Transformationofurbancharacterof Arab Citiessincethelatelastcentury

Transformation of the urban character of Arab Cities
since the late last century

Proceedings of the International Conference held at German Jordanian University
Amman- Jordan
22-24 April, 2015
Edited by:
Mohsen Aboutorabi
Bushra Zalloom
BCU publication, Birmingham, September 2015

Amman- Jordan
22-24 April, 2015
Edited by:
Mohsen Aboutorabi
Bushra Zalloom
Amman- Jordan
22-24 April, 2015
© M. Aboutorabi & B. Zalloom (2015)

Published by:
Birmingham City University (BCU), UK
ISBN 978-1-904839-83-5
Price: £30
Table of Contents
I Introduction
Aboutorabi, M Editorial...............................................................................................................................3
Madanipour, A Transformation of urban character..................................................................................10
Carter, R J Dubai: Past and Present Architecture in the Context of
National Identity and Economic Development…………………………..........………...………14
II Conference Papers
Part 1: Modernity and tradition: Approaches and practices in urban design; comparative
analysis of contemporary and traditional approaches
,
Jalouqa K. Amman, from Village to Metropolis........................................................................................23
Elmouelhi, H. & Sarnataro, A. Towards considering the culture of residents in urban development
interventions: The case of Cairo Ashwa’eyat (Informal settlements)...................................32
Al Waily, T. Baghdad Historical City: How its Past can Revitalize its Future.........................................42
Sarsangi, M. Urban Spaces as a Setting for Performance: The Case Study of Iran..................................51
Part 2: Capitalism and modernism: the changing character of urban spaces

Qudah, N. A. Urban Identity in the Age of Globalization: Assessing the Abdali Project in Amman,
Jordan...................................................................................................................................63
Arar, M. Dubai Metro and the New Build Environment and Urban Life
at Sheikh Zaid Road..............................................................................................................74
Tarawneh, D. Brownfield landscapes of Amman: defining typologies of unnamed terrains.....................90
Part 3: The Social dimension of urban design: responsive and inclusive public spaces
Kably, A. Learning from Self-planned Communities...............................................................................101
Bronner, N. Sengewald, W. & Seremet, V. New Bremen; New Cairo...................................................110
Kamal, O & Najada, H. Socio-spatial Reader: Exploring the potential of narrative in
Jabal Al Natheef informal camp.....................................................................122
Halaseh, Y. Amman, a Child Friendly City in the Making.....................................................................140
Qutieshat, R. Using Social Hub Media to Expand Public Participation
in Municipal Urban Plans................................................................................................148
Is-haqat, H. Using Aerial Photography for the Study of Housing Projects in Jordan.............................162
Part 4: Urban identity and social sustainability of the city

Ibrahim, A. The Impact of the Transformed Built Environment on the Identity
of Arab Cities- “Doha city as a case study”.......................................................................175
Chabi, N. Bouhadjar, K. & Baba, R. The Issue of Architectural and Urban Identity of Contemporary
Algerian Cities: Case of Constantine City.........................................................................187
Keleg, M. Salheen, A. & Abdellatif, M. Understanding people’s needs for a vivid public
realm as a key step towards enhancing the modern Arab cities’ identity...........................201
Atout, M. The Arabian Engineer’s responsibility in renovating the Architectural
identity for the Arabian city.....................................................................................................214
Part 5: The political and sociocultural dimensions of regeneration projects
Zalloom, B. Assessing the Social Sustainability of Urban Landscape:
Case study of Abdali regeneration (The new downtown of Amman)..................................226
Kadhim, M. & Al-Akiely, F. Al-Abdali Mega Project: Assessment of Socio-economic
and Cultural impacts on the peripheral edges....................................................................239
Bouhelouf, Y. The revitalization of historic centers: an attractive, sustainable
urban project for the old center of Jijel............................................................................256
Blibli, M. Bouchair, A. & Mohdeb, R.The strategies of development in
Algeria- The Case of Jiejel city.............................................................................................268
III Editorial Committee...............................................................................................................281

I
Introduction
Editorial
Mohsen Aboutorabi
Birmingham City University
Introduction
This publication presents a set of readings on the transformation of the urban character of Arab
Cities since the late last century, which was the theme of the conference held in April 2015 at
the German Jordan University in Amman, Jordan.
The overall theme of the conference focused on the influence of the dichotomous views of
western modern/capitalist and traditionalist on the urban development of Arab cities since the
late Twentieth century. The influence of the traditionalists’ view seems is fading away since we
are obviously living in a postmodern non-utopian time where capitalist ideal with an obsession
for the mass imagery has become a dominant force in shaping cities.
Dreams of ideal societies and utopias realised through modernism since the middle of the last
century proposed reshaping the urban environment and its social structure. Berman refers to
modernity as a body of experience in time and space and writes:
“To be modern is to find ourselves in an environment that promises us […]

growth and transformation of ourselves and the world- and at the same time [..]
to destroy everything we have, everything we know, everything we are”
(Berman, M 1982).
The project of modernity was accepted globally without critically appraising its validity and
relevance to local culture. The global status of these modern and later postmodern ideals has
generated a set of dichotomous thinking: while there is a desire to keep the cultural identity
which relates each society to its past and place it in the history, at the same time there is a
craving to break with it and ignore it.
The concept of globalisation promoted by the capitalism, over the past three decades, supported
the latter desire encouraging reshaping of the urban environment and its social structure (Boddy
et.al 1997) with no reference to its cultural identity. In its realization there is a fixed shopping
list of form and function which includes high-rise glass towers, shopping malls and coping
styles and symbols – generally overlooking locality and starring at global.
Capitalist ideology currently is at the forefront of urban structuring and restructuring where
cities are being developed around profit making exercises than human social needs. The
methodologies employed are technology, media and branding to support a shift of focus from
localised to global to form a hegemonic consumerism condition. These methodologies
reinforced the power of global capital pursued by the top-down managerial approach forming
barriers to localize resistance.
The top down state planning approach fuelled by capitalism, has continually been restructuring
urban spaces to maximize land use and exchange values. In this process of transformation, the
city has become an economic hub in the global capitalist world where its image no longer
reflects the identity of place. The reference point of urban identity that once was based on the
correlation of man-made and natural environment, enabling the human creativity to produce the
Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century
Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015
3
art of urban form, what Lefebvre (1988) refers to as ‘oeuvre’, projecting the geneses of locality
representing the particular culture and way of life of its inhabitants, is now replaced by urban
global branding projecting images with no reference to the roots.
Such a transformation raises the question of: what is the destiny of local characteristic of urban
culture and place identity in the context of globalisation? Should it be left to be subsumed in the
ambiguous global whatever it is, or should it be revitalised and finds its place in the global
culture.
Views supporting the transformation of the diverse urban landscape of cities around the world
into a solitary imaginary setting for economic purpose support the plantation of architectural
images. Those who are implementing these views are large international developers who are
engaged in reshaping the city for profit making-‘the same process used for the production of
consumer goods and business services with an increasing trend in the sense of standardization
and consequently the loss of identity’ (Zukin 2003:47).
Other views in support of revitalisation of cultural identity argue that the past is not a closed
episode, but can always burst into the present and change the way we see the world. Lack of
knowledge of the past may lead to the danger of repeating it (Santayana, 1953) rather than
helping to visualise the future life in the context of progressive cultural and technological
environment (Bell 2005). In this case the main objective of urban planning and design should be
how to build upon the existing urban identity, and ‘translate cultural practices through the
process of representation’ (Cuthbert 2006:102) to produce a new setting that demonstrates the
progressive identity.
The goal of this conference was to develop a new narrative to form a new utopian thinking that
can change the global sameness paradigm to a colourful landscape of variety of cities through
underscoring ‘the urgent political priority of constructing cities that correspond to human
social needs rather than to the capitalist imperative of profit making’ (Brenner et al 2009:176).
Globalisation has been a key concept influencing the transformation of cities in most Arab
countries in the past two decades. The papers selected for this publication address the influence
of global force and its impact on cultural, social and urban identity.
In publishing the edited papers, we thought that it was important to explain the editing principle
and process we took for the publication. The first principle was to classify papers under the
following five themes of the conference:
1- Modernity and tradition: Approaches and practices in urban design; comparative analysis
of contemporary and traditional approaches.
2- Capitalism and modernism: the changing character of urban spaces.
3- The Social dimension of urban design: responsive and inclusive public spaces.
4- Urban identity and social sustainability of the city.
5- The political and sociocultural dimensions of regeneration projects.
The publication is structured in five parts based on the five themes of the conference.
Although most of papers in each part taken different approaches to address each theme of the
conference they however, share a common paradigm and present coherent argument
supported by research and case studies.
4
All the presented papers were kept under the authors’ proposed theme; however, we took the
liberty to shift couple of submitted papers from the intended theme to a more relevant one.
All papers were read by the editorial committee and their feedbacks were given to the authors
to edit their papers accordingly. We also had the support of BCU students in proof reading of
the papers with no permission in applying any change in the overall structure of texts.
Part 1: Modernity and tradition: Approaches and practices in urban design:

comparative analysis of contemporary and traditional approaches
The papers in this part generally explore the impact of the modernist approach in
transforming the urban landscape of traditional cities. The general argument in these papers
focuses on the disjunction between social and physical environment of the city.
Kamal Jalouqa relates the development of Amman to ‘regional and international trends.’ He
traces the historical development of Amman since the Ottomans period through the colonial era
starting at the end of WW1 and political problems the region faced since then and finally the
influence of ‘the Neoliberal city movements’ and its impact on social-spatial fragmentation of
the city. He presents a critical view on the role of the Ammani urban elites stating that while
they played an active role in supporting large development projects, they however, ‘did not
contribute to the development’ of the social and economic sustainability of the city – ‘large
portions of Amman’s population still suffer from cultural exclusion and limited access to a fair
share in the development pie.’
Elmouelhi and Sarnataro argue the growth of informal settlements in Cairo over the past few
decades ‘represent one dominant form of Cairo’s growth’. These informal settlements are
formed by multiple social groups with a variety of socio-cultural behaviour and power
relationship which dominate their daily life. The research also argues that the product of
informal settlement is the outcome of ‘the interrelation between the urban physical
characteristics and the cultural factors’. The paper concludes that these cultural factors should
be considered in planning for upgrading project.
Taghlib Al Waily’s paper focuses on the loss of urban identity of the Bagdad city since the early
Twentieth century. It describes that such a loss was due to three factors of modernity, changes
in socio-political environment and destructive events- ‘wars, sanctions and terrorism’. He
articulates that all these factors contributed to the destruction of most of the historical part of the
city that represented its identity. The paper then focuses on the remaining historical parts of the
city centre proposing a solution in preserving them as part of the historical memory of the city
and integrating it into the contemporary urban context.
Majid Sarsangi remarks that the landscape of the city is not only a setting for the play of
everyday life but also a stage for performance. He analyses urban setting of traditional Iranian
cities and how urban places were used for performance, arguing that performing art was ‘an
undeniable aspect of traditional Iranian city structure’. The paper presents a summary of the
urban structure of Iranian traditional cities ‘formed by several neighbourhoods [each with its]
distinct identity.’ Each neighbourhood ‘provided the entire social and cultural infrastructure for
the daily lives of people; making long distance journeys unnecessary’ contributing to the social
and environmental sustainability of the city. After presenting a detailed analysis of a variety of
traditional performances in different urban spaces of traditional cities, he suggests there is a
need for an alternative approach to urban design for reintroducing this artistic aspect of urban
life in the landscape of contemporary cities.
5
Part 2: Capitalism and modernism: the changing character of urban spaces
The influence of modern technology in promoting the globalisation of ideas, capitalism and
consumerism and their impact on transforming the urban landscape and daily life of people has
been explored in this section.
Qudah discusses the influence of globalisation and neoliberalism approach on social and
cultural environment of the Arab cities over the past few decades. It argues, such an influence
has promoted a new system of governance, promoting collaborating with large international
organisations for development and transformation of the city. The paper takes ‘Abdali’, the
current largest development project in Amman, as a case study discussing its political
background and finally assessing its impact on socio-political environment of the city.
Through a survey study of the selected areas along the metro line, Mohammad Arar investigates
the important role of metro in Dubai city and its potentials and shortcomings. Through a survey
study the paper assesses the impact of Metro on the daily life of people and makes
recommendation on how to further enhance the quality of urban life in the city. The paper also
forwards an argument that the architectural character of Metro stations derives ‘from the
heritage of the city that reflects the historical and traditional legacy profile of Dubai in a style
that matches its surroundings.
Deyala Tarawneh introduce different ‘typologies of Brownfield sites emerging in Amman’

focusing and the potential of these emerging empty spaces to contribute in urban innovation.
The paper indicates a need for new policies on taxation and support to encourage redevelopment
of these sites.
Part 3: The social dimension of urban design: responsive and inclusive public spaces
The readings in this part mostly focus on the urban characteristics of the informal settlements.
One important point that discussed in this part is the advantage of involving people in planning
policy for upgrading these informal neighbourhoods.
Al Amin Kably’s paper presents a historical background of the formation of informal areas in
two cities of Amman and Cairo to set a context for two interesting questions: ‘what can we
learn from self-planned communities’ and ‘how these communities sustain grew outside of
formal urban control and management mechanisms?’. He argues that these informal settlements
which formed and grew over time along the Arab cities and managed to ‘integrate with existing
institutions and municipal regulatory frameworks’ represent the best example of sustainable
development.
Brönner, Sengewald and Seremet recount ‘interdisciplinary research project, looking for ways
to engage the public in urban issues emerging from top-down planning schemes.’ Their paper is
based on an ongoing interdisciplinary research with engaging students from two universities
from Germany and Cairo. The research involves two case studies, one new urban development
in Cairo City and the other in Bremen in Germany. They argue that despite their differences in
terms of location and size the two developments share a common top-down planning approach.
The paper argues ‘for public engagement and the potential and possibilities of a collaborative
access, particularly between European and Arab artists, architects and designers.’
6
Kamal and Najada’s paper is based on the previous research on mapping ‘the tangible and
intangible forces of Jabal Al Natheef informal camp’ with an aim ‘to explore the potential
narrative as a reading tool in a socio-spatial context’. The paper takes the refugee camp as an
‘urban environment’, the dwellers as ‘spatial storytellers’, and the researcher as a trans-
disciplinary ‘reader’, to explore how the space is produced by ‘the patterns of our daily
existence.’
Yara Halaseh interesting paper focuses on the children’s rights to the city since they are an
integral part of the city inhabitants. The paper refers to the children’s rights in Amman
exploring their participation in the city planning and policy making and finally proposes
recommendations to further enhance the status of the Amman child friendly city.
Rani Qutieshat’s paper considers participation in urban planning and decision making as a civic
duty for all people. The paper then investigates the role of social media in facilitating such a
participatory approach.
Hind Is-haqat evaluates government low income housing projects in Amman during 2008-2013
by using aerial photograph taken during 1992-2013. It analyses the current situation of these
implemented low income housing neighbourhood in the context of the urban fabric of the city
and in relation to the initial goals of the schemes. Having analysed these projects in terms of
their locations, infrastructure and their residents’ views on the lack of adequate social
infrastructure, the paper proposes a series of recommendation for future social housing.
Part 4: Urban identity and social sustainability of the city
Urban identity is the subject of discussion in this part. The papers share the view that urban
identity is formed by a combination of spatial, social, cultural and historical characteristic of a
society which is represented in the distinctive character of traditional part of the city. The papers
then discuss how this identity could be applied in the context of contemporary cities.
By examining the impact of modernization and late globalisation on the identity of the city, Aya
Ibrahim argues that importing of ideas and lifestyle has transformed the identity of the Arab
cities especially most of the cities in the Gulf countries. It further asserts that the impact of
globalisation has also affected all social, economic and the urban fabric of the city. Having
analysed the forces affecting the urban identity, the paper takes the concept of memory as a
factor linking people with the city. The concept of memory is then examined in the context of
the Gulf States, arguing that the loss of history and memory has removed ‘sense of place or
memory that links people with the past and the history of the place’.
Chabi, Bouhadjar and Baba present the same argument as above to explore the changing of
urban identity of the Arab city under the influence of modernism and later on the concept of
globalization. They argue that the rapid growth of cities in the Arab world under the influence
of globalization has been based on ‘the universal principles of urbanism and architecture’ with
no reference to the rich local traditional architecture and culture. As a result ‘the new urban
character of the Arab world is anonymous, raising issues on the identity of the Arab city’. The
paper presents a case study of the Constantine city in Algeria tracing its changing urban and
architectural identity through the history.
7
Keleg, Salheen and Abdellatif argue that the traditional cities were the social production
reflecting the community’s needs, culture and traditions forming the unique identities of the
city. The correlation between culture and place changed under the influence of modernism
undermining ‘the social and cultural distinctiveness of each city.’ The paper takes Nasr city in
Cairo as a case study analysing suitability of its urban spaces for cultural behaviour. The
outcomes are a series of recommendations for improving the social aspect of urban spaces.
Ma’amoon Atout’s paper, presented in Arabic, discusses the role of the Arabian architects in
developing and renovating the architectural identity of the Arabian city. It proposes the
necessity of further training courses, workshops and conferences on conservation to help them
to develop the knowledge and skills they require for building conservation.
Part 5: The political and sociocultural dimensions of regeneration projects
The readings in this part examine issues related to the three factors of environmental, socio-
cultural and economic dimension of urban regeneration. They consider the impact of urban
regeneration projects on social polarization, and social sustainability of the city.
Bushra Zalloom assesses the impacts of urban regeneration projects on the social sustainability
of the city. Abdali urban regeneration, the first mega project in Amman city, is selected as a
case study to assess its impact on social sustainability of Amman. The paper presents a detailed
account of development phases of the project and conducts a survey/interview of people living
in the surrounding areas as well as other part of the city. The aim of the survey has been to find
out peoples' responses at local areas as well as at the city level. The conclusion presents the
outcome of the survey, which indicates that ‘the real impact of Abdali on social sustainability
and urban identity is still ambiguous for locals, architects, and experts’.
Kadhim and Al-Akiely’s paper focuses on the impact of the foreign investment in the
development of Amman since the past two decades. It takes Al-Abdali project, a new CBD
development in the centre of Amman, as a case study assessing its social, economic and cultural
impacts of the project on the surrounding neighbourhoods and the urban identity of the city.
Yasmine Bouhelouf discusses the regeneration of the traditional part of the downtown area of
the Jijel city in Algeria. It gives a detailed analysis of the current social and urban characteristic
of the old part highlighting its potentials and weaknesses to become an attractive part of the city.
It then proposes a strategy for the regeneration.
Blibli, Abou Chair and Mohdeb’s paper, presented in Arabic, study planning strategies during
the last three decades, and the problems it has been facing. It then discusses these in the case of
the urban development of the Algerian City of Jijel.
References:
Bell, G., Blythe, M. and Sengers, P. (2005) “Making by Making Strange: Defamiliarization and
the Design of Domestic Technology.” Transactions on Computer Human Interaction
(TOCHI), Special issue on Social Issues and HCI, vol. 12, no: 2.
Berman, M. (1982) All That is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity. London:
Verso.
Boddy M., Lambert C. and Snape D (1976) City for the 21st Century. The Policy Place,
University of Bristol
8
Lefebvre, H. (1996) Writing on Cities. London: Blackwell Publishing
Norberg-Schulz, C. (1980) Genius Loci: Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture. New
York: Rizzoli.
Brenner, N., Marcuse, P. and Mayer, M. (2009) Cities for People, Not for Profit. City, 13(2-3),
pp. 176-184).
Cuthbert, A. R. (2006) The form of City: Political, Economy and Urban Design. London:
Blackwell publishing.
Santayana, G. (1953) “Reason in Common Sense.” The Life of Reason, Rev. Ed. New York:
Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Zukin, S. (2003) the Postmodern Debate over Urban Form. In Cuthbert A. R. (ed.) Designing
Cities: Critical Reading in Urban Design. London: Blackwell Publishing.
9
Transformation of urban character
Ali Madanipour
Newcastle University
What do we mean when we talk about urban character? When we say a city has a distinctive
character, or it lacks character, or its character has changed or has been lost, what do we have in
mind? In all these expressions, we seem to talk about some features that make a city unique. If
we have a personal experience of the city, the memories of those experiences shape our idea of
its character. But for most people, the character of a city is often defined by some major events,
or some icons that capture those events in the form of monuments, or its built environment, its
architecture, its skyline. So in architecture and urban planning, as well as in popular discourse,
the character of a city is associated with some prominent and unique features. But I’d like to go
beyond this approach and make two arguments: first, that a city’s character and identity is not
just about its uniqueness but also about its similarities with other places; and second, that an
iconic character is only a fragment of the city’s complex reality and may even be completely
detached from it.
The city’s identity has some parallels to the classical philosophical problem of personal identity
over time. How is it possible that, over a period of time, a person remains the same? The same
question can be posed about cities. How do we say that a city is the same city as it was a century
ago, despite all the changes? We know that very rapidly changing cities are in danger of losing
that continuity, and therefore going through a change of identity, no longer being similar to their
past.
But what constituted this identity in the first place? When we think about a city’s identity, we
are inherently comparing it with others. Here we can draw on social philosophy’s definition of
identity, which sees social identity as the result of the relations of similarity and difference.
Individuals define their identity by defining who they are similar to, and who they are different
from; in a way identity is always established in this comparison. The same can be seen in cities.
How can a city be similar to, and different from other cities?
Now, the follow up question is this: what features of the city show its continuity and similarity,
or disruption and difference? What characterizes a city? According to Paul Ricoeur, identity is a
narrative we tell about something, so it is important to know the elements of this story, and
know who is telling it. But beyond this story, we also need to know how this city actually lives,
so the way we represent a city and the way it actually lives are both elements of this identity. A
city, of course, is not a single thing, but an agglomeration of many objects and many people, so
there is a cacophony of voices all telling different stories and doing different things. If a single
narrative represents this multiplicity of voices and lives, the question is: how far is it related to
or detached from these lives.
So, in examining the identity of a group of cities, such as Arab cities or European cities or
medieval cities, we are looking at the continuity and change, as well as similarity and
10
difference, in their representations and practices, their built environment and their social
institutions over time. The similarity of their symbols and institutions to one another makes
them members of a group and distinguishes them from the members of other groups. So, with
this sketch of a theoretical framework, let’s consider the case of Arab cities, which is the theme
of this conference.
If we search for ‘Arab cities’ on Google, it shows 154 million pages about the subject. The first
item on the top of the first page is the Wikipedia page for the list of the largest cities in the Arab
world. I am interested in how this list is portraying them. As you see, for each city we are given
the rank, the name of the country, population size, date of foundation, and an image. It is this
image that I am particularly interested in, to look for the symbols that distinguish an Arab city
on this page. It is a snapshot that is meant to show the character of the city, providing an image
that represents a city. If I show these images in larger sizes for the five largest Arab cities, we
can get a sense of what they share. The cities of Cairo, Baghdad, Riyadh, Jeddah and Dammam
are each introduced by a single image. When we look at them together, it seems they are
selected to show a modern image, in particular through a cluster of high rise buildings.
This modernity is very clearly expressed in the wealthy cities on the northeastern edge of the
Arabian Peninsua. Kuwait, Manama, Doha, Dubai, and Abu Dhabi all are portrayed by their
hyper-modern skyline, lined with high rise buildings and extra-ordinary architectural
expressions. New cities that are planned in the Arab countries are also following this model of
high rise, high density, modern image. King Abdullah new city in Saudi Arabia and Egypt’s
planned new capital city are the prime examples of this trend.
When you compare these images of the modern Arab city with the images of classical Arab
cities, there are very striking differences. The minarets and domes that dominated the skyline
have been replaced by luxury hotels and apartments, office buildings and elevated motorways.
So, how can we analyse the change, and how can we understand the modern urban landscape in
Arab cities?
The structural features of the classical Arabic and Islamic cities evolved over centuries of shared
experience. These common features included institutional similarities such as the markets,
mosques, baths and reservoirs, and architectural elements such as the courtyards, vaults, domes
and minarets. Although they differed in many of their details, the common features of these
cities made them all members of the same family of cities; any visitor could recognize that they
belonged to the same cultural world. These commonalities were based on a set of common
beliefs and practices, which spread through warfare and trade across a long distance, from the
Atlantic Ocean to the Indian Ocean and beyond. They created a highly distinguishable identity,
shared symbols and institutions that were similar to one another and different from the others.
Today’s cities in these lands also share many symbolic and institutional features with each
other, but if we judge by these panoramas, many of these features are no longer distinguishable
from other cities elsewhere. These features are shared across the world in all continents. They
11
are all part of the process of globalization that increasingly links cities in different parts of the
world to an overall global economy, and a converging vocabulary of architectural and urban
expression. The harder the architects, planners and urban designers try to be distinctive from
one another, the more integrated they are into a single spatial vocabulary, a similarity in
symbols that characterize the general image of cities. Through emphasizing such differences, we
seem to claim that we are a member of an elite group of cities in the world.
There is also an institutional framework that is increasingly common across the world, at least
among the investors and managers. In this global economy, ideas and financial resources move
around the world with ease. Investors look for higher rewards, and urban managers look to
compete in the global economy and attract resources that investors and visitors can bring with
them. This is why we see the emergence of a new urban landscape across the world that is no
longer defined by a specific culture. They may have roots in particular technologies, particular
arrangements of the world market, but they seem to want to stress their membership of a club
that is and inspired by particular images, such as New York, a strong image from the mid
twentieth century that dominated the urban imagination and continues to be copied around the
world. Symbols and institutions, therefore, are increasingly global, and so is the character of
cities.
So we see an increasing amount of similarity between Middle Eastern, Asian, American, and
European cities, at least in the way they are being projected and imagined. They all seem to be
global cities now, or at least this is how their managers and promoters wish to be seen to be.
But this attempt by the cities to announce that they belong to a modern global club is not free
from trouble. As they look outwards to the global scene, expressing the desire that they too are a
member of this global league, a split is created between the outward looking image and how life
is lived in the city. This is a disconnection between this vision of global modernity and the
reality of the urban society.
In the classical city, the primary buildings that shaped the skyline were more integrated with the
rest of the city, both in symbolic expressions and in the way institutions worked. But now the
growing inequality in cities means the image that we see of modernity may be presented to the
outside world, and be more in line with the other global cities, but disconnected from the local
population. The external image is made on the basis of a new urban panorama, creating the
images that are used to characterize the city as a whole. If we zoom in and walk the streets of
the city, and get to know the life of the city, we gain a new perspective, starting to recognize the
features that would differentiate one city from another. Not the image that the city wishes to
project, but the concreate reality of the city becomes a better guide to its distinctive features.
So if we go back to our concepts of time and space, what are the implications? The implication
for time and continuity is disruption. These cities have radically changed. In most cases, the
historic core that shaped the character of the Middle Eastern cities is now no more than a tiny
and decaying part of the city. The implication for space is that the architecture and planning of
the city now resembles almost any other city anywhere else. This is not unique to any continent,
12
as now it is increasingly difficult to distinguish between the skyline of a European and an Asian
city.
In terms of the symbols that characterize the city, therefore, we are facing a process of
globalization that uses the same approach to city everywhere, as a firm in competition with
others, using advertising to promote a brand and to attract attention. But these symbols are
targeting an external audience, and so a gap emerges with the local population who may or may
not share these symbols. The same gap may also be seen in the new institutions. The new
skyline is created to improve the city’s competitiveness, good for international investors and
visitors, but not necessarily in line with the needs and capacities of the local population. The
skyline is also made according to the dynamics of the real estate market, which may or may not
be in line with the needs and demands of the local population, but functioning according to its
own dynamics. ©This is evident in the crisis of overproduction, which has left many ghost
towns around the world after the global economic crisis. The speed of change, and the feeling of
being out of control, both by the local authorities and local populations, often widens these gaps.
The challenge is how to reconcile these dynamics that pull the cities into different directions and
generate large fractures in their social and spatial fabric.
13
Dubai: Past and Present Architecture in the Context of
National Identity and Economic Development
Ruth Johnson Carter
Dept.of Government and Sociology, Georgia College & State University, Milledgeville, GA
31061 USA
writersblock0000@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT
In 1966 oil was discovered in the Persian Gulf off the coast of Dubai. The revenue was used by
the then ruler Sheik Rashid to begin the creation of modern Dubai. From this point a small
desert enclave has attempted to reflect the traditional Islamic culture in combination with a
unique architecture, which purports to place modern urban planning in the context of a historical
process. The remaining traditional architecture is largely confined to a small museum, the Old
Persian quarter and the vicinity of Khor Dubai (Dubai Creek). In recent years much effort has
been made to salvage and restore this area. Architecturally, modern Dubai is a reflection of the
various groups, which dominate the economic expansion of the Emirate; the ruling family; the
project developers who are mostly Middle Eastern in origin; and the representatives of
numerous multi-national businesses. Dubai under the leadership of the Al Maktoum family has
displayed wide vision. The construction of Jebel Ali and Port Rashid as a foundation for
economic expansion indicated an understanding of the finite limits of oil as a basis for
commerce. The subsequent enlargement of Dubai as an international entrepôt actively explores
"new technology", in combination with traditional themes within this challenging urban
landscape. This paper examines these issues within the context of traditional and modern
architecture, in terms of how these physical constructs are part of the process of achieving
desired outcomes.
KEYWORDS: Dubai, architecture, traditional, contemporary
1. INTRODUCTION
As was reported world wide on February 21 the ironically named Marina Torch residential
building in Dubai caught fire on the fifty-second floor. Videos of the flames captured the
attention of millions. The fire itself was not that unusual. The day before a similar structure
was gutted in nearby Abu Dhabi resulting in several deaths and on February 22 the BBC
reported a fire in a tower block in south east London which resulted in six deaths. What was
remarkable about the fire in Dubai, was that every person in the 86-floor residence, the fifth
highest apartment complex in the world, was successfully evacuated and the fire was rapidly
extinguished with damage confined to the upper stories. A representative of Kingfield Owner
Association Management Services, said, "All fire safety systems functioned effectively during
the incident, thereby restricting fire damage to the exterior of the building," The survival of
Marina Torch building with minor damage and no human casualties is a tribute to techniques
characteristic of the structures which have been constructed and to the architectural expertise,
contemporary design and advanced building practices used in Dubai since 1990. (Gulf News:
Published: 10:17 February 21, 2015)
14
In Dubai the rapid historical encounter "between the politics of nation-building and architectural
modernism's new materials, methods, and motives" could be described as being like the work of
a Djinn which whirled a small desert enclave from the obscure position of a tiny pearl fishing
anchorage to the status of an international site of marketing, tourism and media.
(http://shop.affilimedia.com/detail/modernism-and-the-middle-east).
2. MAIN BODY
The transforming force in the Emirates was oil, which was discovered in 1966 in the Persian
Gulf off the coast of Dubai. The first field was named Fateh or good fortune. The revenue was
used by the then ruler Sheik Rashid al-Maktoum to begin the creation of modern Dubai. City
planning was initiated by the simplest means. Sheik Rashid had a pickup truck loaded with
empty oil barrels, which were dumped onto the sand to mark locations where he had chosen to
begin a building project. Initially there was an emphasis on rivalry between the Emirates
themselves. Trade towers and international airports were constructed in Sharjah and Abu Dhabi
as well as in Dubai. Some of this attitude continued throughout the end of the 20th century. As
a result the UAE with a total 31,976 square miles (roughly the size of the state of Maine) has 7
international airports. Located only 15 km (roughly 10 miles) from Dubai, overspending in
Sharjah led to financial dependency on Saudi Arabia and a temporary curtailment of
modernization during the last decade of the 20th century. (Sharjah Economic Update)
Sheik Rashid avoided this economic error and exhibited his usual wisdom with the construction
of the Jebel Ali free zone followed after his death by the development Port Rashid, which
quickly made Dubai an entrepôt for goods moving from Pakistan, India and the Far East to the
UAE and from there into other nations in the Middle East. Shoring up the oil revenue with
broadly based commerce added considerably to funds available for development and continued
to attract international financial capital and multinational businesses to Dubai.
By 1990 the chief architectural attractions in Dubai were the Jumeirah Mosque, the Emirates
Golf Club and the Trade Tower. The Trade tower was an isolated, pedestrian structure
seemingly stranded in the desert around which swirled on windy days a sad collection of
discarded plastic bags and other trash. The Mosque, a beautiful traditional example of medieval
Fatimid style Islamic architecture is now open as a museum. Only at the golf course, and some
uninspired buildings constructed for businesses like the Holiday Inn, Apple Computer and other
international corporations, was there a hint of what Dubai would become in the future. The golf
course itself was constructed by Karl Litten Overseas and quickly became a venue for the
European PGA. Architecturally significant was the construction of the clubhouse, which was
designed to resemble a bedouin tent. This was a deliberate attempt to capture the area's
historical roots and the development and extension of the 120 acre green space of the 32-hole
course was the beginning of the ecological alteration of the Emirates.
Taking advantage of its location as a refuelling site for international airlines, the Government of
Dubai made a conscious decision to build a five star hotel, Jebel Ali resort to encourage
travellers to use the Emirates as a stop- over destination. The amenities provided by
The resort (which was enlarged to include its own golf course and spa) was enhanced by the
existing Emirates Golf Club, the Marina area, luxury shopping malls and tours into the desert.
The nascent tourist industry was quickly extended to create expanded trade links with the Far
East and Europe, which led to greatly increased business travel, which brought additional
strength to the tourism industry.
15
Initially, in the rush to modernize Dubai, despite the advice of Sheikh Zayed who warned
that " those who have no past can have no present or future," a major part of the Al Bastakiya
district, which had been developed in the 1890's and settled by the wealthy merchant class, was
destroyed in 1970 to make way for an office building. The remaining sections located on Dubai
Creek were abandoned or turned into warehouses. Only a few buildings such as the Majlis
Gallery were conserved. By 1989 the entire area was scheduled to be destroyed. Fortunately,
this decision was opposed by various influential residents and what remained of the area was
allowed to survive, though it was 2005 before a restoration project was inaugurated and the area
was renamed the Al Fahidi historical district (Sambridge, 2015).
At the beginning of the 21st century the current ruler Sheikh Muhammad al Maktoum and other
" decision-makers, and top government officials started to demonstrate a stronger and more
attentive interest in architecture, urban development projects and real estate investment." This
concentration resulted in the development of architecture and urbanism in Dubai unparalleled in
the Arabian Peninsula. What ensued in Dubai was an exuberance of building projects in an
accelerated time frame never seen in the history of civilization. If the idea of constructing the
best, tallest and most futuristic buildings was seen by some nations in the world as an attempt to
gain recognition, rather than prudent decision making based on infrastructure needs, the
outcome was no less spectacular, and initially the economic gain was no less significant
(Salama and Wiedmann, 2013).
In a conscious desire to combine the past with the present the construction of the Burj Dubai as
the tallest building in the world was described by Sheikh Muhammad as a challenge. "If I see
something impossible, I want to make it possible. We have to approach the future, not wait for
the future to come to us." This more thoughtful approach embedded within the desire to be the
home of such a gigantic construction project was exemplified by the slogan of "History Rises"
attached to this exceptional symbol of self-confidence in Dubai. The building was designed "to
bridge the gap between Islamic tradition and ultra-modern Western architecture." (Hall, 2005).
With a ground pattern shaped like an Arabian desert lily and an external spiral construction,
paying tribute to the Islamic symbolism of ascending toward heaven, the Burj Dubai was
described as an investment in hope and optimism for the future. The Burj Dubai is the best
known of buildings which makes reference to decorative principles that are pan-Islamic and
applicable to all types of building elements, including calligraphy, geometry, floral patterns, as
well as allusions to natural phenomena such as "the wind-blown sand dunes of the desert or the
sanctuary of an oasis. Other structures refer to a way of life, seemingly passing beyond recall
"including the dhows used for trade and pearl diving, or the tents of the nomadic Bedouins"
(Artemel, 2013).
16
Figure 1: Dubai 1990 – 2105
In 2008 Dubai was caught in the Global Economic crisis, which upended the international
banking industry. Over-expansion and a chain of fiscally irresponsible and in some cases
corrupt practices led to the collapse of the financial underpinning of gargantuan building
schemes, which had created the Emirate's glittering image.
The construction of the Burj Dubai was one of dozens of extravagant projects, including Palm
Jumeirah, Dubai Medyan City and Mohammed bin Rashid City, which were either totally or
partially completed before the end of the first decade of the 21st century. Other projects like the
World Islands remain largely uninhabited and in some parts in a deteriorating condition.
Dozens of proposed structures were never realized or paused in mid construction.
Lenders had erroneously assumed that Dubai World and Nakheel, two of the most important
entrepreneurial entities were backed by the Dubai government, which stated later that it had
never sponsored the debts of these firms. With the world economic crisis, Dubai, with a skyline
which had been filled with a forest of cranes and a mountain of building materials assembled for
what seemed to be limitless expansion, became mired in debt. The estimated total debt of $59
billion or nearly a quarter of the entire United Arab Emirates' federal Gross Domestic Product
came close to destroying the economy of Dubai. . (Abocar and Kasolowsky 2010). So
shattering was the financial downturn that the roads near Dubai airport were blocked by
abandoned cars left behind by expatriates who had been employed in the construction industry.
17
More than 2,550 vehicles were impounded between December 31, 2008 and March 2009
(Sengupta, 2014).
At that point no one knew the magnitude of what was owed or the complexity of it. Eventually,
with financial help from Abu Dhabi and four British banks, debt restructuring, and tighter
government control on borrowing by the state-linked companies plus a general revival of the
world economy, Dubai's parlous situation began to rebound. In gratitude for help from the
senior Emirate, Burj Dubai was renamed Burj Khalifa in honor of Abu Dhabi's ruler and UAE
President, Sheik Khalifa bin Zayed al Nahayan. (Abocar and Kasolowsky 2010). In the wake of
the financial crisis Dubai focused on its "core operations of logistics and trade." On June 27,
2010 the Emirate opened the first section of the Al Maktoum International airport, which is a
part of the interestingly named "Aerotropolis" - a shipping, air and road centre. (Kasarda, 2010).
The entire complex known as Dubai World Central is nearly twice the size of Hong Kong
Island. The location is estimated to be the future home of 900,000 people. “National airlines are
leading a new stage in the global aviation sector. The UAE’s target is to connect the world
together and to become the new commercial hub in the centre of the world,” said Sheikh
Mohammed in reference to the opening of the airport and the expansion of Emirates Airlines
(Emirates 247, 2013).
Emaar Properties, once owned entirely by the Government of Dubai and which is now partially
a publicly owned stock company, signed an agreement in 2013 with Dubai World Central
(DWC), to develop a central golf course community, shopping malls, hotels and other sports
complexes which are now in planning or construction stages to support the selection of Dubai as
the site of World Expo 2020. These projects focus on brining to reality the EXPO themes of
"Mobility, Sustainability and Opportunity" (Lohade, 2014). Tourism and increasing the viability
of the Emirate as a finance, media and information hub are now visualized as the ongoing and
more stable sources of Dubai's wealth. As of 2015 Dubai has made a remarkable recovery. In
one instance, Marina 101 on which work was halted in 2006 will be completed in late 2015 with
the 21st tallest building in Dubai. In addition to rejuvenated complexes and, as previously
mentioned, new groups of remarkable construction projects, Dubai has captured a large share of
the world's tourist revenue though an ambitious program of continued contemporary
construction and a new emphasis on preserving it's past (sheffieldholdings.com).
The leadership in Dubai has tried "to take advantage of this raised level of attention, illustrating
to the world the rapid development of the Emirate, as a high level of modernization, but at the
same time it without shying away from its identity and heritage." The government of Dubai
"promotes entrepreneurship, curtailment of bureaucracy and corruption, and modernization, but
with respect for heritage, culture and roots." Though the marketing strategy in the region has
been pragmatically based, the renewed global interest in Islam and Arabic culture, and the
attention that Dubai gets as a rapidly modernizing global hub in the Middle East is understood
as a means of maintaining and publicizing its identity and heritage. Working toward turning
Khor Dubai into a World Heritage Site, the Dubai's Department of Tourism and Commerce
Marketing (DTCM), in collaboration with Dubai Municipality and Dubai Culture, plans to
improve and develop Dubai's Historical District, the oldest part of the city located around Dubai
Creek. The project will transform the area into the leading culture and heritage centre in the
region, focusing on trade, crafts and the pearling industry. The desire for preservation has been
transformed from a desultory process to an understanding that the Historical District and Khor
Dubai "are the soul of the city" and that these areas define the cultural legacy and heritage of the
Emirate (Isenstadt and Rizvi, eds. 2008).
18
This focus on cultural tourism has become a major factor in attracting visitors to Dubai. The
complex process will ultimately include more than 60 projects, including the Al Shindagha
Museum and the continued development of the large open-air historic district including Al
Fahidi For and Al Sabkha along the Creek. These improvements are designed to enhance the
experience of the projected 25,000,000 visitors expected for the 2020 Expo. A chief aim is to
complete the prolonged process involved in obtaining the permission of UNESCO to register
the area as a World Heritage site (UNESCO, 2014).
Dubai Aviation City Corporation (DACC) was established to build and manage Dubai World
Central (DWC); a $33 billion airport-centred set of cities under development 25 miles south of
downtown Dubai. Anchored by the new Al Maktoum International Airport, which is being
completed in stages, DWC will include logistics office towers, aviation-related industry, hotels,
a megamall, golf course, and housing for 40,000 on-site workers. Dubai’s aerotropolis is the
world’s largest; situated perfectly between the East and West. As many new non-aeronautical
activities are anchored around Al Makhtoum International, the airport city as a "postmodern
transit-oriented development is rapidly taking shape." Along with other pioneers such as
Shannon, Schiphol, Singapore, Pittsburgh, Frankfurt, Dallas/Fort Worth, Hong Kong, Kuala
Lumpur and Seoul, Dubai "has blazed the path for this 21st century urban form" (Emirates 247,
2013). The 2020 EXPO theme is “Connecting Minds, Creating the Future”, which emphasizes
the "powerful spirit of partnership and co-operation" which has led the UAE, and Dubai in
particular, to remarkable and pioneering pathways in commerce, architecture and preservation
(EXPO 2020, 2015).
3. CONCLUSION
Dubai has been able to maintain its Islamic identity and heritage whilst at the time globalizing
its economy. After an uncertain start, development in Dubai has not been "a matter of tourism
dollars supporting the rest of the economy at the cost of losing the identity and authenticity of
place, as in many developing nations." Instead the income from oil and increasingly income
from trade and foreign investment, which "are reinvested in infrastructural projects in order to
diversify the economy," have created the opportunity to preserve much of the local heritage.
Thanks to a farsighted idea of urban development, oil revenues and a determined marketing
plan, Dubai has expanded by 2015 into an architectural showplace, which reflects both modern
design and a salute to its Arab heritage. Dubai exemplifies "how architectural and urban
identities are constructed through allegorical representations that speak to the past and aspire to
the future."(Salama and Wiedmann, 2013).
Over time even the weather in Dubai has altered as a result of the ever-changing skyline of the
Emirate. Not the dire predictions of Global warming but more subtle variations brought about
by the greening of the landscape. In Dubai, making the desert bloom is not a metaphor but a
reality. In 1990 where once the terrain was largely red sandy desert, the area is now scattered
with numerous golf courses, parks, roadside plantings, gardens and leafy enclaves. Although
there are still only a few rainy days, fog and even snow have come to Dubai. Species of birds
once uncommon in the area are attracted to the lakes and fountains. As the Mumbai poet
Sanober Khan writes, “moonlight disappears down the hills and mountains vanish into fog" and
in the climate of change, both architectural and ecological, the towers of the new Dubai are
sometimes shrouded in ethereal mist ( Zulfiqar, 2015).
19
Figure 2: Fog covered Dubai Skyline: Burj Khalifa in the background.
References
Abocar, A. and Kasolowsky, R. (2010). "How Dubai Got Serious" in Reuters.

