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-I

77-21,333

WILK, Sarah, 1944-

ICONOLOGICAL PROBLEMS IN THE SCULPTURE
OF TULLIO LOMBARDO.

New York U n iv e rs ity , P h.D ., 1977

Fine Arts

Xerox University Microfilms f Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106

© 1977

SARAH W I L K

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

 IOONOLOGICAL PROBLEMS

in the

SCULPTURE of TULLIO LOMBARDO

Sarah Wilk

A dissertation in the Department of Fine Arts submitted to the Faculty of

the Graduate School of Arts and Science in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at New York University
February 1977
 11

TO THE WILK FAMILY

I
|
 iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am most grateful to my adviser, Professor Irving Lavin.

Many specific acknowledgements are found in the next pages, but they

do not convey how much my work has profited from his enthusiastic

interest, generous sharing of ideas, and exacting criticism. He

helped me to understand Tullio's art in terms of deliberate

evocations of three main epochs - ancient, Eyzantine, and Gothic,

and suggested the basic format of this thesis. His guidance

has made the work of this paper into the most exciting learning

experience of my life.

I am further indebted to Professors H.W. Janson and Marvin

Tractenberg for their careful reading of this dissertation and their

helpful suggestions.

I would also like to acknowledge two long-standing debts —

to Professor; James Holderbaum of Smith College, whose inspiring

teaching first introduced me to Italian Renaissance sculpture, and

to Professor Craig Smyth, now the Director of I Tatti, whose guidance

and teaching greatly influenced me at the Institute of Pine Arts.

The Samuel H. Kress Foundation and the Alumni Association of

the Institute of Pine Arts have generously supported my research.

Their grants have made possible several trips to Italy, for which

I am grateful.

My fellow art historians and friends, Betsy Rosasco, Rona Goffen

and Dene Leopold deserve a special acknowledgement for their perceptive

i
criticism of my ideas and innumerable favors. I would also Like to
 iv

thank Elaine Sohn, Edith Seider^ and Francis Farrell for their assistance

in preparing this manuscript. Last, but not least, I would like to

thank my husband, Peter, to whom I owe almost everything.

 V

TABLE OP CONTENTS
Page

Acknowledgements 111

Chapter

I. Introduction 1

II. The Career of Tulllo Lombardo 6

III. Venice In the Late Quattrocento 34

IV. Tulllo Lombardo *s “Double Portrait" Reliefs 55

V. The Bemabd Chapel in San Giovanni Crisostomo,Venice 85

VI. The Tomb of Guidarello GuidarelH in San Francesco,Ravenna 145

VII. Conclusion 193

Appendix A 204

Appendix B * - 208

Appendix C 219

Bibliography 223

List of Illustrations 245

Illustrations 268

I
 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

But shall I neglect to praise Tulllo? Did I

not fear that my judgment of him would seem due to
friendship and not his true worth, I would call him
the greatest of all marble sculptors ever seen, and
that would not be excessive praise. Are not the
genius and miracles of the past returned?^

This glowing tribute by Pomponius Gauricus, a Paduan humanist and

connoisseur of sculpture, provides a measure of the esteem in which Tulllo

was held by his sixteenth century contemporaries. Tulllo, however, has

not always been so highly regarded. In the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries, his work was basically ignored. Critics of Venetian art passed

over Tulllo's sculpture with little comment, and guidebooks to Venice

2
merely located his works without acclaiming them.

llVfy. translation from Pomponius Gauricus, De Sculptura (1504), edited

translated, and .annotated by Andre Chastel and Robert Klein (Geneva and
Paris, ®69)', p. 255:
...sed ne ego Tullium praeterierim illaudatum?
Equldem ni uererer uisum iri amiciciae, non uerae laudi datum
iudicium de illo meum, dicerem profecto scalptorum omnium
quos ulla unquam uiderit aetas praestantissimum, neque indignis
omaretur honoribus, An quid non .priora ingenia, priora et miracula
redlere?

^Almost no histories of Venetian art which Included sculpture were

written in this period. The most important exception is Tomnaso Temanza's
Vite del pill celebri architetti e scultori veneziani che fiorirono nel
secolo decimosesto (Venice, 1778), in which Tullio is briefly praised.
Francesco Sansovino's Venetia cittst nobillssima et singolare
descritta in XIII librl, first published in Venice in 1581, was republished
in annotated editions by Giovanni Stringa in 1604 and D. Giustiniano
Martlnioni in 1663. These three editions, the fundamental early guide books
to Venice, praised Tullio's sculptures, but offered little commentary about
his work.
 - 2-

3h the early nineteenth century as neoclassical 3tyle gained

favor, Tulllo's reputation rose with it. Among his admirers was Zandomenighi,

a friend of Canova, who wrote a lengthy eulogy of Tullio*s sculpture.^

Just a century later, when reaction against nineteenth-century

neoclassicism was violent, Tulllo's reputation plummeted. In the only

comprehensive survey of Italian sculpture, Venturi termed Tullio's

4
sculptures Insipid imitations of classical style. Lorenzetti's authori­

tative guidebook to Venice deplored Tullio's cold and conventional

5
classicism. Not only was Tullio's sculpture evaluated in terms of
6
this discredited style, but it was specifically linked with sculpture
7
commissioned for Napoleon. 1 Association with the art executed to glorify

a man who ravaged Italy further discouraged any serious study of Tullio.

^See his ELogio dl Tullio ed Antonio fratelli Lombardi (Venice, 1828).

^Adolfo Venturi, Storla dell'arte itallana, vol. X/I, La

scultura del *Cinquecento Titian, 1935) described the Coronation of the
Virgin relief in these terms, "II Cristo e gli Apostoli sono stampati
sopra un convenzionale modulo classico, d'intollerabile aridita!__
(p. 373).
^Giulio Lorenzetti, Venice and its Lagoon, Historical-Artistic
Guide, trans. John Guthrie (2nd ed.; Rome, 1961), p. 83, concurred with
Venturi's estimate of the Coronation and the "empty and cold conventionality
of the Apostles" (p. 362).

6See ibid., pp. 128-129:

.. .the neo-classical movement which arose in Europe...
was in complete opposition to those principles which had once
constituted the foundation and the glory of art and above all
of Venetian painting. With the suppression of colour before
the irresistable •triumph of design and form, every free creative
impulse restrained by the study of classical models.. .Venice
j felt that her mission was ended...

^Venturi, Storia, vol. X/I, p. 357, characterized Tullio's style as

follows: "...a fredezza di stile neoclassico, tanto da anticipare certi
aspetti dell'arte fLorita nel periodo napoleonico."
 - 3-

This neglect was also the result of greater interest in contemporary

Venetian painting. The superb calibre of such painters as Giovanni

Bellini, Giorgione and Titian, and the focus of art historical criticism

on their rich oil technique and lush colorism established criteria

according to which more monochromatic sculpture (and architecture) could

not be meaningfully evaluated.

I owe ny interest in Tullio's sculpture to Professor Irving Lavin

who in a seminar on the portrait bust suggested that Tullio's double

o
portrait reliefs were far more cortplex than had been appreciated.

These reliefs, one in the Ca'd'Oro, Venice, the-other in the Kunst-

historisches Museum, Vienna, had usually been connected in a vague way

to Roman portraits. However, investigation revealed that not only were

they dependent on Roman grave stelal, but they were, related to sources

as disparate as fifteenth century Northern double figure paintings and

contemporary Italian literature.

Analysis of two other different types of commissions, the large

altarpiece of the Coronation of the Virgin sculpted for the Bemabd

Chapel in S. Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice, c. 1500-1502, and the funerary

chapel for Guidarello Guidarelli in San Francesco, Ravenna, c. 1520-1525,

similarly revealed an astonishingly wide range of sources. In these two

comnissionss Tullio had drawn on precedents from Early Christian, Byzantine,

®The seminar on the sculptured portrait bust was given by Professor

Lavin at the Institute of Fine Arts in 1970. Professor Lavin recognized
that Tullio's double portrait reliefs were not straightforward examples
of portraiture, and advised that their relationship with classical and
other sources should be studied in order to clarify their meaning.
 - i» -

Gothic, and Italian Renaissance art, as well as from chivaliic literature.

Since the meaning of Tullio's sculptures is inextricably connected

to the type of models he used, I shall focus on the relationship of his

works to their sources. The decision to discuss an artist's career

primarily in terms of the influences on it distorts an estimation of his

originality. I trust that I shall show how Tullio's creative transformation

of his sources refutes any possible criticism that he was an "ecletic".

In this dissertation, I shall first outline Tullio's career and

his relationship with contemporary artists. Tullio's understanding

of many different periods of art will be explained in terms of the late

Quattrocento Venetian Empire and Venetian historical perspective on other

civilizations and their art. Then, the rouble Portrait reliefs, the

Corenation of the Virgin altarpiece, and the Guidarello Tomb will be

analyzed in terms of their sources and the effect of these sources on

their style and iconography.

I shall demonstrate that Tullio's sculptures are not uninspired

imitations of Greco-Roman style; that they are, on the contrary, creative

and profound transformations of many types of earlier art. Moreover, I

shall show that Tullio's selection of prototypes was deliberate and

purposeful. Each was used with sensitive understanding of its original

function and meaning. In order to appreciate fully Tullio's sculptures,

the meanings acquired by association with these sources must be recognized.

Perhaps Gauricus' claim that Tullio was the ''greatest of all marble
 - 5 -
sculptors ever seen" is exaggerated, but so, too, are the harsh judgments

of later critics. Tullio was a technically superb sculptor and an

original, profound thinker whose importance in the history of Italian

sculpture has been underestimated.

 - 6 -

CHAPTER II

THE CAREER OP TULLIO LOMBARDO

Little is known about the life of Tullio Lombardo. Contemporary

sources, with the exception of Pomponius Gauricus, only occasionally

refer to him and do not discuss his personal life, his art, or critical

reaction to it. Consequently, any understanding of Tullio must be

gained primarily through his works.

Tullio's career as a sculptor and architect spanned more than

fLfty-five years from c. 1475-1532. The majority of his comnissions

were executed in Venice and nearby cities. Their range was very broad:

he sculpted tombs, monumental narrative reliefs, and architectural

decoration, in addition to designing churches. Tullio and his brother,

Antonio,were trained in their father's workshop and the three collaborated

during most of their careers. Thus Tullio's work must be discussed in

conjunction with theirs.

By the mid-1460's he, his father, Pietro, and brother, Antonio, had

moved to Padua possibly after staying briefly in Bologna where Pietro may

have designed a chancel for the Rossi Chapel in San Petronio between

1462-1463.^ In Padua, Pietro was commissioned to sculpt the Tomb of Antonio

^James H. Beck made this tentative attribution to Pietro on the basis

of documents he discovered that proved Pietro rented a bottega from the
Fabbricieria of San Petronio in Bologna between July 1462 and May 1463.
The documents gave no indication of what projects Pietro worked on in
Bologna. See his article "A Notice for the Early Career of Pietro Lombardi",
Mltteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, XIII (1967-
1968), pp. 189-192.
Roselli for the Church of Sant'Antonio. Roselli died in 1464 and

his tomb was conpleted by 1467 (fig. 1) . The basic format of the

tomb, a Roman arch enframing a gisant lying in state atop a sarcophagus,is

derived from fifteenth century Florentine humanist tombs (figs. 2,3).

Pietro's knowledge of them is so thorough that many historians have

concluded he must have been in Florence. Although no trip can be

documented, Pietro's work in nearby Bologna certainly provided him

with an opportunity to visit Florence.

However, even in his first commission, Pietro interpreted its

Florentine elements in a way characteristic of later Venetian tombs.

He transformed the Florentine tomb type into a heavily decorated and

imposing wall monument. The arch containing the effigy was framed

with monumental pilasters supporting an ornate comice. The interval

between the arch and comice was bedecked with elaborate garlands.

The tomb was raised on a high architectural base. These modifications

^The design of the Roselli Tomb was already decided in early

1464. See the documents published by Andrea Moschetti, "Un quadrennio
di Pietro Lombardo a Padova (1464-1467)," Bollettino del Museo Civico
di Padova , XVI (1913), pp. 1-99 and XVII (1914), pp. 1-43.

^See ibid., XVI (1913), p. 72; Leo Planiscig, Venezianlsche

Blldhauer der Renaissance (Vienna, 1921), p. 4l; John Pope-Hennessy,
Italian Renaissance Sculpture (2nd ed.j London and New York, 1971),
p. 336; and Charles Seymour, Jr., Sculpture in Italy: 1400-1500
(London, 1966), p. 198 .
The only scholar to disagree is Giovanni Mariacher who related
the Florentine elements of the Roselli Tomb to sources in the Paduan
work of Donatello and Mantegna. See his "Pietro Lombardo a Venezia,"
Arte venetaj IX (1955), pp. 36-37.
made the Roselli Tomb twice the size of Its Florentine prototypes and
4
Integrated the tomb more tightly with the wall surface.

After completing the Roselli Tomb and some architectural projects

in Padua and Vicenza,^ Pietro and his family moved to Venice.^ Pietro

again used a basic Florentine type for his first Venetian tomb, that of

Doge Pasquale Malipiero (fig. 4), but omitted elaborate enframing

architecture.7 He also turned to a contemporary Venetian source, adding

a tent-like baldacchlno like that which hangs around the sarcophagus of

Q
the Tomb of Doge Francesco Foscari (fig. 5)•

^Pietro's adaptation of the Florentine humanist tomb seems to

resemble the architectural elaboration used by Masaccio in his Trinity
fresco of the 1420's (fig. 76) to relate the fictive space of his
painting to the real wall of the church.

^The documents for Pietro's other commissions in Padua and

Vicenza have been published by Giangiorgio Zorzi, "Architetti e
scultori dei laghi di Lugano e di Como a Vicenza nel secolo XV,"
in Arte e artist! dei laghi lombardi, ed. Edoardo Arslan (Como,
1959), vol. I, pp.“354-347.
zT * *
°Pietro is first recorded as a resident of Venice in 1474,
but he must have already been living there for several years.
See Andrea Moschetti, "Lapidici lombardi a Belluno," Atti
dell' istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere, ed. Art! LXXXVII
U927-I92d), P.T4957------------------ ------
*7
'The tomb was erected by Malipiero's heirs sometime after his
death in 1462. See Marino Sanuto, Vite dei Dogj di Venezia, Giovanni
Monticolo, ed.,Rerum Italicarum scriptores, L.A. Muratori. ed. (Milan
1733), vol. XXII, c. uEs. ----
Although no more precise documentation has been found, authorities
agree it is one of Pietro's earliest Venetian conmissions. See Pope-
Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture, p. 338, and Mariacher, "Pietro
Lombardo a Venezia/' p. 38 .

®The use of such a baldacchino draped around a sarcophagus was

popular in Trecento tombs, but the Foscari Tomb was probably Pietro's
immediate inspiration.
 - 9 -
In the early 1470’s Pietro also supervised, the building of

San Giobbe and designed the architecture and decoration of the chancel

area.^ This important commission is the first example in Venice of a

Renaissance style interior. The system of Evangelist roundels in the

spandrels (fig. 6 ) suggests the arrangement of similar decorations by

Luca della Robbia in the Pazzi Chapel, Florence (fig. 7) and the little

angels supporting the roundels resemble types by the Della Robbia and

Antonio Rossellino (figs. 8,9).

There is no Florentine model for the other project Pietro supervised

in the early 1470’s.1^ The sculptural choir screen in the Frari is

related instead to Byzantine prototypes, as will be discussed in

Chapter Five.
By the mid-1470's, Tullio and his brother assumed a responsible

role in commissions awarded to Pietro.^ Presumably they worked on less

important parts of tombs and architectural projects under his super­

vision. In accord with medieval workshop practices still followed in

late Quattrocento Venice, individual assistants neither signed their

works nor received payment in their own name. Thus there is no

certain method of distinguishing sculpture executed by Tullio while he

was still assisting his father.

^Pietro Paoletti, L'Architettura e_ la scultura del Rinasnlrripnf.n in

Venezia; rlcerche storico-artlstlche (Venice, 1893), vol. II, pp. 190-192,
first published the documents for this commission.

•^Ibid., vol. II, pp. 193-194. Very similar is another sculpted

choir screen in San Stefano that has been dismantled and placed along
the walls of the choir. See ibid., pp. 228-229.

! ^Matteo Collaccio in a letter written in 1475 mentioned Tullio and

Antonio, "...Habet item statuarios Petrum lombardum et patrio artificio
surgentes filios..." (printed in Philologica Opuscola (Venice, i486), n.p.).
 - 10 -

The most helpful guide to Tulllo*s early career Is Francesco

Sansovino's Venetla citta: nobilissima published In 1581. The first

Lombardi commission in which Sansovino noted the collaboration of

Tullio and Antonio was the Tomb of Doge Pietro Mocenigo, executed

between 1476-1481 (fig. 10 ), although he did not attribute specific

i?
parts of the tomb to them.

The. Mocenigo Tomb was sculpted at approximately the same time as

Rizzo did the Tron Monument in the Frari (fig. 11 ) Comparison of

the two shows the close relationship between Rizzo and the Lombardi in

the 1470*s. Both tombs are vast wall structures composed of several

stories housing free-standing figures in niches. They are free elabor­

ations of Roman triunphal arch design, enlarged to a scale and

complexity without precedent. They set the style of later Venetian tombs

by combining relief sculpture with a large number of allegorical statues

and depicting, the deceased in a standing pose.

Ihe Mocenigo Tomb indicates the direction followed by later Lombardi

tombs, such as Pietro's Niccold Marcello Tomb of the l480's (fig. 12),

*1 o

x Sansovino said about the tomb, "Pietro Mocenigo Doge 72. che fu
1 'anno 1475* in ricchissima sepoltura di pietra istriana con 17 . figure
'di marmo al naturale, scolpite da Pietro Lombardo, & da Antonio, & Tullio
suoi figliuoli..." See Francesco Sansovino, Venetia citt£ nobilissima
et singolare, descrltta in XIIII llbri, ed. by D. Giustiniano Martinioni
"(Venice, 1663), P* 59 tfacsimile reprint: New York, 1968].
The tomb was begun after the Doge's death in February 1476 and
finished by March 1481 when a contract for Santa Maria dei Miracoli
mentioned it in the past tense. See Giacomo Boni, "Santa Maria dei
Miracoli in Venezia," Archivio veneto,XXXIII (1887), pp. 244-245.

^•^The Monument of Doge Niccold Tron was begun after April 1476 end
was largely finished by 1479* For a summary of the arguments about ■* s
dating, see Debra Dienstfrey Pincus, "A Hand by Antonio Rizzo and ' /ouble
Caritas Scheme of the Tron Tomb," Art Bulletin.LI (1969), p. 247, n, 1.
 -11 -

and Tulllo's Vendramln Tomb of the 1490 (fig. 13). It is more coherently

organized then the Tron Tomb and more closely dependent on triumphal

arch design.

The similarity of the features of the Lombardi and Rizzo tombs may

have been the result of a direct connection between the two workshops.

Debra Pincus has suggested that the female figure of Carltas: Amor

Dei on the lowest story of the Tron Tomb may have been sculpted by
14
Tullio. As there are no certain sculptures by Tullio dating from the

1470's, this attribution remains speculative. However, comparison with

Tullio's earliest signed sculptures, the four Angels done for the Shrine

of the Holy Sepulchre in San Sepolcxo, c. 1484, supports the attribution

(figs. 14-15) . 15

The four angels have the same melon-shaped heads lacking under­

lying bone structure. Their features' are similarly small and immature.

The loosely waving curls of the Carltas:' Amor Del figure suggest Tullio's

later interest in detailed, decorative coiffures like the massive wigs of

the Angels. The patterning of narrow vertical ridges of clinging drapery

also resembles that of the Angels' drapery.

In the l480's, Pietro and his shop were extremely busy. They

executed at least six tombs and several major architectural projects,

all of which included sculpture. An examination of these commissions is

l2*Ibld., p. 253 , n. 33 .

l^See Sansovino-Martinioni, Venetia cittal nobilissima, PP. 76-78.

The four Angels are signed on their bases. They formed part of
a large shrine inscribed with the date 1484.
 - 12 -

Important for an understanding of Tulllo, not only because he collaborated

on them in his formative years, but because his individual contribution

to some of them can be isolated.

Four of the tombs follow the same basic pattern (figs. 16-19)

They are pensile wall tombs of modest scale, in which the sarcophagus and

conmemordtive plaque are framed by a garland and oval cornice. In three

of them, the deceased stands atop his sarcophagus, sometimes flanked by

two symbolic figures. In the Jacopo Marcello Tomb, three figures support

the sarcophagus.

This tomb format is derived from the arrangement of the central arch

of the Pietro Mocenigo Tomb (fig. 20) which has been isolated and re­

shaped as an oval. The inspiration for using just this central element

may have come from Rizzo’s Giovanni Emo Monument (fig. 21), which had

-*-%he four tombs are the Monument to Jacopo Marcello (+1484) in

S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari; that of Lodovico Foscarini (+1480), for­
merly in the same church; the Tomb of Bishop uiovanni z.anetti (+1484)
in the Duomo, Treviso; and that of Agostino Onigo (+1490) in S.
Niccold, Treviso.
The destroyed Foscarini Tomb is known through a watercolor by
Joannes Grevembroch, Monumenta Veneta ex antiquis ruderibus, templorum,
aliarumq. Aedium vetustate collapsarum collecta..., 1754, vol. II, f. §6 .
For a discussion of these tombs, see Paoletti, L ’Architettura
e la scultura, vol. II, pp. 150-151 (attribution of the Marcello and
Qriigo Tombs to Rizzo and shop); pp. 229-230; Planiscig, Venezianische
Bildhauer, pp. 73-75, and Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture,
PP. 338-340.
The documentation for the tombs in Treviso was published by
Gerolamo Biscaro, "Pietro Lombardo e la Cattedrale di Treviso," Archivio
storico dell’arte, n.s., vol. Ill (1897), pp. 142-154, and "Note storico-
artistiche sulla Cattedrale di Treviso," Nuovo archivio veneto, XVII
(1899), PP- 135-194. The most conplete discussion and bibliography
concerning the tombs is found in Luigi Coletti, Catalogo delle cose
d'arte e di antichitst d'ltalia, Treviso (Rome, 1935)7 PP- 152-153;
395-399.
 - 13 -
17
already excerpted It from the Mocenigo Tomb.

One tomb in this group, the now dismantled Foscarini Monument,

is striking in its lack of figural sculpture. So far as I know, its

only precedent is a tomb executed for the Medici by Verrocchio in the 1470's

(fig. 22). This may also be a source for the sarcophagus shape and

its richly carved wreath and foliage. The Lombardi dependence on the

Medici Tomb is Important because it demonstrates their continuing interest

in Florentine art. They may well have known the Medici Tomb through

sketches brought to Venice by Verrocchio when he worked on the equestrian

statue of Colleoni.-^ However, the addition of another Florentine source

to those- already well known argues for the Lombardi's first-hand

acquaintance with art in Florence.

This argument is supported by Rizzo's parallel interest in Florentine

art during these years. It has been suggested that Rizzo must have

travelled to.Florence because of the numerous correspondences with figure

types of Piero (fig. 23), Castagno (fig. 24), and Antonio Rossellino

-^The Emo Monument, executed for S. Maria dei Servi, was dismantled
at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The effigy of Emo was
donated to the Museum in Vicenza and the two shield-bearing pages were
exported from Italy. See Paoletti, L'Architettura e la scultura,
vol. II, pp. 149-150. Grevembroch's watercolor (fig. 21) is our only
record of the tomb's original appearance.

^•^Verrocchio was awarded the commission for the Colleoni Monument

in April 1480. He apparently arrived in Venice to cast the bronze in
i486, or perhaps earlier. Verrocchio had finished the Tomb of Piero
and Giovanni de' Medici more than a decade earlier, in 1472. Both its
novelty and the fame of Verrocchio must have ensured that Venetian
sculptors knew the Medici Tomb. For the Medici Tomb, see Pope-Hennessy,
Italian Renaissance Sculpture, pp. 298-299•
 - 14 -

(fig. 25) found in M s Adam and Eve (figs. 26-27).

Another of the oval, pensile tombs, that for the Bishop Zanetti

(fig. 17), won Tullio great acclaim. According to Gauricus, the

decorative parts of tMs monument were paraded through the streets of

Treviso so that people could admire them.

At Treviso they bore aloft parts of cornices that he

had carved as a young man with all sorts of foliage ornaments,
in a sort of triumphal procession. Crispus [Rizzo] was present
on tMs occasion first of all out of rivalry with Tullio's
father, but also because he had been attracted by all the fuss
made over tMs novelty. WMle everyone marveled that tMs
work could be so life-like, Rizzo acknowledged that never
■before had arcMtectural elements.been worked like sword Mlts,
but now it had been done. What greater marvel may be compared
to tMs, that Tullio's sculpture deceived the most prudent
of artists? . . . . 20

PompoMus Gauricus' account is our only contenporary record of

Tullio's individual contribution to the Lombardi collaborative projects.

Interestingly, it was the foliage ornament of the Zanetti Tomb wMch was

"worked like .sword Mlts" that earned praise, for Tullio. As sword Mlts

were usually in bronze, Gauricus' anecdote suggests that the extra­

ordinary detail of Tullio's marble carving was only translatable from a

19
^See Debra Pincus, The Arco Foscari; The Building of a Triumphal
Gateway in Fifteenth Century VeMce (unpublished PhD dissertation,
New York UMversity, 1974), vol. I, pp. 306-307 and p.. 309.

2(^My translation from Gauricus, De Sculptura (1504), pp. 254-255:

Circumferebantur in pompae morem Taruisii epistyliorum
coronae quas ille iumor uarii intercelarat foliorum omamentis,
Aderat Crispus partim aemulacione quam cum patre Tullii gerebat, partim
et tantae nouitatis fama permotus. Cunctis igitur admirantibus,
qui tanta ueritate fieri potuerit? nunquam prius e marnore coronas
factas fassus est quam gladiolo id ita esse deprehenderit, Quod mirius
miraculum huic comparari poterit? Prudentissirnum artificem Tullii
celatura deception...
The names Riccio [Crispus] and Rizzo were frequently confused.
Here Gauricus is clearly referring to Rizzo, the Lombardi's rival for
Venetian commissions.
 - 15 -

source in bronze like Verrocchio's foliage decoration of the Medici

Tomb (fig. 28). The Zanetti tomb ornament is not, however, an imitation

of Verrocchio's foliage. Tullio has completely transformed its

arrangement and added the fantastic creatures of classical mythology

characteristic of Lombardi decorative sculpture.

The other important Lombardi tomb commission probably executed

in the 1480's is the Niccold Marcello Monument (fig. 29).^ This tomb

is very Important in understanding Tullio, as it was very influential

on his later Vendramin Tomb (fig. 13). From it he borrowed the clear

organization of a triumphal arch with a projecting central vault supported

on columns and flanked by two stories of recessed side niches containing

statues. The architectural ornament of the Vendramin Tomb, e.g., the pair

of profile medallions flanking the lunette, the structural system of

pilasters and cornices, and their decoration are derived from the
Marcello Tomb.

Tullio turned to the structural and decorative aspects of the

Marcello Tomb which depended ultimately on Roman triumphal arches. He

was not influenced by the figure types of its statues (figs. 30-31) which

depended on Rizzo's contemporary statues (fig. 32) and, to a certain

extent, on Verrocchio (figs. 33-34). A selective use of only classical

features, not those derived from contemporary sculptors like Rizzo, is the

niccolo Marcello died in 1474. There is no documentation available

concerning the beginning of the construction of his tomb. However, on
the basis of the classicizing style of its architecture, it seems later
than the l470's. See Paoletti, L'Architettura e la scultura, vol. II,
p. 204.
Pietro Lombardo also designed another very different type of tomb
in the l480's. In 1483 he worked on the memorial to Dante (fig. 77) in
San Francesco, Ravenna. His design was considerably altered in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. See Corrado Ricci, L'Ultimo refugio
di Dante Alighieri (Milan, 1891), pp. 290ff.
 - 16 -

general pattern found In Tullio's later borrowing from Lombardi

collaborative projects.

All the other major commissions awarded to the Lombardi in the

148(7s were architectural. They supervised the building of the Cappella

4 ■ 22
Maggiore and cupola for the Duomo in Treviso. When their first

done collapsed, Tullio himself signed the. i486 agreement to rebuild it.^3

This is the earliest instance of a commission assigned specifically to

Tullio and reveals his growing importance within the workshop.

Their other architectural projects were for Venice. The Lombardi

built and decorated the small church of Santa Maria del Miracoli. They

probably executed the building design of Mauro Codussi, as has recently

been argued, since the Miracoli*s neo-Byzantine style is consistent with

p /i
many other late fifteenth century Venetian churches he planned.

For a discussion of the Byzantine revival in Renaissance Venice, and,

specifically, one of the chapels in this style which Tullio decorated

in collaboration with Codussi, see Chapter Five.

^The documents for these architectural projects are published in

Biscaro, *'Pietro Lombardo e la Cattedrale di Treviso," pp. 142-154,
and idem, "Note storico-artistiche sulla Cattedrale di Treviso," pp. 135-
194. A complete history of the commission and full bibliography is
found in Coletti, Catalogo delle cose.♦.Treviso, pp. 145-151, cat. no. 280.

^See Biscaro, "Note storico-artistiche sulla Cattedrale di Treviso,"

p. 194.
24
See Ralph Lieberman, The Church of Santa Maria del Miracoli in
Venice (unpublished PhD dissertation, New York University, 1972),
pp. 371-379.
For Codussi's career in Venice, see Paoletti, L'Architettura e la
scultura, vol. II, pp. 163-190, and Luigi Angelini, Le opere in Venezia
di Mauro Codussi (Milano, 1945).
 - 17 -

The Lombardi decorated the interior and exterior of the Miracoli

in Byzantine fashion with a veneer of colored marbles. The architec­

tural elements of the interior are crowded with floral motifs and

fantastic mythological creatures (fig. 35 ) ultimately inspired by

classical models, but more related to extravagant Venetian notions

of Greco-Roman ornament seen, for example, in the woodcuts illustrating

theHypnerotomachia Poliphili (figs. 36-37)

Sansovino in his 1581 guide to Venice spoke of Tullio*s contribu­

tion to the church's decoration as having been the marble statues in

its main chapel.^6 unfortunately, these must have been destroyed. The

only sculptures left are the small half-figures along the chapel's

balustrade (figs. 38-39 ), none of which can be certainly attributed to

Tullio.

At the end of the l480's, the Lombardi were asked to take over the

2^In the sixteenth century, two marble reliefs of putti thought

to have been carved by Praxiteles were placed in the Miracoli by Jacopo
Sansovino. Lieberman argued that Sansovino added them because they were
considered appropriate complements to the classicizing architectural
sculpture of the church (TheChurch of Santa Maria dei Miracoli,p. 367).
The reliefs were transferred to the Museo Archeologico after the
suppression of the Miracoli. See Giuseppe Valentinelli, Catalogo
dei marmi scolpiti del Museo Archeologico della Marciana di Venezia
(Venice, 1863), pp. 123-126,” cat. nos. 93 and 99.
However, rather than depending on classical models, the Miracoli's
sculpted decorations are directly derived from contemporary sources.
Many motifs used at the Palazzo Ducale, Urbino, even iconographic symbols
of the Montefeltro, are reused at the Venetian church. See Liebennan,
The Church of S. Marla dei Miracoli, pp. 361^364. Furthermore, these
motifs have no iconographic coherence. Rather they seem to have been
combined to give a classicalflavor to the church's appearance
(ibid., pp. 366-367).
1
^Sansovino-Martinioni, Venetia cittst nobilissima, p. 179*
 - 18 -

building of the fa9ade of the Scuola di San Marco. Again Sansovino

specifically identified Tulllo Ts share in the fa<jade, claiming as his

sculpture the reliefs depicting two Miracles of St. Mark (figs. 40-43)

on the sides of the portal.Since the St. Mark reliefs on the Scuola

facade are the earliest reliefs certainly by Tullio, they are of special

interest. Generally, these sculptures establish certain principles of

relief structure that are followed in all of Tullio's other narrative

reliefs.

All figures are large and crowded close together in an almost

isocephalic frieze arrangement. They stand on a projecting ledge before

an unpenetrated relief plane. Their lateral arrangement is bound to­

gether by close positioning of figures, overlapping gestures, and

end figures who turn toward the center.

There is never any natural setting in Tullio's reliefs, except

for the single tree landscape of the St. Mark baptizing Ammianus from

the Giovanni Mocenigo Tomb (fig. 44), probably sculpted in the next

decade. Typically Tullio preferred a perspectivized architectural

backdrop, with which the figures have no relationship. The Scuola di

San Marco reliefs are simply set within a separately carved and too

large architectural background. In the Coronation of the Virgin

(fig. 45) and in the two Santo reliefs (figs. 46-47), all probably

planned in the early sixteenth century, the reliefs were actually

carved in two sections. In the lower part was crowded an isocephalic

' 2^Ibid., p. 286. The Lombardi designed the lower part of the facade
between 1488-1490, when Rizzo and Codussi were put in charge. See Paoletti,
La Scuola Grande di San Marco (Venice, 1929), pp. 18-53.
 - 19 -
frieze of figures. The upper part was a monumental architectural en-

framement for the figures. This method of conposition seems to have

resulted from Tullio's deriving his figure arrangement from sarcophagi

or other sculpture in a horizontal format, to which he then added a large

.architectural setting. The Coronation of the Virgin can be precisely

traced to just this combination of sources.

'The description of drapery folds as narrow ridges that make emphatic

linear rhythms across the forms to which they cling was already noted in

Tullio’s earliest statues (fig. 48). This tendency is increased in the

Scuola di San Marco reliefs. Drapery carving becomes even more stylized

in all Tullio’s later reliefs (fig. 44-46) except for the Miracle of the

Miser’s Heart (fig. 47).

The Scuola di San Marco reliefs can be distinguished as Tullio's

earliest narrative reliefs because they combine two different modes:

a quite realistic description of figures and drapery (as seen in his

earlier sculptures for S. Sepolcro), and a stylization characteristic

of Tullio’s later sculpture. For example, incised profiles derived from

ancient medals or coins hang behind three-dimensional, carefully detailed

heads (fig. 49). The result here is somewhat disjointed. In Tullio's

later work, however, it is precisely the startling juxtaposition of

stylized description and realistic detail that stirs the viewer’s interest.

In the 1490's, Tullio and Antonio assumed the major role in sculptural

28Most of the drapery in the Miracle of the Miser’s Heart is deeply

cut, hangs in three-dimensional folds and even drags along the ground.
As discussed below, pp. 26-27, this is one reason for dating the
execution of this later than the Miracle of the Repentant Youth.
 - 20 -

cormissions given to the Lombardi. Pietro turned to executing architectural

projects and to supervising the architectural aspects of his sons’

corrmissions. In 1498, he was placed in charge of the Ducal Palace re­

decoration and held this post until his death in 1515

The most important commission of the 1490's was the Tomb of Doge

Andrea. Vendramin, originally in Santa Maria del Servi, but transferred

31
in the nineteenth century to SS. Giovanni e Paolo. There are many

questions about this tomb because it was altered when moved from the

Servi, and its dating remains uncertain. Sanuto noted that the tomb was

in progress in 1493, but exactly when it was begun and finished is

unknown. 32

These questions are crucial since the Vendramin Tomb (fig. 50) is

29pietro's later career is suimiarized conveniently by Pope-Hennessy,

Italian Renaissance Sculpture, p. 338.

30g .B.'Lorenzi, Monumenti per servire 'alia storia del Palazzo Ducale
di Venezia (Venice, 1868), p p . 121-155• Pietro is last mentioned in the
account books of the Palazzo Ducale in 1511. Nevertheless it is generally
.assumed he worked there until his death in 1515. See Paoletti, L ’Archi-
tettura e la scultura, vol. II, p. 237.

31por a discussion of the nineteenth century sources which record the

original appearance of the tomb and its reconstruction in SS. Giovanni
e Paolo, see Wendy Stedman Sheard, The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin in
Venice by Tullio Lombardo (unpublished PhD dissertation, Yale University,
•1971), pp. 108-11?;
32ln his short chronicle of Venice, De orlglne, situ et magistratibus
urbis Venetae (Venice, 1493), Sanuto appended notes which included the
following: "Ai servi e l’archa d ’Andrea Vendramin Doxe che al presente
si fabricha che sarsi diro" cussi la pid bella di questa terra per le degni
marmi vi sono."
Sheard, The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin, p. 75 and Appendix One,
examined the unique manuscript of the notes in the Correr and concluded
they were contemporary with the 1493 chronicle to which they were added.
 - 21 -

probably the earliest Renaissance wall tomb that is truly classical in its

architectural structure and figure types. Tullio is generally conceded

to have designed the tomb and to have been personally responsible for

much of Its carving. There are differences of opinion about which statues

and reliefs he carved and which were done by Antonio or other members of

the workshop. These issues, as well as problems of the typology and

iconography of the tomb, its relation to Roman triumphal arches, and

the architectural-mathematical theories of Vitruvius and Alberti have

been extensively studied by Wendy Sheard. She discussed the elaborate

iconography of the tomb and its close rehtxmship to the principles and

styles of Roman art.33 Her interpretation of the Vendramin Tomb is

convincing and consistent with the evaluation of other sculptures by

Tullio presented in this dissertation.

Recently attempts have been made to date the Vendramin Tomb,

and particularly the Adam, a decade or more after the 1490's.3^ There

have been claims that the Adam was executed by Tullio for another later
commission,35 0r even that it is the work of Antonio. 36 All these

33ibid., pp. 190-225 ; 238-241.

3*4jiovanni Mariacher, ’’Tullio Lombardo Studies,” Burlington Magazine,

XCVI (1954), pp. 370-374, did not specifically date the completion of
the Vendramin Tomb, but he generally placed Tullio’s sculpture a decade
or more later than other scholars.

35professor Middeldorf suggested to me that the Adam was probably

intended as a garden sculpture (private communication, 1973). In a
letter of July 27, 1973, he also suggested to Eberhard Ruhmer that
the Adam was not done for the Vendramin Tomb. See Eberhard Ruhmer,
"Antonio Lombardo Versuch einer Charakteristik,” Arte veneta, XXVIII
(1974), p. 72, n. • 40.

36Ibid., p. 54.
 - 22 -

opinions seem unsbustantiated to me. While there is no conclusive

evidence the Vendramin Tomb was completed In the 1490's, there is

abundant corroboration for this dating.37 The style of the Adam (fig. 51)

accords well with that of other Tullio sculptures executed at approxi­

mately this time. Its unstable contrapposto, splindly legs and broad

torso, generalized skin surface, facial type, open-mouthed evocative

expression, and.massive wig of corkscrew curls are all very close to

those of the cuirassed soldier on the Vendramin Tomb (fig. 52). The

facial type, expression, and hair style are also similar to those of

Bacchus in the Kunsthistorisches relief (fig. 53) which, for reasons

discussed in Chapter Four, I date in the late 1490*s. The juxtaposition

of large areas of blank skin surface with careful description of almost

hidden detail such as creases under the am. or the buttock (fig. 54) creates

a surprisingly sensuous effect which is a hallmark of Tullio's technique.

Sheard suggested that the Adam was drived from classical sculptures
t
of Apollo (fig. 5 5 ) This type of Greco-Roman source fascinated

Tullio throughout his sculptural career and matches the classical sources

which lie behind the tomb structure. In my opinion, the awkward proportions

and abstract skin surfaces of the Adam have also been influenced by

later classicistic ivory sculpture (fig. 56). Tullio used this type

of source in the late 1490rs and early sixteenth century, as discussed

in Chapter Five. Hence, the type of source is further evidence for placing

Tullio's Adam in the l490's.

3?See above, note 32, and also Sheard, The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin,
PP. 73-93.
3®lbid., p. 168 . ,
 - 23 -
Objections that the Adam does not fit into the iconographical

program of the Vendramin Tomb are unfounded. 39 Sheard demonstrated

its meaningful combination with other sculptures on the tomb.^

Adam and Eve sculptures were used on later Venetian tombs and were of

'special interest in the 1490's as they figured prominently on recent

public monuments in Venice (fig. 57).

In my opinion, the attenpts to date Tullio’s Adam well into the

sixteenth century are a result of its having been removed from the

Vendramin Tomb in the nineteenth century.**-*- More Important, they are

motivated by discomfiture at the implications of a date in the 1490's

for the Adam and the tomb as a whole. This date makes the tomb with its

display of the artist’s thorough understanding of classical sculpture

and architecture one of the first great monuments of the High Renaissance.

It means that Venice, as well as Florence .and Rome, was a center in which

that style was formed, and that sculptors like Michelangelo (cf. figs.

58 and 51 ; figs. 59 and 60) and Andrea Sansovino (cf. figs. 61 and 50)

39see above, note 35 .

**0Sheard, The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin, pp. 215-222.

**-*Our knowledge of the appearance of the Vendramin Tomb prior to

its transfer from S. Maria dei Servi in 1812 is based on the line drawing
in Leopoldo Cicognara, Storia della sculture, dalsuo risorgimento in
Italia iino al secolo di Canova (Venice, 1816), vol. II, pT 165 and pi. XLII.
Evidently the Adam and Eve were removed from the Vendramin Tomb
at this time because they were considered "non convenienti alia severity
del culto cristiano." See P. Selvatico and V. Lazari, Guida artistlca
e storica di Venezia (Venice, 1852), p. 123.
The Eve was apparently lost. The Adam was shipped to France in
1865 and remained almost unknown until the death of its owner, Henri
Pereire, in 1932. See Preston Remington, "Adam by TuLlio Lombardo,"
Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXXII (1937)» pp. 58-62.
 - 24. -

Up
may have been influenced by the Lombardi.

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Tullio executed his

only monumental relief altarpiece, a Coronation of the Virgin (fig. 45)

for the Bemabo' Chapel in San Giovanni Crisostomo. Although he

worked in collaboration with Pietro who supervised aspects of the

Chapel's architecture, Tullio was in charge of the commission. The

Bemabd" Chapel was redecorated as part of the rebuilding of San Giovanni

Crisostomo after a fire in 1475* Codussi, the architect, redesigned

the church as a domed quincunx in Byzantinizing style. The iconography and

style of Tullio's Coronation and of the Orant Virgin relief he planned

for the chapelwere also inspired by Byzantine sources and accord well

with the church's Byzantine appearance. A conplete discussion of the

chapel is found in Chapter Five.

The Coronation relief marks an extreme point in the development

of certain characteristics of Tullio's style. In discussing his earliest

reliefs sculpted for the Scuola di San Marco, it was noted Tullio used

an isocephalic frieze arrangement of figures crowded close together on

a projecting ledge before an unpenetrated relief plane. He also always

tended to describe drapery in terms of narrow linear ridges of cloth

clinging to underlying form. In the Coronation, these characteristics

^2p0r Michelangelo's visit to Venice, see Charles de Tolnay, The

Youth of Michelangelo (Princeton, 1948), p. 53, n. 76 (with bibliography).
Sheard, The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin, p. 209, discussed Tullio's
influence on Michelangelo.
: The influence of Tullio's Vendramin Tomb on Sansovino's twin tombs of
Cardinals Ascanio Sforza and Girolamo Basso della Rovere was first noted by
Erwin Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture; Four Lectures on its Changing Aspects from
Ancient Egypt to Bernini, H.W. Janson, ed. (New York, 1964), p. o2.
 - 25 -
are more exaggerated. The frieze arrangement of figures is rigidly sym­

metrical. There is little variation in their stance, gestures, or

drapery. Drapery folds, hair, and beards are schematized into abstract,

linear systems. The marble is so precisely carved and highly finished that

it does not suggest the textural surfaces it depicts.

These features of the Coronation relief provoked most of the

criticism about Tullio’s uninspired imitation of classical sources.

As I shall argue in Chapter Five, these stylistic features are instead

the result of Tullio’s deliberate adoption of the style of the Early

Christian and Byzantine sources which he had chosen for inportant

iconographic reasons.

In 1501, Tullio was commissioned to sculpt a monumental relief cf

the Miracle of the Repentant Youth for the Chapel of St. Anthony in

the Santo, Padua (fig. 62). Shortly thereafter, he was asked to provide

a second relief depicting the Miracle of the Miser’s Heart for the same

chapel (fig. .63 ). The latter relief is inscribed with the date of 1525.^

There is no documentation of when during this long span of time he began and

finished the sculptures. The Santo reliefs have consequently confused

understanding of Tullio’s stylistic development during his remaining career.

^%he documentation for the Santo reliefs was first published by

Bernardo Gonzati, La Basilica di S. Antonio di Padova (Padua, 1852-
1853)» vol. I, p. civ , document xcviii.
All the Santo reliefs show the same basic relief structure.
Because their compositional arrangement relates closely to that which
Tullio had developed a decade earlier, I would argue that he was probably
the major figure behind the planning of the Santo reliefs.
 - 26 -

In ny opinion, the Miracle of the’Repentant Youth is stylistically

more like the Coronation, and hence must have been designed and largely

executed in the early sixteenth century. The figures are arranged in a

symmetrical frieze in a limited range of postures and crowded together.

Hair and drapery folds are made into abstract linear patterns. The

marble, carving is extremely precise and polished and relates to the

classicisticivory sculpture that had inspired the Coronation.

The Miracle of the Miser*s Heart must also have been designed

in the early sixteenth century because it shows the same structural

features. It Is markedly different, however, in Its description of

figures and drapery. The forms are considerably more three-dimensional,.

The figures have weight and occupy space more convincingly. They are

more varied in their positions, gestures, and facial expression.

Drapery folds, hair and beards are deeply’carded and arranged realistically.

After Tullio was awarded the commissions for the Santo reliefs

in the early sixteenth century, he received no other commissions for

monumental narrative reliefs. Thus there Is no comparable sculpture

from the second or third decade of the century with which to conpare the

Miracle of the Miser’s Heart. Since it is inscribed with a date of 1525,

Tullio must have worked on it until then. The late date of conpletion

is consistent with certain stylistic features of the relief. The deep

carving, more active figures and dramatic interpretation of the theme

show a tentative response to new concerns that are fully developed In

 - 27 -
other Santo reliefs begun in the 1520’s (fig. 64 ).^

Tullio’s last monumental wall tomb, that executed for the

Doge Giovanni Mocenigo, (+1485) is not documented (fig. 65). Sansovino

described the tomb as having been carved in the finest marble and

decorated with beautiful figures by Tullio.^ There is general consensus

that the Giovanni Mocenigo Tomb was executed after the Vendramin Tomb
46
because of its more classicizing structure and sculptures. Again,

there is no other similar commission with which to conpare this tomb.

However, it does relate stylistically to the two Santo sculptures.

Because it corresponds to both, I would argue that the Mocenigo Tomb

must also have been designed in the early sixteenth century and that

Tullio worked on it over a span of about twenty years.

One of its narrative reliefs, the Baptism of Ammianus (fig. 66)

is similar to the Miracle of the Repentant Youth (fig. 62). The

figures are carved in low relief. Their stances and gestures are con-

■ strained; hair, beard, and drapery patterns are abstracted into crisp

linear designs. When one analyzes the corresponding figures of St.

Anthony and St. Mark from the two Santo reliefs and the Baptism relief on

the Giovanni Mocenigo Tomb, one finds that the knife-like folds and razor-

sharp cloth contours of the Mocenigo relief are close to those in the

^Mosca’s The Miracle of the Broken Glass begun in 1520 and finished
in 1529 by Paolo Stella is very different from the earlier Santo reliefs
commissioned from Tullio, Antonio, and Antonio Minelli. Mosca’s relief is
dated by Gonzati, La Basilica di S. Antonio, vol. X, p. clxix.

| ^sansovino-Martinioni, Venetia cittat nobilissima, p. 60.

^See Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture, p. 341.

 - 28 -

Miracle of the Repentant Youth. They are quite different from the deeply

carved folds of heavy drapery dragging on the ground in the Miracle of

the Miser's Heart.

On the other hand, the two allegorical statues of the tomb (fig. 67 )

are more like the figures in the Miracle of the Miser's Heart.

Furthermore, a corresponding weight and sculptural bulk is seen in the

architectural structure of the tomb. The broad, simple double attic

and base give the tomb a strong horizontal appearance. Its heavy

architectural form is emphasized by the reduced amount of sculpture.

Simple, squat engaged columns replace the decorated pilasters typical

of earlier Lombardi tombs. The three-dimensional arrangement of the

tomb's sections is seen clearly because of its uncluttered, continuous

horizontal and vertical lines. (The bold, undecorated simplicity of

the tomb's heavy, classical architecture seems to have inspired Sansovino's

Tomb of Doge Francesco Venier, c. 1556-1561, (fig. 68), and relates more

closely to it than to other early sixteenth century Venetian tombs.)

External circumstances may explain why the Santo reliefs and

the Giovanni Mocenigo Tomb took so long to complete, and why they are

the last major works Tullio did in Venice and Padua. In the early six­

teenth century,, Venice was fighting for survival. Half of Europe de­

clared war on Venice in 1509 and the War of the League of Cambrai .did

not end until 1516. Tensions between Venice and her mainland neighbors

continued until 1530 when the Treaty of Bologna was signed. Even then,

there was no respite, for Venice had to turn her attention and monies to

fighting the Turks.

 -29.-
The social, political, and economic disruption caused by a nearly

constant state of war sharply reduced commissions for art and architecture
47
in Venice. Very few architectural projects were initiated. There were

no funds to build the grandiose Doges1 tombs that had been the mainstay

•of the Lombardi shop. Most of the tombs for Doges reigning in the

early sixteenth century were not erected until the second half of the
•48
century. Work on projects already under way, like Tullio's Santo

reliefs and the Giovanni Mocenigo Tomb, was probably slowed down, if
4q
not interrupted.

This is likely to have been the reason why Antonio Lombardo left

Venice for Ferrara in 1506. (He died in Ferrara in 1516.) The Este

enticed him there with the commission for the sculpted decoration of

the Camerino d'Alabastro, a project on a scale no longer possible in Venice.

Tullio remained in Venice and his career dramatically declined.

He did no other tomb in V e n ice.^ The rest of his work there was for

^7The small number of new architectural commissions during the

War of the League of Cambrai was noted by John McAndrew, "Sant'Andrea
della Certosa," Art Bulletin, LI (1969), pp. 17-18.
48
Sheard, The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin, p. 254.

^This explanation would account for the length of time it took to

finish the Zen Chapel (1503-1521) and other Santo reliefs like the
Miracle of the child Parrasio and the Miracle of the Woman Killed by Her
Jealous Husband. See Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture, p.~T07,
and Venturi, Storia, vol. X/I, p. 420.

50paoletti, L'Architettura e la scultura, vol. II, pp. 244-247; 250-251.

^According to the 1515 will of Giuliano Zancario, Tullio and Antonio

were supposed to do a tomb for him in Santo Stefano. There is no indication
this project was.ever begun. See ibid., vol. II, p. 112, doc. 94.
 - 30 -

architectural decoration; he carved two column socles for the Zen

Chapel^ and door frames and fireplaces for the Ducal Palace.^ He

collaborated on architectural projects like the rebuilding of San

Salvatore, and much later, advised his son Sante in the design of
the Scuola di San Rocco.55

Many of Tullio’s late commissions were for other cities in the

i
Venetian Empire. However, since the mainland territories were as

seriously affected by the wars as was Venice herself, available com­

missions were not of the same calibre as those once regularly received

by Tullio and the other Lombardi.

Tullio designed a chapel, which has since been destroyed, for

the Duomo of Ravenna in 1 5 1 5 He submitted a model for the Duomo in

Belluno in 1517^ In 1523 he is recorded as doing architectural

decoration for Isabella Gonzaga in Mantua. 58

52see ibid., vol. II, p. 245.

53lbid., vol. II, p. 236.

5^Ibid., vol. II, pp. 241-244.

55ibid., vol. II, p. 124, doc. no. 154, and p. 252.

5%ee Silvio Bemicoli, "Arte e artisti in Ravenna (continuazione)",

Felix Ravenna, XIII (1914), pp. 551-566.

57see Paoletti, L'Architettura e la scultura, vol. II, p. 252, who

published the documentation from the Archivio Capitolareof Belluno.

58rhe correspondence between Isabella and Tullio is published and

analyzed in A. Bertolotti, Figuli, fonditori e scultori in relazione con
la corte di Mantova nel secoli xv, xvi, xvii; notizie e documenti raccolti
negli archivi mantovani (Bologna, 1970; reprint: Milan. 1890 edition),
pp.; 78-79. ;
 - 31 -
Tullio’s only major sculpted commission in his last years was for

the tomb and funeral chapel of Guidarello Guidarelli in San Francesco,

Ravenna (figs. 69-70). Again,- understanding of Tullio’s late career is

made difficult because the monument has been dismantled. Only the

sculpted effigy and some architectural decoration survive to tell us what

the chapel must have been like originally.59 Nevertheless, its sixteenth

century appearance can be reconstructed well enough to indicate that

it must have been among Tullio's major works. My research has indicated

that Tullio probably did not begin the Guidarello conmission until

c. 1520.^° It was finished in 1525.^ Thus, even at age seventy,

Tullio was capable of producing a masterpiece.

After 1525, Tullio designed new commissions, but executed none

himself. He continued to be involved with architectural decoration for

Isabella Gonzaga.^ He worked on the architecture of S. Maria Maggiore

in Treviso.^ in 1528 he designed a tomb for Matteo Bellati in the

Cathedral of Faltre (fig. 71).

5%he sculpted effigy is now in the Galleria Nazionale di Ravenna.

For the later history of the Chapel, see Chapter Six, pp. 159-160.

^°See below pp. 156-159.

^See the document, first published by Carlo Grigioni, which is
translated in Chapter Six, note 29.

See above, note 58.

63coletti, Catalogo delle cose d'arte...Treviso, pp. 323-324, cat. no.

646, most recently reviewed Tullio's role in the rebuilding of this church.

i ^Tullio's signature and the date 1528 are prominently inscribed on the
tonib. However, it is just a simpler version of a well-known Lombardi type
(e.g. the Melchiorre Trevisan Tomb in the Frari of c. 1500), and it does not
seem to have been carved by.Tullio. Paolettl, L'Architettura e la scultura,
vol.- II, p. 254, believed Tullio had no role in its execution.
 - 32 -
He also designed a Pleta for the Cathedral of Rovigo (figs. 72-75).

Documents concerning this project have only recently been published.

Among them is a letter that Tullio wrote to his patron in 1526, It

reveals still another reason for the decline in his career.

About the altarpiece you discussed in your letter, I

answer that it will be a beautifully finished work and an
eternal memorial to your noble judgment because painting is
an ephemeral and [lost word] thing. Sculpture cannot be
compared to, or equated with, painting in any way. Sculpture
done in antiquity has lasted until our day, whereas no
painting from ancient times survives.65

Evidently Tullio faced stiff competition from painters who could

work more quickly and charge less than sculptors. When one considers the

roster of Venetian painters active in the first third of the sixteenth

century, one can appreciate the. challenge they offered Tullio.

Tullio died in 1532, leaving only his son Sante to continue the

great artistic tradition of the Lombardi dynasty in Venice.^ Their

sculpture and architecture had greatly changed the appearance of the

city. Their arrival c. 1470 had inaugurated the beginning of the

Renaissance style in those media. Tullio himself had studied carefully

the Greco-Roman sources which lay behind the Tuscan Renaissance style

introduced by his father into Venice. The commissions for which he

was responsible show as profound an understanding of classical style

as existed anywhere in Italy in the 1490’s and early sixteenth century.

^^Lionello Puppi, "Per Tullio Lombardo," Arte lombarda,XVTI/I

(1972), pp. 100-103. Tullio’s letter, published on p. 103, is found
in Appendix A. In the letter Tullio mentioned a "malstro Zanantonio"
who may have helped in the execution of the sculptures,

66rullio’s will is published by Paoletti, L ’Architettura e la scultura, vol.

■doc. no. 94. For the career of Sante Lombardo, see ibid., p. 113,
doc. no. 96 ; p. 135, doc. no. 205, and pp. 252-255.
 - 33 -
Furthermore, his sculpture and architecture reveal just as great

a knowledge of many other styles. The broad range of influences on his

art is a direct result of the historical situation of Venice in the early

sixteenth century and Venetian interest in other civilizations and

cultures. The ways in which the history and extent of the Venetian Empire

affected Venetian attitudes toward other civilizations will be dis­

cussed in Chapter Three.

 - 34 -

CHAPTER III

VENICE IN THE LATE QUATTROCENTO

To appreciate fully Tullio's sculptures, it is essential to review

the circumstances in which Venice found herself at the end of the fif­

teenth century. First and foremost are the consequences of Venice's

unique status as compared with other Italian city-states. She, alone, was

a vast empire in control of territories in Italy and in several other

countries as well.

Through the efforts of Doge F'rancesco Foscari (1423-1457), Venice

had annexed most of northeastern Italy. Her dominions were bounded by

the Po, the Adda, the Alps and the Isonzo, and included parts of the

Trentino, Istria and Dalmatian Coast. She also ruled the lower coast

of Yugoslavia, Crete, the southern part of Greece, Rumania, Albania,

and numerous islands in the northern Mediterranean (fig. 78)

Furthermore, Venice monopolized the trade between Europe and

Asia. All goods carried overland from the Near East and the Far East

were stored in Venetian warehouses in Egypt and Asia Minor, and then were
p
loaded onto Venetian galleys for distribution in Europe.

"^The Venetian expansion on the Italian mainland is summarized by

Heinrich Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedig (Gotha, 1920), vol. II,
PP. 331-391*.
For a catalogue of the various Eastern territories controlled by
Venice (and the date of their loss to the Turks), see William Miller,
The Latins in the Levant: A History of Frankish Greece (1204-1566), (2nd ed;‘
Cambridge and New York, 1964"), p. 654.

^Wilhelm von Heyd, Geschichte des Levantehandels im Mittelalter,

(Stuttgart, 1879)5 PP* 602-701, and Venice and its History; The Collected
Papers of Frederic C. Lane (Baltimore, 19661, pp. 3-16; 109-163.
 - 35 -

While Venice's expansion on the Italian mainland resulted from a

change of policy decided in the Quattrocento, her empire outside Italy

and her monopoly of Mediterranean trade had been established for centuries.

Consequently, Venetian ties to the countries around the Mediterranean were

very close.

Since the late Middle Ages, colonies of Venetians had settled in

most of the major ports in order to supervise trade and related businesses.

They mixed with the local populations, learned the native languages, and

frequently intermarried.3 Similarly, the population of the city of

Venice conprised an unusually large number of foreigners. There were

significant enclaves of Greeks, Flemings, Germans, and people from other

Italian cities.** These nationality groups were drawn to Venice to manage

trade with their own countries or because opportunities in certain

businesses were most plentiful there. For exanple, the Lucchese figured

prominently in Venice's large silk industry,-* and Cretans in publishing.^

3see below, Chapter Five, p. 123.

**0n the Greek community in Venice, see Deno John Geanakoplos,

Greek Scholars in- Venice; Studies in the Dissemination of Greek Learning
from Byzantium to Western Europe ICambridge, Massachusetts, 1962). On
the Flemings, see Alexandre Pinchart, "Les relations commerciales des
Beiges avec le Nord de 1'Italie et particulierement avec les Venitiens
depuis le xiie jusqu'au xvie siecle," Messager des sciences hlstorlques,
des arts, et de la bibiliographie de la Belgique, XIX (1851)- On the
Germans, see Henry Simonsfeld, Per Fondaco del Tedeschi in Venedig und die
deutsch-venetianischen Handelsbezlehungen. Quellen und Forschungen,
(Stuttgart, 1887)”

^See Telesforo Bini, I Lucchesi a Venezia. Alcuni studj sopra i

secoli xiii e xjv (Lucca, 1853-1854), vol. I, pp. 159-18^

^See Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, pp. 41-52; 202-213.

 - 36 -

Venice was quite hospitable toward these various foreigners. . The

government did not force their assimilation into the Venetian community.

Generally, each colony was granted a certain district of the city in

which to live, allowed to establish its own confraternity, and to govern

its own nationals.^

- Venice was also closely tied to Northern Europe. Her territory

abutted on the lands of the Holy Roman Bnpire, and she was a close

neighbor of France as well. In addition, all goods destined for Europe

from the Near and Far East were handled by Venetian traders. Thus there

were Venetians living throughout Northern Europe and Northern Ehropeans

residing in Venice to negotiate this business.

Her associations with Eastern countries influenced Venetian dialect,

dress and customs - so much so that other Italians referred often to

O
Venetians as Greeks. Her connections with Northern Europe greatly

affected Venetian literature and culture. This is especially true of

the vogue for chivalric literature and manners. Venetian Trecento

literature was written in a dialect called Franco-Venetian because it

7lhe Lucchese confraternity and court are described in Bini,

1 Lucchesi a Venezia, vol. I, pp. 159-186. When the Greeks in 14§4
asked perms'sion to round a Brotherhood in Venice, they cited the
already existing confraternities of the Slavs, Armenians, and Albanians.
See Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, p. 63.

