated accurately because the listed day
of the week is not the most reliable source of information. Fi-
nally, the inscription also bears the Vulgar Latin form of the word
vaginarius, which was likely pronounced as vagenarius in Salona
during this period. We will never find out the cause of death of
Saturninus and Justina, but placing the inscription in the context
of its time raised the possibility that Saturninus and Justina died
of the plague which was wreaking havoc across the ancient world
especially during that year. Even though we have found over 5000
inscriptions from the Salona area so far, it seems that there is still
an immeasurable amount of surprises and discoveries to be had
from epigraphic sources. Since most of Salona still lies beneath
the ground, we are certain that new finds of inscriptions from the
city will yield many new discussions and that in the near future we
will be that much richer with a new piece of information on the
history of Salona.
Abbreviations
BASD = Bulletino di archeologia e storia dalmata, Split.
CIL = Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin.
HAG = Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak, Zagreb.
ILJug = Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia repertae et editae sunt, Ljubljana.
PSI = Papiri della Società italiana, http://www.psi-online.it/home.
RFFZD = Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru, Razdio povijesnih znanosti, Zadar.
e e
Salona IV = Inscriptions de Salone chrétienne IV -VII siècles, Split-Rome 2010.
VAHD = Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku, Split.
ZPE = Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Köln.
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PERIODICO INTERNAZIONALE DI EPIGRAFIA
LXXX 1-2, 2018
INDICE
Ignacio SIMÓN CORNAGO, El primer horizonte epigráfico de Clunia: promoción jurídica,

latinización y memoria ................................................................................................................ p. 9
Mounir FANTAR, Des Vettii d’Hadrumète, au Musée de Nabeul ................................................... » 45
Diego CHAPINAL HERAS, Artemis Hegemona in Molossia .......................................................... » 57
María José PENA, Consideraciones sobre el conjunto de pedestales inscritos del foro-teatro de
Tusculum (Lacio) ......................................................................................................................... » 69
Alfredo SANSONE, Titus Helvius Sabinianus: negotians perticarius di Atina (regio III)? .............. » 97
Ivan DI STEFANO MANZELLA - Angela DONATI - Attilio MASTINO - Raimondo ZUCCA,
[I]n (h)oc loco pidicatus. (Sardinia, ager tharrensis, loc. San Salvatore-Cabras (OR), Ipogeo
di Heracles σωτήρ) ....................................................................................................................... » 109
Bernd M. KREILER, Wie hiess der Sohn des Theophanes? Eine Studie zu den Pompei Macri im
Anschluss an I.Priene nr. 244...................................................................................................... » 129
Michel CHRISTOL, Sur la carrière d’un chevalier romain de Nîmes .............................................. » 139
Sergio ESPAÑA CHAMORRO, Miliarios y límites provinciales: algunas reflexiones sobre el
miliario de Mengíbar (CIL XVII/1, 93) y la frontera oriental entre la Bética y la Citerior ... » 165
Antonio D. PÉREZ ZURITA, CIL II, 2479=5617: un intento de aproximación al cursus honorum
de L. Cornelius L.f. Gal. Bocchus ............................................................................................... » 183
Javier ANDREU PINTADO, Una nueva inscripción romana con numeral procedente de la
Tarraconense (Los Bañales de Uncastillo, Zaragoza) ................................................................ » 201
Peter ROTHENHOEFER, Zwei Belege für numeri legionis ............................................................ » 209
Davide REDAELLI, Militari ad Aquileia. Nuove note sull’epigrafe di C. Manlio Valeriano ......... » 223
Moheddine CHAOUALI, P. Popillivs P. L. Neo Argentarivs ........................................................... » 247
Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS, The residents of Siscia: a population study ................................................... » 265
Antonio M. CORDA - Salvatore GANGA - Alberto GAVINI - Antonio IBBA - Paola RUGGERI,
Thignica 2017: novità epigrafiche dalla Tunisia ........................................................................ » 323
Guido MIGLIORATI, La nuova iscrizione ai SS. Faustino e Giovita in S. Afra (S. Angela Merici),
Brescia .......................................................................................................................................... » 343
Ana DEMICHELI - Dino DEMICHELI, Salona AD 541: precisely dated sarcophagus of vaginarius
(scabbard maker) Saturninus, fabrica armorum Salonitana and the plague of Justinian ........ » 357
Marc MAYER I OLIVÉ, Notas sobre las inscripciones romanas conservadas en el Palazzo Com-
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Francesco MUSCOLINO, Una raccolta epigrafica del XVIII secolo: i «Marmi Cremonesi» di
Torre de’ Picenardi ..................................................................................................................... » 401
Giorgio CRIMI, Falsi, copie e iscrizioni moderne: alcuni casi di studio .......................................... » 433
***
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vetus al Campo Marzio ............................................................................................................... » 447
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di S. Angelo in Audoaldis ........................................................................................................... » 505
Francesco Di Vasto, Un inedito bollo laterizio [-- - -]AVGN dalla villa romana di Camerelle
(Castrovillari) ............................................................................................................................... » 510
Giulia Baratta, Le tesserae lusoriae di Siracusa ................................................................................ » 518
Federico Favi, Un nuovo apografo di IPuglia 58 (IG XIV, 682) ..................................................... » 539
Matteo Braconi, La carriera del presbitero. Testo e contesto di una nuova iscrizione cristiana
proveniente dalla Catacomba di S. Mustiola a Chiusi (SI) ..................................................... » 551
Alfredo Buonopane, Il signaculum e l’iscrizione di C. Raius Geminus ........................................... » 562
Francesca Cenerini, Un nuovo esempio di castitas attestato su pietra ........................................ » 566
Giovanna Cicala, Sigilli romani in bronzo del Museo Nazionale di Parma ................................... » 570
Riccardo Ghidotti, Una dedica a Giove da Bedriacum ................................................................... » 584
Riccardo Bertolazzi, The cult of Fortuna in the pagus Arusnatium (Italia, regio II) . Some
considerations about a newly discovered inscription ................................................................ » 591
Mauro Reali, L’incerta tradizione di un’iscrizione romana da Agliate (MB) .................................. » 596
Lorenza Lastrico, P. Lucilius Successor da centurione a procuratore imperiale ............................. » 599
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Nacéra Benseddik, Un nouveau carmen en Numidie ....................................................................... » 616
Elena Cimarosti, Un DVD sulla Tavola di Polcevera ...................................................................... » 620
Maria Bastiana Cocco, Dalla Sardegna al Metropolitan Museum of Art di New York: il signaculum
votivo della Venus obsequens di Turris Libisonis ....................................................................... » 623
Premio Giancarlo Susini ....................................................................................................................... » 625
Nouvelles de l’A.I.E.G.L. ...................................................................................................................... » 627
* * *
Bibliografia
Gaetano Marini (1742-1815)protagonista della cultura europea·Scritti per il bicentenario della morte,
a cura di Marco Buonocore, Cittá del Vaticano 2015 (Alfredo Buonopane) .................... » 635
Maria José Estarán Tolosa, Epigrafía bilingüe del Ocidente romano. El latín y las lenguas
locales en las iscripciones bilingües y mixtas, Zaragoza 2016 (Simona Marchesini) ............ » 641
Margaret Laird, Civic Monuments and the Augustales in Roman Italy, New York 2015 (Antonio
Sartori) ...................................................................................................................................... » 644
Gemma Corazza, Gli Augustales della Campania romana, Napoli 2016 (Maria Silvia Bassi-
gnano) ........................................................................................................................................ » 648
Nathan Badoud, Inscriptions et timbres céramiques de Rhodes. Documents recueillis par le médicin
et explorateur suédois Johan Hedenborg (1786-1865), Stockholm 2017 (Angela Donati) ..... » 657
Annunci Bibliografici ............................................................................................................................. » 658
Elenco dei collaboratori ......................................................................................................................... » 661