Artemel, A. J. (2013). “Enough with the Regional Architecture" in Design Boom Architecture.
Botros, M. (2015). "Fire at Torch Tower in Dubai Marina" in Gulf News.
Emaar Financials (2011). "2010 Annual Report".
EXPO 2020 Dubai (2015). Offical Site. Available at http://expo2020dubai.ae/en/
Hall, I. (2005). "Dubai Reaches for the Sky" in BBC.
Hefferman. J. (2015). "Sharjah Economic Update" in Sharjah Budget.
Isenstadt, S. and Rizvi, K. eds. (2008). Modernism and the Middle East: Architecture and
Politics in the Twentieth Century. USA: University of Washington Press.
Kasarda, J. (2010)."The Way Forward" in Global Airport Cities.
Lohade, N. (2014). "Emaar's Retail Unit IPO Plan Draws Cheers" in Wall Street Journal.
Nursanty, E. (2012). Architecture and Tourism.
Salama, A. and Wiedmann, F. (2013). Evolving urbanism of cities on the Arabian Peninsula.
Open House International.
Sambridge, A. (2015). "Revealed: Plans for Dubai Historical District" in Construction on line.
Sengupta, A. (2014). "Cars Abandoned at Dubai Airport" in Gulf News. Issued in 25 June 2014
Emirates (2013). UAE's target to become world's commercial hub.
UNESCO (2014). Documents WHC-14/38.COM/8B and WHC-14/38.COM/INF.8B1.
Zulfiqur, A. (2015), Dubai Shrouded in Clouds. Dubai: Flashy.
20
II
Conference Papers
Part 1:
Modernity and tradition: Approaches and practices in urban design;
comparative analysis of contemporary and traditional approaches
Amman, from Village to Metropolis
Kamal Jalouqa1, a
1
Industrial Professor of Spatial Planning, German Jordanian University
a
kamalplanner@gmail.com
ABSTRACT:
Amman is a city with a long history dating back to the stone-age, Hellenistic-Roman, and
Islamic periods. It was turned into ruins for almost five centuries, and resettled by Circassian
immigrants in 1876. The city has been developing its story since then; first as a village of
peasants and small crafts and some trade, then as a centre for administration and trade and as a
capital of the Emirate of Transjordan (1923) and the capital of the Kingdom of Jordan (1946).
Today, it is a metropolis of over two and half million inhabitants. This paper studies this
development in terms of urban development, economic roles, social stratification and ethnic
composition as well as its role in the international system of world and regional metropolis.
The main hypothesis of this paper suggests that all development witnessed in Amman could
mainly be attributed to regional and international trends. Starting from a decision by the
Ottoman administration to inhabit the area between Damascus and Ma’an, en-route of the
anticipated Hedjaz railway, to the establishment of Arab states under the rule of invading
western powers, in the places vacated by the Ottomans at the end of WWI, to the establishment
of the state of Israel in 1948, and the expulsion of the Palestinian population who settled as
refugees in neighbouring states, to the creation of the new Middle East with all the ambitions
and agony it has brought together, to the Neoliberal city movement and its repercussions on
local intelligentsia and urban stakeholders and dwellers of the city in general. The author uses
his extensive experience as an urban planner for over forty years in explaining this journey of
the city, with illustrative examples, maps and photographs, and research material implemented
locally or throughout the region.
KKEYWORDS: Urban, Social, Regional, Politics.
INTRODUCTION: Economic and social change in urban areas has an impact on civil society
and political expression, and on shaping the urban space altogether. Cities, as the core of
development are increasingly dependent in their interaction with the global economy, but at the
same time to survive, they must have a solid relationship with their local society and its inherent
interests, and with the forces of change in their hinterland or the wider region in which they
exist. Thus political mechanisms, democracy and participation are also key aspects of city
management and urban life. Pressures on planning come from both the need to integrate city
economies with global forces and from the need to integrate fragmented interests within the
city. City competition and the penetration of international institutions add to the challenges
facing city leaders and the local stakeholders. There are differing accounts of how governance is
being reshaped. World cities are the sites at which the ‘post-national’ state is constructed, and
places that generate distinctive politics, including neighbourhood versus world class culture,
immigration and citizenship rights, and sustainability. Different political theories shed light on
this new state of urban politics. From a regulation theory perspective, cities are seen as
increasingly polarised and governments changed by fiscal crisis and entrepreneurialism.
Differences between cities include the extent to which there is a broad mobilisation of local
23
actors in processes of government. Amman is a good example to demonstrate the role of
regional factors and world trends in shaping the local urban scale and fabric.
Figure 1: Amman before the arrival of the Circassians, in 1865 the location had only a few ruins from
Roman and Islamic times, and no sign of a settled population. The picture is taken by a
missionary expedition from the Amman citadel looking south-east.
THE RE-BIRTH OF AMMAN:
Amman, the capital city of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the land of Jordan in general
has been a destination, for the last century and a half, to many of those who lost security and
livelihood in their historical homelands. First Circassians, the historical people of the North
Caucasus, lost their homeland in 1864 to the Russian Empire after a fierce struggle that lasted
for a century and took more than a million lives from the defending side only. They were forced
to leave their homeland to the lands of the Ottoman Empire, travelling overland and on the
Black Sea and in numbers nearing half a million inhabitants. The Ottoman government was not
prepared to serve and settle these human influxes that outnumbered its expectations. Survivors
of this deadly journey reached Amman in the autumn of 1868, and settled in the caves across the
valley and in enclaves of ruins, remnant of the Roman period. Upon arrival, they started to
organise their lives and used stones collected from the ruins, mud and straw to build modest
houses in the style they were used to in their homeland, with some refinements that suited their
new habitat. They were the first to inhabit the valleys of Amman in five centuries. Life started
developing in the small agricultural village, and social stratification was dependent on tribal
strata. In some cases, feudal classes that the Circassians brought with them from their homeland.
The first arrivals were from the Shapsough people who lived on the shores of the Black Sea, and
had a kind of loose democratic social system. Following this, came the Qabardans, who had a
feudal class based social system, then the Abzahs and few families of the Abazines, who were
more in the middle between the two social structures. They all spoke Adigebze which is
Circassian, but with different dialects, often not fully inter-conversable. Each family was given
a piece of land of about ten hectares to grow wheat and barley and other crops, a smaller lot of
about 500m2 in the village to build a house and orchards, and a further smaller lot of 30-50m2
by the stream to grow some vegetables for household needs. Some craftsmen such as
blacksmiths, carpenters, gold and silver smiths and small shops were opened to serve the local
populations, and these craft shops gradually grew in numbers to serve the surrounding areas,
which were mainly inhabited by semi nomadic Arab tribes.
24
This was the situation in Amman till the turn of the twentieth century, and those who started to
trade and interact with the Circassians and live in Amman, had to learn their language and adapt
to their life style. In 1903 the construction works of the Hedjaz railroad en-route to Medina and
Mecca reached Amman and many Circassians were employed in the construction work as
labourers, craftsmen, transporters and in maintaining the security of the work sites. At this time
(after 1915) craftsmen and tradesmen from other areas like Palestine and Lebanon and some
Armenians started to come and settle in Amman. In general these new settlers were renting a
room and a small yard from Circassian families, and only after they accumulated some wealth
did they start building their own houses on small plots purchased from Circassian families
within the village, as it was deemed unsafe to build on the outskirts or in separate secluded
quarters.
EARLY CITY LIFE 1916-1930:
During the First World War, Amman was a little town of about 5,000 inhabitants. It had a
municipality, an army post, a busy train station with lots of military haulage and movement of
troops. It had a population which was a mix of Circassians and trading families from Salt,
Nablus, and some Syrians, and a strategic location which had to be defended by the Turkish-
German alliance, and should have been taken by the British, Anzac side. In other words, a battle
had to be fought at Amman, and the population caught in the cross-fire. The major battle for
Amman took place in two stages:
‘The First Battle of Amman was fought from 27 to 31 March 1918 during the First
Transjordan attack on Amman of the Sinai and Palestine Campaign of the First World
War. The 60th (London) Division and the Anzac Mounted Division attacked the
Ottoman garrison at Amman deep in enemy occupied territory, 30 miles (48 km) from
their front line, after capturing Es Salt and Shunet Nimrin. The Egyptian Expeditionary
Force (EEF) was successfully counterattacked by Ottoman Empire forces, forcing them
to retreat back to the bridgeheads captured on the Jordan River’
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Battle_of_Amman).
Although the people of Amman did not join the fighting for either side, some men with oxen
wagons helped in the transportation, and some even worked as suppliers of food and other staff
to the Turkish and German armies, such as elders from the author’s family who acted as
contractors to supply food for the German army units allied to the Ottomans. Families were
taken to the numerous caves for protection, and men were organised as civil defenses, such as
maintaining security of the property, fire brigades and the like. When the city was finally
captured in September after fierce fighting of both the attacking and defending armies over
several campaigns, the civilians were relieved, and had to depend on the captured army’s
supplies for their livelihood.
After the war, the occupying powers did not interfere much in the life of the civilians, except in
helping to organise some kind of governance which took care of security and furbishing
necessary services. Municipalities remained the major institutions at this early stage, and the
municipality of Amman got its first non-Circassian mayor who helped in mediating with other
government bodies to establish a unified administration based on Pan-Arab ambitions,
especially after the French had occupied Syria and put an end to the Arab state under King
Faisal. Many nationalists and normal civilians had to flee Damascus and settle in Amman,
making Amman the centre of Pan-Arabism, and the mayor of Amman at the time sent a plea on
behalf of Jordanian nationalists calling Prince Abdullah, the younger brother of King Faisal to
come to Amman and establish a Hashemite rule.
25
At this stage affluent tradesmen began to gain power in local politics and many purchased land
from their former land lords at the hilltops to build fancy houses using stone facades and
employing craftsmen and builders from Nablus, Safad and Lebanon. For about a decade these
hilltop villas were not serviced with running water or paved roads, as the municipality lacked a
plan for future expansion of the city. The rich and powerful tried to build on locations
overlooking the city centre mainly at Jabal Amman, Jabal Lluweibdeh and a few built at Jabal
Jofeh. Other new settlers like the Armenians and migrants from other parts of Jordan who were
employed by the army or government or in crafts settled the in foothills of Al-Qal’a,
Ashrafiyya, Nadief and into the wadis (valleys). The city centre where the Circassian village
once took place started to develop as a commercial and administrative quarter, with residential
plots turned into commercial buildings, schools and offices. At this stage government services
started to develop and Amman had its first (so to say) plan in 1938, which was drafted by the
British administrator of Lands and Surveys and accepted by the municipal council. According to
this plan roads were widened to allow for the movement of motorcars, and zoning regulations
were introduced for buildings of different land use categories.
The politics of planning and the role of the urban elite also began to take shape at this stage,
with wealthy merchants and senior civil servants taking the lead. As the government had little
income and many mouths to feed, merchants started to take the role of the government in
donating for building of private schools and health care facilities and even supplying cash to the
government when needed. This trend and the role of the local elite was clearly influenced by
what is argued to be a transformation of citizenship, and the urban elite trying to influence the
directions of urban growth and establish themselves as a reference in local politics. Shami states
her view on the formation of the Ammani elite as follows:
"Who are Amman’s bourgeoisie? In which practices of inclusion and exclusion do they
engage? The 1940s to 1950s is a good transitional period to explore, since in many
ways it sets the stage and also shows what might have been. Amman of that day was a
town of around 30,000 inhabitants and the capital of the British Mandate state of
Transjordan ruled by the Hashemite Emir Abdullah...the complex relationships between
the merchant class and the state/palace as one of mutual constitution. Emir Abdullah
encouraged the influx of merchants and attempted to draw them away from the city of
Salt, whose elites had rejected Hashemite rule. On their part, individual merchants
financed the Emir through nonreturnable loans when the British subsidy fell short of his
needs for distributing largesse. They also donated (“cheerfully” according to a British
observer) to the building of hospitals and schools and other public works. The chamber
of commerce was created as early as 1923, and merchants had also formed a social
club called the “Tuesday Club” and met in each other’s homes to discuss affairs of the
day. When Sharif Hussein (Emir Abdullah’s father) came to visit Amman, one of the
merchants contributed to the welcome parade by building a metal, though somewhat
skeletal, “triumphal arch” over one of the main streets of downtown." (Shami, S. 2004)
The Circassians, who owned most property in and around the city, gradually withdrew from
influencing the urban trends and public affairs, because of their reluctance to work in trade, and
preferred to work in the army, the public service and in farming their extensive land property.
Their representation in the municipality which they themselves have established back in 1909
was mainly symbolic, and only two of Amman’s mayors in this period were of Circassian
origin. Their representation in the government and close ties with the Emir, though, gave them
some influence in the regional politics, and some Circassians played a prominent role in
establishing political movements and parties. (Saeed Al-Mufti-Habjouqa, was mayor and the
26
first prime minister of East Jordanian origin. Shamseddin Sami was a political leader and an
anti-British activist, to give examples).
AMMAN 1940-1970:
World War II was good for the merchants of Amman, and their prosperity began to mark and
structure the city in a new way. A study in the mid-1980’s documented 140 villas (3) of affluent
merchants from that period that are still standing in Amman. This was while many of Amman’s
30,000 inhabitants were engaged in agriculture and living in simple one story courtyard style
houses. The distinctive personality of the merchant class was clearly being inscribed in space
through a new architecture and the creation of elite neighbourhoods, slowly drawing away from
the core settlement in the valley and up the surrounding hills.
Although the state marked space in its capital city, few of the plans and schemes that it
embarked on, were accompanied by attempts at constructing a hegemonic narrative or story of
Amman as a city or as a capital. State planning for Amman is generally marked by technocratic
considerations and by global, rather than local or national narratives. State-driven attempts to
reshape Amman and affect its outward appearance and use of space are attempts toward
integrating it into meta-narratives that evoke different worlds from Western modernity. Shami
concludes that “While the discourses about Amman have been and continue to be fragmentary,
contradictory, and resistant to institutionalization, this does not mean that contestations over
space are non-existent or unimportant”.
Regardless of how they figure in discursive practices, the making of cities always takes place
through struggles over space, struggles that manifest themselves in different locales and are
undertaken by different segments of the population. As many have argued, one can read the
landscape of power, as political struggles (whether class, ethnic, or national), that will manifest
themselves as struggles over space. As Soja states, “spatial fragmentation as well as the
appearance of spatial coherence and homogeneity are social products and often are [an] integral
part of the instrumentality of political power.” In Amman, struggles among segments of the
population over space have constantly been appropriated by or delegated to the state, which
becomes the site of the dominant struggle in the urban process.
One of the significant manifestations of this segregation of social and economic structures could
be seen in the labelling of two separate Amman’s; West Amman, where those better offs live
and interact; and East Amman, the underprivileged parts of the city with overcrowding, poor
services and lesser incomes for individuals and families. Although many state policies deny the
existence of such a division, Ammanis and even researchers like Ababsah (4) who have studied
the phenomenon, can give you many examples that they do exist. As Ababsah state;
“Cities like Amman are not among the prototypes which have for a long time provided
and continue to provide the models for theories of urbanism. The particularities of
Amman defy standard generalizations about the historical formation of cities, urban
morphologies, population structures, political economy, or the social and cultural
dynamics of class, community, and family. In all these topics, there is an uneasy fit
between the data from Amman and governing paradigms. It is commonplace among
both scholars and residents of Amman to attribute this “lack of fit” to a “missing”
ingredient of Amman itself, to a crisis arising from some inherent lack of urbanity. The
approach taken here shows the city as constantly changing, absorbing, and responding
to spatial and social practices, state policies, and transnational linkages. How the city
27
is constituted in official and popular discourses and practices may not reproduce the
scholarly obsessions of a different urban heyday, but undoubtedly illustrate the
profound modernity of the city that is Amman.” (Ababsah, M. 2011)
The Jordanian government and urban policy makers have realised that the division between the
urban poor and well off urbanite, the formal and planned and the informal and illegal, cannot be
overlooked, and may lead to social unrest and economic stagnation if left untreated. For that the
government initiated an urban development scheme to be implemented in Amman and other
cities, where the informal and the most severely poorly serviced sites were selected for
intervention with the help from the World Bank. After thirty years of urban upgrading and
renewal, Amman continues to be characterized by strong contrasts between poor, highly
populated neighbourhoods where unemployment rates are high, and neighbourhoods primarily
located in the west but also in the north-west and south west, where the active population is
greater, the level of education better and buildings and infrastructure are more developed. Maps
produced on the block level allow us to draw a dividing line between East and West
neighbourhoods within the city of Amman. West Amman extends from Jabal Amman to Khalda
and is bordered in the north by Wadi Hadadeh and in the South by Wadi Deir Ghbar. East
Amman covers Amman’s historical centre, and more than half of the city with its North and
South expansions. One can only regret that the new property developments underway only focus
on limited areas within the city: Abdali and the Eastern development belt, leaving large
overpopulated areas under-equipped, and lacking in social housing and centres of employment.
The Community Development Fund created in 2008 from the taxing of additional floors of the
tower blocks built within the development corridors is in fact very rarely used for social housing
projects, due to a lack of coordination between GAM (Greater Amman Municipality) and the
HUDC (Housing and Urban Development Corporation). It is therefore regrettable that the new
social housing built by the HUDC under the Royal initiative of housing the poor, is located
outside the urban centres, in the desert, thus depriving its inhabitants of part of their “rights to
the city” and its amenities.
1990-2010 AND BEYOND, AMMAN A REGIONAL METROPOLIS:
Amman was again a centre of attraction for many people in countries surrounding Jordan. Those
displaced from Kuwait after its invasion by Iraq, who soon after were given great
compensations for their loss of property and opportunity, and reinvested their savings and
compensation money in Jordan, especially in real estate and small and large scale trade and
manufacturing. Iraqi’s who had to flee their country after the US sanctions, and occupation in
2003, also came to Jordan with huge savings, which they invested in real estate, trade and
manufacturing as Jordan became a hub for supplying Iraq with goods and services. So did the
Syrians after the conflict in their country since 2011. The shape of urban development in
Amman started to take a more global character, and modern urban facilities like shopping malls
and exquisite cafés and restaurants started to spread, especially in the Western parts of the city.
A lack of advanced health services in other parts of the region also led to the development of
health tourism in Jordan, and many modern hospitals and clinics were created to serve this
purpose. Amman with all this development started to demonstrate itself as a destination for
investment, safe family residence and a centre for good westernised health and education,
attracting many people from the region who lacked personal security and urban services in their
home countries, as well as for rich investors from the Gulf States. It was natural that the city
needed to change its urban shape and readiness for providing a good urban life and
infrastructure, but limited financial resources available for the government and municipal
administrations made these bodies stand below expectations. One example of this lack of
28
readiness in providing up-to-standard urban infrastructure could be seen in the “Rapid Bus
Transit” project which was started a decade ago and has still not achieved an operational stage
up to this date.
The role of Amman's inhabitants in the making of the city, came not through formal
representation and committees, nor through negotiations over public space and facades, but
rather through strategizing to lay claims on privatized spaces. In the case of West Amman, this
leads to inefficient municipal infrastructure, trying to keep a pace with ambitions of the
emerging bourgeois and better off urbanites. In East Amman, the poorer parts of the city, state
power plays itself out in a different way. Here the state is part of people's daily lives as they
struggle to gain access to services as well as cope with the benefits and problems demonstrated
by a variety of urban projects; from squatter upgrading to sites and services, to housing projects
and income-generating schemes. Most of the urban projects in Amman are funded through
foreign aid, channeled and implemented through governmental agencies and, increasingly,
through NGOs. While these are important projects shaping Amman, they do not generate an
Ammani narrative. Rather, in keeping with general urban practices aimed at the poor, they
partake of global discourses on planning, rationality, and hygiene. The power of the Bourgeoisie
could also be displayed by their ability to meet municipal officials, or even the mayor without
taking a pre-set appointment. The author once made a statement which generated a lot of
uploads from a mixed audience; That an influential figure, like a prominent merchant or a tribal
chief could drop into the Mayor's office without any appointment and converse with him for
more than an hour on various matters, squeeze his claim in between, and mostly gets what he
wanted and came for. While, a population of a poor neighbourhood must work for a month to
get an appointment to lay a rightful claim for much needed urban services, and if they succeed
in getting an appointment, it will be with one of the Municipality principals, not the mayor
himself.
Figure 2: An artist’s impression of the Abdali project showing the immense scale in comparison to the
surrounding urban fabric.
Apartmentisation of Amman, as contrary to single family houses is the state of residential

development since 15-20 years. Despite the law provision which allows for buildings to be built
up to four stories, people in Jordan did not like the idea of sharing the same building with
others. Instead families preferred to live in separate houses or buildings which house several
families of the same kinship. When the government built the first multi-storey housing scheme
in the late 1960's (Al-Hussein housing) and later in the 1970's (Abu Nusseir), people were
29
reluctant to move in. Their perception was that these houses penetrate privacy and force families
to share space with foreigners, in this case families from other parts of Jordan. But wherever
you go today, you see new apartment buildings erected and people buying them without asking
who lives next door. The reason for this is purely economic and social. Families, even from the
wealthy, or upper middle class could no longer afford to buy a plot and construct a single family
house on it. This trend has been advocated for many years by planners as a necessity against
urban sprawl and for the sake of densification of population which allows for the introduction of
public transport and provision of effective infrastructure. But has the trend served these
purposes of densification and efficiency? Not really! In former years municipalities including
Amman considered the single storey villa with a car at the door to be the desired model for
Jordanian families (a trend which may be attributed to the suburbanization period of the United
States in the 1960’s), and the zoning plans prepared in the 1960-1970's were mostly intended to
serve this dream. Todays, the zoned areas of Greater Amman can accommodate a population of
12 million if utilised by 50% of the carrying capacity for a population in the region of 2.25
million, as estimated by the Greater Amman comprehensive Plan of 1987. And, most lands in
the western, northern and southern parts are zoned in housing category A and B intended to
serve upper middle class and wealthy families. This contradicts the social and economic reality
that families of this category only constitute 7-10 per cent of the total, a serious contradiction.
Neoliberal trends in urban development and the new waves of creating an urban atmosphere
suited for attracting foreign and regional investment has led to a change in defining urban
priorities, and the latest Amman Metropolitan Development Plan of 2008 (GAM Metroplan)
came out mainly as a document geared at attracting foreign investment rather than a plan of
integrated urban development. The development of Abdali, a Dubai like business and high end
residential quarter, and provisions of the Metroplan for similar development along selected
corridors are only examples of this trend.
CONCLUSION:
Amman and Jordan have so far survived the violent outcomes of the so called Arab spring.
Survivors from the surrounding countries fled to Jordan in large numbers and put tremendous
pressure on government resources and urban infrastructure. This situation has formerly been
repeated every 10-20 years and Amman is used to it, and habitually became quite adaptive to
the situation by the nature that its foundation and growth has been through influxes of migrants,
making it the “City of Migrants”, as scholars often called it. But Amman did not only receive
migrants in sheer numbers, it also receives capital, knowledge and skills that come with the
migrants. The development of the city depended on this flow of the combined forces of
migration which had its origins in political and cultural conflicts in neighbouring countries.
Conflicts that these countries failed to cope with, which paved the way to armed confrontation
and destruction. Being a comparatively open society, Jordan was also receptive and welcoming
to international trends and developments in science and technology, and exchange of goods and
ideas needed by Globalisation. These developments were not possible without the active role
played by the urban elite, mainly in Amman, as they have always been the driving force behind
change in the right direction, for their own benefit and for the benefit of the society at large.
The role of the Ammani urban elite unfortunately did not contribute to the development of
urban society to the level that generates integrated and extensive urban development, and large
portions of Amman’s population still suffer from cultural exclusion and limited access to a fair
share in the development pie. It is the role of planners and institutions to work hard to ensure
that under-privileged portions of the Amman society receive a fair share in quality housing,
30
cheap and accessible transportation, sanitation and green space, and over all respect as partners
in the urban space.
References
Shami, S. (2004). Amman is not a City, Middle eastern Cities in Question.