®Jacopo Filiasi, Memorie storlche dei Veneti, primi e secondi

(Padua, 1812), vol. VI, p. 32, and M.J. Armingaud, "Venise et le Bas-
Ehpire; Histoire des relations de Venise avec 1’empire d 1Orient depuis
la fondation de la r£publique jusqu'a' la prise de Constantinople au
xiiie si^cle," Archives des missions scientifiques et litteraires,
s6rie 2, IV (1867), pp. 229- P H
 - 37 -
was a hybrid of the two languages. Most of the writing popular in

Venice in the late Middle Ages and Renaissance centered on French

chivalric tales or translations of them. Many significant early

exanples of Italian chivalric literature were composed in the Veneto.

Inportant events such as the marriage of a Doge's son were celebrated

with chivalric festivities like jousts.9

Exposure to such a range of different cultures also had a

considerable impact on Venetian art. Within her domain were areas like

Aquileia and Verona, once inportant Roman centers and rich in remains

of Roman art and architecture. Through her colonies and trade, Venice

was in direct contact with parts of Greece and Byzantium, and hence

had unparalleled access to both ancient and medieval Greek works of art.

Contemporary Northern European art was also readily available in Venice.

Access to a wide variety of works of art resulted in the early

development <?f the fashion for art collecting in Venice. Specific

information about fourteenth and fifteenth century Venetian art collections

is lacking, but a vivid inpression of what must have been obtainable

is gained through the following account. In 1335a the Trevisan usurer,

Oliviero Forzetta, made a "shopping trip" to Venice. A page from his

notebook informs us that he planned to buy there the Roman sculptures of

^On the importance of Venetian chivalric writings, see Gianfranco

Folena, "La cultura volgare e l'umanesimo cavalleresco nel Veneto,"
Umanesimo europeo e umanesimo veneziano, ed. Vittore Branca (Florence,
1963), PP. 141-158.
The marriage of the son of Doge Francesco Foscari is described
by Ponpeo Molmenti, Venice: Its Individual Growth from the Beginnings
to the Fall of the Republic, trans. H.F. Brown, vol. I, The Middle Ages
"(Bergamo, 1907), p. 208.
For a general discussion of the influence of chivalry on Italian
customs and literature, see below, Chapter Six, pp. 176-191 .
 - 38 -

four putti (those placed in the Miracoli in the sixteenth century);^

numerous Roman manuscripts; and drawings by a famous Trecento painter.^

In later centuries, the interest in collecting continued. The

fifteenth century Venetian Pope, Paul II, had an extraordinary collection

including Greek and Roman coins, Byzantine Ivories, and many ancient
bronzes.^

Some knowledge of the extent of sixteenth century Venetian collections

can be gathered from the notes of a contemporary, Marcantonio Michiel.

These were compiled between 1512-15^3 and have been published as The
IB
Anonimo. The most significant collection was probably that amassed by

the Griraani (which today forms the nucleus of the Archeological Museum

of Venice). Their interests ranged from Greek and Roman codices, sculptures,

engraved jewels and coins to paintings by contemporaries like Giorgione,

Titian, Memling, Bosch and Purer.

10See above, Chapter Two, note 25.

^-Quoted in P. Saxl, "Jacopo Bellini and Mantegna as Antiquarians,"

Lectures, vol. I, (London, 1957)j P- 150.
]?
See the inventory of Paul II*s collections published by Eugene Mihtz
"Les arts § la cour des papes pendant le xv61 et le xvie siecle; deuxieme
partie: Paul II (1464-1^71)" Bibliotheque des Ecoles Francaises d'Athdnes
et de Romev IX (1879) PP- 181-287- ..... *
13[Marcantonio Michiel], Der Anonimo Morelliano. Marcanton Michiel's
Notizie d'opere del disegno. Theodor Frimmel, ed. Quellenschriften fur
Runstgeschichte und Kunsttechnlk (Vienna, 1888).
lli
The contemporary paintings in the house of Cardinal Grimani were
catalogued by Michiel in 1521 (Ibid., pp.100-105 )• There is no infor­
mation available about when the Grimani acquired works in their collections.
Many of their ancient statues, including the group of Greek draped female
statues and the series of Emperors' heads were not known in Venice until
they were transferred there from the Grimani Palace in Rome in 1523-
See Adolf Furtwangler, Griechische Originalstatuen in Venedig, (Munich, 1901).
 - 39 -
It was not just the heterogeneous make-up of the Venetian Empire

or her far-reaching trade network that led to the ecletic interests of

Venetian collectors and artists. There were also characteristic

Venetian intellectual attitudes which influenced the broad range of

Venetian interest in other cultures and their art. These attitudes,

in turn, were partially the result of Venice’s history and geography.

Generally, in Renaissance Italy, there was an increasing interest

in earlier civilizations and a developing sense of historical periodi­

zation. Renaissance humanists defined a three-part division of history

into Greco-Roman civilization, the Dark Ages, and the Renaissance.

This periodization did not appear in the historical writing

of the Renaissance. Renaissance historians followed the Roman histories

known to them and discussed only political events. Cultural histories

per se were not written. It is only through incidental comnents

appearing in collections of biographies of literary and artistic figures

that an understanding of humanist ideas about the stages of cultural

115
development can be gleaned. ^

Petrarch was the first to outline a new schema of historical

periodization which was repeated and amplified throughout the Renaissance.^

•^On the problem of Renaissance historiography, see Wallace K.

Ferguson, The Renaissance in Historical Thought; Five Centuries of
Interpretation (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1948), pp. 1-28. Renaissance
writings on art are discussed by Julius Schlosser-Magnino, Ua, lettera-
tura artistica; manuale delle fonti della storia dell1arte modema,
trans. Filippo Rossi (3rd ed. by Otto Kurz; Florence and Vienna, 1967)•

^See the discussion of Petrarch’s interpretation of history in

Theodor E. Mbiunsen, "Petrarch's Conception of the 'Dark Ages'",
Speculum, XVII (1942), pp. 226-242.
 - 40 -

In various writings, he extolled the glories of Greco-Roman civilization

and contrasted them with the cultural backwardness which ensued with the

decline of the Roman Empire. Petrarch considered this period so bereft of

worthwhile art and literature that, after coining its name, the "Dark Ages",

he skipped it entirely.^ He did not discuss the third era, the Renaissance,

because he saw himself and his contemporaries as still mired in the Dark

Ages. He expressed hope, however, for the dawn of a new and civilized
*i O

period in which the high standards of the Greco-Roman past would be restored.

Later humanists elaborated his theme and often credited Petrarch

himself with the initiation of the new age in literature. Cimabue and

Giotto were esteemed as his peers and the originators of the new style in

art. The most important writers who repeated Petrarch’s categories of

cultural history are Boccaccio,^

-*-?For example, in his Rerum memorandarum libri, Petrarch omitted a

history of the late Roman Empire and the Middle Ages and moved directly
from a discussion of the Bipire at the height of its power to the
fourteenth century.
In Apologia contra cuiusdam anonym! Galli calumnias, Petrarch claimed,
"What else, then, is all history, if not the praise of Rome?” (Opera quae
extant omnia (Basel, 155*0, P- 1187). See Mommsen’s analysis of these
writings in "Petrarch’s conception of the 'Dark Ages'", pp. 236-238 .

his Africa, Vol. XX, lines 451-457, "Pty fate is to live amid
varied and confusing storms. But for you perhaps, if as I hope and wish
you will live long after me, there will follow a better age.. .When the
darkness is dispersed..." See Monmsen, "Petrarch's Conception of the
'Dark Ages'", p. 240.

^Boccaccio was the first to name his contemporaries as the founders

of a new style. In the Decameron he called Giotto the restorer to light
of the art of painting (Decamerone, VI,. 5). He credited Dante with the
revival of letters (La vita di Dante, Chapter XX).
 -41-

Villani,^ Ghiberti,^ and Manetti.2 It Is not until the mid-sixteenth

century when Vasari published two editions of his Vite (1550; 1568) that

the incidental remarks of earlier humanists are presented in a coherent

pq
thesis. J Thus, even though Vasari's theories were familiar, they made

a startling impression because he organized them into essays about

Renaissance art.

20pnippo Villani, Liber de civitatis Florentiae famosis civibus,

ed. G.C. Galletti (Florence, lMYTi Villani*s collection of lives
written in the late fourteenth century offered the first detailed ac­
count of the revival. He primarily discussed literary history, beginning
with the great writers of antiquity and then skipping directly to Dante.
According to Villani, in the Middle Ages', "poetry lay prostrate without
dignity or honor" until Dante restored it to light and its former great­
ness (p. 8).
Villani accorded this honor to Giotto and Cimabue in painting.
He said Greek and Latin painting had died in the Middle Ages and derided
the crude techniques of medieval artists. Then Cimabue and Giotto by
their close study of nature "restored pointing to its ancient dignity and
even greater honor." (p. 35).
^Lorenzo Ghiberti, Lorenzo Ghiberti's* Denkwurdigkeiten (I Commentaril),
ed. Julius von Schlosser (Berlin, 1912). Ghiberti wrote his commentaries
between 1445-1455 (ibid., vol. II, pp. 9-10). Ghiberti was the first to
divide the "Dark Ages" into two phases. The early phase began under
Constantine when all ancient art was destroyed and all churches white­
washed. This phase lasted 600 years until the Byzantine period which
was 250 years long. At last, art was resurrected by Tuscans like Giotto.
This history is presented in Ghiberti's second book and is analyzed by
Richard Krautheimer with Trude Krautheimer-Hess, Lorenzo Ghiberti
(Princeton, 1970), vol. I, pp. 309-314.

22Antonio di Tuccio Manetti, The Life of Brunelleschi, trans. and

ed. by Howard Saalman and Catherine Enggass "TUniversity Park, Pennsyl­
vania [1970]), lines 500-530, extended the analysis of the revival
to architecture. He lamented its decline when barbarian buildings
replaced the great Greco-Roman style. Manetti was the first to
add Brunelleschi's name to Cimabue's and Giotto's as a restorer of
Greco-Roman architecture.

2^Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de' pid eccellenti pittori, scultori e

archltettori...(2nd ed; Florence, 1568). The edition I consulted was
edited by Gaetano Milanesi, Florence, 1878-1885 .
 - 42 -

Vasari's essays form the introductions to the various parts of

his Vite. In them, Vasari defined the Renaissance revival of the arts

by outlining its development in clearly marked biological stages of

birth, maturity, and decline. Furthermore, Vasari analyzed the

stylistic characteristics of these various phases. For the first

time, the development of medieval art was examined, not avoided.

Vasari's purpose was to prove the humanist contentions that the "light"

of Renaissance Tuscan genius had rescued art from "darkness", but

nevertheless he evaluated medieval art more carefully than had any

other Renaissance writer. He distinguished the two main categories

of barbaric art as Greek and Gothic and described the two styles.25

Thus in his essays Vasari organized and expanded Renaissance

humanist ideas about the three-part division of cultural history.

He traced the stages of the rise and maturity of Greco-Roman art and

its disastrous decline in the barbaric Dark,Ages. He then outlined

the rebirth of ancient art, attributed the rebirth to the genius of

Tuscan Renaissance artists, and characterized its stylistic advances in

the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries.

24yasari organized his Vite in three sections which correspond

to the three biological stages. In the introduction to volume two,
he explained that he did this so that the artistic characteristics of
each phase would be clearly distinguished (ibid., vol. II, pp. 93-107).
He specifically claimed that he would demonstrate how the progress of
art corresponded to the growth of the body so that everyone could recog­
nize how Renaissance art had matured to a stage of perfection (vol. I,
p. 243).

25Ibid., pp. 232-243.

 - 43 -
Vasari's Vite were not written until after Tullio died in 1532.

However, Vasari’s theories were derived from numerous earlier fourteenth

and fifteenth century humanists and reflect their thinking. Thus the

Renaissance awareness of earlier cultures and their art was fully developed

in Tullio’s time.

This schema of historical development, and attitude toward it, is

often used to define the Renaissance philosophy about its own identity.
4
However, it was a regional theory. All its proponents were Tuscan from

its originator, Petrarch, to its codifier, Vasari. Moreover, these ideas

appeared only in biographies of artists and writers, a genre which flourished

in Tuscany.

Since Renaissance historians from every area of Italy were concerned

exclusively with political developments, they usually held a positive

opinion about the medieval period. Rather than considering the period

barbaric, they stressed its key role as the ere in which the Italian

communes were established.^6

Thus, outside Tuscany, adversion to the Middle Ages and glorification

of contemporary revival of classical standards in art and letters was

a less inportant trend. If it existed at all, it was usually imported

from Tuscany. These humanist ideas did take root in Venice, but only

in the late fifteenth century when they filtered in from Padua. No col­

lected biographies of Venetian artists were written in the Renaissance.*^

2%ee Ferguson, The Renaissance in Historical Thought, pp. 3-6.

| 27ihe first collection of biographies of Venetian artists was pub­

lished in the seventeenth century and restricted to painters: Carlo
Ridolfi, Le maraviglie dell' arte ouero le vite de gl'illustri pittori
veneti, eHello stato, (Venice, ’1648)." Temanza's Vite of 1778 was the
first volume on the lives of Venetian sculptors and architects.
 - 44 -

The only treatise to discuss artistic development was Gauricus'

De Sculptura (1504) which was written by a Paduan humanist and fol-

pQ
lowed the Tuscan pattern of condemning the sculpture of the Middle Ages.

On the other hand, beginning in the Duecento numerous chronicles

of Venetian political history were written. Many were officially spon­

sored by the Venetian govemmsnt. They distinguished the Roman and

medieval periods, but characterized these historical divisions in terms

antithetical to those of Tuscan humanists.

The Roman period was downgraded because it was pagan. Moreover, Rome

was declared irrelevant to Venetian history since Romans had played no

part in Venice’s foundation. Instead Venetian chronicles glorified the

Middle Ages when Venice was settled. They claimed that the lagoon

had offered refuge to those fleeing the chaos of the Roman Enpire overrun

by barbarians. Venice was considered to have had no connection with

the barbaric,West, as she had been part of the Christian Roman Enpire

of the East and participated in its high level of civilization.29

^Gauricus’ history of sculpture sinply omitted any discussion

of medieval sculpture. See Gauricus, De Sculptura (1504), pp. 238-259,
where Gauricus skipped directly from a eulogy of the great Greco-Roman
sculptors to an analysis of the sculptors of his day.

29<jhe early chronicles are collected and analyzed by Roberto Cessi,

ed., "Documenti relativi alia storia di Venezia anteriore al mille,,,
Testi e documenti di storia e di letteratura latina medioevale (Padua, 1940),
vol. I, and by Giovanni Monticolo, ed., "Cronache veneziane antichissime,"
Fonti per la storia d*Italia, scrittori (Rone, 1890), vols. I and II.
Monticolo also prepared a new edition of the important fourteenth century
chronicle of Andrea Dandolo, Andreae Danduli Chronicon (Cittst di Castello, 1930).
Venetians asserted that their city was ordained by God to replace Rome.
According to this interpretation, Rome had been slowly destroyed so that a
favored few reached safety in Venice. See Bernardo Giustiniani, in his 1493
History of the Origin of Venice (col. 9); quoted in Patricia H. Labalme,
Bernardo Giustiniani; A Venetian of the Quattrocento (Rome, 1969)» pp.263-264.
 -45 -

Other events made the medieval period a crucial chapter in Venetian

history. Her sacred identity as an apostolic see founded by St. Mark

was based on the translation of the remains of St. Mark from Alexandria

to Venice (828-829) and their miraculous reappearance after having

been lost when San Marco was rebuilt (1094) . ^ 1 The last stage in the

legend of St. Mark, the Vaticinatio, was invented in the thirteenth century.

Venetian chroniclers claimed that St. Mark, after preaching in North

Italy, had had a vision that his relics would be buried in the church

of San Marco in Venice.^

According to Venetians, the culmination of her medieval period

occurred in 1204 when, after the Sack of Constantinople, Venice took over

much of the Byzantine Enpire. She then became, in her own estimation,

3%he tale of the translation of St. Mark's relics was elaborately

embroidered in the Middle Ages and Renaissance. For an analysis of the
legend, see N. McCleary, "Note storiche ed archeologiche sul testo della
translatio Sancti Marci," memorie storiche forogluliesi, XXVII-XXIX
(1931-1933), pp. 223ff.
3-krhe legend of the apparitio was invented in the thirteenth cen­
tury to provide further evidence that St. Mark favored Venice. See the
analysis of the chroniclers' accounts in Otto Demus, The Church of San
Marco in Venice; History, Architecture, Sculpture (Washington, D.C., I960),
pp. 13-14.

32,x,he Vaticinatio legend established beyond doubt that St. Mark was
the patron saint of Venice: it proved that he himself had foretold that this
would happen. The legend first appeared in the chronicle of Martino
da Canale written between 1267-1275. See "La cronaca dei Veneziani del
Maestro Martino da Canale nell' antico francese colla correspondente
versione italiana del Conte Giovanni Galvani," Archivio storico itallano,
VIII (1845), pp. 27Qff.
Venetians considered this three part "history" of St. Mark in
Venice indispensable to an understanding of their city's past. Bernardo
Giustiniani, for example, included the legends in his History of the
Origin of Venice; see Labalme, Bernardo Giustiniani, pp. 305-309*
the new capital of Byzantium. 33

Jn the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, official state historians

openly disdained ancient Rome. They claimed that Venice was a greater

Bnpire than Rome had ever been because she had never been conquered and

she was a Christian Ehpire.3^ Finally Venice had a praiseworthy fom of

government that allowed citizen participation unlike the dictatorship of

the Roman Bnpire.35

33see Kretschmayr, Geschiehte von Venedig, vol. I, pp. 213ff; p. 269;

pp. W f f ; vol. II, pp.3ff; pp. 558ff; and Lodovico Streit, 'Venezia e la
quarta crociata," Archivio veneto, XVI (1878 ), pp. 86ff; 239ff. See also
Demus, The Church of San Marco, pp. 26-30 and the bibliography cited in
the footnotes for those pages.

3**The writings of the official state historians are collected in

Degl'istorici delle cose veneziane, i_ quali hanno scritto per pubblico decreto
(Venice, 1718-1722), 10 vols. These state-sponsored histories, as well as
unofficial histories, are analyzed by Marco Foscarini, Della letteratura
veneziana (Venice, 1752).
Venice's superiority to ancient Rone is a constant theme of her his­
torians and popular writers. Probably the most outspoken Venetian historian
on this subject is Fholo Earuta whose Piscorsi polltici, posthumously pub­
lished in 1599, is essentially a diatribe against ancient Rome. On Paruta,
see William J. Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty;
Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter Reformation (Berkeley, 1968),
pp. 270-291.
Many poems about this theme, by Venetians and non-Venetians alike, are
collected by Antonio Medin, La storia della repubblica di Venezia nella
poesia (Milan, 1904), pp. 31-59* The Venetian antipathy to ancient Rome is
analyzed by Giuseppe Toffanin, Machiavelli e il 'Tacitismo": (la "politica
storica" al tempo della controriforma), iPadua, 1921), pp. 11-147

35ihe glorification of Venice as a "state of liberty" began in the late

fifteenth century, as for example, in Sabellicus' history, "For the sanctity
of her laws, the inpartiality of her justice and virtue, and in other
respects equally deserving of note, Venetian ways as conpared to those of
Rome...may [be] even better devised" (quoted in Michelangelo Muraro and
Andrl Grabar, Treasures of Venice, trans. James Simons (Geneva, 1963), p.163*
Venice's survival of the War of the League of Cambrai was accepted
throughout EUrope as proof of her claim that she was the most perfect govern­
ment ever founded. See Franco Gaeta, "Alcune considerazioni sul mito di
Venezia," Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance: travaux et documents,
XXIII (1961), pp. 58-75*
 - 217 -

There was no sentiment whatsoever in favor of the revival of

Roman civilization. Amusing evidence of Venice's militant anti-Roman

feeling is provided by Commynes in his M&noires. He noted that

Venetians preferred Livy to other ancient authors because he revealed

the faults of Romans.

The lack of a native humanist tradition in Venice meant there was

no condemnation of medieval art and no exhortation to contenporary artists

to revive Roman art. On the contrary, the works of art used to

decorate the state church of Venice, San Marco, are medieval or made

to look medieval. Indeed the entire church, as .it was rebuilt in the

eleventh century, was modeled on the Church of the Holy Apostles in Con­

stantinople (figs. 79-80). Its interior was mosaiced and revetted

with colored marbles in Byzantine fashion by inported Greek artists and

their Venetian trainees. Venetians appropriated the major part of the

works of art, icons and relics looted in 1204 and used them to decorate

San Marco. Local artists did imitations of these Byzantine spoils to

fill any gaps in the ornamentation of San Marco's fa<jade and interior.

Numerous Venetian workshops were established for the express purpose

.of refurbishing Byzantine originals or confecting versions of them

(fig s. 81-82).

This practice was at a peak in the thirteenth century when, after

defeating Constantinople, the Venetian government was anxious to document

visually with medieval works of art its claim to being the new and

^Philippe de Comnynes, Mgmoires, chapter XVIII, Andrew R. Scoble,

ed. (London, 1856), vol. II, p. 172.
 - 48 -

legitimate capital of the Byzantine Ehpire.37 However, even after the

major decorations of San Marco were conpleted in the thirteenth century,

later comnissions continued this Venetian-Byzantine identification.

Repeated decisions were made in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries

to use mosaic decoration in San Marco long after this Byzantine

practice was outmoded elsewhere in I t a l y . I n the early fifteenth

century, the statue of Venice’s first patron, the Byzantine saint,

Theodore, was assembled with pieces of Roman sculpture so that it

would seem an original sculpture.39 a member of Donatello's workshop

reworked a partly ruined sculpture into a St. Paul for S. Polo so that

it seemed a venerable ancient piece.^ The Lombardi shop replaced

a relief in a medieval Evangelist series in San Marco so that it, too,

4l
passed as authentic.

The Venetian-Byzantine identification was further stimulated in

37For a discussion of the politically motivated reuse of Byzantine

objects in the decoration of San Marco and the general dependence of
San Marco on Byzantine models, see Demus, The Church of San Marco in
Venice, pp. 120-165.

3^This is discussed more thoroughly below, Chapter Five, pp. 136-137.

39l . Sartorio, "San Teodoro statua conposita," Arte veneta, I

(•1947), pp. 132-134, and Giovanni Mariacher, "Postilla al'San Teodoro,
statua conposita”' ibid., pp. 230-231.

^^Wolfgang Wolters, "Eine Antikenerganzung aus dem Kreis des

Donatello in Venedig," Pantheon, XXXII (1974), pp. 129-133.

^svaldo Bohm, "Nota su una scultura lombardesca nella basilica

di San Marco in Venezia," Arte veneta, IX (1955)* p. 53.
 /

_ _

the late fifteenth century as Greeks fled into Venice to escape the

Turks. After the fall of Constantinople in 1453, Venice became the

undisputed center of the Byzantine Bnplre. The influx of Greeks and

the increased availability of Byzantine manuscripts and works.of.art fostered a

revival of Byzantine style in Venice.

This style was also encouraged for political reasons. Increasingly

hostile relations with her Western neighbors led the Venetian govern­

ment to intensity its claims to being head of the Eastern Christian

Roman Enpire and hence independent of the Western Church and Western

Roman Qnperor. A full discussion of this historical situation and the

consequent Byzantine revival in Venetian art is found in Chapter Five.

Furthermore, the positive attitude of Venetian historians

toward the Middle Ages and Venice's geographical position as a cross­

roads between Northern Europe and Italy encouraged her adoption of

Western medieval styles. Venetian art of the Trecento and early

Quattrocento was largely dependent on Northern Gothic style. The great

monastic churches, S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari and SS. Giovanni e

Paolo, are Venetian versions of this style erected while Roman style and

building techniques were being emulated in Florence. Even in mid-fif­

teenth century Venice, major sculptors like Bartolommeo Buon and painters

like Antonio Vivarini or Giovanni d'Alemagna still worked in an extrava­

gant Gothic idiom. This Venetian receptivity toward Northern European

medieval art and literature is examined in Chapter Six. Venetian loyalty

to medieval literature and art was steadily eroded in the second half of
 - 50 -

the fifteenth century as a result of both historical and artistic

developments.

Venetians had long been enthusiastic collectors of ancient art, but

the way in which ancient pieces were displayed side by side with medieval

and contenporary works of art betrayed their eclectic taste.However,

two major historical developments of the fifteenth century caused an

increase in humanist influence in Venice. The first was the Venetian

decision to conquer an empire on the Italian mainland and reverse her

age-old policy of exclusive affiliation with the East. This policy change

gave Venice a direct exposure to the ideas and trends popular elsewhere

in Italy .^3 Specifically, her annexation of Padua in 1405 established

a close relationship between Venice and the most inportant center of

humanism and antiquarianism in North Italy.^

Another crucial change was caused by the westward expansion of

the Turks. As the Turks conquered Greek lands within the Venetian Enpire,

refugees fled to Venice herself. The large influx of Greeks stimulated

’an increased interest in classical civilization, as well as in Byzantine

ho
"See the descriptions of Venetian collections in Per Anonimo
Mbrelliano. pp. 78-119.

good discussion and bibliography on the consec3uences °f Venetian

involvement in Italy is found in Piero Pieri, Intomo alia politlca
estera di Venezia al principio del Cinquecento (Naples, 193*0.
^Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedig, vol. II, pp. 251-255.
Once Padua was under her control, Greeks from all over the
Venetian Enpire came to the University of Padua to study and teach,
thereby further stimulating interest in humanism and antiquarianism.
See Giovanni Fabris, "Professor! e scolari greci all'University di Padova,"
Archivio veneto, XXX (1942), pp. 121-165.
 - 51 -
civilization. The immigrants often carried with them codices and

small art objects. Their manuscripts were sometimes the first copies

of certain original Greek texts known in the West. Many Greeks were

enployed by Venetian publishers to collate and edit these writings

and Venice soon became the world center for the publishing of ancient

Greek literature. The publishing firm of Aldus Manutius printed

between 1494 and his death in 1515 edited, annotated texts of all the

major classical authors in inexpensive, pocket-size format. Thus

Venetians had a sudden massive exposure to Greek culture. An indication

of the new widespread interest in classical studies is the foundation

of Academies devoted to their study.^

These parallel developments greatly influenced Venetian art.

Venice's new relationship with the Italian mainland probably facilitated

the invitation of non-Venetian artists to work in her territories.

Many Tuscan and Lombard artists were enployed in Venetian lands in the

fifteenth century whereas previously very few had been. Among the more

prominent non-Venetian artists active in fifteenth century Venice were

Uccello, Castagno, Donatello, Niccold di Pietro Lambert!, Pietro di

^On the intellectual contribution made by the Greeks in Venice,

see especially Geanakoplos, Greek.Scholars in Venice. One authority
on Venetian history claimed that the Greek refugees established humanism
in Venice: "Venice at last became a true center of humanist activity
in the late fifteenth century, but this was less the result of any deep
(if delayed) attraction to humanistic culture than of the needs of the
growing printing industry." Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Re­
publican Liberty, p. 86.
On Aldus and his Greek Academy, see also Ambroise Fiimin Didot,
Aide Manuce et l'hell£nisme a Venise (Paris, 1884).
 - 52 -

Niccolo Lamberti, Rizzo, Mauro Codussi, Pietro, Antonio and Tullio

Lombardo.^ The activity in Venice of so many Tuscan artists involved

Venetian artists with the Renaissance style. Furthermore, the

Lombard artists who established their career’s in Venice, like Codussi,

Rizzo, and the Lombardi, were also thoroughly exposed to Tuscan Renaissance
ideals.^

Venice’s annexation of Padua brought one of Italy's leading

humanist centers under her control. The University at Padua provided

schooling for educated Venetians; indeed, in 1434, the Venetian Senate

J iQ
decreed that its citizens could matriculate at no other university.

Padua was also a center for antiquarian studies. Some of the most

enthusiastic collectors of classical inscriptions were from the area

46
On Uccello’s stay in Venice, see John Pope-Hennessy, The
Complete Work of Paolo Uccello (New York, 1950), pp. 2-4. For
Castagno, see Michelangelo Muraro, "Statutes of the Venetian Arti
and the Mosaics of the Mascoli Chapel," Art Bulletin, XLIII (1961 ),
pp. 263-274.
For the Tuscan sculptors who were called to work in Venetian
territory in the fifteenth century, see John Pope-Hennessy, Italian
Gothic Sculpture (2nd ed.; London and New York, 1972), pp. 45-48.

^Codussi’s interest in the theories of Alberti is discussed

by Piero Sanpaolesi, "Leon Battistia Alberti ed il Veneto," Bollettino
del Centro Intemazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
VI/II (1964), pp. 251-261.
For the contacts of Rizzo and the Lombardi with Tuscan art, see
above, Chapter Two, pp. 7; 13-15.

^®Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense, p. 85 .

 - 53 -
around Padua. ^

These humanist and antiquarian interests were reflected in Paduan

art. Supposedly the painter Squarcione collected ancient works of art and
cn
trained his students by having them copy these models. Mantegna's

paintings represent antique themes like the Triumph of Caesar and show

an almost archaeological knowledge of Roman customs, dress, and archi­

tecture .51 His immersion in the study of classical civilization is

amusingly indicated in this famous account of the activities of the

antiquarian academy Mantegna founded in Padua:

...crowned with laurel and ivy the 'Qnperor1, Samuele

da Tradate, playing the cither, and making merry, conducts
the friends in richly adorned boats across the Lake of
Garda, the 'Field of Neptune' and arrived at the other
shore, they send up in the temple of the Madonna loud
thanksgivings to the 'supreme thunderer and his glorious
mother1 who have enlightened their hearts and minds to
find and enjoy such great spots and such venerable remains
of antiquity.52

^^The great antiquarian,Felice Feliciano, who taught at Padua,

made extensive collections of ancient inscriptions and wrote treatises
on the military affairs of ancient Rome. Marcanova, his close associate,
compiled the Quaedam antiquitatum fragmata which formed the basis for
the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. See Cornelius Vermeule, European
Art and the Classical Past (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1964), pp. 163-165.

5^0n Squarcione, see the recent study by Deborah Lipton, Francesco

Squarcione (unpublished PhD. dissertation, New York University, 1974),
pp. 202-208.

5^See, for exanple, Fritz Saxl, "Jacopo Bellini and Mantegna as

Antiquarians," pp. 150-160; Paul D. Knabenshue, "Ancient and Mediaeval
Elements in Mantegna's Trial of St. Jamies," Art Bulletin, XLI (1959)
PP. 59-73.
-^Paul Oskar Kristeller, Andrea Mantegna, S. Arthur Strorg,ed.
(London, 1901), p. 176.
 - 54 -
The Venetian and Paduan schools were more and more interrelated.

The Bellini, the great family of fifteenth century Venetian painters,

were actually related by marriage to Mantegna, the major artist of the

Paduan school. By the end of the century, the same artists worked in

bpth centers. Artists based in Venice like Tullio and Antonio Lombardo,

executed major Paduan commissions, such as sculpting the reliefs for

the Chapel of St. Anthony in the Santo.

Thus, as a result of close political and artistic ties to Padua,

and the large influx of Greeks, Venetians in the late fifteenth century

became involved with the Greco-Roman past. The effect of this interest

is obvious in the work of many Venetian artists, especially Tullio

Lombardo. However, this was a relatively late development compared with

Venice's longstanding involvement with Byzantine and Western medieval

civilization and art. For these reasons, Tullio's sculptures reflect

a wide variety of medieval, as well as ancient, literary and artistic

sources.

^^The interest of Venetian artists in the style and technique

of ancient art reached the point that Durer in 1506 claimed they
criticized his painting saying, "It is not antique and is therefore
no good." (Durer's letter to Pirkheimer, 7 February 1506; reprinted
In Elizabeth Hoit, ed., A Documentary History of Art, (2nd ed.; Garden
City, New York , 1957), vol. I, pp. 330-332.
 - 55 -

CHATTER 17

TULLIO LOMBARDO’S "DOUBLE PORTRAIT" RELIEF’S

Introduction

Although Tullio Lombardo is best known for his monumental

tombs and narrative sculpture-, among his most beautiful and enigjnatic

works are two life-size reliefs, usually called double portraits.^

One (fig. 83 ) is presently exhibited in the Ca’ d’Oro, Venice; the other,

traditionally titled Bacchus and Ariadne (fig. 84), is owned by the

Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.

There is no certain information about the subject, function

or date of these reliefs. Stylistic analysis has led historians to

4hls research originated in a report for a seminar in

problems of the sculpture bust, given in 1970 by Professor Irving
Lavin. Concerning the relations of the Renaissance bust portrait
to ancient arid medieval prototypes generally", see Irving Lavin,
"On the Sources and Meaning of the Renaissance Portrait Bust,"
Art Quarterly. XXXIII (1970), pp. 207-226.
A version of this study was presented at the annual
Synposium sponsored by the Prick Collection and the Institute
of Pine Arts in April 1971. This chapter is adapted from my
article, "Tullio Lombardo's ’Double-Portrait' Reliefs," published
in Marsyas, XVI (1972-1973), pp. 67-86 .
 - 56 -
2 3
date them as late as the 1520's or as early as the 1490's. Neither

sculpture is documented or mentioned in literary sources. Their

provenances can be traced no earlier than the beginning of the nine-

Otto Egger and Hermann J. Hermann, "Aus den Kunstsammlungen des

Hauses Este in Wien," Zeitschrift fur Bildende Kunst, XVII (1906), p. 95,
thought that the reliefs were stylistically similar to Tullio's
Miracle of the Miser's Heart in the Santo, Padua, inscribed 1525.
Leo Planlscig, Die Estensische Kunstsammlung, vol. I, Skulpturen und
Plastiken des Mittelalters und der Renaissance. Katalog (Vienna, 1919),
pp. 58-59, no. 100, agreed with this comparison and also related the
reliefs to Tullio's other sculpture for the Santo, the Miracle of the
Repentant Youth. Planiscig was aware of the document which established that
Tullio had received the commission for the Miracle of the Repentant Youth
in 1501. This was first published by Gonzati, La Basilica di S. Antonio,
vol. I, p. civ , document xcviii. Presumably on this basis, Planiscig
broadened the range of possible dates for the reliefs to 1505-1525]
he gave no reason for his terminus post quern of 1505.
In Venezianische Bildhauer, pp. 240-241, he again related the
Vienna relief to both of Tullio's reliefs in the Santo, without specifying
a date.
In his Katalog der Sammlungen fur Plastik und Kunstgewerbe: Fuhrer
durch die Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien (written with E. Kris)
(Vienna, 1935), p. 57, no. 39, Planiscig dated the Vienna relief c. 1510
without giving an explanation.

^Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture, pp. 341-342, favored

an early date for the Bacchus and Ariadne relief because of its Stylistic
relationship to the Adam from the Vendramin Tomb, c. 1494, and the relief
of the Coronation of the Virgin, S. Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice, c. 1500-1502.
Planiscig, Venezianische Bildhauer, pp. 240-241, related the
modelling of the Venice relief to the figures on the Vendramin Tomb, c. 1494.
Wendy Stedman Sheard in The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin, p. l6l,
supported this theory. She observed that the Venice male's head is very
similar to the helmeted warrior from the Vendramin Tomb, and that the
female resembles women in the reliefs attributed to Tullio on the fapade
of the Scuola di San Marco; therefore the relief should be dated in the
early 1490's.
These stylistic arguments for dating both of Tullio's reliefs in
the 1490's seem convincing to me. This dating is supported by other
reasons not mentioned by these authors, but discussed later (pp. 76-83 ).
 - 57 -
4
teenth century. The Venice relief is signed "Tullius Lombardus P."

^No information is available about the collection history of the

Venice relief.
The Vienna relief was in the Obizzi collection at Catajo, the family
villa near Padua, in the nineteenth century. In 1803, Tommaso Obizzi
bequeathed the collection to Ercole III d'Este. From the d'Este family
the collection later went to the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.
See Planiscig, Die Estensische Kunstsammlung, pp. v-vii, for a general
history of the collection.
Dr.'Manfred Leithe-Jasper of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna,
has kindly informed me that the Vienna relief is documented as having been
in the Obizzi collection solely through the unpublished inventories of 1872
and 1878, and a third undated inventory. The entries in these three in­
ventories give very summary descriptions of it:
Inventario 1872 dei R.R. Musei in Catajo..LIngresso al Museo, Camera
che ha accesso dal pianerotolo della scalar Nr. 15/2 = vecchio Nr. del
Inventario Ferrari 22, Due bassorilievi in marmo bianco, fermi al muro,
sotto ai detti due tavolini, sudetti rappresentanti quattro busti.
The inventory of 1878 repeats this description.
The undated inventory numbers the two reliefs no. 864 and no. 865
and describes each as representing two busts turned toward each other and
set against a flat background. (The relief numbered 865 is catalogued
by Planiscig. Die Estensische Kunstsammlung, p. 60 and fig. 102.)
Although these inventories seem to reflect earlier inventories, there
is no information about the provenance of Tullio's relief now called
Bacchus and Ariadne.
However, the Obizzi family was established at Catajo by 1542 (the
date of "Dialogo delle laudi del Cathaio villa dell S. Beatrice pia degli
Obici," in I dialogi di Messer Speron Sperone (Venice, 15^2), pp. l60v-
l69v). A s long before that as the 1420's, the Obizzi were prominent
citizens of Padua: cf. G.B. Crollalanza, Dizionario storicoblasonico
delle famiglie nobili e notabili italiane estinte e fiorenti . (Pisa, 1888),
vol. II, p. 223.
The Obizzi were important patrons of art, as the elaborate sixteenth-
century frescoes at Catajo by Zelotti attest. See Giuseppe Betussij-
Ragionamento sopra il Cathaio; luogo dello 111. S. Pio Enea Obizzi (Padua,
1573). Betussi's account concerns only the frescoes and the Aggiunta by
Francesco Bemi appended to the second edition (1669) mentioned only
collections of arms and musical instruments.
Whether the Tullio Lombardo relief was acquired by the family in
the sixteenth century cannot be determined from the available evidence.
However, Tullio Lombardo certainly knew at least two members of the Obizzi
family who were connected with major commissions in Padua. Antonio degli Obizi
[sic] was one of the officials of the Santo who in 1470 ordered a model for
a new chapel dedicated to Saint Anthony, the same chapel for which Tullio
was comnissioned in 1501 to do sculpture.. Another member of the family,
 - 58 -

below the bust of the man, and the relief in Vienna is attributed to
him by analogy.

This chapter will show that Tullio has combined in these reliefs

carefully selected sources drawn from Roman art, Northern painting, and

contemporary North Italian attitudes toward antiquity. Through analysis

of these sources, we shall arrive at a new interpretation of the so-called

double portraits and gain insight into the processes by which Venetian

artists achieved their famous, but elusive, poesie.

Both of Tullio's sculptures show two bust-length frontal figures,

a man and a woman, whose shoulders overlap as they turn toward each other

in a three-quarter view. They are in very high relief and set against

a continuous flat background. The figures in each sculpture are under

the spell of a single intense, but unexplained, emotion.

To ny knowledge, there are no earlier reliefs of this kind in

Italian Renaissance sculpture.^ They are algo unlike most contemporary

Girolamo, is documented in 1506 as having donated funds for sculptural

decoration of the arch between the Madonna Moro Chapel and the Chapel
of Saint Anthony; see Gonzati, La Basilica di S. Antonio, vol. I, pp. 75
and 79] P- lvi, doc. li; and p. lxi, doc. lvi.

^Some of the capitals from the Doges' Palace show heads of a male
arid female couple in this pose emerging out of foliage; see figure 111 .
All other sculptures follow Tullio's example and were done by
him or sculptors closely associated with him. Many of these were also
owned by Tonmaso Obizzi. See Planiscig, Die Estensische Kunstsammlung,
p. 60 and fig. 102 (see above, note 4),and the Katalog der Sammlung fur
Plastik und Kunstgewerbe, vol. II, Renaissance (Vienna, 1966), p. 35,
no. 248, for classicizing reliefs in the confronted-profile bust format.
For reliefs by Tullio of a single, frontal bust-length figure
with the head in three-quarter view, see Ludwig Baidass "Eine Reliefbuste von
Tullio Lombardi," Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, XLVII (1926),
 - 59 -
Italian double-portrait paintings, which, as a rule, adopted the

conpositions found on ancient medals and coins where the two figures

are arranged in either a jugate (tiered) profile, as seen in fig. 85 ,

or a confronted profile format, as seen in Piero della Francesca’s famous

portraits of Federigo da Montefeltro and Battista Sforza in the Uffizi,

Florence. Thus, in their almost exclusive use of the profile

arrangement, Italian fifteenth century double portraits follow the format

of contemporary single portraits. The rare examples in which this

conposition is modified show one profile figure with the second slightly

turned toward the spectator. In all of these Italian double portraits,

the profile position of one or both figures stresses the decorative

silhouette and places little emphasis on the psychological or physical

relationship between the two figures. Tullio's sculptures are clearly

outside this tradition.

Northern Sources

Instead, they are related to fifteenth- century Northern religious

and secular paintings of two figures and double portraits. The com­

positional format used by Tullio is first seen in the Master of FI§malle's

pp. 109-111, and Planiscig. "Per il quarto centenario della morte di

Tullio Lombardo e di Andrea Riccio," Dedalo, anno XII, vol . Ill (1932),
illustration on p. 908 .
For a related group of three-dimensional busts, see ibid.,
illustrations pp. 910-912 .
Finally, there are some cut-out relief profile busts, one
example of which is published by Planiscig, Die Estensische
Kunstsammlung, p. 66 , no. 110.
See Wilk, "Tullio Lombardo's 'Double-Portrait' Reliefs",
Appendix A, for a discussion of bust-length double portraits and
double-figure images in fifteenth-century Italy.
 - 60 - .

Christ and the Virgin Mary (fig. 86) of the late 1420's,^ in which

both figures are bust-length against a continuous gold ground. The

praying Virgin turns at a three-quarter angle toward the blessing

Christ and her shoulder overlaps His. As Otto Pacht has demonstrated,

this composition is an expansion of the SchulterbUste formula for

depictions of the Virgin and Christ, which was introduced into the West

from Byzantium by the Avignon Diptych.^ For Roger van der Weyden,

Dire Bouts, and later fifteenth century and early sixteenth century

artists, the Master of Flemalle's composition provided a formal proto-

8
type for many images of Christ and the Virgin (fig. 87).

lax J. Friedlander, in Early Netherlandish Painting (hereafter ENP),

vol. II, Rogier van der Weyden and the Master of Fl6malle (2nd ed. ;
New York and Washington, 1967), p. 71, no. 56 , inplied the date c. 1428-1430.

?0tto Pacht, "The 'Avignon Diptych' and its Eastern Ancestry,"

De Artibus Opuscula, XL. Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky (New York,
1961), pp. 402-421, especially pp. 410-411. -

®The most important types are the Virgin at Prayer and Christ
Crowned with Thoms; the Mourning Virgin and Christ Crowned with Thoms;
the Mourning Virgin and Man of Sorrows; and Christ taking leave of His
Mother. These themes were executed as diptychs, pendants or single panels.
In some of the versions, Christ is posed frontally rather than turning
toward the Virgin.
For examples of the first theme, see Friedlander, ENP, ed. cit.,
vol. Ill, Dieric Bouts and Joos van Gent, pp. 67-68 , no. 63 , and
Friedlander, ENP, ed. cit., vol. IV, Hugo van der Goes, pp. 87-88 ,
cat. add. 138 .
For the second theme, see ibid., p. 71, no. 83 .
For the third theme, see Friedlander, ENP, ed. cit., vol. VI/I,
Hans Mainline and Gerard David, p . 51, nos. 40-4l.
For the fourth, see Friedlander, ENP, ed. cit., vol. VI/II,
Hans Memlinc and Gerard David, p. 102, nos. I68-I69 and Sixten Ringbom,
Icon to Narrative: The Rise of the Dramatic Close-up in Fifteenth
Century Devotional Painting TXbo, 1965), fig. 184 (manuscript illumi­
nation by Simon Marmion). Marmion used this conposition for other
subjects as well, see ibid., fig.s 163, 171-
 The arrangement of the two figures in Tullio's reliefs can

also be related to certain secular motifs in the North. These, unlike

the devotional paintings mentioned above, show two figures seated

behind a table in a three-dimensional architectural setting. The

■ earliest example of this conposition seems to be a lost Jan van Eyck

Q
painting of a noble and his agent making up accounts, dated 1440,

of which it is generally, assumed that Quentin Massys' Money Changer and

his Wife of 1514 is an imitation (fig. 88 ).^ In their basic arrange­

ment, that is, as frontal figures whose heads incline toward one

another at a three-quarter angle, they relate to Tullio's double-figure

reliefs, although they are engaged in a specific action rather than

sharing a mood.

We do not have many "occupational portraits" in this format,^

but it became a favorite conposition for marriage portraits in fifteenth

9per Anonimo Morelliano, vol. I, pp. 54-55: "El quadretto a

meze figure, del patron che fa conto cun el fattor fo de man de Zuan
Heic, credo Memelino, Ponentino, fatto nel 1440." Frimmel interpreted
"Zuan Heic, credo Memelino"as "Jan van Eyck, whom I believe was
called Memling" (p. 55 ).
■^The importance of the iconographic invention, the 1440 date,
the archaic costume and technique, and several details of the Massys
painting, such as the convex mirror, seem to point to Jan van Eyck
as the inventor of the conposition. See Erwin Panofsky, Early Nether­
landish Painting (3rd ed.; Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1964), vol. I,
p. 354 and p. 203, n. 6 , on p. 44l; Friedlander, ENP, ed. cit., vol.
VII, Quentin Massys, p. 25; and Edouard Michel, Musfee National du Louvre
Catalogue raisonng des peintures du moyen-age.de la renaissance et des
tenps modemes; peintures flamandes du xv^ et du xvie sidcle (Paris,
19531, pp. 207-209, no. 2029.
■^Petrus Christus' St. Eligius in the Lehman Collection, Metro­
politan Museum of Art, New York, sigped andchted 1449, seems to reflect
it generally (Friedlander, ENP, ed. cit., vol. I, The van Eycks-Petrus
Chrlstus, fig. 75 ). See below, note 15.
 - 62 -

century Germany (fig. 89 ).^ All paintings of this type have the same

format: the man and woman are close together and cut off at the chest

or waist by a table or ledge. They turn toward each other in a cere­

monious presentation of such marriage symbols as a ring.

There is no question that North Italians were aware of this Northern

double figure conposition. According to Marcantonio Michiel, there

were "two portraits...of a man and wife together in the Flemish manner"

in the house of Cardinal Grimani in Venice.^ From this source we also

lean that Jan van Eyck's lost Noble and his Agent was owned by the

^Smst Buchner, Das deutsche Bildnls der Spatgotik und der

fruhen Durerzeit (Berlin, 1953), p. 170, no. 195, saw the beginning
of the German taste for marriage portraits en buste or half-length in
the 1455 Portrait of Wilhelm Schenk von Schenkenstein and his Wife
Agnes von Werdenberg by an unknown Swabian master.
Some other double portraits in this format which date before
Tullio's reliefs are catalogued by Buchner, pp. 176-179, nos. 199-202.
(Although the Portrait of Lorenz and Christina Tucher reproduced in
fig. 89 is inscribed 1475, it should be dated c. 1484; see ibid.,
pp. 176-178, no. 200.) *
As for Netherlandish art, Jane Hutchison, The Development of the
Double Portrait in Northern European Painting of the Fifteenth
,Century" (unpublished M.A. thesis, Oberlin College, 1956), pp. 43-49,
considered the Master of Frankfurt's Portrait of his Wife and Himself,
dated 1496, formerly in the Baron van Elst Collection, to be the first
Netherlandish example of a one-panel marriage portrait. This reference
was kindly brought to my attention by Mr. Jay Levenson.
For marriage portraits showing the couple as pendants or on a
diptych, both halves of which display a unified setting, see, for
exanple, Friedlander, ENP, ed. cit., vol. VI/I, Hans Memlinc and Gerard
David, pp. 54-55, nos. 67-70 and 75-76.

1^Der Anonimo Morelliano, pp. 102-103. This entry is dated 1521.

 - 63 -
iii
Lampognano family in Milan, where it may have been as early as the

1*190's.15 Furthermore, one can infer from the numerous adaptations

of this Northern double figure conposition in prints (fig. $0)^

and on inexpensive jewelry (fig. 91) that.it was known in Italy.

The several North Italian paintings of the late fifteenth and early

■^Ibid., pp. 54-55: "In casa de M. Camillo Lampognano, ouer suo

padre, M. Nicold Lampognano."

•^Gabriella Befani Canfield, Quadri fiamninghi rintracciabill

all*Italia nel XV secolo (unpublished M.A. thesis, New York University,
1972 ), vol. I, p. 95, interpreted Michiel’s hesitation as suggesting
that the painting might have been in Milan for a generation by 1521,
the terminus post quem for Michiel's inventory of Milanese collections.
She offered additional support for this theory, ibid. Miss Sheila
Schwartz kindly brought this reference to my attention.
It seems to me that Bramante's Portrait of Heraclitus and
Democritus, a detached fresco from the Casa deTTPanigarola, now in
the Brera, Milan, may reflect the lost Jan van Eyck painting,
although its more imporant source is the paintings of Illustrious
Man from the Studiolo of Federigo da-Montefeltro, Urbino. As this
fresco is usually dated in the 1490's, this theory would support the
hypothesis that the van Eyck painting was in Milan by the 1490's.
For the Bramante fresco, see Corrado R i c c i Gli affreschi di Bramante
nella R. Pinacoteca di Brera e un'appendice" di Luca Beltrami (MilanJ
19051, ppT 21-49; 71^ 6 .
•^Other examples include the Hausbuch Master's engraving of
Christ and the Virgin Mary (Lehrs 16) which is based on the Master of
Flemlalle painting (fig. 86 ); Israhel van Meckenem's Holy Family (Lehrs
216) which varies the conposition by inserting a small Christ Child
between the half-length Mary and Joseph who turn toward Him; and many
prints of male and female pairs which derive from marriage portraits,
e.g., the Hausbuch Master's Young Man and Old Woman (Lein's 73); his
Young Girl and Old Man (Lehrs 74); and the Old Woman and Fool at a
Window (Lehrs 34; Engraver with the Monogram bgji
Max Lehrs, "Italienische Kopien nach deutschen Kupferstichen
des XV. Jahrhunderts," Jahrbuch der Kttniglich Preussischen Kunst-
sammlungen, XII (1891), p. 125, gave a general discussion of the North
Italian practice in the late fifteenth century and early sixteenth
century of copying Northern prints. Miss Sheila Schwartz kindly brought
this reference to my attention.
Arthur M. Hind, Early Italian Engraving (London and New York, 1948),
vol. V/II, pp. 58 , 62, 107, 110, catalogued a large number of these
copies, especially of Durer and Schongauer, by Nicoletto Rosex da
Modena, Zoan Andrea, and Giovanni Maria da Brescia.
 - 64 -
17
sixteenth century which adopt this Northern formula (fig. 92) lead to the

conclusion that exposure to this conposition contributed to the gradual

18
abandonment of the profile arrangement in North Italian double portraits.

17
'This arrangement is unusual in Italian painting and sculpture
before this time; see Wilk, "Tullio Lombardo's 'Double-Portrait' Reliefs",
Appendix A. Some other examples of this North Italian use of the Northern
format are: (1) Giovanni Bellini attr., Double Portrait, formerly Lord
Kinnaird Coll., Rossie Pirory,Perthshire, Scotland (see in Bernard
Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance, Venetian School (4th ed.,
London and New York [1957]), vol. I, fig. 254; (2) Raphael, Portrait
of Andrea Navagero and Agostino Beazzano, Doria Gallery, Rome (see in
Oskar Fischel, Raphael (2nd ed. ; London, 1948), vol. II, fig. 119b);
RLschel dated the portrait c. 1516 and noted that the sitters were both
Venetians (vol. I, p. 117); in fact, Michiel listed the painting in his
description of Paduan collections (pp. 20-21 in Der Anonimo Morelliano);
(3) Giovanni Agostino da Lodi, Busts of SS. Peter and John Evangelist,
Brera, Milan (Berenson, Central Italian and North Italian Schools,
ed. cit.,vol. Ill, fig. 1443).""
For additional double portraits in this format, see Cecil Gould,
"Lorenzo Lotto and the Double Portrait," Saggi e memorie di storia dell'arte,
V (1966), pp. 45-51. It has recently been suggested that Giorgione's
painting called Laura may have been part of a double portrait. See
Helen A. Noe, "Messer Giocomo en zijn 'Laura'", Nederlandische
Kunsthistorische Jahrbuch II (i960 ), pp. 1-35. Miss Noe also dis-
cussed generally marriage portraiture and included Tullio's relief in
the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. I would like to thank Professor
William Heckscher for this reference.
See also above, note 5.
18
This change in the format of the bust-length Italian double
portrait and double-figure image in the late fifteenth century is
barely discussed in the literature. One of the few authors to treat
the problem, Cecil Gould, "Lorenzo Lotto and the Double Portrait,"
p. 45, seemed to attribute the new compositional type to a natural
evolution "as soon as it became normal to depict the whole of the
upper part of the sitter's body."
As the format is found in many earlier Northern paintings and
prints, and North Italians knew several examples of these, I believe
that the compositional change is due instead to Northern influence.
Furthermore, Italian sixteenth-century double portraits and double­
figure images in the bust-length format almost never use the profile
arrangement. This is an additional demonstration of the popularity
of the Northern format once it was introduced into North Italy in
the late fifteenth century.
 - 65 -

Artists and patrons alike were probably won over by Its advantages of

presenting physiognomy more fully and its possibilities of portraying

an effective psychological relationship.

We can understand Tullio's sculptures within this tradition. But

in addition to being early exanples in sculpture of the inported

Northern two-figure composition, they have several features that cannot

be explained by the Northern prototypes or their Italian reflections.

Because Tullio's reliefs are so classicizing, it has often been

suggested that one of his sources must have been the niche portraits

on Roman grave monuments, although this relationship has never been fully

established.^ what has not been appreciated is that this Roman portrait

type also influenced Northern marriage portraits in both format and

20
symbolism (conpare figs. 93 and 89 ). Unlike Tullio, the Northern

painters usually camouflaged their borrowing: the sculpted niche Is

transformed ihto a detailed fifteenth century architectural setting and

the Roman couple into fifteenth century bourgeoisie.

To my knowledge, there is only one Northen double figure conpo­

sition in the bust or half-length format in which the ancient source

is not wholly disguised and which, consequently, may have provided a

l%or example, Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture, p. 341.

20
Sixten Ringbom, "Nuptial Symbolism in some Fifteenth-Century
Reflections of Roman Sepulchral Portraiture," Temenos, Studies in
Comparative Religion Presented by Scholars in Denmark, Finland, Norway,
and Sweden, II (1966), pp. 68-97- Although fig. 89 is not included
in this study, it is closely related to the fifteenth century double
portraits illustrated.
 - 66 -
21
more specific inspiration for Tulliors reliefs. This is the widely

disseminated engraving by Israhel van Meckenem of himself and his

wife, usually dated about 1490 (Lehrs I; fig. 94) The fact that

the van Meckenem print was the first engraved self-portrait must have
21
added to its fame. J

Unlike his Northern contenporaries, van Meckenem depicted himself

and his wife as three-dimensional busts set against a flat brocade

background, just as Roman portraits are placed against the back wall

of niches on grave monuments. Apart from their contenporaiy costumes,

almost everything in the image eliminates any suggestion of time and

place. They are neither situated in a contemporary interior nor are

their bodies logically shielded from view by a table or ledge, as they

21-There are single bust-length portraits such as Jan van Eyck’s

Portrait of a Young Man Timotheos or full-length portraits such as
his Amolfini Portrait, which derive from Roman grave portraiture. For
the Timotheos, see Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, vol. I,
p. I96T For the Amolfini Portrait, see Panofsky, "Jan van Eyck's
Amolfini Portrait," Burlington Magazine, IXCV (1934), pp. 117-127.
The interest in Roman grave portraits may be traceable in
the Timotheos, as certainly in the Amolfini Portrait, to its Italian
conmissioners; see Canfield, Quadrl fiamminghi, vol. I, pp. 164-165.

^%ind, Early Italian Engraving, vol. V/II, p. 133, no. 97,

listed an engraving by Nicoletto Rosex da Modena which is copied in
reverse from an engraving by van Meckenem.
Max Lehrs, Geschichte und kritischer Katalog des deutschen,
nlederlMndischen, und franztisischen Kupferstlchs im X7. Jahrhundert
(2nd ed.; New York [1966 'sj), vol IX, p. 3, used Geisberg's dating
of c. 1490. Alan Shestack, Fifteenth-Century Engravings of Northern
Europe from the National Gallery of Art (Washington, D.C., 1967), no.
244, dated the engraving c. 1490 "(7). Jane Hutchison, The Development
of the Double Portrait, p. 76 , dated it c. 1480.

23Lehrs, Geschichte und kritischer Katalog, vol. IX, p. 2.

 - 67 -
are in almost every other exanple cited; there is no presentation of

marriage symbols. They are Schulterbuste, a very rare form in marriage

oh
portraiture. They are not identified by the usual conventions of

marriage portraiture, such as coats of arms or emblems. Instead, an

inscription runs in a band below them as on many Homan grave stelal ♦^

From a formal point of view also, the engraving and Tullio1s

reliefs have in common the superinposition of armless, three-dimensional,

disproportionately large coiples against a flat background; at the

p/T
same time, their overt reference to a Roman source relates them conceptually.

Roman Sources

Tullio's reliefs are self-consciously classicizing, not only in

format but in style as well. He must have known many Roman grave monuments,

2%he only other exanple known to me •is a Double Portrait dated 1*179
by an unknown Swabian master in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich,
catalogued by Buchner, Das deutsche Bildnls, p. 176, no. 199, and dis­
cussed by Shestack, Fifteenth-Century Engravings, no. 244.
The Schulterbuste format is used, however, in the niche portraiture
of Roman grave monuments. See, for exanple, the grave stele in
Arnold Schober, Die romischen Grabsteine von Noricum und Pannonien
(Vienna, 1923), p. 125, no. 273 and fig. l4T).
See also footnote 7.

25rhe inscription reads: "Figuracio [Figuratio] facierum

Israhelis et Ide [Yde] eius uxoris I vM."

2^This similarity might be taken as the fortuitous result of

a corrmon source in Roman grave portraiture were it not for the extensive
Northern influence on the North Italian bust-length, two-figure conpo­
sition in the late fifteenth century. This includes at least one
instance in which a North Italian was influenced by a van Meckenem en­
graving; see above, note 22.
 - 68 -

for dozens of them are preserved today in North Italian museums.

The inscriptions on these monuments were avidly studied by fifteenth-

century antiquarians interested in inproving their Latin and increasing

pQ
• their knowledge of Roman life. Iiiportant compilations of inscribed

monuments, like those gathered by Cyriacus of Ancona,^9 were consulted

eagerly by later antiquarians such as Marcanova and probably even by

fifteenth-century artists like Jacopo Bellini-^ and Mantegna (figs. 95-97)

2?See Hans Dutschke, Antike Bildwerke im Oberitalien (Leipzig,

1874-1882), passim, for ancient sculpture in North Italian collections.

28see Fritz Saxl, "The Classical Inscription in Renaissance Art

and Politics," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, IV
(1940-1941), pp"." 19-46".

^^Por Cyriacus of Ancona, see Christian Huelsen, La Roma antica

di Ciriaco d»Ancona (Rome, 1907).

3&Ehe Marcanova drawing is dated 1465, according to Huelsen,

La Roma antica di Ciriaco d 1Ancona, pp. 9ff., noting that the drawing
was probably' copied from an unknown antiquarian, not Cyriacus of
Ancona from whom Marcanova frequently borrowed. Whether the Jacopo
Bellini drawing dated c. 1455 was freely copied from the monument
itself or from a sketch of the monument is not certain. See Marcel
Rothlisberger, "Studi su Jacopo Bellini," Saggi e memorie di storia
dell1arte, II (1958-1959), p. 70.
The Metellia Prima Grave Monument is indexed in the Corpus
Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. V/I, Inscriptiones Galliae Cisalpinae
Latinae (Berlin, 1872 ), p. 492, no. 4653.