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LXXX, 1-2

FRATELLI LEGA EDITORI

Salona AD 541: precisely dated sarcophagus

During the development-led archaeological excavations of the

Fig. 1. Sarcophagus lid found in Vranjic.

material it is most likely that parts of Early Christian church ar-

Description of the Sarcophagus Lid and the Inscription

Fig. 2. Inscription of the vaginarius Saturninus and Justina.

Restitution of the inscription: [† Ar]ca Saturnino vagenari/[o et

The Date of the Inscription

on August 19th) of the fourth indictional year. The indiction num-

inscription on a mosaic (22) from the late fourth century, found in

(22) Salona IV, 66 = ILJug 2586.

week day. It is also possible that some divergence in the referred

Inscriptions on Sarcophagi from Sixth-Century Salona

There are several hundred inscriptions from Salona which

(28) Worp 1991, p. 223; Bagnall et al. 1987, p. 61.

fragments so palaeography is the only way to determine their date,

Fig. 3. Inscription of the Saturninus, miles Salonitanus.

The text composition commemorating the soldier has similar

name Saturninus. Even though the sarcophagus type is entirely

Dalmatia during the Byzantine-Gothic War - the Historical Back-

(42) Cass. Var. I, 40.

the Ostrogothic king Theodoric (475-526), after which Dalmatia,

(48) Uglešiċ 1991, p. 70.

Salona and establish their rule in Dalmatia. In the ensuing battles

Vaginarius and fabrica Salonitana armorum

The word used to describe Saturninus’ occupation on the in-

(55) Procop, Bell. Goth. I, 7.

mentioned by Malalas (69). While enumerating the various types

(69) Malalas 13; James 1988, p. 265.

easier to defend as such (76). Notitia Dignitatum, thus, confirms

(85) Procop. Bell. Goth. VII, 37.

The sword was part of the standard military equipment in

(91) Menghin 1983, pp. 94-134.

Fig. 5. Detail of the Barberini

made in a Byzantine workshop in Constantinople or Alexandria,

The Plague of Justinian in Dalmatia

Since both Saturninus and Justina were buried on the same

(112) Farlati 1753, T. II, p. 194.

matia from the analysis of human remains. Those who contracted

Even though the inscription is not long, the sarcophagus of

Bishop, 1985 M. C. Bishop, The military fabrica and the production of

Hahn, 1973 W. Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini, Vol. 1, von Anasta-

Papazoglou, 1990 F. Papazoglou, Un mot antique rare: βαγινάριος, vagi-

Vodicka Miholjek, 2008 K. Vodicka Miholjek, Vranjic-južna obala, HAG 4,

Ignacio SIMÓN CORNAGO, El primer horizonte epigráfico de Clunia: promoción jurídica,

Premio Giancarlo Susini ....................................................................................................................... » 625

Nouvelles de l’A.I.E.G.L. ...................................................................................................................... » 627

Elenco dei collaboratori ......................................................................................................................... » 661

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