Rifai, T. (1985). Old Houses of Amman, University of Jordan Works of Architectural Students.
Ababsa, M. (2011). Social Disparities and Public Policies in Amman", HAL Archives.
GAM (1987). The Greater Amman comprehensive Development Plan, Joint Technical Team
Amman Municipality and Dar Al-Handasah Consultants.
GAM (2008). The Greater Amman Metropolitan Development Plan – Metroplan, Greater
Amman Municipality.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Battle_of_Amman
Various Contributions, lectures and observations presented by the author
31
Towards considering the culture of residents in urban
development interventions:
The case of Cairo Ashwa’eyat (Informal settlements)
Dr. Hassan Elmouelhi1, a, Azzurra Sarnataro2, b

1
Research associate, Habitat Unit, Berlin Technical University
2
PhD candidate, La Sapienza University, Rome
a
elmouelhi@tu-berlin.de
b
azzurra.sarnataro@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
Cairo’s informal settlements or “Ashwa’eyat” (in Arabic meaning random or haphazard)

represent one dominant form of Cairo’s growth during the last few decades. Despite being
illegal, and with informal and unplanned characteristics, ashwa’eyat still exists, grow and
develop; built by the hands of their residents. Daily life in Cairo’s informal settlements denotes
several connotations and representations of the residents’ social and cultural aspects. Such
aspects could be considered the main catalyst for the local urban informal development of each
of the areas.
Physical urban Interventions led by urban planners, whether by the government or international
development cooperation organizations, try to find methodologies for approaching communities
targeted with development. In most cases, they get in contact with NGOs or CBOs who already
exist in the targeted development zone, in order to get into the area. But NGOs do not represent
the various groups of residents in an area, as the process of local governance takes place even
without the existence of NGOs. On a daily basis local informal governance is represented in the
use patterns of urban space, expressing power relations that define different roles in the
development process. These power relations are an outcome of different cultural factors that
form a constellation with a certain order of prominence (Elmouelhi 2014). The order of
prominence among those factors change according to the time of intervention and the phase
which the area has reached, whether it is in its initial, consolidation or commodification phase
(Elmouelhi 2014). Following a number of authors who stress the importance of considering
local specificities when applying planning categories and conceptualisations (Watson 2003,
Robinson 2002, Elsayyad 1993) and what Roy has called “subaltern urbanism” (Roy 2011) this
contribution tries to investigate how to understand different systems of local governance
coexistence in contexts of urban informality and how to understand the way “informal”
governance is performed in order to guide urban planners in their decisions. In addition, the way
the local residents prioritize their needs regarding their built environment is also discussed in
this contribution. Through a qualitative approach and fieldwork-based research that has taken
place between 2009 and 2015, the paper attempts to cross the complexity of a territory, which is
characterised by a multiform identity. Based on fieldwork in several case studies within Cairo’s
Ashwa’eyat areas, this contribution proposes that understanding the socio-cultural factors
behind the use patterns of space, the informal urban development of ashwa’eyat, and power
relations in that context, would help the urban development intervention to act in a more
appropriate way and would increase the possibilities for success.
Keywords: Culture, urban informality, urban space, Cairo.
32
1. INTRODUCTION: RE-FRAMING CAIRO’S ‘ASHWA’EYAT:
Cairo’s informal settlements or “Ashwa’eyat” (in Arabic meaning random or haphazard)
represents one dominant form of Cairo’s growth during the last few decades. Despite being
illegal, and with informal and unplanned characteristics, ashwa’eyat still exists, grow and
develop; built by the hands of their residents.
Ashwa’eyat, represent the informal areas in Cairo, which are generally perceived as chaotic
urban spaces outside the formal system, with no order or rules. Based on the findings of this
research however, these areas should be reframed as a product of interaction between different
actors – mainly the residents and their cultural factors and power relations among each other –
as well as the urban physical characteristics. The research starts by aiming to understand the
relation between ‘ashwa’eyat informal development and culture. Taking it another step, the
research works at exploring how the interrelation between the urban physical characteristics and
the cultural factors produce the informal urban development process. The research assumes that
urban informality in the case of Cairo consists of two parts: the use of urban space and the
process of informal urban development. Cultural factors are used to analyze both parts, and
interrelations have been shown. However, the term ‘ashwa’eyat- meaning randomly built areas-
only represents the final product form, and does not reflect the nature or complexity of the
process.
2. RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODOLOGY:

Through a qualitative approach and fieldwork-based research that has taken place between 2009
and 2015, the paper attempts to cross the complexity of a territory, which is characterised by a
multiform identity. This contribution tries to investigate how to understand different systems of
local governance coexistence in contexts of urban informality and how to understand the way
“informal” governance is performed in order to guide urban planners in their decisions. In
addition, the way the local residents prioritize their needs regarding their built environment is
also discussed in this contribution. Culture here is important for governance, as defined to be
the controlling mechanisms that govern behaviors (Geertz 1973).
According to certain urban physical characteristics as criteria, which are the location, type of
land and ownership, and time of immergence, five case study areas are selected. The two main
cases are: Ezbet El-Haggana and Ezbet EL-Nasr, while the additional reference cases are: Istabl
Antar, Ezbet El-Nakhl and Ain El-Sira. Empirical research is presented and analysed using
Grounded Theory. The qualitative methods for this investigation are: observation, photograph
analysis, mapping and semi-structured interviews.
Based on fieldwork research, it was possible to identify a set of cultural factors pertaining to
Upper Egyptians that define their values and that – this research argues - shaped the informal
urban development in Cairo. These factors are: 1- Origin; 2- Religion; 3- Relation to urban
economy (e.g., profession and income); and 4- Relation to urban society (i.e., government,
residents of formal Cairo districts, modern Cairo urban lifestyle, media, political transformation
and revolution). The research uses the studied cultural factors to analyze; the residents’ use
patterns of urban space; the informal urbanization process; and the power relations among
‘ashwa’eyat residents.
According to the evidence found in Cairo’s case study areas, Urban Informality is the result of
informal urban development processes of which the use of urban space is an intrinsic and
crucial component. Both the development process and the use of space reflect residents’ culture
(i.e., cultural factors) as a part of their daily life. Urban informality is a way by which the
residents, as the main actors in the city, find a mechanism to exist in the city, and to provide
33
themselves with houses and means for earning money. It reflects the needs of the residents,
based on their own culture, and fits in with the urban physical characteristics. For the
Ashwa’eyat residents informality becomes the ordinary. It carries many dualities and sometimes
contradictions, and contains a considerable amount of complexity.
3. ‘ASHWA’EYAT AS AN “ORDINARY” CULTURALLY ACCEPTED WAY OF LIFE:

It is argued in this research that Cairo’s Informality, with a focus on ‘ashwa’eyat is expressed
through urban space and explained through the residents’ cultural factors. Urban informality as
a means for people to find ways to fulfill what they need – regardless of its position according
to the official laws – is not the main motive itself, but rather an outcome that is more important
to be accepted within their own values stemming from their culture (i.e., cultural factors). In this
stream of thought, several points are revisited and reframed regarding Cairo’s informality.
The notion of informality as a “new” way of life (AlSayyad, 2004) or considering it as a chosen
option (Bayat, 2012) needs to be more explored and revised. In the case of Cairo, it is mostly
perceived by the formal entities as activities that do not follow the formal system (mainstream)
(Bayat 2012), which is partially equivalent to the legal and legitimate system. Referring to this
notion of informality as being different from “mainstream”, informality could be perceived only
in comparison to the formal way of doing actions – the normal way for the formal district’s
residents. The research shows that informality within the ‘ashwa’eyat is the “ordinary” or the
mainstream (Elmouelhi 2014). This points to the argument that Cairo’s informality in
‘ashwa’eyat has roots in “traditions”: it refers to the way things were done some decades ago in
the rural areas, or in other older popular areas, which includes the conception of building
houses. People make unintentional use of urban space, because it simply fulfills their needs and
matches their values coming from their cultural factors. This is accompanied by the weakness of
the formal system; the absence - or ineffectiveness- of laws that are supposed to regulate it. In
some cases the laws are there, but they are not observed or enforced. The state is unable to
control this due to its soft state. Informality could be, in the case of some cities – like Cairo-
equivalent to traditional, which is the way people used to do things before the modern state
emerged taking the role of control and organization through laws and regulations. During
modern history of Cairo (the 20th century), the so-called informal activities were the “norm”.
In the case of the state’s absence and its missing role, local informal institutions, such as NGOs,
mosques and churches, family connections, provide services to the residents that substitute the
role of government. Persons who have acquired a certain amount of power based on the
discussed cultural factors act as leaders to the residents, and regulate several daily issues, such
as conflict resolution between groups or persons.
Hence, life in the ‘ashwa’eyat is about creating a living for themselves through the synthesis of
cultural factors that interact together to form their ordinary life; shown in the use of urban space,
or the so-called informality. As a substitution to the formal regulations, cultural factors are the
main source of the set of values and regulations. The two cultural factors, origin (Upper Egypt,
and may be also rural delta) and religion, exist in the place of origin and are carried with the
migrants to the place of destination in the city. They interact and sometimes struggle with their
relation to urban economy and relation to urban society.
34
4. USE OF URBAN SPACE: SOCIAL COHESION - A EVERYDAY NECESSITY FOR URBAN
DEVELOPMENT
Use of urban space in Cairo’s ‘ashwa’eyat is normally described using the term “informal”.
Cultural factors are expressed in the urban space by the residents through the use patterns,
forming a part of the so-called urban informality. Most probably, when there is no law that bans
or prohibits a certain activity in a space – as far as it is not against the collective values or
beliefs – then those activities can occur. A clear example for this could be sitting in the street in
front of one’s house. In the formal planned, higher standard districts some patterns do exist, and
in others it would be rarely observed. In the rural context, use of space is considered by villagers
to be a normal or ordinary activity. In Cairo’s popular formal districts, it is also easily observed
in “hara” - the streets. Most ‘ashwa’eyat residents, first generation of settlers, came directly
from rural areas some decades ago. Some residents have moved there from Cairo’s popular
areas, whereas many of them also originate from the rural areas.
Almost all the observed and analyzed patterns of use of urban space are related to social
cohesion, which is partly driven by certain values based on origin and long-time neighboring
relations, and partly by the fact that the use of space leads to better relations between residents
and craftsmen-neighbors, shop and workshop owners, even if they do not belong to the same
origin (e.g., not Upper Egyptians) or the same religion (i.e., Muslims and Christians).
The discourse turns here to reflect on theories that try to explain informal governance through
understanding power relations. Harders claims that poor and vulnerable segments of society – in
this research segments of ‘ashwa’eyat residents - relate to the state and its institutions and vice
versa (2003, p. 192). Local power relations and structures reflect and stabilize the national
political system and constitute the most important space for the distribution of material and
normative resources. Hofstede measured power distance and individualism in Egypt. This study
shows that Egyptians have large power distance and low individualism (Hofstede, 1984, p.
390).
In another discourse, the social cohesion is related to use of urban space: social capital and
social networks (Bourdieu, 1983) and the social production of space concept (Bourdieu, 1989;
Lefebvre, 1974; Gottdiener, Budd, 2009). These terms can be found active, valid together, and
complementing each other in the case of ‘ashwa’eyat. Social capital has its roots in different
cultural factors that are presented in the lives of residents. It is practiced partially in urban space
in the form of everyday activities. With regards to the residents’ limited financial resources, the
common shared space is produced physically through a self-help construction process (Turner,
1968; Harms, 1982, 1991) that takes place over a time spectrum and is based on the residents’
priorities. Then, based on the kind of use of urban space found therein, urban space helps social
relations and networks to be established, and supports the social cohesion to be preserved,
consolidated and enriched.
Relation to urban economy is directly linked to use of urban space, as it is used as a working
space, an asset for the residents’ businesses and earning money. The relation to urban society is
another influential factor on the use of urban space within ‘ashwa’eyat areas, particularly in
relation to richer residents of formal districts. Many services are provided to those neighbouring
districts’ residents as they come to the area. Another dimension of the ‘ashwa’eyat’s relation to
urban society is that most of the residents are deprived of their right to the urban space of the
city in general, and stigmatized as informal. They practice this right in their local urban space
(e.g., streets and plazas). It is the space where they express themselves, and reclaim their right to
the city. It is a gain in itself for the residents, as long as the formal system has no control over it,
and as long as the residents know this. They refer to their own rules and regulations grounded in
35
the values of their culture away from the formal legislations. Daily life in Cairo’s informal
settlements represents several connotations and representations from the residents’ social and
cultural aspects. Such aspects could be considered the main catalyst for the local urban informal
development of each of the areas.
5. UNDERSTANDING ‘ASHWA’EYAT COMPLEXITY:

‘Ashwa’eyat gains its complexity due to many different reasons. It is grounded in the unclear
processes of urban development that takes place; unplanned and undocumented. The complexity
of informality is expressed through the interrelations between cultural factors, urban physical
characteristics, and use of space and power relations that changes over time. This is discussed in
the following part.
5.1. INTERRELATIONS BETWEEN CULTURAL FACTORS, URBAN PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS, USE

OF SPACE AND POWER RELATIONS
5.2.
The researcher argues that within Cairo’s informality discourse, the relation between urban
space in ‘ashwa’eyat and its residents is complex; it is the result of their needs, and controlled
by their cultural factors. On a daily basis, the observed use patterns of urban space reflect a high
level of social cohesion affected by the intimate scale of the area’s urban physical
characteristics. The urban space is also subject to change in its physical characteristics in order
to adapt to the resident’s needs. Although the way residents use their urban space might appear
to be informal from an outsider’s perspective - meaning that it neither follows the laws, nor the
formal regulations or norms that are thought to be the mainstream within Cairo’s formal society
- there are certain reasons that, in fact, explain these use patterns.
Some use patterns act as a stimulus for certain urban development paths. This is reflected on the
area’s physical characteristics, urban morphology and land use distribution. A closer look at the
relationship between use patterns and urban economy (i.e., income and profession) could
provide a better explanation.
Figure 1: Proposed preliminary model to explain complexity within informal urban development
(source: Elmouelhi 2014)
36
Without knowing the exact timing for each development step of each particular setting, it is
rather difficult to recognize if the physical setting was the reason of the occurrence of certain
use patterns of space, or whether the space has been prepared and adapted to contain such use
patterns, although the research claims that that both ways exist.
Informality here is seen as an outcome of a constellation of cultural factors, and an expression

of power relations, when it comes to a decision related to the urban space (i.e., its formation as
well as the way it is used). Cultural factors are represented in the different phases of informal
urban development of ‘ashwa’eyat areas. Phases of informal urban development include not
only the change in the urban physical characteristics, but also relations between those
characteristics and; use of space; cultural factors; and power relations (Figure 1).
Changes in the patterns of use of spaces in an area could be due to changes in the social status
of long staying residents, or in the social structure due to the arrival of new comers; changes in
the power relations or in the urban physical characteristics (e.g., sitting in the street in areas with
multi-storied buildings). The use of urban space is a crucial component of the informal urban
development process. The continuation of such use patterns of urban space plays a role in
sustaining and conserving social networks and the social cohesion needed for the area to survive
and develop.
Figure 2: Phases of informal urban development in relation to urban physical characteristics,

urban use of space and power relations (Source: Elmouelhi 2014).
Based on the case study areas, it is argued that Power relations play a crucial role in informal
urban development. After a certain interval of time, different power relations within the resident
groups are shaped according to the order of prominence of cultural factors and in response to
certain urban physical characteristics. Informality practiced in each of Cairo’s ‘ashwa’eyat areas
is the outcome of negotiation processes that take place on different levels: the highest is the
struggle between the “state” and the “residents” of ‘ashwa’eyat as citizens, or between them and
the residents of formal districts. Another level would be between different groups of residents
37
within the same area (e.g., groups based on their different places of origin, different religions or
different professions).
Informality -in the form of urban development- is, to a great extent, related to the practice of
power, mainly power relation between different residents’ groups, different individuals, and
power of formal and informal systems. To explain this, the researcher argues that cultural
factors play a role in the definition of power relations. It is argued also that informality and
formality are two different interrelated systems; they meet and deal with each other on different
levels and in different ways. Informality is indispensable from formality in the Egyptian scene,
as each is based on the existence of the other; without the existence of a formal system, it would
be impossible to define what is “informal” and vice versa.
5.3. ‘ASHWA’EYAT: A HYBRID OF CONTRADICTIONS
Cairo’s ‘ashwa’eyat could be summarized as a special atmosphere of existence that carries

many contradictions on different levels, which contribute to its current status of complexity:
illegal ownership of squatted state-owned land and legal infrastructure; legal ownership of
agricultural land and illegal construction; rich and poor; buildings in bad conditions with one
story and newly built 12 story buildings of concrete. It is also not completely informal, as parts
of its development processes are based on the efforts of the state – representing the formal
system. Another contradiction appears through the residents being stigmatized as urban poor;
despite their role in the city's development and the real estate fortune that exists in ‘ashwa’eyat.
They fall in the area between being accused by the formal system for their conditions, and being
victims of the state policies, between their existence and the denial of their existence.
‘Ashwa’eyat as a lifestyle could be seen somewhere between modern and traditional or urban
and rural lifestyles. In the official media and the formal discourse, ‘ashwa’eyat are thought to be
different from the “ordinary” urban city, and are also thought to be different from the “ordinary”
rural village, but what is “ordinary”? The separation between the city as a place of modernity,
and the village as a place for tradition as a concept, no longer exists in the Egyptian urban case.
The rural traditional villages are slowly urbanizing, moving more towards modernity,
particularly in terms of the physical built environment form. The difference between the
modern/urban and the traditional/rural might be a bit confusing in the case of Cairo’s
‘ashwa’eyat. On the one hand, origin as a cultural factor carries rural lifestyle, and family
kinship relations supported by religion, while on the other hand the relation to the city (i.e.,
relation to urban society and to urban economy) includes modern lifestyle. They all act together
forming a functioning hybrid. The modern lifestyle is more related to the younger generation, as
they are more related to the city through the educational system and work. This dilemma is
shown in both the use of urban space and the way that areas have developed or are developing.
Lifestyles are moving towards modernity, and although this research has not compared formal
areas to informal, it is argued that the latter are still far from being like other formal planned
urbanized parts of the city. With regard to services, some features that originally belong to a city
appear at a later point in ‘ashwa'eyat than they normally do in formal areas of a city, and in
different years in different ashwa’eyat. Conversely, other features that belong to the village
have started to disappear (e.g., animal breeding).
It is concluded that the existence of several different physical features (e.g., different heights
and building materials), the extensive use of urban space for all kinds of activities, in addition to
the hitherto mentioned dualities (e.g., rural/urban) in the same place gives the perception that
life in ‘ashwa’eyat is chaotic. The media’s portrayal, in addition to the way the government
38
deals with ‘ashwa’eyat, leads to a negative stigmatized image which is popular among Cairo’s
non-‘ashwa’eyat residents. This is consequently reflected in the self-perception of the residents.
Informality, as seen by the urban formal Cairo society (i.e., government, residents of formal
districts and media) is different to how it is seen by ‘ashwa’eyat residents. It is their lifestyle,
based on definite rules and regulations, a mixture of certain cultural factors and their values,
struggling together in different contexts to form the resultant attitude and a way of living. This
differs from one situation to another, and includes interactions with rules coming from the
formal side of the city, as well as the way residents deal with them in order to establish their
place in the city. Cairo’s formal residents might not accept what is known to be ordinary for the
residents of rural areas as appropriate behavior in the city. Some rural lifestyle use patterns of
the residents in the village before migration (e.g., relation to animals) is barely accepted in the
city. As shown in chapter two, informality is ubiquitous throughout Cairo, practiced by
everybody at different levels, but still ‘ashwa’eyat residents are blamed for Cairo’s informality.
However, as shown, informality has different faces. The findings of this research contradict
Bayat (2012) in that they show that informality cannot always be considered as an option for its
residents. Timing is an important factor in the ‘ashwa’eyat’s development equation.
Considering informality as a way of life in the migrants’ destination during the initial phase of a
settlement, it is the only way for the residents to exist in the city.
The more the ‘ashwa’eyat area is related to the city (i.e., more integrated to urban economy and
to the urban society) the less informal the area is considered. ‘Ashwa’eyat areas are argued to
play a role in the other formal planned areas, either for their construction and development, or
for providing services for the city residents. ‘Ashwa’eyat could not exist and develop in the city
without the formal system. Although it deals with formality minimally, and in certain cases
even avoids dealing with it, the connection is always established. Hence, it could be concluded
that informality contains formality as one of the reasons of its existence, which confirms the
Roy’s argument (2005).
5.4. CULTURAL FACTOR’S CONSTELLATION: CHANGES OF PROMINENCE OVER TIME
The researchers argue that resident’s cultural factors could help in explaining urban informality.
There is a certain logic that deduces their affecting of different life aspects in Cairo’s
‘ashwa’eyat. As discussed in this research, this logic is explained through the way those factors
are linked to use of space, urban development process and power relations. Informal urban
development of any area could easily be traced through observing the changes to its urban
physical characteristics. Parallel to this, there is a change in the strength or prominence within
the cultural factor’s constellation over time.
6. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR URBAN DEVELOPMENT INTERVENTION
Culture in relation to informal urban development needs more attention, especially when it
comes to urban intervention. Resident’s cultural factors in the area intended for urban
intervention should be studied by researchers in the planning phase, prior to implementation.
Interrelation between urban space’s physical characteristics and the resident’s culture should be
identified. Dealing with residents of ‘ashwa’eyat without understanding the cultural factors
could lead to an unsuccessful development project, or a project with limited success, and
potentially many obstacles. Due to the complexity of the matter, dealing with the different local
groups of residents without knowing the power relations between them could negatively affect
the credibility of the project. In the process of choosing contacts and establishing connections
39
with the community in the targeted ‘ashwa’eyat for intervention, the selection of the key
persons, NGOs/CBOs should come after the investigation on the relation between those NGOs
and the community.
Analyzing power relations within ‘ashwa’eyat is important, though complicated. This leads to
an understanding of power relations of different stakeholders engaged in the ongoing process of
informal urban development of ‘ashwa’eyat. Also power relations basically depend on the
qualities that already exist, such as social cohesion within the residents represented in tight
family and neighbourly networks. Hence, intervention through projects might disturb the
“naturally” existing power relations in an area, which is accepted in cases done consciously.
In the research for preparation of an urban intervention, the 'who?' question should be asked first
in order to identify and define all the different types of residents who manage and act within the
daily life of the studied area. Following the first question, two further questions should be posed
and answered: “why are they doing it that way”? And “what rules control the mechanism of
daily life”? By answering those questions, it would be easier to direct the intervention decisions
towards what the people really need in a way that they can implement and sustain. All the
gathered qualitative data could be used to understand power relations within the studied area
based on the cultural factors. Studying the existing cultural factors in relevance to urban space
could lead to insight about what is “good” or “bad” from those patterns according to the
residents. The criteria to judge the existing informal system should not only depend on external
sources (e.g., regulations, laws or perceptions from the formal system or from the international
development agendas). It is advised to refer first to the values on which residents depend to
judge their life and priorities. This could lead to guidelines – as do’s and don’ts for the decision
makers involved in the intervention.
In development projects that target ‘ashwa’eyat, the developer that belongs to the formal system
usually needs to deal with formal entities (e.g., NGOs), which do not necessarily represent the
area’s residents. On the other hand, there are many examples that show that the residents could
cooperate to develop their area without assistance from NGOs or government, based on their
needs and their ability to organize themselves.
Urban Planning Theories that have emerged in the 20th century based on the cities of the Global
North are not always appropriate references while dealing with informality in the South. Urban
planning is used to control people’s lives in cities (Roy, 2005), while within informality people
tend to control their own lives more, based on their rules with minimal control from the
government on the urban development process of the area (Turner, 1968). It is advised, that in
order to intervene through development projects, not only that decisions must be taken based on
the local informal resident’s rules, but also based on studying the informal process of
‘ashwa’eyat area urban development. In addition, several lessons are learnt from resident’s
practices that can contribute to the urban planning discourse.
References
AlSayyad, N. (1993). Squatting and Culture: A comparative Analysis of Informal

Developments in Latin America and the Middle East. Habitat International,17 (1),33-44.
AlSayyad, N., Roy, A. (2004). Urban Informality as a “New" way of life, in Urban Informality:
Transnational Perspectives from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia, 7-30.
USA: Lexington Books.
40
Bayat, A. (2012). Politics in the City -Inside-Out.City & Society, 24, 110-128. American
Anthropological Association. doi: 10.1111/j.1548-744X.2012.01071.x.
Bourdieu, P. (1983). The forms of capital.Originally published as "Ökonomisches Kapital,
kulturelles Kapital, soziales Kapital." in Soziale Ungleichheiten (Soziale Welt,
Sonderheft 2), Kreckel, R. (Eds.), (Richard Nice, Trans.), 183-98. Goettingen: Otto
Schartz & Co.
Bourdieu, P. (1989). Social Space and Symbolic Power. In Sociological Theory, Vol. 7, No. 1.
American Sociological Association, 14-25. Retrieved from
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0735-
2751%28198921%297%3A1%3C14%3ASSASP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-T
Bourdieu, P. (1983). The forms of capital.Originally published as "Ökonomisches Kapital,
kulturelles Kapital, soziales Kapital." in Soziale Ungleichheiten (Soziale Welt,
Sonderheft 2), Kreckel, R. (Eds.), (Richard Nice, Trans.), 183-98. Goettingen: Otto
Schartz & Co.
Elmouelhi, H. 2014. Culture and informal urban development. The case of Cairo ‘Ashwa’eyat
(Informal Settlements). Berlin: Dr. Koester Verlag.
Geertz, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. New York, NY: Basic Books, Inc.
Gottdiener, M., Budd, L. (2009). Key concepts in urban studies. London: SAGE publications
Ltd.
Harders, C. (2003). The Informal Social Pact-the State and the Urban Poor in Cairo. In Kienle,
E. (Ed.) Politics from Above, Politics from Below.The Middle East in the Age of
Economic reform. London: Al-Saqi Publications, S. 191-213.
Harms, H. (1982). Historical perspectives on the Practice and Purpose of Self-help Housing. In
Ward, P. (Ed.) Self-Help Housing, A Critique. London/ NY: Mansell Publishing.
Harms, H. (1991). Self-help housing in developed and Third World countries. In Mathey, K.
(Ed.) Beyond Self-help Housing, 33-52. London/ NY: Mansell.
Hofstede, G. (1984). The Cultural Relativity of the Quality of Life Concept Academy of
Management, Review, 9(3), 389-395.
Hoodfar, H. (1997). Between marriage and the market: Intimate politics and survival in Cairo.
Los Angels: University of California Press.
Lefebvre, H. (1974). Critique of Everyday Life. Everyday Life in the Modern World, 1, (Moore,
J., 1991, Trans.). London: Verso.
Lerner, D. (1958). The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East. Second
Printing. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press.
Piffero, E. (2008). Struggling for Participation. Experience of a 10-year Development Program,
Boulaq el-Dakrour. Cairo: PDP.
Rapoport, A. (1990). The Meaning of the Built Environment: A Nonverbal Communication
Approach. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Robinson, J. (2004). Cities between modernity and development, in South African
Geographical Journal, 86:1, 17-22.
Turner, J. (1968). Housing Priorities, Settlement Patterns, and Urban Development in
Modernizing Countries. Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 34:6, 354-363,
doi: 10.1080/ 01944366808977562. Retrieved from:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01944366808977562 (accessed 06 Oct 2010)
Watson, V. (2003). Conflicting rationalities: implications for planning theory and ethics,
Planning Theory and Practice, 4, 395–408.
41
Baghdad Historical City: How its Past can Revitalize its
Future
Taghlib Al Waily1,a
1
Architect/Planner, Montreal, Canada,
a
taghlib1@me.com
ABSTRACT
As we have witnessed the transformation of Arab cities over the past half-century, large parts of
Baghdad’s historical city urban fabric, which is concurrently the urban city centre of Baghdad
today, are still untouched by the spread of modernity. The reasons for this phenomenon will be
covered by this paper, focused on the historical city of Baghdad, which is concurrently the
urban city centre of Baghdad today. Due to the complex and destructive relationship between
modernity and tradition that erupted just before the First World War, some sectors of Baghdad’s
heritage were destroyed. However, this wave has since receded, and left the historic city centre
shattered and decayed. The socio-political situation in Baghdad has also played a major role in
the loss of heritage sites within the city and contributed to the gradual loss of historical and
national identity since the 20th century until today.
What the historical city of Baghdad has suffered is beyond imagination. The transformation of
the traditional urban landscape was not a result of modernity itself, but due to wars, sanctions
and terrorism that have contributed to the destruction of the city as a whole and this area in
particular. Scattered regeneration projects executed during periods of the 20th century damaged
the old city, and their socio-economic and cultural results were catastrophic.
My position as a Baghdadi architect/planner gave me a unique vantage point regarding the

political, economic and socio-cultural dimensions of the development of the historical city. In
the last decade, I have worked directly in the alleys and streets within the amazing urban fabric
of Baghdad’s historical city. I have been studying its history and examining the reasons behind
its decay, trying to find remedies and solutions to revive it again.
The destruction of the old city started in early 1917 when Al Rasheed Street was built, cutting
and wounding major spines and sites of the dense historical urban pattern. Ironically, it is Al
Rasheed Street itself that is considered today the major heritage site in the city centre.
Today, the current situation of the historical city of Baghdad has deteriorated due to many
factors. The wholesale markets are leading the urban decay process, imposing more changes to
the land use and the character of the old city. Surveys conducted for my study through the area
showed that more than 62% of the buildings classified as “Heritage Buildings” have vanished
since the 1980’s.
What does the future hold for Baghdad’s historical city, and how can we stop loss and revive
this unfortunate, yet iconic, area? My vision for its future is based on a three dimensional plan
that deals with Space, Function and History. The first axis deals with the morphological
reformation to retrieve and integrate the decayed historical urban pattern, while the second axis
concentrates on the revitalization of the old city through careful re-balancing of its disorganized
activities. The recollection of city memory is the third axis, integrating the social, historical and
cultural issues of the historical city into a sustainable environment.
KEYWORDS: Baghdad, Heritage, History, City Centre
42
INTRODUCTION
Baghdad, the Round City, the city of 1001 nights, Dar Al Salam, Al Zawra’a, the capital of the
Abbasid Caliphate; those are some of the names that the city holds since it was built by Abu
Ja’afar Al Mansour in 762AD on the western banks of the River Tigris. Since then, Baghdad has
faced a lot of challenges that has forced it to lose some of its valuable architectural treasures.
The Round City could not stand the forces of nature and was destroyed in a major flood in the
10th century. The new Baghdad at Rusafa on the East bank of the river has since flourished, but
it has also been under the constant attack of floods, epidemics and foreign invasions that have
constantly affected the city’s historical monuments and treasures.1
By the 20th century, the historical part of Baghdad city was half broken and half kept. The
destruction of the old city started early in 1917 when Al Rasheed Street was built, cutting and
wounding major spines and sites of the dense historical urban pattern. It was a political decision
made for military purposes by the Ottoman regime. Al Rasheed Street was also a testament to
the modernization movement after the car was introduced and the need arose for wider roads.
Serving as both an archive of Baghdad’s history and a reminder of paradise lost, it is a reflection
of the cultural and the architectural marvels of one of Arabia’s most reverent and cursed cities.
Al Rasheed Street today is a ghost of itself; nearly destroyed and neglected by the modern urban
fabric of a war-torn Iraq.
Bridges, street network and modernization projects within the area have also contributed heavily
in the destruction process of Baghdad’s Old City during periods of the last century. Ironically,
after all the destruction that Al Rasheed Street initially made to the historical urban structure
and pattern of the city, it is considered today the major heritage site in the city centre.
Tigris River Tigris River
Baghdad Baghdad
1900 AD 1980 AD
Fig 1: The City Modernization Movement since the beginning of the 20th
century led to the destruction of the Old City’s characteristics, main routes and
its historical urban pattern 2
Baghdad Old City Centre still holds some of the most exciting heritage sites that lie within its
urban structure. Unfortunately, these jewels are hiding under the ruins of war, neglect and
poverty.
1
Jawad, M, Sousa A., Makiya, M. and Maarouf, N., 1969. Baghdad. Baghdad: Iraqi Engineers
Union
2
AlWaily,T, 2014,. Baghdad City: Changes to the urban characteristics within the 20th
century. JPEG, ArcGIS
43
The major historic sector of the city centre today lies between the Tigris River and Khulafa
Street were most of Baghdad’s monuments and heritage sites lie within. This sector consists of
three major urban components: Al Rasheed Street, the Tigris River and the souks & alleys.
Fig 2: A View
of Al Rasheed
Street from
Hafudh Al
Qathi Square 3
Al Rasheed Street
Taken from gate to gate, Al Rasheed Street is about 3,120m long and 9 to14m in width. The
arcaded buildings along both of its sides provide a colonnaded walkway and give a sense of
unity and continuity creating its distinctive character. The street contains 379 buildings that vary
quite considerably in age, style, and number of stories. The buildings are mostly in very poor to
poor physical condition; while some are in a fair condition. The street is suffering from decay
and other problems related to the wholesale market presence.
The Tigris River

The other major component is the Tigris River, the only element of nature that runs through the
city. It was one of the most significant transportation nodes within old Baghdad, and is
connected to the main historical spines. The Tigris River was not only a source of life in the city
but is also related to its people as they feel connected to it, and to their sustenance.
Today, the river is separated from the city, neglected and abandoned. This was due to the
construction of a river wall during the 1980’s.
Fig 3: The
Tigris
River is the
main
natural
source of
life for
separated
and
polluted4
Souks & Alleys

The souks occupies more than 70% of the area today. These segmented areas were ‘created’
through the building of several bridges over the Tigris River, throughout the 20th century,
penetrating Al-Rasheed Street. The role of the souks is closely related to the daily life of the
3
AlWaily,T, 2012,. Rasheed Street: A bird’s eye view, JPEG
4
AlWaily,T, 2014,. Tigris River: A Time line comparison, collection of old & new photos,
JPEG
44
people, but is also a multi-faceted manifestation of social dynamics. The souks of The Old City
Centre have peculiar specialties in terms of classification of commerce, commodities and crafts.
Each one of the souks and souk groups are arranged at their particular positions, with mutual
connections between them and through functions of commercial relationships.
Fig 4: the Development of the main Historical Souks in Baghdad

through the 20th Century 5
The Khans are important parts of the souk system, but they are currently used as storage
facilities and offices for wholesalers. However, in reality, there are very few cases of medieval
Khans that still exist in their original form. The major urban alleyways, which had once run
across the street network in old Baghdad, have been historically recognized. These alleyways
can to be regarded as one of the most effective measures for conservation and revitalization of
the historical environment within the Old City Centre.
HERITAGE IN DANGE
A recent survey regarding the structural condition of the buildings within the area indicated that
37% of those buildings are in either bad or very poor condition, or have collapsed. The surveys
also have listed the existence of 242 heritage buildings within the Old City Centre, which means
that 57% of those buildings have vanished since 1984.6
Fig 5: The
Structural
Condition
of
Buildings
within the
Historical
Center 7
As Baghdad’s Historical City has suffered major catastrophes in the past decades, it is still
facing serious danger that threatens its remaining architectural monuments and heritage sites.
5
AlWaily,T, 2014,. Souqs: A Time line comparison, collection of old & new photos, JPEG
6
A comparative analysis of Rusafa Study, Amanat Baghdad, 1984 and a 2010 survey conducted by
Amanat Baghdad and Al Mimari for the Al Rasheed Development Project
7
AlWaily,T, 2014,. Structural Condition of Buildings in the area. JPEG, ArcGIS
45
Although its major urban fabric is still intact, wounds still exist alongside the new roads and the
few sites that were developed within the last century. The domination and expansion of the
wholesale markets are clearly noted, which is the main force leading the urban decay damaging
the urban pattern through compulsory land use change.
The Old City Centre today is in a great need for a strategy to develop it and save its heritage at
the same time. The area holds a tremendous number of potentials that can be used to revitalize it
and revive the area as the real heart of the capital city, Baghdad.
3. A VISION FOR THE FUTURE
With corruption and political confusion ruling this city, there is a dire need to resurrect one of
world history’s most important arteries.
A THREE-DIMENTIONAL PLAN
The philosophy behind my vision for the development of Baghdad’s old city centre is based on
a three dimensional approach: the Morphology that holds the major urban elements, the
Functionality that represents its’ urban activities, and the History which carries and creates the
memory of the area.
The approach is based on three pillars of re-planning and reorganizing the old city through
Space, Function and History.
.
3D Elements
Fig 6: A Three Dimensional

Approach 8
3D Plan
The revitalization concept is based on the reinforcement of urban activities at weak nodes and
reducing the pressure on other nodes that contain heavy activities such as wholesale markets.
Extreme attention is given to create and enhance nodes that are used by the public for social and
commercial gathering. Such spaces were, used by vehicles within the area. The concept is based
on basic principles that call for: Man vs. Car, Green vs. Pollution, Sustainability vs. Decay,
Conservation vs. Modernization, and Memory vs. Neglect.
8
AlWaily,T, 2014,. A Three Dimensional Approach, JPEG
46
Morphological Recomposing
This sector deals with recomposing the city’s major elements in order to re-join broken nodes,
provide accessibility and connecting public spaces with each other after merging them within
the urban pattern. This will allow the city to connect through the alleys, that will link Al
Rasheed Street to the refurbished river bank and provide choices to the pedestrian whom will be
dominantly using the public spaces instead of vehicles.
Market
area
River Built-up Heritage Transit Alley Secondary Metro Underground
front area in Bldg Mall Ways Access Station Parking
Tigris Open Religious River River Major Public Car
River Space Bldg Walk UP Walk DN Access Space Parking
Fig 7: RE Connecting the Public Spaces and joining the broken nodes 9
Urban Activities Rebalancing
While recomposing provides a better environment, city spaces and circulation, the areas need to
be balanced and sustainable. The economic sustainability can be achieved only by the real
balance between the activities within the area. The busy and congested areas need to be eased
while special consideration should be given to revitalize other shallow, weak and fragile areas
and nodes.
River Built-up Built-up Revitaliz- Market

front area in area out ation area area
Tigris Open Conges- Congested Week

River Space ted Node Node Node
Fig 8: Rebalancing Urban Activities 10
9
AlWaily,T, 2014,.The Plan: Reconnecting Urban Spaces. JPEG, ArcGIS
10
AlWaily,T, 2014,. The Plan: Rebalancing urban activities. JPEG, ArcGIS
47
The Recollection of City memories
The use of city memory and historical architectural or culturally related symbols, whether
physical or emotional, can be emphasized within the new morphological and functional pattern.
Such powerful symbols have a huge impact on the national identity, pride and morale of the
city’s population in particular and on the whole Iraqi society in general.
As the present generation can enjoy remembering and experiencing such memories again, the
future generations shall be aware of their history and heritage. Examples of such transformation
are Jadid Hassan Pasha, Baghdad Gates, and Al Qala’a regeneration plans.
Fig 9: Recollecting the huge wealth of the City Memories 11
Jadid Hassan Pasha: A Green Village in the City.
The regeneration of one of the most significant neighbourhoods in old Baghdad “Jadid Hassan
Pasha” shall bring back life to one of the most destroyed and deserted parts within the heart of
the city.
Baghdad Gates: Challenging Existence
Bab Al Sharji (The Eastern Gate) is a name of a destination in the city centre today. Although
this gate was demolished in 1937, it still exists in the people’s minds and will be for generations
to come. It represents an invisible landmark for the people of their heritage and history. Bab Al
Mouadham (Al Muadham Gate) is the name of another area to the north of the city centre that
shares the same phenomena. It is through re-instating such monuments and symbols that we
shall realize what many citizens of the city have already thought, to revitalize the areas and
attract them to such celebrated places that provide them with pride and unite them. The city is
full of memories.
11
AlWaily,T, 2012,. City Memories,: A collection of old photos, JPEG
48
Al Qala’a (the City Fort)
Al Qala’a was the city fort where the rulers had their palaces and military facilities for centuries.
Unfortunately, this was demolished in the 1920’s. However, its location is used by the Ministry
of Defence today. Rebuilding the city fort wall, which holds a great and long history, shall
emphasize the historical urban character of the old city.
A Comprehensive Approach
Within this framework, relief would be provided to the area that will be reserved for buses, taxis
and for service access through a strict traffic plan that reserves the street strictly for pedestrian
and public transportation.
In the renewal of the great city squares and the making of new public spaces, it must provide a
social arena and a means to reconnect and unify the city population. As the River Banks are
totally re-transformed and made accessible to pedestrians at many locations, Al Sharia’s (River
transportation centres) must be reinstated as key nodes of accessibility to the area. The
functional rehabilitation of the old city will imply the introduction of new social facilities,
improvement of accessibility, and the replacement of collapsed residential clusters.
In particular, the reorganization of commercial and industrial activities will see to the relocation
of the wholesale markets outside the city centre. Operations may involve surgical interventions
in the tissue of the old city and must therefore be precise and follow strict guidelines, if the
specific character of the historic fabric is to be maintained.
4. CONCLUSION
The City’s Past Regenerates and Revitalizes its Future

The approach is ambitious. At stake is the rebirth of the decaying centre of a capital city. The
pattern of development that it engenders must inform the future and cherish the past.
Reforming the city to highlight its past and using it as a tool to create new urban spaces, and
revitalizing its urban activities can generate a city alive with soul and character. In the renewal
of the great city squares and the making of new public spaces, it must provide a social arena and
a means to reconnect and unify the city population. The development plan is a testimony to
Baghdad’s history, reproduced and rewritten for generations to cherish their past and confirm
their identity. The people of Baghdad, after all they have endured, deserve a historical city
centre that is green, sustainable and full of memories and heritage, where one can enjoy an
urban living room, a place to shop, be entertained, relax and do business.
In the quality and the example that it sets, and in the value placed on the city's heritage and its
archaeological treasures, it shall also instil a renewed sense of national pride and identity.
49
Fig 10: Above: A satellite photo of existing Old City Centre
Below: A new sustainable City Centre based on a rich history 12
References:
Makiya, M. and others (1969). Baghdad. Baghdad: Iraqi Engineering Union.