31jhe grave monuments on which Mantegna based this decoration

and the similar one in the adjacent fresco, the Martyrdom of St. Christopher,
have never been identified. They may have been derived from drawings
such as the one reproduced in fig. 96 from the notebooks of his
father-in-law, Jacopo Bellini. Or they may have been modelled on
drawings of freely reconstructed monuments in the epigraphic col­
lections of his antiquarian friends such as Marcanova or Felice
Feliciano. Through both of them, Mantegna would have known the
drawings of Cyriacus of Ancona; see Paul Kristeller, Andrea Mantegna,
trans. S. Arthur Strong (London, 1901), pp. 17; 175-17^
 - 69 -

Bust-length frontal portraits of husband and wife close together

and turning toward each other are found on several classes of Roman

grave monuments, from the small-scale, two-dimensional, round imago

clipeata on sarcophagi^2 to the large, multi-tiered slabs with

numerous portraits.33 One type, of which all examples date from the

first century A.D. and most come from the region around Padua, is

32see Carl Robert and Gerhard Rodenwaldt, Die antiken Sarkophag-

reliefs (Berlin, 1939)* vol. V/I, pp. 19-36, for portraits of couples
in tondi or in shells.
For a history of the interest in the imago clipeata, see
Cornelius C. Vermeule, "A Greek Theme and its Survivals: the Ruler's
Shield (Tondo Image) in Tomb and Temple," Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society, CIX (1965), pp. 361-397, and Isa
Ragusa, The Re-use and Public Exhibition of Roman Sarcophagi during
the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance (unpublished M.A. thesis, New
York University, 1951).
^^unfortunately there is no comprehensive study of Roman grave
monuments in North Italy. The following sources are the most useful:
Walter Altmann, Die remischen Grabaltare der Kaiserzeit (Berlin, 1905);
Silvio Ferri's two books, Arte romana sul Reno (Milan,1931), and Arte
romana sul Danubio (Milan, 1933); and the catalogue Arte e civilt£
romana nell'Italia settentrionale dalle repubblica alia tetrarchia
(Bologna, 1965).
Other than studies by antiquarians who, interested in the
inscriptions, distorted the visual details, there has been no
examination of Renaissance adaptations of the bust portraits in
the rectangular niches of grave monuments. See Phyllis L. Williams,
"Two Roman Reliefs in Renaissance Disguise," Journal of the Warburg
and Courtauld Institutes, IV (19^0-1951), pp. 47-66. A rare Renaissance-
use of the Roman grave niche arrangement is seen in a late fifteenth-
century Tomb for Maddalena and Stefano Satri, S. Omobono, Rome (Ander­
son 4040T^
To my knowledge, Mantegna's use of this form, rather than the
imago clipeata, as an architectural decoration (see fig. 97) is the
first instance in Renaissance art. Tullio's reliefs seem to be the
first revival of Roman grave.portraiture, creating a Renaissance art
form that stresses their Roman heritage.
!
i1
 . - 70 -
closest to Tullio's reliefs, approximating them in size and format

(figs. 98-99) Only a few of them are published. They are very

small rectangular slabs with a single niche, often quite shallow, and

•always without architectural ornament. Most show two portraits,

generally of husband and wife. The couples display the range of pose^
qg
and dress found in all other types of grave monuments. Some of

these Roman funeral slabs have no inscription, and their niches are

3%ie Roman gravestones found in the Paduan region are classified

by Guido Achille Mansuelli, "Genesi e caratteri della stele funeraria
padana," Studi in onore di Aristide Calderini e Roberto Paribeni
(Milan, 195^77 vol. Ill, pp7 365-384.
The type most similar to Tullio's reliefs is discussed by Gemma
Chiesa, "Una classe di rilievi funerari romani a ritratti dell'Italia
settentrionale," Studi...Paribeni, vol. Ill, pp. 385-411.
The grave stele from the Museum in Altino (fig. 98 ) measures
0,52 x 0,50 m., while the Stele of the Caesil from the Archeological
Museum, Bologna (fig. 99) measures 0,26 x 0,80 m. In comparison,
Tullio's Venice relief (fig. 83 ) is 0,47 x 0,50 m., and the Vienna
relief (fig. 84) is 0,56 x 0,715 m.
* *

85]\fc,st of the grave monuments illustrated by Chiesa show the

couple facing straight ahead. However, she distinguished a more
naturalistic group from the Veneto in which the couple is turned
toward each other (ibid., p. 400); see my fig. 98 .
In Tullio's reliefs, the shoulder of one figure is clearly
in front of that of the second. This is his realistic adaptation;
in most Roman grave portraits, when the shoulders overlap, they merge.
This is discussed by Guido Achille Mansuelli in "La Stele dei Varii
di Cotignola; contributo alio studio della ritrattistica romana
•nella valle padana," Bollettino d'Arte, XXXVIII (1953), p. 290.

8^Some portrait figures are clothed in toga or tunic; others

are presented as undraped bust sculpture, that is, truncated,
abstractly rounded off at the lower edge, and in very high relief.
The reason for these different modes, even found on the same monument,
is controversial; see Chiesa, "Una classy" p. 395» n. 21.
 - 71 -
so shallow that the rectangular niche border seems to be two-dimensional

framing decoration as in Tullio’s Vienna sculpture (compare figs. 98

and 84). Inscriptions, when they occur, are placed below the portraits

as on Tullio's relief in Venice (figs. 99* 83 ).^

Tullio’s reliefs may derive other features from Roman prototypes.

The vine wreath in the Vienna youth's hair links him with Bacchus,^

an identification supported by the striking visual similarity between

Tullio’s relief and fig. 100, which is an example of a Roman pictorial

tradition of representing Bacchus and a companion in the bust-length

format.39 Cut below the pectoral muscles of Tullio’s figures is

37ln his engraving (fig. 94), van Meckenem must have drawn on
the same type of Roman grave slab seen in the North in examples such
as that illustrated in Ferri, Arte romana sul Danubio, p. 130, fig. 120.

38rhe wreath has been alternately identified as ivy or grape

by historians. According to Professors Frank G. Lier and Alberto L.
Mancinelli, Dept, of Biological Sciences, Columbia University, and
Mr. John Reed, Librarian, the New York Botanical Garden, the vine
cannot be precisely identified. Its leaves are highly stylized and
show features of both grape and ivy. In either case, the association
of the male figure with Bacchus is still likely, as ivy and grape
are both associated with his worship.
For the Identification of the female figure, see below, pp. 78-81.

39l have not found any examples available in North Italy

in the sixteenth century. However, Tullio may well have been familiar with
It, as decorative medallions or small rectangles representing mythological
figures in the bust-length format are known as early as Pompeiian paint­
ing; for examples showing Bacchus with a female companion, see the
catalogue of the exhibition Pompeii, held at the Petit Palais,
Paris, January-March 1973, nos. 172-173.
The type became very popular in the fourth century A.D., the
date of fig. 100; see Doro Levi, Antioch Mosaic Pavements (Princeton,
London, and The Hague, 1947), vol. I, pp. 220, 272-273, and vol. II,
pi. LXIIId, pi. CLIXb.
 I

- 12 -

found In the bust-sculpture portraits of Roman grave monuments and

in Roman bust sculpture beginning in the late first century A.D. The

dollop of toga-like folds at the shoulder of the female in the

Vienna relief and the youth in the Venice relief is also found in

Roman portraiture, as is the nudity of the male figures.**0

The relationship of Tullio's style to ancient sculpture is striking

in many ways. Ihe idealization, restraint, and carefully detailed

cutting of the marble in the Vienna relief is classicizing. We know

that Tullio worked directly from antique models. Marcantonio Michiel,

in his inventory of the Odoni collection, described a headless, hand-

less female statue that he said Tullio had reproduced several times

in his sculpture.**'*’ In his own time, Tullio was considered to have

bettered the acconplishments of ancient art. Pomponius Gauricus'

famous praise of Tullio was already quoted in the Introduction:

0

...But shall I neglect to praise Tullio? Did I not

fear that my judgment of him would seem due to friend­
ship and not his true worth, I would call him the
greatest of all marble sculptors ever seen, and that
would not be excessive praise. Are not the genius
and miracles of the past returned?^

i|0
All of these features are illustrated by George Daltrop, Die
stadtromlschen niannlichen Privatbildnisse trajanlscher und hadrianischer
Zeit (Munster, 195$)•

**-*-Der Anonimo Morelliano, pp. 82-83, refers to his antique model.

lip
See above, Chapter One, footnote 1.
Elsewhere Gauricus described at length his criteria for a good
sculptor: "Antiquarium quOque qui sciat, cur uerbi gratia Mars apud
Romanos duplex, Gradiuus, et Quirinus, Alter In Canpo olim extra,
Alter in foro Intra urbem colebatur..." (ibid., p. 55).
[The sculptor] should also be learned about the ancient world and
know, for example, why according to the Romans Mars had two forms,
Gradivus and Quirinus, the first worshipped in the Field of Mars
 The relief in Venice, especially the male head with its twisted

angle, upturned glance, creased brow, and open mouth, reflects Pergamene

Baroque style. Tullio must have known an exanple of this type, perhaps

the so-called Alessandro Morente (fig. 101), which can be traced to an

early sixteenth-century Italian collection. **3 This, or other

Pergamene heads, must have been available, for artists as early as

Antonio Rossellino used this type as a model for the tortured St.

Sebastian.^ Although the connection has not been previously made,

it seems clear that Tullio also turned to a Pergamene head for his

St. Sebastian relief (fig. 102) and for his Venice double portrait.

outside of the walls, the second in the Forum inside the city...
(my translation)
"Neque uero ferenda hoc loco nonnullorum.ignauia, qui quum
in hunc sermonem mecum incidissent non ueriti sunt dicere conferre
quidem si adsint, Sed non omnino necessarias Sculptori litteras,
satis ei esse, ut aiunt, Artificium et quatenus licebit naturam
sequi, Recte id quidem, Sed ubi rogo istuc.inuenietur artificium?’1
(ibid., p. 63).
But what is not understandable is the laziness of those who, in a
discussion with me, were not afraid to say that a literary culture
could be useful, if one had it, but that it was not necessary for
sculptors. They said that it was sufficient to cohform to the rules
of art and, as much as possible, to nature. Undoubtedly, but where,
I ask, Is this art to be found? (my translation)
'Oit was owned ty the Cardinal da Carpi In the early sixteenth
century, according to Erkinger Schwarzenberg, "From the Alessandro
Morente to the Alexandre Richelieu, the Portraiture of Alexander the
Great in Seventeenth-Century Italy and France," Journal of the Warburg
and Courtauld Institutes, XXXII (1969)> PP* 398 and 405.

^ Ibld., pp. 398-^05. According to Schwarzenberg's discussion,

it Is not certain which Pergamene heads were known in fifteenth-century
Italy. The so-called Alexander head (fig. 101) cannot be traced before
the; collection of Cardinal da Carpi.
 -74 -

Romantic Antiquarian Tradition of North Italy

Not all the features of Tullio’s reliefs can be explained solely

by these references to ancient monuments. The so-called Ariadne wears

her hair in a contemporary style, a snood covering all the hair

except for a few waving tendrils at the ear.^ The short-sleeved,

scoop-necked dress of the girl in the Venice relief, although here

baring the breasts (an unusual feature, to be discussed below), seems

to be an adaptation of fifteenth-century dress (fig. 103).

The truncation of Tullio's figures differs from Roman bust

sculpture and grave portraits in its deliberate stress on the fragmentary

nature of the busts. Bacchus' arm is trinmed where it protrudes over his

conpanion's breast, and the stump is decoratively curved. The arm of

the woman in the Venice relief ends with her sleeve. The prominent

signature inscribed in the gap below the bust of the male in the Venice

45nie snood seems to have been a popular North Italian fashion

for a long time (late l490's-1520's). Consequently, it is not useful
in dating Tullio's relief. The Carpaccio portrait (fig. 103) has been
dated c. 1495-1500 on the basis of a proposed identification of the
sitter. See Jan Lauts, Carpaccio; Paintings and Drawings (London,
1962), p. 241, no. 45. William E. Suida, Catalogue of Paintings and
Sculpture of the Samuel H. Kress Collection (Denver, 1954), p p . 36-37,
no. 15, suggested the date c. 1500 without an explanation.
Many of the women in paintings of the late 1490's and the
first decade of the sixteenth century wear snoods. For some examples
by Giorgione and his circle, see Berenson, Venetian School, ed. cit.,
vol. II, figs. 631, 632 , 637, 645, 648, 650. Later examples of
paintings in which snoods are Worn include Giovanni Bellini's Woman
at her Toilet, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, signed and dated 1515
^Berenson, Venetian School, ed. cit., vol. I, fig. 262), and the
Pallavicini portraits by Francesco Zaganelli in the SS. Annunziata,
Parma, commissioned in 1518 (Berenson, Central Italian and North
Italian Schools, ed. cit., figs. 1054-1055).
 - 75 -
relief causes him to appear suspended before the background. Tullio

fragments his sculpture to suggest the semi-ruined state of ancient

monuments. This technique is also seen in the bronze statuette of a

female figure attributed to him which, like his antique model, lacks

amis (fig. 104).^

In other Venetian works of the period, partial preservation of

ancient Sculpture is imaginatively filled in, as in a drawing based on

47
the Belvedere Torso (fig. 105), or as in the two drawings after

the Metellia Prima Grave Monument (figs. 95-96). Marcanova inserted

fifteenth-century types in the portrait tondi, perhaps basing his

figures bn a contemporary medallion such as the one in fig. 91 -

Jacopo Bellini's adaptation (fig. 96) has "Roman busts" turning

toward each other in a direct communication never seen in couple portraits

of Roman grave monuments. He also added the bared breasts of the

female, for Which there seems to be no precedent in Roman grave por­

traiture. Both of these features apparently invented by Bellini are

^This bronze is discussed in the 1966 catalogue of the

Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, vol. II, Renaissance, pp. 20-21,
no. 213. See above, note 41.

^The drawing is usually attributed to the circle of Giorgione,

but Rodolfo Pallucchini, Sebastian Vlnlziano (Milan, 1944), p. 176,
assigned it to Sebastiano.
For a discussion of Giorgione's use of fragments of
ancient sculpture, see Erika Tietze-Conrat, "Giorgione and the
'pezzi di figure'", II mondo antlco nel Rinascimento; Atti del V
Convegno Intemazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento (Florence, 1958),
pp. 246-247.
 - 76 -
no
seen in Tullio's sculptures. These liberties are typical of the •
llQ
fanciful Venetian attitude toward antiquity, quite different from

the sober Florentine reaction.

A consideration of Venetian culture and literature referring to

the ancient world provides a further clue to the understanding of

Tullio’s sculptures. They are closely linked in spirit to the tale

of the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili written by Francesco Colonna and

published with numerous woodcut illustrations in 1^99.^ The plot

-^^The rules of matronly modesty seem to have prohibited exposure

of the breasts in Roman grave portraiture. As bared breasts were
allowed in the representation of goddesses, perhaps Bellini (and
Mantegna also, see fig. 97) transposed the feature from that source.
They might also have been following the sketch of an antiquarian who
had fancifully filled in the portrait on a grave monument from which
he had copied the inscription.
Even if Tullio was influenced by the Bellini drawing or the Man­
tegna architectural decoration, it is possible that he used the bared
breasts motif consciously — to allude to love.
There are few bust- or half-length representations of women with
bared breasts in North Italian art of the late fifteenth century
and early sixteenth century, other than in themes which traditionally
demand it, e.g., the Death of Lucretia. See the Jacopo de' Barbari depiction
of this theme illustrated in Berenson, Venetian School, ed. cit., vol. I,
fig. 312.
The other category is made up of paintings which allude to love,
e.g., Jacopo de' Barbari's Old Man Embracing Young Woman, Johnson
Coll., Philadelphia Museum of Art (Berenson, Venetian School, fig. 311),
or the so-called Courtesan by Bartolomeo Veneto in the Stadelsches
Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt a/M (ibid., fig. 545).
^The relationship of Venetian Renaissance art to the art of antiquity
has not been adequately studied. Discussions of it are found in
Charles Mitchell, "Archaeology and Romance in Renaissance Italy,"
Italian Renaissance Studies; A Tribute to the Late Cecilia M. Ady, ed.
E.F. Jacob (London, I960), pp. 455-^83, and Saxl,.Lectures.

^^The complicated problems of the dating of they Hypnerotomachia

Poliphili are studied in depth by Giovanni Pozzi and LuciaA. Ciapponi
in their recent critical edition published in Padua, 1964, vol. II,
pp. 3ff. See below, note 64-
 - 77 -
concerns Poliphilus' dream of an adventure-filled search through the

ancient world to recover his beloved Polia. After many mishaps,

the lovers are fleetingly reunited in a cemetery called Polyandrion,

which commemorates dead lovers. But no sooner does Poliphilus regain

Polia than his dream ends, and he awakens to find himself alone —

in the fifteenth century.

Underlying this plot is an ardent admiration for the ancient

world. Lengthy, detailed descriptions of its architectural wonders

form part of Poliphilus1 emotional, awestruck impressions of the

buildings' monumentality and unsurpassable beauty. These are essential

to the main theme, for Polia comes to personify the lost Golden Age

of Antiquity which fifteenth-century Italians were striving to recapture,

but which they realized was irrevocably lost to them.51 Tullio's

reliefs can be considered self-contained sculptural equivalents to the

mourning for the fallen ancient civilization-and the longing for its

renascence evident in the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili. They depict two

lovers; their intimate pose and intense emotion can be explained in

no other w a y A m o n g his sources in the visual arts, there is

no prototype for the deeply felt' relationship between Tullio's figures.

Poliphilus' dream of returning to antiquity parallels the deliberate,

5lFor a sunmary of medieval and Renaissance attitudes toward

antiquity, see Fritz Saxl and Erwin Panofsky, "Classical ivythology
in Medieval Art," Metropolitan Museum Studies, IV (1932-1933), pp. 228-280.

I 52jn this respect they, like the Hypnerotomachia, are related

to the focus on love in Italian Renaissance subject matter drawn from
antiquity. For this concept, see Fritz Saxl, Classical Antiquity
in Renaissance Painting (London, 1938), and above, note. 48.
 - 78 -

dual reference in Tullio's sculptures to Roman prototypes and to

fifteenth-century Venice. Significantly, part of the Hypnerotomachia

lovers' reunion takes place amidst the ruins of the earlier civiliza­

tion and in a cemetery dedicated to dead lovers. So, too, Tullio's

reliefs show classicizing figures in a fragmentary state and modelled

after Roman grave portraits of husband and wife. As Poliphilus cannot

hold Polia, the fifteenth century cannot recover the ancient world.

Tullio conveys this realization by the wistful, even pathetic, longing

his figures express.

As we do not know who commissioned Tullio's reliefs or for what

purpose,-that they were intended as sculptural allusions to the Hypneroto­

machia must remain conjectural. However, in the Vienna relief, which

represents Bacchus with a female conpanion, a specific connection may

be detected to the Hypnerotomachia's references to Bacchus and Ceres

in the context of love.

In three instances, Bacchus and Ceres are associated with Venus —

at a fountain of Venus,53 on an altar dedicated to Priapus, and in a

tenple inscription.
54
The altar to Priapus is described at length and illustrated.

On the four sides of its base are separate reliefs of Venus, Ceres,

Bacchus, and Aeolus (figs. 106-109), who personify the seasons.^5

53pozzi and Ciapponi edition, vol. I, p. 357- In their comments about

this, vol. II, p. 228, the editors cite the proverb "Sine Cerere et
Baccho friget Venus" but do not discuss it further.

54ibid., vol. I, pp. 186-189.

55rhis interpretation is indicated by the inscriptions on the reliefs.

 - 79 -
However, another level of meaning is probable. From the elaborate

rituals which take place at the altar of Priapus and, in the next

episode, at the tenple of Venus, Priapus and Venus are clearly in­

tended as the patrons of fertility and love,- not sinply as the

guardian of gardens and the goddess of the life of nature, as

stated in the text.57

In these episodes, Poliphilus’ long search for Polia is rewarded

and the lovers are finally reunited. In order to gain Venus’ sanction,

the lovers participate in a complicated series of ceremonies in her

tenple. The central element in these rituals is their partaking of

fruits from a tree which miraculously springs from Venus’ altar. This

food magically intensifies their love and Venus blesses their union.^

When we now consider descriptions of the Priapus altar together

with these ceremonies, we can appreciate .that Colonna meant them to

allude to a proverb which was very famous in' the Greek and Latin world:

^Because of the inscriptions, the reliefs are usually regarded

as a straightforward cycle of the seasons. Pozzi and Ciapponi sug­
gested that the relief of Venus may relate to the Rosalia festival
which takes place later, but they did not elaborate on this idea
(ibid., vol. II, p. 155).

^These rituals are described and illustrated; ibid., vol. I,

pp. 206-230. Some aspects of the rituals are discussed by Fritz
Saxl, "Pagan Sacrifice in the Italian Renaissance," Journal of the
Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, II (1938-1939)* p p . 360-363.

58it is characteristic of the multiple allusions in Colonna’s

writing that many parts of these pagan rituals parallel the Christian
mass. Some of these correspondences are mentioned by Saxl (ibid.).
 - 80 -

Sine Cerere et Bacchp friget Venus.59

In the reliefs, Ceres and Bacchus hold grain and grapes, their respective .

gifts to mankind (figs. 107-108), without which, as the proverb and

the rituals in the Tenple of Venus demonstrate, love is not possible.

The relief of Venus (fig. 106) makes explicit the relationship between

the Priapus altar reliefs and the rituals in the Tenple of Venus.

Venus is shown with a myrtle branch, throwing plucked roses into the

flames of an altar — actions which are repeated by her priestess in the

ensuing ceremonies consecrating the lovers* union. The placement of

the woodcuts of the altar reliefs in the text of the Hypnerotomachia is

calculated. Venus at her altar is shown on the page facing the woodcuts

of Ceres with grain and Bacchus with grapes, so that the food and drink

necessary for love are visually linked with Venus. Only when the page

is turned is 'the consequence of disobedience' to Venus and her worship

revealed: Aeolus (fig. 109), who personifies the cold which freezes

Venus, or love, when Ceres and Bacchus are lacking.

On one of the "ancient*1 buildings which Poliphilus describes at

length are small victory figures which flank a gold tablet, the inscription

of which reads as follows:

5^Terence, Eunuchus, 732, and Cicero, De Natura Deorum, II, 23,

were probably the best known sources of the proverb in the Renaissance,
but ttere were many other Greek and Latin authors who alluded to it.
See the discussion and sources listed in Atto Vannucci, Proverbi
latini illustrati (Milan, 1880), vol. I, pp. 193-195. ^Additional ancient
sources are given by Henri Le Bonniec, Le culte de Ceres aT Rome, des
origines a la fin de la Rgpublique (Paris, 1958), p. 298.
 - 81 -

To the gods — Venus the most reverend Mother and her

son Cupid, Bacchus and Ceres have given of themselves.^0

This inscription may intimately derive from the proverb and mean that

Bacchus has offered his gift of grapes and Ceres hers of grain in the

service of Love. However, there is a connotation in these lines that

Bacchus and Ceres themselves were lovers.^

Tullio’s relief in Vienna is usually called Bacchus and Ariadne

because the vine-leaf wreath identifies the youth as Bacchus, and

Ariadne is his customary lover. Given the close relationhip between

Tullio’s sculpture and the Hypnerotomachia, I would propose that the

relief represents Bacchus and Ceres in accordance with Colonna's

unusual precedent of implying that these two were lovers.

Tullio’s relief in Venice may also be directly related to the

Hypnerotomachia, of which one of the woodcuts (fig. 110) is very close

60pOzzi and Ciapponi ed., vol. I, p. 44. The inscription is in

Latin and in Greek:
Diis Veneri et filio Amori, Bacchus et Ceres de propriis (scilicet
substantiis) Matri pientissimae

6 E 0 IZ
AOPOAITH' KA1 TOi
Y lfli EPQTI AIONYZOZ
KAI AHMHTPA
EK TON IAIQN
MHTPI ZYMrTAGEFTATHl

In literal English:
To the gods, Venus, the most reverend Mother, and to her son, Cupid,
Bacchus and Ceres [have given] of their own, that is, essence.

; 61-See Wilk, "Tullio Lombardo's 'Double-Portrait' Reliefs,"

pp. 83-86, for a discussion of Colonna's sources for this interpre­
tation and its influence.
 - 82 -

In style and composition. Apart from their general correspondences,

which might have been derived from conmon sources, the comparison is

particularly telling in the fleshy facial types and short curly hair of

the men in both images. The prominent, curved lines across the bodice

of the woman in the woodcut may also be conpared to the contour of the

decolletage of the woman in Tullio's relief.

The many parallels between Tullio's sculptures and the Hypneroto­

machia lend support to a date in the last decade of the fifteenth cen­

tury, as has been suggested on the basis of style.^3 The 1499

publication date of the Hypnerotomachia cannot provide a terminus post

quern. Colonna may have begun writing the text as early as the mid-l470's,^

62Giovanni Pozzi and Lucia A. Ciapponi, "La cultura figurativa

di Francesco Colonna e l'arte veneta," Lettere italiane,XIV (1962), p. 157.

63see above, note 3.

^The evidence of an early dating of the Hypnerotomachia is an

epigram written in 1474 which called Colonna "antiquario.11 The only
work we have by Colonna today which could have earned him this title
is the hypnerotomachia. The argument against such an early conpletion
date is based primarily on the references in the Hypnerotomachia to
Alberti's De re aedificatoria, the first edition of which was published
in 1485. Colonna may have begun the Hypnerotomachia in the late
l460’s or early 1470's, not completing all parts of it until the late
l480's or early 1490's. On the other hand, he may have rewritten
parts to include descriptions and details from Alberti. But he
may even have known Alberti's text prior to its publication.
For further conplexities of this problem, see the Pozzi and
Ciapponi edition of the Hypnerotomachia, vol. II, pp. 4ff.
 - 83 -
and Tullio must have known Colonna's text long before its publication.^

Conclusion

Tullio has consciously fused three sources in his reliefs:

fifteenth-century Netherlandish and German double-figure images,

Roman tomb portraits, and the specifically North Italian romantic

attitude toward antiquity epitomized in the Hypnerotomachia. He

followed the Northern precedent in transforming Roman grave portraits

into modem images, but unlike Northern artists, most of whom camou­

flaged their borrowing, Tullio's classicizing style and detail

emphasize his dependence on ancient art. Although portrait traditions

of both the North and ancient Rome were his most inportant formal

sources, he made his figures unspecific, ideal types — partly Roman,

partly Venetian — and omitted the identifying attributes or inscrip­

tions common 'to both Roman funerary portraiture and Northern double-

figure images. Tullio’s reliefs, not meant sinply as portraits,

65colonna seems to have been associated with the church of SS.

Giovanni e Paolo in Venice beginning in the early 1470's. For most
of the period c. 1480-1500 (and later), he lived in the monastery
attached to that church and frequently held important offices.
For the details of his biography, see Maria T. Casella and Giovanni
Pozzi, Francesco Colonna: biografia e opere (Padua, 1959), vol. I,
pp. 31-^0 and pp. 103-105.
In the same period, the Lombardi executed several commissions
in and near SS. Giovanni e Paolo; see Pope-Hennessy, Italian
Renaissance Sculpture, pp. 338-341. Tullio must have known Colonna
through this association.
See also Pozzi and Ciapponi, "La culture figurativa," pp. 155-
169, for an analysis of what they consider the influence of the
Lombardi, especially Tullio, on Colonna.
 - 84 -
consciously allude to ancient Rome and to fifteenth-century Venice

in a way intimately related to their meaning. Like the Hypneroto­

machia and like paintings by Giorgione and his circle, Tullio's

reliefs are poesie; their subject is the Venetian nostalgia for the

lost ancient civilization. Tullio was the first to use the half-

length'format to represent two Idealized figures who allude to

antiquity.^ Thus the famous poesie of Venetian art were not limited to

painting: Venetian sculptors like Tullio Lombardo made significant

contributions. With these reliefs, Tullio invented a sculptural

poesia.

66rhe influence of Tullio's invention was limited in sculpture

to his immediate followers; see above, note 5. In painting, only
Dosso Dossi really appreciated Tullio's innovation (here, fig. 112).
See also Dossp'sNymph and the Satyr, Pitti Palace, Florence
(fig. 21 in Felton Gibbons, Dosso and Battista Dossi (Princeton, 1968);
his Poet and the Muse in the National Gallery, London (ibid., fig. 56 );
and his Erotic Couple, Stephan Dobo Museum, Eger (ibid., fig. 94)•
 - 85 -

CHAPTER V

THE EERNABd CHAPEL IN SAN GIOVANNI CRISOSTQMQ, VENICE

Introduction

One of Tullio's major religious coiunissions was for the

decoration of the Bernabd Chapel in the church of San Giovanni

Crisostoino, Venice. As part of the redesigning of this chapel, Tullio

sculpted a monumental altarpiece of the Coronation of the Virgin

and placed above it a relief of the Virgin Orant. He and his assistants

veneered the chapel with colored marbles and articulated its structure

with cornices, pilasters, and columns ornamented with typical Lombardi

detail.

Analysis of the iconography and style of the ensemble confirms

the pattern suggested by the "Double Portrait11reliefs. Tullio was

interested in' a wide range of artistic sytles and he creatively adapted

than for original, meaningful iconographic purposes. For his Double

Portrait reliefs, Tullio had drawn on Roman, contenporary Northern,

and North Italian sources, li the Bemabo Chapel, he turned instead

to Early Christian and Byzantine sources, as well as to contenporary

Italian models. Through this combination, he enriched the standard

iconography of the Coronation of the Virgin and inteipreted it in a

unique and profound way. Moreover, the redecoration of the Bernabd

Chapel in conscious imitation of Byzantine models is part of a general

Byzantine revival in late Quattrocento Venetian art. The reasons for

 - 86 -

that revival and its effects will also be discussed in this chapter.

The Bemabd Chapel

The Church of San Giovanni Crisostoino had been erected in the

eleventh century. It was almost totally destroyed by fire in 1475j1

2
dnd the architect Codussi was hired to reconstruct it. Funds for the

new church began to be collected in 1489 ,3 and the church's renovation

was started in 1497-^ Tullio's redecoration of the Bemabd Chapel was

comnissioned by the executors of Bemabd's estate as part of this

reconstruction.

San Giovanni Crisostoino was rebuilt as a domed quincunx. The

Bemabd Chapel is the main chapel on its left side. In dimensions

and ground-plan, the Bemabd-Chapel matches the Delitti Chapel

opposite it, rebuilt at approximately the same time. One significant

difference between the two chapels is that the Bemabd Chapel has two

^Flaminio Comelio, Ecclesiae Venetae antiquis monumentis, decas

secunda et tertia (Venice, 1749), pp. 235-236 (Comelio's name is
also spelled Cornelius, Comaro, or Comer).

%he most thorough publication of documents concerning Codussi's

work at San Giovanni Crisostoino is found in Angelo Pinetti, "Nuovi
documenti sull'architetto bergamasco Mauro Codussi," Bergomum,
anno XX, no. IV (1927), pp. 49-57.

^Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Senato Terra, reg. 10, c. 130,

cited in Silvio Tramontin, San Giovanni Crlsostomo (Venice, 1968), p. 10.

^D. Malipiero, Annali veneti dall'anno 1457 al anno 1500 ordlnati

e abbreviati da F. Longo (Florence, 1843-1844) (Archivio storico italiano,
vol. VII/II, IF4T7 p. 705)• '

*
 - 87 -

syiunetrlcal chambers (approximately 3 x 1 meter each) on either side of

the altar, visible only when one approaches the altar (figs. 113-116).

The chapel is rather small, measuring about 6 x 3.5 meters. It

is totally veneered with grey-veined white marble with roundels of

contrasting color. Its sinple architectural detail, cornice, pilasters,

and columns are ornamented with typical Lombardi motives. Both these

aspects of the chapel’s appearance are similar to the decoration of

Sant Maria dei Miracoli executed by the Lombardi in the preceding

decade (fig. 117 ).

The Coronation of the Virgin relief (fig. 118) is above the altar

and is approximately 12 feet tall. It was comnissioned to replace a

glided figure of Mary donated in the 1438 will of Giacomo Bemabd de

Catenacy de Montepulciano.^ This altarpiece of Mary had been rescued

from the 1475 fire but, for reasons unspecified in the documents

available on the chapel, it was placed in storage and then donated to

another church in 1502 .^ Since it was no longer needed by that date

and Tullio and his assistants had been paid beginning in 1499 for their

redecoration of the chapel, 7 it has generally been inferred that the

5See Appendix A, p. 208.

Slbid., p. 211 .

7Ibid., p. 209.
For a complete transcription of the documents on the Bemabd
Chapel, see below, Appendix A* pp. 208-212.
 - 88 -

Coronation of the Virgin was sculpted between c. 1499-1502.®

Above the Coronation relief is a small .relief of the Virgin Orant

in Byzantine style. This is documented as having been put in place

between 1499-1501, so it was obviously planned as part of the chapel’s

iconographic program.^

There seems to have been only one significant modification of the

Bemabd Chapel since the Lombardi redecoration in the early sixteenth

century. An ornate Baroque altar t£>le has replaced what must have

been a simpler Renaissance mensa.^

^Giovanni Mariacher is the only scholar who disagrees with this

approximate dating. In his ’’Tullio Lombardo Studies," p. 373,
Mariacher argued that the relief should be dated sometime later
because one of the two pulpits in the chapel is inscribed 1525 .
His second reason was what he considered to be the stylistic similarity
between the Coronation relief and the Santo relief of the Miracle of
the Miser’s Heart inscribed 1525.
These arguments are unconvincing. There is no reason why the
pulpit could 'not have been put in place long' after the Coronation
relief was finished.
In addition, although the Santo relief is inscribed 1525,
Tullio received the conmission in 1501. Hence there is a twenty-
four year interval during which the relief could have been designed
and sculpted, and it cannot be used to fix the date of another
sculpture by Tullio.

9paoletti, L’Architettura e la scultura, vol. II, p. 179>

"Antonio da Corona^intaglid degli ovoli ed un capitello a suo figlio
Gugllelmo... scolpi due scudi all’antica ed aggiustd la vecchia
Madonna che vedesi sopra L ’altare". Document of 24 December 1499-
See Appendix A.
There are no discussions of the chapel’s iconographic program.
The only author to mention this relief called it a Venetian-Byzantine
relief of the twelfth-thirteenth century (Lorenzetti, Venice and its
Lagoon, p. 362).
The relief is placed high on the chapel wall and is in constant
shadow cast by the chapel’s arched entrance. It is, therefore, difficult
to see and almost impossible to photograph. However, for reasons dis­
cussed below, p. 122 , I question the traditional attribution.

■^Tramontin, San Giovanni Crisostomo, p. 26, is the only author

to mention the altar table. He did not date it precisely, but called
 - 89 -

It is inpossible to trace the exact history of the Bemabd Chapel

in the fifteenth and sixtenth century because archival records about

the chapel are inconplete. Even the dedication of the chapel in

the fifteenth century is uncertain. Presumably the chapel honored

the Virgin Mary since a gilded figure of Mary stood on the altar between

1438 and 1475, when the church burned. Furthermore, Tullio replaced this

figure of Mary with an altarpiece representing a Marian theme, the

Coronation of the Virgin.

Nevertheless, confusion about its dedication has arisen because

Sansovino and later guides to Venice described Tullio's altarpiece as

a relief of the Apostles and neglected to mention Mary.'*''1' Moreover,

r
in the eighteenth century, the chapel was dedicated to the Apostles,

it Baroque. To my knowledge, no documents are preserved concerning

the replacement of the original altar with the Baroque altar table.

^Sansovino-Martinioni, Venetia,cittd nobilissima, p. 154,

"Et da Tullio Lombardo scultore, di cui mano furono gli Apostoli
di mezzo relievo."
Flaminio Comer, Notizie storiche delle chiese e monasteri
di Venezia e di Torcello (Padua, 1758), p. 274, noted the
presence of Christ, "di Tullio Lombardo, di cui e una pregiatissima
opera la Tavola di marmo, rappresentante il Salvatore coi dodici
Apostoli...".
[P.A. Pacifico], Cronaca veneta sacra e profana, o sia un
compendio di tutte le cose pifl illustri ed antiche della eittd
di Venezla~TVenice, 1777)> vol. II, p. 750, called it a relief of
the Apostles, as did G. B. Albrizzi, Forastiero illuminato intomo
le cose piu rare e curiose antiche e modeme della cittA di
Venezia (Venice, 1798), p. 157.
 - 90 -
12
although there Is no record that it was so dedicated earlier.

A physical examination of Tullio's sculpture confirms that

the figures of Christ and the Virgin were carved from the same piece

.of marble as the other figures. Hence they were definitely part of

Tullio's relief when Sansovino saw it. His misidentification probably

resulted form Sansovino's justifiable confusion about the subject of the

sculpture. The prominent inclusion of the twelve Apostles as the only

witnesses to the Coronation is totally unprecedented.^ Nevertheless,

they are surely the Apostles. Their number and stereotyped attributes

preclude any other identification.-^ The Coronation of Mary is equally

certainly the focus of the sculpture. Christ stands in the center of

the relief and crowns the kneeling Virgin. Grace radiates down

on them from an overhead group of God the Father, the Holy Ghost,

seraphim, and music-making angels. Both these unusual features, the

presence of only the Apostles, and the position of Mary kneeling before

the standing Christ, are integral to Tullio's unique interpretation of

the Coronation iconography.

12A plaque in the chapel is inscribed "Confratemitatis Sanctorum

Apostolorum Sepulcrum Anno Domini MDCCXXXII".
The confraternity was founded in 1716 according to the Catastico
delle Scuole di Divozione; see Tramontin, S. Giovanni Crlsostomo, p. 45.

13v/hen the Apostles are found in Coronations, they are part of

a large number of other saints and church figures, as in the Guariento
Coronation done for the Doges' Palace in 1365• This composition was
frequently repeated in Venice. See below, p. 94.
14
Two of the Apostles hold untitled books, a third holds a thin
cross. Only Peter, who carries his traditional symbol of the keys, is
specifically identified.
 - 91 -

The Theme of the Coronation of the Virgin

The theme of the Coronation of the Virgin developed in the Gothic

period as part of the growing cult of the Virgin. It is without foundation

in either the Bible or early patristic writings, but is derived instead

from popular worship, specifically, from late medieval liturgy, hymns,

and homilies.^

The subject became very popular in the visual arts, especially in

France and Italy. It was represented on many French Gothic tympana,

beginning with the West Portal of the Cathedral at Senlis in 1196

l6
(figs. 119-120). The Coronation of the Virgin theme appeared

even earlier in Italy. It was first depleted in a mosaic of 1148 in

17
Santa Maria in Trastevere, Rome, and repeated a few years later at

Santa Maria Maggiore (fig. 121). The subject became popular all over

15rhe most extensive discussion of these late medieval popular

hymns and homilies is found in Pia Wilhelm, Die Marienkrbnung am
Westportal der Kathedrale von Senlis (Hamburg, 1941), pp. 60-8F7

16a survey of the Coronation sculptures on the tympana of Gothic

churches and their iconography is found in Willibald Sauerlander,
Gothic Sculpture in France, 1140-1270, trans. Janet Sondheimer (New
York, 1973), PP. 33-3^
On the inportant first representation of the Coronation at
Senlis, see Wilhelm, Die Marienkronung. This is the best discussion
of the iconography of the Coronation of the Virgin.

17see Marion Lawrence, "Maria Regina," Art Bulletin, VII

(1925), p. 156.
 - 92 -

Italy in panel paintings, monumental frescoes, and illuminated manu­

scripts (figs. 1 2 2 - 1 2 3 ) Almost always, a standard composition was

repeated. Mary was shown enthroned on Christ's right on the Throne

of Heaven while she was crowned Queen of Heaven by, Christ, God the

Father, or Angels.

There is a very rare fourteenth century variant of the compo­

sition in which the Virgin kneels before the enthroned Christ Who

crowns her (fig. 124). Evidently this developed as a corollary to

themes like the Virgin of Humility which stressed the Virgin's un­

assuming nature and her role as mediatrix.-*-9 Apart from the kneeling

position of the Virgin, this modified composition has no other

similarity to Tullio's interpretation.

The standard conposition of the Coronation was well known in

Venice where the Coronation was, surprisingly, a favorite theme.

The Coronation of the Virgin seems to have been as frequently a sub­

ject in Trecento and Quattrocento Venetian altarpieces as the Annunci­

ation, the popularity of which is as expected since Venice was legendarily

founded on March 25. All Venetian Coronations depict the Virgin enthroned

^■^The most thorough treatment of fifteenth century compositional

types of the Coronation is found in Carolyn Wilson, Giovanni Bellini's
Pesaro Altarpiece, Studies in its Context and Meaning (unpublished
PhD dissertation, New York University, 1976).

-*-9a late fourteenth century example of this type at the Chateau

of La Ferte-Milon is discussed by Emile Mclle, The Gothic Image, Re­
ligious Art in France of the Thirteenth Century (New York, 1958), p. 258 , n.l.-
Millard Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry;
The Late Fourteenth Century and the Patronage of the Duke~CLondon, 1967 ),
p . 149, related Coronations with the kneeling Virgin to Italian con­
ceptions about her humility. He cited examples of this variant from
from Italy and England.
 -93-
on Christ’s right while she is crowned (figs. 125-134)

The variant in which the Virgin kneels before Christ is found in

North Italy (fig. 135),^ although I know no Venetian example which

22
•predates Tullio’s Coronation. Venetians did frequently use another •

variant which derived from a venerated Venetian prototype. In 1365,

Guariento was commissioned to paint a Coronation of the Virgin behind

the Doge's Tribunal in the Sala del MaggLor Consiglio.^3 Not only did

the fresco occupy the entire wall in the place of honor behind the

Doge, but it was the only religious painting in the fourteenth century

decoration of the Doges' Palace.

Guariento's fresco of the Coronation was largely destroyed in

the fire of 1577 but from the preserved fragments its general outlines

20see Rodolfo Pallucchini, La pittura veneziana del Trecento

(Venice and Rome, 1964), figs. 137, 186 ,' 315^ “ 553T609, 636,
657 and 659’, for example. Pallucchini catalogued more than
thirty Venetian Trecento representations of the Coronation. In con­
trast, the Annunciation is a principal theme in very few Venetian
fourteenth century altarpieces (See ibid., figs. 228, 498, 542).

2^A follower of Vitale repeated the composition in the Duomo,

Spilimbergo (ibid., fig. 304).

^Benedetto Carpaccio's Coronation, signed and dated 1537,

in the Museo Civico, Capodistria, represented the Virgin kneeling
before the enthroned Christ. See Berenson, Venetian School, vol. I,
fig. 443.

23see Anne Fitzgerald, "Guariento of Arpo", Memoirs of the

American Academy in Rome, IX (1931), p. 169 .
 - 94 -

have been reconstructed (fig. 136).2i* Guariento situated the

enthroned Christ and Virgin within an elaborate hierarchy of im­

portant church figures, evangelists, prophets and saints who are

positioned within niches of the Throne of Heaven and witness the

Coronation. Guariento's novel conposition was repeated by many later

Venetians (figs. 137-138), although clearly not by Tullio.2^

In Tullio's sculpture, Christ is standing and crowns the

kneeling Virgin (fig. 118). There is no Throne of Heaven and there

are only twelve witnesses, not the large number of church dignitaries

included by Guariento and popular in later Venetian paintings.

Furthermore, the twelve figures are closely related to Mary and Christ.

They are near to them and on the same ground plane, not segregated

in distant niches of the Throne of Heaven.

Tradltio Legis Iconography as a Source

Tullio’s inclusion of the twelve Apostles is crucial to the

meaning of his sculpture. His Coronation of the Virgin has nothing

to do with the entrenched Venetian traditions for the representations

of the Coronation. Tullio’s conposition is instead derived from Traditio

Legis iconography. It is markedly similar to a relief of that subject

which is today in the Treasury of San Marco (fig. 139)* Although there

2^This fresco was first reconstructed in Saxl, "Petrarch in

Venice," Lectures, vol. I, figs. 147-1^9*

25see L. Testi, Storia della pittura veneziana (Bergamo, 1909),

vol. I, p. 269 .
is no record of when the relief was placed in San Marco, it is likely

to have been part of the vast program of sculptural decoration executed

for the state church in the thirteenth century. Numerous "Early

Christian" and "Byzantine" sculptures were added to San Marco's fajade

and interior at that time. Otto Demus demonstrated that while some

were originals looted from Constantinople in the Sack of 1204, many,

including this Traditio Legis relief, were in fact thirteenth century

Venetian imitations of the earlier styles. In Tullio's time, the

Traditio Legis was undoubtedly still thought to be an "ancient" sculpture.

There are striking compositional and stylistic similarities between

Tullio's Coronation and the San Marco Traditio Legis. The crowded

isocephalic frieze of frontal standing Apostles, six on each side of the

central figures, is based on this precedent. So, too, is their placement

before a blank relief slab with an undersized two-dimensional architecture

which frames Christ. Moreover, Tullio has deliberately imitated the

archaistic style of the Traditio Legis. The facial types, gestures and

attributes of the figures are stereotyped. Their contrapposto poses

are stiff and awkward. Drapery folds, hairstyles, and beards are

26j?or the Traditio Legis relief, see pp. 171-172 (with conplete
bibliography) of Demus, The Church of San Marco.

Tullio's use of the Traditio Legis composition for the Coronation

seems to have been appreciated by his contemporaries. A silver
plaquette in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, perhaps by Valerio
Belli, is based on Tullio's relief, but modifies Tullio's arrangment
so that it is more similar to the Traditio Legis. Two figures
(Peter and Paul?) kneel before the other Apostles on either side of
Christ. Instead of revealing the law, the plaquette shows Christ
pointing to His wounds.
 - 96 -

schematized into abstract linear patterns. The position of Christ

crowning the Virgin is related to that of His revealing the Law to St.

Paul. Significantly, Tullio's source, the San Marco Traditio Legis,

• had already replaced St. Paul with a figure tentatively identified as

St. Mark.^ Thus the relief provided a precedent for Tullio's substi­

tution of the Virgin, and for using the Traditio Legis composition to

imply a particular Venetian meaning. 2^

In view of the popularity of the Coronation theme in Venice and

the consistency with which Venetians repeated the standard Coronation

composition (and the Guariento variant), Tullio's adaptation of an

entirely different conposition is very bold. However, there are certain

iconographic relationships between the two subjects which make it

justifiable and m e a n i n g f u l . 29

The Traditio Legis is the revelation of Christ and His new Law to

Peter and Paul, His devoted followers and founders of the church on earth.30

27lbid., p. 172.

28rhe meaning of the Coronation theme to Venetians is discussed

below, pp. 108-119.

2 % would like to thank Professor Irving Lavin who pointed out

to me the parallelism between the Traditio Legis and the Coronation of
the Virgin themes.

3°lhere are various interpretations of the Traditio Legis. Generally

these are either that it represents the self revelation of the resurrected
Christ to Peter and Paul and the establishment of their mission to teach
the New Law, or that it is a symbol of papal primacy. Both interpretations
inply the foundation of the Christian Church on earth. The former
interpretation is extensively developed by W.N. Schumacher, "Dominus
legem dat," RGmisches Quartalschrift, LIV (1959), pp. 1-40; the latter
by Cacilia Davia-Weyer, "Das Traditio-Legis-Bild und seine Nachfolge,"
Mbnchener Jahrbuch, XII (1961), pp. 7-45.
 - 97 -
Similarly, the Coronation of the Virgin is the glorification of the

church, personified by the Virgin, as co-regent with Christ in Heaven.

i

Furthermore the Virgin and Peter have many of the same roles. They

both frequently personify the church^ and are intercessors for man's

salvation.32 Peter was the leader of the Apostles, and Mary was often

called their Q u e e n . 33 Thus, by depicting the Coronation of the Virgin in the

3-*The identification of Mary as the Church is specifically

elaborated in regard to the Coronation of the Virgin by Pseudo-
Ildephonsus, De Assumptione Sermo III, "gratia qua illustratur non
tantum beata Ipsa Virgo, verum et etiam per earn omnis Christi Ecclesia,"
(Patrologjae cursus completus, Jacques Paul Migne, ed. (Paris, 1844-
1855) , XCVE, 254c; hereafter PL) . For additional references see
Henri de Lubac, S.J., The Splendour of the Church, trans. Michael Mason
(New York, [1956]), p. 263-
Peter is less frequently used to personify the entire church,
but, nevertheless, this is also a well-established tradition. St.
Augustine referred to him in this regard several times, for example,
"(Petrus) cui totius Ecclesiae figuram gerenti Dominus art: superhanc
Petram..." (PL, vol. XXXIII, p. 196 ), see also PL, vol. XXXIII, p. 145;
vol. XXXV, p. 1973; and vol. XXXVIII, p. 1349-
32Mary's role as Mediatrix is a standard theme.
Scenes such as the Traditio Legis which feature Peter are frequent
on sarcophagi because of Peter's role as custodian of the keys of Heaven,
and hence his part in granting salvation. For patristic interpretations
and the meaning of Peter's representation on sarcophagi, see Amedeo
Giuliani, "II primato di S. Pietro nell' iconografia paleocristiana
(Secoli II-VI)", Miscellanea Francescana, LXV (1965), pp. 238-246.

33Mary's role in the mission of the Apostles is developed from

John II, 5, where she admonished the faithful to obey her son's
teachings.
For a discussion of Beatae Mariae Virginis Reginae Apostolorum,
the mass in the Roman Missal which honors Mary as Queen of the Apostles,
see Rev. Joseph Clifford Fenton, "Our Lady's Queenship and the New
Testament Teachings," Alma Socia Christi, Acta Congressus Marlologici-
Mariani Romae anno saneto MCML celebrati, vol. Ill, De Praedestinatione
et Regalitate B. Virginis Mariae (Rome, 1952), pp. 6T&7K. .
 - 98 -

compositional format of the Traditio Legis, Tullio suggested both

aspects of the church's foundation and the close relationship between

Peter and the Virgin.

Eucharistic Symbolism

The symbolism of the double foundation of the church is enhanced '

by another aspect of Tullio's sculpture. The Traditio Legis conposition

is the source for its lower section, but the monumental vaulted archi­

tecture seen in perspective has nothing to do with medieval art. On

the contrary, this architecture, and even the pedimented door behind

Christ, are derived form fifteenth century tabemcles.3^

In his 1432 tabernacle for St. Peter's (fig. 140), Donatello

i
invented a new type of architectural enframement that was widely imitated

throughout the century. The architectural design represented the Holy

Sepulchre in Jerusalem, or at least the fifteenth century Italian

conception of It. Thus, the host, through which Christ's sacrifice is

re-enacted in each Mass, was stored in a setting symbolic of Christ's

grave.^ A typical mid-fifteenth century tabernacle by Rossellino

(fig. 141) illustrates this architecture. A monumental vaulted space

is flanked by pilasters. In the pediment above the vault is an image

34professor Irving Lavin kindly brought to my attention an

excellent unpublished Master's thesis done under his sponsorship:
Jack Freiberg's The "Tabemaculum Dei": 'Masaccio and the "Perspective"
Tabernacle Altarpiece (unpublished M.A. thesis, New York University,
1974). I-am indebted to Mr. Freiberg for sending me a copy of his
thesis.

35See the fundamental studies on worship of the eucharist in Italy

by Hans Caspary, Das Sakramentstabemakel in Itallen bis zum Konzil
 - 99 -

of God the Father. Below him is the Holy Ghost and a framed door

which opens the cabinet where the host is stored.

Three tabernacles by the Lombardi followed this general pattern.

The earliest of the group, done when the Miracoli was decorated in the

l480's (fig. 142), enclosed the Eucharistic cabinet within a vault

framed by pilasters.36 a second tabernacle in the Frari Sacristy

(fig. 143) was sculpted to house a relic of the blood of Christ brought

to Venice in 1479.^7 The perspective of its vaulted architecture focuses

on the door of the Eucharist storage cabinet which is topped by a

triangular pediment in contrasting colored marble. Above in the vault is

the Holy Ghost from which grace radiates. On plinths flanking the

tabernacle stand statues of two saints. Tullio's Coronation, which

was probably sculpted after the Frari Tabernacle was designed, is

similarly vaulted and flanked by pilasters. The decoration of the door

behind Christ imitates that of the door to the Eucharist cabinet in

the Frari. Tabernacle. The position and appearance of the Holy Ghost

in the vault above is similar. Finally, the enactment of a religious

scene before a tabernacle setting is suggested by the placement of the

two saints on either side of the Frari Tabernacle.

A third tabernacle, sculpted for the church of S. Niccolo di

von Trlent (Trier, 1964), and his "Kult und Aufbewahrung der Eucharistie
in Italien vor dem Tridentium," Archiv fur Liturgiewissenschaft, IVI
(1965), PP. 102-130.
36it is one of the two almost identical tabernacles done for the
church. See Ralph Liebeiman, The Church of Santa Maria del Miracoll,
pp.; 318-319, and Freiberg, The 'Tabemaculum Dei*, p. 102, no. 73.

: 37see i b i d . , p. 102, no. 72.

 - 100 -

Gastello, and now in the Museum of the Seminario Patriarcale, Venice,

confirms that Tullio intended the architecture of his Coronation

relief to convey Eucharistic meaning (fig. 144).38 The storage

cabinet of this tabernacle is framed by Ionic pilasters anda triangular

pediment identical to those of the door behind Christ in the Coronation.

Moreover, relief figures of the Virgin and Gabriel on either side of

the Eucharist cabinet enact the Annunciation. The style of these

figures, their symnetrical positions, classicizing types, crisp linear

drapery patterns, and highly polished finish are extremely close to

those in the Coronation relief. In my opinion, there is no question

that this tabernacle is an autograph sculpture by Tullio c. 1500.

Thus, in this tabernacle, which he sculpted'about the same tine as

his Coronation, Tullio combined a relief narrative with a functioning

tabernacle. .

In the Coronation relief, Tullio transferred Eucharistic associ­

ations to a non-tabemacle structure by enframing his relief altarpiece

within tabernacle architecture. In so doing, Tullio followed a practice

used by artists since the mid-fifteenth century to give their religious

themes additional Eucharistic symbolism. Fig. 145 illustrates a relief

altarpiece by Andrea Ferrucci which imitated the architectural enframement

of Andrea Sansovino's tabernacle altar from Sto. Spirito, Florence (fig.

146).

It Is not surprising to find Eucharistic symbolism in Tullio's

38Paoletti, L'Archltettura e la scultura, vol. II, p. 239,

and Freiberg, The 'Tabemaculum Dei', p. 102, no. 75.
 - 101. -

relief. Bemabd, whose estate paid for the altarpiece, was a silk

merchant and hence in close association with the Lucchese comnunity

which dominated the silk industry in Venice. The Lucchese were

especially devoted to Eucharistic worship because of the miraculous Volto

Santo icon in Lucca. In addition, they were directly connected with

San Giovanni Crisostomo. They had been granted the area around the

church for their homes, and their silk court and offices were head­

quartered in the church.39 As least as early as 1513, S. Giovanni

Crisostomo housed an important confraternity devoted to the "Sacra-

tissimo Corpo del nostro signor Jesu Cristo.

Earlier tabernacle altarpieces had associated the Coronation of

the Virgin with their Eucharistic program, for example, the Sansovino

altarpiece in Sto. Spirito, Florence, noted above.^ Sansovino paired

3%ee Telesforo Bini, I Lucchesi a Venezia, Alcuni studj sopra 1

secoli XIII e XIV (Lucca, 1853-1854), vol. I-, pp. 159-186, and Giambattista
Gallicciolli, Delle memorie venete antiche profane ed ecclesiastiche
(Venice, 1795), vol. I, pp. 273-275, no. 862^8667'

^According to an unpublished document in the Archivio Parrocchiale

di San Canciano, "Istrumenta, documenta et cura spectanta et pertinenta
ad ecclesiam et fabricam Sancti Ioannis Chrisostomi Venetiarum," cc. 35r-36v.
Since most fourteenth and fifteenth century documents concerning
San Giovanni Crisostomo were lost, we cannot tell if the confraternity was
founded earlier. We do know that the feast of the Corpus Domini was
celebrated elaborately in Venice earlier (1318) than anywhere else in
Italy, and that a Venetian confraternity devoted to the SS. mo
Sacramento existed by 1385. See G. Barbiero, Le confraternity del
SS. Sacramento prima del 1539-(Treviso, 1941), pp 45, 61.

^^The Coronation of the Virgin was also used to decorate altar

furnishings and thus was connected with the altar's Eucharistic meaning.
Although altar antependia infrequently represented seenes from Mary's life, be­
ginning in the thirteenth century, the Coronation of the Virgin was as
popular as depictions of the Virgin holding the Christ child. See Joseph
Braun, S.J., Der christliche Altar in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung
(Munich, 1924), vol. Il, pp. 126-1277
 - 102. -

the Coronation relief ,with the Annunciation, thereby stressing the

meaning of their lives by representing both the beginning on earth,

Maryfemiraculously giving birth to Christ, and the triumphal end, the

ascension of Christ and the Virgin (as the church) into Heaven. The

inscription on Sansovino's altarpiece focused the meaning: the Feast

of the Righteous. This is literally the Eucharist and symbolically

the triumph over death earned by the faithful who obey the models of.

Christ, the Virgin, and their followers.

Tullio's Coronation altarpiece is a bolder interpretation of

this theme. In his relief, unlike virtually every other Coronation^,

there is no Throne of Heaven and Christ Himself is not crowned. The

relief does not portray the standard Coronation, the ultimate stage

in the church's Triumph in Heaven. Instead, Tullio combined Coronation

symbolism with the iconography of the church's foundation on earth,

the Traditio Legis. By situating the Coronation within a tabernacle archi­

tecture and placing Christ before the door where the Eucharist is stored,

Tullio stressed the sacrifice of Christ.

Other details enriched this Eucharistic meaning. The left hand

of Christ is extended to the side and draws attention to a horizontal

form behind Him, a section of a sarcophagus-shaped mensa (fig. 147).

With His right hand, Christ bestows on the kneeling Virgin, a crown,

a traditional symbol of divine grace, and the Eucharist (figs. 148-

An earlier tabernacle altarpiece (c. 1400) which, like Sansovino's,

is decorated with the Coronation, is found in the Cathedral of Sarzana;
see ibid., p. 310, 343-344, pi. 214.
 - 103 -
149).^ By these means, Christ is identified as both the victim of
the Eucharistic sacrifice and the priest who enacts the sacrifice.^

The Virgin is the Sponsa, Christ's mystical Bride who represents the

Church and reigns with Him in Heaven. The addition of Eucharistic

symbolism in Tullio's relief suggests the meaning of that sacrament, in

which His mystical Bride, the Church, personified by the Virgin, is

sacrificed together with Christ.^

lip
For example, Flaminio Comaro described the miraculous aid
rendered the faithful by icons of the Virgin: "...Contro L'antico
serpente arriviamo per Divina misericordia a ricever l’etema corona
del Regno Celeste"in Venezia favorita da Maria. Relazione delle imagini
miracolose dl Maria conservate in Venezia (Padua, 1758),p. 25.
In the Western church, the Eucharist was sometimes twisted like
a braid into circular form and called a corona. St. Gregory (Dialogues
IV, 55; PL, vol. LXXVII, p. 417B) referred to it by this name, as did
the Liber Pontlficalis under "Zephyrinus." This information is
sunmarized from George Galavaris, Bread and the Liturgy: The Symbolism
of Early Christian and Byzantine Bread Stamps" /Madison, 1970), p. 20, and Josef
A. Jungmann, The Mass of the Roman Rite: Its Origins and Development
(Missarum SollemniaT, trans. Francis A. Brunrfer, (New York, 1955) ,
vol. II, pp. 40ff.

**3rhat Christ is the priest enacting the sacrifice, as well as its

victim, is a frequently repeated theme. See, for example, Mons. Giacomo
Lercaro, "La missione della Vergine nell'economia eucaristia," Alma
Socia Christi, vol. VI/I, De B.V. Maria et SS. ma Eucharlstia, pp. 38-55.

illl
n See ibid., and Jungmann, The Mass, vol. I, p. 190 and vol. II,
p. 39: "Never is the church so closely bound to her Master, never is
she so completely Christ's spouse as when, together with Him, she offers
God this sacrifice."
Although I can cite no other Western work of art dependent on
Orthodox liturgy, there is a possibility that Tullio's relief reflects
this source in its iconography, as well as its fom. (The question of
Tullio's stylistic dependence on Byzantine art will be discussed later,
pp. 119-123).
The Byzantine Mass makes a more explicit connection between the
joint sacrifice of Christ and the Virgin Queen of Heaven than does the
 - 104 -

Contributing to this meaning are the God the Father and Holy '

(foost from Which grace is radiated onto Christ and the Virgin. Even the

four music-making angels flanking God the Father support a Eucharistic

interpretation because they play brass trumpets.^5

Trumpet-playing angels are often found in Coronations of the Virgin.

The privilege of using trunpets was granted only to emperors, kings

and great nobles in the Middle Ages and, like other symbols of secular

royalty, became part of the imagery of Mary as the Queen of Heaven.^

Musical instruments generally were not part of the religious service of

the medieval church but the trumpet was an exception since it was associ­

ated with the Eucharist. In the late Middle Ages there was a growing focus

on the consecration of the Host as the crucial moment in Mass ritual.

For the first time, the host was elevated so that the entire congregation

could see it and trunpets were sounded. ^

Latin Mass. In Orthodox ritual, the priest'dedicates a piece of the Host

to the Virgin: "In honor and in memory of our most Blessed Queen, the
Mother of God and ever-VirgLn Mary, through whose prayers, 0 Lord, accept
this sacrifice on your own altar in heaven." Then he places the Host to
the right of that representing Christ and recites, "At your right hand
stood the Queen dressed in golden vesture adorned with many colors." Other
hosts commemorate the Church Triurrphant, the Church Militant and Suffering
by honoring groups of personages, Angels, Church Fathers, Apostles, etc.,.
and are placed to the left of the hosts representing Christ and the Virgin.
See Meletius Michael Solovey, The Byzantine Divine Liturgy. History and
Conrnentary, trans. Demetrius Eknil Wysochansky (Washington, D.C., 1970) pp!26-130.