Mimary (2009). Comprehensive architectural and planning report for the development of Al
Rasheed Street. Al Mimary Consulting Bureau for Baghdad Mayoralty
JPC (1984). Rusafa Study report. Baghdad: JPC for Baghdad Mayoralty
Illustrations and maps: Based on personal studies conducted by the author
12
AlWaily,T, 2014,. The Plan: A Sustainable Outcome. JPEG, ArcGIS
50
Urban Spaces as a Setting for Performance: The Case Study
of Iran
Majid Sarsangi (PhD)1,a
1
Dep. of Dramatic Arts. Faculty of Fine Arts; University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
a
m.sarsangi@hotmail.com
ABSTRACT
A city may be defined merely by its function as a support for material life and daily work. But
the reality of the city is a far more intricately structured one that contains within its landscape a
multitude of activities (e.g. cultural and artistic activities). Public spaces in the city are attached
to a sense of belonging, and evoke a collective memory. Based on this, public spaces provide
the best context for artwork, and offer the necessary space for rituals and folklore art.
Historically, artistic events have had an important place in Iran’s urban spaces. The art of
theatre and performance, as one of the most collective and common-folk arts are an undeniable
aspect of traditional Iranian city structures. In fact, urban spaces and ritual performances were
connected to each other as intertwined elements, with each one complimenting the other. Before
the Qajar era (1794-1925) theatrical performances were a regular urban event. The daily life of
the Iranian people included watching performances that took place in urban places: story tellers
or performing narrators would carry out their performances while strolling in the streets. Other
story tellers were using coffee houses, caravanserais, city bazaars, squares and passageways as
places for their performances. Taziyeh (as the supreme example of religious plays) would be
performed in squares, caravanserais, cemeteries, Tekiyes (a place where people gather to mourn
Imam Hosein’s martyrdom) and other religious venues. Non-religious performances and
comedies were no exception to this rule. Theatrical performances such as Kheymeh-Shab-Bazi
(traditional puppet show) and Siyah-Bazi (traditional comedy and minstrelsy) would usually
take place in an urban environment.
This paper aims to develop a clear understanding of the function of traditional urban places and
spaces as a stage for performance, and to comment on the viability of reviving these traditional
functions in the context of modern urban planning.
KEYWORDS: Iran, urban spaces, performance, theatre.
1- INTRODUCTION
This article explores the role of traditional urban spaces as a setting for theatrical performance.
This paper also investigates the relationship between the city and theatre, and the types of plays
that were performed in the traditional Iranian cities.
Although many articles and books have been written about the city and its functions, only a
small number of them refer to the theatrical function of the city. Among them are recent
publications by scholars such as Cohen-Cruz, (1998); Jestrovic (2002), Proshansky (1976),
51
Benett (2010), Carlson (1989), written on the subject of street theatre and street performances
that turn the city into a stage.
Some books have also been written on street performance such as: Radical Street Performance:
An International Anthology (Jan Cohen-Cruz), Performance, Space, Utopia (Silvija Jestrovic),
People and their physical settings (Harold M. Proshansky), Street Performers (Massimo
Benedett), The Theater is in the Street: Politics and Performance in Sixties America (Bradford
D. Martin). Similar studies in relation to the Iranian city include Street Theater Performance in
Iran with a Tradition or Global Approach (Milad Hasannia), The Design and Implementation of
Street Theater (Karim Khavari), What to Know about Street Theater (Reza Ashofteh).1
The question asked in this study is:

Can the patterns of contemporary urban spaces be used to provide a place for traditional
theatrical performances?
Re-establishing a relationship between the city and theatrical performances may prove to be
difficult, but it is not an impossible task. The constructing of this relationship is dependent upon
the revival of plays that Iranian people related to historically. In other words, urban spaces will
acquire their function as a stage for performances once, both the morphology of the city is
renegotiated, and the plays performed are connected to the Iranian identity. The research
methodology of this paper is based on literature reviews and personal observations.
2- TRADITIONAL IRANIAN CITIES AND THEIR CULTURAL AND ARTISTIC

FEATURES
The urban structure of the traditional Iranian city was formed by several neighbourhoods with
distinct identities. The city centre included state mansions and structures, Congregational
Mosques (Masjid Jame), Grand Bazaars, cemeteries and other public buildings.
Each neighbourhood could be considered as a small town that provided the entire social and
cultural infrastructure for the daily lives of people; making long distance journeys unnecessary.
As previously mentioned, Iran did not have any kind of theatre hall or official space for
performances until the end of the Qajar era (1794-1925). Before this artists and performers used
various urban spaces that also had other functions. They would convert these spaces into places
for theatrical performances (Sarsangi, 2013: 119).
Figure1: An old map of Tehran showing that old

Tehran was divided into different
neighbourhoods. Each neighbourhood had its own
social, economic, religious and cultural spaces.
(Hakim zadeh, 2006: 55)
1
The reader can find more about these books in references
52
2.1- Sacred and Religious Places
Historically, temples (in pre-Islamic times) and later, mosques, shrines, Tekiyehs, Hoseiniyes
and caravanserais were all spaces for religious practices and mourning ceremonies. However, in
addition to these functions, these places were also used for performing religious theatre. For
example, during the pre-Islamic period when “Mithraism”2 was practiced, many of the theatrical
performances including the religious dance/drama of Talabe-Baran3, were performed inside of
Mithra4 or other temples. (Beizaie, 2000: 18)
Although during the Islamic period, mosques, shrines, Tekiyehs and Hoseiniyehs, took the place
of temples, there are still a number of Zoroastrian temples in some parts of Iran (especially
central Iran.
In traditional cities, mosques and Tekiyehs were used

for religious plays. From the Safavid era (1501-
1722) when the Shi’ite denomination was
proclaimed as the official religion of Iran, most of
the ritualistic and religious performances were
related to important events of Shi’ite history (Ataie,
1987: 69). For example, Rozeh-khani, (Mourning
Ceremony) and story-telling were usually performed
in religious places such as mosques and Tekiyehs
(Mostafavi, 1949).
Figure 2: Yazd, the temple of Pir-e Sabz.
(Taken by author)
Figure 4: Rozeh-khani in the contemporary period.

Figure 3: Rozeh-khani in the Qajar era.
(Najm, 2009: 46) (Taqian, 1996: 27)
2
An old Iranian religion
3
Asking for Rain
4
An Iranian Goddess in pre- Islamic period
53
Tekiyehs are usually intended for religious
theatrical performances that focus on the events
of Karbalah on the day of Ashura. Some of the
Tekiyehs in Iran are so spacious and renowned
that every year thousands of people go there to
be part of the religious theatrical performances –
especially Taziyeh1- and other shows such as
mourning ceremonies.
Figure 5: Shiraz, Tekiyeh Moshir.

(Malekpour, 1988: 99-100)
Figure 7: The performance of Taziyeh

Figure 6: Tehran in Qajar era, Tekiyeh in Mirchakhmaq Tekiyeh, Yazd.
Dowlat. (Shahidi, 2001: 800)
(Taken by the author)
Shrines, which are places for the burial of Shi’ite saints, are other religious spaces that host
religious and ritualistic performances. People usually attend shrines to perform religious
practices and to appeal to God. During religious periods of the year theatrical performances
related to Shi’ite historical events are performed.
In addition to the mosques, Tekiyeh, and shrines, there are also religious places called
“Hoseiniyeh”5. The main function of these places is for the mourning of holy characters of
Shi’ite history and the performance of Rouzeh-khani. However, they were also used for acting
out religious performances, especially Taziyeh, and due to being relatively less sacred than the
mosques or shrines, there was a greater possibility for performing plays.
5
This name follows after the name of Imam Hosein; the third spiritual leader of Shi’ism.
54
Figure 8: performing Taziyeh in the Big Hoseiniyeh
Figure 9: The small hoseiniyeh of Zawwareh-
in Zawwareh. (Naser Bakht, 2010: 198)
open space. (Naser Bakht, 2010: 197-198)
2.2 Social places
2.2.1Tea-Houses
In the past, Iranians paid great attention to social relationships; using every opportunity to
gather together for dialogue. Problems would be discussed during these social gatherings with
attendees being updated on news and information regarding their fellow neighbours, city-
dwellers as well as other general subjects concerning the city and the state. The tea-house, as a
public space, was a suitable place for cultural and social activities of the Iranian society. Tea-
Houses were a place for gathering, entertainment and social relations. They were a place for rest
after a day’s work, for meeting and conversing, for business deals, and for watching coffee
house plays such as Naqqali (theatrical story-telling) as well as other forms of play (Nazerzade
Kermani 1995; Bolokbashi, 1997). Since the Qajar era the number of tea-houses in cities has
increased (Namjoo, 1978). From then on, Naqqali (theatrical story-telling) became a regular
cultural activity with many people gathering in the tea-houses to watch the performance of the
Naqqal (the story-teller) on a daily basis (Najimi, 1978).
Figure 10: A drawing belonging to the Qajar era that shows the performance of Naqqali (story-telling) in
a tea-house. (Bolokbashi, 1996: 20)
55
The interior of the tea-house was divided into three sections; the kitchen to prepare food and tea;
the area for customers that usually had wooden seats and tables; and a place where the
storyteller (Naqqal) would stand for his performance. The latter space usually had a platform for
the storyteller to sit or stand on.
Figure 11: Another view of performing storytelling in Tehran, (Bolokbashi, 1996: 95)
2.2.2 Caravanserais
Caravanserais were places for trade caravans to stop, as well as places for travellers to take a
rest - similar to wholesale bazaars and motels today. These spacious places could host hundreds
of travellers or trades people at one time. However, this same commercial and residential
spaces, during religious times, would be transformed into spaces for performance, especially
Taziyeh. There are also documents that suggest other forms of plays such as Ma’rekeh-giri,
Mar-giri, magic shows and even comedy plays were performed at caravanserais (Sarsangi,
2013: 176).
Figures 12: performing Taziyeh in Beihaq Caravanserai in Sabzevar. (Taken by the author)
56
2.2.3 PRIVATE HOUSES
In the past, private houses were sometimes used as performance spaces. The architecture of
these houses included a large courtyard with a pool in the middle of it, providing a suitable
space for performing different plays. Performers would construct wooden platforms as a stage
for their performance. Residents, especially females, could watch performances through
windows, with others sitting around the pool or even sitting on the roof of the house. The types
of performances in private houses were based on specific times and situations. For example, in
the holy month of Moharram, they were used for Rozeh-khani or Taziyeh, and in wedding
ceremonies or religious events comic plays like Ro-houzi (Siah-Bazi), Kheimeh-Shab-Bazi
(puppet play) or folk dances were performed.
Figure 14: Another figure of a Taziyeh

Figure 13: performing Taziyeh in a
performance at a private house in the Qajar
private house in the Qajar period.
period. (Shahidi, 2001: 795)
(Homayoni, 1990: 75)
2.2.4 PALACES AND GOVERMENTAL BUILDING
A long time ago, in Iran, palaces and buildings belonging to the government had spaces for
theatrical performances, especially comic plays. According to historical evidence, some of the
Iranian kings had hundreds of actors, musicians and dancers in their courts. These musicians,
actors and dancers were tasked with entertaining the king, his family and his guests. For
example, some of the Sassanid kings had more than 6000 artists who served them in different
ways. During the Qajar period, there were also many comedic actors called “Moqalled” or
“Dalqak” or “Talkhak” who performed funny plays.
Figures 15: This picture shows comedy performers in Golestan Palace during
the Qajar period. (Saleh Por, 2009: 80)
57
3- OPEN SPACES AND OUTDOORS
Along with the palaces and government buildings, open and outdoor spaces were the most
popular and common spaces used for performances in the traditional cities. A wide variety of
plays were performed in urban spaces such as streets, squares, bazaars, passageways, parks and
public places. The most important plays performed in these spaces include Pardeh-khani
(reciting a screen covered with narrated drawings), Manaqeb-khani, Fazael-khani, small
Taziyes, puppet theatre, Ma’reke-giri, epic Naqqali, theatrical mourning and dozens of other
forms of traditional and ritualistic plays.(Najm, 2009: 213)
The importance of these spaces, especially during grand and comprehensive theatrical
performances such as mourning ceremonies and processional Taiyeh performed throughout the
city, was in creating a spiritual atmosphere throughout the whole city.
Figure 16: An image of a religious theatrical Figure 17: The performance of a ritual and
procession in a village near Qazvin. festive celebration for the Iranian New Year.
(Maleckpour, 1985: 46) (Naser Bakht, 2010: 50-51)
Figure 18: A outdoor story-telling Figure 19: The performance of Taziyeh

performance. (Naser Bakht, 2010: 63) in the main square of Arbil village on
the day of Ta’sua. (taken by the author)
Figure 20: The performance of

Pardehkhaniin a public passageway
during the Pahlavi era. (Najm, 2009: 167)
58
Figures 21-22: “Mash’had-e Ardehal” near the city of Kashan. Showing one of the biggest
processional plays in Iran called “Qali-Shoyan”. (Mahmodi, 2000:98)
CONCLUSION
This paper demonstrates how urban spaces in traditional Iranian cities have been staged for
various traditional rituals and entertainment performances. This was due to the absence of
official theatre venues which were gradually established after the Qajar era (1794-1925).
Theatrical performance in urban spaces and social places has been an important part of Iranian
life. These performances created an intimacy between the performer and the audience and
produced a remarkable harmony between the types of plays and the spaces utilized in the city. It
is also important to note that performances in urban places contributed to the growth and
development of common culture.
The arrival of Western modernism, with technologies such as radio and television as well as
Western architecture and urban design resulted in the gradual decay of city performances as
people increasingly lost interest. The number of performers has decreased so much, that today
there is little sign of any street theatre. Theatre halls are now providing the only performance
entertainment for the population, and the art of street performance can only be traced as part of
the history of Iran.
In the contemporary period, the functions of cities are mostly understood in terms of their
materiality through a functionalist approach. Official spaces and theatre halls have now been
established for performances. However, it is still possible to transform the city into a stage for
performance by looking at ancient models. What is important is to ascribe a spiritual and
cultural function to cities alongside their material functions. This would transform the social
landscape of the city through responding to both the traditional and contemporary social needs
of the people.
Re-establishing a relationship between the city and performance, and revitalizing performances
in public spaces throughout the city seems ambitious and arduous in modern times. But it is not
impossible. To realize this goal, an alternative approach to the modern concept of urban design
is required; one which relates it more to the traditional concept. It also requires the training of
artists to develop the skills of delivering performances that relate to everyday life. However, the
reviving of traditional theatrical performances should also be something that appeals to modern
audiences, and so urban spaces will only acquire their function as a stage for performance once
the materiality of the space and the content of the plays are revised.
59
References
Atai, A. (1987). The Origin of Drama in Iran. Tehran: Safi Ali Shah Publisher.
Beizai, B. (2000). Theatre in Iran. Tehran: Rowshangaran Publisher.
Breasted J. (1912). The Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt. London:
Hodder and Stoughton.
Brockett, G. (1995). History of the Theatre. Seventh Edition. Allyn & Bacon.
Bolokbashi, A. (1996). Iranian Teahouses. Tehran: The Centre of Cultural Researches.
Idem (2000). The symbolic rite of Washing Rug in the Mashhad-e Ardehal. Tehran: The Office
of Cultural Researches.
Esfandeiari (1978). Iranian Bazaar. Tehran: Amir Kabir.
Mahmoudi, S. (2000). Kashan: Pearl of the Great Kavir. Tehran: Yasavoli Publisher.
Maleckpour, J. (1985). Dramatic Literature in Iran. Tehran: Tous Publisher.
Idem (1988). The Process of Evolution of Contents in Taziyeh. Tehran: Jahad-e Daneshgahi
Publisher.
Mostafawi, M. (1962). The Scenes of Sassanid Dancers on the Silvery Vesselsˮ. Naghsh and
Neghar Magazine, No. 3.
Namjo, A. (2000). The Cultural Face of Iran. Tehran: Ilam Publisher.
NazerzadeKermani, F. (1995). The Dramatic Storytelling and its Different Types in Iran.
Neiestan Magazine, Year 2, No.19.
Omidi, K. (2002). A Brief Look to the Zoroastrians Ceremonies in Yazd. Afarinesh, No. 1087.
Ramezani, F. (2001). A Research in Iranian History and Culture in the Pre-Islamic Period
(Thesis). School of Drama: University of Tehran.
Shahidi, E. (2001). Taziyeh and TaziyehKhani in Tehran. Cultural Research Bureau & Iranian
National Commission for UNESCO.
Taqiyan, L. (1996). About Taziyeh and Theatre. Tehran: Markaz Publisher.
Zaka, Y. (1957). Iranian Dance in Theatre Magazine; No. 2.
Idem (1966). The Story of Dance in Iran in Naghsh and Neghar Magazine; No. 8.
Carter, Ch. (2003). Gorilla Theatre: A Practical Guide to Performing the New Outdoor Theatre
Anytime, Anywhere. Routledge.
Du Tiot, H. (2009). Pageants and Processions. Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
Scott Jarrett, M. (2010). Street View. Nylon Magazine.
Mason, B. (1992). Street Theatre and other Outdoor Performances. Taylor and Francis.
Cohen- Cruz, J. (1998). Radical Street performance. Routledge.
Madison, D. (2010). Acts of Activism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Jestrovic Palqrave, S. (2012). Space, Performance, Utopia. MacMillan.
Massimo, B. (2010). Street Performer. Hesprit Limited.
D. Martin, B. (2004). The Theatre in Street. University of Massachusetts.
60
II
Conference Papers
Part 2:
Capitalism and modernism: the changing character of urban spaces
Urban Identity in the Age of Globalization
Assessing the Abdali Project in Amman, Jordan
Nama'a Abdullah Qudah1, a
1
Dept. of Architecture and Built Environment, University of Nottingham, United Kingdom
a
namaa.qudah@hotmail.com
ABSTRACT
Over the past few decades, “globalization” has become a trending term for describing the
increasing exchange of world visions, cultural ideologies, and social lifestyles. On the urban
scale, cities have also entered that age of globalization, and being transformed by mega
neoliberal developments which resulted in new systems of governance, in the form of (1)
increased public-private partnerships, and (2) new neoliberal organizations which have
collectively transformed the formal process of city development. The aim of this research was to
map out the influences of this neoliberal urban transformation in the Middle East, before
moving to focus on Amman, the capital of Jordan, and taking the Abdali Project as a case study.
.
Promoted as the "New Downtown" of Amman, my aim was to assess the influence it had on the
urban identity of the Ammani locals and their relationship with their city. This evaluation was
based on a qualitative research method built on the discursive analysis of 6 structured interviews
with project stakeholders and professionals with different areas of expertise.
The result of this evaluation rendered the Abdali project as a major neoliberal project
prominently steered by economic objectives seeking economic accumulation for the elite class
of the society, resulting in islands of social segregation which cater to the elitists' needs and
lifestyle, while excluding the majority of Ammani locals from its scope. The Ammani urban
identity, consequently, was not represented through this project, and was rather marginalized
and sidestepped, leaving the locals with a feeling of disappointment and mistrust, no longer
feeling that they are welcomed in their city or that they belong.
KEYWORDS: globalization, neoliberalism, urban identity, large scale project
1. INTRODUCTION
The area of the Middle East has gone through major political, economic and social changes in
the past few decades in a manner that drastically affected the citizens of these countries. Jordan,
with its very sensitive location at the heart of the political conflict, was one of the most affected
by these political shifts. Like many of the other developing countries, Jordan was entering an
age of globalization and responding to a neoliberal agenda guiding the major urban
transformations in the region (Sadiq, 2005). On the scale of Amman, these changes were most
notable through the new multinational investments the Jordanian market was now attracting,
and the scale of the neoliberal megaprojects that were invading the skyline of Amman,
consequently reshaping its urban identity and people's relation with their city. (Ababsa and
Daher, 2011)
63
In this paper, Neoliberism will be discussed as a political economic practice that shapes and
affects social policy. By reviewing some of the national and international literature on the topic,
the aim is to understand the current socioeconomic situation in Amman, and question the forces
guiding the city's urban development and the decision making processes behind them.
As a case study, the recent yet the controversial Abdali Project will be discussed, based on the
interviews and the opinions of a selected professional group, as one of the major neoliberal
urban developments changing the map of Amman, socially, economically and politically and
affecting the lives of its inhabitants, and their definition of their urban identity. (Daher, 2011)
2. AMMAN: A CHRONOLOGICAL REVIEW
2.1. AMMAN: THE EARLY START
In his lecture Narrating Amman (Daher, 2009) sheds the light on the demographic growth of the
city of Amman, and lists both the voluntary and compulsory flows of immigration and
displacement that came to the city. A chronological listing of these immigrations begins in the
early 1877-1878, starting with the Circassians, Lebanese and Syrian merchants coming to trade.
The Kurdish immigrants at the beginning of the 20the century, the Armenians between 1918
and 1925, and later the Arab nationalists fleeting Damascus to escape the French mandate
dominance after 1920. In 1948, huge numbers of Palestinian refugees fled to Amman after the
Israeli Occupation of Palestine. More waves followed in 1967, after the occupation of the West
Bank. In 1975, the Lebanese Civil War caused huge numbers of the Lebanese bourgeoisie to
flee Lebanon and seek Amman as a shelter. Similarly, in 1990/1991 a large number of
Palestinians and Jordanians returned to Jordan after the Gulf war crisis. To many of these
immigrants, Amman was considered as a city of opportunities, an asylum and an escape from a
rather hard life they were no longer able to tolerate. At that time, Amman resembled a great
model of a harmonious coexistence between people from different backgrounds, resulting in a
multiethnic and heterogeneous urban layering of the city which gave it a very distinctive
character.
2.2AMMAN: A CITY STRUGGLING TO SHAPE ITS IDENTITY
2.2.1 The Marginalized Ammani Urban Heritage.
According to (Daher, 2011) Amman's early urban stages were "marginalized" by the formal
practices of the state, and unrecognized by the academic/orientalist definitions of Islamic Arab
Cities. Over the past two centuries, major transformations have changed the face of the Middle
East, as discussed by (Anderson, 1991). During the first half of the 21st century, the destruction
of the Ottoman Empire was the most significant shift, followed by the establishment of the post-
mandate nation states in Jordan, and its neighboring countries such as Palestine, Syria, Lebanon,
Egypt, and Turkey, consequently redefining citizenship, nationhood and heritage. In defining
their regional heritage, (Schriwer, 2002) argued that the newly established states only included
ancient monuments in that definition, such as the Nabattean Petra in Jordan, and chose to
exclude the heritage of the recent past and its urban traditions. In doing so, the state officials
aimed to give legitimacy to their emerging systems and disassociate from both the recent
Ottoman history and local present by building connections with distant roots. Similarly, the
same strategy was adopted by the Hashemite Royal family during their regime, as explained by
(Maffi, 2000), always defining the Jordanian heritage with respect to the Nabattean civilization.
Amman's urban heritage as a city, with the exception of the Roman Amphitheatre, was excluded
64
from the formal definition of the national heritage, with more focus put instead on natural sites
such as Wadi Rum or Aqaba (Daher, 2011). Moreover, (Kassay, 2006) described the national
definition of the Jordanian Identity as being "antithetical" to Amman's urban reality, replacing it
with a notion of "tribalization" which seemed to dominate that definition instead.
2.2.2 National Challenges facing the Amman today:
Perhaps one of the major issues that faces Jordan today is its inability to keep responding to the
radically growing population, fundamentally caused by the continues waves of immigrations
that have fled to its lands throughout history leading to major configurations of its territory, due
to its very limited natural resources and restricted sources of national income. .
As a result, Jordan's economy has become very dependent on the economy of its neighbors,
such as Iraq, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. This strong dependency has caused the Jordanian
economy to become very vulnerable to any political conflicts arising in these countries.
Consequently, international groups and state actors have together established a group of policy
interventions that would guarantee a certain level of political stability in the country, and
manage migrations to its lands, within these unsteady socioeconomic or sociopolitical national
and regional settings (Migrationpolicy.org, 2014). .
2.3 AMMAN: JOINING THE NEOLIBERAL URBAN TRANSFORMATION.
In his book (Harvey, 2005) defined Neoliberalism as " a theory of political economic practices
that proposes that human wellbeing can be best advanced by liberating individual
entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong
private property rights, free markets, and free trade." Another definition by (Larner, 2003) puts
more focus on the role of multinational corporations, defining Neoliberalism as "the process of
opening up national economies to global actors such as multinational corporations and to
global institutions such as the IMF and World Bank." In a more extreme notion, (Blomgren,
1997) argues that Neoliberalism is not a mere political philosophy as many might claim, but that
it " rather ranges over a wide expanse in regard to ethical foundations as well as to normative
conclusions.", and that in reality what it aims for is being "a complete laissez-faire, and the
abolishment of all government.” "
(Brenner and Theodore, 2005), on the other hand, worked on summarizing the significant
insights in recent literature about Neoliberalism, for the purpose of using it in any future
research on the topic of "political-economic restructuring at all spatial scales".
According to their findings, Neoliberalism was not found to be a result or an outcome, but
rather a market-driven socio-spatial transformation process, which does not have a fixed
application, but on the contrary is expressed differently in each context, shaped by historical,
geographical, and ideological strategies. The results it produces, whether economic, political, or
spatial, are also respectively influenced by the existing landscape of power, and location-
specific models of institutional regulation. .
On the scale of Amman, Neoliberization emerged with the economic collapse in 1988 and
continued to accelerate during the 1990's (Schwedler, 2010). .
According to (Hourani, 2014), The earliest socioeconomic shifts influenced the middle class,
soon experiencing frustration due to the decreasing number of available jobs and lack of
economic security. Over the past two decades, the problem aggravated, giving favour to the
small elitist group. In 2011, social grievance was translated into actions as several protests
65
erupted in the street of many Jordanian cities, demanding better living conditions and better
social equity, fueled by the Arab spring taking place in the neighboring countries (Jordan Labor
Watch, 2012). .
On the scale of the built environment, one of the earliest neoliberal projects in Amman , as
discussed by (Abu Rumman, 2009) was launched in the late 1990's by JIC ’s Downtown
Tourism Zone3, aiming to develop the Citadel Mountain (Jebel al-Qala’ as a major heritage
tourism zone) .
Another more recent project is the Abdali Project. Despite its huge scale and significant impact
on both the skyline of the city and its urban fabric, the amount of information exposed about the
Abdali project to the public was limited (Daher, 201).
3. THE ABDALI PROJECT
3.1 INTRODUCING THE PROJECT
Figure 1: Land Use Plan, Abdali the new downtown, n.d.
Located at the heart of Amman, with a total value that exceeds $5 billion, the Abdali project
stands as a model for modernization and a destination for all those who seek a prestigious and
elites lifestyle. With a total area that exceeds 384,000 sqm of land, and a built area that
surpasses 1.8 million sqm, the Abdali Project is adopting new local mixed-use codes which
have been specifically developed for the project. Through its collaboration with multinational
developers, the project will create a new city center for Amman (Abdali The New Downtown,
n.d.).
3.1.1 Location: :
This parcel of land was originally owned and occupied by the Armed Forces and the Jordanian
Intelligence Agency. Due to the continuous traffic congestion and the high level of activity in
the surrounding areas, the Armed Forces and the Jordanian Intelligence Agency decided to
evacuate their buildings and relocate to another less populated and quieter location that would
66
better respond to the nature of their activities that demand a high level of security. The result
was a huge and almost empty plot of land with a total area of 340 000 sqm in the heart of the
city.
To be able to further invest in this land, The National Resources Investment and Development
Corporation (Mawared) was established, whose main role was to develop such urban military
sites, and turn them into real estate investment projects and turn them into real estate investment
projects, with the revenues later used to support the national economy, and stand as a model of a
pioneering public-private partnership. (Awamleh, 2014)
Figure 1: Abdali's construction phases in chronological order (Abdali, 2014).
3.1.2 The Abdali Investment and Development
In 2004, the Abdali Investment and Development PSC was established as a corporation between
the National Resources Investment & Development Cooperation 'MAWARED'1with a total of
49% of the shares, and Horizon International for Development Ltd. Co2 with a total of the 49%
of the shares, and the United Real Estate Company – Jordan3 with a total of 2% of the shares,
which together brought a quality of proven experience to the mega urban regeneration project.
(Abdali Fact Sheet, n.d.)
3.1.3 The Project Phases:
1
"The National Resources Investment & Development Corporation ‘Mawared’ is a financially and
administratively independent state-owned corporation leading Jordan's drive towards urban regeneration
and inner city development. Mawared is the ideal partner for the private sector to engage in major real
estate projects since it offers vacant, fully-serviced single-owned sites that are ready for development, and
facilitates the smooth processing of official dealings with all the relevant authorities."
2
Aglobal construction company privately owned by Sheikh BahaaRafic Al-Hariri, specialized in the
financing and development of large scale real estate projects.
3
part of Kuwait Projects Company group (KIPCO)
67
The project was divided into two phases; phase 1 which was planned to be completed in 2010
but was only commenced operation in 2014, and phase 2 which was planned to be completed in
2013 but is still under construction, with its completion date still undetermined (Abdali The
New Downtown, n.d.).
3.1.4 Land Use:
Use Total built-up Residential Offices Retail Hotels

area
Area 1,800,000 894,765 314,406 398,580 214,065
(sqm)
Percent 100% 49% 17% 22% 12%
age
3.2Assessing the Abdali Project:
3.2.1The Research Methodology:
The Abdali Project was assessed using a discursive analysis of 6 structured interviews which
have been conducted with professionals who are either stakeholders in the project or have the
knowledge and the expertise that allows them to give an objective opinion about its different
aspects. The assessment was conducted on two levels, starting off with assessing the politics of
the project and the decision making process that resulted in its commencement, before moving
on to discuss the social impacts it will have on the city of Amman, and the way it will influence
its social sustainability and the definition of the urban identity of its residents.
In selecting the interviewees, the aim was to choose diverse and sometimes opposing points of
views to arrive at a comprehensive and robust assessment of the project. The participants
included representatives of the Abdali as the investors, Great Amman Municipality as the
decision maker, and university professors as the evaluators. The questions asked in the
interviews related to every person’s area of specialty and his level of involvement in the project,
and focused on assessing the process of planning and designing this project rather than
assessing it as an end product. They also aimed to question the political agenda behind
developing such a project in Amman today.
68
3.2.2The Politics of the Project
According to (Almaani, 2014) 4the Abdali Project was nothing but a direct imitation of the
Solidere project in Beirut, reflecting the needs and the architecture of that society onto the
society of Amman, without much consideration and sensitivity to the context. Therefore it
would be naïve of any researcher to attempt to assess the decision making process behind it,
because there wasn’t any process to begin with.
Figure 2: Comparision between the Solidere project in Beirut (left) (Solidere, 2014) and
the Abdali Project (Abdali, 2014).
(Awamleh, 2014)5didn't oppose that opinion, and stated that in accepting this project, the
Municipality was fully aware of how unresponsive and insensitive it was to the surrounding
context, but welcomed nevertheless based on its economic benefits, at a time when Amman was
struggling financially, and was in need of such an investment to revive its economy.
(Ratrout, 2014)6seemed to agree with Awamleh, arguing that such an attractive and relatively
safe environment for investment, liberated from municipal bureaucracy, allowed GAM to
attract a very important investor that helped the Jordanian market recover from a period of
recession.
In terms of the decision making process and the level of public participation in this project,
(Almaani, 2014) argued that public participation has always been kept limited in the city of
Amman, or had been superficially deployed through public figures and organizations that never
served their purpose. In his opinion, the Abdali Project wasn't an exception to that norm.
(Ratrout, 2014) seemed to agree with Almaani, but on the other hand, argued that Jordan is still
a developing nation who does not yet possesses the enough level of awareness that would
enable it to independently make decisions on its behalf. The solution would be in proposing a
transitional approach that would gradually introduce public participation into the community
supported by local NGO's who would act as mediators between the public and the government.
In terms of selecting the location, (Ratrout, 2014)argued that this parcel of land was mostly
empty and was not used for any significant purposes which had to be substituted. Moreover,
4
Mohammad S. S. Almaani is a Professor of Urban Design and City & Regional Planning who taught at a
number of universities in Jordan such as the Jordan University, German Jordanian University.
5
MuradAwamleh is the head of the Special Projects Unit in Greater Amman Municipality.
6
Samer Al-Ratrout is an Assistant Professor of Architecture, holding the degree of Doctor of Philosophy,
Architecture.
69
Ratrout criticized the revitalization projects in the old downtown, whose level of intervention
was always kept to the minimum in order to “preserve” that important part of the city.
Altogether, this caused many shop owners and residents to move out due to the declining
quality of services and the deteriorating state of the building. (Qattan, 2014), a senior architect
at the 2K7office in Amman further stressed on the suitability of the location due to its centrality,
stating that alternatively locating it at the edges of Amman wouldn’t have been a better solution.
Looking at(Canary Warf)in London as an example, the problem of locating such mega projects
atremote locations is in the way they turn into ghost towns after working hours.
3.2.3. Social Sustainability:
(Daher, 2014) 8criticized the way the project will increase the existing segregation and spatial
polarization between west and east Amman; by creating a new level of segregation between this
new elitist island known as the Abdali and the rest of Amman. The project is also tapping into
people’s perception of their social status by promoting the Abdali project as an alternative
downtown for the posh, liberal and sophisticated people of the society, replace the older
downtown which is designated for the conservative and less educated class. (Ratrout,2014),
opposed that opinion, affirming that the Abdali project's current program, which targets the
elitists with its level and quality of services, will broaden its scope to include a wider range of
activities that will be suitable to all the social classes, once the investor meets his economic
objectives and generates the desired investment revenues.
(Alhasan, 2014) 9 defended the project and its title as the "New Downtown" by comparing it to
the other high end districts, such as Manhattan in New York, which exist at the heart of all the
important cities around the world. The Abdali project, in his opinion, is not there to replace the
old downtown, but to complement it, by targeting high end developers whose investments will
give Amman a prestigious and top quality stratum within the region. Situated within an already
active and vibrant trade sector in the city, the Abdali project is a model of a well-designed urban
redevelopment that aims to raise the quality of business exchange in the city. .
Another point raised by (Almaani,2014) was the way this project altered people's perception of
the city. Seen from almost any spot in Amman, the project's investors made a strong statement
about their power and dominance, stressing on the fact that "whoever has the money has the
power to do anything."
Additionally, the project's huge scale turned it into a landmark that sucked them into "the new
centre" before suddenly causing them to drop into the "old center". Altogether this created a
sense of confusion for people, and destroyed their mental images and sense of cognition of their
city, demolishing people's memories of their old downtown, which was the city's centre of
activities and thepublic arena where people practiced their social life.
7
2K office is a Jordanian architecture and urban planning office in Amman. It is one of the Abdali Project
developers, working of the design and the supervision of 5 buildings in phase l.
8
Rami Daher is an associate professor of Architecture, Heritage Conservation and Urban Regeneration at
the German Jordanian University in Jordan and a practicing architect at TURATH Consultants
9
ArchiectLoai Al Hasan fills the position of a project manager at the Abdali Boulevard.
70
Figure 3: The Abdali Project dominating the skyline (Source: author)
(Awamleh, 2014) on the other hand, argued that: "We can't claim that this project hasn't been
built for the people of Amman or with respect to their collective memories, since these people
themselves have always changed and so have their memories and their relationship with the
city."
4. CONCLUSION:
Before attempting to assess the influence of the neoliberal sociopolitical policy its resulting
urban restructuring transformations, in a way that has collectively affected the urban identity of
these cities and produced placeless architecture that no longer reflects its context or the needs of
its people, a bigger question has to be asked, and that is, what is the real function of cities
today? Through the scope of this research, different functions have been discussed and
analyzed. Neoliberalism, on one hand, utilizes cities in a way that turns cities into a tool that
encourages capital accumulation for an exclusive class of the society. .
Furthermore, the very nature of the decision-making processes which controlled the
development of a number of cities, including Amman, was to a large extent politically induced,
which has resulted in turning Amman into an open-stage for political agendas to play out.
Respectively, Jordan's position within the politically unstable region has and will continue to
turn it into one big refugee camp for all the waves of immigrations that have fled to its lands
seeking safety.
From a social point of view, this project will be creating extreme levels of social segregation, in
a city which is already struggling to reshape itself and accommodate the different social groups
and nationalities into its fabric. If anything, this project seemed to highlight that existing tension
between the different classes, and constructed a physical container to house it and allow it to
grow.
On another level, the scope of these new megaprojects, such as the Abdali Project, pay little
consideration to the needs, believes, objectives, and traditions of the Ammani locals, obstructing
their urban identity as citizens of that city. Despite the investors' attempts to promote the project
71
as being the "New Downtown", using "local" materials and building language, their intentions
were clearly paramount, masked by shallow solutions that naively attempted to prove otherwise.
By totally overlooking the old downtown, this project is obstructing people's collective
memories and sense of place attachment to a part of the city which played a very important role
in forming their urban identity and earliest definition of themselves as one nation.
As Jane Jacobs once said, "Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody,
only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.” (Jacobs, 1993)
5. CHALLENGES AND FURTHER RESEARCH:
Due to the limited time frame, this research is presented as a report on initial findings,
conducted on a narrow sample of interviewees, and will be further developed to include to a
broader audience of opinions and expertise. Having been officially commenced operation in
2014, the influence of the Abdali Project on the city of Amman still can't be properly measured
or researched, with its second Phase still in construction. Therefore, the analysis and assessment
demonstrated in this paper have depended on the interviewees' earlier knowledge of Amman
and such mega projects, and have sometimes attempted to forecast its influence on the urban
fabric of Amman rather than empirically measure it. Theoretical aspects of the work, such as
neoliberalism, will be further researched and developed by deriving from existing bodies of
knowledge both internationally and nationally.
References:
Ababsa, M. and Daher, R. (2011).Cities, urban practices and nation building in Jordan. 1st ed.
Beyrouth: Presses de l'ifpo.
Abdali Fact Sheet.(n.d.). 1st ed. [ebook] Available at: http://www.abdali.jo/pdf/Factsheet-
English.pdf [Accessed 29 Jul. 2014].
Abdali The New Downtown. (n.d.).1st ed. [ebook] ABOUT ABDALI INVESTMENT &
DEVELOPMENT PSC. Available at: http://www.abdali.jo/index.php?r=site/page&id=26
[Accessed 27 Jul. 2014].
Abdali, (2014).Abdali Overview. [image] Available at:
http://i257.photobucket.com/albums/hh216/yaz-maj/ABDALI-Sunrise.jpg [Accessed 21
Aug. 2014].
Abdali, (2014).Abdali Construction Phases. [image] Available at:
http://www.abdali.jo/images/albums/construction/construction_134848505940.jpg
[Accessed 17 Aug. 2014].
Abu Rumman, M. (2009). Amman 2015: the Character and spirit of the city. Al Ghad.
[online] Available at:
http://www.alghad.com/f.php/afkar_wamawaqef/article/13466.html. [Accessed 31 Aug.
2014].
Alhasan, L. (2014). Assesing the Abdali Project.
Almaani, M. (2014).Assessing the Abdali Project.
Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined communities. 1st ed. London: Verso.
Awamleh, M. (2014).Assessing the Abdali Project.
Blomgren, A. (1997). Nyliberalpolitiskfilosofi. 1st ed. Nora: Nya doxa.
Brenner, N. and Theodore, N. (2005).Neoliberalism and the urban condition.City, 9(1), pp.101--
107.
72
Daher, R. (2007). Tourism: heritage and urban transformations in Jordan and Lebanon:
emerging actors and global-local juxtapositions,. In: R. Daher, ed., Tourism in the Middle
East: Continuity, Change and Transformation, 1st ed. pp.263–307.
Daher, R. (2009). Narrating Amman.
Daher, R. (2011).Amman: Disguised Genealogy and Recent Urban Restructuring and
Neoliberal Threats. In: Y. Elsheshtawy, ed., THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY Tradition,
Modernity and Urban Development, 1st ed.
Daher, R. (2013).NEOLIBERAL URBAN TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE ARAB
ENVIRONNEMENT URBAIN / URBAN ENVIRONMENT, 7, pp.3, p. a-99 à a-115.
Daher, R. (2014).Assessing the Abdali Project.
Elsheshtawy, Y. (2004). Planning Middle Eastern cities. 1st ed. London: Routledge.
HOURANI, N. (2014). NEOLIBERAL URBANISM AND THE ARAB UPRISINGS: A VIEW
FROM AMMAN. Journal of Urban Affairs, 36(s2), pp.650--662.
Harvey, D. (2005). A brief history of neoliberalism. 1st ed. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
HOURANI, N. (2014). NEOLIBERAL URBANISM AND THE ARAB UPRISINGS: A VIEW
FROM AMMAN. Journal of Urban Affairs, 36(s2), pp.650--662.
Jacobs, J. (1993). The death and life of great American cities. 1st ed. New York: Modern
Library.
Jordan Labor Watch, (2012). Labor Protests in 2011: Analytical Report. Jordan Labor Watch
Report Series. Amman.
Kassay, A. (2006). The Absence of an Ammani Identity. Paper presented to the Cities and
National Identity in Jordan Conference,. In: Cities and National Identity in Jordan
Conference. Amman.
Larner, W. (2003).Neolibrealism?.Environment and Planning D: Society and Space,
[online] 21(5), pp.509-512. Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d2105ed [Accessed 22
Jul. 2014].
Maffi, I. (2000). Le statut des objects dans la miseen scène muséographique du passé
enJordanie: le discourshistorique, la narration mythiqueet la tradition. No 10: Patrimony
and Heritage Conservation in Jordan. Center for Studies and Researchers on the
Contemporary Middle East, pp.pp.3–16.
Migrationpolicy.org, (2014).Jordan: A Refugee Haven. [online] Available at:
http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/jordan-refugee-haven [Accessed 29 Aug. 2014].
Qattan, Z. (2014). Assessing the Abdali Project.
Ratrout, S. (2014).Assessing the Abdali Project.
Sadiq, R. 2005 .Dazzlin D bai: The ‘Invisible’ Hand of Global Competitiveness. In: Social
Science Fourteenth Annual Symposium ‘The Transformation of Middle Eastern Urban
Landscapes: From Modernism to Neoliberalism’, 1st ed. Cairo.
Schriwer, C. (2002). Cultural and ethnic identity in the Ottoman period architecture of
Cyprus, Jordan and Lebanon.Levant, 34(1), pp.197--218. 119
Schwedler, J. (2010). Jordan's Risky Business As Usual | Middle East Research and Information
Project. [online] Merip.org. Available at: http://www.merip.org/mero/mero063010
[Accessed 31 Aug. 2014].
Solidere, (2014).Solidere Overview. [image] Available at: http://www.beirutnightlife.com/wp-
content/uploads/2010/10/Solidere-Master-Plan-by-TVS-11.jpg [Accessed 17 Aug. 2014].
73
Dubai Metro and the New Build Environment
and Urban Life at Sheikh Zaid Road
Dr. Mohammad S. Arar , Associate Professor

Architectural Engineering Department, Ajman University of Science and Technology, Ajman,
UAE, m.arar@ajman.ac.ae; msarar@hotmail.com;
Abstract
Dubai city is considered as one of the most popular city in the last ten years worldwide. The
reasons behind this special magic feature that makes Dubai to have such appreciation can be
seen in many factors; however, this paper will focus on one major factor in this city which is
Dubai Metro.
The Metro is an important public transportation function that meant to serve the general
population and to make the flow of public movement much more efficient. Dubai has a rapidly
growing population and severe traffic congestion problems. The population forecast to increase
by 6.4% annually, rising to three million by the year 2017. Through this public transportation
lines there are 49 stations as nodes. The function of these nodes is to allow the public to use the
metro in an efficient way and to be accessible to pedestrian in the street, and to link strategic
locations including Dubai Airport terminals, Shopping centers, and other important functions in
the city.
Through the survey conducted in the selected nodes, the paper highlights the positive and
negative impact of Dubai Metro and suggests alternatives to enhance the quality of urban life in
this part of the city. The paper provides statistical analysis of people reaction in using the metro
as public transportation to reduce the traffic congestion. It also evaluates the impact on the
architectural aesthetic as a result of this major project especially in the selected nodes or
stations, which creates a severe visual influence in the surrounding build environment, and
causing a major change in the pattern language of the architectural product among buildings.
Keywords: Public Transportation, Population growth, traffic congestion, build environment.
74
Introduction
The increase of urban population is considered a big challenge worldwide, causing many
challenges in the city. One major factor of the growth is the layout of infrastructure and in
particular the handling of public transportation. It is part of the city vision to plan and forecast
its future, however the dominant issue concerning this vision is how to deal with public
transportation and what important choices to select in order to serve the public. The City of
Dubai has worked so hard to achieve something considered to be impossible few years ago. The
vision was a dream but with strong ambition and commitment to excellent, Dubai City has
achieved this long waited vision. It was the opening of Metro Dubai in September 2009. This
major project has opened the door for new era in the city.
The Metro have a great impact on urban development of the city, and its surroundings. It is one
of the most effective and important way of public and mass transportation, see (Image 1-4).
Although some people in the city are still hesitating to use it, but it is not deniable the
importance of the Metro, and it becomes one of the landmarks of Dubai city. The impact of the
Metro will take time for people to use it and to consider it for their main transportation service.
However, as the city of Dubai progress and develop, the Metro will solve many problems in the
city such as traffic congestion, reducing environmental pollution that comes from vehicles’
gasoline consumption, and public transportation alternative. Metro is not just an automotive
system for moving people but it’s a life style which represents different transportation approach
in the society. Dubai Metro has two lines; the Red Line which runs from Rashidiya Station to
Jebel Ali Station which runs 52Km, and Green Line which moves from Creek Station to Etisalat
Station which runs 22.5km as shown in
(Figure 1).
The Red Line runs elevated from Rashidiya to Al Garhoud through Dubai International Airport
terminals. After serving Deira City Center shopping mall and adjoining development areas in
Port Saeed, the Red Line runs along Al Rigga Street to reach the transfer station at Union
Square. From Al Garhoud to Union Square, the Red Line runs underground crossing the creek
close to Dubai Municipality building and the Radisson Hotel, serving the second underground
transfer station at Burjuman before going elevated at Al Karama station. Then the Red Line runs
elevated along the east of Sheikh Zayed Road, south of the World Trade Center Interchange and
as far as Jebel Ali limitless Station. The Red Line includes an elevated section of around 47.4km
with 24 elevated stations and an underground section of around 4.7km with 4 stations, including
the 2 transfer stations connecting the two lines. The main depot, housing depot and rolling stock
parking facilities for the Red Line is located at the northern end of the Red Line, after the
Rashidiya station see (Table 1).
75
Metro Dubai at Sheikh Zaid Road
(Image 1)
BENO SARADZIC f//Benosaradzicphotography1
The Green Line starts elevated from Jaddaf zone to Dubai Health Care City, runs in the middle
of Oud Metha Road and joins the Red Line at the transfer station Burjuman. Then runs
underground to Al Ghubaiba, crosses the creek close to Al Ras and serves the Deira Central
Business District (CBD) before intersecting the Red Line again, at the transfer station Union
Square. The Green Line curves along Salahuddin Road, runs elevated along Salahuddin Road
and Al Ittihad Road, turns east along Al Nahda Road and terminates at the intersection with
Damascus Road, close to Al Qusais where the Green line Depot and parking facilities are
located as the end of the line see (Table 2). There are three large car parking garages to facilitate
the using of Metro in three stations where drivers can leave their cars to ride the Metro. As
shown in (Table 3).
Most 49 of the stations are built elevated and one is at grade for the line end at JAFZA limitless
station. Underground stations are mainly located in the CBD area, including the two transfer
stations (Union Square and Burjuman). All station platforms are 85m long, are equipped with
platform screen doors and are fully air-conditioned. All the stations are accessible for disabled
passengers from street to platform level. All the stations are designed to contribute to the image
of Dubai, representing the activities of diversity and multicultural society.
1
2013 BENO SARADZIC f//Benosaradzicphotography
76
Figure 1: Metro Dubai Stations: Red Line and Green Line
Metro Dubai Stations
Red Line
Green Line
Parking Area
Parking Area
Parking Area
2
www.dubai.online.com
Image 2 Image 3 Image 4
Metro Dubai along Sheikh Zaid Road
2
www.dubai.online.com Metro Dubai Stations Map for Red Line and Green Line
77
Table 1: Red Line Stations
Z
S.
o
N Metro Station Area Malls
n
.
e
1 Rashidiya Rashidiya 5
1
1 Emirates Garhoud 5
2
1 Airport Terminal 3 Garhoud Dubai Airport Free 5
3 Zone
1 Airport Terminal 1 Garhoud Dubai Airport Free 5
4 Zone
1 GGICO Garhoud 5
5
1 Deira City Center Deira 5 Deira City Center
6
1 Al Rigga Deira 5 Hamarain Centre
7
1 Union Deira Transfer Station 5 Al Ghurair Centre
8
1 Burjuman Bur Dubai Transfer Station 6 Burjuman
9
2 Al Karama Al Karama 6
0
2 Al Jafiliya Al Jafiliya 6
1
2 World Trade Centre Trade Centre 6
2
2 Emirates Towers Trade Centre Emirates Towers 6
3
2 Financial Centre Dubai International Financial 6
4 Cent.
2 Burj Khalifa/ Dubai Mall Downtown Dubai Dubai Mall 6 Dubai Fountain and
5 Mall
2 Business Bay Business Bay Oasis Centre 6 Safa Park
6
2 Noor Islamic Bank Al Quoz Oasis Centre 2
9
3 First Gulf Bank Al Quoz 2
1
3 Mall of the Emirates Al Barsha Mall of the 2 Ski Dubai Wild
2 Emirates Wadi
3 Sharaf DG Al Barsha 2
3
3 Dubai Internet City Al Sufouh 2
4
3 Nakheel Al Sufouh 2
5
78
3 Damac or Dubai Marina Dubai Marina Dubai Marina 2
6 Mall
3 Jumeirah Lakes Towers Jumeirah Lakes Towers 2
7
3 Nakheel Harbour and Jumeirah Islands 2
8 Tower
3 Ibn Battuta Jebel Ali Ibn Battuta Mall 2
9
4 Energy Jebel Ali 2
0
4 Danube Jebel Ali 1
1
4 Jebel Ali Jebel Ali 1
2
Table 2: Green Line Stations

S. Zo
Metro Station Area Malls
N. ne
11 Etisalat Al Qusais 5
12 Al Qusais Al Qusais 5
13 Dubai Airport Free Al Qusais 5
Zone
14 Al Nahda Al Qusais 5 Al Bustan Centre
15 Stadium Al Qusais 5
16 Al Qiyadah Al Twar 5
17 Abu Hail Deira 5
18 Abu Baker Al Deira 5 Hamarain Centre
Siddique
19 Salah Al Din Deira 5 Al Ghurair Centre
20 Union Deira Transfer Station with 5 Al Ghurair Centre
Red Line
21 Baniyas Square Deira 5
22 Palm Deira Deira 5 Fish Market , Gold
Souk
23 Al Ras Deira 5 Perfume, Spice Souk
24 Al Ghubaiba Bur Dubai 6 Old Souk
25 Al Fahidi Bur Dubai 6 Al Ain Centre
26 Burjuman Bur Dubai Transfer Station 6 Burjuman
with Red Line
27 Oud Metha Oud Metha 6 Lamcy Plaza
28 Dubai Healthcare Umm Hurair 6 Khan Murjan, Wafi
Mall
29 Al Jadaf Al Jadaf 6
30 Creek Al Jadaf 6
79
Table 3: Stations with Parking Storage Building
Station Name Line Number of parking spaces
Rashidiya Red 2700
Nakheel Harbour and Tower Red 3000
Eitsalat Green 2300
The Study
The study investigates several variables as factor for analyses. These variables are divided into
five categories: Usage, cost, problem, facility and workability. These are part of survey
questionnaire that has been applied in nine stations see (table 4) in Metro Dubai to analyze the
followings:
No. Variable Survey

The use of the Metro
1 Usage
The reason for using the metro
2 Cost The cost of using the metro

The rate of entertainment and shopping facilities
3 Facility in the station
The main problem in using the metro
Why you like to use the metro ?
4 Problem
If you drive a car what was the main problem in
using the metro?
How do you rate the stations from outside in
relation to the surrounding?
5 Workability
How do you rate the workability of the stations
with the surrounding facilities?
The study indicates that 33% of the people of the survey have used the metro in a daily bases,
however 19.6% in a weekly bases and 18.2% in a monthly bases. These results reflect the trend
of people reaction to this automotive public transportation as shown in (Graph 1). On the other
hand, the study shows that 37% of people surveyed have used the Metro to go to work, while
27% to go shopping and 25% to visit a place in Dubai as shown in (table 5). The study also
examines the cost of using the metro and the affordability of this unique public transportation
and the result was so interesting as shown in (Table 6). The result indicates that 51% of the
people of the survey consider riding the Metro in Dubai is affordable and only 10% consider the
cost expensive while 38% think it is cheap.
80
Table 4: Metro Dubai Station in the Survey
Station
No. Station Name Remark
Number
1 11 Rashidiya
2 22 World Trade Centre
3 15 GGICO
4 16 Deira City Center
5 18 Union Transfer Station
6 19 Burjuman Transfer Station
7 25 Burj Khalifa Dubai Mall
8 32 Mall of the Emirates
9 36 Damac or Dubai Marina
Graph 1
Table 5: What is the reason for using Metro
Valid Cumulative
Percent
Percent Percent
go to work 167 37.1 37.1 37.1
go shopping 123 27.3 27.3 64.4
visit a place in Dubai 114 25.3 25.3 89.8
take another transportation 42 9.3 9.3 99.1
none 4 .9 .9 100.0
Total 450 100.0 100.0
81
Table 6: What do you consider the cost of using the Metro
Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent
Percent Percent
Expensive 47 10.4 10.4 10.4
Affordable 231 51.3 51.3 61.8
Cheap 172 38.2 38.2 100.0
Total 450 100.0 100.0
The entertainment and shopping facilities in the stations have been evaluated by the survey and
it has shown that many users of the metro consider the facilities in stations are still in progress
and does not provide the public with varieties of options for entertainment and shopping. The
actual result of this variable shows that 36.7% consider the facilities in stations are good while
32% consider it very good and only 16% indicate that it is excellent as shown in ( Graph 2).
Graph 2
There are several problems facing the user of Dubai Metro and it is important indications from
the survey to find out that there are still some obstacles facing the public in using the Metro.
Accessibility to the metro was one of these problems and it was shown in the result of the
survey as 28.4% consider accessibility to the metro’s stations as a problem, However, the
highest percentage regarding this variable is the location of parking to use metro as shown in
(Table 7) indicates that 37.6% of the survey while there is 34% indicates that the availability of
parking is the main problem in using the metro. Therefore along with these results the city of
Dubai has constructed three major parking garages to provide the public with parking space for
their vehicles and the location of these parking garages have been distributed in three location as
shown in (figure 1) at the beginning of Red line and Green Line and at the end of Red Line, In
addition the number of parking spaces are available to cover the public demand as needed. But
in order to make the public more comfortable with using this major public transportation the
city has to provide more parking garages to encourage people to use the metro and should be
located as the public density of Dubai city users will be located.
82
Table 7: What is the main problem in using the Metro
Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent
Percent Percent
Accessibility to the stations 128 28.4 28.4 28.4
The location of parking 169 37.6 37.6 66.0
The availability of parking 153 34.0 34.0 100.0
space
Total 450 100.0 100.0
Metro Dubai is a new experience for the city with long history of using personal private vehicle
as the mean of transportation. Public transportation in general is not accepted by certain
proportion of Dubai society since it is a total change in life style. The study has shown that the
main causes for using the metro is for convenient and accuracy reasons with 27.1% and 38.9%
of the survey. The other two results of the analyses such as Safe and not to drive are 15.8% and
16% of the survey as shown in (Table 8 and Graph 3).
Table 8: The reason to use the Metro

Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent
Percent Percent
Convenient 122 27.1 27.1 27.1
The accuracy 175 38.9 38.9 66.0
Safe 71 15.8 15.8 81.8
I do not have to drive 72 16.0 16.0 97.8
Other 10 2.2 2.2 100.0
Total 450 100.0 100.0
Graph 3
83
The Metro Station in Dubai has special design looks from outside which reflect an old UAE
cultural practice. The design of these Metro Stations derived from the heritage of the city that
reflects the historical and traditional legacy profile of Dubai in a style that matches its
surroundings. The look of the station “The design of all elevated and at-grade Dubai Metro
stations has been modelled on the shape of seashell, inspired from the diving and pearl-fishing
heritage of the UAE”3 see (Images 5,6,7). This design approach has combined both heritage and
contemporary design. The study has indicated that people reactions toward Dubai Metro station
are varies from one station to another depending on the surrounding of each station and the
outdoor area that left for pedestrian to use and also how close the station to the adjacent
buildings which might create some negative impact in terms of proportion and aesthetics. The
survey has shown the result as in (Graph 4): with 32% of the public users consider the station
from outside in relation to the surrounding as very good while 25% consider it excellent and
30% indicate as good. The result in general has indicated the acceptance of the public users to
the design and look of Metro Station from outside with exceptions in certain areas.
Image 5 Image 6 Image 7 4
Dubai Metro Station from outside
Graph 4
3
Mattar Al Tayer, chairman of the board and executive director of the Roads and Transport Authority
(RTA). Dubai City.
4
Dubai Metro Station in Bersha near Mall of the Emirates en.Wikipedia.org
84
The workability is also another important indicator to show how the stations are functioning
inside and outside with the surrounding area. The inside of the station has different interior
design depicts the four elements of nature – water, air, earth and fire see ( Images 8,9,10,11).
The attention has been given to aesthetic and technical dimensions of those elements such that
the stations will look like a natural extension of the old and traditional souks in the locality.
They will also be viewed as extensions of the Heritage and Diving Village and the existing old
control towers in the area. “Conceptual design of some stations focuses on the traditional
architectural ingredients used in antique buildings such as wind towers (Brajeel), oriel
(mashrabia), alleyways (sukaik), internal arches and others in an advanced setting.” 5
The study indicates that the majority of the public users are enthusiastic and excited about the
metro. The survey shows that 32.9% of the users are satisfied with the function and workability
of the stations while 30.4% consider it very good and 20.9% of the users believe it is excellent
as shown in (Table 9)
Table 9: The rate of workability of the stations with the surrounding facilities.
Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent
Excellent 94 20.9 20.9 20.9
Very good 137 30.4 30.4 51.3
Good 148 32.9 32.9 84.2
Fair 35 7.8 7.8 92.0
Poor 36 8.0 8.0 100.0
Total 450 100.0 100.0
Image 8 6 Image 9 7
Metro Dubai Station from inside
5
Mattar Al Tayer, chairman of the board and executive director of the Roads and Transport Authority
(RTA). Dubai City.
6
www.FlashyDubai.com for the inside space of Metro Dubai Station heritage – inspired Design of Dubai
7
www.FlashyDubai.com for the inside space of Metro Dubai Station heritage – inspired Design of Dubai
85
Image 10 8 Image 11 9
Metro Dubai Station from inside
Conclusion
Today the Dubai Metro, the longest automated system in the world see (Map 1), is not just a
dream. It is a reality and it takes an extra ordinary vision to create advance public transportation
and to contribute to the future of Metro Systems in the Middle East. Whatever the Dubai Metro
has achieved, it has definitely formed a milestone for future Metros in the UAE in specific and
in the Gulf Region in general. Dubai Metro has set an example of excellence in modern metro
and train public transportation technology. In real terms, the Dubai Metro has ignited a
revolution for Metro railway system in the Middle East. The riders of Dubai Metro have
increased between 2012 and 2013 by 26% , and the average daily ridership in 2012 and 2013
was about 380,000. On Feb. 2014, Dubai Metros highest ever ridership of 610,000 passengers.
The statistics have shown that the users of the metro are increasing gradually see (Table 10, 11).
The actual statistics has shown an increased in the population of metro’s users which indicate
similar results in the study that have been done in this paper. However, the survey has clarified
more details in terms of preferences and needs by the users of the metro. Although 33% of
metro riders use it daily and around 37% of the riders use it to go to work, these result does
reflect an important indicator that one third of Dubai population use the metro in a daily bases to
go to work. In addition the cost of using the metro is encouraging the public even more to
choose this new public transportation since half of the users consider the cost of riding the metro
as affordable.
The result has shown that the facilities inside the stations need more services with 36.7% as
good even though most of the stations have the state of the art equipment. The interpretation of
this result explain that some of these metro stations is huge in space and size and required long
walking distance to get to the metro track, therefore it is not friendly to the users especially
children and elderly.
The study has indicated that the main problem facing using Dubai Metro are accessibility to the
public and availability of parking, These indicators are realistic and required more strategy by
8
www.flickr.com for the inside space of Metro Dubai Station (Khalid Bin Al Waleed) Burjuman.
9
www.designbuild-network.com for the inside space of Metro Dubai Station located beneath the
Burjuman Mall (Khalid Bin Al Waleed).
86
the city of Dubai to provide more parking garages and to distribute them in location according
to number of users. The statistic has shown the locations of these crowded metro stations, and it
will be appropriate to support them by parking garage or bus station to ease the pressure of these
crowds.
The public is using the metro because it is convenient and accurate and the statistical analyses
indicate that with almost 65% favoring these reasons. However, when it comes to workability
from outside it has even more support by the public reaction in the survey, these result clarify
that the people who are using the metro are only concern with using the metro for transportation
even though it has negative impact on the surrounding developments around the stations.
Finally, there are fact on the ground that are considered an obstacle for full public participation
in using the metro due to social and cultural reasons. Therefore, the strategy in making public
transportation such as the metro as an attractive alternative will take some time and will require
change of perception by the general public in order to consider the ride of the metro a dream for
all regardless of the social status.
Table 10: Red Line – Average Monthly Ridership (Source) 10

Deira City Union Burj Khalifa Al Rigga Burguman Mall of the
Centre Station Station Station Emirate
2011 406,393 503,538 240,943 314,873 465,986 346,736
2012 473,704 405,718 321,864 382,992 396,830 412,379
2013 547,196 471,359 510,859 471,512 461,494 456,286
2014 588,460 551,435 544,140 538,479 518,965 474,053
Green Line – Average Monthly Ridership

AL Fahidi Baniyas Al Ghubaiba Salah Al Oud Metha Abu
Station Square Station Din Station Baker
Station
2011 279,561 287,930 207,734 158,875 194,953 135,357
2012 381,884 364,996 274,410 221,648 240,465 189,582
2013 482,892 463,139 345,902 290,718 304,108 256,634
2014 563,688 531,422 396,492 342,565 339,160 321,026
10
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Dubai Metro
87
Table 11: Statistics for Metro Dubai
The Increase of Metro’s Users from 2012 to 2013
(Source) 11
2012 2013
Lines 2 2
Kilometers 74,6 74,6
Trips (Red Line) 104,961 115,670
Trips (Green Line) 93,795 94,189
Trips (Total) 198,756 209,759
Passengers (Red Line) 71,914,000 88,886,539
Passengers (Green Line) 37,576,000 48,872,719
Passengers (Total) 109,490,000 137,759,258
Map 1:Dubai Map and the Location of the Red Line and Green Line
for Metro Dubai and future network 12
11
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Dubai Metro
12
www.emirates247.com the map gives an idea of the potential Metro network in the future
88
References:
Red Line (Dubai Metro) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Red_Line_(Dubai_Metro)
Green Line (Dubai Metro) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_Line_(Dubai_Metro)
www.railway-technology.com/projects/dubai-metro/ Dubai Metro Network, United Arab
Emirates
Dubai Metro creates new world record | GulfNews.com, Feb 21, 2012 - Its official The Dubai
Metro is the longest driverless metro network in the world.
Ahmed Kanna (Editor), The Superlative City: Dubai and the Urban Condition in the Early
Twenty-First Century (Aga Khan Program of the Graduate School of Design) 2013.
Yasser Elsheshtawy (Author), Dubai: Behind an Urban Spectacle (Planning, History and
Environment Series) 2009.
Bruce Katz (Author), Jennifer Bradley (Author), The Metropolitan Revolution: How Cities
and Metros Are Fixing Our Broken Politics and Fragile Economy, 2014.
Jan Gehl , Cities for People, Island press, 2010.
Hank Dittmar (Editor), Gloria Ohland (Editor)The New Transit Town: Best Practices In
Transit-Oriented Development, 2003.
Hiroaki Suzuki (Author), Robert Cervero (Author), Kanako Iuchi (Author), Transforming
Cities with Transit: Transit and Land-Use Integration for Sustainable Urban
Development, 2013.
Matthew Carmona, Steve Tiesdell, Tim Heath and Taner Oc, Public Places Urban Spaces The
Dimensions of Urban Design, Architectural Press, Second Edition 2010.
Vukan R. Vuchic (Author), Urban Transit Systems and Technology, 2007.
John L. Renne (Editor), Billy Fields III (Editor), Transport Beyond Oil: Policy Choices for a
Multimodal Future, 2013.
89
Brownfield landscapes of Amman:
Defining typologies of unnamed terrains
Deyala Tarawneh
School of Geography, Earth and Environmental Sciences (GEES), University of Birmingham,