^^The four angels seem to be playing S-shaped or curved trumpets

according to Dr. Jerzy Golos, Research Associate, International Repertory
of Musical Iconography of the City University of New York, and Dr. Emanuel
Wintemitz, Curator Emeritus of Musical Instruments, the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York.

i ^Edmund A. Bowles, "Were Musical Instruments used in the Liturgical

Service during the Middle Ages," The Galpin Society Journal, X (1957), pp40-51.

47philippe de MSzieres in Le Songe du vieil pelerln suggested that

 - 105 -

Thus the trumpet-playing angels serve a double function. They

join with the seraphim to celebrate the grace which God the Father

through the Holy Ghost inparts to Christ and the Virgin. That is,

they celebrate the triumph of the church personified in Mary’s Coronation

by Christ. Secondly, the angels sound their trunpets to signal the

exhibition of the Eucharist represented by Christ and the Virgin.

The inclusion of the Apostles in the Traditio Legis arrangement

alludes to the Church on earth. The Eucharistic symbolism stresses

both the essential mystery of Christianity, Christ's sacrifice for

the salvation of mankind, and the promise of Christianity, the

redenption of the faithful through His. sacrifice.

The Apostles are included for several other reasons as well.

They witnessed the Assumption of Mary into heaven just prior to her

Coronation by Christ. Furthermore, they wefe Christ's first congre­

gation and the first participants in His Eucharistic sacrifice.

Finally, as the messengers who spread Christ's word and the organizers
|iO
of the church on earth, they personify the entire Christian community.

trunpets be used to signal the elevation of the host. Preserved.

records from the Duomo in Florence show the practice was followed
there; see ibid., pp. 51-53.
UQ
In these roles, the Apostles were often shown flanking Christ
and/or the Virgin in antependia and retables of the late Middle Ages
and Renaissance. Their representation on altar furnishings suggests
a tradition of closely linking them with Eucharistic symbolism; see
Braun, Per christliche Altar, vol. II, pp. 128-129, and pp. 483-488.
 - 106 -

Their many associations enrich the-meaning of Tullio's relief.

Moreover, the Apostles flank Christ and the Virgin Who are

placed before a door which on tabernacles symbolizes the entrance

into Heaven. Scriptural and patristic writings called Christ and

the Virgin the Door of Heaven. Christ said, "I am the Door.

Who goes through Me will be blessed."^

Thus Tullio's unique Coronation is a profound reinterpretation

of the standard theme. Both aspects of the church’s foundation on

earth and in Heaven are suggested. They are enriched by Eucharistic

symbolism which stresses the essential mystery of the church, Christ’s

sacrifice for the salvation of mankind. The presence of the Apostles,

the first members of that church, suggests to the viewers of Tullio’s

altarpiece, the promise of Christianity, that they, if they are faith­

ful like the Apostles, will also be redeemed.

The Virgin Orant as part of the Chapel’s meaning

Above Tullio ’s Coronation is a small relief of the Virgin Orant

(fig. 150), usually thought to be a twelfth-thirteenth century Veneto-

Byzantine work. According to the Memoriale of the executors of the

49John, X,9. A summary of scriptural sources and interpretations

is found in Engelbert Kirschbaum et al., Lexlkon der Christlichen
Ikonographie (Rome, 1971)j Vo 1. II, pp. 284-285, under "Himmelstor."
On the door as a metaphor for metamorphosis and revelation
and as a passage into eternity, see Bernard Goldman, The Sacred
Portal. A Primary Symbol in Ancient Judaic Art (Detroit,19667,
pp. 21ff.
Earlier representations of the mystical union of the Sponsus-
Sponsa took place before the door of Heaven. See 0. Gillen, "Brautigam
and Braut," Lexlkon der christlichen Ikonographie, vol. I, pp. 322-324.
 - 107. -
the Bemabo estate, the relief was put in place between 1499-1501

when the chapel was redecorated. Thus it was clearly planned as part

of the chapel's iconography.^ its purposeful inclusion lends support

to the interpretation of the Coronation relief proposed above.

The orant pose was frequently described by medieval writers as

imitating Christ's position on the Cross. Hence it referred to His

sacrifice and triumph over Death, and was thus intimately connected with

the Eucharist through which Christ's sacrifice for mankind's salvation

is perpetually re-enacted. The priest celebrating the Mass repeatedly

evokes this sacrifice by assuming an orant position at key moments in

the ritual.^ Furthermore, from its first usage in Early Christian

times, the orant figure signified the prayer of the deceased who conveys

grace because of his own salvation.^

The Virgin Orant is the ultimate expression of the two meanings,

Christ's sacrifice and His redenption of man. As the Mother of Christ,

Mary was the primary witness of His Incarnation and sacrifice. As inter­

cessor with Her son at the Last Judgment, she was the foremost mediator

for mankind's salvation. Therefore, the relief of the Virgin Orant

5°See above, note 9 .

51jungmann, The Mass, vol. I , 1p. 247, p. 386.

52ibid., vol. I, p. 247, 386-389 . The congregation in the early

Christian Church apparently followed the priest's lead and prayed in
orant position. Jungmann does not specify when this custom was abandoned.

; 53jviarie-Louise Th&rel, Les syrriboles de 1'"Ecclesia" dans la creation

iconographique de l'art Chretien du iiie au vie siecle (Rome, 1973)» p. 125.
 - 108. -

effectively conplements the Eucharistic symbolism of Tullio's relief

below it. It also emphasizes the Virgin's role in the meaning of

Christ's sacrifice, His salvation of man.

Political Symbolism: The Virgin as Venice

There seems to have been a second meaning inplied by Tullio's

unique interpretation of the Coronation of the Virgin. Since there

is no evidence that the commissioners of Bemabd's estate requested this

interpretation, it should be considered a reflection of Venetian atti­

tudes in the late fifteenth century.

Instead of repeating the well-established conpositions for the

Coronation of the Virgin, Tullio modelled his relief on what he must

have thought was an Early Christian sculpture of the Traditio Legis.

He replaced Christ revealing His law to Peter and Paul with Christ crowning

the kneeling Virgin. This substitution has profound political meaning.

Venetians identified the Virgin with their city whereas Peter and Paul

are the traditional patrons of Rome.

Moreover, the Traditio Legis is a papal theme par excellence.

It was first depicted in the late fourth century in Rome and is

generally considered the pictorial equivalent of the Decretum Gelasianum

promulgated in 382. This doctrine codified a long-standing Roman belief

that the popes were the legitimate successors to Peter to whom Christ

had revealed the new law and entrusted the foundation of the Church.

Thus, the Decretum Gelasianum (and the Traditio Legis) established Rome
 - 109 -

as the primary Apostolic See and the center of the Christian Church.

It was precisely Rome's claim to primacy, and hence obedience,

that Venetians actively challenged in the late fifteenth century.

They were fighting-with Rome for both temporal and religious reasons.

Venice's fifteenth century policy of annexing territory on the Italian

mainland had led to direct territorial conflict with the Papal States.^

In addition, she was constantly conpeting with the Papal port of

Ancona for control of Adriatic trade.

Moreover, the government insisted on total control of the church

in Venice. For years, it had appointed all bishops and priests, as well

as appropriated all church taxes. To ensure that Rome had no influence

in Venice, no ecclesiastic was allowed to hold a government position.^

5^See Davis-Weyer, "Das Traditio-Legis-Blld," pp. 29-31.

55An extensive analysis of the repercussions of Venice's expansion

on the mainland is found in Pieri, Intomo alia politiea estera
di. Venezia.

56rhe conflict over shipping rights between the Papal port of

Ancona and Venice continued until the seventeenth century; See
Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty, p . 68.

57l3ecause San Marco was his private chapel, the Doge appointed
its clergy. A fourteenth century law gave the Venetian senate the
right to nominate Venetian bishops and the right of investiture to
temporary endowments of benefices, so usually the important church of­
ficials were Venetian nobles loyal to the state. Furthermore, clerical
offenses were tried in Venice giving the government direct control.
The government restricted the right of the church to acquire property
and tax church lands. See Antonio Sagredo, "Leggi veneti intomo
agli eoclesiastici sino al secolo XVIII," Archivio storico italiano,
3rd series, vol. II/I (1865), pp. 92-133.
All these Venetian practices were extremely offensive to the Papacy
and a constant source of friction. See Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense
of Republican Liberty, pp. 74-79* The authoritative study on the subject
was written by Bartolomeo Cecchetti, La Republica di Venezia e la Corte
di Roma nei rapportl della rellgione "(Venice, 1874).
 - 110 -

The only religious organizations of any inportance were the Scuole,

confraternities supported by the government and without any ties to

Rome.

Venetians openly disputed the theoretical basis of Rome's primacy.

They espoused the Orthodox interpretation about the equal status of the

Patriarchates, and asserted that Venice herself was the center of an

Apostolic- See. There was a revival of the thirteenth century myths

about the foundation of the Church at Aquileia by St. Mark; the trans­

lation of his relics to San Marco and their rediscovery; and the appari­

tion of St. Mark which had foretold all these events.

In the fifteenth century, the Venetian government took direct

action. It created the position of state historian whose duty it was

to write versions of this official (i.e. mythological) history of

Venice. The government also transferred the seat of the Apostolic See

from Aquileia to San Marco. Thus Venice confected theological justification

to support her opposition to Papal r u l e . 59

58on the role of the Scuole, see Brian S. Pullan, Rich and Poor
in Renaissance Venice; the Social Institutions of a Catholic State, to
1620 (Oxford, 1971).

5%he legend of St. Mark's foundation of an Apostolic See in the

Veneto can be traced back to the mid-fifth century. Because Mark supposedly
established the Church in North Italy before he went to Alexandria, Venetians
felt justified in stealing his relics from there and in claiming
Aquileia, rather than Alexandria, as the patriarchate of St. Mark.
The bishops of Aquileia considered themselves the successors of St. Mark
just as the Popes were the successors of St. Peter. For a discussion of
this legendary history and a bibliography see Demus, The Church of San
Marco, pp. 3-19*
On the post of state historian, see Gina Fasoli, La storla di Venezia,
Lezioni tenute nella Facolta: di Magistero di Bologna durante l'anno
acpademico 1957-1958 (Bologna, 1958), p. 221.
 - Ill -
As part of this hostility, Venetian historians condemned

ancient Rome.^ Venetians openly derided the Pope. One of her

ambassadors brashly warned the Pope that were he to continue op­

posing Venice, the government would reduce him to a petty village

priest.^-*- When the Pope placed Venice under Interdict in 1483-1485

and again in 1509, the Venetian government refused to post notice

of the Interdict.^ Venetian historians contrasted Venetian righteous­

ness with what they called the moral decline of modern Rome.^ When

Venice survived the War of the League of Cambrai waged against her by

the Papacy and most of Europe, her writers interpreted this as evidence

of the validity of all Venetian claims and the perfection of the Venetian

^See Chapter Three, footnotes 35-37*

For a description of the episode, see Appendix A, pp. 205-207.

^Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty, p. 100.

^Venetian concern for reform of the church is seen in the pro­

posals of Domenico di Domenichi, Bishop of Torcello and Brescia,
De reformationibus Romanae Curiae, written in 1458 but published in
1495;see Ludwig Pastor von Camperfelden, The History of the Popes
from the Close of the Middle Ages (St. Louis, Mo., 1912-1914),
vol. IV, pp. 7-9-
Her superiority over Rome is a popular theme of Venetian
sixteenth century poetry. Verses by the Mantuan humanist,
Bassano Vitelliano, claimed that cultivated persons fled from Rome
to Venice because of Alexander VI. The Umbrian humanist,
Pietro Bizzarri,composed a lengthy dialogue between Rome and
Venice, in which Rome explained the causes of her decline.
Venice asserted her supremacy due to her faithful worship of the
true God and her many virtues.
These two odes, in addition to several others with
similar themes, are quoted in Antonio Medin, La storia della
Repubbllca di Venezia nella poesia, pp. 31-49•
 - I n ­

state. ^

In view of their longstanding animosity and imminent war, Tullio’s

unprecedented- use of the Traditio Legis for a Coronation of the Virgin

must be given a political interpretation. Tullio turned to an Early

Christian source. In his day, the fact that Venetian art was produced in

the Early Christian period must have been viewed as proof of Venice’s

early foundation and her descent from the Christian Roman Empire of

Justinian. (After all, the relief of the Traditio Legis had been

sculpted in Early Christian style in the thirteenth century to document

these very legends!)

Furthermore, Tullio's substitution of Mary for Peter and Paul

perverted the theme of Papal supremacy epitomized by the Traditio

Legis. Venetians regarded Mary as a symbol of Venice; thus, in Tullio's

relief, Christ was, by association, honoring their city, not Rome.

The close association of Venice with Mary is readily evident in

Venetian history and legend. In the thirteenth century when Venetian

history was first recorded systematically (and it should be noted,

deliberately falsified), the city's Important dates were made to coincide

with key events in Mary's life. For exanple, Venice was said to have

been founded in 421, on March 25, the day of the Annunciation.*^

^See Chapter Three, footnote 35-

^According to a twelfth century chronicle by Pandolo, published

in Cessi, Documenti relativi alia storia di Venezia anteriori al Mille,
voli I, Doc. 1, p. 1, the foundation day was first commemorated by a
solemn mass in San Marco by Pope Alessandro III in 1177- For a dis­
cussion of this, see S. Tramontin, A. Niero, G. Musolino and C. Candiani,
Culto del Santi a Venezia (Venice, 1965), PP* 78-79*
 - 113 -

On March 25, the first Venetian church was founded and the first

services held. Finally, the Venetian calendar began with March 25.

On this day, the city's inportant festival, Origo Venetiarum, honoring

the Virgin as patroness of Venice is celebrated. The Virgin's patronage

of the city is traced to Venice's earliest times by Gallicciolli an

fiy
authoritative Venetian historian.

Devotion to the Virgin can be measured through the large number

f-O
of Venetian churches erected in her honor and by the dedication of

^Gallicciolli, Delle memorie venete, vol. I, no. 22-50 and

no. 430-431.
^Ibld., vol. I, p. 352, no. 431, ".. .La vergine annunziata
sia da immemorabili anni la principale Padrona dello stato nostro..."
The status of the Virgin is reflected in the more inportant place
given the Annunciation Liturgy than the Roman rite in Venetian worship.
See D. Giuseppe Bettiolo, "II rito patriarchino e il culto della
Madonna in Venezia,"Mater Dei, anno V, no. 5 (1933), PP- 20-22.
An indirect reflection of Venice's identification with the
Virgin is found in Greek poetry honoring the city. A poem entitled
"Come inperatore invidiava Venezia," ends with the line "Molto duolti,
o Genova, e piangL, o Vienna, e gioisci, aegna Venezia, trovandoti
vergine."
Another poem begins:
Colla stessa divina potenza e umana sapienza
Sulla spiaggia fu fondata la degna Venezia.
Era scritto dal volere di Dio e per questo
fino ad oggi si trova vergine
Conviene si nomini una chiesa famosa,
La buoni prelati, che fanno intercessione,
Come donzella le conviene aver la corona,
perche e nell'Italia una colonna tutta d'ore
Come vergine inmacolata e senpre onorata...
Dates are not given for these poems, but Mercati included them
in a group from the sixteenth century- See Silvio Giuseppe Mercati,
"Venezia nella poesia neo-greca," Italia e Grecia; Saggl su le due
civilta ed i loro rapporti attraverso i secoli (Florence, 1939), PP- 321-322.

6%fore than sixty Venetian churches are dedicated to the Virgin.

See the list in Tramontin et al, Culto dei Santi, pp. 268-269.
 -114 -

the Scuole. The earliest Scuola Grande was devoted to her and two
69
of the five Scuole,Grandl were named for the Virgin. ■ Every single

Venetian calle had its own tabernacle of the Virgin by the late Middle

Ages.

The Virgin's role as patroness was probably strengthened by

Venice's close ties with Byzantium. The Virgin was the protectress of

the Byzantine state. When Venice took over a large part of the Enpire

in 1204, the city claimed right to the defeated Enpire's protectress.

Numerous icons of the Virgin were looted and brought to Venice. The

most revered were put in San Marco, the church of the Venetian ruler

and government. They were prayed to in behalf of the state, especially

71
the famous Nicopeia icon. In imitation of Byzantine custom, icons

% n 1500, the five Scuole Grandi were S.M. della Carita, S.

Giovanni Evangelista, S.M. Valverde dell Misericordia, S. Marco and
S. Rocco; see’Pullan, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice, pp. 34-37-

70Samuele Romanin, Storda documentata di Venezia (Venice, 1853-

1861), vol. II, p. 51.

7^ln Venezia favorita da Maria, pp. 15-255 Comaro explained that

the Virgin transferred her protection to Venice when the Nicopeia icon
was carried there because of "la prevaricazione di quasi tutta quella
miserabil nazione [Byzantium] nel fomentar e nutrir tante eresie..."
Cornaro's book described the icons of the Virgin in Venice and
recorded the miracles wrought by them. Most of these images were
Byzantine.
The Venetians were very devoted to them; see ibid., pp. 24-25,
"Qualunque disgrazia poi o succeda o
minacciata venga alia Repubblica, e
negli urgent! bisognl di pioggia,
serenity od altra necessity alia vita
umana, 11 primo ricorso § diretto a Maria
Vergine....il suo potente ajuto fece tante
volte trionfare i Fedeli dell'immese squadre
de Barbari..."
 - 115 -
were carried in ducal processions and generally played an inportant

part in Venetian religious life.72

Perhaps the most striking proof of Venice's association with

the Virgin is found in the ritual of the "Sensa", the most inportant

of all Venetian festivals. Celebrated on August 15, the day of Mary's

Assumption into Heaven, the holiday commemorates tenth century Venetian

naval victories which cleared the Adriatic of pagan invaders. The

"Sensa" festival was given its characteristic elaborate ritual in the

twelfth century when, according to Venetian chroniclers, the city

established herself as co-equal to the Holy Roman Ehperor and Pope

by mediating a peace treaty between them. They, in gratitude, acknowledged

Venetian rights of dominion over the Adriatic, which became the key

to Venetian power commercially and as an empire. The Pope gave the

Doge a symbol’ of this dominion, a gold ring with which the Doge was

to marry the 'sea in vows renewed annually.' Thus, on the day when

Mary proved her immortality by ascending into Heaven to be crowned

by her mystical bridegroom, Christ, the dominion of Venice over the

sea is sanctified by the marriage of the Doge to the sea.

The Sensa ritual was conducted with religious solemnity. The day

before was the only time the people were allowed into the Sala del

72ln the patriarchal rite, the Virgin Mary was honored as intercessor
for Venice in times of war and trouble. The Nicopeia icon was carried at
the end of a long procession of p’riests and ecclesiastics around the Piazza
San Marco and then placed on the main altar of San Marco. See Bettiolo,
"II rito patriarchino," p. 45, and Daniele Canal, Brevi cennl sopra la
prodigLosa immagine di Maria Vergine che si venera nella Basilica di
San Marco in VeneziaTVenlce, 1833) ^ PP* 5-6.
7%ianca Tamassia Mazzarotto, Ia feste veneziane; i giochi
 - 116 -

Maggior Consiglio where they could be awed by the trappings of the

Doge and the great frescoes which decorated the room.74 Significantly,

these were scenes of the events the 'Sensd.' honors. The only religious

decoration, the enormous Guariento fresco of the Coronation of the

Virgin,occupied the place of honor behind the Doge's tribunal.

Tullio is not the only Venetian artist to relate the Virgin

to Venice. Although this complex subject needs further study, it seems

that some of the paintings in the Doges' Palace show a close association,

if not identity, between the Virgin with Venice. The visual represen­

tation of the personification of the city, Venetia, seems to have been

based on'established Marian i m a g e r y . 75 Like the Virgin Queen of Heaven,

pqpolari, le cerimonie religiose e di govemo (Florence [196l]), pp.

180- 202.

7l|ibid., p. 234.

75Michelangelo Muraro, Paolo da Venezia (University Park, Pa., and

London, 1970)* p. 93, tentatively suggested that Venice identified
itself closely with the Virgin, and that the Coronation of the Virgin
painting in the Sala del Maggior Consiglio might have the double meaning
of the Coronation of the city itself.
As his source for this idea, Muraro referred to an article by
Francastel which discussed the popularity of the Coronation of the
Virgin theme in Venice. See Galienne Francastel, "Une peinture anti-
h§r§tique d Venise?", "Annales Economies, soci&t§s, civilisations
XX (1965), PP. 1-17 .
The printed guide to the decorations painted after the fire of
1577 and the guides published in the early seventeenth century do not
analyze the symbolism on this level. The most inportant are G. Bardi,
Dichiaratione di tutte le istorie che si contengono ne i quadri...nelle
Sale dello Scrutinio, e del Gran Consiglio (Venice, 1587); M. Boschini
Le minere della pittura, compendiosa informazione non solo delle pitture
pubbliche di Venezia, ma dell'isole circonvicine (Venice, 1664); and
Carlo Ridolfi, Le maraviglle dell'arte,ouero, Le yite de gl'lllustri
pittorl veneti, e dello stato (Venice, 1648).
However, historians working on Venetian iconography have found
comparable associations between Venice and the Virgin. David Rosand
in his forthcoming monograph on Titian's Presentation of the Virgin.
 - 117 -
Venetia Is depicted as a female figure who is crowned and really

dressed. Her throne is backed with a brocade cloth of honor and sur­

mounted by a baldacchino (fig. 151).

Some of the paintings of Venetia are derived from specific famous

Venetian portrayals of the Virgin. Both-Palma Giovane's Venice Enthroned

above her conquered Provinces (fig. 152) and Veronese's Ceres before

Venice, Peace and Hercules (fig. 153) are based on Titian's Pesaro
Madonna (fig. 154).76

Other depictions of Venetia adapt their formats from standard

Marian compositions. Veronese's Apotheosis of Venice (fig. 155)

resembles representations of Mary ascending into Heaven and crowned

Queen.77 Camillo Ballini's Venice Crowned by Glory (fig. 156 ) is de­

rived from the Annunciation arrangement. Tintoretto's The Doge Re-

ceiving a Palm and Laurel from Venice (fig. 157) suggests Assunta

imagery in which Mary bends down to offer her girdle to St. Thomas.

Indeed, the posture of the Doge who with outstretched arms looks up to

Venice is the standard devotional pose with which the same Doge can be

seen honoring the Virgin in a contemporary painting by Tintoretto (fig. 158 ).

finally, the Tintoretto Paradise (fig. 159), done to replace the

Guariento Coronation, has been shown by Tolnay to have been changed

identified the architectural setting of the Presentation as the Doge's Palace.

7%owever, Titian's famous conposition was appropriated for . ..other

subjects as well, for ex., Veronese's Esther crowned by Ahasuerus, San
Sebastiano, Venice.

77-rhe two prominent spiral columns also suggest an allusion to Mary

as they are like the columns thought to be from the Temple of Solomon, today
preserved in the crossing of St. Peter's.
 - 118 -

from a Coronation. In the executed fresco the crowned Virgin kneels

before the Christ the Judge,, from whom brilliant rays emanate through

Paradise and fall on the Doge seated at his tribunal. Tolnay inter­

preted the alteration of subject as an attempt to stress the parallel

between Christ the Judge and his earthly, counterpart, the Doge.78

These sixteenth century paintings from the Doges’ Palace based

their personification of Venice directly on Marian imagery. Such an

explicit connection is not found in earlier Venetian art, where the

traditional association between Mary and Venice is indicated only

by the popularity of certain Marian subjects, like the Coronation of

the Virgin.

Tullio seems to have been the first Venetian artist to employ

this association for explicit political meaning. However, unlike the

later decorators of the Ducal Palace, Tullio did not use actual Marian

imagery to represent Venetia. He merely suggested the Virgin's identity

with Venice through his unique interpretation of a Marian theme.

In so doing, Tullio was responding to deeply felt Venetian

hostility toward the Papacy. Venice's terrestrial and spiritual dis­

putes with the Pope caused her to stress once again her exclusive affiliation

with the Byzantine world and her independent status as an Apostolic See.

In the thirteenth century, the government had commissioned local artists

to confect works of art in Early Christian and Byzantine style when origi-

^Tolnay argued that Christ is dressed in a red mantle like the

Doge's corruccio. This, and the rays of light, link the celestial Judge
with his earthly counterpart, the Doge. See Charles de Tolnay, "II Paradiso
del Tintoretto. Note sull'interpretazione della tela In Palazzo Ducale."
Arte veneto, XXIV (1970), pp. 103-110.'
 - 119 -
nals were lacking to conplete the decoration of San Marco. In the

late fifteenth century Venetian artists turned once rrore to these models

apparently on their own initiative. Venetian 'antagonisms to the West and

to the Catholic Church, coupled with the great Greek immigration into

Venice, seem to have fostered a Byzantine revival in the Venetian visual

arts.

The Beraabo Chapel as an example of Byzantine Revival

Fundamental to an understanding of the Bemaho' Chapel is the

realization that both it and the entire church of San Giovanni Crisostomo

are derived from Byzantine models. The church was rebuilt in the late

fifteenth century in the characteristic Middle-Byzantine design of a

domed quincunx.79 The Bemabd-Chapel itself was based on the ground-

plan of Byzantine Eucharistic chapels, a format deliberately chosen

to ccrpi.’-.jent the Eucharistic meaning of its' sculptures. The chapel

consists of a shallow central space flanked by two small lateral chambers

that open into the altar area but not to the church itself (fig. 160).

This ground-plan seems to have been an adaptation of Byzantine pasto-

phori.es, the two Eucharistic chapels on either side of the altar

where the Eucharist is prepared and various liturgical equipment is kept

79rhe Byzantine aspects of the ground plan and spatial conception

of San Giovanni Crisostomo were first noted by McAndrew, "Sant’Andrea
della Certosa," pp. 15-28.
This idea will be discussed thoroughly below, p. 132.
 - 120. - .

(Hg. 161).80

The chapel walls are decorated with colored marble veneer in

accord with another Byzantine convention. Its altarpiece, Tullio’s

Coronation of the Virgin, is based on an early medieval theme, the

Traditio Legis. Its specific source, a relief in San Marco, is one

of many Venetian thirteenth century forgeries of early Christian and

Byzantine originals that in Tullio's day was surely regarded as an

original. Tullio consciously imitated the stylistic features of M s

80l am grateful to Professor Irving Lavin for suggesting this idea.

One is very surprised to discover these lateral extentions of
the chapel space. They are invisible until the viewer is almost inside
the chapel. Secondly, the. Bemabd Chapelis very similar in size, shape,
and elevation to the Delitti Chapel opposite it, and that chapel is
without these side alcoves.
On Byzantine pastophories, see GQnter Bandmann’s ,tUber Pastophorien
und verwandte Nebenr§.ume im mittelalterlichen Kirchenbau," Kunst-
gescMchtliche Studien ftlr Hans Kauffman, ed. Wolfgang Braunfels
(Berlin, 1956), pp. 19-587
There were numerous examples of pastophories known to Tullio.
The Byzantinizing churches erected in VeMce at the end of the fif­
teenth century and beginning of the sixteenth century have triple-
apsed ea^ ends reminiscent of pastophory arrangements, e.g. San
GiovanM CrLsostomo, San Salvatore, Sant' Andrea della Certosa, and
San Michele in Isola.
There were also many medieval Byzantine churches in the Veneto
wMch used this chapel arrangement. Twenty examples are collected by
Adriano Alpago-Novello, "Influenze bizantine ed orientali nel Veneto
settentrlonale (in relazione ad alcuM monumenti inediti), ArcMyio
storico di Belluno, Feltre e Cadore,XL (1969), PP- 81-95.
Furthermore, the arcMtecture in Tullio's Coronation inplies
flanking side chambers like pastophories. The central vaulted altar
space (identified by the mensa behind Christ) opens on both sides into
side areas wMch may be pastophories. See Freiberg, The 1Tabemaeulum
Dei’, p. 19, for their presence in Masaccio’s TriMty fresco.
 - 121 -

source. The Coronation Is interpreted as a crowded isocephalic frieze

of frontal, stiff figures, stereotyped in their features and poses.

According to an archaistic convention, the "second row" is shown as

bust-length "behind" the first row of figures and the pedimented doorway

framing Christ is an undersized,two-dimensional symbol. Volumes and

textures are stylized into linear patterns; for example, drapery folds

adhere to the bodies in geometric designs that deny any sense of under­

lying musculature.

Tullio’s second source for the Coronation 'is also Byzantine.

Several features of his relief were derived from Byzantine ivories,

particularly mid-Byzantine classicizing exanples like that of the

Ascension of Christ in the Bargello (fig. l62).8^ Like this Byzantine

ivory, Tullio's Coronation is a vertical composition with a crowded

frieze of figures in the lower third and a centralized heavenly group

in the relatively enpty upper two-thirds. The Coronation has the same

strongly defined synmetiy ruled by vertical and horizontal conpositional

axes. In both, large blank areas of relief backdrop are treated as a

solid wall before which flattened-out figures stand on a narrow ledge.

Finally, the elegant classicism, precisely carved detail, and highly

polished surface give TUllio's marble the appearance of this type of

ivory sculpture.

The chapel’s other sculpture, a Virgin Orant in Veneto-Byzantine

8^Chere are several variants of this composition in manuscripts and

ivories, e.g.,in the Codex Rabulensis, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence,
Anpula #10 from the Monza Museum, and an ivory in the Kunstkammer of
Stuttgart.
 - 122 - .

style, is obvious evidence .of Byzantine influence. It Is possible that

this Virgin Orant is not a twelfth-thirteenth century Venetian work,

but an imitation of that style designed by Tullio. The Lombardi are

known to have made other very successful copies. Their addition to

a thirteenth century Evangelist cycle in S. Marco was only recently

detected.82

Several features of the Virgin Orant seem Lombardesque and atypical

of twelfth-thirteenth century Veneto-Byzantine style (fig. 150). The

Virgin is rather squat unlike the characteristic tall, slim Byzantine

type. She is positioned against a broad, enpty ground whereas most

Byzantine icons are vertical and carry forms or inscriptions to the

border. Her wide,fleshy face with prominent square jaw and thick neck

resembles the figures attributed to the Lombardi workshop in the

Giustiniani Chapel, San Francesco della Vigna. Also similar to examples

from the Giustiniani chapel are her doughy drapery folds that lack

the geometric, linear crispness typical of Byzantine art (figs. 163-165).

Thus the Bemabd Chapel was redecorated at the end of the fifteenth

century in a Byzantinizing style. Its ground plan was inspired by pas-

tophory arrangements. It was veneered with colored marbles. It had

two sculpted reliefs, a Virgin Orant, either a thirteenth century

Venetian version of the Byzantine type or an imitation by Tullio fs

shop, and a Coronation of the Virgin which is related conpositionally

and stylistically to early Christian and Byzantine prototypes.

82BOhm, "Nota su una scultura lombardesca," p. 53.

 -123-
The Bernabd Chapel is a prime exanple of the Byzantine influence

which greatly affected late fifteenth and early sixteenth century

Venetian culture. As we shall see, there was a Byzantine revival

in Venetian art and architecture. However, before outlining that

revival, it is useful to review briefly the history of Venice's associa­

tions with Byzantium so that the political and cultural inpact of the

Greek migration to Venice can be fully appreciated.

Venetian Relations with Byzantium

Venice traditionally had close ties with the Byzantine Ehpire.

From the' sixth century until the late Middle Ages, she was a semi-

autonomous part of the Ehpire under the Exarchate of Ravenna. Venetian

Doges were granted titles making them members, of the hierarchy of the
Byzantine court.^3

Their association became tighter in the twelfth century when

Venice offered her fleet to defend the Ehpire in exchange for privileged

trading status. Venetian traders were granted a section in each of

the major Byzantine ports and exenpted from paying tariffs. Within a

century, a significant part of the population of Constantinople was

composed of Venetian merchants who learned Greek language and customs and

frequently married Greeks.^5

83see Armingaud, "Venise et le Bas-Ehpire," pp. 299-^3, and A.L.

Frotbingham, Jr., "Notes on Byzantine Art and Culture in Italy and especially
in Rome," American Journal of Archaeology, X (1895), pp. 159-162.

8^Armingaud, "Venise et le Bas-Ehpire," pp. 363-365.

85(3eanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, pp. 14-16.

 - 124 -

Venice turned on her former ally and led the Sack of Constantinople

in 1204. As her reward, she gained control of a large number of formerly

Byzantine territories including Crete, many of the Aegean Isles, and

much of the Beloponessus. Venice also won a monopoly of Eastern trade.88

The Venetian Doge became known as "the ruler of three-eighths of the

Greek Ehpire" and the Senate even debated a proposal to move the seat

of government from Venice to Constantinople.8? Venetians exploited their

intimate knowledge of Byzantium and seized control of the parts of

Constantinople richest in art treasures. They looted selectively and

OO
carried off to Venice only the most prized icons, relics, and reliquaries.

These Byzantine religious objects were distributed throughout the

city's churches. The most venerated were used to decorate the interior

and exterior of San Marco.89 When original Early Christian and Byzantine

works of art were lacking, the government even commissioned local

craftsmen to.produce imitations of them. Thus the state church of San

Marco was made into a symbol of Venice's triumphal identity as the new

center of the Byzantine world. Contenporary chroniclers of Venice in­

sisted she had been founded in the Early Christian period and was the

88Charles Diehl, La Rgpublique de Venise (Paris, 1967), pp. 69-70.

87d .S. Chambers, The Inperial Age of Venice 1380-1580 (London, 1970),
p. 18, discussed the Senate debate in 1222 on this issue.

88See Comte Riant, "Des depouilles religieuses enlev£es £ Constantinople

au xilie siecle et des documents historiques nls de leur transport en
Occident," MSmoires de la Soci§te Nationale des Antiquaires de France, XXXVI
(1875), PP. 27-58.

8%ine -tenths of San Marco's prized objects were looted from Con­
stantinople and other Greek areas under Venetian control. See Eftiile MolinierA
Le Tresor de la Basllique de Saint Marc a Venise (Venice, 1888), p. 25.
 - 125 -

legitimate heir to the Christian Roman Brpire of Justinian. The

abundance of Early Christian and Byzantine works of art in the city

served to visually corroborate these claims.9°

Moreover, the presence of so many Byzantine religious objects

had a profound inpact on Venetian devotion. Icons were worshipped in the

patriarchal mass and carried in Ducal processions.^ Numerous festivals

were added to the Venetian religious calendar in honor of Byzantine saints

and of the translation of relics to Venice. Churches were dedicated

to Eastern saints and to Old Testament prophets venerated in the

Orthodox Church. Cults devoted to Byzantine icons and relics developed

92
in the Venetian churches which housed them.

The city of Venice began to seem more and more Byzantine. There

were many Greek refugees living there and the numbers continued to grow.

Beginning in the thirteenth century, safe conduct was granted to all

Greeks who wanted to immigrate into Venetian territories and many took

^ For these Venetian myths, see Chapter Three, pp. 44—48 . Demus,
The Church of San Marco, first analyzed the political role of the
decoration of San Marco (pp. 123-190).

9lThe Venetian government's close supervision of Byzantine relics

is shown by the following. When Cardinal Bessarion donated to the monks
of Santa Maria della Carita a reliquary of the True Cross, the monks and
the Venetian senate staged a magnificent procession carrying the relic from
San Marco to the monastery. See Henri Vast, Le Cardinal Bessarion (1403-1472).
Etude sur la ChretientS et la Renaissance vers le milieu du x ^ siecle
IbETs, 1875), p. ^26.
See above, note 72.

j 92see Riant, "Des depouilles religieuses," pp. 29-77.

I A conplete calendar of Venetian holy days is published in Tramontin
et aL, II culto dei Santi, pp. 275-327•
 0

- 126 -

advantage of the opportunity.^ The city was full of objects taken

from Byzantium and Venetian imitations of them. When the Greek dele-

gation debarked at Venice on its way to Ferrara in 1439, it was over-

.whelmed by the glories of the city,

[Venice is] truly marvelous and most marvelous — rich,

varied, golden, and adorned in various ways...Whoever would
call it a second promised land is not mistaken...The
marvelous Church of St. Mark, the magnificent palace of
the Doge and the great houses of the nobles,...decorated
with much gold, beautiful and more than beautiful.
Those who have not observed these can perhaps not
believe. But we who have seen the city cannot describe its
beauty."

They had to remind themselves ruefully that much of what they admired

had been looted from Byzantium. 9^

Cardinal Bessarion*s judgment that Venice was "quasi alterum

Byzantium" epitomizes this feeling. His decision to leave his match­

less collection of Greek codices to Venice is tangible testimony of

his opinion of the worthiness of the city’s claim to this title.95

^Georgio Fedalto, Ricerche storiche sulla poslzione giuridlca ed

ecclesiastlca dei Grecl a Venezia nei secoli xv e xvi (Florence, 1967)7
p. 16, discussed the 1271 Senate ruling.

9**Thls account of Dorotheos of Mitylene is described in Geanakoplos,

Greek Scholars in Venice, p. 34•
9^In nis 1468 letter to the Doge, Bessarion wrote, "As all peoples
of almost the entire world gather in your city, so especially do the
Greeks. Arriving by sea from their homelands, they debark first at
Venice... and there they seem to enter another Byzantium. In view of
this, how could I more appropriately confer this bequest than upon the
Venetians...", translated in Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, p. 35*
Greek popular poetry .before and after 1453 couples Venice with
Constantinople as the two centers of the Byzantine world. Examples are
quoted in Mercati, "Venezia nella poesia neo-greca," pp. 309-339.
 - 127. -

Westerners were also struck by Venice’s Byzantine quality. They

frequently commented that Venetians were different from them, that

Venetians looked and acted Byzantine. Indeed, in documents and accounts

•from the Middle Ages especially, the names Venetian and Byzantine are used
q6
interchangeably.^

The fall of Constantinople in 1453 tightened Venetian ties to the

former Ehpire. Venice became the undisputed capital of the Greek-speaking

world. As the Turks expanded westward, Greek migration into Venetian

territories accelerated. At the end of the fifteenth century, the

Greek community in Venice was the largest in the West. One out of every

thirty inhabitants was Greek.57

For partly self-seeking reasons, the Venetian government did not force

the Greeks to forsake their cultural identity and assimilate. Although

the g>vemment officially supported the Uniate Greeks who favored

merger with the Western Church, the colony was allowed to celebrate the

Orthodox Mass in carefully regulated circumstances. In the fifteenth

9^Venetians adopted many Greek customs, including the Greek

fashion of dress. See Frothingham, "Notes on Byzantine Art and Culture
in Italy," pp. 162-164 and Armingaud, "Venise et le Bas-Ehpire," pp. 432-439.
Seventh to twelfth century documents in which Venetians are
called Greeks are cited byJacopo Filiasi, Memorie storiche del Veneti,
primi e secondl (Padua, 1812), vol. VI, p. 32. Bishop Gilio inhis
late sixteenth century treatise on painting reflected Italian conscious­
ness of Venice's Byzantine ways. He noted that Venetians followed the Greek
practice of worshipping Old Testament saints. See Paola Barocchi,
ed., Trattatl d'arte del Cinquecento, fra manierismo e Contro-
riforma (Bari, 1960-1962), vol. II, p. 114. This reference was kindly
brought to my attention byProfessor Irving Bavin.

97Nik. f . MlSiDNAl. , "I Greci a Venezia e la loro posizione

religiosa nel XV secolo," 0 FPANSTHg'XXVII-XXV1II (1967), p. 108.
 - 128 -

century, the state allowed the Orthodox mass to be said In certain

designated churches. San Giovanni Crisostomo was one of the selected

sites for a brief t i m e . 98 At the end of the fifteenth century, a

Greek confraternity was founded, but not until 1539 was construction

of the first Greek Orthodox church permitted.

The Greeks had a major inpact on the city's culture. Bessarion

donated to Venice his outstanding collection of Greek codices in 1467. 100

Countless other manuscripts were brought into the city by the immigrants.

Venice became a major center of the book and manuscript trade. She also

became the world headquarters for the editing and publication of Greek

literature. The immigrant scholars collated, transcribed, and translated

manuscripts for Venetian publishing houses, the most important of which

9^A manuscript account by Pietro Gradenigo is cited in G. Veludo,

"Cenni sulla colonia greca orientale," Venezia e le sue lagune (Venice,
1847), vol. I/II, Appendix, p. 79-
The most complete account of government decisions in regard to
Orthodox worship is found in Fedalto, "Ricerche storiche."

99in 1498, the Council of Ten ruled favorably on a Greek request

to^organize a confraternity dedicated to San Nicold-. See PD1X0NA2L ,
"I Greci a Venezia," p. 125, who cited all relevant documents.
The church of San Giorgio del Greci was designed by Sansovino.
For the Senate decrees and a history of its construction, see
Cornelius, Ecclesiae Venetae, Vol. XII, pp. 357-382.

lOOp/iaiipiero, Annali veneti, p. 655. For a full account of

Bessarion's gift to the city, see Lotte Labowsky, "II Cardinale Bessarione
e gli inizi della Biblioteca Marciana," Venezia e I'Oriente fra tardo
medioevo e Rinascimento, ed. Agostino Pertusi (Florence, 1966 ), pp.
159-182.
 - 129 -
were those of Aldus Manutius and CalllergLs. These presses had an

extraordinary inpact on the transmission of Greek culture to the West.

Between the l480's and 1515, the year of his death, Aldus Manutius'
102
firm collated, edited and published all the major Greek classical writings.

Thus, in the late fifteenth century, Venice became what she

had long alleged herself to be — the real center of the Byzantine

world. Every aspect of the city's culture was greatly influenced by

the renewed, intense exposure to Greek civilization.In Venetian art

and architecture, it provoked a Byzantine revival.

Byzantine Revival in Venetian Art

In the late Quattrocento, there was a revival of Byzantine in­

fluence in Venetian art. Venice was on the verge of war with the

Papacy. Spurred by the large influx of Greeks into the city, Venice

exploited the city's Byzantine identification to justify her antipapal

policies. Whereas thirteenth century Venetian artists in the service of

the state had forged early Christian and Byzantine works of art to pro­

vide visual evidence for the Venetian myth about her ties to the East,

the late fifteenth century Byzantine revival was not a direct result

10^The careers of the immigrant Greek scholars in Venice and their

role in making Venice the center of Greek literature is thoroughly discussed
by Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice.
J-O^Ibld.3 p . 285 . The significance of the Venetian contribution to
Western knowledge of Greek literature becomes clear when one studies inven­
tories of important Italian fourteenth and early fifteenth century libraries.
Earlier interest in Greek had been directed toward scientific and theological
writings. There were few works of Greek literature. See Pearl Kibre, "The
Intellectual Interests Reflected in Libraries of the l^th and 15th Century,"
Journal of the History of Ideas, VII (19^6), pp. 257-297.
 -130-

of government policy. Rather it seems to have been a reflection of

the artists' and patrons' response to centuries of indoctrination about

Venetian identification with Byzantium and hostility to the West.

Greater Byzantine influence in Venetian art was also caused

by the enormous increase in Byzantine art available to Venetian artists.

The Greeks brought with them an abundance of icons and illuminated

manuscripts.10^ Moreover, the immigration greatly expanded the number

of Greek artists and artisans working in Venice and her territories.

Icons made by Greek and Venetian madonnieri were conmon in Venetian

households, as is indicated by the icon hanging in the saint's bedroom

in Carpaccio's Legend of Ursula (figs. 166-167) .lo1*

These icons were not popular just because of their availability.

In a city so conscious of its Byzantine heritage, they were sought

after for their own sake. Venetian religion had for centuries been

greatly affected by Byzantine practices. The Venetians honored their

Byzantine icons with pious devotion. They seem to have been totally sym­
pathetic to Greek criticisms of Western art. At the council of Hagl.a
Sophia in 1450, the Greeks had charged Western artists with dis­

regarding the models provided by venerated icons that they claimed were

103rhese religious objects were easily portable and valuable,

and the Greek refugees hoped their flight would be protected by them.
See Manoles Chatzedakes, Ic&nes de Saint Georges des Grecs et de la
collection de l'Institut (Venice, 1962), p. xviii.

l°^Sergio Bettini, La pittura di icone cretese, yeneziana e i

madonnieri (Padua, 1933), discusses the icon production in Venice and
the popularity of icons among Venetians, especially p. 12ff.
 - W i ­

the only true religious i m a g e s

Despite these historical circumstances, the idea of Byzantine

influence on the Venetian visual arts of the Renaissance has not been

studied. Surveys of fifteenth century Venetian art have usually

described the extravagant Gothic style of the first half of the century

as having been gradually supplanted by Tuscan Renaissance features.

Topically, enphasis has been placed on the Florentine painters who

worked in Venice and on Donatello's ten-year stay in nearby Padua.

In sculpture and architecture the Lombard origins of most of the major

artists and their exposure to Tuscan ideas have been used to explain

their works in Venice. Byzantine influence, if it has been noted at

all, has been confined to artisan work, that is, to the icons produced

105gee Vast, Le Cardinal Bessarion, p. 16.

Greek hostility toward Latin religious, art is also seen in Symeon
of Thessalonica's Contra haereses, ch. 23.
"What other innovation have they [the Latins] introduced contrary
to the tradition of the church? Whereas the holy icons have been piously
established in honor of their divine prototypes and for their relative
worship by the faithful...and they instruct us pictorially by means of
colors and other materials (which serve as a kind of alphabet) - these
men, who subvert everything as has been said, often confect holy images
in a different manner and one that is contrary to custom. For instead
of painted garments and hair, they adorn them with human hair and
clothes, which is not the image of hair and of a garment, but the [actual]
hair and garment of a man, and hence is not an image and a symbol (tupas)
of the prototype. These they confect and adorn in an irreverent spirit,
which is indeed opposed to the holy icons...
The criticism of Gregory Melissenus, the Emperor's confessor at
the time of the Council of Ferrara, is even stronger.
"When I enter a Latin church, I do not revere any of the [images]
of saints that are there because I do not recognize any of them. At the
most, I may recognize Christ, but I do not revere Him either, since I
do not know in what terms he is inscribed. So I make the sign of the
cross and I revere this sign that I have made iryself, and not anything •
that I see there." (Sylvester Syropoulos, Vera historia, p. 109).
Both quotations are taken from Cyril Mango, The Art-of the Byzantine
Enpire, 312-1453 (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1972), pp. 253-254.
 -132 -

by the so-called, madonnieri.

Recently, McAndrew challenged these conclusions about Venetian

architecture. He pointed out Byzantinizing features in more than half

of the churches produced in Renaissance Venice (figs. 168-170). The

churches, all dating between 1490-1530, are free variations of the

domed quincunx.10^ Such quintessential Byzantine features had not

been found in Venetian architecture since the eleventh century rebuilding

of San Marco and San Giacomo in Rialto. Their example had been ignored

for centuries as Venetian architects turned to Gothic prototypes for

the great Trecento and Quattrocento cathedrals like Santi Giovanni e

Paolo and the Frari (fig. 171) • McAndrew limited his observations to

Venetian architecture. However, a Byzantine component can be traced in

Venetian painting and sculpture as well.

In painting, Byzantine influence was continuous and direct. It

was simply alloyed with different Western styles, first Gothic and then

10%cAndrew, "Sant1Andrea della Certosa," pp. 15-28. The churches

collected by McAndrew are as follows:

Sant'Andrea della Certosa, Codussi (?) (c. 1489/90)

San Giovanni Crisostomo, Codiesi (1495- )
San Nicold di Castello, ( -1503
San Geminiano (1505-
San Giovanni Elemosinario (1527-
San Mattia (?) on Murano (?) (destroyed
Santa Caterina (?) on Murano (?) (destroyed
Santa Maria Mater tonini (c. 1502-
San Felice (early 1530's)
Santa Maria Formosa (1492- )
San Salvatore (1507- )
San Lorenzo (c. 1500-destroyed)
San Giovanni in Oleo (consecrated in the 16th century; now destroyed)
Santa Margherita (remodelled in 17th centur
San Tom& (remodelled in 18th centur
 -133-

Renaissance. It is impossible in most cases to. trace the specific

Byzantine source for a Venetian painting. Large numbers of icons are known

to have been carried into Venice by Greek immigrants but the portability

which enabled them to be brought to Venice led to their being

dispersed. Many literary accounts exist, the most important of which

is Sanuto's notice of Anna Comnena’s gift to San Marco,10^ but the

descriptions are too vague to allow identification of individual icons.

However, the sheer quantity of icons preserved in Venice today offers

an idea of the range of examples once available.10^

' The fifteenth century production of icons was probably dominated

by Venetians, not immigrant artists. There is very little documentation

but records from fourteenth century Crete show that Venetians monopolized

the madonnieri production there. This and the evidence they often

collaborated with Greek assistants should contradict the widely-held

but false division between Venetian "artists" and Greek "artisans".10^

though recorded by Sanuto, notice of the gift does not appear

in the archives of San Marco. I am indebted to Professor Manussos I.
Manussacas, Director of the Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e
Postbizantini in Venice, for this information and his helpful advice.

10^Chatz eiak.es, IcBnes, catalogued the collections of San Giorgio

del Greci and of the museum adjacent to the church which is part of the
Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Postbizantini.

109m. Cattapan, "Nuovi documenti riguardanti pittori cretesi dal

1300 al 1500," Atti del II Congresso Intemazionale di Studi Cretesi
(Athens, 1968), p. 37, published documents indicating that at least
thirty-seven Venetian painter’s moved to Crete in the fourteenth century.
Painting became a monopoly reserved to citizens of Venetian origin. They
often took Greek assistants.
 - 134 -
Most Venetian fourteenth and early fifteenth century painting is

markedly Byzantine. Gold grounds, two-dimensional space, Byzantine

types and compositions prevailed in Venice long after they were con-

■sidered out-moded elsewhere. This Byzantine influence is seldom

acknowledged in later Venetian painting. However, Giovanni Bellini, the

greatest fifteenth century Venetian painter, created a Venetian Renaissance

version of the Byzantine icon.110

His half-length Madonna and Child compositions form a consistent

group in his early work. Bellini, like icon painters, repeated the

same basic half-length format and limited the range of accessories.

He distinguished this group of Madonnas from his other types by giving

them Byzantine features such as oval heads, wide cheeks, large eyes,

long, straight noses, and narrow mouths (fig. 172). The Virgin often

holds Christ in a Byzantine pose such as the Hodgetria arrangement

of the Madonna and Child in the Accademia, Venice (fig. 173). The

Madonna sometimes wears items of Byzantine dress, e.g. the Maphorion,

as in the painting in the Accademia Carrara, Bergamo (fig. 174).

The background of the compositions is often a flat color which

like a Byzantine gold ground Isolates Mary and Christ from our world

(fig. 175). Sometimes there is a landscape setting. However, even

then the Heavenly pair is set apart from it by their psychological

and physical distance and their disproportionate size (fig. 176). Thus,

^ ^ o r an excellent analysis of the relationship of the Bellini

half-length Madonna and Child compositions to Byzantine icons, see Rona
Goffen, Icon and Vision: The Half-Length Madonnas of Giovanni Bellini
(unpublished PhD thesis, Columbia University, 1974), summarized in her
article, "Icon and Vision: Giovanni Bellini’s Half-Length Madonnas,"
Art Bulletin,LVII (1975), pp. 487-518.
 -135 -

even when Bellini seemed to use Renaissance realism, he deliberately

distinguished the divine in accord with Byzantine practice. Moreover,

the melancholy, austere mood of Bellini’s group of paintings is like

that of Byzantine icoas.

Several Bellini Madonna and Child paintings made their bond to

Byzantine icons overt by the use of Greek inscriptions (fig. 177).111

Although he usually creatively transformed Byzantine sources, one particu­

lar Madonna and Child composition from the Brera can be related to a

specific Byzantine icon still in Venice (figs. 178-179)

Many sacre conversazioni by Bellini and other Venetian painters

of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century place the religious
i:
scene within a painted church interior which is mosaiced (figs. 180-181).

111Bellini’s large altarpiece done for the Delitti Chapel opposite

-the Bemabo Chapel in San Giovanni Crisostonp has a long Greek inscription
(illustrated in Renato Ghiotto and Teristio Pignatti, L ’Opera completa
di Giovanni Bellini (Milan, 1969), fig. 205. In ny opinion, these
Greek inscriptions should be understood in relationship to the Greek
criticism that works of art without inscriptions are unidentifiable;
see above, note 105•

112This icon is catalogued by Chatzedakes, pp. 9-11, no. 3, and

pi. 2. He dated it in the fourteenth century. However, the scholar
revising the catalogue for the Istituto Ellenico told me that, in his
opinion, the icon was done in the fifteenth century. Until the dating
question is resolved, we cannot be sure of which way the influence went.
Bernard Berenson, Venetian Painting in America (New.York, .1916),
p. 71, n. 1, noted a copy in the Baron Tucker collection, Vienna, of the
Metropolitan Museum's Lehman Madonna which had been interpreted as a
Byzantine icon.

11^a few other examples of Venetian paintings with Byzantine mosaiced

church settings follow:
1. Niccold Rondinelli, John the Evangelist appears to Galla
Placidla, Brera (with a half-length Bellini Madonna and Child
used to represent an Early Christian icon on the altar)(Beren­
son, Venetian School, vol. I, fig. 391)
 - 136 -

The fictive mosaiced setting is decorated with Byzantine motives, but as

in the contemporary Venetian Byzantinizing churches, there seems to

have been no specific source for the decorations. Rather the type

of vaulted mosaiced space was meant to be recognized as "Byzantine”.

The choice was probably dictated by Venetian feelings about the sanctity

of Byzantine art, well documented in the cult of Byzantine relics and

icons. As the most splendid mosaiced interior known to the majority

of Venetians was San Marco, it was also a tribute to Venice, the

self-proclaimed heir to the Christian Roman Empire of Justinian (fig. 182).

Mosaic decoration was continuously used in Venice throughout the

Renaissance even though the medium was unpopular in the rest of Italy.

All the mosaics were made for San Marco. Artisans were enployed to

make mosaics from compositions commissioned from leading Venetian painters

like Titian (fig. 183). The government wanted to preserve the Byzantine

appearance of San Marco above all else. It was even willing to

sacrifice the effect of a great painter's brushwork to an artisan's

execution so that mosaic uniformity would be respected in San Marco.

To call this policy Venetian conservatism is an underestimation

of its Importance. The government was willing to hire the best quality .

artists, even to inport them, which was always a dire alternative in

nationalistic Venice. The style of these artists incorporated the latest

Renaissance features, even though they worked in an old-fashioned and

restricting medium. The Mascoli chapel in San Marco, redecorated in the

i _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

2. Marco Marziale, Circumcision, National. Gallery, London

(ibid., fig. 561).
 -137-
mid-flfteenth century, is mosaiced with architectural settings in

careful linear perspective (figs. 184-185). Clearly the policy of

using only mosaics at San Marco is in marked contrast with the pattern

found in other Italian buildings decorated over hundreds of years.

These show period styles and techniques popular in their various

stages of re-furbishing or expansion. As San Marco is the state church,

preservation of its mosaiced appearance is not sinply an acknowledgement of

Venetian veneration for Byzantine art. It Is also artistic evidence

of the government's deliberate anti-Roman policy of stressing Venetian-

Byzantine identification..

As in architecture, Byzantine influence in late Quattrocento and

early Cinquecento Venetian sculpture is a revival. There had been no

significant imitation of Byzantine style in Venetian sculpture since

the thirteenth century. Instead fourteenth and early fifteenth century

Venetian sculpture was dependent on Western traditions - first Gothic, and

then Renaissance, styles imported from Tuscany and Lombardy.

The Lombardi played a crucial role in the Byzantine revival. They

were intimately involved in the construction and decoration of Venice's

Byzantinizing churches. They planned the Bernabd Chapel in collaboration

with Codussi, the architect responsible for the Byzantinizing style of

San Giovanni Crisostomo and other Venetian churches.'^ Tullio himself

114
A Codussi is responsible for San Michele in Isola and the ground
plan of Santa Maria Formosa. He and/or close associates have been credited
with Sant1 Andrea della Certosa; the interior of S.M. Mater Domini, San
Felice and San Giovanni Elemosinario; see Angelini, Le opere in Venezia
di Mauro Codussi, pp. 131-132, and McAndrews, "Sant' Andrea della Certosa,"
pp. 24-26.
 - 138 -
worked as architect of San Salvatore, another of this group of churches

(fig. 186). ^ The three Lombardi are responsible for the sculpture

and architecture of the Miracoli, the only church in Venice

-i-i C
entirely veneered with colored marbles in Byzantine fashion.

Moreover, the Lombardi constructed several rood-choir screens and

a chancel barrier that are very like Early Christian and Byzantine proto­

types. The rood-choir screen combinations were done for three Venetian

churches, the Frari, San Stefano and SS. Giovanni e Paolo. Of the three,

only that done for the Frari is intact (fig. 187 ). However, judging

from'the descriptions of the lost SS. Giovanni e Paolo screen,11^ and

from the extant pieces of the San Stefano screen (fig. 188),11® they were

^^In 1507 , Tullio, in consultation with Pietro, was appointed as

chief architect. He took over Giorgio Spaventob post and it has been as­
sumed that Tullio executed his design. See Paoletti, L'Architettura e la
scultura, vol. II, p. 242.
H % o other Venetian church prior to the seventeenth century, in­
cluding San Marco, is wholly veneered with colored marble.
The fa9ade of San Zaccaria (begun in 1458) may have been planned to have
beenentirely veneered. Gambello’s portion of the lower faqade is covered
with colored marbles. However, he died in 1481. Codussi took over in
1485 and did not continue the veneering.
This taste for colored marble veneering is in marked contrast to
the mid-fifteenth century Venetian preference for plain brick exteriors.
See Lieberman, The Church of Santa Maria dei Miracoli, pp. 168-169.

^-^Gino Fogolari, I Frari e i SS. Giovanni e Paolo (Milan, 1931),

page opposite plate 32 .
H8rhe marble reliefs and statues of the screen are now placed
against the walls of the presbitery of San Stefano.
 - 139 -
the same type as the Frari screen which isU-shaped and has three walls

of marble reliefs encasing wooden choir stalls. The screen does not

cross the church's side aisles, and so passage remains open to the chapels

flanking the hi$i altar.

It has been recently demonstrated on the basis of Florentine

exanples that, contrary to usual opinion, there was a continuous use of

n q
rood-screens in Italian cathedrals. * These were either tall loggia­

like structures or two-storied with a closed understructure. Both types

crossed the nave and side aisles and divided the- church into sections

for laity and for monks. Even though they sometimes housed chapels,

they were not decorated extensively. Thus the Frari screen is unlike

the traditional Italian rood screen in its placement, shape, height,

and over-all decoration with marble reliefs of church doctors, prophets,

120
saints, and Apostles. The concept of a screen covered with images

H^see the studies of Marcia B. Hall: "The 'Tramezzo' in S. Croce,

Florence and Domenico Veneziano's Fresco," Burlington Magazine, CXII
(1970), pp. 797-799; "The Ponte in S. Maria Novella: The Problem of the
Rood Screen in Italy," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes,
XXXVII (197*0, PP- 157-173; and^The Rood Screen in S. Croce, Florence,
Reconstructed," Art Bulletin, DVT (197*0, pp. 325-3*11•
120nall, "The Ponte in S. Maria Novella," p. 169 , noted that in
the Frari the rood screen and choir enclosure had been consolidated so
that both of the characteristic features of mendicant screens, their
extension across the aisles and the detached choir, were omitted. (Similar
consolidations were found in San Marco and Sto. Spirito, Florence, two
other exanples cited by Hall, p. 170. However, these were not covered
with marble reliefs.)
 1*10 -

of religious figures is related instead to the Byzantine iconostasis.

Thus, the Lombardi seem to have modified the customary Italian rood-

screen by making it similar to a Byzantine iconostasis.

In addition, the chancel screen they sculpted in the Miracoli, a

low barrier of carved marble surrounding the altar on three sides

(fig. 189), is very similar to Early Christian chancels like that in

San Clemente, Rone (fig. 190). The correspondence to Early Christian

and Byzantine chancels is reinforced by the type of carving. The

Loirbardi carved the screen with non-flgurative ornaments in interlacing

patterns. Symbolic and floral decorations were so elaborately cut that

the marble seems like lace work, as it does, for example, in the chancel

of San Vitale, Ravenna (fig. 191) ■

Moreover, the Lombardi were clearly influenced by specific Early

Christian'and Byzantine sculptures. They were able to imitate these

styles so well that one of their forgeries has only recently been dis-
121
covered. The relief of St_. John the Evangelist in San Marco is a

Lombardi version of the thirteenth century Venetian-Byzantine style of

the other three evangelists (fig. 192). In other instances, their

sculptures are clearly influenced by Byzantine prototypes. The two Hercules

reliefs on Betro's Pietro Mocenigo Tomb (figs. 193-19*0 are derived from

similar Hercules subjects found in Byzantine reliefs on the west fa9ade

of San Marco (figs. 195-196). Tullio's two plaque-bearing angels on the

Vendramln Tomb (figs. 197-198) derive from a Roman type adapted in Early

Christian art. They seem closest to fourth century exanples in figure

j . . .

121see above, note 82.

 - 1*11 -

proportions, types and drapery (figs. 199-200).. lip Lombardi shop

Urn of SS. Teonlsta, Tabra, and Tabrata (fig. 201) in the Treviso

Duomo is related to mid-Byzantine ivory caskets where images of half-

length saints are framed by rosette borders as, for example, on an ivory

casket in the Bargello (fig. 202).

Byzantine style was also creatively adapted by Tullio in several

sculptures carved about 1500 which show a refined classicism most

similar to certain Byzantine ivories. That small-scale ivories could

have been models for Tullio's large sculptures and reliefs is not

surprising. There were almost no large Byzantine sculptures and the

portability of ivories made them the category of Byzantine sculpture

most familiar to Venetian artists.

A comparison of an Early Christian ivory of Adam in the Bargello

(fig. 55) with Tullio's Adam from the Vendramin Toirb (fig. 50) indicates

the character, of the influence these ivories.had on Tullio’s style.

In both the Greco-Roman canon of ideal proportions is altered so that

the body is awkward. In the Bargello relief the torso and limbs are

too short and wide and the extremities are over-sized. Tullio’s Adam

has spindly legs which make the torso seem too broad. The torsion of

both figures is flattened making their poses seem ungraceful. Unlike

Greco-Roman nudes in contrapposto position, the bent leg of Tullio's Adam

is almost parallel with the weight-bearing leg and is further extended

to the side. This makes the hip jut out to the side more than in ancient

exanples; the position is resultingly unstable.

Both figures have short, wide necks and broad heads with fleshy square

jaws. Both show an emphasized contrast in texture between the overly

 -142-

smooth, skin surfaces and the detalledly carved hair. There is an

absence of relaxe grace in even the smallest detail. Tullio's Adam's

fingers are elegantly crooked and needlessly busy. They hold an apple

in an affected,non-functional grasp. Similarly, the Bargello Adam's fingers

delicately ring, rather than grasp, a branch.

These comparisons point to a modification of the Greco-Roman ideal

of physical perfection. Tullio's figure has in common with the Early

Christian ivory a physical awkwardness and tension. In both, the

head is "emphasized, presumably as it is the center of the soul. The neck

and head are broader than in Greco-Roman figures and are emphasized by

the detailed texture of the hair. The eyes are striking because their

gaze is not contained. In addition, Tullio's relief style, as seen in

the Coronation, is most similar to that of classicizing mid-Byzantine

ivdries. The composition is arranged in- symmetrical geometric patterns,

with enphatic vertical and horizontal lines. The figures are crowded

together leaving large blank stretches of relief background. The ground

is flat and impenetrable. Figures are built forward from it in flattened

postures, the awkwardness of which is particularly obvious in contrapposto

poses. There is a preference for frontalized figures. Many face us and

the sculpture does not seem contained. The facial types and poses

are stereotyped and have a ritual-like solemnity. The drapery folds

are deep-cut, sharp-edged,and in geometric linear patterns. Accessory

elements in the composition like the doorway behind Christ, are dis­

proportionately small and two-dimensional so that they seem symbolic.

i
 - 143 -
Finally, the surface finish and polishing of Tullio’s marble is so

carefully done that the stone has the sheen of ivory.

The influence of Byzantine ivories diminishes in Tullio’s later

reliefs. In the sculptures he carved for the Santo, faces show

expression and figures are in more varied, spontaneous, and animated

poses. Some are even in bold diagonal positions. Forms tend to be

more three-dimensional. They are carved more deeply and are not flat­

tened against the relief plane. As indicated in Chapter Two, I consider

the degree of their similarity to Byzantine Ivories a method by which

to date Tullio's sculpture. Those most similar seem to have been done

about 1500.-*-22

Conclusion

This chapter focused on the redecoration of the Bemabd Chapel by

the Lombardi c. 1500. Redesigned as part of Codussi's Byzantinizing

reconstruction of San Giovanni Crisostomo, the Bemabd Chapel likewise

depended on Early Christian and Byzantine iconographic, stylistic, and

conpositional sources. Tullio's altarpiece for this chapel, the

Coronation of the Virgin, is unique. It is derived from Traditlo Legis

and tabernacle iconography, not from the Coronation of the Virgin

compositions so popular in Venice. In breaking all precedent, Tullio

greatly enhanced the meaning of the Coronation. It Is not simply the

triumph of the church in Heaven. The inclusion of the Apostles in the

Traditlo Legis format alluded to the establishment of the church on earth.

122See Chapter Two, pp. 22; 24-26.

 - 144 -

Uae addition of Eucharistic symbolism suggested both the essential

meaning of Christianity, Christ's sacrifice for man's redemption, and the

key to Christianity's appeal, its promise of everlasting life. The

chapel's other sculpture, a Virgin Orant, and the ground plan itself

are of Byzantine origin and effectively complemented the Eucharistic

meaning of the ensemble.

In turning to Byzantine prototypes, Tullio was like many of his

Venetian contemporaries. Venetian architects revived the middle By­

zantine domed quincunx plan and used it in more than half the churches

rebuilt in Renaissance Venice. Venetian painters of the period created

Venetian Renaissance versions of Byzantine icons.

The heightened interest in Byzantine art was a result of the large

influx of Greeks into Venice and their enormous impact on the city's

culture. Moreover, the fall of Constantinople had made Venice the

real center of the Byzantine Unpire. The Venetian government exploited

this Eastern identification and the related mythical claim that she was

an Apostolic See to justify her opposition to Papal control. These

political motives seem to have also fostered a revival of Byzantine style

in Venetian art.
The effect of this Byzantine influence has been neglected in the

study of Venetian Renaissance art. It is, however, an inportant factor

in the particular character of Venetian style of the late Quattrocento

'and early Cinquecento and merits further attention.

 - 145 -

CHAPTER V I

THE TOMB OF GUIDARELLO GUIDARELLI

Introduction

Some years ago the guard at the Galleria Nazionale, Ravenna, was

startled to discover a woman who had spent the night in candle-lit

vigil before the effigy of Guidarello Guidarelli. Startled, but not

surprised, for this is only one such incident out of many. Guidarello

has been called the Rudolf Valentino of sculpture. From all over the

world, women have made pilgrimages to Ravenna to kiss him and to pray

for their good fortune in love.^-

Stories of this sort are part of the local lore of Ravenna. Some
have been published in newspapers and popular journals with titles such
as "II Rodolfo Valentino delle statue," II Tempo, anno X, no. 19, 8-15
May, 1948, and "I pellegrinaggi dell'amore - dal Kansas a Ravenna per
baciare Guidarello," Confidenze, anno XIV, no. 29, 26 July 1959.
The legends most often repeated claim that withinayear single
girls who kiss Guidarello will be married and that women already married
will bear handsome sons.
The sculpture has inspired novels such as Donato Marin's Michele
in Bosco, romanzo (Brescia, 1936), and poetry by d'Annunzio (Laudi
Titian, 1900), vol. II, p. 172):

Ravenna, Guidarello Guidarelli

dorme supino con le man conserte
su la spada sua grande.
A1 volto inerte
ferro morte dolor furon suggelli.
Chiuso nell'arme attende i di novelli.
il tuo guerriero, attende l'albe certe
Quando una voce per le vie deserte
chiamera le virtG. fuor degli avelli.
Gravida di potenze e la tua sera,
tragica d'ombre, accesa dal fermento
di fieni, tacltuma e balenante.
Aspra ti torce il cor la primavera!
e, sopra te che sai, passa nel vento
come polline il cenere di Dante.

Guides to the city advertise the sculpture in purple prose. "All

 - 146 -

Certain miracle-working icons and statues of beloved saints have

provoked this kind of worship, but it is unique among secular works of

art. What is there about the sculpture that inspires such an intense

reaction?

Guidarello himself does not seem to be the cause. He lived from

about 1455 to 1501 and was a locally renowned condottiere. From what

we know about his life, he was.not.a.key hero in Renaissance history.

In fact, he was a considerably less important figure than many of his

contemporaries. Rather than his memory, it seems to be the sculpture

itself which is the main reason for his fame today.

'Finished by Tullio Lombardi in 1525, Guidarello’s effigy was once

part of his tomb monument in the Church of San Francesco, Ravenna.^

The Lombardi name must have been almost synonomous with tomb sculpture

in Renaissance Italy. Three members of the family, Pietro, Antonio, and

Tullio, spent a major part of their fruitful'careers working on funeral

monuments. Generally their tombs follow a pattern typical of Renaissance

sepulchral design.

women who look see the men they have loved reflected in the statue of
Guidarello Guidarelli, and those who have never loved find their ideal.
The nun sees the sweetness of Christ..." (Henry Channon, Paradise City
(New York, 1931), pp. 66-67 .
^There is no up-to-date study of the monument other than the brief
catalogue entry by Alberto Martini, La Galleria dell1Accademia di Ravenna
(Venice, 1959), p. 85 . The only thorough research was done by Corrado
Ricci who published his material in several formats, the. most complete
of which is a pamphlet, La statua di Guidarello (3rd ed.; Ravenna, 1897).
 - 147 -

However, the Guidarello Guidarelli Monument makes a dramatic break

with their usual production and reverts to a tomb type out of fashion

in Italy for more than a century. This chapter will study the circum­

stances of the commission and the reasons such an unorthodox tomb was

executed. By analogies with contenporary literary and social trends,

we shall see that Tullio was not commemorating just the man Guidarello,

but the ideal knight and his era, the Age of Chivalry. The charisma

of Guidarello's sculpture lies in this evocation: generations of viewers

have responded to the sculpture's romantic nostalgia.

Description of the Monument

The Guidarello Guidarelli Tomb originally consisted of the effigy

placed atop a recut ancient sarcophagus in the Chapel of San Liberio.

This chapel, the second on the right as one enters the Church of San

Francesco in_ Ravenna, looks very different today from the way it did in

the sixteenth century. No traces are left of Guidarello Guidarelli's tomb

in its original location. Only the Lombardi architectural detail, elegantly

arabesqued pilaster’s, half-columns, and cornices, survived major alter­

ations made in the eighteenth century when the chapel was rededicated
O
in the name of the Immaculate Conception (figs. 69 , 203).

^Sometime between 1745-1754, a Baroque colored marble veneer was

put over the chapel's rear wall and a statue of the Immaculata placed
atop its new altar.
According to unpublished documents in the Archivio di Stato, Ravenna
(Francescani, 1802, fasc. 2; Francescani 1833, "Fabbrica del Convento con
denari della capella di S. Liberio...omato del Altare della Concezione"),
the Franciscans decided to rededicate the chapel to a favorite theme,
the Immaculate Conception, after the death in 1745 of the last direct
descendant of Pietro dal Sale, the chapel's principal benefactor. In
1754 Gaetano dal Sale disputed their use of funds from Pietro's bequest
for this redecoration.
 - 148 -

The two principal parts of Guidarello*s funeral monument are

preserved, although they have been separated. The effigy, now in

the Galleria Nazionale of Ravenna,^ has been damaged, probably in one of

its moves. Even so, it looks approximately the way it must have when

Tullio finished it (fig. 204) . ^

It is a life-size, three-dimensional sculpture of Guidarello in

Hill armor.^ The spurs beside his legs and the heavy chain he wears around

his neck, a standard reward for knights, indicate his noble rank.

Guidarello is in gisant position atop a sculptured bier slab. He is

clearly dead; his facial bones protrude through'transparent, hollow

skin and his closed eyes have sunk deeply into their sockets (fig. 205).

Prom contemporary sources^ we know that Guidarello died a slow and

agonizing death, but his face betrays none of this. It is the idealized

^It was moved there by 1827, according to the following document

In the Archivio di Stato,Ravenna (Busta Doni #1, an. 1827, 12-14).

^There is some minor damage. The left edge of the sword handle
and a tassle of the pillow on which Guidarello *s head rests have been
broken. Furthermore, judging from a photography published by Ricci in
"La statua di Guidarello Guidarelli," Emporium, XIII (1901), p. 305,
which shows the bier shroud draping down about a foot on the spectator’s
side, the effigy slab has been trimmed.

^The effigy of Guidarello is 162 cm. long; the bier slab 170 cm.

7Guidarello*s will was written as he lay dying. It is in the

Archivio Notarile di Ravenna, Giovanni Cecchi, vol. 83, 1480 to i486,
cc. 36-37. It was published and analyzed by Santi Muratori, "II testa-
mento di Guidarello," Diario ravennate, XVI (1938), pp. IX-XXIII.
 - 149 -

countenance of a young, handsome man who nobly endured suffering, not

Q
a realistic portrait of the dying, middle-aged Guidarello. Guidarello's

head is turned toward the spectator and solicits our pitying response

to his tragic, untimely end. The metal plates of his armor bend at the

cheek as they could not do in real life to make this moving view

possible (fig. 206).

The rest of the monument is a foil to the expressive head. Armor

completely covers the stiffly stretched out body. The only accessories,

the sword and spurs, serve to indicate Guidarello's noble rank and

successful career as a soldier, not to hold our attention.

Guidarello's armor is more like Roman suits of armor than any

preserved fifteenth century armor.9 Especially close to Roman examples

are the lion epaulets which are not found in any extant fifteenth

century suits of armor. They are, however, present on the armor worn

by figures in fifteenth century works of art (figs. 207-208), including

an earlier sculpted warrier by Tullio (fig. 209).

The effigy was originally placed above a peaked roof Roman sarco­

phagus,'1'® which today can be found along the left aisle of San Francesco

®See below, text pages 165-167 and notes 41-45 . The idealized
portrayal of Guidarello does not seem to have been derived from any
of the types suggested in the ancient physiognomical treatises popular
in the Renaissance.

am grateful to Dr. Helmut Nickel, Curator of Arms and Armor,

Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, for discussing Guidarello's armor
with me.

■*-®It was probably supported by simple vertical struts which may

have been hidden from view by the chapel bier shroud. For comparable
tombs, see the Funerary Monuments of Cardinal Pietro Riario by Mino da
 - 150 -

(figs. 210-211). The sarcophagus is of the panel variety and is carved on

three sides. Two clothed putti hold an inscription plaque recut in

the eighteenth century when the sarcophagus was appropriated by Bartolomeo

dal Sale, Guidarello's descendant.11 The putti's garments and facial

types were also modernized when the 1707 inscription was added. The

sarcophagus' other ornaments are early Christian symbols, a monogram

cross, an alpha and omega flanked by lambs, and a rho cut when the Roman
12
original was re-worked in the sixth century.

Although its most inportant parts, the effigy and sarcophagus, survive,

the exact appearance of the chapel and tomb in the sixteenth century

remains hypothetical. There are no contemporary descriptions. The earliest

guidebooks and local histories that discuss the chapel in detail date from

the mid-seventeenth century.1^

FLesole and Andrea Bregno in SS. Apostoli, Rome (1474-1477; fig. 249) and
the Nicold Aldovrandi Tomb in San Stefano, Bblogna (1438).

Hlhe epitaph on the sarcophagus today reads:

D O M
Bartholomaeus Vulgo Baptista
Quondam Baptistae de Indivinis
Cognomento a Sale Nob. Rav.
Hoc Sepulcrali Marmore
Suos Suorum Q. Cineres Superstes
Adhuc Reponi Statuit
Anno Domini. MDCCVII.

1%hls dating of the sarcophagus carvings was proposed by Marion

Lawrence, The Sarcophagi of Ravenna, College Art Association Monograph, no.
2, 1945, p. 36, who suggested that it was made in the third century, A.D.

13Girolamo Fabri, Le sagre memorie di Ravenna antica, parte prima

(Venice, 1664), is the first author who described the S. Liberio chapel
and Braccioforte in any detail.
| The most significant later guides include:
Francesco Beltrami, II forestiere instruito delle cose notabili della
cittst di Ravenna e suburbane-della medesima (Ravenna, 1783); D. Benedetto
 - 151 -

The visual evidence provided by the chapel, effigy, and sarcophagus,

however, enable us to make several deductions about their original

arrangement. Guidarello's tomb must have been placed along a side wall of

the San Liberio Chapel. The chapel is quite small and could not have
l/i
easily acconmodated a free-standing monument. The sarcophagus is

decorated on three sides only. Guidarello’s head is turned to one side

and the opposite side of the effigy is roughly finished. We can

further suraise that the tomb was once on the left side wall of the

chapel because that position would have placed Guidarello’s head closest

to the altar, in accord with usual practice.

The chapel was originally named for an early Bishop of Ravenna, San

Liberio, and the sarcophagus of the saint served as its altar. It

was also referred to as the Chapel of the Crucifix because a miraculous

crucifix once stood on its altar. Even though the crucifix was presented

to the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III in 1468,-^ the chapel was still

Fiandrini, Annali ravennati dalla fondazione della citta sino alia fine
del secolo XVIII, unpublished manuscript, Ravenna, 1794 (Biblioteca
Classense); Pompeo Raisi di Ravenna, Memorie della cittst di Ravenna,
unpublished manuscript, Ravenna, 1794 (Biblioteca ClassenseTT
There are very few documents and no contemporary histories pre­
served from the early sixteenth century probably because Ravenna was a
constant battlefield in those years.

l^The Chapel of San Liberio measures 335 x 490 cm.

l^Fabri 3 Le sagre memorie, p . 181.

The sarcophagus was moved in 1650 by Cardinal Cybo to the right nave
and later to the High Altar in San Francesco; see Corrado Ricci, Eroi,
Santi ed artisti (3rd ed.; Milan, 1930), p. 129.

■4^For the details of the Crucifix’s miraculous history, see Fabri,

Le sagre memorie, p. 181.
 - 152 -

named for It centuries later.^

Unfortunately, the present-day chapel provides little indication

of its sixteenth century appearance. Not only was the chapel rededicated

and refurbished in the eighteenth century, but the entire church has been

restored several times since then. Later in the eighteenth century, ac-
-1 Q
cording to a contemporary source, it was totally redecorated. In the

1920’s, it was stripped of most of the post-medieval additions in an

19
attenpt to return it to its Early Christian appearance.

Despite these alterations, it is likely that the chapel’s basic

structure and dimensions are the sane as they were in the sixteenth

century. The pilasters, half-columns and cornices articulating the

side walls today show typical Lombardi decoration and are probably

those added by Tullio. The architectural ornament changes on the rear

wall and conceivably it was re-done when the chapel was refurbished.

The comice is an undecorated band with colored marble roundels that

agrees visually with the eighteenth century colored marble altar wall

below it. On the other hand, this type of comice is a standard

l^Even early nineteenth century church records of the Chapel refer

to it by this title; see the unpublished documents: Archivio di Stato,
Ravenna, Francescani no. 1833,1842, and 1843 which enumerate the daily
masses said in the "Cappella del SS. mo Crocefisso 1700-1789," and Fran­
cescani no. 1866 which describes the "entrata ed uscitd della possessioni
della Cappella del S&mo. Crocefisso 1760-1805."

-’■^Fiandrini, Annali ravennati, Vol. Ill, p. 200.. "insomma rinovata,

abbellita, ed omato da capo a fondo."

l^The restoration was undertaken by the Comitato Cattolico Cittadino

in honor of the sixth centenary of the death of Dante. It took three
years, from 1918-1921.
Results were originally published by G. Gerola ,"L'Architettura deutero--
bizantina in Ravenna," Ricordi di Ravenna medioevale (Ravenna, 1921), pp.45-67.
Many interesting before and after photographs are found in Santi
 - 153 -
Lombardi type, as can be seen at the Miracoli. So it, too, may have

been carved in the sixteenth century.

History of the Commission

Information about the commission for the tomb and chapel decora­

tion is fragmentary.
po
Our most important source is Guidarello1s will written 6 March 1501,

in which the dying man carefully stipulated the conditions for the building

of the tomb. He selected as its site the chapel of San Liberio because

other members of his family had been interred there.21 Guidarello named

Muratorl, "La Chiesa del funeral! di Dante. San Francesco in Ravenna/1

Rassegna d'arte antica e modema, VIII (1921), pp. 298-314.

20see above, note 7*

2lThe will is in Archivio Notarile di Ravenna, Atti di Giovanni
Cecchi, vol. 83 , 1480-1486, cc. 36-37-

In primis vero eius animam sunmo creator!

nostro comendavit: deinde si ex hac
infirmitate decederet et mori contingeret
in hac civitate Imole in qua in presentiarum
reperitur iussit eius corpus deferri ad
civitatem Ravenne et sepelirl in ecclesia
S. Francisci Loco fratrum minorum S. Francisci
in Capella S. Liberal in loco aliorum suorum
defunctorum...(Muratori, "II Testamento," p. XVI).

"First of all he commends his soul to our creator;

next, if he should succumb to his present disease
and die in Imola where he is presently, he wants
his body brought to Ravenna and buried in San
Francesco in the San Liberio Chapel where his
ancestors are buried"... (my translation)

There is no sign today of any other grave monuments in the chapel.

Earlierfamily members must have been buried under thepavement and their
tomb slabscovered when the church floor was raised atthe end of the
fifteenth century.
The various stages of the elevation of S. Francesco's floor are dia-
 - 154 -
his wife, Benedetta dal Sale, supervisor of the tomb's construction.

He gave Instructions that five hundred to six hundred ducatl be used for

the purpose, all to be drawn from the interest on a principal deposited

•with the Mbnte di Pietat, Ravenna. There was an additional provision that
22
up to one hundred ducati more could be spent if necessary. Guidarello

wanted the chapel to be "anpliande" which, in this case, meant enlarged

2?
as well as redecorated. He named a conmittee of several well-known

grammed in Giuseppe Bovini, "Vicende architettoniche dell'antica 'Basilica

Apostolorum', oggi chiesa di San Francesco," Bollettino economico, VII
(I960), p. 6.
??
...circa quam sepulturam iussit tantum expend!
quantum placurit infrascripte eius uxori...Item
reliquit et mandavit quod de fructibus et redditibus
dicte sue hereditatis eximantur tot pecunie singulo
anno prout videbitur dicte domine Benedicte eius
uxori et quod deponantur penes montem pietatis
Ravenne adeo quod conplea [n] tur. seu expendantur
in Capella S. Liberii in dicta ecclesia S. Francisci
quam‘iussit anpliari et in ea expend! ducatos
quingentos usque in sexcentum...et si contingeret quod
dicti ducati sexcentum non sufficerent pro dicta capella
possint predict! et habeant libertatem de introitibus
dicte hereditatis accipere alios ducatos centum..."
(Muratori, "II Testamento," pp. XVI-XVII).

.. .he wants spent on this burial whatever his undersigned

wife pleases...The aforesaid bequeaths and requires
that from the income and revenues of his inheritance
a sum be deducted each year according to the wishes
of the above mentioned Signora Benedetta, his wife,
and thus be formed the total to be spent in the Chapel
of San Liberio in San Francesco,
which chapel he wants enlarged and on which 500-600
'ducats should be spent. If it should occur that
600 ducats are not enough for the chapel the aforesaid
gentlemen can and have the authority to withdraw from
the revenues of the inheritance another 100 ducats.
(my translation)

23..."Quam curam et servitium dicte Capelle anpliande"...(Muratori,

"II Testamento," p. XVII).
 - 155 -
p2i
Ravennese humanists^ who were to choose the best artist from Florence or

Venice on the basis of a preliminary model. The committee retained the

right to correct the artist's m o d e l . A f t e r this fastidious attention

"and the care and service of the enlarging of the chapel..."

Guidarello’s direction that the chapel should be "ampliande" meant
literally enlarged. Investigations of the church's structure have shown
that the side chapels of the church were dug out along the exterior walls
in the sixteenth century. See Giuseppe Bovini, "La chiesa di Dante:
S. Francesco di Ravenna," Almanacco ravennate (1965), pp. 484-485.
.."reliquit infrascriptis civibus Ravenne
videlicet Spectabili Domino Tadeo a Cornu equiti
Domino Pompilio de Pretis doctori Domino Marco
Antonio Brazo ser Oppizoni Monaldino et ser
Francisco Raspono ac ser Ieronimo de Spretis quos
omnes ex nunc per hec scripta rogat quod ipsi
dignentur tale onus suscipere..." (Muratori,
"II Testamento," p. XVII).

...he leaves to the undersigned citizens of Ravenna,

the honorable cavaliere Taddeo dal Como, Dottore
Pompilio de Preti, Signore Marcantanio Braccio,
Obizzo Monaldini, Francesco Rasponi and Girolamo
Spreti, all of whom by this writing 'he begs to
deign to assume this responsibility... (ny translation)

According to Muratori, ibid., p. XIV, they were all famous men in

Ravenna. Taddeo dd. Como was knighted by Frederick III along with
Guidarello. Obizzo Monaldini helped Cardinal Sanseverino make the treaty
of 1512. Girolamo Spreti was a Greek scholar and son of the noted
historian Desiderio.
I have not found any more information about the executors of
Guidarello's estate.

25..."et iussit quod mittatur ad Civitatem Venetiarum

sive Florentie pro uno optima pratico in similibus
qui faciat. unum modellum dicte Capelle..."
(Muratori, "II Testamento," p. XVII)

...and he orders that they send to Venice or to

Florence for an excellent practitioner of those
things who should make a model of the Chapel...
(ny translation)
 - 156 -

to detail, one would expect a specific description of the type of

tomb, but Guidarello gave no indication of what he wished done.

Benedetta dal Sale, Guidarello1s widow, lived until sometime

between 1511-1525. Her will written in 1503 named her relatives, Opizzono

Mcnald1.nl and Bartolomeo dal Sale, supervisors of the construction of

Guidarello’s monument. Again there were no instructions about the type

27
of tomb to be done.

There is only one other documentary reference to the chapel before

1525. In 1520 the monks of San Francesco petitioned for permission to

use four hundred ducati of the Guidarello bequest for other needs of

the church. In exchange they agreed to say a perpetual daily mass for

Guidarello in the chapel.

Tullio was one of the most famous artists of the day, especially
in Ravenna. ,As early as the l480’s, he had worked there with his father
and brother on such major civic monuments as the bases for the columns
in Ravenna’s main square and the Dante chapel at San Francesco.
In 1515 Tullio himself received the major commission of redecor­
ating the Capella Argentea in the Duomo of Ravenna. See the document
quoted below, footnote 31.
Moreover, Tullio was a logical choice since so many Lombardi
commissions were for tomb monuments.

2^1n 1511, Benedetta dal Sale was involved in a lawsuit with

Guidarello's other heirs. See the unpublished record of this litigation
in the Archivio Notarile di Ravenna, vol. 119, n. 253, Atti dal 28
guigno - 1 luglio 1511, pp. 153r-158r.
By 1525, Bartolomeo dal Sale had assumed supervision of the tomb
so we may infer Benedette had died by then. SeebeLow, note 30.

^The will is in the Archivio Notarile di Ravenna, Giovanni

Cecchi, 11 April 1503, as noted in Andrea Antonio Grossi, Genealogie
di famiglie ravennati con prove estratte da documenti dell’Archivio
Pubblico e da altri archivi di Ravenna. Fed! di nascita o di battesimo,
di matrimonio, e di morte, unpublished document, Biblioteca Classense
Mob. 3.3 D2, p. 42r. It is discussed in .Muratori, ”11 Testamento,” p. XIII.
 - 157 -
It Is reasonable to suppose that the monks would not have requested

so large a sum from the Guidarello estate had the Guidarello Tomb already

been begun and Tullio partially paid for his work. Moreover, there is

no certain indication in the monks’ petition that the San Liberio Chapel
pQ
was already being redecorated.

The sole document concerning the actual execution of the tomb

is a 1525 record of payment which states that Tullio executed the Guidarello

effigy for three hundred fifty ducati. A local stone mason, Nicola

Zarlatini da Carpi, was paid ninety ducati for finishing the "parte

muraria" of the chapel. From the wording it is possible that Nicola

also put the monument into place in the chapel.^

^Archivio di Stato di Ravenna, Librl di San Francesco, no. 1833 ,

doc. 3, pp. 135r-138r. Appended to this document is a second written
in Italian by an unidentified person who argued that the monks never
received the four hundred ducati. He contended that there was no notation
of the sum iri the Franciscan ledgers of incoming monies. So far as I
know, these ledgers have been destroyed leaving no way to resolve the
problem.

^9Carlo Grigioni, "L’Autore della statua di Guidarello Guidarelli

in Ravenna," Rassegna bibliografica dell’arte italiana, XVII (1914), n.
9-11 , pp. 123-128 .
The documents are from the Archivio Notarile di Ravenna, Atti di
Nicola Cecchi, vol. 144, fol. 42r; 46v-47r of the second section of 1525.
For a complete transcription and translation, see Appendix C, pp. 219-222.
Grigioni searched in vain among Cecchi’s papers for other documents
about the comnission. He concluded that they were probably unrecoverable
because Cecchi's records from 9 January-29 December 1524 are missing.
Although the above documents are incomplete, they settled the long­
standing controversy about the sculptor of the effigy. The early sources
had been divided in opinion. One group called the sculpture the work
of the Lombardi, variously intepreted as Pietro, Tullio or Antonio.
The most inportant advocates of this attribution were Girolamo Fabri,
Ravenna ricercata overo compendio istorico delle cose piu notabili
dell’antica cittft di Ravenna (Bologna, I678 ), p. 156 ; Fiandrini, Annali
ravennati, vol. II, p. 67; Antonio Tarlazzi, Memorie sacre di Ravenna
(Ravenna, 1852 ), p. 206; and-Paoletti, L ’Architettura e la scultura,
vol. II, p. 233; 250 (Antonio).
 - 158 -

The terminus ante quern of 1525 is confirmed by a letter written in

that year to Bartolomeo dal Sale, by then the overseer of the tomb's

construction. Bartolomeo Ricci da Lugo, its author, discussed the

on
epitaph he had composed for the tomb's inscription.

There is no documentation, however, about when Tullio received the

conmission. Tullio was in Ravenna in 1515 at work on the Capella Argentea

in the Duomo.^ Even so it seems likely that he did not begin planning

The other contingent showed more campanilismo and called the

Guidarello Tomb the work of a local sculptor. Natale Baldoria suggested
Severo da Ravenna (Archivio storico dell'arte, IV (1891), pp. 56-57).
Ifeny guidebooks to Ravenna followed the example of Francesco Beltrami
in naming Giacomello Baldini the artist (II forestiere, p. 70).
These writers overlooked significant evidence. Raisi, in his
1794 manuscript guide, had alluded to a document which named Tullio
as the sculptor: "Lombardi Tullio FigLio di Pietro...fece la bellissima
statua di Guidarello Guidarelli come si pud vedere dall'istrumento che
si fece in quella occasions. Copia del quale si ritrova presso l'omatissimo
nostro Sig. Camillo Morizia," (Raisi, Memorie, vol. I, p. 182).
Gaetano Savini first realized the importance of this reference.
See Corriere di Romagna, 17 Ottobre 1905, republished in Per i monument!
e per la stona di Ravenna (Ravenna, 1914), pp. 7-9.

30operum Bartholomaei Riccii, Padua, 1747, vol. II, p. 190.

v
3%emicoli, "Arte e artist! in Ravenna (continuazione)," p. 557 (93);
published the document:
[anno 1515] "adi dicto [ultimo di febbraio]
per cassa per m. Tullio lonbardo sculptore
per satisfation de le spexe per lui facte
et da far in venire da Venezia et ritomare
el qual fu facto venire per far fare la
capella gist dal argento del domo B. de 23
febr. 1515 conta a lui L. 35"
(Archivio di Stato, Ravenna. Volume contenente le spese dal 1514
al 1519 a c. 93v. e a c. lOOr).

in 1515 on the aforesaid day (the last

of February) for the coffer of M. Tullio
Lombardo, the sculptor, to reimburse his
expenses in going and returning from Venice
in order to do the chapel of silver in the
cathedral. B of 23 February 1515 paid to him L. 35
(my translation)
 - 159 -
the monument until after 1520 because of the monks1 petition in 1520

to use funds from Guidarello’s estate.^

The reason for the long interval between Guidarello*s death in

1501 and the sculpting of his tomb is explained by external circumstances.

Ravenna was in chaos for most of the first fifteen years of the Cinquecento.

Decades of stability under Venetian rule ended with the war of the

League of Cambrai and the city's being ceded to the Papacy as reparation.

Ravenna then became a battleground in a second war, the struggle between

the Holy League and French invaders resulting in a sack of the city by

the French in 1512. Consequently, very little art was comnissioned

during this interval.

The documented evidence about the post-1525 history of the chapel is

equally incomplete and confusing. The Guidarello Tomb was dismantled

and the effigy moved to an exterior chapel of San Francesco called

Braccioforte'(fig. 212). This transfer is an index of the high esteem

in which Guidarello was held by his fellow citizens. The chapel was

reserved for sarcophagi of the most famous Ravennese. At one time in

the seventeenth century it housed almost thirty sarcophagi of the city's

bishops, governors, and even that supposedly of the prophet Elijah.^

We cannot be certain when and for what reason the tomb was dismantled.

32See above, note 28.

33originally the other sarcophagi, including probably that of Dante,

were in the portico of San Francesco. In 1660 the portico was demolished
and they were put in Braccioforte, an exterior chapel of the church. Their
numbers diminished steadily. By 1768, there were only five sarcophagi
left in the chapel and nine in the adjacent cemetery. See the account in
Antonio Tarlazzi, Memorie sacre, pp. 207-208.
 - 160 - .

The effigy, and possibly the sarcophagus, was moved to Braccioforte

by 1664.^ Sometime later Bartolomeo dal Sale, Guidarello’s descendant,

decided to take over the sarcophagus. The inscription on the sarcophagus

today, an epitaph for Bartolomeo dated 1707» presumably marks the

oc
date by which Bartolomeo appropriated the.sarcophagus.

His inscription must have destroyed the Guidarello epitaph. There

seems to be preserved at least a partial record of it in the following

inscription transcribed by a sixteenth century German antiquarian,

Lorenz Schrader:

Stemma, domus, patriae, nitor atque illustribus

actis ,
Clarus et insignis hie Guidarelle jaces.3°

^^abri, Le sagre memorie, p . 535, in his account of the life of

Bartolomeo Roverella, described the visit of Frederick III to Ravenna
in December 1468. In listing Guidarello among the Ravennese nobles
knighted by the Emperor, Fabri noted, "Guidarello Guidarelli quello,
di cui si vede la statua nella capella di Braccio Forte."

^^The epitaph is quoted above, note 11.

The history of this sarcophagus^ after 1525 is unclear. The in­
scription on it says that Bartolomeo dal Sale, nicknamed Baptista, set
up the sarcophagus for his ashes and those of his ancestors and is
dated 1707. There was a Bartolomeo, called Baptista, mentioned in
several late seventeenth documents; see Grossi, Genealogie, p. 50r.

^-Here you lie, 0 Guidarello, the

crown of your household, the
splendor of your fatherland,
renowned and distinguished through
illustrious actions.

See Schrader’s essay on Ravenna, Urbis Ravennae discrlptio exigua

et. jnscriptiones, where it is the first inscription listed in San
Francesco. Schrader did not give its location in the church.
Schrader’s essay is generally known through its inclusion in Joannes
Georgius Graevius, Thesaurus antiquitatum et. historiarum Itallae Neapolis,
Siciliae... (Leiden, 1704-25). It was actually written much earlier. In
his preface, Graevius acknowledged that he drew from Schrader’s Monumentis
 - 161 -

Biography of Guidarello Guidarelli

Tullio Lombardo had probably never met. Guidarello Guidarelli,

as the latter died in 1501, years before Tullio received the commission

for his tomb. However, Tullio would certainly have been familiar with

Guidarello's career. The Lombardi had spent a good deal of time In

Ravenna. In the 1480's, the family workshop had received the commissions

for two of the city's most Important monuments, the Tomb of Dante, also

in San Francesco, and the bases of the two monumental columns in

■37
Ravenna's main square. ' Until 1509, Ravenna had been part of the

Italiae for the section on Ravenna. According to the General Catalogue

of Printed Books in the British Museum, the Schrader volume was published
in 1592.
There is no way of determining whether In 1592 the Guidarello
monument was still in the San Liberio chapel. If so, then Schrader
was quoting the sarcophagus epitaph from the tomb in the Chapel of
San Liberio. Corrado Ricci argued to the contrary. He said that
Schrader was not quoting the sarcophagus epitaph, but a plaque below the
effigy set up when the tomb was divided and'Guidarello's effigy was
transferred to the Braccio Forte Chapel (La statua, p. VI-VII). He did
not mention the date of Schrader's essay, but following his argument,
Guidarello's effigy was transferred to Braccioforte by 1592.
Significant dates in the later history of the chapel can be limited
to the following. About 1747, the chapel's dedication was changed to the
Immaculate Conception and it was redecorated accordingly. See the
unpublished documents cited above, note 3.
In 1754, Gaetano dal Sale had erected a marble plaque on the left
side wall of the chapel which commemorated all the most Important family'
benefices to the chapel.

ne of the column bases is inscribed "Opus Petri Lombard 1483;"

the other "Opus Petri Lo-bardi." The stele of Dante is also inscribed
"Opus Petri Lo-bardi."
These monuments have received little attention in the literature
about Pietro Lombardo. For photographs and a general discussion see
Alieto Benin!, L'Archjtettura e scultura rinascimentale a Ravenna (Ravenna,
1954), pp. 12-13; 15* On the column bases, see also Corrado Ricci,
"Monument! veneziani nella Piazza di Ravenna," Rivista d'arte, III
(1905), pp. 35ff.

>
 - 162 -

Venetian empire and Guidarello had been in the enploy of* the Venetian

state. Guidarello enjoyed a great local fame as evidenced by the eulogies

published in his honor by hydius Catti in 1502.

As they are unique contemporary accounts of GuidarelloTs reputation,

they are quoted below:

De morte Quidarelli equitis Ravenatis.
Qual Scipio: qual Camillo: e qual Marcello
Eran di Roma il glorioso honore
Dando a sua bella patria ne tal splendore
che vien cantato anchor da questo e quello.
Tal il Fabro: Gorlino: il Guidarello
Di lantiqua Ravenna il ver decore
Eran: e si: chin suo proprio valore
Italia esser potea senza flagello.
Piangl afflicta Ravenna che per morte
• Spogliata sei dogni tua fama: e gloria:
Poi chel bon Guidarel iace sotterra
Solera ai primi il cor prudente e forte
Nel arae: e questo in duplicata historia
Era un Catton in pace: un Marte in guerra.

Etusdem Epithaphium

Gloria belligeri Martis, doctaeque Minervae

.Fama, dolor, situs est hie Quidarellus eques
Quern dedit Italiae vitam pro laude Ravenna
Cornell huic tacito sustulit ense forum.

Aliud

Flos quondam Italiae fuit vel orbis,

0 Mavors tuus, et tuus Minerva
Eductus veterl solo Ravennae
Cornell huic secuit forum latenter
Romani manibus feri; misellus
Isto sarcophago iacet; Viator
Tu da lachrymulas pias; lubet lex
Pro tanto patriae bono perenpto,
Ut sparsls Quidarellus, est hie isoflos:
Vlvus: floridus exeat sepulchro.3

3^ydiB Catti, Carmlna et eglogoe (Venice, 1502), Uv-iiiir.

 - 163 -

Although written in the rather pompous and sycophantic style

On the death of Guidarello, the knight from

Ravenna. Just as Scipio, Camillus and
Marcellus were the glory and honor of
ancient Rome bringing to their noble father­
land such splendor that it was heralded by
.all; Like Fabro, Gorlino, Guidarello was
the true decoration of ancient Ravenna.
And yes, lacking his individual bravery.
Italy could be without a scourge. Mourn,
bereaved Ravenna, which by his death is
deprived of all of your fame and glory
now that the great Guidarello is buried.
.He alone from the first was a prudent
and brave heart in battle; and in a two­
fold sense, He was a Cato in peace,
a Mars in war.

His Funeral Oration

Here lies the knight Guidarello

the honor, glory and sorrow of
bellicose Mars and wise Minerva.
Ravenna gave his life for the glory
of Italy. In Imola he was secretly
carried off by sword.

A Second (Oration)

He was once the flower of Italy, even

of mankind, Yours, 0 Mars and yours, 0
Minerva, Reared on the venerable soil
of Ravenna. In Imola he was wounded
secretly by the hand of a wild Roman;
Wretched he lies in this sarcophagus
0 you who pass by, shed pious tears,
in behalf of so much good ruined for
the fatherland, the law bids that you
weep for Guidarello; here is that flower;
let him walk forth from his grave alive
and blooming.
(ny translation)

Most of Catti's allusions are to well-known Roman heroes and gods.

However, two names from Renaissance Ravenna are less familiar. Fabro
must be Antonio Fabbri, the general from Ravenna, who led the Venetian
troops against the Turks at the Battle of Modone.
 - 164 -

expected in eulogies, these poems give a clear idea of Guidarello's

reknown as a soldier. Of note is the equal claim that Catti made for

Guidarello as a learned man. Even discounting what may have been

literary devices, the allusions to famous Roman heroes and to the gods

of war and wisdom, Guidarello was a man respected for his skills on and

off the battlefield.

Catti's praises are seconded by Ferretti in his unpublished 1557

history of Ravenna's notable citizens. His biography of Guidarello

specified that he was a student of Latin and Greek, and repeated the

praises of Guidarellob achievements as a condottiere.

Gorlino must refer to Gurlino Tombesi, a native of Ravenna who was

made head of the Venetian armies which aided Pisa in her rebellion against
Florence. He was also commander of the Venetian forces in several battles
against the Turks around 1500.
For their careers, see Girolamo Rossi Raverna dall'anno 1500 sino
all'anno 1513, trans. Jacopo Landoni (Ravenna, 1826), pp. 6-9.
Tullio would certainly have known Catti's eulogy of Guidarello.
In many respects, his effigy of Guidarello seems the sculpted equivalent
of the last part of Catti's "Second Oration."

^Manuscript in the Biblioteca Classense, sc. mob. 3s3jC. Joannis

Petri Ferretti. Rhavennatis, Lavellinatum Episcopi, Liber de viris illustribus
clvitatis Rhavennae, p. l§4r.
In ordine Equestri unus Guidarellus
cum domo eiusdem cognominus effloruit:
cui omnia summa Fortuna contribuerat,
militaris gloriae Dux Illustris,
in Disciplinus Inclytus, seu greca
velles seu latina posceres; Non inmemor
illius militarem dignitatem quanto alios
excellere reverentia, et honore, tanto
magis debere eminere et enitere virtute...

In the Equestrian Order a certain Guidarello

flourished at his ancestral home on whom
fortune has bestowed all the greatest things.
A leader famous for his military glory,
renowned in the disciplines of Greek, if you
will, and of Latin, if you demand.
Not unmindful of this, by as much as military
 - 165 -
Despite his fame, little can be reconstructed about Guidarello*s

life. His family evidently came to Ravenna from Florence In the early
40
fifteenth century. His birthdate is not known, but we can presume: that

he was b om between 1450-1460. The first recorded event in his life

took place in 1468 when, along with seventeen other young Ravennese

nobles, he was made a Cavaliere e Conte del Sacro Romano Imperatore by

Frederick H I . ^ Frederick III, anxious to bolster his troops, some­

times knighted boys as young as nine years, but most were older.

Hence Guidarello is likely to have been b o m in the mid-1450's.

Sanuto in his elaborate accounts of the Venetian campaigns on the

mainland' sketched Guidarello*s career as a condottlere. Guidarello

fought for Venice in her alliance with Pisa when the latter rebelled

virtue excells all other (virtues) in respect

and honor, by so much more ought one to be
distinguished and shine forth in.virtue.

^Ofhe most complete history of the Guidarello family was compiled

by Ricci, "La statua," p. IX-XV, where he cited the relevant documentation
about Guidarello*s ancestors.

^•4he first of the numerous Ravennese historians to repeat the

story is Hieronymi Rubei (Girolamo Rossi), Historiarum Ravennatum,
llbri decern (Venice, 1589), Book VII, p. 639.
The knighting was earlier commemorated in an unpublished poem
by Matteo da Faenza written in 1487. "In advento Federici Caesaris
Ravenna" (Miscellanea delle poesie profane manoscritte di varji Ravennati,
vol. 14, no. 72 (Biblioteca Classense, Mob. 3 .5 .B.).

^2In 1452, Frederick III had knighted a boy of that age in Bologna;
see R.P.M. Chemjbino Ghirardacci, Della historla di Bologna, ed. Albano
Sorbelli, in L.A. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, rev. ed., vol.
XXXIII, part I (Citt£ di Gastello, 1932), p. 159 of Ghirardacci*s
chronicle (printed on p. 141).
 - 166 -

against Florence In 1498-1499- In 1500 Guidarello served as a captain

In the forces of Cesare Borgia. He was also a Venetian double agent

and reported on Borgia's maneuvers In Romagna. Guidarello is not men­

tioned by Sanuto after 1500.^3 Until recently, the only known Infor­

mation about M s death was provided by Catti. In the 1502 eulogy

quoted above, Catti alluded to Guidarello's being mortally wounded by

the sword of an uMdentified Roman.

Over the years local Mstorians have embellished this brief account

so that, by the early twentieth century, it was generally believed that

Guidarello had been slain in a dispute over a lady. Speculation about

M s murderer centered on Paolo OrsiM, a Roman condottiere in Borgia’s

44
ranks.

In 1930, an early sixteenth century description of Guidarello's

death was discovered wMch corrected the legends. The following notice

was written by Giuliano Fantaguzzi in 1501:

Miser Guidarello da Ravenna, soldato digMssimo

del duca, abiando imprestato una sua camisa a la
spagnala belissima de lavori d'oro a Virgilio
Romano a Imola per farsi mascara e non ie la
volendo rendre a cruzatosi con lui, el ditto'
Virgilio lo tald a pezi a amazollo; el duca,
fattola piare, 11 fe' taiar la testa.^5

43MariroSanuto, I diarii, ed. G. Berchet (VeMce, 1879), vol. II,

col. 8, 355, 1082] vol. Ill, col. 879, 1049, IO65 , 1241.

^Ricci, "La statua," pp. XXI-XXII.

^5lt Is listed between .events wMch occurred on the tMrteenth

and the fifteenth of March, 1501; that is, it was written about one week
after Guidarello's death. A translation follows:

■ Mi Guidarello from Ravenna, a most worthy

soldier of the Duke (Cesare Borgia), lent
M s sMrt beautifully decorated in gold in
 From this cryptic account, we learn that Guidarello was mortally
i
wounded in Imola by Virgilio Komano in a dispute over an elaborately

ornamented shirt Guidarello had lent him to wear to a masquerade.

Guidarello*s Tomb Monument in Relation to Other Contemporary Tombs

The Guidarello Tomb is strikingly unlike other Italian funeral

monument's of the period.

Most sixteenth century wall tombs made an inposing appearance

because of sheer size. Throughout the century, there was a continuing

trend toward bigger and more sprawling wall tombs. These were often

conposed of several stories (fig. 2 1 3 ) Across their fa9ades allegorical

figures in the round combined with narrative anddecorative reliefs to

eulogize the deceased’s character and career (fig. 214).^ Numerous

-the Spanish style to Virgilio Romano in Imola

so that he could disguise himself. (Virgilio)
not wanting to return it and becoming
angry with (Guidarello) cut him to pieces
and assassinated him, the Duke made him
pay; he had his head cut off.

(ny translation)
This account was found in the Biblioteca Comunale of Cesena by
Augusto Campana and published in his article, "Perche fu ucciso Guidarello,1’
Felix Ravenna, n.s., vol. I (1930), pp. 17-21.

^%y the end of the sixteenth century, wall tombs sometimes

covered the entire inner fa9ades of churches as in fig. 213.

^Tullio's Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin in SS. Giovanni e

Paolo, Venice, illustrates this (fig. 13).
 - 168 -
2*o
types of associations are made with the Greco-Roman past. The wall

tomb was usually' modelled on ancient' architectural structures, the

most common of which was the triumphal arch (fig. 215).^9 In this

way, the pagan triumphal entry was transmuted into Christian triumph

over death and entry into everlasting life.

Various types of antique decorative relief motives were used,

both because they had become part of the Christian vocabulary of

death symbolism and because they associated the deceased with the

great men of the Greco-Roman world. Relief cycles}like that on the

della Torre Monument (figs. 216-217), recast the deceased as a heroic

Greek nude acting out the chronological stages of "every hero's life"':

Most others were journalistic synopses of important episodes in their

subject's life, as in the Monument to Gian Galeazzo Visconti in the

Certosa, Pavia (figs. 218-219).

All these features show that the emphasis in Italian Renaissance

tomb sculpture was on the worldly accomplishments of the dead person.^

lift
HOSee, for example, decorative motifs such as garlands (e.g.
Desiderio da Settignano, The Marsuppini Monument, Sta. Croce, Florence,
1450's (fig. 3); palmettes (e.g. Pietro Lombardo, The Roselli Monument,
The Santo, Padua completed in 1467 (fig. 1); roundels with busts (e.g. .
Tullio's Vendramin Monument, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice (fig. 13).

^This architectural format was very frequently used throughout

the Quattrocento and Cinquecento, beginning with the Rossellino Leonardo
Bruni Tomb, Sta. Croce, Florence, from the l440's (fig. 2).

50rhis trend in tomb decoration is paralleled in the funeral ceremony

itself. Beginning in the fifteenth century, funeral orations were in­
creasingly based on the Greco-Roman practice of eulogizing the dead man's
accomplishments.
1 This is unlike the earlier practice of delivering sermons at funerals;
see Verdun L. Saulnier, "L'oraison fun£bre au xvi®11® si^cle," Blbliotheque
d'Humanisme et Renaissance, travaux et documents, X (1948), pp. 124-158.
 • - 169 -
There was little explicitly Christian detail and little direct allusion

to Christianity's principal theme of life after death. Instead, like

the Greco-Roman sources of their architectural format and ornament, the

Italian tombs focused on a retrospective commemoration of the deceased.

The representation of the deceased seems to contradict the idea of

death. In most funeral monuments the effigy in standing, sitting,

kneelingjor equestrian‘position presides over the celebration of his

life (figs. 2 2 0 - 2 2 3 ) This is in marked contrast with contenporary

conventions in Northern Europe where transi tombs presenting the effigy

in horrifying stages of decay were the fashion (figs. 224-225)

The Italian sixteenth century custom of live and active effigies

differs from fifteenth century Italian funeral monuments which represented

the effigy as sleeping (fig. 2). This type, particularly for humanist

torrbs, prevailed throughout the century. In the early sixteenth century

Della Rovere tombs in Santa Maria del Popolo, Andrea Sansovino changed

the trend by introducing the 'demi-gisant' effigy, which represents the

deceased asleep on his side with his head propped up on his elbow

(fig. 226) .53 The demi-gisant became the standard form in the first

5-^See Appendix B, pp. 213-214.

52see Kathleen Rogers Cohen, Metamorphosis of a Death Symbol: The

'Transi' Tomb in the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance (California
Studies in the History of Art, yol. XV; Berkeley, 1971), for a recent
study of the Transi Tomb.

5%or a discussion of Sansovino's introduction of this type in Italy,

see Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, pp. 81-82. For exanples, see Appendix B,p. 214.
 - 170 -

half of the sixteenth century, replacing the total glsant. Later in

the century, the effigy was further animated, making it the equal

in vigor of the standing or sitting effigies (fig. 227).^

Corresponding to the death-denying pose of the deceased is his

portrayal in prime physical condition. There is nothing about the

effigy which suggest the experience of death - no expression of pain,

no physical wasting.

The Guidarello Guidarelli Monument cannot be associated with

these contemporary styles in tomb sculpture.. It Is not a multi-tiered,

sprawling wall design. It has no mourning virtues or allegorical

personifications of Guidarello's character. It lacks narrative sculp­

ture encapsulating his accomplishments or decorative detail harking

back to that found on ancient heroes’ tonbs. Guidarello is a recum­

bent figure, and what is more, he is clearly dead, not asleep.

Guidarello's monument derives from medieval funerary sculpture

rather than from the Greco-Roman prototypes. Its central element, a

glsant effigy, was first widely used in Gothic tomb sculpture and had

been infrequent in Italian condottiere tombs for more than a hundred

years. Tullio revived this tomb format because it evoked associations

particularly suitable for the memorial of the condottiere Guidarello.

54sometime after 1548, Guglielmo della Porta sculpted the effigy of

Bernardino Elvino for his tomb in the Popolo with open eyes, thus un­
mistakably alive.
See W. Gramberg, "Die Liegestatue des Gregorio Magalotti, Ein
romlsches Fruhwerk des Guglielmo della Porta: Bemerkungen zur Grippe
der Demi-gisants in der rSmischen Grabplastik des Cinquecento";
Jahrbuch der Hamburger Kunstsammlungen, XVII (1972), pp. 43-51.
 - 171 -
History of the Glsant Tomb

The sculpted glsant tomb which Tullio used had Its origins in

two-dimensional images. The idea of an effigy on a tomb slab is derived

'from North African mosaics and was inported into Europe through Spain.

An excellent example of a Spanish mosaic gisant can still be seen

outside Tarragona.

The motif was first translated into sculpture in eleventh century

Germany. It became popular throughout Northern Europe, especially in

Gothic France where the recumbent effigy atop a sarcophagus was employed

for persons of noble rank and various professions, including knights.55

Hundreds of these glsant monuments are preserved today, and from Pre-

Revolution sketchbooks like that of de Gaignieres,^^ we can confirm that

many more once existed (fig. 228).

The earliest tomb in which the deceased is in gisant pose and folds

his hands'in prayer Is from the Notre-Dame-de-Josephat Abbey, outside

Chartres. Judging from extant tombs, the first monument set within an

architectural frame was the 1260 tomb at Royaumont of Louis of France,

the intended heir of St. Louis. There a Gothic arcade flanked the glsant.57

55This summary is based on lectures on Gothic sculpture given by

Professor Willibald Sauerlander at the Institute of Fine Arts in the
Spring Semester, 1970.

56Jean Adh£mar and Gertrude Dordor, "Les toiribeaux de la collection

Gaigni§res ci la Bibliotheque Nationale, dessins d1archeologle du xviies.,,!
Gazette des Beaux-Arts, LXXXIV (1974), pp. 5-192 and LXXXVI (1976), pp.
89-128, presented line drawings of several thousand French medieval
•tombs with gisant effigies.

5?Sauerlander lecture notes and his Gothic Sculpture in France,

1140-1270, trans. Janet Sondheimer (New York, 1973T, PP. 21-235 cat. nos.
120-122; 159 and 273 .
 - 172 -

In all these glsant effigies, certain rules, are followed. The

deceased lies stiffly on his back on top of a bier slab or a sarcophagus.

Occasionally his head is turned toward the spectator, a variation

determined by the site of the tomb in relationship to the viewer. The

effigy's face is inpassive, and there is no attenpt at a portrait

likeness. On the contrary, the features are idealized. No matter

what his age at death, the deceased is made youthful and his eyes are

wide open. These two conventions resulted from the belief that an

men were resurrected at age 33, and that their eyes should be open to
witness the resurrection.5^

The gisant tomb was enthusiastically adopted in fourteenth century

Italy. There are some earlier examples of the type, but the vast

majority of gisant warrior tombs were, erected in the Trecento (figs.

229-230). IVfore than thirty examples are .catalogued in Appendix B, most

from the North Italian courts or the Kingdom of Naples. They followed the

French format in every respect but one. The deceased is always depicted

with his eyes closed as if asleep. Instead of a Christian allusion to

resurrection, Italians preferred the Greco-Roman association of death

with sleep.

The vogue for the glsant warrior tomb declined sharply in the

Quattrocento. There are very few examples, and, as had been the Trecento

pattern, they almost all come from Naples or North Italy. Although the

5%auerlander, Gothic Sculpture, p. 21.

^^Henriette s'Jacob, Idealism and Realism: A Study of Sepulchral

Symbolism (Leiden, 1954), pp. 11-18. This concept of death was adapted
by Christians to mean sleep while awaiting resurrection; see the discussion
 - 173 -
recumbent effigy was used in fifteenth century humanist tombs, more

animated effigies were preferred in the funerary, monuments of men of

the "vita activa." The deceased soldier was usually represented as

alive and vigorous, as for example, in the Tomb of Bartolomeo Colleoni

(fig. 231).

Very few gisant soldier tombs were executed in North Italy in the

fifteenth and early sixteenth century, and it is reasonable to suppose

that Tullio knew them all. They included the companion tombs of

Erasmo da Narni, II Gattamelata, and his son, Gianantonio da Narni,

in the Santo, Padua, c. 1455 (figs. 232-233)^ Since Tullio sculpted

two reliefs of the life of St. Antonio for his chapel in the Santo

between ltOl-1525, he would have known these tombs.^

They both follow the Italian version of the French Gothic gisant

tomb established in the Trecento. The deceased are shown on their backs,

their hands crossed over their swords, and their heads turned to the

side from which we approach them. Their eyes are shut in eternal sleep

and their faces are expressionless. They are atop sarcophagi within

arcae solia.

There is no indication of their death andno attempt to evoke our

in Alfred C. Rush, Death and Burial in Christian Antiquity (The Catholic

University of America Studies in Christian Antiquity No. 1; Washington,
D.C., 1941), pp. 1-22.

^°Venturi, Storia dell'arte italiana, vol. VI,-La scultura del

Quattrocento, pp. 497-^99.

j ^lQonzati, La Basilica di S. Antonio, vol. I, p. CIV, document XCVIII.

 - 174 -

sympathy as in Tullio's Guidarello Tomb. To my knowledge, there is only

one other funeral monument, also for a condottiere, which suggests

that its subject is dead. The unexecuted tomb is known through a

£p
sketch in the notebooks of Jacopo Bellini. It is highly likely that

Tullio knew it, as Jacopo Bellini’s notebooks were treasured by, and

passed on from, generation to generation among Venetian artists.

Furthermore, Tullio seems to have been inspired by Jacopo’s sketchbooks

in other instances.^

In his sketch (fig. 234), Jacopo drew a nude recumbent warrior

atop a sarcophagus decorated with scenes of his victories. A nude gisant

was never used except in transi tombs. Here there is no idea of physical

decay, although the gisant is clearly dead. Contrary to the typical

Italian heroic nude, Jacopo pictured the gisant as extremely thin, sug­

gesting the physical wasting ofdeath. Unlike Guidarello, however, the

face of the gisant is inexpressive and does not engage our sympathy.

Two other funerary monuments must be associated with Guidarello's

tomb. The first is Bambaia's Tomb of Gaston de Foix, the leader of

the French troops against the Holy League, who was killed in the Battle

of Ravenna in 1512. It was begun in late 1515 and worked on steadily

until 1521-1522 when it was abandoned and never finished. Preparatory

drawings and contemporary descriptions give a basic idea of the intended

^Viktor Golubew, Die Skizzenbucher Jacopo Bellinis (Brussels, 1908),

vol. II, pi. A (from the His de la Salle collection, nowin the Louvre).
Golubev/ suggested that this was a monument intended for one of the Este family.

^See Chapter Four, p 75-

 - 175 -
ensemble. The effigy of Gaston de Foix (fig. 235) is in standard

gisant position and seems to be asleep. The face is somewhat idealized

and is expressionless. Unlike Guidarello's monument, the Gaston de

Foix memorial was planned to have many allegorical statues and eulogizing
fill
reliefs (figs. 236-237) and hence, in this regard, followed the typical

sixteenth century Italian practice.

The second is that of Niccold Orsini, a Venetian general in the

War of the League of Cambrai, who was killed at Lonigo. The only date

available for the Orsini Tomb is the terminus post quern of 1510, the

year of his death.^ The Orsini Tomb is no longer in situ. However,

Orsini's effigy is preserved. It is in a stiff gisant pose and his face

is expressionless. The sarcophagus is not a re-used ancient sarcophagus

but one sculpted in the sixteenth century, as is shown by the Bellinesque

Madonna and Child on its front (fig. 238)

As both were condottieri prominent in Venetian-Ravennese history,

^Gustave Clausse, Les tombeaux de Gaston de Foix, Due de Nemours,

et de la famille Birago par Agostino Busti dit Le Bambaja (1523) (Paris,
19127 summarized the career of Gaston de Foix and the history of the tomb.

65see Gaetano Panazza, I Musei e la Pinacoteca di Brescia (Bergamo,

1959), P- 89 . For Niccold Orsini's life, see Giuseppe Bruscalupi, Kono-
grafia storica della contea di RLtigliano, opera postuma (2nd ed.; Florence,
1906).
Orsini had been made commander-general of the Venetian army in
elaborate ceremonies held in Ravenna; see Rossi, Ravenna dall'anno 1500, p. 26.

66fhe half-length sacra conversazione became a common Bellini compo­

sition in the l^O's, so that it is no help in dating the Orsini monument.
See Goffen, Icon and Vision: The Half-Length Madonna and Child Compo­
sitions of Giovanni Beilina..
 -17 6 -
their tombs would certainly have been known to Tullio and to the

executors of Guidarello's estate. The Guidarello Monument was finished

Cn
in 1525 , but there is no certain proof of the year In which it was begun.