UK
Dha284@bham.ac.uk
ABSTRACT
Whether it is evident or not Brownfield landscapes play a significant role in cities, urban
planning and the production of space understood as the Lefebvrian reproduction of social
relations (Lefebvre, 1991). They are a powerful instrument for emphasizing an array of informal
cultural, social and economic activities and are part of the built environment, although
construction or urban activity around them might define them as empty. This paper investigates
the phenomenon of Brownfield landscapes widely spreading across Amman (Jordan) more
specifically the challenges linked to the lack of formal definitions (in planning documents and
policy) and therefore attention towards them which undermines their potential and excludes
them from being part of the urban development process.
Informed by a study of Brownfield landscapes in Amman this paper aims to firstly highlight the
significance of identifying these sites in addition to introducing the already existing set of
definitions associated with them. Secondly, it aims to introduce the different typologies of
Brownfield sites emerging in Amman and where do they fall in that classification. Finally, the
paper uses the findings to contribute to the debate around Brownfield landscapes and the many
possibilities for this emerging luxury of emptiness, a phenomenon that has the capacity of
attracting space pioneers to create cultural breeding grounds as platforms of urban innovation.
Keywords: Brownfield, dereliction, urban redevelopment, Amman.
1. INTRODUCTION
Alker at al. Argue that the definitions are interpretations of terminologies set to prevent
misunderstandings and confusions in addition to enable clear communication between different
groups with different views. A variety of stakeholders and professionals (planners, surveyors,
lawyers, developers, investors, environmental consultants, local authorities, public agencies and
local communities) are involved in the redevelopment of ‘Brownfields’. Therefore, it is
important to achieve consistency between those localities and the definition of ‘Brownfields’
should comply with their different perspectives and convey an interpretation reflecting the
emphasis of each stakeholder (Alker et al., 2000).
In spite of the many derivations and interpretations from different origins (Gwilliam, 1997,
Syms, 1999, Bardos, 1999, Simons, 1996, Meyer, 1995) ‘Brownfields’ have two primary
definition, a UK and a US based ones. And while defined as the opposite of ‘Greenfield’ in the
UK planning terms, Greenfield here meaning land that has not previously been developed,
‘Brownfields’ have been adopted to describe land that has previously been subjected to
development (TSO, 1990). Development defined here as “the carrying out of building,
90
engineering, mining or other operations, in, on, over or under land, or the making of any
material change in the use of any building or other land”. In this definition, development is
interpreted as a simple change of use, however ‘Brownfields’ are generally related to a form of
hard end use involving a physical construction or an industrial process-taking place. The second
definition of ‘Brownfield’ introduced by the United States Environmental Protection Agency
(USEPA, 2002) as “the abandoned, idled, or under-used industrial and commercial facilities
where expansion or redevelopment is complicated by real or perceived environmental
contamination”. Unlike the UK definition, this definition incorporates contamination of lands
and therefore implies all Brownfields are contaminated which is not the case. Moreover, US
definition generates stigmatization to Brownfield sites, but it should be noted that it also
incorporates ‘idled’ and ‘abandoned’ as part of the definition interpreted in the UK definition as
vacant lands.
However, reflecting on the primary purpose with which this paper is associated with, it is a
prerequisite for the classification of Amman’s emerging Brownfields to introduce the existing
terminology matrix associated with ‘Brownfield’ definition. In this confusing area of
terminology, three established terms associating the definition of a Brownfield are identified in
practice and legislations; (1) contaminated land, (2) derelict land and (3) vacant land. Citing
many governmental bodies (the Committee for Challenges to Modern Society (CCMS), Royal
Commission on Environmental Pollution (RCEP), Department of Environment (DoE),
Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology (POST)). In their classification Alker, Joy,
Roberts and smith (Alker et al., 2000) define contaminated land as referred by many
practitioners as a “ wider category of land which as a result of previous or current activities
contain contamination concentration high enough to be a hazard on health or environment”.
However, to avoid confusion, it is important to know that statutory definition is referring to
‘land contamination’ instead of ‘contaminated land’ to indicate presence of contaminants and
imply the need for treatment or, at least, further investigation. In addition, if land is not known
for sure if contaminated, it is described as ‘potential land contamination’ and in case hazard is
reflecting the natural or human-made site physical conditions rather than biological or chemical
contamination then the term generally used is ‘damaged land’. The second associated term to
Brownfield definition defined is ‘derelict land’ defined as “land which is derelict, neglected or
unsightly” also as “land so damaged by the industrial or other development that is incapable of
beneficial use without treatment”. While the third associated term is ‘vacant land’, which is
defined as a consequence of the derelict land definition inadequacy, vacant land are defined as
“land on which some previous productive use has ceased for a significant period of time”,
further, categorized as including land which may be in addition contaminated, derelict or
neglected (ibid), see Figure 1.
91
Contaminated land Land contamination
Keywords: Biological Keywords: Treatment or
or chemical hazard, investigation required.
harm, pollution.
Potential land
Brownfield Derelict land contamination
Keywords: Previously Keywords: Neglected, Keywords: Not known

developed, abandoned, Unsightly, damaged by for sure if contaminated
idled, under-used, development
Damaged land
contaminated.
Vacant land Keywords: Natural or
man-made physical
Keywords: Neglected, problems.
Unsightly, damaged by
development
Figure 1: Brownfield classification
2. MAIN BODY
2.1 Research Methodology
In addition to visual methods of direct observation and photographic documentation, informal

chats, later developed into semi-structured interviews, informed the investigation of brownfield
sites established in Amman. Chats and interviews were conducted with three stakeholder
groups; (1) institutional and governmental bodies represented by the Greater Amman
Municipality (GAM) planning department, regulation department, private sector development
department, building supervision department and geographic information system (GIS)
department in addition to Ministry of Environment (MoEnv) and Natural Resources Authority
(NRA). (2) Local authorities represented by municipalities and directorates. In addition to (3),
local communities represented by NGO’s and the everyday user of local community whom
provided cartographic data, documents and insight respectively. Recruiting methods were made
through direct contact, delegation, referrals, connection and snowballing. Written and spoken
consent was obtained from participant whom were guaranteed anonymity and confidentiality.
2.2 Brownfields of Amman.
Reflecting on existing terminologies, a review of current interpretations and applications of

Amman’s Brownfield typologies in relation to their usage is aimed to classify them into the
current Brownfield definition system. It is essential to start from the basics in this frequently
confused area of terminology in order to establish definitions even if they are restricted in scope
and usage. Therefore, this paper will begin with the most familiar typologies and work its way
through the rather not so obvious ones.
The research identified six Brownfield typologies. The first being ‘quarries and mining sites’
which either get rehabilitated after materials excavation or in other cases, which is the
problematic aspect here, is subjected to an agreed upon fine/bail condition leaving the site
92
untreated (NRA, 2014, MoEnv, 2014) 1 . The second typology, also related to quarries and
mining sites, are ‘prohibited sites’ located in unplanned zones where the investor is to submit
supporting documents and studies to the Planning and Studies Department to regulate the land
in order to later register it at the Registration Department. Similar to the first typology, the land
is either rehabilitated after use or the bail/fine condition is applied (ibid). The third typology the
paper introduces is a consequence of the economic crisis, which led many investors and
enterprises in the capital Amman to pause the construction of promised megaprojects, and
skyscrapers either at site preparation phases of excavation and infrastructure installation or at
early construction phases. ‘Unfinished megaprojects’ constitute a dilemma to the Private
Investment sector as such enterprises were given many facilitations and special laws which
made it easy to abandon those sites as soon as investors ran out on money (GAMPSDD, 2014,
GAMCMPD, 2014, GAMRD, 2014, GAMPD, 2014). Unlike the first three introduced
typologies which this paper argues, are human-made violations of either regulations or
legislations, the fourth and fifth Brownfield typologies result from legitimate planning
applications. ‘Bits’ and ‘leftovers’ are residual lands either resulting usually from the passage of
unpaved service or agricultural roads passing through governmental or private owned land often
neglected without treatment while the later results from opening streets also in governmental or
private own land. The leftover piece in this case is either sold to the nearest owner to gain street
access or left without treatment. The sixth typology introduced differs from the previous two
groups by being naturally occurring but poorly handled. ‘Challenging topography sites’ are
locations where no vehicular or pedestrian access is possible. In this case if private owned the
municipality is forced to buy the lot or replace it with another at a better location, or if
government owned is left to its nature or filled with forest trees to prevent soil erosion (ibid),
see
Table 1and Figure 1.
Typology Description Illustration

Quarries Quarries and mining
and sites within mixed-
mining use areas in Amman.
sites Natural Resources
Authority, GIS
department.
Prohibited
sites
1
Ruins removal condition set by the Building Supervision Department as 0.5 JOD per every square
meter.
93
Unfinishe Unfinished
d Megaproject, The
megaproj Living Wall. Photo
ects taken by the author.
Bits Bits of a cancelled 6

meter wide street
added to the
surrounding adjacent
land, lots, GAM
Regulation
Department edited by
the author.
Leftovers Leftover space

resulting from
opening a 14 meter
wide street, the GAM
Regulation
Department edited by
the author.
94
Challengi Challenging
ng topography sites.
topograph Photo taken by the
y sites author.
Table 1: Amillustrationeld typology illustation.
Figure 1: Amman Brownfield originating causes diagram. Author.
2.3 Reflections
This section illustrates how emerging Brownfield typologies of Amman correspond to the
existing classification system using the aforementioned Alker et al. model (Alker et al., 2000).
Since the identification of hazard does not only imply the presence of chemical or biological
contamination rather also reflect on the physical nature of the site both natural and human-
made, sites that experience poor ground conditions whether due to undermining or poor
consolidated fill, derelict building foundation structures in addition to topography and terrain
might present hazards. Therefore, ‘quarries and mining sites’, ‘prohibited sites’, ‘unfinished
megaprojects’ and ‘challenging topography sites’ are likely to be classified under ‘land
95
contamination’, ‘potential land contamination’ and ‘damaged land’ categories. As they require
some form of investigation, treatment or investigation before they can be reused, which is the
fundamental base of contaminated land term identification. At the same time, worked out
quarries and mineral excavation sites, abandoned installations or premises sometimes include
areas of neglected land or land that has retrieved to its natural surrounding no longer
constituting a problem. Therefore, ‘quarries and mining sites’, ‘prohibited sites’ and
‘unfinished megaprojects’ can also fall under the ‘derelict land’ category alongside with ‘bits’
and ‘leftovers’ which fit the definition of both ‘derelict land’ and ‘vacant land’. Overlapping
occurs in the Brownfield classification systems (Lauren Andres, 2011, Syms, 1999, Bardos,
1999, Meyer, 1995). And while one typology is likely to fit the description of more than one
category, see Figure 2, we can agree that the six investigated typologies can be introduced to
the planning system in a more formal context making them visual and claimable to the different
stakeholder groups to unfold their underlying potential (Downing, 1967, Nathanail and Bardos,
2005).
Figure 2: Amman Brownfield typologies in the Alker classification
2.4 Challenges and potentials
One of the biggest challenges this paper sheds the light on is the invisibility of Brownfield sites
and their huge potential. The argument made here is the unavailability of proper terminology
and definition within a clear classification system to such lands, which present difficulties in
communication between involved stakeholders when these sites are considered for
redevelopment. For instance, land and construction provisions do not include any Brownfield
96
typology in their classification or use, in fact, colloquial language is used to describe some,
planning residuals to be specific.
Another challenge, this paper touches upon is how people’s right to the city is jeopardized when
stakeholder groups of local communities and non-profit organizations are denied access and the
chance to take part in the decision making alongside the development processes of Brownfield
sites (Mitchell, 2012) only because these typologies are not part of Amman’s urban planning
dialogue. Furthermore, this paper argues that Brownfield sites have the potential of creating
breading grounds of social production, especially to local community and entrepreneurial, youth
through, for example, Do It Yourself (DIY) Urbanism in which community claims urban space,
or temporary use in which short-term activities take place in currently undesirable urban spaces
and its strategic role in urban development around the world (Bishop and Williams, 2012,
COLOMB, 2012, Oswalt et al., 2013, Panu Lehtovuori, 2012) .
3. CONCLUSIONS
This paper suggests that though not in itself sufficient, establishing a set of definitions for
Amman’s Brownfields is necessary towards utilising them and recognizing their various
potentials in addition to the full range of end uses. Without such definitions, communication and
interpretation difficulties may generate misunderstandings between stakeholders eventually
presenting obstacles to their redevelopment.
To overcome one of the difficulties surrounding the redevelopment of Brownfield, which is the
reflection of the term from a local authority perspective? This paper suggests that further
research should be dedicated to producing an amount and location database for Brownfields of
Amman involving local authorities by reporting details of location, market value, size, land
ownership status and planning classification of Brownfield sites within their boundaries to
planning and land statistics authorities.
The paper also proposes Brownfield should acquire more political significance by introducing
new policies to managing Brownfields, proposing taxes on underdeveloped Brownfields or
providing grants and subsidies to encourage redevelopment for example.
REFERENCES
Alker, S. and others (2000). The Definition of Brownfield in Journal of Environmental

Planning and Management, 43, 49-69.
Bardos, P. (1999). A Summary of the UK’s Participation in CLARINET and the NATO/CCMS
Pilot Study during 1998 and 1999. Bristol: Environment agency.
Bishop, P. & Williams, L. (2012). The temporary city, Abingdon, Oxon., Routledge.
Colomb, C. (2012). PUSHING THE URBAN FRONTIER: TEMPORARY USES OF SPACE,
CITY MARKETING, AND THE CREATIVE CITY DISCOURSE IN 2000s BERLIN.
JOURNAL OF URBAN AFFAIRS, 34, 131-152.
Downing, M. (1967). The reclamation of derelict landscape. Planning Outlook, 3, 38-52.
Gamcmpd, D.(2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D.
Gampd, H. (2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D.
Gampsdd, H. (2014). RE: Brownfied Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D.
Gamrd, D. (2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D.
Gwilliam, M. (1997). Something old, something new. Planning, 22-23.
Lauren, B. (2011). Cultural brownfields in European cities: a new mainstream object for cultural
and urban policies. International Journal of Cultural Policy, 1.
97
Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space, Oxford, Blackwell.
Meyer, P. B., WIilliams, H. & Yount, R. (1995). Contaminated Land, Aldershot, Edward Elgar.
Mitchell, D. (2012). Right to the City, Guilford Publications.
Monev, M. (2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D.
Nathanail, P. & Bardos. P. (2005). Reclamation of Contaminated Land, Wiley.
NRA, N. R. A. (2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D.
Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K. & Misselwitz, P. (2013). Urban Catalyst: The Power of Temporary
Use, DOM Publishers.
Panu, R. (2012). Temporary uses as means of experimental urban planning. Serbian
Architectural Journal, 4, 29-54.
SIimons, R. (1996). Environment. Journal of the American Planning Association, 62, 402.
Syms, P. (1999). Redeveloping brownfield land The decision-making process. Journal of
Property Investment & Finance, 17, 481.
TSO, T. S. O. (1990). Town and country planning Act 1990 London: The Stationary Office
TSO.
USEPA (2002). Brownfields Definition [Online]. Available:
http://www.epa.gov/brownfields/overview/glossary.htm [Accessed 22/2/2015 2015].
98
II
Conference Papers
Part 3:
The Social dimension of urban design: responsive and inclusive public spaces.
Learning from Self-planned Communities
Al Amin Kably
Urban Planner / Designer

akably@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
This research attempts to understand so called “informal areas” within Arab cities, how they are
established, and what makes them an integral part of the city fabric. By inquiring into the
limitations of current planning practices, which tend to provide generic approaches to control or
manage these urban areas today, the paper asks - What can we learn from self-planned
communities?
The definition of what constitutes a self-planned community goes hand-in-hand with how these
neighbourhoods were formed over time. Using examples from within Amman and Cairo, this
paper introduces self-planned areas from each city, and their levels of informality or “self
planning”, which is directly related to both Jordan and Egypt’s development history and socio-
economic context. The question then arises as to how these communities sustain growth outside
of formal urban control and management mechanisms. If one were to investigate planning
frameworks within each city, one can derive how these communities integrate with existing
institutional and municipal regulatory frameworks.
The second part of the paper discusses current global and regional planning practices and trends,
specifically those focused on sustainability. By defining criteria for success in terms of social,
environmental and economic sustainability, urban planners feel equipped to pursue courses of
action based on clear goals, but the tools to implement these goals are often too rigid in
structure to address all issues faced by residents in cities with rapid growth. This section further
elaborates how globally practiced sustainability criteria are evident in these socially cohesive
self-planned communities that have been established organically over time within Amman and
Cairo. It highlights the contrast between their disregard due to informality (assumed to be areas
that are in need of “repair” or regeneration), versus their ability to serve as models, which urban
planners and municipal entities could learn from.
Keywords: Amman, Cairo, self-planned, sustainability
INTRODUCTION: WHAT CONSTITUTES A SELF-PLANNED COMMUNITY?
Within the last century, the population of a number of Arab cities have grown exponentially, as
is the case with urban populations globally. These cities provide livelihoods to millions of
people as industry and commerce expand. Such is the case of Cairo, which has had high rates of
rural-urban migration, in addition to its soaring rates of natural population increase in recent
decades (Sims, 2012). In other cases such as Amman, the influx of displaced individuals and
families from neighbouring countries suffering from regional conflict and oppression have also
attributed to drastic increases in populations (Husseini, 2013). These cities are unable to respond
to the rapid needs of large numbers of migrants. In addition, land is costly and scarce close to
urban centres, thereby unattainable to many. Therefore, people have had no choice but to come
up with innovative, affordable and efficient alternatives for shelter outside of formal, top-down
101
planning mechanisms so that they are able to access central urban economic opportunities and
amenities. These communities have developed in an organic or spontaneous manner,
characterized by the needs of groups, rather than by a formal plan. The physical fabric of these
“informal” or illegal settlements is therefore a result of an individual’s or small collective’s aim
to shape one’s own environment, though always constrained by economical, legal or political
forces (Rao, 2010). This paper will focus mainly on these types of settlements, using examples
from within Amman and Cairo, which are groups of self-built or contractor-built housing that
are often characterized by inadequate basic services and continue to have some form of
illegality (often by ambiguous conditions) regarding land tenure (Al-Asad, 2011). In both Cairo
and Amman, where communities have participated more directly in planning their own
neighbourhoods over time, one cannot consider them as unplanned and chaotic, but rather
informally organized by residents, and are therefore referred to as self-planned communities
henceforth.
AMMAN CONTEXT
The creation of the Emirate of Transjordan under British administration in 1921 brought about
various changes in previous Ottoman administrative frameworks, including the encouragement
of private (as opposed to communal) ownership of land. During this period, all lands within
Jordan were registered and surveyed along with the establishment of various privatization
strategies in the form of the Land Demarcation and Valuation Law of 1927, and the Tax Law, as
well as the Settlement Law of 1933 (Ababsa, 2013). These, among other regulatory policies
were originally intended to increase yields for agriculture, but instead introduced neoliberal
cultural elements that were the beginnings of accentuating inequalities among people. The
valuation of land and consequent speculation through private ownership, limits access to many
people who migrate without affordable options for housing in urban areas. In 1946, the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan was established, and not long after was the Nakba in 1948 in
Palestine. Hundreds of thousands of refugees and immigrants (mainly from Jerusalem, Jaffa,
Bisan, Lydda and Ramleh) poured into Jordan and settled in urban areas (Ababsa, 2013). This
influx continued for decades during which conflicts in the region escalated and people were
forced to migrate from the West Bank and Gaza (from 1967 on) (Ababsa, 2010). UNRWA
(United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East), had set up a
number of refugee camps to accommodate displaced Palestinians in Jordan. These camps were
set up with an operational objective of gathering Palestinian refugees, who could not afford
alternative accommodation in one place (Achilli, 2015). Almost 2 million Palestinians were
displaced to Jordan by 2009, and only 17% were registered in the 10 official camps (Husseini,
2013). In 1946 only 60,000 people lived in Amman. Within a decade, this increased to 250,000
people, mostly by absorbing a large number of people displaced from Palestine (GAM, 2008).
In addition, rural-urban migration and birth rates increased as well. Amman had an average
growth rate of 14.4% in the 1970s (Ababsa, 2013). With refugees returning to Jordan from the
gulf, as well as immigration from Iraq in the 1990s, and 2000s, Amman had absorbed most of
these surges of immigrants reaching 2.2 million inhabitants by 2008, putting additional pressure
on resources, land, and housing (GAM, 2008).
Jabal Natheef
Since the Nakba (1948), many Palestinian refugees who migrated to Amman set up tents close
to the city centre, on one of the four hills of Ras Al Ain district – Jabal Natheef. At that time,
this area was close to the (then) river, and at the centre of the city of Amman. In 1955, Wahdat
Camp was established, and refugees were asked to move there under UNRWA’s supervision.
102
Residents from Jabal Natheef and other informally settled areas were reluctant to move, as it
was away from basic resources (such as water), infrastructure and commerce available at the
centre. In 1962, the original owner of the land in Jabal Natheef had won a decision to evacuate
the illegal settlers residing there. But throughout 1963 there were petitions and protests by the
settlers, and in 1964, a decision was made to cease forced evacuations, and provide electricity to
Jabal Natheef (Arini, 2014). Even though there was intent on relocating residents to a newly
acquired 87 acres of land with housing provided, this did not materialize, so residents started to
self-build permanently as well as expand without conforming to existing building codes (which
were irrelevant, due to density constraints etc.). By 1975, orders were given to provide sewage
to this self-planned area as well, and the community was integrated more into the city (it had
already established social and economic integration within the previous decades). Figure 1
illustrates the figure ground and zones of Jabal Natheef, central Amman (Arini, 2014). One can
observe that there is a distinction between the higher density upper and lower informal areas,
and the rest of the adjacent built fabric. The existence of streets and setbacks between buildings
lying outside of informal areas are more pronounced, as the formal areas conform to existing
setback and plot dimension standards, which are part of the municipal framework and zoning
regulations. On the other hand, one can also observe from Figure 1, that the main commercial
uses form a binding element, and stitch the urban fabric of the formal with the informal, making
it a seamless part of the city (Arini, 2014).
Figure 1: Jabal Natheef Urban Footprint (Source: Arini: Mapping Jabal Natheef, 2014)
Wahdat Official and Unofficial Camps
Since its inception in 1955, Wahdat “official” camp (administered by UNRWA) overflowed
beyond its formal boundaries due to the growing families of the camp residents. Therefore,
extended families of refugees built structures nearby on land without tenure (Achilli, 2015). In
addition, other marginalized populations also settled in encampments without land tenure in
what is now considered part of stable, mature, and integrated neighbourhoods of east Amman
today (GAM, 2008). East Wahdat was one of these “unofficial” camp expansion areas, which
started out with tents and temporary buildings that later became more permanent. As part of a
city-wide “upgrading” project in 1980, this area, including over 500 households, was upgraded
by the Urban Development Department using a well thought out 10-year consultation,
construction and monitoring process, which continued to be a model for addressing self-planned
103
areas of the city. This process provided its inhabitants with land tenure, water, sewage, roads
and electricity connections, as well as educational and health facilities. Around 9 hectares (90
donums) considered to be East Wahdat, was upgraded using funds provided by various agencies
and the Government of Jordan, and included cost recovery over the longer term. It is important
to note that the outcome of the formalized layout did not vary drastically from its original self-
planned layout (Leslie, 1992). Most plots were retained with a permanent starter utility core
and compound wall built as part of the program, which would in time allow for permanent
buildings to replace the temporary shelters within the plot. Micro-loans for expansion of homes
were provided, which people used to buy materials and build themselves. New relaxed
regulations were specially designated to the area. For example a minimum of 12-metre wide
streets by regulation, were allowed to be 5 metres in East Wahdat. Coverage sometimes
exceeded 70%, and plots were permitted to be smaller than what was commonly prescribed
(which accommodated the capacity of residents to repay loans). Similar to Jabal Natheef, the
commercial streets in East Wahdat are shared between the self-planned and adjacent formal
areas surrounding it, making it an essential part of the functioning city. People therefore
improved their own pre-planned neighbourhood through community participation during or
after upgrading, and it matured as an integrated part of the city further, accommodating their
incremental needs over numerous years. Figure 2 presents a recent Google image, indicating the
boundary of the upgrading project of the informal settlement, in proximity to the official
UNRWA Wahdat Camp.
Figure 2: Recent aerial image indicating the boundary of the informal settlement upgrading project – East
Wahdat, in proximity to the UNRWA “official” Wahdat Camp. (Source: Google Earth, 2015)
CAIRO CONTEXT
Egypt’s population (currently at over 80 million) is set to increase steadily over the next few
decades. Most of it’s inhabited and agricultural lands lie within areas that are close to the linear
north-south path of the Nile, or have access to groundwater from the Nile valley. Cairo is
strategically located at the point where the Delta fans out northward, which may explain why it
was continuously settled upon for five thousand years (Sims, 2012). In order to determine
specific spatial characteristics of Cairo’s growth, and roots of informal housing, it is important
to note a few key related developments over the past 60 years or so, where its population
multiplied over 6 times (GIZ, Piffero, 2009). After World War II, migration to Cairo from
104
Upper Egypt and the Delta, were a result of successful economic development in the city,
coupled with a massive industrialization policy set in place by Gamal Abdul Nasser. Most
migrants at that time settled in rented, shared flats or rooms, at the centre of Cairo, and later
bought affordable land at the fringes of villages located at the (then) periphery of the city, such
as Imbaba and KitKat in Giza Governorate. During the same period numerous people settled
illegally on eastern state owned lands such as Manshiet Nasser and Kum Gharab within the
Cairo Governorate. In the 1960s rural-urban migration to Greater Cairo increased further, along
with informal urbanization on private agricultural lands. Despite efforts by the government to
provide alternatives such as Nasr City, this pattern of growth increased in village peripheries
close to central urban Cairo, on prime agricultural land within the Delta, where farmers found
the sale of buildings more lucrative than farming.1 The government continued with efforts to
reduce this, by passing laws (such as Law 59-1966 + amendments), forbidding informal
construction on agricultural land, but it was ineffective. Housing demand increased, as did
demographic growth. In the 1970’s, 84% of all new housing units that were constructed, were
considered illegal (GIZ, Sejourne, 2009). In 1977, Sadat introduced a new towns policy, which
was to absorb the growth, but it had no effect. It is estimated that over half of public housing
projects in the 80’s and 90’s accommodated only resettlement of inner city dwellers. As
growing families wanted to have their own homes, they found the formal market costly and rent
controlled areas too scarce or dilapidated, leaving no other option but to turn to the informal
housing market. Informal housing was not only affordable, but also close to the city and jobs,
and vehicle ownership was not common. The result to date is that between 60-70% of
approximately 18 million Cairenes live in dense informal settlements, which have grown
spatially into a contiguous urban fabric as the city centre and surrounding villages merged.2
Figure 3 indicates the formal and informal areas within the Greater Cairo’s built footprint
(Sims, 2012).
There are various types of informal settlements in Cairo, the majority of which have developed
around a non-official land market starting from private landowners. Areas that were previously
cultivated, are subdivided into smaller plots of 60 to 100m2 by farmers or middlemen, or by
companies that have larger agricultural fields, and sold to private owners and builders.
Construction starts with employing local labour and remains in its state of typical red bricks and
cement (Sims, 2012). Initially, buildings are around 5 stories high with the possibility of
incremental extension. The owners or builders may decide to keep one unit for themselves or
family, while the rest is sold or rented out. In these cases, the illegality does not stem from
ownership rights, but from the illegal conversion of agricultural land to housing as well as the
non-conformance to existing regulations with regard to building plot sizes and standards of
construction (GIZ, Piffero, 2009). Informal areas also utilize former state owned lands in Cairo.
They are mostly a self-planned extension of state provided housing initiatives, such as Manshiet
Nasser, which started with a core of garbage collectors, relocated there by the government in the
1960s. This settlement received an informal influx from adjacent neighbourhoods, such as
families from Darb al-Ahmar and Khalifa districts, wanting to be close to their relatives. In
general, there is more risk of eviction in these areas and so the temporary quality of the built
1In Egypt, villages often have populations of over 10,000 and are not considered urban. Distances
between villages and major cities are not significant.
2 Greater Cairo spans 5 governorates, implying a population of over 13 million inhabitants. If one were to
consider / include villages that have over 10,000 residents within this administrative boundary, the
population would be 18.5 million (UN-Habitat, 2011).
105
fabric is more evident (GIZ, Piffero, 2009).
Figure 3: Greater Cairo’s Formal and Informal Cities, 2005 (Source: Sims, 2012: Sejourne & Sims, 2009)
GLOBAL SUSTAINABILITY CRITERIA IN RELATION TO SELF-PLANNED

COMMUNITIES
The UN-Habitat defines sustainable development as a multi-dimensional process that links

environmental protection with economically, socially and culturally sound development (UN-
Habitat, 2012). Communities should therefore be planned to reduce energy consumption and
utilization of scarce resources, support a diverse larger and local economy, as well as strive for
an inclusive community that accommodates a full range of residents, providing them with
adequate services and allowing participation in decision making. In recent trends globally,
planning practitioners and decision makers have stated their commitment to plan for more
sustainable cities. Several of the proposed physical planning controls adopted by cities
(regulations and policies) intend on providing a way of achieving various aspects of
sustainability, and include, but are not limited to the following:
 Efficient Location: encourage development in proximity to urban centres, utilizing
available land, services, facilities, and buildings.
 Compact Growth: utilize higher densities in clusters, as opposed to automobile based,

dispersed, low-density development (resulting in using land and resources efficiently).
 Mix of Land Uses: designate employment, shopping, health, education, recreation, and
other services, within walking distance of residential areas.
106
 Multi-Modal Transportation: provide an efficient multi-modal transportation network,
connecting amenities for walking, bicycles, and public transit.
Meeting Sustainability Criteria Unintentionally
Greater Cairo, under the NUCA’s (New Urban Communities Authority) mandate, has planned
satellite cities (such as New Cairo and Sheikh Zayed City), which were meant to alleviate
congestion at the centre of Cairo, and address their housing issue. But these communities are
merely real estate investments as opposed to affordable housing solutions, utilizing large areas
of vacant land that are too far from the established city centre. Barely 5% of Cairo’s current
inhabitants reside in these sprawling suburbs in the desert, as none of the anonymous low-
density housing units are affordable to the majority of starter families. The planned and built
urban fabric will not allow for flexibility in the future, to absorb the more city-based functions
such as a viable financial core etc. As public transportation is inadequate in these newly planned
areas, the upper-income groups that can afford to live here, utilize private vehicles, which in
turn causes increased traffic congestion and environmental issues, leading to health issues in the
longer term. Overall, these planned cities, are definitely not economically, environmentally, or
socially responsible in terms of sustainable planning. As for the self-planned (informal) areas
close to the centre of Cairo, the figures show that it is the fastest growing alternative for the
rising population3. These areas are governed by social and cultural norms that answer the needs
of people under their specific local constraints. They are demand-driven, incremental in growth,
compact, self-sufficient, high-density, low energy consuming, walk-able, with a mix of uses,
allowing work-home proximity, thereby inadvertently conforming to all the sustainable
development policies mentioned above, as part of global agendas (GIZ, Shehayeb, 2009).
In Jordan’s case, many attempts have been made to try to address the issue of affordable
housing around larger cities such as Amman. As an example, the HUDC’s (Housing and Urban
Development Corporation) mandate has included the planning and design of “affordable”
housing communities in the past. Many of these planned areas accommodate denser zoning, but
are usually located in lands that are far from jobs and services needed by all residents of the
city, and are not likely to become part of the city in the longer term as they are away from the
direction of spatial growth. In addition, many housing schemes in the past only cater to special
Jordanian groups, unions and public service employees, and did not accommodate the needs of
impoverished migrants with fewer rights. Overall, in terms of meeting the needs and providing
affordable choices for people to live in proximity to well served, multi-modal neighbourhoods,
these clusters do not rank high within global sustainability criteria. In terms of what has
sustained success, self-planned areas such as East-Wahdat and Jabal Natheef have by far proven
to be a more sustainable model. Despite the regulatory constraints they face, they have managed
to accommodate themselves in compact, high-density clusters, with access to self-planned and
self-financed amenities, having a mix of uses within walk-able distances, and have walk-able
access to public transit as well. Similar to Cairo, one of the main underlying features is that
these areas were not planned for cars, as the people who self-planned the communities did not
own private vehicles. Shared, main commercial streets knit the fabric of informal areas with the
adjacent formal city seamlessly. The social fabric of self-planned areas in Amman, having close
community ties that sustain success and growth over years and again, unintentionally meet the
criteria that global practitioners have been lobbying for.
3 These areas have residents consisting of Government employees, workshop owners, artisans, doctors,
lawyers, drivers, waiters, students, etc., serving the needs of diverse populations, not only the poor (GIZ,
Shehayeb, 2009).
107
CONCLUSION
In both Amman and Cairo, the contextual characteristics leading to the need for self-planning
are unique to each country and city, but overall there are common lessons that we can learn
from them. Firstly, it is important to recognize that people know their own needs better than we
do, which is a valuable lesson that helped assist planners to recognize the need to consult with
the residents of East Wahdat and identify their needs more accurately. Secondly, we need to
recognize the rigidity of utilizing over-prescriptive neo-liberal regulations and institutional
frameworks (private land ownership as opposed to communal ownership for instance). In order
for families to locate close to their kin in both Amman and Cairo, they sustained themselves by
efficiently utilizing and sharing the limited resources available to them communally. Amman’s
approach to upgrading its self-planned city (25% in the 1980’s) was flexible enough to change
in the 1990’s and provide only infrastructure and services without land tenure (also attributed to
the populations who refused land tenure solutions and maintained their right to return to
Palestine at that time) (Ababsa, 2010). Even though land tenure remained ambiguous, building
ownership gave a sense of belonging and permanence to invest in their own neighbourhoods as
a community. Thirdly, one can observe how close social ties within self-planned communities
provide it with the necessary mechanisms to function as a safe, well-served, well-informed
community that meets its own needs. Finally, these communities have proven to be flexible
housing mechanisms that have absorbed vast amounts of migrants to both Cairo and Amman.
This flexibility, (outside of formal regulatory frameworks) has made the community serve its
own needs without enforcement of over-restrictive rules that do not apply. This has allowed for
organic, incremental growth and gradual maturity into complete mixed-use neighbourhoods,
with social coherence and unique identities – something institutions have failed to realize,
judging by their attempts at providing quick generic solutions over recent decades. It is clear
that decision-makers need to strive for more appropriate responses toward sustainable planning,
which can be more inclusive, and serve the needs of urban residents in the long term more
effectively.
Self-planned communities are active economic hubs within cities, having distinct urban
characteristics, and representing part of the diverse set of identities within their respective
contexts. This paper, merely scratches the surface of highlighting what self-planned
communities have to offer. More in-depth studies of such communities should be conducted to
not only remove the stigma associated with these areas, but to learn from the value they have
brought to us. Their contribution to cities or regions as a whole, and capacity to sustain
themselves within these complex urban settings, forces us to inquire into whether we are able to
critically re-examine our role as planners and re-think our approach to allow for formal
intervention only when and where it is required. With current global environmental and socio-
economic conditions, especially the increasing scarcity of resources (water, energy etc.) as well
as growing marginalized populations, the choice to settle informally may multiply on a larger
scale, as the only feasible solution. – Will we then recognize the knowledge and needs of all of
our urban population, or better yet, use our collective knowledge to plan our urban environment
together?
108
REFERENCES
Ababsa, M. et al (2013). Atlas of Jordan – ifpo, pp 236 – 245, 247 – 249.