Thus it is Iirpossible to determine the chronological order of the three

tombs. No matter what their sequence, they should be grouped together.

They were done within a span of twenty years and together with the Narni

Tombs In Padua are the only warrior glsant tombs executed anywhere In

North Italy since the Trecento. Moreover, the small number of other

warrior gisant tombs done anywhere in Italy in the sixteenth century

all post-date these three.

Tullio's monument to Guidarello should be related to these two

tombs, and more distantly to the Narni Tombs and Bellini's drawing, but

it is unique in an irrportant way. It is the only tomb actually executed

in which the death suffered by the effigy is exploited to engage the

spectator's feelings.

The Influence of Chivalry in Renaissance Italy

These fifteenth and sixteenth century gisant warrior tombs were

commissioned because the format of the tomb itself evoked powerful

associations. The gisant tomb was popularized in the late Middle Ages,

especially in Gothic France. The tomb format was popular in Italy only

Cn
It is possible that Tullio became involved with the Guidarello
commission when he was in Ravenna in 1515 working on the Cappella Argentea
for the Duomo. See above, note 31- Our only evidence about when the
Guidarello monument was begun is suggested by the Franciscan monies'
petition of 1520 that seems to indicate that the Guidarello Tomb had not
then been begun; see above, note 28 .
 - 177 -
at the various court centers where French influence was strong, i.e.,

in North Italy and Naples. See Appendix B for the geographical and

chronological distribution of the type. In North Italy geographical

proximity and intermarriage with the French nobility led the Italian

upper classes to emulate French modes. Naples and its surrounding area

were controlled for much of the fifteenth century by the Dukes of Anjou

and so, naturally, French customs prevailed.

Among the most significant of the French cultural influences was

the interest in chivalry and the legendary histories of the Middle Ages.

King Arthur and his Round Table, Charlemagne and his knights, became the

heroes of the Italian courts where their adventures were avidly read

and their customs imitated. It must have seemed altogether' fitting to

commemorate a contemporary knight with a funeral monument that made

visual allusion to the type of tombs designed when the great fighters

of the Middle Ages were supposed to have lived. A condottiere tomb

like Guidarello*s is a conscious revival of the sort of monument that

the medieval knights were thought to have had, as is shown by sixteenth

century illustrations of their tombs (fig. 239)•

There are abundant reflections of chivalry in Renaissance Italy's

literature, social customs and art. However, the continuing impact of

medieval institutions on Italy during the Renaissance period has been

generally undervalued. In part this is because of the historiography

of Italian Renaissance studies. The period was first carefully investi­

gated in the nineteenth century by historians trained in philology.

 - 178 -

This background gave them a Greco-Roman bias and, consequently, they

tended to stress classical influence as the sole criterion by which

68
to define and understand Renaissance Italy. The correctness of

this approach in art seemed justified by the testimony of Vasari, the

most inportant contemporary source, who characterized the medieval

period as "a rude and inept age when all good methods in art had been

lost, dead and buried in the ruins of war.

Nineteenth century historians were also reacting against the

principal literary and cultural revival of their day, Romanticism,

which had glorified the Middle Ages. Men like Burckhardt,who wrote

Civilization of the Renaissance in i860, rej.ected the excesses of

Romantic interpretation but their correction probably went too far in

treating Renaissance Italy as dramatically different from the preceding

medieval world.

6&p0r a summary of the development of art historical thinking,

see Lionello Venturi, History of Art Criticism, trans. Charles Marriott
(New York, 1964), pp. 213-236.
Warburg himself wrote, "For we are reluctant to acknowledge how
medieval the man of the Renaissance really was..." Flanders and Florence,
manuscript, trans. by E.H. Gombrich, in his Aby Warburg, An Intellectual
Biography (London, 1970), p. 137-
69vasari-Milanesi, Le vite, vol. I, Florence, 1906, p. 369 . Vasari
was discussing Giotto's contribution: "...perciocchd' essendo stati
sotterrati tanti anni dalle rovine delle guerre i modi delle buone pitture
e i dintomi di quelle...quella etct e grossa et inetta..."

70see Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy,

trans. S.G.C. Middlemore; rev. ed. by Irene Gordon (New York, Toronto,
London, i960 ), pp. 145-210.
 - 179 -
Evidence that chivalry was a vital influence in Italian Renaissance

life and customs is great. It can almost be quantified through an

analysis of Italian reading material in the fifteenth and sixteenth

centuries.

Several inventories of the library holdings of North Italian

princely families in this period have been published. The Sforzas,

Gonzagas, Estes, and Viscontis all owned large numbers of chivalric

romances in French or in translation.^ Furthermore, conparison of

dated inventories reveals that fascination with this reading material

did not decline, but rather increased, during the Renaissance."^ Loan

records from these libraries further document the great vogue for chivalric

adventures, as does the following enthusiastic account. In 1470, Duke

Borso of Ferrara wrote to count Ludovico di Cuneo to send him a courier

"laden with as many French books as you can, to wit, some of those of

the Tavola Vecchia, for we shall receive more pleasure and content there­

from than from the acquisition of a city."^

7^n the library of the Este, see Pio Rajna, "Ricordi di codici francesi
posseduti dagli Estensi nel secolo XV," Romania, II ( 1 8 7 3 ) , pp. 4 9 - 5 8 .
Giulio Bertoni, La Biblioteca Estense e la coltura ferrarese ai tempi
del Duca Ercole I, 1 4 7 1 - 1 5 0 5 (Turin, 1 9 0 3 ) , pp. 7 7 - 7 8 ; Giulio Bertoni,
Nuovi studi su Matteo Maria Boiardo (Bologna, 1 9 0 4 ) , pp. 1 7 3 - 1 7 7 •
On the Visconti library, see C. d'Adda, Indaglni storiche, artist!che
e bibliografiche sulla libreria Visconteo-Sforzesca del Castello di Pavia
"(Milan, 1 8 7 5 ) and C. Magenta, I Visconti e gll Sforza (Milan, i H B s T , vol. I,
pp. 2 2 6 - 2 3 4 .
On the Gonzaga library, see Braghirolli and Meyer, "Les manuscrits des
Gonzaga," Romania, IX ( 1 8 8 0 ) , pp. 4 9 7 - 5 1 4 .

"^See, for example, the comparisons made by J. Camus, Notices et

extraits des manuscrits frangais de ModSne (Modena, 1 8 9 1 ) , p. VI.

73QUoted in Edmund G. Gardner, The Arthurian Legend in Italian

 - 180 -

The recitation of the romances was a favorite entertainment in

Renaissance Italy. This is anply confirmed by the records of the travels

71)
of Prove^al troubadours around the Italian courts.' There were even

city ordinances regulating where the troubadours could sing because

the vast crowds they drew inpeded the flow of traffic.75 An entire

genre of Italian literature, the cantari, is corrposed of the written.

versions of these popular songs.7^

The influence of the chivalric tales in other branches of Italian

literature was widespread and profound. Beginning in the twelfth cen­

tury one finds allusions to the French romances in Italian prose and

v erse.D a nt e in the fourteenth century named French the most impor­

tant modem language because of the significance of the Arthurian legends.78

These legends were translated into Italian countless times. A reworking

of them provided the framework for the plot of the first major Italian

secular epic, Barberino *s I Reali di Francia, written at the end of the

Literature (London, 1930), p. 27^•

7^Edmund G. Gardner, "Notes on the 'Matiere de Bretagne* in Italy,"
Proceedings of the British Academy, XV (1929), pp. 179-212.
75nenri Hauvette, L'Arioste et la pogsie chevaleresque a Ferrare
a u d 6 b u t d u x v i e s i g q l e ( P a r i s , 1927), P - 59*
76see Ezio Levi, "I cantari leggendari del popolo italiano nei
secoli xiv et xv," Giomale storico della letteratura italiana, supp.
XVI (191^) and Giulio Bertoni, I trovatori d1Italia (biografie, testi,
traduzioni, note)(Modena, 1915).

77Gardner, The Arthurian Legend, p. 6.

7%)ante, De vulgari eloquentla, i, 10, quoted in ibid., p . 130.

 - 181 -

7Q
Trecento.'^

The famous Italian literature of the Quattrocento and Cinquecento

was also inspired by the French romances. The best-loved writers of

the period, Pulci, Boiardo, Ariosto, and Tasso,®0 all recounted the

adventures of the medieval knights. Italian authors made characteristic

modifications to please their nationalistic audiences. Stories about

King Arthur’s court were transplanted to the Holy Roman Empire and told
O -i

about Charlemagne and his generals. Their heroes were thus made Roman

citizens and became the ancestors of notable Italian Renaissance

79see G. Melzi and P.A. Tosi, Bibliografia dei romanzi di cavalleria

italiani (Milan, 1865).
Three large volumes of translated chivalric romances were published
by Tramezzino in Venice between 1557-1558; see Giuseppe Malavasi, La
materia poetica del ciclo brettone in Italia in particolare la leggenda
di Tristano e quello di Lancillotto (Mirandola, 1901), p p . 27-49.

^^Luigi Pulci’s most famous work, the 30,000 line Morgante

maggiore, was first publsihed in 1470 and reprinted more than a dozen
times in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
The first three books of the Orlando inamorato by M.M. Boiardo,
together with Nicold degli Agostini's fourth book, were first published
in Venice in 1511. These went through more than seventeen Italian editions
in the sixteenth century.
Tasso’s chivalric epic, Di Gerusalemme conquistata, was first published
in Rome in 1593 and re-issued three times before the end of the century.
His more famous II Goffredo (La Gerusalemme liberata) appeared in Venice
in 1580 and was reprinted at least a dozen times before 1600 .
The most popular of them all, Ariosto's Orlando furioso, was first
published in Ferrara in 1516 and was reprinted at least seventy times
in Italy alone in the sixteenth century.
The above outline of reprintings is compiled from the General
Catalogue of Printed Books in the British Museum (London, 1964).

fr ^ Transfer of the ethos, ambience and specific episodes from the

Round Table of Arthur to the Court of Charlemagne, the Holy Roman Emperor,
began with the first Italian chivalric epics like the fourteenth century
Entree d'Espagne written in Padua.
 - 182 -

Op
families. The very origins of chivalry were speciously traced to

Rome and Romulus named as the founder of chivalry.®3 Thus, for

Italians, a considerable part of the attraction of chivalry lay in

its direct descent from ancient Rome.

Not just the major authors of the Renaissance, but dozens of

minor writers little known today, culled this material for their

themes. These medieval romances were as important as Greco-Roman

sources for Renaissance literature.

Chivalric modes were equally influential in all levels of Italian

society throughout the Renaissance. As early as the twelfth century,

Italians began using names of the Arthurian h e r o e s . Popular folk

^Boiardo and Ariosto traced the Este family origins to Bradamante

and Ruggiero, in accord with an established tradition; see Bertoni,
Nuovi studi su Matteo Maria Boiardo, p. 230-232.
This type of lineage was confected for many families; see, for
example, Pio Rajna "Le origin! delle famiglie padovane e gli eroi dei
romanzi cavallereschi," Romania, IV (1875), PP- 16Iff.

^3see, for example, Francesco Thonnina, Dlscorso in materia di

duello (Mantua, 1557), n.p., and Giovambattista Giraldi Cinzio, Ecatommiti
(5th ed,; Venice, 1584), Deca X, Novella 8 , p. 2l4v.
Leonardo Bruni in the De militia had traced the ideal pattern of
knighthood to the equestrian order of republican Rome; see C.C. Bayley,
War and Society in Renaissance Florence: The 'De Militia1 of Leonardo
Bruni (Toronto, 1961), p. 210.

84There were many editions of the Vita di Merlino; Meliadus; Tristano;

and Lancillotto dal lago. A Venetian, Nicold degli Agostini, wrote a
continuation to Boiardo called Innamoramento di Messer Tristano e di
Madonna Isotta. His companion volume about Lancelot and Guinevere was
itself continued by Marco Guazzo (1521-1526); for a discussion of these
books, see Gardner, The Arthurian Legend, pp. 295-308.
For a more complete listing of the dozens of Arthurian poems
published c. 1500, see Francesco Foffano, II poerna cavalleresco, vol. II,
Storia dei generi letterari Italian! (Milan, [I9G0 J), p. 55.

^^See the fundamental research by Pio Rajna, "Gli eroi brettoni

nell'onomastica italiana del secolo xii," Romania, XVII (1888), pp. l6lff.
 - 183 -

tales centered around their characters; for example, the Veronese

claimed that Lancelot had fought a duel in their amphitheatre which'

itself had been built by Merlin's magic.

The Italian nobility especially became avidly interested in

chivalry’s rituals. The degree of their fascination is evident in the

festivals staged to celebrate inportant social events. Occasions such

as marriages or the arrival of an important visitor provided an opportunity

for days of elaborate theatrical performances featuring mock battles,

tournaments, and jousts. Unlike the medieval military exercises in

which knights proved their prowess or lost their lives, these were

entertainments in which battles were staged as spectacles. They were

sometimes used for political purposes, as in the celebration of the

election of the Venetian Doge Francesco Foscari. He scheduled tournaments

and jousts in the hope of stirring the "spirito guerriero" of Venetians

about to fight for territory on the Italian mainland. The themes were
Oy
usually inspired by chivalric tales and always centered on love of a lady.

^Arturo Graf, "Artu nell'Etna," Miti, leggende, e superstizioni

del medio evo (Turin, 1893), pp. 356-359-
Dante used Paolo and Francesca to exemplify the second circle of
Hell, that of carnal sin. Their adultery was provoked by reading chivalric
romances. As Francesca tells Paolo,

On a day for dalliance v/e read the rhyme

of Lancelot, how love had mastered hirn...

Dante, The Inferno, trans. John Ciardi (New York, 1954} PP- 61-62.

87lhe associations of Renaissance feste with chivalry have not been

well studied. Brief general discussions are found in Richard Barber,
The Knight and Chivalry (New York, 1970), pp. 298-304; Roy Strong, Splendour
at Court; Renaissance Spectacle and Illusion (London, 1973), pp. 24-28}
and Riccardo Truffi, Giostre e cantor-i di glostre;.studi e ricer'che di storia
e di ILetteratura (Rocco S. Casciano, [19HJ), pp."60|-83.
 - 184 -

One example performed at the Anjou court in Tarascon in 1449

is typical. The title of the festa was Le Pas de la Bergere. Its

heroine was a beautiful young woman, this time disguised as a shepherdess.

Many knights in the costumes of shepherds battled for her love. To

complete this bucolic idyll, numerous thatched cottages formed the

DO
stage backdrop from which charged the knights on horseback.

The combination here of Greco-Roman pastoral with chivalric ritual

is characteristic of the Italian Renaissance. Just as in literature,

the festivals frequently mix medieval and classical allusions. The two

could be interwoven because Italians believed chivalry had originated

in ancient Rome and that the chivalric tales were a natural outgrowth

of Roman concepts of honor and bravery.

oq
These performances were standard entertainment at all Italian courts.

Dozens are recorded through spectators' descriptions and souvenir pro­

grams distributed to the audience, as well as through accounts of payments

to the artists and actors. Soem visual impression of their splendor can

be gleaned from study of the preparatory drawings for the costumes,

For the medieval period, see R.S. Loomis, "Chivalrie and Dramatic
Imitations of Arthurian Romance," Medieval Studies in Honor of A. Kingsley
Porter (Cambridge, Mass., 1939), pp. 79-97.
On the tournaments honoring the Doge Francesco Foscari, see Andrea
Da Mosto, I Dogi di Venezia (2nd ed.; Mian, 1966), p. 204.

^Strong, Splendour at Court, p. 38 .

® 9 T r u f f i , G i o s t r e e^ c a n t o r i d i g i o s t r e , l i s t s b y c i t y t h e m o s t
important fifteenth and sixteenth century jousts with a bibliography of
contemporary accounts and secondary sources, pp. 159-183-
 - 185 -
floats, sets, etc., and from the prints made as momentos.9°

One of the best documented festivals offers striking evidence

that they were staged to commemorate occasions far removed from the

world of chivalry. In 15^9 elaborate tournaments were held at the

Vatican to celebrate the translation of the icon of Santa Maria della

Neve. This sacred day ended with an amorous benediction: Venus and
Cupid shooting arrows of love at all the competing knights.^1

Not only did chivalry provide the structure of entertainment in

the Renaissance but its ethics became the guidelines of Italian social

standards and manners. A whole body of fifteenth and sixteenth litera­

ture was geared to teach the practical aspects of chivalry, when and how

to duel, joust, etc. Another group of treatises discussed theoretical

questions such as eligibility for knighthood and rules of honor.92

90fhere is no comprehensive study of Renaissance festivals. Litera­

ture about them falls into the category of general survey like Strong's
Splendour at Court or Jean Jacquot, ed. F§tes et c^rbmonies au temps de
Charles Quint (Deuxidme Congr§s de 1'Association Internationale des His-
toriens de la Renaissance (2e section), Paris, I960).
Individual spectacles have been studied in specialized articles,
e.g., Phyllis Dearborn Massar, "A Set of Prints and a Drawing for the
1589 Medici Marriage Festival," Master Drawings, XIII (1975), PP- 12-22.
See also. A.M. Nagler, Theatre Festivals of the Medici, 1539-1637, trans.
George Hickenlooper (New Haven, 1964).
There have also been exhibitions featuring prints done of the
festivals like that assembled by Arthur Blumenthal, Italian Renaissance
Festival Designs (Madison, Wisconsin, 1973)-

91see Mario Tosi, II Torneo di Belvedere in Vaticano e i_ tomei

in Italia nel Cinquecento (Rome, 19^5), pp. 2 6 - 5 T , and bibliography,
pp. XI-XIX.

9Particularly useful analyses of this vast literature are the two

volumes by Frederick R. Bryson, The Point of Honor in Sixteenth C e n t u r y
Italy: An Aspect of the Life of a Gentleman (Chicago,"1935) aid The Six­
teenth Century Italian D u e l : A S t u d y in Renaissance Social History
(Chicago, 1938)• Both provide extensive bibliographies of the sixteenth
century Italian handbooks on chivalric ethics.
 - 186 -

S o m e , s u c h a s D e l l a C a s a ' s G a l a t e o a n d C a s t i g l i o n e 's I I c o r t e g i a n o ,
went through numerous printings and are still considered classics of
Renaissance literature.
Chivalric themes were also popular in Renaissance art. Unfortunately,
because they very often decorated the private residences of the nobility,
a large percentage has been destroyed. This has led to an under­
estimation of chivalry's influence on the pictorial arts.
The most significant groups of conmissions featuring chivalric
themes centered around the festivals. Artists were hired to design all
aspects of the pageantry — costumes, stage-sets, props, temporary
architecture, etc. All of these were done In non-permanent materials
and, consequently, very little survives today. Prints, done as souvenirs
of the celebrations, provide our most valuable record of the festivals
(fig. 2^0). Otherwise we must turn to surviving drawings to learn
the artists' intentions .^

Chivalric themes were frequently commissioned to decorate the houses

of the nobility. About the year 1550, Nicold dell'Abate painted a cycle
of illustrations from the Orlando Furioso for the Palazzo Torfanini,
Bologna. Scenes of the hunt were popular throughout the Renaissance.
One well-preserved example is found in the frescoes in the Sala della

93castiglione's II cortegiano was published simultaneously in

Florence and Venice in 152B"! There were more than eighteen editions in
Italy alone in the sixteenth century.
D alla Casa's II Galateo, first publsihed in Milan in 1559, went
through more than four Italian editions in the sixteenth century. These
figures are derived from the General Catalogue of Printed Books in the
British Museum.
9^See above, note 90.
 - 187 -

Scalcheria, Palazzo Ducale, Mantua, conpleted by Lorenzo Leonbruno

in 1523.^^ Again, as so many palaces have been destroyed or had their
interiors gutted, often only written descriptions and payment records
are available to establish the vogue for chivalric subject m a t t e r . ^
More of these painted decorations may yet be uncovered. It had long
been realized that a room in the fourteenth century Ducal Palace of
Mantua was painted with scenes of the tales of Sir Lancelot, but only
97
in 1970 was another more important cycle found there. ' The ruins of
one of the major fresco commissions of the Renaissance, Pisanello's
masterpiece in painting, were revealed in recent restoration work. Al­
though only fragments of the sinopie and finished fresco are intact,
these are clearly stock episodes from the chivalric ronances (figs. 241-243).^

95The icon ography of the hunt was popu lar throug hout t he Renaissance.
See the examples of this t heme comp iled by D avi d Cast in his r eview of
Wern er L. Gunder sheimer, A rt an d Li fe at the Co urt of Ercole d 'Este: The
'De triumphis re ligionis' of Gi ovan ni Sa badi no degli A renti, A rt Bulletin,
LVII ( 1 9 7 5 ) , pp. 278- 283.

9^ For example, in Ferrara, t h e center of t he c hiv a lric cu lt, most

of the r oyal residen ces have been d e s troyed. Th e S c hif a noia is ou r only
evidence of the orig inal nineteen E s t e palaces; se e Gi a nna P az zi, Le
'Delizie Estensi' e l 1A r i o s t o : F a s t i e piaceri di F err a ra ne ll a
Rinascen za (Pescara, 1933) and Gun d e r sheimer, Ar t a n d L i fe at t he Court
of Ercol e d ’E s t e : T he 'De trinphi s r eligionis1 of G iov a nni S ab adi no
degli Ar enti (Geneva , 1972).
^ G i o v a n n i Paccagnini, Pisanello (London and N e w York, 1973), p. 46.
^Discussions of this cycle are found in ibid., pp. 45-76.
Interesting information is added to Pacc a g n i n i 's d i scussio n in reviews
of his book by Mario Salmi, Commentari, XXIV, (1973), pp. 34lff; M. Fossi
Todorow, Burlington Magazine, CXIV (1972), p. 888; Anna Z anoli, Paragone,
no. 277 (1973), p. 27; and Bernhard Degenhart, "Pisanello in Man tua,"
Pantheon, XXI (1973), pp. 364-411.
 - 188 -

A better measure of the popularity of this thematic material is

found in the minor arts. Abundant examples are preserved in such
princely possessions as illustrated books,99 cassoni ^00 and tapestries
(figs. 244-246).101 There are also a number of easel paintings which
illustrate the medieval legends or their Italian versions; examples
include those done by the Dossi (fig. 247) and Garofalo, favorite painters
of the Ferrara court, which was also the primary center of Italian
chivalric literature.-*-*^

99see, e.g. C a
terina Sa ntoro, l ib ri illustrati m ilanesi de l
Rina scimento, sagg i o
bibliogr a f i c o (M il an , ~ 1 9 5 3 ); Piet ro Toesca, La
pitt ura e la minia t u
ra nella Lombardi a dai piu antichi monumenti alia
meta del Quattroce n t
o (Milan, 1912); Tu llia Gasparrini -Leporace et al . ,
Codi ci Marciani ed e
dizioni i taliane an tlche di epopea carolingl a
(Ven ice, 1961); an d V. Belloc chi and B. S a v a , L 1I n t e r p retazione grafica
dell 'Orlando Furio so (Reggio Emilia, 19 61).
-*-°^Other examples o f cassoni are collected b y Paul Schubring,
Cassoni; Truhen und Truhenbilder der italienischen Fruhrenaissance. Ein
Beitrag zur Profanmalereiim Quattrocento (Leipzig, 1915), nos. l4o and 664.
-^-^There are many studies specializing in the tapestries com missioned
by t h e
Italian cou rts which indicate the \ogue for chivalric subj ect matter.
See t h
e general di scussion in Mercedes Viale Ferrero, Arazzi ital iani
(Mil a n
, 1961), pp. 11-14, and especially the bibliography, pp. 75 -78.
Nume r o
us examples are found in H. G&bel, Wandtepplche, vol. II, 1 -2,Die
roma n i
sche Lander (Leipzig, 1928), figs. 189-193; 196; 200; 202.
For archival information about tapestries now destroyed, se e the
bibliography in Vi ale Ferrero, Arrazzi italiani, pp. 75-78.
1 0 2 g e e the exa m p l e s i n G. Fu m a g a l l i , " L ' A riosto t r a i pittori,"
Emporium, LXXVII (1933), pp. 283-296.
Chivalric subjects by the Dossi are catalogued by Gibbons, Dosso
a n d B a t t i s t a D o s s i , c a t . n o s . 3 1 a n d 59. A T i t i a n d r a w i
ng of "Angelica
Saved by Ruggiero" in the Musie Bonnat, Bayonne, was engr aved by Cornells
Cort. According to Erwin Panofsky, Problems in Titian, Mostly Iconographlc
(New York, [19693), p. 122, n. 35, Titian's Uffizi Venus no. 2 v/as u s e d t o
illustrate a scene from Ariosto's Orlando i^urioso (x, 95 ff.).
The popularity of representations of St. George is also a result of
the vogue of chivalry, as George is its patron saint. F or this and
 - 189 -
It is worthwhile to consider the reasons for the Interest of the
Italian nobility in chivalric subject matter. In the case.of the
Pisanello cycle, the major Reniassance chivalric decoration known to
date, the painting provides the evidence. The frieze at the top of the
frescoed walls features a repeated decorative motif, a collar. This
has been shown to be a replica of the famous English Royal Livery
presented to the Gonzaga by Henry VI, in gratitude for their military
aid (fig. 248).103
The Gonzaga evidently chose to commemorate this award by com­
missioning a great fresco cycle. The pictorial themes selected to
immortalize their military success were the chivalric legends. Mem­
bers of the Gonzaga family and some of their castles seem to have been
portrayed in the fresco. By these means, the Gonzagas honored them­
selves as condottieri by allusion to the heroic knights of the medieval
romances.
P i s a n e l l o ’s d e c o r a t i o n f o r t h e G o n z a g a p a l a c e p r o v i d e s a
significant index of the vitality and relevance of the chivalric
tradition in Renaissance Italy. In this sense, Tullio's monument to
Guidarello Guidarelli parallels the Gonzaga cycle.
Guidarello was a nobleman and condottiere like the Gonzagas. He

tournament-type illustrations, see Raimond Van Marie, Iconographie de

l ' a r t p r o f a n e a u M o y e n - A g e e t |. l a R e n a i s s a n c e e t l a d e c o r a t i o n d e s
dGmeures, La vie quotidlenne (The Hague, 1931), PP. 143-146.
-*-03iiaria Toesca, "A Frieze by Pisanello," Burlington M a g a z i n e ,
CXVI (1974), pp. 210-214 and "More about the Pisanello Murals," Bur­
lington Magazine, CXVIII (1976), pp. 622-628.
 - 190 -

had been knighted by Frederick III in 1468 and made his name through

his military abilities. We know from Sanuto's accounts that he partici­

pated in the type of chivalric festivities so enjoyed by the Italian

nobility. Sanuto described an elaborate bull-fight and masked ball

staged to celebrate Borgia's capture of Imola.10^ Although not connected

with Guidarello by Sanuto, this must have been the masked ball for

which Guidarello lent his elegant Spanish shirt to Virgilio Romano.

Guidarello was later mortally wounded by Romano in a dispute about

returning the shirt. According to the chivalric code of behavior,

Guidarello died defending .his honor. Catti's eulogies of Guidarello

suggest that he was an embodiment of the chivalric virtues described by
Castiglione.
That Guidarello was considered a great hero in Ravenna is indicated
by the honors bestowed on him posthumously. He was buried in San
Francesco, the local pantheon. When his tomb was dismantled, his effigy
was moved to Braccioforte, the burial chapel of the most famous citizens
of the city. Since Guidarello's death, his effigy has remained one of
the monuments of which Ravenna is most proud.
Like the Gonzaga, Guidarello's career as a knight was immortalized
through allusion to the heroes of chivalry. Tullio's monument to
Guidarello is like French medieval tombs such as might have been done

10^Sanuto, I diarii, vol. Ill, cols. 1487; 1495; 1540.

10S
^ C a s t i g l i o n e 's c o u r t i e r w a s s u p p o s e d t o b e s k i l l e d i n m i l i t a r y a r t s
and well read in the classics, as Catti and Ferretti tell us Guidarello was.
S e e a b o v e , n o t e s 38-39*
 - 191 -

for the Knights of the Round Table, the descendants of the great heroes
of antiquity. It represented the Renaissance knight Guidarello as a
glsant in armor atop a sarcophagus. This tomb format is derived from
medieval conventions out of fashion for more than a hundred years.
Unlike the Gaston de Foix Monument which may have been begun before it
and been its immediate inspiration, the Guidarello Tomb uses none of
the accessories standard in contemporary Italian funerary sculpture.

Conclusion
T u l l i o ’s m o n u m e n t t o G u i d a r e l l o s h o w s a m a r r i a g e o f m e d i e v a l
and classical elements. The effigy executed according to the medieval
gisant formula is placed atop an antique sarcophagus, a Roman example
re-cut in Early Christian times. Guidarello's armor is made more
classicizing than any preserved examples of fifteenth century Italian
armor. A s i n R o m a n i m a g e s o f t h e d e a d , G u i d a r e l l o ’s e y e s a r e s h u t i n
eternal sleep. The tomb is framed by architectural detail inspired by
Greco-Roman models.
Tullio reinterpreted an Important aspect of the Renaissance men­
tality, its romantic nostalgia for the world of chivalry which it con­
sidered the last flowering of Roman principles of bravery and honor.
The upper classes' bewilderment at a changing society in which their
status was increasingly challenged led them to retreat into a simulacrum
of the society they had once ruled. The Italian nobility zealously
play-acted the ceremonies of chivalry long after the world in which
chivalry had played an integral role was over. Knights could no longer
 - 192 -

embark on quests for the Holy Grail; not only was Jerusalem in
the hands of the infidel, but the Turks were menacing the shores of
Italy. The Italians could not defend their city-states against the
powerful French and Spanish armies. Instead they staged elaborate
festivals in which fantastically costumed knights shammed battle in
story-book sets. Italian Renaissance literature called the heroes of
chivalry the descendants of great Romans and the ancestors of the ruling
families of Italy. Ariosto flattered Charles V as the new Charlemagne,
Pisanello the Gonzagas as medieval knights. So, too, Tullio commemorated
Guidarello.
Tullio's contemporaries pretended that the world of chivalry had
not died; in contrast, Tullio sculpted a memorial to its death. The
whole Guidarello Monument focuses on the only exposed area of the effigy,
the dead face. The sensitively carved features are turned toward the
spectator. It is clearly not a realistic likeness of the middle-aged
Guidarello who died a lingering death. It is the idealized image of
a beautiful young man, the ideal knight. By extension, it is a monument
t o t h e k n i g h t ’s e r a , t h e n o b l e A g e o f C h i v a l r y .
Tullio seems to have created the pathetically dead effigy. None
of his prototypes made their subject into a handsome young man and
emphasized his brave suffering in order to evoke our grief and sympathy.
Because the effigy is not specifically identifiable, and his tomb is a
version of a medieval knight's, we grieve not only for the man, but
for the epoch he personifies.
 - 193 -

CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION

Tullio Lombardo was one of the leading sculptors of the Italian

Renaissance. F o r mo r e t h a n a h a l f century (c. 1470-1530), he, his
father Pietro and brother Antonio dominated Venetian sculpture and architecture.
They introduced the latest Tuscan and Lombard styles into Venice and re­
worked them in the highly decorated idiom favored by Venetians. Their
joint workshop produced most of the elaborate wall tombs and richly
ornamented architecture that are the particular glory of Renaissance Venice.
After 1490, Tullio was the most important figure in the family
workshop and supervised the bulk of these commissions. His projects
like the Vendramin Tomb went far beyond earlier Lombardi reinterpreta­
tions of Renaissance motifs: they were versions of ancient Roman style
so completely understood they should be considered among the earliest
examples of the "High Renaissance". Tullio was astonishingly versatile.
Other commissions like the redecoration of the Bernabd Chapel, which
he executed at the same time as the Vendramin Tomb, were designed
in a thoroughly Byzantine style. Indeed Tullio was one of the major
figures behind what can be called a Byzantine revival in Renaissance Venice.
The workshop headed by Tullio continued to be the primary producer
of architecture and sculpture in vlnice and the surrounding areas until
the arrival of Jacopo Sansovino in 1527, just five years before Tullio*s
death. The large number of buildings and sculptures designed by the
 - 19k -

Lombardi transformed the appearance of Venice. Tullio himself

was so highly esteemed that a contemporary humanist named him "the
greatest marble sculptor any age has ever seen."
Do Tullio's sculptures merit such praise?
Generally critics have not considered them to be of great interest
other than in the narrow context of Venetian sculpture and architecture
of the late fifteenth-sixteenth century. Little serious attention
has been given his career. Most historians have focused on stylistic
analysis of the sculpture and architecture produced by the workshop,
and attempted to disentangle the works of the three Lombardi. This
approach has yielded very limited results since they collaborated
throughout most of their lives, and Venetian documents of the period
do not specify individual contributions to workshop commissions.
By means of a different approach, this dissertation has shown
that Tullio was indeed a brilliant sculptor and that his work was of
major importance in the history of Italian Renaissance sculpture. Three
commissions, all certainly planned and executed by Tullio, have been
studied from the point of view of their form and content, and only
secondarily in terms of their style. Very dissimilar projects were
chosen to demonstrate the versatility of Tullio's production. They
show his solutions to the problems of monumental religious narrative,
architectural decoration, the funerary chapel, and small-scale secular
reliefs. The commissions studied are two reliefs usually considered to
be double portraits, one in the Ca' d'Oro, Venice^ and the other in the
 - 195 -

Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna; the decoration of the Bernabo" Chapel

in San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice; and the sepulchral chapel of
Guidarello Guidarelli in San Francesco, Ravenna. The first two were
e x e c u t e d d u r i n g the m i d d l e p e r i o d o f T u l l i o ' s c a r e e r (c. 1500); the
third was his last m a j o r project (c. 1525).
This iconological method has revealed very interesting findings,
both in terms of Tullio's working procedure and in terms of its impli­
cations for other Venetian Renaissance artists. Tullio's sculptures
were found to depend on a very wide range of artistic and literary
precedents fulfilling Ponponius Gauricus' standards of the sculptor as
a learned connoisseur of other civilizations' customs, literature, and
a r t . ' 1' F o r a n a r t i s t l i k e T u l l i o w i t h s u c h b a c k g r o u n d a n d i n t e r e s t s ,
Renaissance Venice offered extraordinary opportunities.
Unlike all other Italian city-states, Venice was a vast and
powerful empire. For centuries she had controlled territories stretching
across the northeastern Mediterranean. Most of these lands had once
been part of the Byzantine Brpire and were seized by Venice after the
Sack of Constantinople in 1204. In the fifteenth century, Venice
expanded her1 domains still further by annexing a large part of the North
Italian mainland.
Venice's power and wealth guaranteed her independence from the
foreign troops that invaded fifteenth-century Italy. It even insured
her freedom from the spiritual rule of the Papacy. Her geographical

^See above, Chapter Four, note 42.

 - 196 -

position between the East and West had been exploited by centuries of
clever diplomacy and wily maneuvering so that Venice was independent
of both. Since the Middle Ages, Venice had stressed her ties to
Byzantium and opposed Western interference in her affairs. This policy had
insured her autonomy because the Byzantine Expire had been struggling to
survive and was unable to assert control over Venice.
The ways in which this foreign policy was iiTplemented greatly
affected Venetian culture. After 1204, Venetian historians justified
Venetian independence of the West through propagandistic accounts
which claimed that Venice was the new center of Byzantium and the
descendant of the Christian Roman Empire of Justinian. Visual evidence
was produced by the city's redecoration with art objects looted from
Byzantium and local artists' imitations of Byzantine originals. Again
in the fifteenth century, Venice's self-government was seriously chal­
lenged by foreign armies invading Italy and the Papacy. The collapse
of Constantinople and massive immigration of Greeks into Venice con­
tributed to the government's decision to exploit once more Venice's
Eastern ties to justify her opposition to Western powers. For the
first time, the government established the position of state historian
whose duty was to write histories documenting Venice's claim as the
new capital of the Byzantine Expire. This stress on her Byzantine
identity was reflected in the revival of Byzantine style in Venetian
art and architecture led by Tullio Lombardo, Mauro Codussi, and Giovanni
Bellini.
 - 197 -

V e n i c e ’s g e o g r a p h i c a l p o s i t i o n a s t h e m a i n c r o s s r o a d s b e t w e e n
the East and the West greatly influenced Venetian culture. Until the
mid-sixteenth century, Venice virtually monopolized all trade between
the East and Northern Europe. As a result, colonies of Northerners
lived in Venice and Venetian traders resided in all the major cities
of Europe. These connections gave Venetians a close acquaintance with
the art and culture of Northern Europe. Moreover, Venetians were very
receptive to Northern art which in the fifteenth century was still
largely Gothic in style, because of the positive analysis given the
Middle Ages by Venetian historians. Venice's claims of identity with
the Christian Roman Expire of Byzantium led her historians to glorify
the Middle Ages when this Expire was at its zenith and to denounce the
p a g a n W e s t e r n Roixian E x p i r e . Consequently, Venice was much more open to
Northern medieval influences than she was to Renaissance humanism and
its high regard for Roman art and architecture. Venetian literature
and customs were greatly affected by the chivalric literature of
medieval France. Fourteenth and fifteenth century Venetian art and
architecture followed Northern Gothic models, rather than the Roman
prototypes contemporary Tuscany revived.
Not until the mid-fifteenth century did her resistance to Roman
art and architecture weaken. The change seems to have resulted from
the influence her newly conquered mainland territories had on Venice.
For the first time, she was directly involved with Italian cultural
trends. She now had as part of her Expire cities like Verona which were
rich in the ruins of Roman civilization. Most inportant, she gained
 - 198 -

control of Padua and Its university which was the center for antiquarian
and humanist studies in North Italy.
The extent of the Venetian Expire and trading connections resulted
in the exposure of her citizens to a very wide range of other civilizations.
This conplex of historical circumstances and the Venetian interest in
other cultures helps explain the extraordinary variety of artistic
and literary sources available to Tullio.
By investigating this crucial aspect of Tullio's working procedure,
I have been able to discover the following artistic sources for Tullio's
three sculptures. H i s s o - c a l l e d d o u b l e p o r t r a i t s c o m b i n e d ixiotives
from Northern European marriage portraits and Roman grave markers. The
Coronation of the Virgin derived its unique’conposition from a relief
of the Traditio Legis in San Marco, from various Byzantine ivories, and
from fifteenth century tabernacle formats. The Bernabd Chapel itself was laid
out in a ground-plan derived from Byzantine chapels but was decorated
with Italian Renaissance architectural motives. The chapel honoring
Guidarello Guidarelli reused an Early Christian sarcophagus as the base
for a gisant effigy recreated in Gothic style and situated within Italian
Renaissance architecture.
The literary sources upon which Tullio drew were equally diverse.
The 'double portrait?' relief in the Ca' d'Oro derived many specific
details from woodcute illustrating the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili,
the g r e a t rorxxance p u b l i s h e d i n VenJ.ce i n 1499* Both it and the relief
i n V i e n n a a r e c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h e H y p n e r o t o x x i a c h i a 's n o s t a l g i c e v o ­
cation of the dead world of Roman civilization. The Vienna relief,
 - 199 -
which I have identified as representing the lovers Bacchus and Ceres,
b a s e d t h i s u n u s u a l m y t h o l o g y o n t h e H y p n e r o t o m a c h i a 's I m p l i c i t p a i r i n g
of the two. The Guidarello Guidarelli Chapel honored the dead condottiere
by creating for his memory a tomb like those of medieval knights.
Tullio's ideas for the chapel derived from illustrations in chivalric
romances, which were a favorite reading material of sixteenth century
Italians.
Study of the relationship of Tullio's sculptures to his artistic
and literary sources revealed that 1111110 was profoundly knowledgeable
about the art and literature of many other civilizations. His under­
standing was so thorough that he was able to imitate earlier art forms
exactly. The relief of St. John,which is part of a medieval series of
Evangelists in San Marco,was only recently discovered to have been
executed by the Lombardi. In my opinion, the relief of the Virgin Orant
in the Bemabo' Chapel, which has always been called a twelfth-thirteenth
century sculpture, is a Lombardi imitation of that style.
Tullio, however, usually exploited themes and motives drawn from
sources that give his sculptures a new and complex meaning. He con­
sistently showed a sensitive understanding of their function and meaning
within the cultures that produced them and intended the viewer to associ­
ate these meanings with his sculpture. For exarrple, the two double
figure reliefs are arranged in the shape, size and composition of Roman
tombstones found around Venice. Tullio reinforced this allusion by skill­
ful imitation of ancient carving styles. Thus he made the visual
appearance of the reliefs recall Roman funerary art.
 - 200 -

In other sculptures, Tullio imaginatively transformed his source.

His enormous marble altarpiece of the Coronation of the Virgin derived
its style and aspects of its composition from small-scale Byzantine
ivories. Tullio imitated their high sheen in the precise carving and
finish of his marble. What most critics have faulted as uninspired
c l a s s i c i s m w a s 5i n fact, a v e r y d e l i b e r a t e i m i t a t i o n o f t h e c o m p o s i t i o n
and style of early medieval classicizing ivories for specific icono-
graphic reasons.
The relationship of Tullio's sculptures to their sources is crucial
to their meaning. By arranging the double figure reliefs in the format
of Roman grave stelai, Tullio evoked the idea of the death of the
ancient Roman world. The reliefs express the romantic nostalgia toward
antiquity that distinguishes the Venetian view of the Greco-Roman world
from the attitudes found elsewhere in Renaissance Italy.
The Guidarello Guidarelli Tomb reflects the vogue of chivalric
customs and literature in Venice. Tullio honored the dead condottiere
by sculpting for him the type of memorial appropriate for an Italian
knight. Tullio combined the format of French medieval tombs (such as
might have been carved for the chivalric heroes) with distinctly
Italian features like a re-cut Early Christian sarcophagus. Just as
Ariosto had immortalized Orlando by uniting French chivalric tales
and Roman mythology to create the Italian Renaissance heroic epic, so
Tullio immortalized Guidarello.
T u l l i o 's B e m a b c f C h a p e l i s a p r i m e e x a m p l e o f a n o t h e r c u l t u r a l
trend in Renaissance Venice, the revival of Byzantine style. A majority
 - 201 -

of the churches rebuilt in late fifteenth and sixteenth century

Venice and many Venetian altarpieces of the period are Byzantinizing.
Tullio was the leader of the revival of this style in sculpture.
The collapse of the Byzantine Expire and massive immigration of
Greeks into Venetian territories incited new interest in Byzantium
and spurred the Byzantine revival in Venetian art. A second reason
for this revival was that Venice emerged as the new head of the Greek­
speaking world, an identity which she exploited to justify her indepen­
dence vis-a-vis the Papacy and other Western powers.
Venetian relations with the Papacy were extremely hostile at the
turn of the century. Conflicts over trade, territorial boundaries,
and the degree of papal control over the church in Venice had already
led to one Interdict (1483-1485) and would soon result in full-scale war.
T u l l i o ’s Bernabc!' C h a p e l , w h i c h f r e e l y m i x e d B y z a n t i n e a n d W e s t e r n s y m b o l i s m
and motives to create an unprecedented religious iconography, shows this
Venetian independence of the Western church.
T h e c h a p e l ’s a l t a r p i e c e , t h e C o r o n a t i o n o f t h e V i r g i n , a l s o h a s a n
anti-papal interpretation. More directly than any earlier Venetian work
of art, the Coronation expresses what I have discovered is a fundamental
element of Venetian iconography, her identification with the Virgin Mary.
(I would argue that Marian imagery is the basis for the sixteenth century
p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n o f V e n e t i a f r e q u e n t l y r e p r e s e n t e d i n t h e D u c a l P a l a c e .)
Instead of using the traditional composition for the Coronation, Tullio
based his sculpture on a relief of the Traditlo Legis in San Marco.
 - 202 -

By converting this theme into a Coronation, he perverted its meaning

of papal primacy into one chanpioning Venetian liberty. Christ crowns
Mary (representing Venice) Queen of Heaven instead of revealing His Law
to Peter and Paul, the patrons of Rome and the founders of the Church.
On another level, the Coronation of the Virgin demonstrates that
Tullio was an inventor of new and profound religious iconography. He
greatly enriched the interpretation of the Coronation by combining
tabernacle architecture with the Traditio Legis composition. Through
the Traditio Legis format which expresses Her foundation on Earth, he
a l l u d e d t o t h e C h u r c h ’s t r i u n p h o n E a r t h . The Coronation represents
Her other triunph in Heaven. The Church's victorious foundation on
Earth and in Heaven was made possible through the Eucharist, the
essential mystery of the Church. Tullio suggested this meaning by
enframing his composition with the architecture of the type of the
tabernacles where the Eucharist was stored in Renaissance churches.
This dissertation has investigated from an iconological point of
view three commissions planned and executed by Tullio Lombardo. They
were revealed to have conplex and subtle meanings intimately related to
their imaginative and sensitive use of artistic and literary prototypes.
The range of their sources was unusually broad. Tullio's knowledge of
them was explained in terms of his own background and interests and in
terms of the extraordinary diversity of cultures to which Venetians were
exposed. Also fundamental to an understanding of Tullio's sculptures
(and Venetian art in general) is an appreciation of Venetian historical
 - 203 -

attitudes. Venice was closely bound to the Byzantine Expire and,

consequently, admired medieval civilization. Hence, the Renaissance
interest in reviving Greco-Roman culture appeared quite late in Venice.
For these reasons, Tullio's sculptures drew knowledgeably on Byzantine,
Gothic and Greco-Roman sources. He showed a finely attuned awareness
of the meanings these sources conveyed in the cultures that created
them and exploited these meanings in his works of art.
This investigation of the meaning and sources of Tullio's sculptures has
also suggested new reasons for securely attributing certain sculptures
to him and for dating some of his sculptures like the double figure
reliefs. These questions have eluded conventional methods of stylistic
analysis.
The profundity and originality of his sculptures confirms what
our only contemporary witness said about Tullio. He was clearly a sculptor
of the first rank - erudite, technically skilled and brilliant in his
interpretations. Gauricus called Tullio "the greatest marble sculptor
any age has ever seen". The exact words of his praise are hyperbolic,
but we can synpathize with Gauricus' exuberant nationalism. Tullio was a
truly great artist.
 - 204 -

APPENDIX A

LETTER FROM TULLIO LOMBARDO TO MARCO CASALINI 18 JULY 1526

A1 mlo molto patron honorando meser Marco Casallnl

nobel di Rovlgo. A Rovigo.
Meser Marco patron mio honorandissimo, per esser
sta absente li z o m i passatl de la terra
non ho possuto dar isposta [sic] a una vostra
portata a me di vostro ordene, a me molto
grata per haver inteso 1'opera per la Dio gratia
esser stata erretta [illegible word] et voi
contentarvi: che molto mi e di satisfatione
perchd so [sic] di questa natura et ho questo
piacere che tutte le opere in seno de casa siano
di contento de chi le ordena. Hor quanto alia
palla va nel opera me scriveti, rispondo che
la sara una bella opera flnita, et sara? una
m e m o r i a s e m p i t e m a , c o m o v o s t r a n o b e l t a? p o l
giudicare perchd la pittura £ cosa caduca et
[illegible word], la scoltura e molto piu
senza comparatione, et non da parrangonar con
pittura per niun modo, perche' de antiqui se ritrova
sino alii nostri tenpi de le sue scolture, con
p i t t u r e v e r a m e n t e n u l l a s i p o l v e d e r e . L ’o p e r a
sara una Madonna con el suo figlio morto in
brazo in un pezo, san Belin in uno pezo et san
Stephano in uno altro: saranno tre peci de bon
mezo relevo de la grandeza sofficiente e longa
sarai c i r c a p i e cinq u e de alteza. V o r i a n m e r i t a r e
perassae danari, tamen, per adaptar la spesa al
tenpo et tuor el pagamento secondo la possibelti,
da vero homo da bene, che cosi credo posser dire
a 1'ultimo mi pare ameritare, et cosi mancho non
posso voler si como maistro Zanantonio nostro
che li vi parlo per non farlo da men de la sua
parola de [illegible word] 110 facto de qui
[ i l l e g i b l e w o r d ] c r e d o , f a c t o I 1o p e r a , m e
rengratiereti vinticinque volte esser stati ben
serviti e vedereti non haver speso li miglior
d e n a r i e t o g n i z o m o v e d e r e t i I 1o p e r a v e c h i a m e r e t i
content!. Altro per hora non scrivo, salvo como
me offero per mille volte a vostri comandi et
piacendove di questo mi d a m e aviso del anirno
vostro. In Venetla, adi 18 luio 1526. Tullio
Lombardo servitor.
( R o v i g o , B i b l i c t e c a d e l l ’A c c a d e m i a d e i C o n c o r d i ,
Concord!ana mss. 370-374, under "Lombardo Tullio";
published in Puppi, "Per Tullio Lombardo", p. 103).
 - 205 -

APPENDIX A

LETTER OF LUIGI DA PORTO, 10 MARCH 1509

Da Vicenza, 10 marzo 1509

Io stimo che voi ml tentlate, domandandomi nelle vostre

lettere, per qual cagione io pensi che questa tanta crudeltd:
sia usata ai Viniziani, di far loro contro una crociata, quasi
fossero Infedeli, a cui tutto 11 resto de'Cristiani avesse giusta
querela. Io credo che a voi sien note tutte le cagioni di
sdegno, che hanno i principi del mondo contra di loro, non
che i Cristiani: tuttavia, poiche cosi vi piace, io ne diro al-
cuna. Voi dovete sapere, che come per la bellezza dello Stato
l o r o s o n o m o l t o i n v i d i a t i i V i n i z i a n i , c o s i p e r l ’a l t e r i g i a s o n o
odiati; la quale, a voler dire il vero, in molti di loro non e poca,
confidandosi nelle ricchezze, le quali si per via del mare, di
c u i a l p r e s e n t e s i t r o v a n o s i g n o r i , e s i p e r l ’e n t r a t a g r a n d e
che hanno dalle loro citta, sono in modo cresciute, che senza
fallo si possono dire grandissime. Onde primieramente non
rendono, gia molti anni, vera obbedienza alia Chiesa; non
volendo essi, che alcun loro suddito in prima istanza sia citato
a Roma in Rota per alcuna causa profana ne ecclesiastica, se
egli stesso non se ne contenta; ma vogliono che da Roma sia
mandato un giudice nella citta loro, ed hanno posto pena gran­
de ad ogni suddito che citi 1 ’ altro alia Rota. Che sa alcuno,
il quale non sia della terra, vuole eseguire sentenza di Rota
contro di loro, essi malagevolmente gli concedono il braccio
s e c o l a r e , n o n s i c u r a n d o d i s c o i n u n i c h e , n e d 'i n t e r d e t t i , n e
d' altro. Oltre a cid, di tutti i benefizi che vacano nel lo r
territorio, quantunque il papa gli conferisca, essi vogliono
dare il possesso a cui par loro, ponendo ogni cura che i detti
benefizi r e s tino i n rnano d e ’ lor cittadini; di mod o che il
papa per queste ed altre cose ancora non e in tutto papa
sopra di essi. Sono altresi palesi le strane parole dette poco
terrpo fa dal Pisani arrbasciatore a l i a Beatitudlne di papa
Giulio, le quali furono di questa rnaniera. Volendo il ponte-
flce, che fosse dato dai Viniziani il possesso di certi bene­
fizi, ad uno cui gli avea conferiti nel loro territorio, e non
solo negandoglielo i Viniziani, ma eziandio domandando che
i detti benefizi fossero conferiti ad alcuni loro gentiluomini,
vennero a forti parole: che minacciando il pontefice di far
tanto c o n t r a di loro, ch* essi s' a w e d e r e b b o n o q u a n t o fosse
il loro errore in usurpargli cosi temerariamente le sue giu-
risdizioni, gli fu con poca prudenza risposto dal Pisani, che
dovesse pigliare migliori forze che al presente non aveva,
volendo far questo. Onde sdegnato soprammodo il pontefice
disse: "Io non mi rimarrd, che non vi abbia fatti umili, e
 - 206 -

LETTER OF LUIGI DA PORTO (con't)

tutti pescatori, siccome foste." Alle cui parole soggiunse

1 ’a n i b a s c l a t o r e : " V i e p p i u a g e v o l m e n t e v l f a r e m o n o i , P a d r e
Santo, u n p l c c o l chlerico, se n o n sarete p r u d e n t e ." Q u e ­
sta d stata potente cagione, appresso molte altre, di far papa
Giulio nemico de* Viniziani. Dal quale fu gia, piu di sono,
dato principio ad unire tutti i potentati che sono contra Vi-
negia, ricordando a ciascuno le ingLurie fattegli da' Vinizia­
ni, e 1'utile che ne verrebbe conquassando lo Stato loro.— 01-
tre a cio e noto, tra Massimiliano e i Viniziani esser nimista?
g r a n d i s s i m a , l a q u a l e a l p r e s e n t e £ r i c o p e r t a s o l o d ’u n a l i e v e
a mal conposta tregua. I n t o m o la quale, per cid-che ne' g i o m i
passati s ’ e trattata fra loro la pace e la lega ancora, voglio
d i m e alcunche. Volendo i Viniziani lasciar l'amista? del re
di Francia, e con permissione di Massimiliano accrescere lo
S t a t o l o r o i n L o m b a r d i a , n e s c r i s s e r o a l l 'I m p e r a t o r e ; i l q u a l e
non pure rispose amichevolmente, ma fece lor noto, si come
il detto re non lasciava di far cosa alcuna per unirsi con lui
a' danni loro, offerendogli il passo aperto e gran favore, quando
gli piacesse di andare all' incoronazione in Roma (cosa per
la quale £ surta la passata guerra tra Frances! e Viniziani
da un lato, e papa Giulio e Massimiliano dall* altro; di che
n' usci la detta tregua, fa ora due anni, nella quale ebbero i
Viniziani Carinzia, Trieste e altri luoghi del Friuli). E per
fare piu certi i Viniziani che il re avesse questa mente, par-
tecipo loro i capitoli, a lui di Francia segretamente mandati;
pregando, che consultassero sopra cio il loro meglio, ma non
li facessero per niun modo noti, si che il re risapesse averli
lui m a n d a t i gia: mai. I V i n i z i a n i a v e n d o i capitoli, e ve-
duta la fraude che il re usava loro (il quale essendo in cosi
stretta lega con essi cercava di unirsi con Massimiliano)
piu sdegnati che consigliati, mandarono i detti capitoli
a messer Antonio Condulmero, ch'e loro ambasciatore in
Francia, perche li dovesse mostrare al re, e seco dolersi
dell' inganno. E appresso gli mandarono anco i patti, che
Massimiliano offeriva loro volendo unirsi seco, per mostrare
similmente, ch'essi avevano modo di prendere accordo con
lui: il che non voleano fare per non mancargli di fede;
sperando con questo segno di lealta ritenerlo amico. II re,
 - 207 -

LETTER OP LUIGI DA PORTO (con't)

veduti i capitoli ed escusatosi coll' ambasciatore, scrisse al -

1' I n p e ratore dolendosi dell' aver partecipato i capitoli ai Vi­
niziani contro la fede datagli da' suoi agenti. Massimiliano,
accorto che i Viniziani tenevano poco conto di lui, deliberd
di pren dere il partito che il re di Francia gli porgeva, piu
per isd egno de'Viniziani, che per voglia di essere con la Fran ­
cia; tr a le cui corone, per cagion della moglie ritenutagli e
della f igliuola altre volte ripudiata, siccome ho scritto, era
odio gr andissimo. — II re di Spagna dall'altro canto per riav er
le terr e del reame d fatto nemico di essi Viniziani; e il duca
di Ferr ara per riaver il Polesine di Rovigo, e le altre cose
dette i n altra mia; e il marchese di Mantova similmente per
guadagn are i luoghi promessigli; e lo re di Francia per avere
le terr e di Lombardia, comeche-mostri altre cagioni ancora.
Queste sono le cause in parte, le quali hanno tratto i poten-
tati di Cristianitd a congiurare contro Vinegia; lasciando che
cosi di spone eziandio la congiunzione di Marte e di S atumo,
stata a i g i o m i passati.