Ababsa. M. (2010). The Evolution of Upgrading Policies in Amman. Sustainable Architecture
and Urban Development, Amman Jordanie, Jordan. <halshs-00467593> .
Achilli, L. (2015). Al-Wihdat Refugee Camp: Between Inclusion and Exclusion. Available at:
http://interviews.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/20831/al-wihdat-refugee-camp_between-
inclusion-and-exclu.
Arini (2014). Mapping Jabal Natheef, pp 14-21, 52-53.
Al-Asad, M., Emtairah, T., et al (2011). Report of the Arab Forum for Environment and
Development - Arab Environment 4 - Green Economy - Sustainable Transition in a
Changing Arab World - Chapter 6 – Cities and Buildings - pp V, 33, 48, 51, 161-204.
GAM (Greater Amman Municipality) (2008). The Amman Plan - Metropolitan Growth. Report
Published in May 2008 by Greater Amman Municipality.
GIZ (2009). Cairo’s Informal Areas: Between Urban Challenges and Hidden Potentials, The
History of Informal Settlements – Marion Sejourne pp 16-19, Beyond Rules and
Regulations: The Growth of Informal Cairo – Elena Piffero pp 20-27, Advantages of
Living in Informal Areas – Dina K Shehayeb pp 35-43
Husseini, J. et al (2013). Atlas of Jordan – ifpo, pp 230 -235.
Leslie, J., et al (1992). Client Report: The Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 0844 JOR,
Technical Review Summary of East Wahdat Upgrading Program, Amman, Jordan.
Rao, V., (2010). Slum As Theory. Lotus international 143, Favelas, Learning from, pp 14-17.
Sims, D. (2012). Understanding Cairo - The Logic of a City Out of Control, pp 26-34.
UN-Habitat (2011). Cairo - A City in Transition, pp 1-7
UN-Habitat (2012). Sustainable Housing for Sustainable Cities: A Policy Framework for
Developing Countries, pp 4, 45-46
109
New Bremen; New Cairo
Nele Brönner1, a, Willy Sengewald2, b, Vlatka Seremet 3, c
1
Visual Artist and Guest Lecturer at Digital Media, University of the Arts Bremen and Urban
Studies, Bauhaus University Weimar, Germany
2
Visual Artist and Guest Lecturer at Digital Media, University of the Arts Bremen, Urban
Studies, Bauhaus University Weimar, Germany and Visual Communication, China Academy of
Arts Hangzhou, China
3
Architect, Associate Professor and Head of Visual Design and Presentation Department in
Architecture and Urban Design Program, German University in Cairo, Egypt
a
nelebroenner@gmail.com, b willy@thegreeneyl.com, cvlatka.seremet@guc.edu.eg
ABSTRACT
NEW BREMEN; NEW CAIRO is part of an ongoing interdisciplinary research project, looking
for ways to engage the public in urban issues emerging from top-down planning schemes.
Involving Architects, Designers and Visual Artists from international backgrounds, we develop
new positions and counter-poses on current urban developments. The focus is on particularities
and deviations, on urban minorities and spatial uses, which are not favored by corporate
planners, or political elites. We use methods of speculative design practice, notably critical
design, and design for debate to create narratives for these spaces. These design provocations
offer alternatives that challenge the status quo and provide a base for debate and public
awareness.
NEW BREMEN; NEW CAIRO engages with two development projects, that seem very far apart
at first glance, but have a lot in common when looking closely. In a simultaneous seminar at the
University of the Arts Bremen and German University Cairo, students of Architecture, Visual
Design and Digital Media inspected the two master plans and started an open-ended search for
access to the area and its developing plans. This paper describes the project in detail and
suggests speculative design, phenomenological approaches and architectural narratives as an
articulation of critique in the context of top-down urban development plans. The project
proposes a platform for public engagement and the potential and possibilities of a collaborative
access particularly between European and Arab artists, architects and designers.
KEYWORDS: Speculative Design, Phenomenological Approaches, Critical Design, Public

Engagement, Urbanization
110
INTRODUCTION
New Cairo City is a staggering master-plan for a segregated environment well away from the
chaotic megapolis of Cairo, Egypt. It will provide homes for more than two million people. The
city will cover an area of about 30,000 hectares with gated communities, Universities, malls and
upper-class leisure facilities such as golf-courses and swimming-pools. The master plan was
created in 2001 and as of 2015, the city is still under construction. In Bremen, a city in northern
Germany, the local master plan has been named Überseestadt. It is one of the largest urban
development projects in Europe and was passed by the city council of Bremen in 2003. Within
an area of approximately 300 hectares, upper-class residential housing projects are being
constructed alongside commercial services, such as restaurants, fitness centers and so called
creative industries.
Figure 1. left: New Cairo master plan, right: Überseestadt Bremen master plan
111
MAIN BODY NEW BREMEN; NEW CAIRO
Figure 2. Approaching New Cairo, residential compound at the Ring Road
The air is hot and dusty, as the car makes its way into the inhospitable desert landscape towards
New Cairo City. The road cuts through the ruffled cliffs steadily winding upwards. The next
moment, we notice a building overlooking the road to the left. It appears to be unfinished, but
not under construction. There are large dark holes, where there may once have been walls and
windows. There are poles and pillars suggesting partitions and possession. There are even
portions of finished facade allowing us to imagine the final appearance of a luxurious residential
compound. Yet the apartment will not be inhabited for a long time. Daughters and grand
daughters are waiting to be married to pursue their designated pathways of an upper-class
family dream. Meanwhile workers and watchmen occupy the territory deploying a temporary
habitat for their families. The apartment-compound is part of a staggering master plan for an
entire new city well away from the chaotic megapolis of Cairo. A ‘clean’ retreat, neatly planned
and well organised. It shall house two million people —luxurious family homes surrounded by
splendid parks, guarded apartment buildings and resorts. The developers call them Lake View,
Hyde Park, Mirage City or Le Rêve.
112
Figure 3: Überseestadt, Bremen Docklands
Arriving in Bremen Überseestadt, the dockland of a city in northern Germany, on a late

afternoon end of October. It is already getting dark and cold rain taps our faces. The old harbor
area is foggy and empty. Dull lamps illuminate the entrance of abandoned industrial compounds
built of red brick stone. On our way to the campus of the University of Arts Bremen, through
Überseestadt the only person we encounter is a woman in an orange rain jacket walking her
dog. She briefly takes notice of us, turns around and disappears into the mist. From a distance
we can hear the sound of cranes moving heavy loads. But it is not sound from containers, which
are being moved here. Instead, blocks of concrete and glass grow into the sky. The local master
plan has been named Überseestadt after the industrial dockland, which is rapidly vanishing. It is
one of the largest urban development projects in Europe. Exclusive apartment buildings appear
between old production halls and brick stone warehouses. Crystal riverbank-condos promise
divine southwesterly views across the Weser River. They call them “Aqua Viva”, “Entrée”,
“Panorama”and “Kristall”. The renderings reveal astonishing similarities to those of New Cairo
City.
113
Figure 4: German University Cairo
The German University Cairo is located in New Cairo, at the periphery of a suburban zone built
in the desert which is called “Fifth Settlement”. The name is rather non-local and as prosaic as
the place where we work every day; spending most of our everyday life. The adjacent
residential compounds are citations of many architectural eras and refer more to European than
to Arabic culture. The desert landscape, which can be seen as the most genuine place in New
Cairo, is fringed by illegally discarded construction waste and is not accessible due to piles of
rubble which block the view to the original identity of New Cairo. One can guess, that much is
being built and radically changed here. Here, are the residential areas and compounds of the
middle and upper classes of Cairo, three major universities, international schools, business
districts and shopping malls offering all the iconic brands of globalisation. Internationalism as
an identity? A future city? Dream or reality? Promises or progress?
114
Figure 5: Überseestadt, Bremen Development
Spending the following days teaching at University of Arts Bremen in the dockland we often
see dog owners walking in the distance. Late in the evening and early in the morning they cross
construction sites and newly created wastelands. Dog owners are quite ill-reputed in Germany
as petty bourgeois. Observing them brought us to an interesting discovery. These people of all
age and social class, unexpected and silent, are the first to sneak into fenced areas, cut barbed
wire and breech hoardings. Cold and windy weather cannot keep them from climbing walls of
mud and ignoring property signs. They are the subversive pioneers of urban wasteland.
In their essay “The Smooth and the Striated”, of their 1980 volume Mille Plateaux, Gilles
Deleuze and Félix Guattari distinguish between two kinds of spaces: smooth space and striated
space. Smooth space is occupied by intensities and events. It is haptic rather than optic. It is
characteristic of sea, steppe, ice and desert. Smooth space is nomad space. Striated space is
sedentary space. It is organized by forms, measures and properties. In contrast to the desert or
the sea, the city is the striated space par excellence. Deleuze and Guattari identify the town as a
force of striation upon countryside. However, while they consider the two spaces to differ
fundamentally in nature, they also believe them to exist concurrently. Smooth space is
constantly being transformed, transversely into striated space; striated space is constantly being
reversed, returned to smooth space. The endeavor to discipline space inevitably reveals its
potential for insubordination. “The primary determination of nomads is to occupy and hold a
smooth space,” say Deleuze and Guattari. The smooth spaces arising from the city are those of a
counterattack turning back against the town: sprawling, temporary, shifting shantytowns of
nomads. The smooth spaces of the city are imaginative places exploiting niches and unplanned
openings. They are alternative narratives to the tale of urban construction.
The effect of the grid is always to say that something is this, not that —that it belongs here, not
there. Yet the grid is only an idea. It may define coordinates and structure an environment on a
map. It will, however, never withstand the forces of appropriation. The master plan is at its best
115
just before its realization. With its execution, it will gradually diverge from the ideal state. The
factor of unpredictability increasingly intervenes into the perfect scheme, leaving unpleasant
traces. Thus, one may ask the question: does the master plan have to fail to exist?
NEW BREMEN; NEW CAIRO engages with two development projects, that seem very far apart
at first glance, but have a lot in common, when looking closely. In a simultaneous seminar at the
University of the Arts Bremen and the German University Cairo, students of Architecture,
Visual Design and Digital Media created narratives of surprising spatial uses. The two seminars
were held in parallel in the winter semester of 2014/15: "The Smooth and the Striated“, an
architecture seminar on Spatial Theory and Aesthetics by Vlatka Seremet, Architecture and
Urban Design Program at the German University Cairo; "Vast Regions and Confined Spaces“,
by Nele Brönner and Willy Sengewald at the Department of Art and Design at the University of
the Arts Bremen. The two courses were initiated in cooperation as part of an interdisciplinary
and intercultural teaching experiment. To organize the simultaneous seminars we used a weblog
as the main communication platform. The interdisciplinary and intercultural dialogue could
therefore take place in a widely accessible forum offered through the internet. All research
steps, talks and presentations were posted and commented on by students and teachers.
Inspiring material and theoretical texts where stored here. Exchanges between the groups in
New Cairo and Bremen as well as individual communication of students happened on this
platform: http://cairo.thegreeneyl.com/.
The development of New Cairo shows two sides of the same coin: a promising new city and the
urban sprawl of our daily life, openness and disorientation, modernity and facelessness, good air
and piles of rubble. In the seminars, we read about space as a theoretical model and reciprocally
reflected on a specific, real space. Our objective was to acquire the text content in a
phenomenological approach, and to transfer the reflections into visual models. A major
challenge for the students was — in addition to the visual transcription — addressing the
elusive area of New Cairo as a vast ‘open space’ metropolis in the desert. It was necessary to
find a language other than that of the usual architectural representation. Consequently, this
course was in many ways an extreme experience: the comprehension of theoretical and
philosophical reflections; the understanding of spatial relations in a city that is growing so
quickly, of which there are no current maps; finding an individual artistic/architectural approach
as a response or contribution to the discourse. Students had to negotiate rigid spatial
dichotomies and socio-cultural differences. The anarchic mindset of Deleuze and Guattari in
"The Smooth and the Striated" opened up new concepts of transition, models of the “in-
between”, and facilitated the crossing of borders.
“Critical Design uses speculative design proposals to challenge narrow assumptions,

preconceptions” say Anthony Dunne & Fiona Raby of Royal College of Art London, who have
been very influential in pushing a critical approach in design practice and education throughout
the past decade. It is needed in order “to make us think. But also for raising awareness, exposing
assumptions, provoking action, sparking debate, even entertaining in an intellectual sort of way,
like literature or film.”There is not a particularly critical or even well informed public opinion
concerning the master plan projects of Bremen and Cairo. The Students of NEW BREMEN;
NEW CAIRO started researching into spaces that exist right now in the developing areas of the
two cities. They revealed spatial as well as socio-cultural contradictions and incongruities, they
searched for transitions, opportunities and alternatives. From their findings, students created
speculative design proposals and visual narratives. They tell of in-between places, counter-sites
of utopian and dystopian character. Above all, they question the rigid, in some ways gridlocked
principles of master-planning processes.
116
In her work THE LIVED CONCEIVED SPACE Christine Rafik conceives a New Cairo based
on the stored memories, the mental images of that space. “These images describe the state of
mind we are in, our distracted perceptions, personal preferences, and fears,” she writes and
rethinks Henri Lefebvre’s triad of the “perceived, conceived and lived space”. Her montage of
Polaroid photography combines details and unusual views of New Cairo. This portrait of a
newly built cityscape creates the sensation of a dusty vastness, of being lost in between empty
shopping malls and abandoned highways. A critical design approach may start with research,
with asking and observing. Fieldwork is a wonderful first step to expose oneself to a situation, a
point of divergence.
Figure 6: THE LIVED CONCEIVED SPACE — Christine Rafik, German University Cairo
In A FALSE UTOPIA Yomna El Gendy deals with a sharp and simple observation. Most of the
new upcoming residential compounds in New Cairo are a mere copy of western architecture,
promising a wealthy and well organized way of life. Estate agents provide upper and middle
class buyers with an accessible answer to prevailing social problems —a gated community.
Portraying this lifestyle as heaven on earth, these companies fail to demonstrate the other side of
the story, which shatters the illusion and distorts the dream. Yomna El Gendy created a tilted
image by combining the ‘show side’ of advertisement campaigns- and the unfeigned view —the
real state — of a New Cairo compound into a three-dimensional photo montage. She points out
that these compounds end up being ghost towns, where one is either trapped inside or outside.
117
Figure 7: A FALSE UTOPIA — Yomna El Gendy, German University Cairo
“Commercial places are closed ecosystems, that rarely interact with objects around them. Look
at the typical mall or a street with a row of shops. Environments are separated from each other
and consumers just reproduce behavior-patterns resulting in bland experiences”, states Evgeny
Kiverin in his proposal for Überseestadt called WAREHOUSE. “But, what if we take each
person by surprise, just by offering unexpected environments? Why not organize space by
chance, with an interpretation of the “Wheel of Fortune”game? Old warehouses of
Überseestadt, built as multifunctional industrial units, could be transformed into cultural and
modern spaces. Chance and randomness will be used as a principle to organize modular pieces
within. Would it not be interesting to speculate about people’s behavior in an environment,
where borders and predictable social norms are blurred or even erased entirely?”
Figure 8: WAREHOUSE — Evgeny Kiverin, University of Arts Bremen
“Dreams are powerful,” says Stephen Duncombe in his text called Dreampolitik. “They are
repositories of our desire. They animate the entertainment industry and drive consumption.
They can blind people to reality and provide cover for political horror. But they also inspire us
to imagine that things could be radically different to what they are today, and then believe we
can progress toward that imaginary world. I too have a dream.”Annika Engelhardt turned
Duncombe’s thought into a powerful proposal for a wasteland between two remaining walls in
Überseestadt. Her project suggests a confrontational approach: the placement of surprising
deviations provoke unexpected encounters and engagements.
118
Figure 9: I HAVE A DREAM, TOO — Annika Engelhardt, University of Arts Bremen
“What is the most resilient parasite?” This question is raised by Karim Ezzat in his photo
montage A QUEST TO DEFINE SPACES. “An idea,” he will reply. “Once an idea takes over
our interior thoughts, it may grow to define us, to change everything about us.” Karim Ezzat
designs a destructive, dystopic speculation that unfolds a tremendous power to draw attention.
Shanty towns of underprivileged people who work in New Cairo, cleaners, housekeepers,
drivers, and watchmen dwell in huge craters within the city. Settling below ground level, visible
just from the sky, the excluded masses only seem out of sight.
Figure 10: A QUEST TO DEFINE SPACES — Karim Ezzat, German University Cairo
119
Drawing on the current processes of gentrification and transition in Überseestadt Bremen, Luiz
Gustavo Zanotello designs future scenarios of newly emerged social relationships. Urban
communities do not establish their habitat on stable ground, instead they dwell in formations
that move flexibly on a water surface. The process is visualized through satellite imagery. It
begins in a place called HAFENKANTE in the northwestern edge of Überseestadt with the
hypothetical moment that ground cleavage caused by construction works has caused the ground
to erode until it was flooded. The work is an attempt to articulate critique on neoliberal urban
development plans without dismissing them. Instead it proposes new unplanned and unforeseen
uses of space within the process of transformation.
Figure 11: HAFENKANTE — Luiz Gustavo Zanotello,

University of Arts Bremen
Figure 12: HAFENKANTE — Luiz Gustavo Zanotello,

University of Arts Bremen
“The world we live in today is incredibly complex, our social relations, desires, fantasies, hopes
and fears are very different from those at the beginning of the 20th Century,” says Dunne and
Raby. Visual expression has become indispensable in providing thoughts and arguments for
debate. Speculating about possible outcomes of complex developments makes these topics
accessible to a wider audience. A thought exposed in an image opens it up to be discussed in
public. This is what happened during the exhibition period in Bremen. The works were
exhibited in central gallery-spaces in Bremen and at the German University Cairo in January
2015. The broad and diverse approaches to the topic raised numerous questions among visitors
and passers-by. In the city of Bremen, people are not aware of the scale and financial, social and
120
economic impact of Überseestadt. Albeit, it is not by far as gigantic and outrageous as New
Cairo City, the comparison and enticing proposals made people think. And thus we may again
ask the question: will the master plan have to fail to exist? After all, the design of the building
was also the design of its ruin.
References
Deleuze, G. and Guattari, F. (1980). The Smooth and the Striated in A Thousand Plateaus:
Capitalism and Schizophrenia (French: “Mille plateaux”), University of Minnesota Press.
Dunne, A. (1999). Hertzian Tales: Electronic Products, Aesthetic Experience, and Critical
Design.
London: Royal College of Art computer related design research studio, The MIT Press, 2007
Dunne, A. and Raby, F. (2009). Critical Design FAQ, London, available at:
http://www.dunneandraby.co.uk/content/bydandr/13/0
Duncombe, S. (2007). Dream: Re-imagining Progressive Politics in an Age of Fantasy. New
Press, New York pp. 182
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Nermin Essam, Teaching Assistant, German University in Cairo

Salma Belal, Teaching Assistant, German University in Cairo
Prof. Dennis Paul, Interaction and Space, Dep. Arts and Design, University of the Arts Bremen
121
SOCIO-SPATIAL READER:
Exploring the potential of narrative in Jabal Al Natheef informal camp
Ohoud Kamal1,a and Heba Najada2,b

1
Department of Architecture and interior Architecture, German-Jordanian University, Amman-
Jordan
2
Department of Architecture and interior Architecture, German-Jordanian University, Amman-
Jordan
a
archpromises@gmail.com, bhebaalnajada@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
This paper is the extension of a publication called ‘Mapping Jabal Al Natheef’. The publication
was the result of an intensive workshop that mapped the tangible and intangible forces of Jabal
Al Natheef informal camp. The aim of the paper is to explore the potential narrative as a reading
tool in a socio-spatial context. This involves thinking of the refugee camp as an ‘urban
environment’, the dwellers as ‘spatial storytellers’, and the urban researcher as a creatively
trans-disciplinary ‘reader’. Our work in this area connects with our broader interest in opening
paths for urban anthropological investigation: specifically the ways in which space is inevitably
produced by the patterns of our daily existence. In order to explore such a topic in a manner that
would produce findings instrumental for informal settlements and urban upgrading, the chosen
methodology is narrative and structured on frameworks of mapping, qualitative and quantitative
methodologies and most importantly on the findings of the workshop.
The ‘urban environment’ the first sketch of this narrative; highlights the unique nature of the
camp as a space of exception, on one hand, socially segregated and marginalized and on the
other hand, integrated in its context through the growing presence of refugees, the daily
mobility of the inhabitants, and the development of commercial activities that blur its
boundaries— making it a part of Amman. This part examines the phenomenon of the organic
morphology, which characterizes this settlement, and its fluctuating modes of inclusion and
exclusion.
The ‘spatial storyteller’ is discussed in parallel to the results of statistical studies performed on
the findings from a structured questionnaire, an array of non-structured interviews, photo diaries
and informal encounters. A sample of 80 inhabitants is examined through a set of objective
instruments for mapping community relationships, housing typologies, patterns of movement,
and infrastructure of the urban form. As residents have created their own homes, understanding
the complex relationship between the socio-spatial dynamic of the camp is the starting point
through which we seek to explore ‘the production of space’ in Lefebvre’s terms. This second
sketch of the paper aims to highlight Jabal Al Natheef’s problems and potentials in the mind
frame of not understanding a place devoid of its symbolic, conceived and lived space.
The ‘reader’ emerges from a trans-disciplinary approach in an attempt to understand Jabal Al

Natheef’s pluralism through different lenses. To reveal the numerous aspects, different
disciplines are engaged in a dialogue with the aim of forming a new reading that unfolds the
camp as a spatial intersection of society and economy. The aim of this part is to bring together
participants as instruments that explore the “urban environment” and the “spatial storytellers”;
looking at the potential of narrative - in its various forms – as a communicative tool in a spatial
122
context that physically appears similar but dissimilar from a social perspective.The three
‘sketches’ portray a multilayered narrative, which chimes with the ethics of recognition, the
politics of human right and a built environment not set apart from its symbolic meaning or
history.
KEYWORDS: Refugee, Informal camps, Urban Anthropology, Community Mapping.
1. INTRODUCTION
The legacy of the turbulent nature of politics in the Middle East can be seen in the continuous
scores of refugee camps scattered around the area. Fifty million people are currently defined as
‘victims of forced displacement’ including three million Palestinians who took refuge between
1940 and 1960 in various Middle-Eastern countries. The emergence of Palestinian refugee
camps in Jordan is the result of several factors: the role of the diaspora, and the inappropriate or
absence of humanitarian and urban planning action from the post 1948 period. These refugee
camps whether formalized or not are mostly marginalized in their host society. By taking the
notion of city-camps into the realm of spatial activity, the initially empty spaces where the
camps were constructed gradually became the sites of a socio-spatial system that constitutes a
‘relatively large, dense, and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous individuals (Agier
2002).’ Most of the refugee camps in Jordan are now part of the urban environment. On one
hand, these clusters appear to be socially segregated and marginalized. On the other hand,
refugee camps are integrated in their context.
This paper comes as an extension to a publication called ‘Mapping Jabal Al Natheef’.

It builds on findings that mapped the tangible and intangible forces of the camp. The aim of the
paper is to present a new reading of the camp as a socio-spatial context and set a model with the
overall objective of exploring the potential of narrative as a reading tool in Jabal Al Natheef
refugee camp. The model encompasses a set of clear methods that include observation, random
time/place sampling, behavioral maps, structured questionnaires that investigate socio-economic
backgrounds to form an ethnographic understanding, an array of non-structured interviews,
photo diaries that document inhabitants and their use of space, and informal encounters.
Ultimately, this paper involves thinking of the refugee camp as an ‘urban environment’, the
dwellers as ‘spatial storytellers’, and the urban researcher as a creatively trans-disciplinary
‘reader’.
2. Jabal Al Natheef Informal Refugee Camp
Michel Foucault’s (1977-8) parallel between the processes and significance of space provides
an opening through which we aim to examine the relationship between the idea of the space as a
‘work in progress’ and the concept of history as meaning. Jabal Al Natheef informal refugee
camp has a similar set of notions regarding the interpenetration of past and present in both the
lived experience and historic meaning. The true apprehension of this context involves an act of
seeing the camp as a constant activity within the city as opposed to a glitch within its urban
fabric. This gives rise to understanding Jabal Al Natheef juxtaposed to the city. Strategically
located in one the oldest and most crowded neighbourhoods in Amman, it is the home of a
debatable 50,000 Palestinian refugees.
Identified as a physical output of a political crisis the camp is still regarded as a slum more than
sixty years later. The understanding of history according to French philosopher Henri Bergson
is as equivalent to the lived experience of it, as opposed to the abstract mathematical measuring
123
of conventional time –marked out by observing one object moving relative to another, such as
in the movement of a hand around the face of a clock. In those terms the real meaning of ‘space’
involves the construction of a historical dimension uniting the endless succession of transient
events (Hale 2005).Through the accumulation of the traces of change it is possible to create a
sense of continuity in the transformation of Jabal Al Natheef refugee camp into an urban area.
The first event in the construction of the historic meaning can be traced to the 1948 Palestinian
exodus or the Nakba; the immigrants in Jabal Al Natheef illegally lived in tents and caves in a
land owned by the Circassian - Mohammad Amin Habjoka -. In 1955, however, the role of
humanitarian action led to the establishment of Al-Wihdat Refugee Camp and an attempt at
relocating Jabal Al Natheef squatters under United Nations Relief and Works Agency for
Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) supervision. A large number were relocated, but
the other stayed due to Jabal Al Natheef central location, connectivity and proximity to services.
The latter event led to the lease of the land by King Hussein of Jordan; however, it never came
under UNRWA control. This issue is the reason why Al-Wihdat camp became a legal
Palestinian camp while Jabal Al-Natheef remained without legal status. In 1977, services
reached the camp - telephone lines, electricity, and water. This articulated the camp in a
continual process of growing into a city camp, a means by which refugees build their houses
and lived without UNRWA involvement (Arini 2014).
Figure 1: Amman Growth 1965-2014. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)
124
2.1 The ‘urban environment’
The ‘urban environment’ the first sketch of this narrative; highlights the unique nature of the
camp in terms of segregation and integration. Beginning with the former historical context, we
will revisit the work of ‘Mapping Jabal Al Natheef’, and seek to examine the phenomenon of
the organic morphology, which characterizes this settlement, and its fluctuating modes of
inclusion and exclusion. On one hand, the camp is a space of exception, a by-product of the
Palestinian exodus, where refugees are brought together solely due to their “status of victims”
(Agamben 2005). This condition of enclave however, created opportunities for encounters,
exchanges and the reworking of identity among all who live there (Agier 2002). Socially
segregated and marginalized, necessity is the base on which this state of exception is founded.
All levels of societal relations and everyday life permeate the built environment, and a multitude
of interpersonal and spatial rules combine to produce this urban enclave. One can capture Jabal
Al Natheef’s hidden dimensions through the following remark based on historical accounts,
observation and everyday rituals and how they merge to build a living pattern:
“'Living together’ is a familiar concept for Jabal Al Natheef. If we look at the

traditional way of living, they spatially and socially co-live in a community, a
network of small clusters of people comprising space for parents, grandparents,
younger generations, and neighbours. This reflects in the spatial output of the
houses, the community and the camp. The value of housing and the
acknowledgment of community are manifested in this socio-spatial
structure.”(Arini 2014)
The dwellers experience a ‘profound sense of belonging’, largely attributed to ‘ethnic origin,
kinship and affinity to the space’. Even more, in daily life, the dwellers understood the
effectiveness of Foucauldian ‘micro-powers’ as agents of control expressed throughout all
societal levels (Jessop 2006). A closer examination of the characteristics of the residents might
yield further meaningful possibilities for their survival in the present situation. By considering
the historical development and the societal relations, one can read that the socio-spatial
framework in Jabal Al Natheef is dynamic, reinforced by a correlation between asset ownership,
urban poverty and societal relations.
The acts of building in the camp embody a self-built language seen in its narrow network of
passageways and twisting alleys, and the construction of houses that respond to social ties and
ownership laws that employ exception. Over the years, however, housing units have changed
owners; they have been sold, bought and rented to other low-income immigrants (Achilli 2015).
In this environment where people have retained the power and knowledge to self-build their
own homes, the relationships between social and spatial structures are close-knit. In fact, this
resulted in complex geometries and spatial relationships, and in symbolic borders that segregate
the dwellers (Arini 2014).
The poetics of Jabal Al Natheef’s spaces lies in its simplicity and the society that produced it; it
represents ‘a massive effort to ensure a livable environment’ and ‘an unplanned product that
visually dominates a hill of the city’.
125
Figure 2: Panoramic view of Jabal Al Natheef camp from Jabal Amman.
(Arini, Mappin Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)
Figure 3: Rossi map, represents the continuous “urban ground floor plan” of the upper camp area, the
spatial experiences encountered at ground level, the topographical level changes, delineation of public
streets, paths and staircases, along with floor plans of buildings, of public and private interior spaces.
(Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)
On the other hand, the continuous influx of refugees and the lack of governmental apparatus
sustained the rapid self-planned growth and paved the way for gradual integration into the urban
fabric of the city. When Jabal Al Natheef is juxtaposed to the city, the uninterrupted urban
expansion, the development of economic areas and the daily mobility of the inhabitants, foster
the integration of the camp into the city - making it a part of Amman. But when it comes to the
edges and boundaries within the city, Jabal Al Natheef’s boundaries raise the questions: to
whom does it belong and what constitutes it? The buildings, the streets and the narrow stairs
make the boundary that has a mediating role and not the character of Amman. So does the story
that made it:
“Refugees have sought to preserve this space by challenging its socio-economic

marginality. This created integration as well as separation, more than that; they
established a fractured border by pushing the economic life and social
interaction to the edges. Yet they kept their ‘community life’ within the enclave of
the camp, ultimately, preserving its political significance and symbolic meaning.
In this story, the boundary functions as a third element; it is an interface where
the community presents itself as a penetrable (Certeau 1984). Spatial continuities
and discontinuities are conceptualized in terms of lived experience rather than
physical boundaries alone(Agier 2002).Mediators like the narrow stairs play as
transitions between the dichotomies.”
126
2.2 The ‘spatial storytellers’
Layered with the traces of previous generation’s struggles (Hayden 1994), Jabal Al-Natheef is
the image of a complex urban social history that is the outcome of its symbolic and spatial
symbiotic relation. This symbiotic representation of Jabal Al-Natheef’s cultural geography;
embedded in its formal setting; cannot be understood devoid of its inhabitant’s social practices
of navigation (Certeau 1984), which informs its urban landscape. In order to clarify this
symbiotic relation, it is important to understand the contextualized processes that played a role
in both the production and construction of space (Low 1996) in Jabal Al-Natheef.
“… the term social production is useful in defining the historical emergence and
political and economic formation of urban space. The term social construction
may then be conveniently reserved for the phenomenological and symbolic
experience of space as mediated by social processes such as exchange, conflict
and control. Thus the social construction of space is the actual transformation of
space-through peoples social exchanges, memories, images and daily use of the
material setting-into scenes and actions that convey symbolic meaning” (Low
1996).
To unfold these notions and explore the interdependency of urban narratives and spatial
practices we utilize the social capital of Jabal Al-Natheef as a tool, a spatial storyteller, guided
by their spatial practices to inform the appropriation of their spaces (Certeau 1984). This
potential and notion of exploring the spatial analysis of Jabal Al-Natheef with ethnographic
tools opens up opportunities to integrate the various localized discourses that the camp
underwent with the larger political and economic processes (Low 1996).
2.2.1 Social Setting and its localized urban narratives
Jabal Al-Natheef’s residents generally descend from rural Palestinian communities with
agriculture related knowledge and skills, the inhabitant’s main concern was to provide their
families with shelter and food; education for a long time not being a priority. This trend, which
continues nowadays, led them to work primarily as unskilled labourers.
127
Figure 4: Statistical Survey on immigration details in Jabal Al Natheef.
Figure 5: Statistical Survey on education levels in Jabal Al Natheef.

128
Ahmad is one of them; he is a retired father and husband who has been living in the camp since
1967. He left school in the 4th grade and later worked as a craftsman to provide for his family
of eight. Now his son provides the main source of income working as a car mechanic. Ahmad
explains his view on the new streets established by the municipality stating the area used to be
safer, quieter and inhabitant were closer to each other.
Figure 6: Photograph of Ahmad. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)
The working pattern of Ahmad and other inhabitants of the Jabal is distinctive to the camp and
highlighted by gender appropriated jobs; men in construction, taxi driving, street vending and
tailoring, women in hairdressing, secretarial work, nursing, sewing and embroidery. With abrupt
changes due to economic pressures of the past years which made women work.
129
Figure 7: Statistical Survey on unemployment levels in Jabal Al Natheef.
Um Abed is one of many who clearly voice their dislike towards the area and wishes to relocate
because of the trash. She explains that the municipality regularly empties the trash bins located
on main streets, but they do not clean the alleyways. Her daughter left school because her
husband and father in law felt that the neighbourhood was not safe for young girls. As for
herself, she does not leave her home except to visit her brother who lives at the top of their
staircase, or sister who lives at the bottom.
Figure 8: Photograph of Um Abed’s

daughter and Map of interviewee house.
130
Generally Jabal Al Natheef’s residents suffer from urban poverty, which prevents many from
relocation. This has resulted in an environment where people have retained the power and
knowledge to build their own houses; forming complex geometries and relationships between
spaces with shared access, and a variety of social hierarchies in public spaces.
Figure 9: Statistical Survey on income levels details in Jabal Al Natheef.

The neighborhood’s landscape is manifested by alleyways, stairways, private courtyards,

rooftop spaces, and spatial and social narratives showcase the different patterns of inhabitation
and social negotiation of the Jabal Al Natheef residents. Due to the small size of apartments and
interior spaces, inhabitants intelligently make use of rooftop space, often in an unorthodox
manner. The privacy offered by rooftops, accessibility to open space and the relative degree of
safety that they provide, makes these areas ideal as shared spaces for women to socialize, and
for children to play.
Figure 10: Photograph of the rooftops of Jabal Al Natheef.

131
Figure 11: Illustration of the rooftops of Jabal Al Natheef,
( Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)
Whenever there is an opportunity, roof-top spaces connect to other roof-tops and, due to
topography, sometimes even to adjacent ground floor spaces. An example of such a connection
was a roof terrace opening onto a ground floor kitchen, which is owned by different families.
We observed that this close proximity fosters closer relationships amongst the neighbours.
Hence, the links between these spaces provide essential ways through which the community is
able to sustain social relationships. These social spaces were created through the development
of more residential units that were added to accommodate the growing number of families.
Original courtyards and rooftops were built on, which created other outdoor spaces with layouts
based on relationships with their neighbours.
132
Figure 12: Photograph of the courtyards in Jabal Al Natheef.
External staircases are also tailored for social practices such as play areas for children, due to
the lack of safe playgrounds and open spaces in the neighbourhood, whereas the internal
staircases act as spaces of social interaction for women, which is characterized by total visual
privacy.
Figure 13: Photograph of the stairways of Jabal Al Natheef.