(L e t t e r e s t o r i c h e d i L u i g i d a P o r t o , E a r t o l o m m e o B r e s s a n , e d .
(Florence, 1857), pp. 28-31.
 - 208 -

APPENDIX B — BERNABC) CHAPEL DOCUMENTS

1488, I t Luglin, — (Oopia lost.ament.o) . . . Ego Jacobus do Bcrnabo a Syrico ha-
b ita to r Vonetiarum 111 confinio Sancte Joannis grlsoatoml ia-firmitaio corporis
pregrnvatus . . . . vocnri foci ad mo Victoroiv. Po.r.'no notariurn . . . . voglio ct
ordeno csscr inoi fidcl comissnrij dor.a entlarina mia moglier voc.onr.do hone-
atainentR: . . . . o eor Francesco Vinacosi dalla soda, sor miohiol Bussoilo cho
fo do ser Violmo dalla seda ci qual lavora nella mia bottega, e dona lena
ro litta do sor Silvostro di marcadanli da concglian vedoando honcstamento...
voglio il corpo mio essor tonuto una notto sopra lerra, o poi esser sepolto al
hionastorio di san.tc steil'ano di frari hcromitani di Venetia in la capolla 6 fatto
fa r in l ’ archa cho sara uavantl alia m a d o n n a .. . . A l qual monastorio di san
stoirano lasso ducatti millo do’ ira p re s tid i. . . . Ite m lasso all' j^jgpedal di Santa •
m aria stclla dol ciolo appresso a Vonotia ducatti cinque Ite m voglio ot or-
dino cho por i inoi commissarij sia messo in la camera d jmprostidi del co-
imm do Vonotia ducatti, ottomillo di quolla monoid scritti alia scuola di ba*.
tudi di uiadona santa m aria mauro di inisoricordia, in la qual io sono . . . .
ite m voglio cssor datto por ogni anno ot in perpotuo ducatti tro d oro ai d itti
fra ti do buii stofTauo por fa r il mio annivorsarlo . . . . o ducatto uno ogni anno
alia giosia do d itti fra ti <li san stoifano in reparation do paramonti, calosi, o
lib ri, ot altro coso nocossnrio por la d itta m ansonaria. , . , lasso ai ditto capi-
tolo (do snu Zuanc grisostomo) ducalo d oro uno all'anno dol ditto pro por
reparation do calosi, mossnli, et pnramonti ot altro coso necessarle per la ditta
mansonaria . . . . Ite m lasso al moncstier et convento delle dono de Santa
croso del scapnlo della zmlecha ducnti cento d oro per 1 Rnima mia, Ite m lasso
a lia fabriclm della giosia over monRsterio di Eanto alviso ducati diose. . . . Ite m
lasso a lucido, Agustin mio iiozzo, fiol do mio compare sor themndo lucinn
ducati cento d oro por suo ajuto ot sussidio de lib ri, et de altre cose oppor-
• tuno a stm liar acciocho si possi fa r valonto, et sciontifico . . . Item vogiio else
la mia ancona granda la qual, o una figura grando di nostra dona dorata,
sia messa in la giosia do san Zuano grisostomo, e fatol; uno altaro sotto, e
di sopra sia adornata con una cubn bclla, o altramcnto come parora a lii inoi
commissarij cho a quello altar sia ditto ogni giorno 1a iqcssa ohe o rd in a i. . . .
por l'nnim a mia . . . . " 1

1495, 23 Aprile. — Comisr.io Capituli ecclesio sancti Jo. Crisostoraj : — Congregate

Capitulo Ecclesie Sancti Joannis crisostorni ad sonum cnmpanello u t moris cst
in sacraslia predict© Ecclosie.... pro eligondo nonntillos procurutores causa
proiciendi jn lorrara Templura sen ecclesiam predictam quo jn presentiarum
maxima m iDalur ruinam. E t earn jteru m causa rohodificandi in quo quidem
Capitulo jnterfuerunt Venerandi Dom ini presbiteri, videlicet D . Presbiter lodo-
vicus Talenti Dignissimus Plebanus, D . presbiter Petrus de Maynardis docreto-
rum doctor, D . p. Stephanus gallus presbiteri titu la ti, D. presbiter Tomaxius
Cecus diaconus.... Primo et ante omnia Cassaverunt et annullaverunt omnes
alios procuratores ad hanc fabricnm faciendam et edificandam ac quocunquo
alio nomine modo fabrice pertinentis dicte ecclesie do hinc antea creatos et
constitutos prout in mei notarij infrascripti actis apparet.
Fecerunt, Constituerunt et Creavorunt ac ordinaverunt Procuratores condi-
tores et edificatores ipsius ecclesie prefate videlicet M.cos patricios Dominos...;
Petrum leono,.. Ioanem Valares, Et.... Bernardum goorgio a cendatis omnes
confinij sancti Ioannis crisostorcj. — Cum libertato et potestate amplissima
dictain ecclesiam ad terrain proiciendi et earn jterum rohediiicandi et cam
rehedificandi. jnterveniente ad quequmque agenda circlia premissa consensu ot
anctoritate prefati Capituli ecclesie predicts et precipue prefati plobani. Cum
omni meliori ampliori ct n tilio ri ac Coniodiori modo ot forma prout melius
•sibi videbitur et placuerit Dun modo tainen edilicatio predicts ecclesie non
liabeat minuendi extrabendi neque usurpandi aliquid de utilitatibus reditubus
pertinentibus et spectantilms tam plebano quam alijs beneficiatis predir.to
ecclesie.... Cum potestate amplissima paciscendi et pacta omnia faeendi tam
cum mnrarijs quam cum carpentarijs lapicidi3 et architect!* !ap:d>-s l.gnamina
cuiuscunque condictionis Cnlcein feramonta quecumque, et oinnia neccssaria
emondi tam ad Cunctatos quam ad torminos. Necnon cum potestate recipiondi
et exigeudi omnem donariormn pecuniarum quantitatem a quibuscumquo por-
sonis ecclesie premisse daro dobontibus tam vigore legatj quam quocunquo alio
modo. Qui denari seu quo bona devoniro dobeant in editlc.-'.tione ct fabrica-
tiono predict© occlcsie et non alitor neque alio modo.... (T h ld, , l i.a DM,
D. Talenti Lodovica).
 - 209 -

1400, IB Dicombro. — . . . j ohomessnrij do inossor la c 0 do b o rn n b o .... possi tuor

e disponsnr due.11: 100 in far compir la cbapolla dol ditto mcssor la c 0 do bor-
nabo in pan Znno grisostomo........
1409. — Chopin. Qtesa nell'nnno lGOl} dj chontti No nno assognado (a lia fjcuola
surtdefta) nicssor Antt0 cbornor (di Qiacoino) o (Joinp.* oliomo cliomnxnrii dcla
Commiss. do missor Incomo di bernabo . . . . pol fnbrichar dola Ghnpolln fatta
in gioxia do San Zuanne grixosto.no:
» 4 Aprilo. — chonttadi a j fachinj clmrgo o doscliargo do cholono do mnrmo-
moro L . 0, n 4 . . . .
» ■ 9 dotto. — por messer pro gior.°pnrixe piovan due11: cinquo ot por do cholono
do malmoro dacliordo do oer M .° picro lonbardo — due11: 13.
», 20 dotto. — [Si registrant) i d e n a r Q chonttadi a M ° Nic°(?) da padoa por Bun
mnnifatturn dela chapelln.
» dotto, — per chonttadi al dicto(?) M .° A n tt0 por lavorj fn ttj do pinj dol marchndo
cho son Stomadi por sor gor° dj malattonj o M .° pioro lombnrdo L . 71 e por
pio 181/2 do voguollj a o' 15 al pio L . 13 o o. 17 o por piodi 32 di vo lttj
inorttj a b.‘ 16 el p.° L . 25 8. 12.
» 4 Mnrzo. — por sor battistn da chomo di sor polio por p° 10 di ttavollo do
mnrmoro eognadi fo p1 40 qundrj.... L. 58.
> ■27 Gingno. — por p.° 2 pioro da rujgno per fa r do clmpitollj hollttra el mar-
chado dolln chapolla L . 2.
» 8 Luglio — 1Nota del d en ari] chontndi a M .° m arttin dal vedoll ttagiapiera per
m nnifatturn dci do chnpittcllj cho non dovovn fa r ol M .° dolln chapolla.
» 7 Novembro. —[Canto d ijM .0 Jnc.° do brossa sogador do mnrmorj.
» 25 dotto. — por M .° Zunn buora ttagia piora a s. Stefnno por p" GO lasto No-
, : gro Voronose. . . . L . 58 s. 10 o por bordonalj do pioro da ruigno dacordo
due11: 5 . . . .
* 23 dotto. — [Si registrant) i dcnarijcliontrulj a M.° moro per pczzo 3 picro V jv a
fo p' 19 . . . . per bnnch.o o Sotto pio So ave do M ° Simon ttagia piora a
s. fanttin . . . .
• 7 Dicombro. — (tfi nota il pa g a to ai scgucnlij^n m. m o ro .. . . por j bordonnllj
do aver da M ° guorim . . . . a m° Audroa da bcrgamo por m anifattura do un
bordonal fo pi 7 1/2 a si 32 ol p ° : . . . , a m° m arttin do hortt.o ttagiapiera
per mnnifnttnrn do p.o 12 porfillj fo p.i G8 a r. 4 cl p° . . . , a ser Stephano do
bortt° ttagia p ic ra . . . per m a n ifa ttu r a .... perfilli fo p.i 4 8 . . . , a ser mariu
ttnginpiora por mnnif.n do . . . perfilli fo p.i 48 , .. a M." A ntt" da rhnrona, por
mnnifatturn do nn chnpittcllo do inttngio L. 5 . . . . ed a M° Zunn picro da
chomo . . . . per M.rn do nn r.lmpil.lello L. 5.
» 15 dello. —Q legistran si i pnga.ti f a t t i ai srr/nrnti ia r n r a tn r ij a M." Jar." do
inarcho ttnginpiora por manifutlurn do sotln pin ot. hanclio . . . ., a M." Stefnno
' do bnrt" ttagia picrn pur im iiiifnlturn dn do Imlestrnclo et unn fcnustra . . . . e
por uno quarizollo . .. , a M ” Yiclmo do A ult" . . . . ju'r innnif’n tturu do p1 G 1/2

p illn itro per fnttura de una bnnchn pie 7 . . . o per pio 7 Spnlioro. . . . , a
M ' mr.rtin <le Uortt" . . . per un bnnchn da pin 7 . , . . per unn zimiixa . . . . o
per do tirnav*; sotto el quariscJIu I,. 3 . . . . u per pio 1 "lo son/a vn sotto el
bn nr ho . . . ., a M.“ imiriu de zunno. . . . per m .uiil'ulturn. . . . ili; fcncsira . . . . e
per do s o g ie rj..., a M.° zunn de ehnlzingiinttn tlngia piera per .Mnnil'al.tura
d e ... tjpulio.ro . . . . por linu z.iinuxa . . . . per do husse L. 3, s. 12 . . . . .per uno
sotto Imssa, s. 20 . . . ., a At." Moro por pio 2 1 /2 do chornixo lavorada L. 2
s. 10 e per una piera do un elutpittcllo e do cornixo L . 2, s. 19 . . por c h a l-’
/.inn . . . . per sabion . . . . u per una luma stagnnda............
 - 210 -

14D1), 20 dolto. — Q?/ notano i pagam unti f n tti q } Jndrin fnntto de M .° moro per
mmii ('ill turn, lie do pilnstrollj do pio 7 I n n . . . . o por fatlu ra de un pilnstro . . .
c per un qnnrizcllo do f a t l u r a . . . . o por giornato 21 a M 0 A iift.° d e vontu-
rin ttiigin pi er a. . . . a s. 22 al zorno . . . . o por zornado 24 lavoro uno tioll a
S. 12 al d l . . . .Q quali continuant) lavuravc a g io rn a ta anche in apprcxso.J
» 21 dotto. —QS'i riujixlra il pagato p e r Ir seguenti m acslvanzc c v i a l e r i a l i j a M .°
Vielmo ttagia piera per mnnifatturn di pio 10 do vogollj a s' 18 al pio . . . . o
per pio 1 do vogolli a s. 10 cl pie L . 2 o por chonzar una madona L . B . .
a Mo Anto niurer por zornado ‘J a s. 28 al zorno ftlavoro anche in a p p r c s s o j . ..,
per pioro pomcgo da fregar marinorj s. 8 e por sponxo da la v a r i m arm ori
s. 1, o per lnastizj s. G da incholar la piera do la chapolla.
1500,1 Gennuio. — Clionttadj a m arttin dal vo d o ll.... por fattura do do pillnstrj foxo
buo fradello L . 2 8. 10.
» 8 dotto. — (AWa del pa g a to ai seguenli macstrij: a Zuan pioro ttagia piera a
san Stcl'ano per p.1 5 q 1 J porfillj negrj a 8.18 el p.° ..., a M.° zampioro da chorao
ttagia piera por m anifattura do p.1 15 */2 de vogollj...; por lo apaliore a 8. 18 el
■■■•• p.0...; e a Jacoino do mat cho ttagia piora por m anifattura do pio 3 '/* de vogollj
por lo foiioBtro a n . JO cl p."....
» 11 dolto. — Chonttadi a XI.0 inntieo da brcasa ttagia piora por fa ttn ra de p.i 12

voguollj Del hordonal a a 10 el p.° .... e per una ruoxa in nel bordonal L . 2 e. 5 i
o per p.i 1 >/, do vogollj nelj voltti n io rltj a s. 10 el p.° b. 1 5 . jS'tll' altro
hordonal t v o lttj uiortj M." zuan piero da chomo exeyuiva d egli cguati la v o r i
p e r g li stc.sxi p r c z z Q ■
2f»d<-t(o. — Chonttadi a M." zuan picro ttagia piera por aver investido la ma- !
dona do pioro negro L . 4 e per... vogollj...
1G Fcbbraio. — Chonttadi a -M." zuan huora.... a >San Siofano li portto M." A n tt.°
de venttnrin .... per p.* 10 1 pertillj negrj n s.1 ID ■/„ el pe — ....
18 Marzo. — Conttadi a ser valcntiu de nic.° del brontta da vizenza per sega-
dura de tavolc 1G marmorj....
11 A prile. — per clionttadj a M.<> Vielmo ttagia piera a San sine per fnttura do
do schndj a ll’ anttiga G.4....Js; registra juirc il p a g a to njM.o Antt.<‘ de Vielmo
fregador e inanoal..., ed a M.« Antt.o ttagia piera lavoro sopra j schallinj dela
chnpeila e fo de i ttondi c ttriangolij. ..jnortc/ifjpcr zornado 2 a bort." de leon
murer.... a s. 2G per giornada.
18 dotto. Chont-tadj al fabro de S.*1 m arina per fiubo 2 do ratuo .... per nrpexj 4
de ferro,... per chonzar le fenestre dove va j ramj .... e per arpexj de rame per lo
ttavole de marmoro n.° 52 pexa L . 8 a s. 10 la lira ... e per una Cuba de ramo per
el zexendello...
detto. — clionttadj in spexe menude per piere pomege s, 4 e per piombo o per fa r
p o rtta r rujnazo daln chapella in champo s. 6, e per barcha per andar a San ra -
faele a l depentor de schndj s. G..., e per lardo per fregar j martnorj s. 3 e per hoio
de lim chonza i perfillj s. 5, e per nno homo fexe necti ttu ttj j marmorj per un
d j s. 20. . . . __ ___
 » per clionttadj a pre Sabastiau da San rafael per partte de indorar i sclmdj G.
J°...(Appresso g li sono re g istra ii alfri conti a n c o r a j
* per chonttadi a M .° moro per nome de dona pirjna che lavora j ram i davantti le
fenestre de vero L . 4. —(Questi la v o ri continuarono ancora p e r qualche tempo^
» per clionttadj a M.o moro de m arttin per m anifattura fatta in lavorj a dornada,
e prjraa per pie 16 de vo llttj m orttj a s. 7 el p.® .... e per pie 3 '/s de volttj dele
fenestre de piera uegra a s. 8 el pe .... e per p.* 1 3/< duno pezo ando sotto el clior-
nixon a s. 10 el pe ... e per pie 15 */s de vo ltte de piere negre ando nel volltto a
. a. 5 el pe .... e per pie 27 de fillj a s. 4 el pe .... e per pie 14 fillj in ttriangollo a
s. 5 el pie .... e per do pezi de piera per j schndj L . 8 e per pie 21 '/* de schallinj
a s. 16 el pe .... e per zornade 25 a s. 12 al dj lavoro Z a d rin ....
- » SOdetto. — ... P er fa r chonzar la ttavolla davanttj la lltta r L . 12 s. 8.
» 4 Maggio. — \§i r e g is tr a il pagat<$ per una barcha portto a san rafael la tta -
vola davantti la lltta r a chonzar.... ed a pre Sabastian da San rafaele perresto....
per depenzer e adorar i scudi.
» '9 Maggio. — fo per avanttj adj 28 Marzo per pie 14 de perfillj negrj a s. 9 '/* el
pe ... e per uno pezo de pera posto nei ttrian g o llj L . 2 s. 4 .... se ave da M .°Zuane
buora de San Stefano.
» detto. — fo avan ttj adj 29 aprill conttadj per do ttondj fo messj ne j triangollj
se ave da ser domenego Zorzi q.m messer f.co due.11 3.
» 80 Ottobre. — per chonttadj .... per do tta g ia piera stremsse le fenestre dela cba-
pella e spontar de le piere perche maestro moro non dette bem le mexnre s. 54....
e per uuo manovaL... s. 28 e per uno murer.,.. s. 56.
. » 5 Novembre. — Chonttadj per filo de latton .... e per m anifattura de fa r la eha- -
denella dal zenxedello s. 50 — in tutto L . 5 s. 2.
» 7 Dicembre . —fjlic o rd a n s i i d e n a r i ]conttadj a ser Andrea de Zncenda da lucha
per chapara de do lastre de marmovo per la palla proxontto m . tullio fio de
m.° piero lonbardo.
1501, 27 Gennaio. — conttadj a M.° manfredo de polio ttagia piera a san vido per pie
91 piere vjve da ruigno dachordo s. 23 el pe.
• 28 detto. — [iVoia del p a g a to p e l legname occo/,re;f.(rfi]per fa r -far la chaxella
otixo el charnpo de San zuan grixontorao per j tagia piora e per faro de banda
per fa r le oagome s. 10.
. [D a questa copia d i conti si rictroa come p r e s s o il Corner f o ssero spceeode-
p n s ita ti i m a le rin li p er In costrueirme della Cappella HernabbJ
(Ibid., Sc. gr, della M is e ric o rd ia , Not.° J66).
1502,29 Maggio. — .... essendo stado richiesto per magnifizenzia de messer fraozescho
barbarigo chonslegier chome procbollactor dele Venerande done munege de,
S. maria maxor Nova Mcntte fabrichado, al Nostro Verdian e compagnj et eziam
chon j chomesarii de la C o m s/d e messer Jachomo de beruabo, chom sittj chel
ciano Una palla Vechia dela ditta chomissaria la quail Erano sop.» la lltta r dela
sun cliRpella posta in In giexia de S. Zuan grixostemo e per esser stado renovada
dicta chapella et eziam ditto alltta r ot in luogo de quella fa m e tin a Nova et
csendo stado messa quella in dcpoxitto in la gicxia d eS an ttj apostollj, Ano loro
rechiesto per grazia Speziall chela d itta palla Vechia j siano chonsedesta et
dada a d itta giexia liovero a ditte done mnnege da esser quella messa in lu d itta
giexia d e S " maria maxor: lando la partte esendo per n." 15 de la bancha. e per
d .° 4 de chomessarj d ie la ditta pnlla j siano chonncdcsta a d itte done munege....
per lanema del ditto messer Jac.° de bemnbo chon questa choudizion che la ditta
palla siano quella per esse done fatta refreschar ct renovndc le arme del ditto
messer Jachomo de bernabo a perpetua memoria .... — lando la p a r tte che la
fo pTexa.
1503, 21 Dicembro — E l comparsse.... davantti il vardian nostro et chompagni....
Rittrovandossj insieme j chomessarj del q. misser Jachomo de bcrnarbo, mis-
ser lo prior do San stefano e tt misser michiel da lezo prochurattorj di la d itta
g iexia exponendo che ritrovandossj la chapela jn ditta giexia del q. misser
 - 212 -

"<u3nc)i0!no (lo bernabo dovo fo eupaltto el suo corpo nrnl chondizionnda ott noprn
tu tto schuru per modo cho.... sc t'auo inoltte inmondezio ett dcRonestii ctt o«-
Heuilo fin horn reduHo tuto laltre clin|jelo (la (litta giexia com luzo e tt a lttrj
lioruaiuenltj Jiechiedc... cho por o rn n re t jlu m iiiar que lla so voglia ilo j boni di
iletta chomesaria porzer njutto. .. chel so fuze li ufla fcuestra.... Pcro per misser
lo guardiam vien mouse per partu.... cho per ditta fabvicha dol far d itta fene­
stra E l se possj spender fim duc,ti X X X do j d itti benj j qual danarj abia te-
. gnir contto missor Auttonio C o rn e r..../// che fu con cessoj
1524, I I Novembi-o. — Pro Domenico di bortt.0 piovan di San Znno grixostomo, cbiode
sufragio dela lampada chel ttien davanttj l'altar de missor Jachomo do bernabo
ott cl simol per el pavimonto fatto da novo jn ditta Joxia.......
1528, 29 Febbraio. — Dona fhndia illipina como herodo dol q.m pro pioro de iilipinis
nrciprete do osto et Cupolnn del q.,n messor Jac.° do bernabo.... quella sponto ot
libora obliga del Crodito loi «i atrova haver nela sc.uola .do madona S. maria
do val vorde... per nomodel q .^ p re pioro dito... ducati quaranta de quollo si
havora a scuoder do la dita Comossaria, A la comossaria del q.m maistro alo-
sandro da Caravazo jntaiador a San lio, ct questo per resto, et suldo de tuto
quello lh a havudo alfar cuui el dito q.m maistro alcxttndro et la sun comessa-
ria C830 q,n, messer pre pioro de lilipiuis, et cussi acepta ser zuanpiero do martin
dala Soda comissario del dito q. ser Alessandro jntaiador q. s. A nt.° (Ibid, Sc. gr.
d ella Miserlc. Not.0 j(66).

(from the Archi v i o dl St ato, Scuola Grande della Misericordia

B.a 1 98. Comm i s s .a Be rnabd. Taken from Paolettl, L'Archltettura
e la s cultura, p a r t II, p p • 110-111: "Miscellanea dl document! S.
Giovan ni Crisos t o m o, no. 89-91-)
 - 213 -

APPENDIX B
T H E TYPES OP "ALIVE" EFFIGIES IN ITALIAN TOMB SCULPTURE

(all exanples show the deceased in armor)

Standing Effigy:
1. Vittore Pisano Monument, SS. Giovanni e f&olo, Venice,
c. 1380 (Grevembroch; still partially extant).
2. Pietro Lombardo and shop, Jacopo Marcello Monument,
Prari, Venice, c. 1480 (fig. 16)
3. PLetro Lorrbardo, Doge Pietro Mocenigo Monument,
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice,' 1476-1481 (fig. 10)
4. Circle of the Lombardi, Melchiorre Trevisan Monu-
m ment, Prari (+1500), (fig. 250)
5. Lorenzo Bregno, Bartolino da T e m i Monument, S. Trinity,
Crema (+1518)
6. Lorenzo Bregno, Benedetto Pssaro Monument, Prari,
Venice (+1503)

Sitting Effigy:
1. M i c h e l a n g e l o , T o m b s o f L o r e n z o a n d G i u l i a n o d e 1M e d i c i ,
S . L o r e n z o , F l o r e n c e , 1 5 2 0 ’s ( f i g s . 2 5 1 - 2 5 2 )
2. Giovanni da Nola, Monument to A. Sanseverino,
S. Severino and Sassio, Naples~Tfinal payment in 1546)
(fig. 253)
3. Anmanati, Benavides Monument, Ebemitani, Padua,
f i n i s h e d i n 1 5 4 6 " ”(fig. 2 5 4 )
Kneeling Effigy:
1. Rizzo, Vittore Cappello Monument, Sta. ELena, Venice
(+1467), (fig."255)
2. Monument to Michele, Ferdinando and Fabio d'Afflitta,
i>.M. l a N u o v a , N a p l e s (2 s t a n d a n d 1 k n e e l s ) 1 6 t h
c e n t u r y ( f i g . 256 )
 - 214 -

3. Brancacci M o n u m e n t , S. Marla delle Grazie, Capranapoli,

l6th century
4. Don J uan d* Aragon, The Viceroy of Naples M o n u m e n t ,
Montserrat, Catalonia (+1528), Tfig. 257)

Equestrian Effigy (exanples confined to area around Venice):

1. Mastino II and Cangrande I Scaliger Tombs, Verona,
l 4 t h c e n t u r y ( f i g . 258)
2. Iholo Savelli Monument, Frari, Venice (+1409)
T n i T 259)
3. Leonardo Prato Monument, S S . Giovanni e Paolo,
Venice, l6th century (fig. 223)
4. NLcold Orsini, Conte di PLtigliano, Monument,
SS. Giovanni e Faolo, Venice, 16th century (fig. 260)

Demi-gisant soldiers (all sixteenth century):

1. Unidentified, Museo Bardini, Florence (fig. 26l)
2. Giovanni Rota Monument, S. Domenico Maggiore,
N a p l e s (fig. 26)2)
3. Leonardo Tomacelli Monument, S. Domenico Maggiore,
N a p l e s ( f i g . 263)
4. Federigo d'Antiocha Monument, Cathedral, Palermo
5. Ammanati, Mario P&ri Monument, Museo Nazionale,
F l o r e n c e (fig. 26)4)
6. Girolamo Santacroce, Carlo Gesualdo Monument,
M u s e u m o f S . M a r t i n o , N a p l e s ( f i g . _ 265)
 - 215 -

APPENDIX B

CHRONOLOGICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OP

ITALIAN GISANT TOMBS OP CONDOITIERI

FOURTEENTH CENTURY

U n
nown K k ni ght, Vi cto ri a and Albert M us eum , Lo ndon (fro m Venice)
M o
ument n to Paolo Lor ed an , SS . Giov an ni e Paol o (+1364) (fig. 266)
M o
ument n to Jacopo de i Ca vall i, SS. G io van ni e Paolo (+ 1384)
M o
ument n to a Nobl ema n of the Trevi sa n Fam ily, S. Maria Gloriosa
dei Fr ar i (fig. 26 7)
Monument to Senato re Ni cold Leoni, S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari (+1356)

M o n u m e n t t o M a n n o Dona t o, Sant o, Padua (+1370)

M o n u m e n t t o F e d e r i go d e i Caval li, S. Anastasia, Verona (+1390)
VENEK) M o n u m e n t t o I l a r i o San g uinace, Eremitani, Padu a (+1381)
M o n u m e n t t o F e d e r i go d a Carell ongo, Santo, Pad ua
M o n u m e n t t o M a s t i n o II della S cala, S. Maria A ntiqua, Verona, c.1350

Monument to Tommaso di Savoia II, Duomo, Aosta (+1259)j late 14th

MILAN century
Monument to Lodovico II, S. Giovanni Saluzzo, Piemonte

EMILIA Monument to Manf redo Pio, S. Maria della Sagra, Ca rpi (+1348)
ROMAGNA Recumbent Kn ight (from Bologna) Institute of Arts, Detroit
MARCHE Monument to Spin etta Pico, S. Francesco, Mirandola (+1399)
Monument to Pren departe PLco, S. Francesco, Mirand ola (+1394)

Monument to Niccolo Acciaioli, Certosa di Val d'Ena (+1366)

FLORENCE Monument to Tommaso Corsini, S. Spirito, Florence (+1366)
Monument to Galeotto Malaspina, S. Remigo, Fosdinova, Tuscany

Monu m e n t to Cri st oforo Caetani, Parrocchiale S. Pietro, Fondi,

ROME L a t i u m (fig. 2 6 8)
Monu m e n t to Pao lo dei Guildo (?), Cattanio Briobris, S. Francesco,
V e t r a llo, La ti um (+1353)
 - 216 -

FOURTEENTH CENTURY (con't)

M o n u m e n t t o Ricc a rdo Fissicelli, Cat he d

ral (+13 31)
M o n u m e n t t o Raym u ndus Cabano, S. Chi ar a (+1334)
M o n u m e n t t o Piet r o Brancaccio, S. Do me nico Magg iore (+1338)
NAPLES M o n u m e n t t o Drug o dl Merloto, S. Chi ar a (+1339)
M o n u m e n t t o Cris t oforo d'Aquino, S. Do menico Ma ggiore (+1342)
M o n u m e n t t o Nicc o lo Merloto, S. C hia ra (+1358)
M o n u m e n t t o Tomm a s o d !A q u i n o , S . Dom en ico Maggi ore (+1375)
M o n u m e n t t o Ludo v ico Artus, S. Ag ata d ei Goti, Benevento
M o n u m e n t d e i Con i ugi Capece, Cath edr al
M o n u m e n t t o Maga l di Mergotti or G abr ie le Adurini, S. Chiara (+1358)
 - 217 -

FIFTEENTH CENTURY

VENICE

Monume nt to Er asmo da N a m i , II Gattamelata, Santo, Padua (+1443)

(fi g. 232)
Monume nt to Gi an a n t o n i o d a N a m i , Santo, Padua, c. 1456 (fig. 233)
VENETO Jacopo B ellini d r awing, His de la Salle Collection, Louvre,
Par is (fig. 2 3 4)
Monume nt to Al gi n Vittore, ex-Monastery of S. Vittore, Feltre

Monument to Pietro Torelli, S. Eustcr-gio, Mi l a n (+1412)

EMILIA
ROMAGNA
MARCHE

FLORENCE

Monument t o Anguillara Brot h ers, San Francesco, Capranice di Sutri

(+1408) (Venturi, St oria , VI/ I, p. 54, fig. 21)
Monument t o Gerolamo Ge rald i no, Ameli a (+1481)
POME Monument t o Albertoni, S. M a ria del P opolo, 1485 (Venturi, Storia,
VI/II, p. 953, fig. 642)
Monument t o Bartolomeo Cara fa, S. Maria del Priorato di Malta (+1405)
(Ventur i, Storia, V I/I, p. 5 3 3 fig. 20)
Monument t o Giraudo Ans edun o , S S . A p o s t o l i , R o m e , e 1 4 9 4 ( f i g . 269)

Monument to Antonio Ca rafa della Malizia, S. Domenico Maggiore

( + 1 4 3 8 ) ( f i g . 270)
Monument to Gorico Lof fredo, C avaliere di Nodo, Duo mo (+1421)
NAPLES Monument to Nicola Tom acelli, S. Domeni co Maggiore, 1473
Monument to Ferdinando I of Ar agon, Cer to sa di San Martino (fig. 271)
Monument to Antonio Az zia, S. Domenico, C apua (+147 8)
Monument to Blasco Bar resi, S. Maria de ll a Stella, Militello in
Val di Catana (fig. 272)
 - 218 -

SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Monument to Hieronymo Canalo, SS. Giovanni e Paolo (+1535)

(destroyed - known through Grevembroch watercolor)
VENICE Monument to Patrizio Andrea Vincenzo Querini, Monks of S. Maria
della Vergine ( + 1 5 5 6 ) (destroyed - known through Grevembroch
watercolor)

VENEIO Monument to Niccold Orsini, Conte di Pitigliano, Museo Civico

dell'Et^ Cristiana, Brescia (+1509) (fig. 238)

MILAN Monument to Gaston de Foix- effigy in Museo del Castello

( + 1 5 1 2 ) (fig. 2 3 5 )

EMILIA
ROMAGNA Monument to Guidarello Guidarelli - effigy in Galleria Nazionale,
MARCHE Ravenna (+1501) (figs. 203-206)

FLORENCE

ROME

Monument to Scipione Somna, S. Giovanni a Carbonara, 1 5 5 7

NAPLES Monument to Alfonso Basurto, S. Giacomo degli Spagnoli, 1 5 5 0 ’s
Monument to Alfonso Rota, S. Domenico Maggiore, 1568-1569
 - 219 -

APPENDIX C

THE DOCUMENTS CONCERNING TULLIO'S EXECUTION OF THE

THE GUIDARELLO TOMB

Die XIIII Iuntij 1525

In mei notarij testlumque infras criptorum

presentia personallter Constitutj
Circumspectus vir magister Joannes
Nicolaus quondam Alterius Nicolai de Zarlatinis
de Carpo
murator et habitator Ravenne presens per se
etc. non vi dolo aut aliqua fraude ductus
sed sponte etc. fecit finem quietationem
liberationem et pactum perpetuum de ulterius
non petendo quandocumque Nobili viro Ser
Bartholo quondam Ser Baptiste asale present!
et stipulanti [Civi Ravenne] (et recipienti)
pro se suisque heredibus specialiter de ducatis
nonaginta ad rationem librarum sex et
marchatorum quatuor pro ducatis sibi debitis ex
Instrumento manu mei notarij infrascripti
ratione mercedis sue construendi et erigendi
Capellam Sancti liberij...in ecclesia Sancti
F r a n c i s c i d e R a v e n n a e t c ...

Die XXI Junij 1525

Cum Ingenios u s
et exercitatissimus Architectus
Dominus magi s t e
r Tullius quondam (excellentis
Architecti) D o m
ini petri lumbardi habitator
veneciarum s t r u
cturam ac opus Capelle Sancti
liberij in e c c l
esia Sancti francisci de Ravenna
Alias per qu o n d
am Magnificum equitem Dominum
Guidarellum d e
Guidarellis Construendam relictam
suo ultimo t e s
tamento (per ipsum magistrum Tullium)
assunptam Co m p
leverit et perfecerit [ac omnia per
ipsum in dic t o
Instrumento promissa Adlmpleverit
penitus] Iux t a
modellum factum et conventiones
factas cum S p e
ctabili Domino opizono Monaldino
quondam Domi n i
petri Testamentario Comissario et
executore ac D
omino bartholo quondam Ser baptiste
asale herede [mandato...? quondam Domine
Benedicte ux oris eiusdem Domini Guidarelli] ex
Instrumento manu mei notarii infrascripti]...?
predict! Com issarius et executor ac here presentes
 - 220 -

APPENDIX 0 (can't)

se plene satisfacti et optime dictam

structuram et opus complevisse affirmarunt
Contenti et Confessi fuerunt [optime...?
quia (?) omnibus promissis et Contentis in
dictum Instrumentum dictarum conventionum
ex parte dicti magistri Tulllj erga predictos
Dominum Comissarium et heredem eidem magistro
Tullio present! et stipulanti et stipulanti
(sic) pro se suisque heredibus finem quietationem
et pactum perpetuum...?] Et pro mercede
costructionis et operis predictus magister
Tullius adhuc debit (sic) habere ducatos quin­
quaginta'' (?) .quale r esiduum quod .superest de
ducatis Trecentis quinquaginta ad rationem
librarum sex et marchatorum quatuor pro ducato
Idem magister Tulius (sic) Contentus et confessus
fuit habuisse et recepisse [a dicto herede
presente et stipulante in pluribus vicibus] prout
de predictis (s o l u t i o n i b u s ) pluribus Instrumento
manu mei notarii infrascripti plene constat) [et de
dicto residuo] per presens publicum Instrumentum
eidem Ser bartholo (heredi antedicto) presenti et
stipulanti fecit finem et quietationem liberationem
de ulterius non petendo quacumque occasione predicta
quia (?) Idem Ser bartholus heres predictus presens
per se etc. pro Totali et Integro pagamento actualiter
Dedit soluit et exbursavit eidem Domino magistro
Tullio presenti et Ad se trahenti dictos ducatos
quinquaginta ad dictam rationem in Auro et moneta
Argentea Cassantes et Anullantes predictus Dominus
Comissarius et heres ac magister Tullius dictum In­
strumentum conventionum et obligationum ac Alia
I n s t r u m e n t a e t C h i r o g r a p h a . . . L i b e r a n t e s . ..
Ad invicem dicte partes videlicet dictus Dominus
m a g i s t e r T u l l i u s o c c a s i o n e d i c t e m e r c e d i s tarn d i c t u m
Dominum Comissarium et heredem...quam Magnificum
Dominum franciscum quondam Magnifici olunardi mocBnigo
eius fideiussorem pro dicto magistro Tullio de dicto
opere perficiendo ut dicitur Constare publico Instrumento
manu publici notarii venetiarum etc.
A c tum Ravenne i n eccl es ia Sancti fran c i sci de Ra v enna
P r ese ntibus mag istro Ga spa re quondam u r sij de sa c his
d e Im ola pictor is (si c) et Matheo quo n d am Draghi c e
d e Ia dra Allter Duric h (o Burich?) te s t ibu s habi t us et
S e bas tiano fili o Mich ae lli s manusij.
Note in the margin: item Auctenticavi ad Instantiam
Domini bartholi asale).
 - 221 -

APPENDIX C (can't)

T H E D O C U M E N T S C O N C E R N I N G T U L L I O ’S E X E C U T I O N O F
THE GUIDARELLO TOMB
Translation

The fourteenth day of June 1525

In the presence of ny secreta
personally appointed the este
also known as Alterius Nicola
in Ravenna, himself present,
by any fraud, but of his own
and perpetual pact, not requi
Ser Bartholo, also known as S
designated citizen of Ravenna
t h a n s p e c i f i c a l l y 90 d u c a t s f
rate of 4 marks per ducat, yo
in the hand of ny undersigned
of his construction and erect
the church of San Francesco o
r y and the undersigned witne sses,
e med man and master Joannes Nicolaus,
u s of Carpi, the builder and dweller
e tc., not by force of guile or induced
v olition, etc., made a final agreement
r ing more at any time from t he nobleman
e r Baptiste dal Sale, presen t and
and receiver for himself an d his heirs,
rom the sixth book of accoun ts and at a
u will owe according to the instrument
secretary, by an account of the cost
ion of the chapel of San Lib erio in
f R a v e n n a ^ e t c . ..

The twenty-first day of June 1525

The talented and experienced Architect, Lord master Tullio,

the son of the late excellent Architect,Lord Pietro Lombardo, an
inhabitant of Venice, having taken up the construction and decoration
of the chapel of San Liberio in the church of San Francesco in Ravenna
according to the order for its construction in the last will of the
former magnificent Knight Lord Guidarello Guidarelli. The same
master TulUo completed and finished (and he fully fulfilled every­
thing promised by him in the said instrument) accordingly made a
model and an agreement with the Noble Lord Opizzono Monaldini,
former testamentary commissioner of Lord Pietro and executor
with Lord Bartholo, former Ser Baptiste dal Sale, heir [designate (?)
...? of the late Lady Benedicta, the wife of Lord Guidarelli]
according to the instrument in the hand of ny undersigned secretary...?
[illegible words],..
the aforesaid commissioner and executor and heirs present fully
satisfied and affirm that the said structure and work were completed
and that they were satisfied and acknowledge this... ?
[illegible words]...
hence ? all promises and intentions with regard to the said instrument
of the said agreements on the part of the said master Tullio, con­
sequently the aforesaid Lord Commissioner and heir, to master Tullio,
present and designate and designate for himself and his heirs —
a last resting and perpetual pact...?
[illegible words]
 - 222 -

APPENDIX C - Translation (Con't)

and for the cost of the construction and decoration, aforesaid

master Tullio ought to have 50 ducats, as the rest which remains
of 350 ducats from the sixth book of accounts and at a rate of
4 marks per ducat. The same master Tullio was satisfied and
acknowledged that he had received from the said heir present and
designate on several occasions, according to the aforesaid
many payments by the instrument in the hand of my undersigned
secretary and he was fully in agreement and concerning the
said remainder, according to the existing public instrument,
the same Ser Bartholo (an aforesaid heir) present and designate,
made a final and lasting agreement not requiring on whatever
occasion the aforesaid ? hence the same Ser Bartholo, aforesaid
heir, himself present etc. for the entire and whole payment
actively gave, paid and disbursed to the same Lord master Tullio
present and to him brought the said 50 ducats to the said
account in gold and silver money, Cassantes and Anullantes
the aforesaid Lord Conmissioner and heirs and master Tullio
the said agreement instrument and obligation and other
instruments and manuscripts...
[illegible words]..
To each of the said parties, i.e. the said Lord master Tullio on
the occasion of the said price, and the said Lord Commissioner and
heir...[illegible words]... as the great Francisco of the late
great Mocenigo his guarantor (one who posts bail) for the said
master Tullio re completing the aforesaid work as is said in
agreement with the public instrument in the hand of the public
notaries of the Venetians, etc.

Done at Ravenna in the church of San Francesco of Ravenna in

the presence of master Gaspar, son of the late Ursus de Sacchis,
a painter of Imola ? and Matheus, son of the late Draghice de
Iadra,Durich (or else Burich) present as witnesses, and
Sebastian, the son of Michael,wrote it.

a marginal note: I have authenticated this at the behest of

Lord Bartholo dal Sale

(I am grateful to Dr. Bea Green for her assistance with this

translation.)
 - 223 -

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The bibliography for this dissertation is lengthy and diverse.

Many of the books and articles consulted were pertinent to only a

special aspect of the iconography or style of the sculptures studied.

These are cited in appropriate footnotes, but are not included in the

bibliography.

An outline of the basic literature concerning Tullio's career

follows.

The student of Venetian Renaissance sculpture is hindered by

a dearth of contemporary testimony. There is no equivalent to Vasari's

Vlte written in Renaissance Venice. The only collection of biographies

of Venetian sculptors was not written until the eighteenth century

(Tommaso Temahza, Vlte dei piu celebri architetti, e scultori venezianl

che fiorirono nel secolo decimosesto, Venice, 1778). In Tullio's case,

Pomponius Gauricus, his friend and admirer, provided the only

first-hand information. (De Sculptura (1504), edited, translated,

and annotated by Andre Chastel and Robert Klein, Geneva and Paris, 1969).

Gauricus championed Tullio's classical style, but did not offer a history

of his conmissions.

The only other primary sources are Venetian chroniclers who, while

their focus was on political and social events, occasionally mentioned

crucial details relevant to sculpture and architecture. The most

valuable of these histories is Marino Sanuto, I diarii, edited by G.

Berchet et al., Venice, 1879-1903, 58 vols., and his Vite dei dogi,

edited by Giovanni Monticolo, in the Rerum Italicarum Scrlptores,

 - 224 -

vol. XHI (1733). Also useful for factual information is D. Malipiero,

Annali veneti dall1anno 1457 al anno 1500 ordinati e abbreviati da

F. Longp, Florence, 1843-1844.

There were no guides to Venice written in the early sixteenth

century. The earliest, that compiled by Francesco Sansovino (Venetia

citta nobilissima, et singolare, descritta gist in XIII libri, Venice,

1581) is of cardinal importance because of its thoroughness and reliability.

Francesco Sansovino was the son of Jacopo, the major sculptor and archi­

tect in mid-sixteenth century Venice. Thus, we can assume he was

especially well informed about works in these media.

Sansovino's guide was edited and annotated several times in the

seventeenth century, by Giovanni Stringa in 1604 and by D. Giustiniano

Martinioni in 1663 . There is no other guide to Venice of the same

value as a primary source. However, Giulio Lorenzetti’s Venice and its

Lagoon, Historical-Artistic Guide, translated by John Guthrie, Rome,

1961, is Indispensable to any visitor to Venice today.

An extraordinary contribution to the understanding of Venetian

sculpture and architecture was made by Venetian archivists. At the end

of the nineteenth century, Pietro Paoletti wrote an unsurpassed history

of Venetian Renaissance sculpture and architecture (L 'Architettura e

la sculture del Rinascimento in Venezia; ricerche storico-artistiche, Venice,

1893). His history was corroborated by publication of extensive

documentation from government and church archives. Very few crucial

documents have been added to Paoletti’s remarkable corpus.

 - 225 -

Equally valuable are the works of Flaminio Cornelio, Ecclesiae

Venetae antiquis monumentis, decas secunda, et_ tertia, Venice, 1749,

18 vols., and Brmanuele A. Cicogna, Delle iscrizioni veneziane raccolte

ed illustrate, Venice, 1824-1853, 6 vols. They reviewed preserved

government, church, and family documents as well as inscriptions in

churches, and conpiled authoritative histories of Venetian churches

and religious orders.

A number of surveys provide a basic outline of Venetian sculp­

ture. The most important are Hans von der Gabelentz, Mittelalterliche

Plastik in Venedig, Leipzig, 1903; Leo Planiscig, Venezianische Bild-

hauer der Renaissance, Vienna, 1921; idem, "Die Bildhauer Venedigs in

der ersten Halfte des Quattrocento", Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen

Sammlungen in Wien, n.f., vol. IV (1930), pp. 47-111; Adolfo Venturi,

Storia dell'arte italiana, vol. X/I, La scultura del Clnquecento, Mi 1an,

1935; and John Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture, New York

and London, 1971.

The only analyses of tomb monuments in Renaissance Venice are

unpublished. They are Robert Munman, Venetian Renaissance Tomb Monuments,

Harvard, 1969, and Kathryn Bloom Hiesinger, Venetian Renaissance Tomb

Monuments of the Second Half of the Cinquecento, Harvard, 1971.

Finally, there are some monographic treatments of individual

commissions. Paoletti wrote a study of the Scuola di San Marco (La Scuola

Grande di San Marco, Venice, 1929). Two recent dissertations focus on

 - 226 -

other monuments: Ralph Lieberman, The Church of Santa Maria dei

Miracoli in Venice, New York University, 1972; and Wendy Stedman

Sheard, The Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramln in Venice by Tullio Lombardo,

Yale University, 1971. The latter is the only study of Tullio*s art

that analyses its iconography and relationship to sources. Hence,

it is very important not only as a study of Tullio1s major tomb com­

mission, but also as a model in methodology.

 - 227 -

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Viale Ferrero, Mercedes. A r a z z i i t a l i a n i . M i l a n , [ 1961] .
Villani, Filippo. Liber de civitatis Florentiae famosis
c i v i b u s . G. C. Galletti, ed. Florence, 1847.
Wilhelm, Pia. Die Marienkr5nung am Westportal der Kathedrale
von Senlis. Hamburg, 1941.
Wilk, Sarah. "Tullio Lombardo's 'Double-Portrait' Reliefs."
M a r s y a s X V I ( 1 9 7 2 - 1 9 7 3 ) , 67- 86.
Williams, Phyllis L. "Two Roman Reliefs in Renaissance
Disguise." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
IV (1940-1941), 47-657
W i l s o n , C a r o l y n . G i o v a n n i B e l l i n i 's P e s a r o A l t a r p i e c e , S t u d i e s
in its Context and Meaning. Unpublished PhD dissertation,
New York University, 1976.
Wolters, Wolfgang. "Eine Antikenerganzung aus dem Kreis des
Donatello in Venedig." Pantheon XXXII (1974), 130-133.
Zorzi, Giangiorgio. "Architetti e scultori dei laghi di Lugano
e di Como a Vicenza nel secolo xv." Arte e artisti dei
laghi lombardi. Edoardo Arslan, ed. Como, 1959, I, 343-371.
 - 245 -

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page
1. Pietro Lombardo, Tomb of Antonio Roselli,
Sant'Antonio, Padua, 1454-1467(photo:
M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m n e g . E 86833) 268
2. Bernardo RosselJino, Tomb of Leonardo Bruni,
Sta. Croce, Florence, 1444^1447 (photo:
Bruckmann) 268

3. Desiderio da Settignano, Tomb of Carlo Marsuppini,

Sta. C roce, F l o r e n c e , l a t e 1 4 5 0 's (photo:
Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture,
fig. 61) 269
4. Pietro Lombardo, Tomb of Doge Pasquale Malipiero,
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, c. 1470 (photo:
Planiscig, Venezianische B ildhauer, fig. 33) 269
5. Antonio Bregno, The Foscari Monument, S.M. Gloriosa.
d e i F r a r i , V e n i c e , l a t e 1 4 5 0 's (photo: P o p e -
H e n n e s s y , I t a l i a n R e n a i s s a n c e S c u l p t u r e , f i g . 1 5 8) 270
6. Pietro Lombardo, Soffit of High Altar Chapel Arch,
San Giobbe, Venice, 1470's (photo: Cini Founda­
tion) 270
7. L u c a d e l l a R o b b i a , St_. M a t t h e w R o u n d e l , P a z z i C h a p e l ,
Florence, 1440-1450 (photo: Janson) 271
8. P i e t r o L o m b a r d o , A n g e l , S a n G i o b b e , V e n i c e , 1 4 7 0 's
(photo: Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance
Sculpture, pi. 133) 271
9. Antonio Rossellino, Figure from the Tomb of the
Cardinal of Portugal, S . Miniato al Monte,
Florence, 1461-1466 (photo: Pope-Hennessy, Italian
R e n a i s s a n c e S c u l p t u r e , p i . 56) 272

10. Pietro Lombardo, Tomb of Pietro Mocenigo, SS. Giovanni

e Paolo, Venice, l476-l4"8l (photo: Pope-Hennessy,
Italian Renaissance Sculpture, fig. 155) 272
 - 246 -
Page
11. Antonio Rizzo, Tron Monument, S.M. Gloriosa'- dei
Frari, Venice, 1476-1479 (photo: Paoletti,
L'Architettura e la scultura, vol. II, pi. 47) 273
12. Pietro Lombardo, Niccold Marcello Monument,
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, l480Ti" (photo:
Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture,
fig. 160) 273

13. Tullio Lombardo, Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin,

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, 1490's (photo:
Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture,
fig. 162) 274

14. "Tullio Lombardo, attributed, Charity figure,

Tron Monument, S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari,
Venice, 1476-1479 (photo: Planiscig, Venezianische
Bildhauer, fig. 52 ) 274

15. Tullio Lombardo, Angel (ex-San Sepolero, Venice),

Ca'd'Oro, Venice, c. 1484 (photo: Planiscig,
"Per il quarto centenario," fig. on p. 904) 275
16. Pietro Lombardo, Jacopo Marcello Monument, S.M.
Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice, 1480'i (photo:
Paoletti, L'Architettura e la scultura, vol. II,
Frontispiece^ ” 275
17. Pietro Lombardo and sons, Tomb of Bishop Zanetti,
Duomo, Treviso, 1480's (photo: Venturi, Storia,vol.
VI, p. 359, fig. 266) 276

18. Pietro Lombardo and sons, Tomb of Senatore Onigo,

S. Niccold, Treviso, l480's Cphoto: Venturi, Storia
vol; VE, p. 380, fig. 287) 276

19. Pietro Lombardo, Foscarlni Monument, i480's (destroyed

Greveiribroch watercolor) (photo: Mariacher,
"Pietro Lombardo a Venezia," fig. 57) 277
20. Ri,etro Lombardo, Central section of the Pietro
Mocenigo Monument, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice,
l476-l48l (photo: Pope-Hennessy, Italian
Renaissance Sculpture, fig. 155) 277

21. Antonio Rizzo, Tomb of Giovanni Brno, ex- S. Maria

dei Servi, post 1483 (destroyed; Grevembroch
watercolor) (photo: Janson) 278
Andrea del Verrocchio, Tomb of Giovanni and Piero
de' Medici, Old Sacristy, San Lorenzo, Florence,
1^70’s (photo: G. Passavant, Verrocchio (London,
I969 ), pi. 6 )

Piero del^, Francesca, Madonna del Parto (detail),Cemstery,

Monterchi, c. 1460 (photo: Pincus, The Arco ’
Foscari, fig. 112)

Andrea del Castagno, Vision of St. Jerome (detail),

SS. ma Annunziata, Florence, c.1^55 (photo:-IFA negative)

Antonio Rossellino, St. Sebastian, Collegiata, Empoli, c.l460

(photo: Pincus, The Arco Foscari, fig. 103)

Antonio Rizzo, Adam, Arco Foscari, Palazzo Ducale,

Venice, l480's • (photo: Naya)
Antonio Rizzo, Head of Eve, Arco Foscari, Palazzo Ducale,
Venice l480's (photo: Pincus, The Arco Foscari,
fig. 110)
Andrea del Verrocchio, Tomb of Giovanni and Piero
de* Medici (detail), Old Sacristy, San Lorenzo,
Florence, 1470 's (photo: IFA negative)

Pietro Lombardo, Niccold Marcello Monument, SS.

Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, l480's (photo: Paoletti,
L ’Architettura e la scultura, vol. II, pi. 75)

Pietro Lombardo, Virtue from the Niccolo-Marcello

Monument, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, l480's
(photo: Mariacher, "Pietro Lombardo a Venezia,"
fig. 53)
Pietro Lombardo, Virtue from the Niccold Marcello
Monument, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, l480’s
(photo: Mariacher, "Pietro Lombardo a Venezia,"
fig. 52)
Antonio Rizzo, Charity Figure from the Tron Monu-
ment, S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice, 1^76-
1479 (photo: Metropolitan Museum negative E45882)

Andrea del Verrocchio, Head of Christ from the

Doubting Thomas Group, Baptistry, Florence, 1465-1483
(photo: Brogi 4772A)
 - 248 -
Page
• 34. Andrea del Verrocchio, Head of Thomas from the
Doubting Thomas Group, Baptistry, Florence
1465-1483 (photo: Passavant, Verrocchio, pi. 36) 284
35. Pietro Lombardo and sons, South side on north
pedestal of triumphal arch, S.M. dei Miracoli,
Venice, l480's (photo: Cini Foundation) 285
36. Illustration, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (photo:
Pozzi and Ciapponi ed., p. 89 ) 285
37. Illustration, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (photo:
Pozzi and Ciapponi ed., p. 201) 286

38. Pietro Lombardo and sons, Madonna on Balustrade,

S. Maria dei Miracoli, Venice, 1480's (photo:
Planiscig, Venezianische Bildhauer, pi. 251) 286

39. Pietro Lombardo and sons, Angel on Balustrade,

S. Maria dei Miracoli, Venice, l480's (photo:
Planiscig, Venezianische Bildhauer, pi. 252) 287
40. Tullio Lombardo, St. Mark Healing Ammianus,
Fagade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice,
late l480's (photo: author) 287

41. Tullio Lombardo, St. Mark Baptizing Ammianus?

Fagade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice,
late l480's (photo: author) 288

42. Tullio Lombardo, St. Mark Healing Ammianus,

Fagade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice,
late l480fs (photo: Planiscig, Venezianische
Bildhauer, pi. 237) 288

43 . Tullio Lombardo, St. Mark Baptizing Ammianus,

Fagade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice
late l480's (photo: Planiscig, Venezianische
Bildhauer, pi. 238) 289
44. Tullio Lombardo,St. Mark Baptizing Ammianus,
Tomb of Giovanni Mocenigo, SS. Giovanni e
Paolo, Venice, early 16th c. (photo: Pope-
Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture, pi. 137) 289
45. Tullio Lombardo,Coronation of the Virgin,
Bemabd Chapel, San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice,
c.1500-1502 (photo: IFA negative) 290
 - 249 -

Page

46. Tullio Lombardo, Miracle of the Repentant Youth,

Sant'Antonio, Padua, early 16th century (photo:
Venturi, Storia, vol. X/I, fig. 283) 290

47. Tullio Lombardo,Miracle of the Miser's Heart,

Sant'Antonio, Padua, inscribed 1525 (photo:
IFA negative) 291

48. Tullio Lombardo, Angel (ex-San Sepolcro), Ca'd'Oro,

Venice, c. 1484 (photo: Planiscig, "Per il quarto
centenario," fig. on p. 905) 291

49. Tullio Lombardo, St. Mark Baptizing Airmianus

Fajade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice,
late 1480's (photo: author) 292

50. Tullio Lombardo, Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin,

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, 1490's (photo:
Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture,
fig. 162 ) 292

51. Tullio Lombardo, Adam from the Tomb of Doge Andrea

Vendramin, Metropolitan Museum, New York, 1490's
(photo: IFA negative) 293

52. Tullio Lombardo, Warrior from the Tomb of Doge

Andrea Vendramin, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice,
1490's (photo: IFA negative) 293

53. Tullio Lombardo, Bacchus and Ceres. Kunsthis-

torisches Museum, Vienna, late 1490's (photo:
IFA negative) 294

54 * Tullio Lombardo, Adam from the Tomb of Doge

Andrea Vendramin, Metropolitan Museum, New York, 1490's
(photo: author) 294

55. Apollo, Palazzo Ducale, Mantua, Roman copy of Greek

5th century B.C. original (photo: Premi) 295

56. Adam in Paradise Ivory, Bargello, Florence^ c. 400

(photo: author) 295

57. The Arco Foscari, PalazzD Ducale, Venice, 1438-1485 (photo:

Pincus, The Arco Foscari, fig. 23) * 296
 - 250 -
Page
58. Michelangelo, Bacchus, Bargello, Florence, 1497-
1498 (photo: Pope-Hennessy, Italian High
Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, (London, 1970)
pi. 10 ) 296

59- Michelangelo, David (detail), Accademia, Florence,

1501-1504 (photo: Pope-Hennessy, Italian High
Renaissance and Baroque Sculpture, pi. 13) 297

60. Tullio Lombardo, Warrior (detail) from the Tomb

of Doge Andrea Vendramin, SS. Giovanni e Paolo,
Venice, 1490's (photo: Pope-Hennessy, Italian
Renaissance Sculpture, pi. 140) 297

61. Andrea Sansovino, Tomb of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza,

S.M. del Popolo, Rome, 1505-1509 (photo: Pope-
Hennessy , Italian High Renaissance and Baroque
Sculpture, fig. 57 ) 298

62. Tullio Lombardo, Miracle of the Repentant Youth,

Sant'Antonio, Padua, early l6 th century (photo:
Venturi, Storia, vol. XE, fig. 283) 298

63 . Tullio Lombardo, Miracle of the Miser's Heart.

Sant'Antonio, Padua, inscribed 1525 (photo:
Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture,
pi. 142) 299

64. Mosca (with Paolo Stella), Miracle of the Broken

Glass, Sant'Antonio, Padua, 1520's Tphoto:
Metropolitan Museum negative E92435) 299
65 . Tullio Lombardo, Giovanni Mocenigo Monument,
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, early 16th cen-
tury (Photo: Paoletti, L'Architettura e la
scultura, vol. II, fig. 138) 300

66. Tullio Lombardo, St. Mark Baptizing Ammianus,

Giovanni Mocenigo Monument, SS. Giovanni e Paolo,
Venice, early 16th century (photo: Venturi, Storia,
vol. X/l, p. 363, fig. 271) 300
67 . Tullio Lombardo, Giovanni Mocenigo Monument, SS.
Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, early l6th century
(photo: Paoletti, L'Architettura e la scultura,
vol. II, fig'. 138) 301

68. Jacopo Sansovino (and assistants), Tomb of Antonio

Venier, San Salvatore, Venice, 1556-156l Tphoto:
Planiscig, Venezianische Bildhauer,fig. 401) 301
 - 251 -
Page

69 . Tullio Lombardo, Guidarello Guidarelli Chapel,

San Francesco, Ravenna, c. 1520-1525 (photo:
author)

70. Tullio Lombardo, Effigy of Guidarello Guidarelli

Galleria Nazionale, Ravenna, c. 1520-1525 (photo:
Venturi, Storia, vol. X/l, fig. 285) 302

71. Tullio Lombardo (attributed), Matteo Bellati

Monument, Cathedral, Feltre, 1528 (photo:
Paoletti, L ’Architettura e la scultura, vol.
II, fig. l£F) 303
72. Tullio Lombardo (attributed), Pieta, Duomo,
Rovigo, late 1520’s (photo: Puppi, "Iter Tullio
Lombardo," fig. 128,1) 303
73. Tullio Lombardo (attributed), Pieta, Duomo,
Rovigo, late 1520’s (photo: Puppi, "Per Tullio
Lombardo," fig. 128/2) 304
74. Tullio Lombardo (attributed), Pieta, Duomo,
Rovigo, late 1520's (photo: Puppi, "Per Tullio
Lombardo," fig. 128/4) 304
75. Tullio Lombardo (attributed), Pieta!, Duomo,
Rovigo, late 1520's (photo: Puppi, "Per Tullio
Lombardo," fig. 128/3) 305
76. Masaccio, Trinity, S. Maria Novella, Florence, 1420’s
(photo: IFA negative) 305
77. Pietro Lombardo, Tomb of Dante, San Francesco,
Ravenna, 1482 (photo: Alinari 18154) 306

78 . Map of Venetian Expansion on Italian Mainland

during 15th century (photo: Oliver Logan, Cul­
ture and Society in Venice, 1470-1790 (IfewTork,
1972 ), opposite p. 1) 306
79. Ground-plan of San Marco, Venice, 11th century (photo: IFA
negative) 307
80. Reconstruction of the Church of the Apostles,
Constantinople (photo: Sergio Bettini, L ’Archi-
tettura di San Marco; origini e significato
(Padua, 194577 Pi- VIII) 307
 - 252 -

Page
81. St. Demetrius, Byzantine 12th-13th century
sculpture, Fa9ade of San Marco, Venice (photo:
IFA negative) 308

82. St. George, Venetian 13th century imitation of

Byzantine style, San Marco, Venice (photo:
IFA negative) 308

83 . Tullio Lombardo, "Double Portrait" Relief,

Ca'd'Oro, Venice, late 1490's (photo: Alinari) 309
84. Tullio Lombardo, Bacchus and Ceres Relief,
Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, late 1490's
(photo: Museum) 309
85. Francesco Laurana, Medal Obverse, Rene d'Anjou
and Jeanne de Laval, Samuel H. Kress Collection,
National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., mid 15th
century (photo: Museum) 310

86. Master of Flemalle, Christ and the Virgin,

Johnson Collection, Museum of Art,'Philadel­
phia, 1430 (photo: Museum) 310

87. Franco-Flemish 15th century Painter, Christ

and the Virgin, Fine Arts Gallery, San Diego
(photo: Museum) 311

88. Quentin Massys, Money-Changer and his Wife,

Louvre, Paris, 1514 (photo: Alinari) 311

89 . Master of the Landauer Altarpiece, Portrait

of Lorenz and Christina Tucher, Staatliche
Galerie, Dessau, c.l484 (photo: Museum) 312

90. Ehgraver with the Monogram bg (after the Hausbuch Master),

A Pair of Lovers,'late 15th century (photo: Lehrs 30) 312

91. German 15th century Niello and Silver Medallion

with Engraved Figures, The Virginia Museum, Rich­
mond, Virginia (photo: Museum) 313

92. Vittore Belliniano, Portrait of two Gentlemen,

Art Museum, Houston, late 15th centuiy (photo: Museum) 313

93. Roman Grave Stele from Soulosse, Mus6e, Metz,

France, 2nd century A.D. (photo: Museum) 314
 - 253 -

Page
94. Israhel van Meckenem Engraving, Portrait of
Himself and his Wife, Rosenwald Collection,
National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., c. 1490
(photo: Museum) 314

95. Marcanova, Drawing of the Metellia Prima Monument

from the Sketchbook of Marcanova (Codex Ms. L .5•15•3
Biblioteca Estense, Modena), 1465 (photo: P.
Orlandini, Modena) 315
96. Jacopo Bellini, Drawing of the Metellia Prima
Monument, Sketchbook, Louvre, Paris, c. 1455
(Viktor Goloubew, Les dessins de Jacopo Bellini
(Brussels, 1908), vol. 11/1s pi. XLIII) 315
97. Andrea Mantegna, Removal of the Beheaded Body of
St. Christopher (detail), Ovetari Chapel, Eremitani
Church, Padua, 1452 (photo: Alinari) 316
98. Roman Grave Stele of Two Women, Museo, Altino,
1st century (photo: Soprintendenza alle
Antichita delle Venezie) 316

99. Roman Grave Stele of the Caesii, Museo Archeo-

logLco, Bologna (photo: Museum) 317
100. Bacchus and Ariadne, Roman 4th century Mosaic,
Worcester Art Museum, Worcester, Mass. 317
(photo: Museum)

101. Hellenistic Sculpture, Alessandro Morente,

Uffizi, Florence (photo: Alinari) 318

102. Tullio Lombardo, St. Sebastian, SS. Apostoli,

Venice, l490’s (?) (photo: Alinari) 318

103. Venetian 16th century, Portrait of a Lady,

Samuel H. Kress Collection, Art Museum,
Denver, Colorado (photo: Museum) 319
104. Tullio Lombardo (?), Eve, Kunsthistorisches
Museum, Vienna, early l6th century (photo:
IFA negative) 319

105. Venetian 16th century Drawing, Nude Man in a

Landscape, Gabinetto di Disegni e Stampe,
Uffizi, Florence (photo: Alinari) 320

106. Woodcut of the Venus relief from the Priapus

Altar, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (photo:
Pozzi and Ciapponi ed., vol. I, p . 186) 320
 - 254 -

Page

107. Woodcut of the Ceres relief from the Priapus

Altar, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (photo: Pozzi
and Ciapponi ed., vol. I, p. 187) 321

108. Woodcut of the Bacchus relief from the Priapus

Altar, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (photo:
Pozzi and Ciapponi ed., vol. I, p. 187) 321

109. Woodcut of the Aeolus relief from the Priapus

Altar, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (photo:
Pozzi and Ciapponi ed., vol. I, p. 188) 322

110. Woodcut of a Grave Monument of Dead Lovers

(detail), Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (photo:
Pozzi and Ciapponi ed., vol. I, p. 263) 322
111. Lombard School (attributed), Capital no. 57,
Palazzo Ducale, Venice, 15th century (photo:
Terisio Pignatti, The Doges Palace (New York,
n.d.), fig. 236) 323
112. Dosso Dossi (attributed), Warrior and Young Girl
with a Flute, Count Vittorio Cini Collection,
Venice, c. 1520 (photo: Cini Foundation) 323
113. Mauro Codussi, San Giovanni Crisostomo (ground-
plan), Venice, 1490's (photo: Wladimir Timo-
flewitsch, "Genesi e struttura della chiesa del
Rinascimento Veneziano,” Bollettino del Centro
Intemazionale di Studi di Architettura
Andrea Palladio, V (1964), fig. VI) 324
114. Tullio Lombardo, Bernabd Chapel, S. Giovanni
Crisostomo, Venice, c. 1500-1502 (photo:
author) 324
115. Delitti Chapel, San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice,
1490*s (photo: author) 325
116. Tullio Lombardo, Bemabo' Chapel, San Giovanni
Crisostomo, Venice (photo: author) 325
117. Pietro Lombardo and sons, Interior of S. Maria
dei Miracoli, Venice, 1480's (photo: IFA negative) 326
118. Tullio Lombardo, Coronation of the Virgin, Bemabd
Chapel, S. Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice, c. 1500-
1502 (photo: author) 326

119. Tympanum, Central Fbrtal, West Faijade, Cathedral,

Senlis, c. 1190 (photo: Marburg 36670) 327
 - 255 -
Page

‘120. 'iynpanum (detail), Central Portal, West Fa9ade,

Cathedral, Senlis, c. 1190 (photo: Marburg 36670) 327

121 . Jacopo ToritL, Coronation of the Virgin, Main

Mosaic of apse, S. Maria Maggiore, Rome, c. 1294
(photo: Walter Oakeshoot, The Mosaics of Rome
(Greenwich, Conn., 1967), pi. XXVIII) 328

122 . Guisto de'Menabuoi, Triptych, National Gallery,

London, 1367 (photo: Pallucchini, La pittura
veneziana del Trecento, fig. 392) 328

123. Giovanni da Bologna, Folyptych, Pinacoteca Nazionale,

Bologna, c. 1375 (photo: Fhllucchini, La pittura
veneziana del Trecento, fig. 560) 329

124. Vitale da Bologna, Coronation of the Virgin

(detail of a polyptych), San Salvatore, Bologna,
c. 1353 (photo: Cesare Gnudi, Vitale da Bologna
(Milan, 1962 ), pi. 103) 329

125. Paolo Veneziano, Coronation of the Virgin, Frick

Collection, N.Y., 1358 (photo: IFA negative) 330

126. Catarino, Coronation of the Virgin, Accademia,

Venice, 1375 (photo: Pallucchini, La pittura
veneziana del Trecento, fig. 604) 330

127. Stefano di Sant’Agnese, Coronation of the Virgin,

Accademia, Venice, 1381 (photo: Etellucchini,
La pittura veneziana del Trecento, fig. 579) 331
128. Nicoletto Semitecolo (?), Coronation of the
Virgin, Schloss Rohoncz Collection, Castagnola
(Lugano), 1355 (photo: Pallucchini, La pit­
tura veneziana del Trecento, fig. 369) 331

129. Venetian 14th century Painter, Polyptych #21,

Accademia, Venice (photo: Metropolitan Museum
negative) 332

130. Venetian 14th century Painter, Polyptych #21

(detail), Accademia, Venice (photo: Offner) 332

131. Guariento, Coronation of the Virgin, Museum,

Fadua, c. 1350 (photo: Gabinetto Fotografico
neg. 352) 333
 - 256 -
Page

132. Jacobello del Flore, Coronation of the Virgin,

Museum, Bologna, early 15th century (photo;
Croci) 333

133. Bartolomeo Vivarini, Coronation of the Virgin,

Samuel H. Kress Collection, Delgado Museum,
New Orleans, mid 15th century(photo: Berenson,
Venetian School, vol. I, fig. 110) 334

134. Vittorio Crivelli, Polyptych, Fhlazzo Comunale,

Sant'ELpidio a Mare, c. 1490 (photo: Berenson,
Venetian School, vol. I, fig. 168) 334

135. Turone, Coronation of the Virgin, Polyptych of

the Trinity, Museo del Castelvecchio, Verona, late
14th century (photo: Pallucchini, l b . pittura
veneziana del Trecento, fig. 439) 335

136. Guariento, Coronation of the Virgin, Palazzo

Ducale, Venice, 1365 (photo: R. Hoffman re­
construction in Saxl, Lectures, 1957, fig. 88B) 335

137- Jacobello del Fiore, Paradise, Accademia,

Venice (post 1430) (photo: Fitzgerald,
"Guariento of Arpo," pi. 30) 336

138. Vivarini and d'Alemagna, Coronation of the

Virgin, San Pantaleone, Venice, 1444 (photo:
Berenson, Venetian School, vol. I, pi. 79) 336

139- Venetian 13th century Sculpture, TraditioLegis,

Treasury, San Marco (photo: Demus, The Church
of San Marco, fig. 57) 337

140. Donatello, Tabernacle, Sacristy, St. Peter’s, Rome,

1432 (photo: H.W. Janson, The Sculpture of Dona­
tello (Princeton, N.J., 1957)a vol. I, fig. 136) 337

141. Bernardo Rossellino, Tabernacle, S. Egidio,

Florence, 1449 (photo: Alinari) 338

142. Pietro Lombardo and sons, Tabernacle, S. Maria

dei Miracoli, Venice, 1480's (photo: author) 338

143. The Lontoardi (attributed), Tabernacle, Sacristy,

S.M. Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice, post 1479 (photo:
Paoletti, l’Architettura e la scultura, vol. II,
pi. 74) 339
144. Tullio Lombardo, Tabernacle, Seminario Patriarcale,
Venice, c. 1500 (photo: Planiscig, Venezianische Bild­
hauer, pi. 236) 339
Andrea Ferrucci, Altar (from San Girolamo,
Fiesole), Victoria and Albert Museum,
London, 1490's (photo: Museum)

Andrea Sansovino, Altar of Sacrament, Sto.

Spirito, Florence, c. 1490 (photo: G. Haydn.Huntley,
Andrea Sansovino, Sculptor and Architect of
the Italian Renaissance (Cambridge, Mass.,
1935) pi. 7)
Tullio Lombardo, Coronation of the Virgin
(detail), Bemabo Chapel, s. Giovanni
Crisostomo, Venice (photo: author)

Sacrifice of Abraham, Abel and Melchisedek,

mosaic, S. Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna, 6th centuiy
(photo: IFA negative)

Sacrifice of Abel and Melchisedek, mosaic,

San Vitale, Ravenna, 6th century (photo: IFA negative)

Lombardi Workshop (?), Virgin Orarrt, Bemabo

Chapel, San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice, c. 1500
(photo: Church postcard)

Paolo Veronese, Justice and Peace before Venice

Enthroned on the Globe, Sala del Collegio,
Palazzo Ducale, Venice, 1575-1578 (photo:
Juergen Schulz, Venetian Painted Ceilings of
the Renaissance (Berkeley, 1968), pi. 75)

Palma Giovane, Venice Enthroned above her

Conquered Provinces, Sala del Maggior Consiglio,
Palazzo Ducale, Venice, c. 1577-1582 (photo:
Schulz, Venetian Painted Ceilings, pi. 103)

Paolo Veronese, Ceres Before Venice, Peace and

Hercules (ex-Magistrato alle Biade), Accademia,
Venice, c. 1570 (photo: Schulz, Venetian
Painted Ceilings, pi. 72)

Titian, Pesaro Madonna, S. Maria Gloriosa dei

Frari, Venice, 1519-1526 (photo: IFA negative)

Paolo Veronese and assistants, The Apotheosis

of Venice, Sala del Maggior Consiglio, Palazzo
Ducale, Venice, c. 1577-1582 (photo: Schulz,
Venetian Painted Ceilings, pi. 105)
 - 258 -
Page

156. Camillo Ballini, Venice Crowned by Victory,

Palazzo Ducale, Venice, early 17th century
(photo: Venturi, Storia, IX/73 fig. 86) 345

157- Jacopo Tintoretto and assistants, The Doge

Receiving a Palm and a Laurel from Venice
as Diverse States Render their Spontaneous
Submission to the Signoria, Sala del Maggior
Consiglio, Palazzo Ducale, Venice, c. 1577-
1582 (photo: Schultz, Venetian Painted
Ceilings, pi. 104) 346

158. Jacopo Tintoretto, Votive Painting of Doge

Nicold da Ponte, Palazzo Ducale, Venice,
1581-1584” (photo: Tietze, Tintoretto;
The Paintings and Drawings (London, 1948),
fJLg."235) 346

159. Jacopo Tintoretto and assistants, Paradise,

Palazzo Ducale, Venice, c. 1577-1582
(photo: IFA negative) 347

160. Tullio Lombardo, Bemabd Chapel, San

Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice c. 1500-
1502 (photo: author) 347

161. Ground -plans of Pastophory Arrangements in

North Syrian Sanctuaries (photo: Thomas
Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople,
Architecture and Liturgy (University Park, Pa., 1971),
p. 106, fig. 517 348

162. Byzantine Ivory, Ascension of Christ, 10th

348
century, Bargello, Florence-(photo: author)

163. The Lombardi (attributed), Giustiniani Chapel

(detail), San Francesco della Vigna, Venice,
after 1478 (photo: Paoletti, L *Architettura
e la scultura, vol. II, pi. 51) 349

164. The Lombardi (attributed), Giustiniani Chapel

(detail), San Francesco della Vigna, Venice,
after 1478 (photo: author) 349

165. The Lonhardi (attributed), Giustiniani Chapel

(detail), San Francesco della Vigna, Venice,
after 1478 (photo: author) 350
 - 259 -

Page

166. Vittore Carpaccio, Dream of St. Ursula, Cycle

of St. Ursula, Accademia, Venice, c. 1495
(photo: IFA negative) 350
167. Vittore Carpaccio, The Arrival of the English
Ambassadors (detail), Cycle of St. Ursula,
Accademia, Venice, c. 1495 (photo: IFA negative) 351
168. Ground-plan, Santa Maria Formosa, Venice (rebuilt)
by Mauro Codussi, after 1492 (photo: Paoletti,
L'Architettura e la scultura, vol. II, fig. 60) 351
169. Mauro Codussi, S. Michele in Isola (ground-
plan), Venice, after 1469 (photo: IFA negative) 352

170. Ground-plan, San Zaccaria, Venice (rebuilt

by Antonio Gambello and Mauro Codussi, 1444-
1500) (photo: Paoletti, L'Architettura
e la scultura, vol. II, fig. 78 ) 352

171. Fapade of S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice,

1415-1469 (photo: IFA negative) 353

172. Giovanni Bellini, Lehman Madonna, Metropolitan

Museum, New York, c. 1460 (photo: IFA negative) 353

173. Giovanni Bellini, Madonna and Child, Accademia,

Venice, l460's (-photo: Offner] 354

174. Giovanni Bellini, Madonna and Child, Accademia

Carrara, Bergamo, 1480's (photo: Renato
Ghiotto and Teresio Pignatti, L'Opera Completa
di Giovanni Bellini (Milan, 1969), pi. 32 354

175. Giovanni Bellini, Trivulzio Madonna, Civiche

Raccolte d'Arte, Milan, l46bTs (photo: Offner) 355

176. Giovanni Bellini, Madonna and Child, Accademia,

Venice, 1470's (photo: Anderson) 355

177. Giovanni Bellini, Madonna Crespi, Fogg Art Museum,

Cambridge, Mass., 1470's (photo: Offner) 356

178. Giovanni Bellini, Madonna and Child, Brera, Milan,

1470's (photo: Anderson) 356

179. Madonna and Child, Istituto Ellenico di Studi

Bizantini e Post-Bizantini, Venice, 15th cen­
tury Cretan icon(?) (photo: Museum) 357
 - 260 -

Page

180. Giovanni Bellini, Sacra Conversazione

(ex-San Giobbe), Accademia, Venice, 1487
(photo: IFA negative) 357

181. Giovanni,Bellini, Sacra Conversazione, San

Zaccaria, Venice,1505 (photo: IFA negative) 358

182. Interior, San Marco, Venice, 11th century

(photo: IFA negative) 358

183. Titian (attributed), St. Mark in Ecstacy

mosaic, Atrium, San Marco, 1545 (photo:
Tietze, Titian, fig. 164) 359
184. Giambono, Visitation mosaic,Mascoli Chapel,
San Marco, Venice, 1440's (photo: Offner) 359

185. Giambono, Birth of The Virgin mosaic,

Mascoli Chapel, San Marco, Venice, 1440's
(photo: Offner) 360
186. Longitudinal Section, San Salvatore, Venice,
rebuilt by Tullio Lombardo and Giorgio
Spavento, 1507-1534 (photo: Paoletti,
L 1Architettura e la scultura, fig. 179) 360

187. The Lombardi and Buon Workshops, Choir Screen,

S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice, 1475
(photo: author) 361

188. The Lombardi Workshop, Piece df Rood-Choir

Screen, Sto. Stefano, Venice, l470's
(photo: Paoletti,L 1Architettura e la
scultura, vol. II, fig. 156 ) 361

189. The Lombardi, Chancel Screen* S. Maria dei

Miracoli, Venice, l480’s (photo: author) 362

190. Chancel Screen, San Clemente, Rome, 6th century

(Touring Club Italiano-Roma (Milan, 1942),
vol. II, fig. 99) 362

191. Chancel (detail), San Vitale, Ravenna, 6th

century (photo: IFA negative) 363

192. The Lombardi (attributed), St. John the

Evangelist, Evangelist Series, San Marco,
Venice, l480's (?) (photo: Bohm) 363
 - 261 -

Page

193. Pietro Lombardo, Labor of Hercules, Tomb of

Pietro Mocenigo, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice,
1476-1481 (photo: author) 364

194. Pietro Lombardo, Labor of Hercules, Tomb of

Pietro Mocenigo, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice,
1476-1481 (photo: author) 364

195. Byzantine 5th century (?) or 10th century (?),

Labor of Hercules, West Fapade, San Marco,
Venice (photo: IFA negative) 365

196. Labor of Hercules, Venetian 13th century relief,

West Fapade, San Marco, Venice (photo: IFA
negative) 365

197. Tullio Lombardo, Angel, Tomb of Doge Andrea

Vendramin, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, 1490*s
(photo: author) 366

198. Tullio Lonhardo, Angel, Tomb of Doge Andrea

Vendramin, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, 1490!s
(photo: author) 366

199. Angel, Musei Vatican! di Antichita, Rome,

4th century (photo: author) 367

200. Angel, Musei Vatican! di Antichitei, Rome,

4th century (photo: author) 367

201. The Lombardi, Shrine of SS. Teonisto, Tabra

and Tabrata, Duomo, Treviso, c. 1506 (photo:
Coletti, Treviso, fig. 332) 368

202. Byzantine Ivory Casket, Bargello, Florence,

10th century (photo: Hans Graeven, Fruh-
christliche und mittelalterliche Elfenbeinwerke
in photographische Nachbildung (Rome, 1898-
1900), vol. II, no.1 5 7 368

203. Architectural detail, Guidarello Guidarelli Chapel,

San Francesco, Ravenna, c. 1520-1525 (photo:
author) 369

204. Tullio Lombardo, Effigy of Guidarello Guidarelli,

•Galleria Nazionale, Ravenna, c. 1520-1525
(photo: Alinari) 369
 - 262 -

Page

205. Tullio Lombardo, Effigy of Guidarello

Guidarelli, Galleria Nazionale, Ravenna
(photo: Alinari) 370
206. Tullio Lombardo, Effigy of Guidarello
Guidarelli (detail), Galleria Hazionale,
Ravenna (photo: Alinari) 370
207. Andrea del Verrocchio, Decollation of St.
John the Baptist (detail), Silver Antependuim,
Museo del Duomo, Florence, c. 1477-1478
(photo: Passavante, Verrocchio, pi. 54) 371
208. Carlo Crivelli, St. George, detail of polyptych,
Metropolitan Museum, New York, 1472 (photo:
Berenson, Venetian School, vol. I, fig. 137) 371
209. Tullio Lombardo, Young Warrior, Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, 1490's (?)
(photo: author) 372
210. Sarcophagus of Guidarello Guidarelli, San
Francesco, Ravenna (photo: author) 372
211. Sarcophagus of Guidarello Guidarelli, San
Francesco, Ravenna (photo: author) 373
212. Braccioforte Chapel, San Francesco, Ravenna
(photo: author) 373
213. Gerolamo Campagna and Vincenzo Scamozzi,
Tomb of Doge Marino Grimani, S. Giuseppe di
Castello, Venice, late 16th century (photo:
Venturi, Storia, X/I, fig. 194) 374
214. Monument to Benedetto Pesaro (+1503), S. Maria
Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice (photo: author) 374

215. Giovanni da Nola and assistants, Tomb of Guido

Fieramosca (+1532), Chiesa,Montecassino (photo:
Venturi, Storia, X/I, p. 733, fig. 567) 375
216. Andrea Riccio, The Della Torre Monument, S.
Fermo Maggiore, Verone, c. 1516-1521 (photo:
Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture,
fig. 151) 375
 - 263 -

Page

217. Andrea Riccio, Della Torreb Illness, The

Della Torre Monument, Louvre, Paris (photo:
IFA negative) 376

218. Gian Cristoforo Romano, Mausoleum of Gian

Galeazzo Visconti, Certosa, Favia"/ 1493-1497
(photo: Renato Soriga, Pavia e la Certosa
(Bergamo, 1929i p. 127) 376

219. Gian Cristoforo Romano, Relief of Battle

Scene, Mausoleum of Gian Galeazzo Visconti,
Certosa, Pavia (photo, F. Malaguzzl-Valeri, La
Corte di Lodovico il Moro (Milan, 1913-1917),vol.I, p.554) 377
220. Leone Leoni, Monument to Gian Giacomo de'
Medici (detail), Duomo, Milan, 1560-1563
(photo: IFA negative) 377
221. Francesco da San Gallo, Monument to Piero de*
Medici, Chiesa della Badia,Montecassino,
1532-1559 (photo: Venturi, Storia, X/I,
p. 251, fig. 190) 378
222. 16th century Bolognese (?), Monument to
Roberto Marbais de Lovezval, S. Martino
Maggiore, Bologna (photo: Alinari 10590) 378
223. Leonardo Prato Monument (+1511), SS. Giovanni
e Paolo, Venice (photo: author) 379

224. Tomb of Erangois de la Sarra (+1363), La

Sarraz, 1390's (photo: Cohen, The Transi1
Tomb, fig. 31) 379
225. Tomb of Frangois de la Sarra (+1363) (detail), La
Sarraz, 1390's (photo: Cohen, The 'Transi'
Tomb, fig. 32) 380

226. Andrea Sansovino, Monument to Cardinal Girolamo

Basso, S.M. del Popolo, Rome, 1505-1509
(photo: Venturi, Storia, X/I, p. 136, fig. 106) 380

227. Guglielmo della Porta, Tomb of Bernardino Elvino,

S. Maria del Popolo, Rome, c. 1548 (photo:
Metropolitan Museum negative E96267) 381
 - 264 -

Page

228. Tomb of Jean de la Porte, Seigneur d1Pile

(+138S1", De Gaignieres Sketchbook (photo:
Adhemar and Dordor, "Les toinbeaux," Gazette
des Beaux Arts, LXXXIV (1974), fig. 912) 381

229. Monument of Jacopo Cavalli (+1384), SS.

Giovanni e Paolo, Venice (.photo: Naya 4l8) 382

230. CavalUMonument (detail), SS. Giovanni e Paolo,

Venice (photo: Bohm 3998) 382

231. Giovanni Antonio Amadeo, Tomb of Bartolommeo

Colleoni-, Colleoni Chapel, S. Maria Maggiore,
Bergamo, 1470*s (photo: Metropolitan Museum
negative) 383

232 . Tomb of Efrasmo da Nami, Sant'Antonio, Padua,

1456-I559 (photo: Alinari 12213) 383

233. Tomb of Gianantonio da N a m i , Sant*Antonio

Padua 1450's (photo: Venturi, Storia, 384
V T , fig.328 )

234. Jacopo Bellini, "Funeral Monument" Sketch A

from his Sketchbook in the His de la Salle
Collection, Louvre, 1450's (photo: Goloubew,
Les dessins de Jacopo Bellini,part II, pi. A) 384

235. Bambaja, Effigy of Gaston de Foix, Museo del

Castello, Milan, c. 1515-1521 (photo: Venturi,
Storia, X/I, p. 659, fig- 520) 385

236 . Bambaja, Battle Relief, Gaston de Foix Monument,

Museo Civico, Turin (photo: Giorgio Nicodemi,
Agostino gusti, detto il Bambaia (Milan, 1945),
fig. 46) 385

237. Two Decorative Reliefs, Gaston de Foix Monument,

M u s e o C i v i c o , T u r i n (photo: N i c o d e m i , A g o s t i n o
Busti detto il Bambaia, fig. 18-19) 386

238 . Effigy and Sarcophagus of Niccolo Orsini, Conte

di Pitigliano (+1509), Museo Civico dell’Eta
Cristiana, Brescia (Panazza, La Pinacoteca e i
Musei dei Brescia, p. 90) 386
 - 265 -

Page

239. Funerailles de Roland a Blaye, Miniature

from the Recue11 sommaire des cronicques
franqoyses de Guillaume Cretin, Bibliothdque
Nationale, f.fr. 1820,Paris, 1515-1520
(photo: Rita Lejeune and Jacques Stiennon,
La lggende de Roland dans l'art du moyen-ftge
(Brussels, 1962), vol. II, fig. 510") 387

240. Callot (after Giulio Parigi), A Scene from

"Guerra di Bellezza" on the Piazza Sta.
Croce, 1616 etching, Metropolitan Museum,
New York (photo: Blumenthal, Italian
Festival Designs, fig. 48) 387

241. Pisanello, Fresco Cycle, Palazzo Ducale,

Mantua, 1440's (photo: Paccagnini, Pisanello,
fig. 15) 388
242. Pisanello, Sinopia of Battle Fresco (detail),
F&lazzo Ducale, Mantua (photo: Phccagnini,
Pisanello, fig. 69 ) 388

243. Pisanello, Sinopia of the Battle Fresco (detail),

Palazzo Ducale, Mantua (photo: Eaccagnini,
Pisanello, fig. 50) 389

244. Mantegna, Congress of the Knights of the Crescent,

Bibliotheque de 1'Arsenate Ms. 940, f.Cv., 1452-
1453 (photo: Millard Meiss, Andrea Mantegna as
Illuminator; an Episode in Renaissance Art,
Humanism, and Diplomacy TTfew York, 1957)» fig. 1) 389

245. Cassone, Siena, c. l440,Dr. A. Figdor Collection,

Vienna (photo: Schubring, Cassoni, fig. 63 ) 390

246. Master of the Tournament of Sta. Croce, Cassone,

Tournament of 1439 in the Piazza Sta. Croce, Yale
Art Museum, New Haven (photo: Schubring, Cassoni,
fig. 140) 390

247. Dosso Dossi (after), Battle of Orlando and Rodomonte,

Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut
(photo: Gibbons, Dosso and Battista Dossi, fig.52) 391

248. Pisanello, Detail of Battle Fresco, Palazzo

Ducale, Mantua (photo: Paccagnini, Pisanello,
fig. 57) 391
 - 266 -

Page

249. Mino da Fiesole and Andrea Bregno,

Tomb of Cardinal Pietro Riario, SS.
Apostoli, Rome, 1474-1477 (photo: Alinari) . 392
250. Lorenzo Bregno (attributed )sMonument to
Melchiorre Trevisan, S. Maria Gloriosa dei
Frari, Venice, early 16th century (photo:
author) 392

251. Michelangelo, Effigy of Lorenzo de1Medici

Medici Chapel. S. Lorenzo, Florence, 1520's
(photo: IFA negative) 393
252. Michelangelo, Effigy of Giuliano de'Medici,
Medici Chapel, San Lorenzo, Florence, 1520's
(photo: IFA negative) 393
253. Giovanni da Nola and assistants, Tomb of Ascanio
Sanseverino, SS. Severino and Sassio, Naples,
1539-1546 (photo: Venturi, Storia, X/I, p.
738, fig. 571) 394
254. Bartolomeo Ammanati, Benavides Monument,
Eremitani, Fadua, finished in 1546 (photo:
Metropolitan Museum negative E99226) 394

255. Antonio Rizzo, Vittore Cappello Monument (+1467),

Sarta ELena, Venice (photo: Pincus, The Arco
Foscari, fig. 91) 395
256. Monument to Michele, Ferdinando and Fabio d'Afflitta,
S. Maria la Nuova, Naples, mid lbth century,
(photo: Brogi) 395

257- Tomb of Don Juan of Aragon, Viceroy of Maples

(+152$y, Chiesa, Montserrat,Catalonia, 1st
quarter of 16th century (photo: Mas T 402) 396

258. Tomb of Cangrande I_ (+1329), Verona

(photo: IFA negative) 396

259. Monument to Paolo Savelli (+1405), S. Maria

Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice (ohoto: author) 397
 - 267 -

Page

260. Monument to Niccold Orsini, Conte di Pitigliano

(+1509), SS. Giovanni e fholo, Venice
(photo: author) 397

261. Unidentified Effigy, Museo Bardini, Florence,

16th century (photo: Barrotti 113) 398

262. Monument to Giovanni Rota (+1426), S. Domenico

Maggiore, Naples (photo: Anderson) 398

263. Tomb of Leonardo Tomacelli (+1529), S. Domenico

Maggiore, Naples (photo: Anderson 25635) 399
264. Bartolomeo Ammanati, Effigy of Mario Nari,
Museo Nazionale, Florence, c . 1540 (photo:
Metropolitan Museum negative E70408) 399

265. Girolamo Santacroce, Tomb of Carlo Gesualdo,

M u s e o d i S. M a r t i n o , N a p l e s , 1 5 3 0 ’s
(photo: Alinari) 400
266. Monument of Paolo Loredan (+1364), SS. Giovanni e
Iholo, Venice (photo: Bohm 3933) 400

.
26 7 Tomb of a Member of the Trevisan Family,
S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice, 1337
(photo: author) 401

268. Monument to Cristoforo Caetani, Parrocchiale

S. Pietro, Fondi (Naples) (photo: Ministero della
Pubbllca Istruzione #1411) 401

269. School of Andrea Bregno, Tomb of Giraudo

Anseduno, SS. Apostoli, Rome, 1505 (photo:
Brogl 16322) 402

270. Tomb of Antonio Carafa detto Malizia

(sarcophagus c. 1438), S. Domenico Maggiore,
Naples (photo: Brogi 12792) 402

271. Tomb of Ferdinando I d’Aragon, Certosa di

S. Martino, Naples, 15th c r (photo: Anderson
25658) 403
272. Tomb of Biasco Barresi, S. Maria della Scala,
Militello in Val di Catania (photo: Alinari) 403
 IOONOLOGICAL PROBLEMS
in the

SCULPTURE of TULLIO LOMBARDO

Sarah Wilk

A dissertation in the Department of Pine Arts submitted to the Faculty of

the Graduate School of Arts and Science in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at New York University
February 1977
Fig. 1. Pietro Lombardo. Tomb of Antonio Roselli.
Sant'Antonio, Padua.

Fig. 2. Bernardo Rossellino. Tomb of Leonardo Bruni.

Sta. Croce, Florence.
Fig. 3. Desiderio da Settignano. Tomb of Carlo Marsuppini
Sta. Croce, Florence, late 1450’s

Fig. 4. Pietro Lombardo. Tomb of Doge Pasquale Malipiero

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, c. 1470
Fig. 5. Antonio Bregno. The Foscari Monument.
S.M. Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice, late 1450’s

Fig. 6. Pietro Lombardo. Soffit of High Altar Chapel Arch.

San Giobbe, Venice"] 1570's
Fig. 7* Luca della Robbia. St. Matthew Roundel.
Pazzi Chapel3 Florence. 1440-1450

Fig. 8. Pietro Larbardo. Angel.

San Giobbe, Venice. 1470’s
 - 272 -

Fig. 9* Antonio Rossellino. Figure from the Tomb of the Cardinal

, of Portugal.
S. Miniato al Monte, Florence. 1461-1466

Fig. 10. Pietro Lombardo. Tomb of Pietro Mocenigo.

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 1476-1481
 - 273 -

Fig. 11. Antonio Rizzo. Tron Monument.

S.M. Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice. 1^76-1*179

Fig. 12. Pietro Lombardo. Niccold Marcello Monument.

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice"! lWO's
 - 27*1 -

iygawr

Fig. 13. Tullio Lombardo. Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin.

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 1*190's

Fig. 1*1. Tullio Lombardo (attributed). Charity figure, Iron Monument.

8 . Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice. 1476-1479
Venice).
 - 276 -

Fig. 17. Pietro Lombardo and sons. Tomb of Bishop Zanetti.

Duomo, Treviso. 1480’s

Fig. 18. Pietro Lombardo and sons. Tomb of Senatore Onigo.

S. Niccold, Treviso. 1^80's
 - 277 -

B
rr* ,
I' m.’A

Fig. 19. Pietro Lombardo. Foscarini Monument.

1480's

' 1

Fig. 20. Pietro Lombardo. Central section of the Pietro Mocenigo

Monument
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. l4'76-l48l
Piero de*Medici.
 - 279 -

Fig. 23. Piero della Francesca. Madonna del Parto (detail).

Cemetery, Monterchi. c. l46o

Fig. 24. Andrea del Castagno. Vision of St. Jerome (detail)

SS. ma Annunziata, Florence, c. 1455
 - 280 -

Fig. 25. Antonio Rossellino. St. Sebastian.

Collegiata, Enpoli. c. 1460

Fig. 26. Antonio Fizzo. Adam.

Arco Foscari, Palazzo Ducale, Venice. 1480's
 - 281 -

Fig. 27. Antonio Rizzo. Head of Eve.

Arco Foscari, Palazzo Ducale, Venice. l480*s

Fig. 28. Andrea del Verrocchio. Tomb of Giovanni and Piero de'Medici
(detail)
Old Sacristy, San Lorenzo, Florence. 1470's
Fig. 29. Pietro Lombardo. Niccold Marcello Monument.
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 1480's

Fig. 30. Pietro Lombardo. Virtue from the Niccold Marcello Monument.
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. l480’s
Fig. 31. Pietro Lombardo. Virtue from the Niccold Marcello Monument
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 1480's

Fig. 32. Antonio Rizzo. Charity figure from the Tron Monument.
S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice. 1476-1479
Fig. 33. Andrea del Verrocchio. Head of Christ from the Doubting
Thomas Group.
Baptistry, Florence. 1465-1483

Fig. 34. Andrea del Verrocchio. Head of Thomas from the Doubting
Thomas Group.
Baptistry, Florence. 1465-1483
Fig. 35. Pietro Lombardo and sons. South side on north pedestal
of triurrphal arch.
S.M. dei Miracoli, Venice. l480’s

Fig. 36. Illustration, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili.

Fig. 37. Illustration, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili

Fig. 38. Pietro Lombardo and sons. Madonna on Balustrade.

S. Marla dei Miracoli, Venice. 1480's
Fig. 39 . Pietro Lombardo and sons. Angel on Balustrade.
S. Maria dei Miracoli, Venice. 1480’s

Fig. 40. Tullio Lombardo. St. Mark Healing Ammianus.

Fajade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice, late 1480's
Pig. 4l. Tullio Lombardo. St. Mark Baptizing Anrnianus.
Facade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice, late 1480's

Fig. 42. Tullio Lombardo. St. Mark Healing Ammtanus (detail).

Fajade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice, late 1480's
Fig. 43. Tullio Lombardo. St. Mark Baptizing Anmianus (detail).
Fa5ade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice, late l480's

Fig. 44. Tullio Lombardo. St. Mark Baptizing Ammianus, Tomb

of Giovanni Mocenlgo.
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, early 16th century
Fig. 45. Tullio Lombardo. Coronation of the Virgin.
Bemabo Chapel. San Giovanni Crisostomo. Venice, c.1500-1502

Fig. 46. Tullio Lombardo. Miracle of the Repentant Youth.

Sant'Antonio, Padua, early l6th century
 v-I'l i.tMBAr. n i K M

Big. 47. Tullio Lombardo. Miracle of the Miser's Heart.

Sant'Antonio, Padua, inscribed 1525

Big. 48. Tullio Lombardo. Angel (ex-San Sepolcro).

Ca'd'Oro, Venice, c. 1484
 - 292 -

Big. 49. Tullio Lombardo. St. Mark Baptizing Ammianus.

Fajade of the Scuola di San Marco, Venice, late 1480*s

Big. 50. Tullio Lombardo. Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin.

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 1^90's
 - 293 -

Slirt

Fig. 51. Tullio Lombardo. Adam from the Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin.
M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m , N e w Y o r k . 1 ^ 9 0 Ts

Pig. 52. Tullio Lombardo. Warrior from the Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin.
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 1490's
 - 294 -

Fig. 53. Tullio Lombardo. Bacchus and Ceres.

Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, late 1490's

Fig. 54. Tullio Lombardo. Adam from che Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin,.
Metropolitan Museum, New York. 1490*s
 55- Apollo. Palazzo Ducale, Mantua.
Roman copy of Greek 5th century B.C. original

Fig. 56 . Adam in Paradise Ivory.

Bargello, Florence, c. 400
 - 296 -

Fig. 57. The Arco Foscari.

Palazzo Ducale, Venice. 1438-1485

Pig. 58. Michelangelo, Bacchus.

Bargello, Florence. 1497-1498
 - 297 -

Fig. 59. Michelangelo. David (detail).

Accademia, Florence. 1501-1504

Fig. 60. Tullio Lombardo. Warrior (detail) from the Tomb o_

Doge Andrea Vendramin.
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 149O's
Fig. 61. Andrea Sansovino. Tomb of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza.
S.M. del Popolo, Rome. 1505-1509

Fig. 62. Tullio Lombardo. Miracle of the Repentant Youth.

Sant'Antonio, Padua, early l6th century
 - 299 -

$EA6jI£EU;L

Fig. 63. Tullio Lombardo. Miracle of the Miser's Heart

S a n t ' A n t o n i o , P a d u a , i n s c r i b e d 1525

Fig. 64. Mosca (with Paolo Stella). Miracle of the Broken Glass.
S a n t ' A n t o n i o , P a d u a . 1 5 2 0 's
 - 300 -

Fig. 65 . Tullio Lombardo. Giovanni Moeenigo Monument.

S S . G i o v a n n i e P a o l o , V e n i c e , e a r l y 16t h c e n t u r y

Fig. 66. Tullio Lombardo. St. Mark Baptizing Ammianus,

Giovanni Moeenigo Monument.
SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, early 16th century
 - 301 -

Fig. 67. Tullio Lombardo. Giovanni Moeenigo Monument.

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, early 16th century

Fig. 68. Jacopo Sansovino (and assistants). Tomb of Antonio Venier.

San Salvatore, Venice. 1556-1561
Fig. 69. Tullio Lombardo. Guidarello Guidarelli Chapel.
San Francesco, Ravenna. e. 1520-1525

Fig. 70. Tullio Lombardo. Effigy of Guidarello Guidarelli.

Galleria Nazionale, Ravenna, c. 1520-1525
 - 303 -

t„ . .1 M f - C I '. l _

Fig. las. - Mo.iutnonto a M a tte l Ballati „ „ u, c Blta lr.,lo ,li M n -...

Fig. 71. Tullio Lombardo (attributed). Matteo Bellati Monument.

Cathedral, Feltre. 1528

Fig. 72. Tullio Lombardo (attributed). Pietsu

Duomo, Rovigo. late 1520's
Pig. 73* 101110 Lombardo (attributed). Piet a:.
Duomo, Rovigo. late 1520's

Pig. 74. Tullio Lombardo (attributed). PietgL S. Stefano.

D u o m o , R o v i g o . l a t e 1 5 2 0 's
Fig. 75. Tullio Lombardo (attributed). Pleta. . Bellino.
Duomo, Rovigo. late 1520's

Fig. 76. Masaccio. Trinity.

S. Maria Novella, Florence. 1 ^ 2 0 's
Pig. 77. Pietro Lombardo. Tomb of Dante.
San Prancescoj Ravenna. 14B2

GROWTH OF VENICE
'.adore

jS j Belluno
f Feltre^y udine-

wmmmm
^Bergamo;:* revise

■v~ C 'i!

A O8 1 A T I C

|Ravenna

Fig. T'd. Map of Venetian Expansion on Italian Mainland during the

15th century
 - 307 -

fig. 79. Ground-plan of San Marco, Venice. 11th century

Pig. 80. Reconstruction of the Church of the Apostles.

Constantinople
 - 308 -

Fig. 81. St. Demetrius. Byzantine 12-13th century sculpture

Fajade of San Marco. Venice

I ... i

Fig. 82. St_. G e o r g e . V e n e t i a n 1 3 t h c e n t u r y i m i t a t i o n o f B y z a n t i n e tyle.

San Marco, Venice
Fig. 83 . Tullio Lombardo. ’’Double Portrait" Relief.
Ca'd'Oro, Venice, late 1490’s

Fig. 84. Tullio Lombardo. Bacchus and Ceres Relief.

Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, late 1490's
 - 310 -

Pig. 85 . Francesco Laurana. Medal Obverse. Rene d'Anjou and

and Jeanne de Laval. Samuel H. Kress Collection.
National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. mid 15th century

Pig. 86 . Master of Flemalle. Christ and the Virgin.

Johnson Collection, Museum of Art, Philadelphia, c. 1430
 _ 311 -

Fig. 87 . Franco-Flemish 15th century Painter. Christ and the Virgin.

Fine Arts Gallery, San Diego

Fig. 88. Quentin Massys. Money-Changer and his Wife.

Louvre, Paris. 1514
 - 312

Fig. 89 . Master of the Landauer Altarpiece. Portrait of Lorenz and

Christina Tucher.
Staatliche Galerie, Dessau, c. 1484

Fig. 90. Engraver with the Monogram bg (after the Hausbuch Master).
A Pair of Lovers. late 15th century
Fig. 91. German 15th century Niello and Silver Medallion with
Engraved Figures. The Virginia Museum. Richmond, Virginia

Fig. 92. Vittore Belliniano. Portrait of Two Gentlemen.

Art Museum, Houston, " late 15th century
 - 314 -

Fig. 93. Roman Grave Stele from Soulosse.

Musee. Metz, France. 2nd century A.D.

Fig. 94. Israhel van Meckenem Engraving. Portrait of Himself and His
Wife. Rosenv/ald Collection. National Gallery of Art.
Washington, D.C. c.1490
Fig. 95. Marcanova. Drawing of the Metellia Prima Monuirent from the
Sketchbook of Marcanova (Codex Ms. L.5.15., Biblioteca
Estense, Modena). 1465

Fig. 96 . Jacopo Bellini. Drawing of the Metellia Prima Monument.

Sketchbook. Louvre, Paris, c. 1455
 - 316 -

'K" ;

Fig. 97. Andrea Mantegna. Removal of the Beheaded Body of

St. Christopher (detail).
Ovetari Chapel. Eremitani Church, Padua. 1452

?*■_ * ‘2
rfmi*.
Fig. 98 . Roman Grave Stele of Two Women.
Museo, Altino. 1st century
 - 3i7 -

Fig- 99- Roman Grave Stele of the Caesii.

Museo Archeologico, Bologna.

Fig. 100. Bacchus and Ariadne. Roman 4th century Mosaic.

Worcester Art Museum. Worcester, Mass.
 - 318 -

Fig. 101. Hellenistic Sculpture. Alessandro Morente.

Uffizij Florence.

Fig. 102. Tulllo Lombardo. St. Sebastian.

SS. Apostollj Venice. 1490's (?)
 - 319 -

•jTrfWW

Fig. 103. Venetian 16th century. Portrait of a Lady.

Samuel H. Kress Collection. Art Museum. Denver, Colorado

Fig. 104. Tullio Lombardo(?). Eve.

Kunsthistoriscries Museum, Vienna, early 16th century
 - 320 -

Fig. 105. Venetian 16th century Drawing. Nude Man in a Landscape.

Gabinetto di Disegni e Starrpe. Uffizi, Florence

Fig. 106. Woodcut of the Venus relief from the Priapus Altar.
Hypnerotomachia Pollphili.
Fig. 107- Woodcut of the Ceres relief from the Priapus Altar.
Hypnerotomachia Poliphill.

M VSTVLENTO AV-
TVM NO .S.
■ i iiiw i iiii iiiim iiw i iiiii iiii ii i i i m iii 1111 i" ' '

Fig. 108. Woodcut of the Bacchus relief from the Priapus Altar.
Hypnerotomachia Poliphili
 - 322 -

Fig. 109. Woodcut of the Aeolus relief from the Priapus Altar.
Hypnerotomachia Poliphili.

Fig. 110. Woodcut of a Grave Monument of Dead Lovers (detail).

Hypnerotomachia Poliphili.
 - 323 -

Pig. 111. Lombard School (attributed). Capital no. 57.

Palazzo Ducale, Venice. 15th century

Pig. 112. Dosso Dossi (attributed). Warrior and Young Girl with a Piute.
Count Vittorio Cini Collection. Venice, c. 1520
 - 324 -

r,s tmsawi

(13

Bernabd Chapel Delitti Chapel

Fig. 113. Mauro Codussl. San Giovanni Crisostomo (ground-plan)

Venice. 1490*s

Fig. 114. Tulllo Lombardo. Bernabd" Chapel.

San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice, c. 1500-1502
 - 325 -

Big. 115. Delitti Chapel.

San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice. 1490's

Fig. 116. Tullio Lombardo. Bernabd Chapel.

San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice
 - 326 -

Fig. 117. Pietro Lombardo, and sons. Interior of S. Maria dei Miracoli.
Venice. l480’s
 - 327 -

Fig. 119. Tyrrpanum. Central Portal.,West Fapade.

Cathedral, Senlis. c. 1190

Fig. 120. Tympanum (detail). Central Portal. West Facade.

Cethedral, Senlis. c. 1190
Fig. 121. Jacopo Toriti. Coronation of the Virgin.
Main Mosaic of apse. S. Maria Maggiore, Rome. c. 1294

Fig. 122. Guisto de'Menabuoi. Triptych.

National Gallery, London. 1367
 - 329 -

Fig. 123. Giovanni da Bologna. Polyptych.

Pinacoteca Nazionale, Bologna, c. 1375

Fig. 124. Vitale da Bologna. Coronation of the Virglr^

(detail of a polyptych). San Salvatore, Bologna, c.1353
 - 330 -

Fig. 125. ■ Paolo Veneziano. Coronation of the Virgin.

Frick Collection, Ffew York. 135$

Fig. 126. Catarino. Coronation of the Virgin.

Accademia, Venice. 1375
 - 331 -

mimk

Fig. 127. Stefano di Sant'Agnese. Coronation of the Virgin.

Accademia, Venice. 1381

Fig. 128. Nicoletto Semitecolo (?). Coronation of the Virgin.

Schloss Rohoncz Collection. Castagnola (Lugano).1355
 - 332 -

Fig. 129 . Venetian 14th century Painter. Polyptych #21.

Accademia, Venice.

Fig. 130. Venetian 14th century Painter. Polyptych #21 (detail)

Accademia, Venice.
 - 333 -

Pig. 131. Guariento. Coronation of the Virgin.

Museum, Padua, c. 1350

Fig. 132. Jacobello del Fiore. Coronation of the Virgin.

Museum, Bologna, early 15th centuiy
Klg. 133. Bartolomeo Vivarini. Coronation of the Virgin.
Samuel H. Kress Collection. Delgado Museum,
New Orleans, mid 15th century

Fig. 13^. Vittorio Crivelli. Polyptych.

Palazzo Communale. Sant’ELpidio a Mare. c. 1490
 - 335 -

Fig. 135. Turone. Coronation of the Virgin. Polyptych of the Trinity.

Museo del Castelvecchio, Verona, late 14th century

Fig. 136 . Guariento. Coronation of the Virgin.

Palazzo Ducale, Venice. 13&5
Fig. 137. Jacobello del Flore. Paradise.
Accademia, Venice (post 1430)

Fig. 138. Vivarini and d’Alemagna. Coronation of the Virgin.

San Pantaleone, Venice. lWJ
 - 337 -

'.r'.M 'tt'C -'

Fig. 139• Venetian 13th century Sculpture. Traditio Legis.

Treasury, San Marco

Fig. 140. Donatello. Tabernacle. Sacristy.

St. Peter’s, Rome. 1432
 - 338 -

F IR M O R U

Fig. 141. Bernardo Rossellino. Tabernacle.

S. E&idio, Florence. 1449

Fig. 142. Pietro Lombardo and sons. Tabernacle.

S. Maria dei Miracoli, Venice. l480’s
 - 339 -

Fig. 143. The Lombardi (attributed). Tabernacle. Sacristy.

S.M. Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice, post 1479

■ejx&p)

Fig. 144. Tullio Lombardo. Tabernacle.

Seminario Patriarcale, Venice, c. 1500
 - 340 -

Fig. 145. Andrea Ferrucci. Altar (From San Girolamo, Fiesole).

Victoria and Albert Museum, London. 1490*s

Fig. 146. Andrea Sansovino. Altar of Sacrament.

Sto. Spirito, Florence, c. 1490
 - 3^1 -

Fig. 147. Tullio Lombardo. Coronation of the Virgin (detail).

Bernabd Chapel. S. Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice

Fig. 148. Sacrifice of Abraham, Abel and Melchisedek. Mosaic.

S. Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna. 6th century
 - 3.te -

Fie. 149. Sacrifice of Abel and Melchisedek. Mosaic.

San Vitale, Ravenna. 6th century

Jig. 150. Loirbardi Workshop (?). Virgin Orant,

Bemabo Chapel. San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice, c.1500
 - 343 -

Pig. 151. Paolo Veronese. Justice and Peace before Venice Ehthroned
on the Globe.
Sala del Collegio. Palazzo Ducale, Venice. 1575-1578

Fig. 152. Palma Giovane. Venice Enthroned above her Conquered Province^.
Sala del Maggior Consiglio. Palazzo Ducale, Venice
c. 1577-1582
 - 344 -

Fig. 153. Paolo Veronese. Ceres Before Venice, Peace and Hercules.
(ex-Magistrato alle Biade). Accademia, Venice, c. 1570

Fig. 154. Titian. Pesaro Madonna.

S. Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice. 1519-1526
 - 3*b -

Fig. 155. Paolo Veronese and assistants. The Apotheosis of Venice.

Sala del Maggior Consiglio. Palazzo Ducale, Venice,
c, 1577-1582

Fig. 156. CamlLlo Ballini. Venice Crowned by Victory.

Palazzo Ducale, Venice, early 17th century
 - 346 -

Pig. 157. Jacopo Tintoretto and assistants. The Doge Receiving

a Palm and a Laurel from Venice as Diverse States
_Render their Spontaneous Submission to the Signoria.
Sala del Maggior Consiglio. Palazzo Ducale, Venice,
c. 1577-1582

Fig. 158. Jacopo Tintoretto. Votive Painting of Doge Micold da Ponte.

Palazzo Ducale, Venice. 1581-1584
 - 3^7 -

Fig. 159* Jacopo Tintoretto and assistants. Paradise

Palazzo Ducale, Venice, c. 1577-1582

Fig. 160. Tullio Lombardo. Bemabd Chapel.

San Giovanni Crisostomo, Venice, c. 1500-1502
Fig. 161. Ground-plans of Pastophory Arrangements in North Syrian
Sanctuaries
 - 349 -

Fig. 163. The Loiribardi (attributed). Giustiniani Chapel (detail)

San Francesco della Vigna, Venice, after 1478

Fig. 164. The Lombardi (attributed). Giustiniani Chapel (detail).

San F’rancesco della Vigna, Venice, after 1478
Fig. 165 . The Lombardi (attributed). Giustiniani Chapel (detail)
San Francesco della Vigna, Venice, after 1478

Fig. 166. Vittore Carpaccio. Dream of St. Ursula.

Cycle of St. Ursula. Accademia, Venice, c. 1495
 - 351 -

Fig- 167- Vittore Carpaccio. The Arrival of the English Ambassadors

(detail)
Cycle of St. Ursula. Accademia, Venice, c. 1495

“■iit-ayai
- Sv
al
as
i
•:>*'V;V r
si ni

Fig. 168. Ground-plan. Santa Maria Formosa, Venice (rebuilt)

by Mauro Codu3si. after 1492
 - 352 -

*_

Pig. 169 . Mauro Codussi. S. Michele in Isola (ground-plan).

Venice, after 1469

Pig. 170. Ground-plan. San Zaccaria. Venice.

(rebuilt by Antonio Gambello and Mauro Codussi, 1444-1500)
 - 353 -

Fig. 171. Fapade of S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice.

1415-1469

Fig. 172. Giovanni Bellini. Lehman Madonna.

Metropolitan Museum, New York. c. 1460
 - 354 -

Fig. 173. Giovanni Bellini. Madonna and Child.

Accademia, Venice. l46o's

Fig. 174. Giovanni Bellini. Madonna and Child.

Accademia Carrara, Bergamo. l4B0's
 - 355 -

Fig. 175. Giovanni Bellini. Trlvulzio Madonna.

Civiche Raccolte d ’Arte, Milan. 1460's

Fig. 176. Giovanni Bellini. Madonna and Child.

Accademia, Venice. 1^70*s
 - 356 -

msm

Big. 177. Giovanni Bellini. Madonna Crespi.

Fogg Art Museum. Cambridge, Mass. 1470’s

Fig. 178. Giovanni Bellini. Madonna and Child.

Brera, Milan. 1470's
 - 357 -

Fig. 179. Madonna and Child. Istituto Ellenico di Studi

Bizantini e Post-Bizantini. Vendee. 15th century
Creton icon (?)

Fig. 180. Giovanni Bellini. Sacra Conversazione.

(ex-San Giobbe), Accademia, Venice. 1487
 - 358 -

Fig. l8l. Giovanni Bellini. Sacra Conversazione.

San Zaccaria, Venice. 1505

Fig. 182. Interior. San Marco, Venice. 11th century

 - 359 -

Fig. 183. Titian (attributed). St. Mark in Ecstacy mosaic.

Atrium. San Marco. 1545

Fig. 184. Giambono. Visitation mosaic. Mascoli Chapel.

San Marco, Venice. 1440’s
 - 3^0 -

Pig. 185 . Giambono. Birth of The Virgin mosaic.

Mascoli Chapel. San Marco, Venice. l440's

r t » , ..y . .
aui , y

* Fitt. 179. — SoxJ<»ag JonjgitariitiHlo d a l T o m p io d i S . S a lv a to r*.

Fig. 186. Longitudinal Section. San Salvatore, Venice.

Rebuilt by Tullio Lombardo and. Giorgio Spavento.
1507-1534
 - 361 -

Pig. I87 . The Lombardi and Buon Workshops. Choir Screen.

S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice. 1475

Pig. 188. The Lombardi Workshop. Piece of Rood-Choir Screen.

Sto. Stefano, Venice. 1470's
 - 362 -

Fig. 189 . The Lombardi. Chancel Screen.

S..Maria dei Miraeoli, Venice. l480's

:mm *

Fig. 190. Chancel Screen.

San Clemente, Rome. 6th century
 - 363 -

Pig. 191. Chancel (detail).

San Vitale, Ravenna. 6th century

Fig. 192. The Lombardi (attributed). St. John the Evangelist.

Evangelist Series. San Marco, Venice. 1480's (?)
 - 364 -

Pig. 193. Pietro Lombardo. Labor of Hercules. Tomb of Pietro Mocenigo.

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice^ 1476-1481

Fig. 194. Pietro Lombardo. Labor of Hercules. Tout) of Pietro Mocenigo.

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 1476-1481
 - 365 -

Pig. 195* Byzantine 5th century (?) or 10th century (?).

Labor of Hercules. West Facade. San Marco, Venice

©Wflwrawftwrnu:*' •»■>
Fig. 196. Labor of Hercules. Venetian 13th century relief.
West Fa9ade. San Marco, Venice
 ■ -•'V.^saar - 1 -i-V;-.

Fig. 197* Tulllo Lombardo. Angel. Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 1490's

Fig. 198. Tullio Lombardo, Angel. Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin.

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, l490's
Fig. 199- Angel. Musei Vatican! di Antichit^.
Rome. 4th century

Fig. 200. Angel. Musei Vatican! di Antichita.

Rome. 4th century
 - 368 -

Fig. 201. The Lombardi. Shrine of SS. Teonisto, Tabra and Tabrata.
Duomo, Treviso, c. 150(T~ •

Fig. 202. Byzantine Ivory Casket. Bargello, Florence.

10th century
 - 369 -

Fig. 203. Architectural detail. Guidarello Guidarelli Chapel.

San Francesco, Ravenna, c. 1520-1525

Fig. 201!. Tullio Lombardo. Effigy of Guidarello Guidarelli.

Galleria Nazionale, Ravenna, c.1520-1525
 - 370 -

Fig. 205- Tullio Lombardo. Effigy of Guidarello Guidarelli.

Galleria Nazionale, Ravenna

Fig. 206. Tullio Lombardo. Effigy of Guidarello Guidarelli (detail).

Galleria Nazionale, Ravenna
 - 371 -

Fig. 207. Andrea del Verrocchio. Decollation of St. John the Baptist
(detail). Silver Antependuim.
Museo del Duomo, Florence, c. 1^77-1^78

Fig. 208. Carlo Crivelli. St. George. Detail of polyptych.

Metropolitan Museum, New York. 1^72
 - 372 -

Pig. 209- Tullio Lombardo. Young Warrior.

Metropolitan Museum, New York. 1490’s (?)

Pig. 210. Sarcophagus of Guidarello Guidarelli.

San Fiancesco, Ravenna.
Fig. 211. Sarcophagus of Guidarello Guidarelli.
San Francesco, Ravenna.

Fig. 212. Braccioforte Chapel.

San Francesco, Ravenna
Fig. 213. Gerolamo Canpagna and Vincenzo Scamozzi.
Tomb of Doge Marino Grimani.
S. Giuseppe di Castello, Venice, late 16th century

9
i ’i
JjT ■* 1

Fig. 214. Monument to Benedetto Pesaro (+1503).

S. Maria Gloriosa del Frari, Venice
 - 375 -

Fig. 215. Giovanni da Nola and assistants, Tomb of Guido

Fieramosca (+1532).
Chiesa, Montecassino

Fig. 216. Andrea Riccio. The Della Torre Monument

S. Fermo Maggiore, Verona, c.1516-1521"
 - 376 -

Big. 217. Andrea Riccio. Della Torre's Illness.

The Della Torre Monument. Louvre, Paris

Big. 218. Gian Cristoforo Romano. Mausoleum of Gian Galeazzo Visconti

Certosa, Pavia. 1493-1497
Fig. 219. Gian Cristoforo Romano. Relief of Battle Scene.
Mausoleum of Gian Galeazzo Visconti.
Certosa, Pavia

Fig. 220. Leone Leoni. Monument to Gian Giacomo de'Medici (detail)

Duomo, Milan. 1560-1563
 - 378 -

Fig. 221. Francesco da San Gallo. Monument to Piero de'Medici.

Chiesa della Badia, Montecassino. 1532-1559

Fig. 222. 16th century Bolognese (?). Monument to Roberto Marbais

de Lovezval.
S. Martino Magglore, Bologna
 - 379 -

Fig. 223. Leonardo Prato Monument (+1511).

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice

Fig. 224,. Tomb of Francois de la Sana (+1363) •

La Sarraz. 1390’s
 - 380 -

ViV

fig. 225 . TOTto Of Franpois de la Sarra (+1363) .(detail)

La Sarraz. 1390's ~

Fig. 226. Andrea Sansovino. Monument to Cardinal Girolamo Basso.

S.M. del Popolo, Rome. 1505-1509
 - 381 -

Pig. 227. Guglielmo della Porta. Tomb of Bernardino Elyj.no.

S. Maria del Popolo, Rome. c. 15^8

53

Pig. 228. Tomb of Jean de la Porte, Seigneur d'Qlle (+1386).

De Gaignieres Sketchbook, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris
 - 382 -

Fig. 229. Monument of Jacopo Cavalli (+1384).

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice

Fig. 230. Cavalli Monument (detail).

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice
 - 383 -

Fig. 231. Giovanni Antonio Amadeo. Tomb of Bartolommeo Colleoni.

Colleoni Chapel. S. Maria Maggiore, Bergamo. 1470's

Fig. 232. Tomb of Erasmo da Nami.

Sant'Antonio, Padua. 1456-1459
 - 384 -

Fig. 233. Tomb of Gianantonio da Nami

Sant*Antonio, Padua. 1450's

f- y U J > fH

Fig. 234. Jacopo Bed"ini. "Funeral Monument" Sketch A

'from his zetchbook in the His de la Salle Collection.
Louvre, 1450's
 - 385 -

Fig. 235- Banibaja. Effigy of Gaston de Foix.

Museo del Castello, Milan, c.1515-1521

Fig. 236. Bambaja. Battle Relief. Gaston de Foix Monument.

Museo Civico, Turin
Fig. 237- Two Decorative Reliefs. Gaston de Foix Monument.
Museo Civico, Turin

Fig. 238 . Effigy and Sarcophagus of Niccold Qrsinj,

Conte di Pitigliano (+1509T
Museo Civico dell Eta; Cristiana, Brescia
 - 387 -

Fig. 239. Fungrailles de Roland aT Blaye, Miniature from the

Recuell sonmaire des cronicques franqoyses de
Guillaume Critln.
Bibliotheque Nationale, f.fr. 1820, Paris. 1515-1520

Fig. 240. Callot (after Giulio Parigi). A Scene from "Guerra, di

Bellezza" on the Piazza Sta. Croce.
1616 etching. Metropolitan Museum, New York
Pig. 241. Pisanello. Fresco Cycle.
Palazzo Ducale, Mantua. l44Q's

Fig. 242. Pisanello. Sinopia of Battle Fresco (detail)

Palazzo Ducale, Mantua
Fig. 243. Pisanello. Sinopia of the Battle Fresco (detail).
Palazzo Ducale, Mantua

Fig. 244. Mantegna. Congress of the Knights of the Crescent.

Bibllotheque de l’Arslhale Ms. 9^0, f.Cv., 1452-1453
 - 390 -

Fig. 245. Cassone. Siena, c. 1440.

Dr. A. Figdor Collection, Vienna

Fig. 246. Master of the Tournament of Sta. Croce, Cassone.

Tournament of 1439 in the Piazza Sta. Croce.
Yale Art Museum, New Haven
 - 391 -

Fig. 247. Dosso Dossi (after). Battle of Orlando and Rodomonte.

Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut.

Fig. 248. Pisanello. Detail of Battle Fresco.

Palazzo Ducale, Mantua
 - 392 -

Fig. 249. Mino da Fiesole and Andrea Bregno.

Tomb of Cardinal Pietro Riario.
SS. Apostoli, Rome. 1474-1477

Fig. 250. Lorenzo Bregno (attributed). Monument to Melchiorre Trevisan.

S. Maria Gloriosa del Frari, Venice, early 16th century
Pig. 251. Michelangelo. Effigy of Lorenzo de’Medici.
Medici Chapel. San- Lorenzo, Florence. 1520’s

Fig. 252. Michelangelo. Effigy of Giuliano de’Medici.

Medici Chapel. San Lorenzo, Florence. 152_0’s
 - 394 -

Fig. 253. Giovanni da Nola and assistants. Tomb of Ascanio Sanseverino.

SS. Severino and Sassio, Naples. 1539-1546

Fig. 254. Bartolomeo Anmanati. Benavides Monument.

Eremitani, Padua. Finished in 1546
 - 395 -

Fig. 255. Antonio Rizzo. Vittore Cappello Monurrent (+1467).

Santa Elena, Venice

Fig. 256 . Monument to Michele, Ferdlnando and Fabio d’Afflitta.

S. Maria la Nuova, Naples, mid l6th century
Fig. 257- Tomb of Don Juan of Aragon, Viceroy of Naples (+1528).
Chiesa, Montserrat, Catalonia. 1st quarter of 16th century

Fig. 258 . Tomb of Cangrande I (+1329). Verona

Pitigllano (+1509).
 - 398 -

Fig. 261. Unidentified Effigy.

Museo Bardini, Florence. 16th century

Fig. 262. Monument to Giovanni Rota (+1426).

S. Domenico Maggiore, Naples
 - 399 -

Fig. 263. Tomb of Leonardo Tomaceili (+1529).

S. Domenico Maggiore, Naples

Fig. 264. Bartolomeo Amnanati. Effigy of Mario Nari.

Museo Nazionale, Florence, c. 1540
 - 400 -

Fig. 265. Girolamo Santacroce. Tomb of Carlo Gesualdo.

Museo di S. Martino, Naples. 1530’s

Fig. 266. Monument of Paolo Loredan (+1364).

SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice
Fig. 267. Tomb of a Member of the Trevisan Family.
S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice. 1337

Fig. 268. Monument to Cristoforo Caetani.Parrocchiale

S. Pietro, Fondi (Naples!
 - 402 -

Mrtucwi

^ Ytfs i* V.-^S <;

Fig. 269 . School of Andrea Bregno. Tomb of Giraudo Anseduno.

SS. Apostoli, Rome. 1505

Fig. 270. Tomb of Antonio Carafa detto Malizia (sarcophagus c. 1438)

S. Domenico Maggiore, Naples
 - 403 -

tm cr ?7i. Tonib of Ferdinando I d'Aragon.

^ o i i d i X l i r t i n o , Naples. 15th century

Fig. 272. Toirib of Blasco Barresl.

S. Maria della Scala, Milltello in Val di Catania