While the above accounts give an understanding of the “constructed spaces” of Jabal Al
Natheef which can be seen in the gendered spaces, the dwellers interpretations of safety, the
emergence of new typologies of social spaces and places of exchange, other inhabitants went
back in time and gave a narrative of the historical context of the camp, its “space production”
and its timely transformation.
133
Originally from Khalil, Palestine, when Nimeh first migrated to Jabal Al Natheef, it was an
empty land. At that time she lived for three years in a tent. With the help of her husband, she
then built a room using corrugated sheets. They later moved into a flat across the street and
when things got better they moved into their current home, which is a converted bakery that
belonged to her cousin. They initially lived on one floor, but added a second one at a later stage.
Unlike other neighbours with children, they paid for builders do the work. Since Nimeh rarely
leaves home, she spends her day on the rooftop and the small entrance/balcony facing the street.
Figure 14: Photograph of Hajjeh Nimeh.

Abu Mohammad, another resident, joins Nimeh in her story and recalls Jabal Al Natheef as
farmlands: fig trees, vines and wheat fields and a handful of caves. This, he says, is what the
area was like when the refugees came in 1948. Lots of families took shelter in the caves, and
then started setting up tents. The ones that had money built a “barakeyyeh” (a temporary
structure made out of metal sheets and wood), the materials used for the barrakeyyeh were sold
for eight Dinars; they would build it and rent it for half a Dinar. The ones who couldn’t afford it
set up a tent. Later on they started marking the land around their tent using rocks to claim it as
theirs.
2.3 The ‘reader’
The ‘reader’ emerges from an attempt to understand Jabal Al Natheef’s pluralism through
different lenses and to form a new reading that unfolds the camp as a spatial intersection of
society and economy. The exploration of creating a non-linear narrative is a needed to foster
dialogue and reflection among distinct disciplines. In this sketch we build upon this notion,
Jabal Al Natheef is a multi layered urban setting with a network of diverse systems, which
cannot be revealed but through the plurality of knowledge though effective trans-disciplinarity.
This exploration model was based on an organizational framework and managed through a set
of clear methods with the overall objective of mapping Jabal Al Natheef refugee camp. These
included observation, random time/place sampling, behavioural maps, structured questionnaires,
an array of non-structured interviews, photo diaries and informal encounters which were
narrated in the first two sketches of the “urban environment” and “Spatial storytellers”. The
synthesis of these methodologies manifests itself in the narratives of the trans-disciplinary
readers of the workshop.
134
“We can perceive Jabal Al Natheef refugee camp with our five senses. The situation
here is special, it is a self-constructed one. This specificity allowed for the
production of spaces that are flexible to the changing needs of the users. In the
photographs of the camp, we can perceive extremely differentiated spaces, niches,
and corners, resulting in a complex structure. Materiality is one element of space,
but how you understand your space is another way. So when it comes to the
conceived space, Jabal Al Natheef is a product of social rules that govern its spaces;
people have their own rules on the constituents of their societal relationships, what
defines shared and in between spaces. One should also not forget the long history of
communal production and how people produced this lived space through their
everyday experiences.”(Arini 2014)
This can be seen in the following figures that map the behavioural patterns of movement of
individuals and groups layered with the sound of conversations taking place in a major staircase
within the camp.
Figure 15: Behavioural map of

groups and individuals in Jabal Al
Natheef informal camp staircase .
(Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef,
2014)
135
Figure 17: Behavioural map of groups and
individuals in Jabal Al Natheef informal camp
staircase . (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef,
2014)
Figure 18: Jabal Al Natheef perceived space. (Arini, Mapping

Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)
136
By taking the notion of narrative into the realm of poetry, this poet, and other poets can see
space through the eyes of literature.
“One way of circumnavigating the multiplicity of narratives, some of which may seek
to cancel each other out by describing for instance a worse experience, or a
heightened sense of victimhood, is to adopt the idea of ‘disparate multiple narratives’.
To ‘speak life narrative’; one is presented with a chance to sense the difficulties of
displacement and find ways towards replacing feelings of insecurity with a notion that
the temporary space has become a place of engagement with life’s processes. This is
seen through the efforts that the inhabitants have made with regard to the environment.
Life in the camp, however, is problematic because of the strong presence of drug and
alcohol abuse among the youth. On a brighter note, other observations among the
youth are around the games of hide and seek as played in the camp. The narrow
intricate pathways and up-and-down nature of the stairs, platforms, are ideal for
games which rest on the idea that just around any corner may be the ‘finder’ — or, in
their imagination — ‘the enemy’. The players may at any stage be ‘found out’ or they
may succeed in remaining hidden or lost for more time, which in this game is a
successful outcome. These games directly emerge from the set of experiences which
some of the older residents mention. Hopes and anxieties and the ideas of displacing
and replacing seem particularly captured by the particularities of hide and seek in
Jabal Al Natheef.”(Arini 2014)
Figure 19: The games of hide and seek. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)
With reference to the anthropological idea of self-representation and by overlapping with

community work and taking it to the residents, this community worker uncovers how people
interpret their world:
137
“One day I walked into our regular youth session, a safe space for open dialogue
and debate. In this meeting, a bunch of architects and urbanists were meeting with
some 70 of our youths. The atmosphere is tense, professionals and the community
youth are akin to opposing teams.
One architect, asks, “How do you define the identity of Jabal Al Natheef?”
The youth feel provoked. “Who the hell are you to ask? And why do you want our
answers?”
The architects persist; gradually the divides begin to shift.
Some of the youth begin to define their space in Jabal Al Natheef. “It’s like a big
tribe... a big family.” A few add that “it’s like any other place; it has the problems of
any other place.”
The architects ask more questions: “What do you mean? How so?”
Taboos quickly work their way into the discussion: “Drugs, pills, substance abuse,
school drop outs... poverty...”
One young rebel architect comments: “I don’t see anything different in this area. We
get harassed in west Amman. We work very hard to earn a living and study. Life is
tough everywhere.”
Some reply: “We have to be part of a gang to walk at night... we have alcoholics and
drug addicts and all types of criminals on our streets.”
A girl says, “I can’t even walk down the streets without eyes stripping me and words
thrown at me...”
As the conversation evolves “the stranger” is framed: someone who comes from
another place, someone who is asking questions about our place and us. Someone
who lives by a different code of conduct and ethics... The discussion ends and we all
leap into action. But acting needs dialogue, monologue and choruses to structure a
journey of meaning and action. The shared experience between architects, urbanists
and the inhabitants of the camp can become the precursor for an initiative that
brings together the community and the professional to engage in mutual learning
and to mobilize for change.”(Arini 2014)
References
ACHILLI, L. (2015) Al-Wihdat Refugee Camp: Between Inclusion and Exclusion. [online].
Available from World Wide Web:
http://interviews.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/20831/al-wihdat-refugee-
camp_between-inclusion-and-exclusion >
AGAMBEN, G. (2005) State of Exception. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
AGIER, M. (2002) Between war and city: Towards an urban anthropology of refugee
camps. Ethnography., pp.317-341.
AL-HUSSEINI, J. (2011) The Evolution of the Palestinian Refugee Camps in Jordan.
Between Logics of Exclusion and Integration. In: Villes, pratiques urbaines et
construction nationale en Jordanie, Beyrouth: Presses de l’Ifpo, pp.181-204.
ARINI. (2014) Mapping Jabal Al Natheef. Amman.
BOURDIEU, P. (2013) Outline of a theory of practise. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
CERTEAU, M. (1984) The practise of everyday life. Berkeley: University if California Press.
138
ERLL , H. A. and Ansgar N. (2008) Cultural Memory Studies. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co.:
Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co.
GUPTA , A. and Ferguson, J. (1992) Beyond "Culture": Space, Identity, and the Politics of
Difference. JSTOR., pp.6-23.
GMELCH, G., Robert V. KEMPER , and Walter P. ZENNER (2010) Urban Life: Readings in the
Anthropology of the City. Illinois: Waveland Pr Inc.
HAYDEN, D. (1994) The Power of Place: Claiming Urban Landscapes as People's History.
Journal of Urban History., pp.466-485.
HADORN , Gertrude Hirsch, RIEM , Holger Hoffmann, KLEMM, Susette Biber et al. (eds).
2008. Handbook of Transdisciplinary Research. Springer.
HALE, J. A. (2005) Gottfried Semper's primitive hut as an act of self-creation. Architectural
Research Quarterly, 19 June, pp.45-49.
HANAFI, S. (2008) Nahr el Bared Refugee Camp Crisis (Lebanon) :Socioeconomic Impact
Assessments and Recovery Plan For Areas Surrounding Nahr al-Bared Refugee Camp.
World Bank.
HANNERZ, U. (1983) Exploring the City. New York: Columbia University Press.
JESSOP, B. (2006) From micro-powers to governmentality:Foucault's work on statehood,
state formation, statecraft and state power. Political Geography., pp.34-40.
KALLUS, R. (2001) From Abstract to Concrete: Subjective Reading of Urban Space. Journal
of Urban Design., pp.129-150.
KRISHNAMURTHY, S. Space and Narratives: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Reading
Socio- Spatial Interplays in Rapidly Urbanizing Environments. In: Space and
Narratives. 49th ISOCARP Congress 2013.
LEFEBVRE, H. (1991) The production of space. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
LOW, S. M. (1996) Spatializing culture: the social production and social construction of
public space in Costa Rica. American Ethnologist., pp.861-879.
SCHIOCCHET, L. (2013) Palestinian refugees in Lebanon: is the camp a space of exception.
Mashriq & Mahjar., pp.122-152.
139
Amman, a Child Friendly City in the Making
Yara Halaseh
Bartlett School of Planning, UCL

y.halaseh22@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
Children are an integral part of any city’s demographic; the improvement of children’s quality
of life in line with the provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) also
reflects on the wellbeing and sustainability of cities as a whole. Amman is a city in the heart of
the Arab region where children constitute 40.9% of its population today (DOS, 2014). In the
early 1990s, Amman’s leadership launched a series of efforts to address children’s rights in the
city, however, it was only in the 2000s when the then-Mayor encouraged children’s
participation in shaping the city.
This main objective of this research is to explore ways in which children are actively taking part
in planning projects, decisions, and policies in Amman. The study utilized descriptive and
analytical approaches to the literature found on this topic and to the focus group and semi-
structured interviews conducted. The two qualitative methods targeted practitioners working on
children’s participation, including representatives of the Amman Child Friendly Cities Initiative
(CFCI), as well as experts in the planning and engineering of Amman.
At the time this research was conducted, the assessment of Amman as a child friendly city
[CFC], particularly vis-à-vis children’s participation in the built environment remains weak.
Findings indicate that many internal factors related to culture, political will, and awareness,
exacerbated by external factors, such as social and political unrest in the surrounding countries;
may all have a role in influencing children’s status as active citizens in Amman.
The study evaluates the potential importance of integrating CRC in all aspects of life in the city.
Based on this analysis, recommendations are proposed that may possibly assist in improving
Amman as a CFC.
KEYWORDS: Amman, Child Friendly Cities
140
1. INTRODUCTION
A child friendly city [CFC] is a “system of local governance, committed to fulfilling children’s
rights” (UNICEF, 2004). Referring to the United Nations [UN] Convention on the Rights of the
Child (CRC), “a child’s well-being and quality of life is the ultimate indicator of a healthy
environment, good governance and sustainable development” (UNICEF, 1997; in Malone,
2001). The CRC was widely and officially acknowledged in 1989 (UN, 1989), recognizing five
broad themes in regards to children’s rights “to childhood, to be educated, to be healthy, to be
treated fairly, and to be heard”.
As the Arab World undergoes serious development challenges, clearly observed in the political
transition across the region, the translation of inclusive governance and citizen participation in
community building could start at the city-level. This paper takes Amman as a focus capital city
and explores ways in which it can be a Child Friendly City, and ways that different institutions
have been encouraging and integrating the idea of children’s participation in Amman’s planning
and growth. Therefore, this research aims to address the following question: in what ways is
Amman a child friendly city? What contribution can children’s participation make to improve
our understanding of Amman as a child friendly city? Thus, the main objectives are to explore
the factors affecting children’s participation in regards to the built environment, to assess the
means, and their effectiveness, through which children are consulted and engaged in city
planning and decision-making towards Amman as a CFC, and to make recommendations for
current and future CFC initiatives with emphasis on participation based on CRC’s principles
and CFC indicators. Data collected for this study combines secondary data (online research,
journals, and books) with primary data through interviews and a focus group.
Within its limited scope, this research will deal with children’s participation in urbanizing
Amman in light of CRC articles12, 13, 14, 15,17, and UNICEF’s three CFC indicators stating
that children have the right to “influence decisions about their city, express their opinion on the
city they want, and participate in family, community and social life” (UNICEF, 2014).
2. FACTORS INFLUENCING CHILDREN IN CITIES
According to UNICEF (2012), around half of the world’s children live in cities. Given this fact,
it may be suggested that children’s needs should be addressed when it comes to planning and
designing cities. However, increasing crime, traffic, environmental decay, and loss of open
spaces are issues limiting children from actively engaging within their cities. According to
Freeman and Tranter (2011), “children have been removed from streets, rather than streets
becoming safer for children”. Childhood has become more institutionalized and organized, and
children’s activities are taking place in more formal settings rather than in public spaces, with
increased adult supervision (Rasmussen and Smidt, 2003). Therefore, ignoring children’s
legitimate desire to help in the building of their city creates exclusive decisions that lack buy-in
and ownership of the local community at large.
Hence, UN organizations, Conventions, children’s groups, civil societies, governments, and
others have dedicated significant efforts to spread awareness on the importance of children’s
participation in the creation of CFCs. Participation is “the process of sharing in decisions which
affect one’s life and the life of the community in which one lives” (Lansdown, 1995; in
Freeman and Tranter 2011). Many theorists have been observing and studying children’s
participation in urban environments. According to Gallagher (2006), when children participate
in the making of a place, there will always be the adults in charge who are more powerful and
will implement what they see is right; sometimes taking into consideration children’s
141
participation and other times disregarding it. However, nation governments need to realize that
even if a city has limited resources, when children’s rights are given priority in policies,
budgeting, planning, and practices, positive and democratic change is then possible (Chawla and
Malone, 2003).
3. BRIDGING BETWEEN LITERATURE AND REALITY- METHODOLOGY
To portray the reality of the situation of children’s participation in Amman’s built environment,
and considering the objectives of this research paper, it was essential to conduct semi-structured
interviews and to form a focus group. Both qualitative methods were used to achieve different
purposes. The interviews helped give a better understanding of what is happening on the ground
vis-à-vis child-friendly initiatives in Amman, thus, avoiding potential bias of local media outlets
and published reports. As for the focus group, it helped shape clear perspectives on local views
of Amman and the way they perceive the spaces in the city.
4. AMMAN
Amman’s built environment is based on the Jordanian planning law No. 79 that dates back in
inception to 1966 and is based on the British planning approach (AECOM, 2010). The law does
not tackle social, economic or environmental aspects of planning, and instead adopts a top-down
approach to designing policies that affect the livelihoods of Amman’s residents. It is in this
spirit of governance that little to no consideration was given to children’s needs and opinions
regarding their living environment.
Today, as the total population of Amman is estimated at 2,528,500 inhabitants (DoS, 2013), the
Department of Statistics announced that children under the age of 19 constitute 40.9% of
Amman’s inhabitants (DoS, 2014). Unless channeled towards becoming active change agents
and community problem solvers, children might place more stress on the city, the environment
and the economy. Amman has several spatial development challenges, exacerbated by an
automobile-dominated transportation system that results in various types of environmental
congestions and social segregation (GAM, 2008), in addition to an inflow of foreign aid and
investment causing a building boom without consideration to the surroundings (AECOM,
2010).
4.1 Children’s Status in Amman

Jordan signed the CRC in year1990, ratified it in 1991, and made it into law in 2006 (UNICEF,
2009). However, children living in Ammanstill face many issues that result in the violation of
some of their basic rights, such as poverty, access to health and education, child marriage, child
abuse, and even rights to identity (UNICEF, 2007).
Children’s participation is perceived as passive. Children do hold strong views on Jordan’s

current status, but they cannot be influential actors in political life due to their age; only those
above 25 years are eligible to be appointed as a mayor or stand for elections for Amman’s
Municipal Council. Also, society’s traditional norms and values can be limited to children’s
participation in the personal and local levels. Amman is a patriarchal society where many
fathers and older male relatives (influenced by their tribal origins) make most of the decisions
for the family, sometimes disregarding others’ opinions and needs (Potter et al., 2009).
While multi-tiered limitations are evident in impeding children’s participation, one initiative
comes across as a successful model in mitigating through such challenges and, in fact,
142
empowers an institutionalized participatory role for children in Amman; the Child Friendly City
Initiative (CFCI) of The Greater Amman Municipality (GAM) and UNICEF. The section below
looks closer at this initiative and highlights the factors that led to its positive outcomes.
4.2 Success Stories on the Ground
GAM partnered up with UNICEF in 2004 to implement the CFCI in Amman. Based on a series
of workshops and focus groups bringing together children, teachers, planners, engineers,
politicians, and other professionals, GAM identified ten CFC indicators they plan to achieve in
Amman. One of which is related to “child participation and community based planning” (Jordan
Times, 2014).
Some of GAM’s great achievements is the establishment of “55parks, 5 cultural centres, 70

public libraries, 3 sports cities, 5 indoor playing courts, 77 playing grounds” (UNICEF, 2014).
Also, a great achievement towards enhancing children’s participation is the establishment of a
democratically elected children’s parliament.
The parliament had several achievements in regards to the building of child friendly
infrastructures and facilities. They built safe spaces for children in various parks around Amman
with different play areas for different ages. Moreover, children’s parliament uses social media to
communicate and reach out to other children as they have their own Facebook page that they
themselves decide which issues to raise, and which topics to tackle. This is a form of successful
participation, however, there is still a shortcoming in institutionalizing the input of children’s
parliament into the actual GAM policy-making.
In 2008, children’s parliament passed a decision to address the need for rehabilitating Abu Bakr
Al-Siddiq Park in Khuraybat as-Suq in the Southern part of Amman, and to turn it into the first
place where children feel free to play and learn in the area. The private sector (Umniah, the
telecommunications provider) in partnership with GAM sponsored the idea and helped turn it
into a great accomplishment. The park is friendly towards children with special needs, it
consists of playgrounds with games distributed for all ages, cultural and recreational facilities
like an art centre, and an IT centre, two football fields, seating areas, pedestrian pathways, and
water elements (i.e. water fountain). The park is currently being used for various social
activities such as soccer tournaments and charity meals. Everyone is welcome to the facilities as
users, guests, or volunteers.
5. ANALYSIS
Amman is a beautiful city characterized by its white building stones. However, it is built in
ways that disregard humans’ needs. Not only that, but streets in general are seen to be for cars
and cars only. Streets are unfriendly towards pedestrians, cyclists, children, and even the
handicapped; public spaces are seen to be eroding in Amman.
5.1 Amman, Through the Lens of its People
Walking around the streets of any city is seen to be a form of exercise, or as a way of interacting
with people and the physical elements of the city, hence, understanding and appreciating the
ecosystem one lives in. Walking in Amman, however, is “a frustrating and dangerous
experience for many people, especially for children, ” said an interviewee. Issues regarding
pedestrian pathways, pedestrian bridges, traffic lights, and accessibility are all uncomfortable
143
encounters children and pedestrians are faced with everyday in Amman. Sidewalks do not
always serve the pedestrian’s needs and safety and pedestrian bridges are very high up,
inaccessible for people in wheelchairs and are very far apart when located on a long street.
While they come to serve a need to ensure a safe space for pedestrians, the fact that people are
not engaged in decision-making does in fact contribute to not use them, and instead crossing in
the middle of busy streets and endangering their lives.
Furthermore, a focus group discussion was held in order to listen to people’s first-hand
experiences and opinions about Amman as a CFC, especially in regards to participation in
decision-making processes related to urban planning. One of the tasks given to participants was
to create a mind map (Figure 1) of what they think of when they hear about a Child friendly
Amman, especially in regards to participation. The purpose of this exercise was to show that
each and every individual is unique and might require different needs from the urban
environment than that of another person.
CHILD FRIENDLY AMMAN
Figure 1: Mind Map of a Child Friendly Amman vis-à-vis Participation in the

Built Environment- according to the focus group participants
5.2Theory-Practice Dilemma
After assessing the current efforts towards building a child friendly Amman, a question that
comes to mind is: ‘why isn’t there any concrete change seen in the national level?’While
looking at the various literatures on the topic, and examining the current practices in Amman, a
gap became apparent between theory and practice.
144
5.3Challenges and Limitations
The challenges and limitations causing a slow change in children’s status and influence in
Amman are various, for “neither qualitative nor quantitative methods are sufficient in
themselves when seeking to understand the complexity of children’s lives in contemporary city”
(Christensen and O’Brien, 2003).
GAM only focused its efforts in some of the districts in Amman, and not on the city of Amman
as a whole. There is limited literature, data, and resources found on the topic of CFC on
Amman, on planning, and on children. Not only that, but GAM has no authority to look over the
progress in other sectors in Amman (i.e. education, health), as the other sectors are under the
responsibility of the Central Government.
This brings up the limitation of the lack of alignment between central government’s support,
GAM’s activities, and effective urban planning practices on the ground. From what was realized
during the interviews, many planners and engineers are disconnected from all that has been
happening in regards to CFC at the various government levels.
5.4Recommendations
Based on the primary and secondary research conducted for this research, it is clear that Amman
has not yet achieved highly on the CFC indicators, especially in reference to children’s
participation. However, one cannot disregard the time, effort, and projects put towards
enhancing children’s well being in Amman. The following suggested recommendations could
perhaps be considered by GAM and other involved agencies to hasten the process of Amman
becoming a CFC.
To start with, GAM should not be the only body implementing the CFCI, the Central Jordanian
Government should be a partner in ensuring all indicators of a CFC are integrated in within the
system and are covered by related sectors. Moreover, a well-developed communication strategy
should be adopted and implemented by GAM to spread awareness on the CFCI and ensure all
stakeholders’ support. Also, planning laws should be reformed to allow for more citizen
participation in order to become responsive to the needs of the city and its inhabitants,
especially children.
6. CONCLUSION
This research explores the factors affecting children’s participation in regards to Amman’s built
environment, assesses the means through which Amman’s children are consulted and engaged
in city planning and decision making, and makes recommendations for current and future CFC
initiatives in Amman with emphasis on participation based on the CRC.
However, with the increasing worldwide urbanization, children are losing acknowledgement,
freedom and rights. Children’s ways of portraying and experiencing their cities are rarely
recognized and accepted by adults, despite the various international efforts trying to spread
awareness on the importance of children to the world, to countries, and to cities.
For Amman’s children, this research tackled ways in which Amman is a CFC. So much has
developed and changed, especially with the adoption of the CRC and CFCI by the government,
along with GAM and UNICEF. The results were great; children’s parliament has emerged, and
145
children were contributing to the built environment of Amman (i.e. Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq Park).
However, Amman is still affected by many challenges and factors, one of which is its
geographic location. The MENA region is witnessing devastations, and Amman, with its limited
resources, is in growing need for more international funding and consolidated efforts of non-
governmental organizations. Mostly, Amman needs its community to become more engaged in
participating and sustaining the city and its resources. It is about time for Amman to take this
initiative to the second level, this can be done by institutionalizing children’s rights and
localizing the initiative to address local issues faced by children in Amman.
In conclusion, by reviewing some literature on the topic, conducting interviews and a focus
group, and analyzing the current situation on the ground, this research reached the conclusion
that there is still a long way to go for Amman to be considered a Child Friendly City vis-à-vis
children’s participation in urban planning. In order to create a sustainable developed Amman;
environmental, social, and economic sustainability need to be equally addressed and considered,
that would be made possible when including all members of the society in participatory
processes of planning, development, and decision-making of their cities (Stanley, Richardson,
Prior; 2005). Therefore, Amman’s society, as a whole, could move forward when taking part in
improving the status of its children.
References
AECOM (2010). Urban Planning Regulatory Framework- Assessment Report. Ministry of

Municipal Affairs Jordan.
Cairns, L. (2006). Participation with Purpose. In: E. M. Tisdall, J. Davis, A. Prout and M. Hill,
ed., Children, Young People and Social Inclusion: Participation for what?, 1st ed.
Bristol: The Policy Press, pp.217-234.
Chawla, L. and Malone, K. (2003). Neighbourhood quality in children's eyes. Children in the
city: home, neighbourhood and community, pp.118 -141.
Christensen, P. and O'Brien, M. (2003). Children in the City: introducing new perspectives. In:
P. Christensen and M. O'Brien, ed., Children in the City: Home, neighbourhood and
community, 1st ed. London: Routledge Falmer, pp.1-12.
DoS (2014). Jordanian Population by Governorate, Sex, and Age group (Percentage
Distribution). Amman: Department of Statistics.
DoS (2013). Population by Governorate, District, and Sex. Amman: Department of Statistics.
Freeman, C. and Tranter, P. (2011). Children and their urban environment. 1st ed. London:
Earthscan.
Gallagher, M. (2006). Spaces of Participation and Inclusion?. In: E. M. Tisdall, J. Davis, A.
Prout and M. Hill, ed., Children, young people and social inclusion: Participation for
what?, 1st ed. Bristol: The Policy Press.
Greater Amman Municipality (2008). The Amman Plan: Metropolitan Growth. Amman: Greater
Amman Municipality.
Jordan Times (2014). Consultation explores capital's progress towards becoming 'child-friendly
city'. [online] Available at: http://jordantimes.com/consultation-explores-capitals-
progresstowards- becoming-child-friendly-city [Accessed 29 Jul. 2014].
Malone, K. (2001). Children, youth and sustainable cities. Local Environment, 6(1), pp.5--12.
146
Malone, K. (2006). United Nations: a key player in a global movement for child friendly cities.
In: B. Gleeson and N. Sipe, ed., Creating Child Friendly Cities, 1st ed. Routledge, pp.13-
32.
Potter, R., Darmame, K., Barham, N. and Nortcliff, S. (2009). “Ever-growing Amman”, Jordan:
Urban expansion, social polarisation and contemporary urban planning issues. Habitat
international, 33(1), pp.81--92.
Rasmussen, K. and Smidt, S. (2003). Children in the neighbourhood: the neighbourhood in the
children. In: P. Christensen and M. O'Brien, ed., Children in the City: Home,
neighbourhood and community, 1st ed. London: Routledge Falmer, pp.82-100.
UNHCR (2014). Jordan. [online] Unhcr.org. Available at:
http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e486566.html [Accessed 17 Aug. 2014].
UNICEF (2004). Building Child Friendly Cities- A framework for action. Florence: UNICEF
Innocenti Research Centre.
UNICEF, (2007). Children in Jordan: Situation analysis. UNICEF.
UNICEF, (2009). Child Budget Analysis, Jordan. Amman: UNICEF.
UNICEF (2012). The State of the World's Children: Children in an Urban World. New York:
UNICEF.
UNICEF (2014). Child Friendly Cities and the Activation of the National Indicators. Amman:
UNICEF.
United Nations, (1989). Convention on the Rights of the Child. United Nations Human Rights-
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.
147
Using Aerial Photography for the Study of Housing Projects
in Jordan
Arch. Hind Is-haqat1.a
1
Dept. of Architecture, Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDC), Amman,
Jordan, p.o.box 2110 Amman 11181- phone 962 65538228- fax 962 65538226
a
arch_h.i@hotmail.com
ABSTRACT
This paper explores the use of aerial photographs in the evaluation of some of the low-income
housing projects in Jordan, which were implemented by the Housing and Urban Development
Corporation HUDC, and executed by the Jordanian Housing Developers Association JHDA.
It will focus on the projects of the Royal Initiative for Housing (RIH) 2008-2013, that will
benefit about 45000 Jordanian citizens, with the HUDC vision for providing decent housing at
subsidized prices for low-income households, and providing residential neighbourhoods with
complete services, the paper will be concentrating on four sites within Jordan’s capital
Amman.
These projects were studied through reviewing their relationship with the urban fabric and
existing infrastructure and the suggested and implemented plans. Information and data and
aerial photographs taken between 1992-2013, as a tool for analysis and exploration were
documented and compared to reach conclusions about the expected population and residential
density, with the planning and existing services in each project. The photographs were used to
explore the extent that these projects formed suitable urban nodes, taking opinions from
existing residents about the advantages and disadvantages of living there.
It is concluded that the RIH projects in Amman, formed a nucleus of new urban
neighbourhoods, and were an extension of the urban fabric contributing to the revival of the
surrounding areas. These projects were provided with needed services and infrastructure that
encouraged residents to live there, and to insure its sufficiency in the future when the projects
are fully occupied.
It is recommended to study the planning, design and organizing criteria used in HUDC
projects according to the changing needs of the residents, and the new urban criteria for low-
income residential projects.
KEYWORDS: Aerial photography, Royal Initiative for Housing, HUDC.
INTRODUCTION
Jordan is an upper–middle income country, with a population of 6.38 million people,

increasing at a rate of 2.2% annually, and with a density of 71.9 person/km2. Jordan has
experienced a rapid growth in the urbanization, rising from 59% in 1979 to about 82.6% in
2012, the number of households was 1,173,000 and the median household size was 5.4
persons (Department of Statistics, Dos, 2012).
148
The Housing Corporation in Jordan was established in 1966 to provide suitable housing. The
Urban Development Department (UDD) was established in 1980 to apply urban development
projects and improve low-income settlements. In 1992 the two agencies were merged to
establish The Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDC).
As a governmental housing agency, HUDC has implemented housing programs and policies
and provided suitable serviced housing projects for low and moderate income families. It has
reduced the gap between housing supply and demand, lead the housing sector and
contributing to national development. Over this time, HUDC has executed about 130,000
housing units and serviced plots, benefiting about 400,000 people in over 360 projects in
Jordan (HUDC, 2012).
The Royal Initiative for Housing (RIH) 2008–2013, is a large scale affordable housing
scheme in Jordan, implemented by the Housing and Urban Development Corporation
(HUDC), to enable low–income families to own a healthy, affordable housing unit within
harmonious settlements and with complete services.
Now finished and marketed through 2010-2011, 8448 housing units have been built within 10
housing projects located in five governorates in Jordan. 4919 of these units were sold by
10/2014 (HUDC, 2014), and the remaining units were sold by 2015. As an on-going project
it is useful to evaluate the scheme according to the resident’s experiences, to reach useful
conclusions about the development and planning of housing projects for this group in Jordan.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Housing is a basic human need, which is fundamental in the economic and social well–being
of a country (Barker, 2004, P.1). Al–Faqih (2009) states that: there are housing requirements
such as living standards, quality improvement, and social performance which must suit
individuals, households and society. Rapoport (1980) raised the following issues: what are
the reasons behind selecting a place to live in? How people evaluate environmental attributes
to choose what they desire? What is the preferred site, neighbourhood to live in? Winter
(2010) stated that there was a need for planning to increase the supply of affordable housing,
and suggesting two strategies; (1) encouraging a new affordable housing supply, and (2)
securing a new affordable housing supply in new developments.
Al– Homoud and Al Oun (2009) stated that planning practices in Jordan were top–down;
starting from central government, then from local government to citizens. Jalouqa (2010)
stated that urban planning in Jordan was influenced by the political and economic conditions
that affect housing and planning policies. Shabsough (2004) argues that the lack of clear
strategies and policies resulted in expanding zoning plans in an unacceptable manner. Nusair
(2000a) indicated that in Jordan, the current zoning and regulation lows should be restudied
and modified in light of the new economic and social development.
The Greater Amman Comprehensive Development Plan (GACDP) in 1988 included

recommendations for satellite communities towards the eastern and southern outer edges of
the city, as a means to combat the ongoing sprawl to the west. This would also help to prevent
inflationary land prices, and act as a solution to future population concerns. According to the
Amman Plan, GAM (2008), housing planning needed amendments to the current zoning
regulations, increasing density to minimize land and infrastructure value, and allowing
satellite towns with affordable housing. Al Asad (2005) stated that Amman is divided
between east and west, and described the city as a mixture of economically and socially
exclusive districts as well as mixed and hazy areas.
149
Suboh (2000) stated that when the Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDC)
planned a low–income housing project the social, physical, technical and economic studies
were conducted to reduce land costs, and link the project to public infrastructure. Ababsa
(2007) blames HUDC for selecting the RIH project outside the urban centers on the outskirts
of towns, and Daher (2013) argues that HUDC low–income housing projects in Jeza, Abu
Alanda, Sahab and Marka located in the eastern edges of Amman failed in providing the
projects with needed social infrastructure, and pushed the poor out of the city to deserted
locations lacking in infrastructure and facilities, like schools, hospitals and commercial
services. However the Amman Plan, GAM (2008) urges planners not to sacrifice social
services or create housing ghettos for affordability.
City planners, economists, and resource managers therefore need advanced methods and a
comprehensive knowledge of the cities under their jurisdiction to make the informed
decisions necessary to guide sustainable development in these rapidly changing urban
environments (Pham et al. 2011; Makhamreh et al. 2011). The science of cartography has
advanced in all aspects in the last two decades, James Corner, (1999) argues that the map has
agency and is not merely a representation, but also a tool to explore what other conventional
methodologies cannot imagine. He investigated into how architects and landscape designers
utilize maps, and then found new projects to explore the different relationships inherent in the
site itself and within its surrounding location; used to project future scenarios for the territory
(Khasawneh, 2010).
High population density in urban areas has resulted in a large-scale modification of the
landscape and environment. As a city grows, the increasing concentration of population and
economic activities demands more land to be developed for public infrastructure (e.g. roads,
water facilities, and utilities), housing, and industrial and commercial uses. Moreover, remote
sensing data are effective in monitoring the land use changes, especially where information on
land use is inconsistent and insufficient (Makhamreh et al. 2011). The aerial photographs of
Amman show an increase in the urban area from 0.3214 to 162.9243 km2. This increase
represents 509 times the area of the old city, and shows a decrease in the fertile lands from
383.8565 to 297.4132 km2, which represents a loss of 23% of this area (Al Rawashdeh et al.
2006).
Since 1975, The Royal Jordanian Geographic Center (RJGC) is the official government
organization that normally undertakes the provision of aerial photographs, satellite images,
topographic maps, and other spatial data, particularly georeferenced data maps, for local
governmental, academic, and research purposes. Aerial photographs cover the period 1918-
2000, and are useful for tracing the physical urban growth (Abu-Dayyeh et al. 2005). Remote
sensing and geographic information systems (GIS), given their cost effectiveness and
technological soundness, are increasingly being used to develop useful sources of information
and to support decision making in connection with a wide array of urban application (Al
Rawashdeh et al. 2006).
DATA COLLECTION
Aerial photographs taken in 1992 were obtained from the Royal Jordanian Geographic Center
(RJGC). Newer periods from 2000 to 2013 were obtained from Google maps
(www.googlemaps.com) using the historical maps to see aerial photographs taken in the same
area, and used to compare the urban situation of the project sites during three periods; 1992,
2000 and 2013. Data and project information were obtained from the archive and documents
of HUDC.
150
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Documenting and comparing information and data of the four projects before and after the
implementation of RIH, according to the number of residential plots, number of residential
housing units, and expected population of the project, as well as residential density and
available services.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1. To what extend have the existing HUDC projects formed a nucleus for suitable urban
societies of low-income?
2. Was the location of the RIH project in Amman suitable for the existing urban fabric?
EXAMPLE OF HUDC LOW-INCOME HOUSING PROJECTS IN AMMAN
In 2001 the researcher Fadael Al-Rahman Al Tammoni presented her Masters Thesis on “the
Evaluation of HUDC Projects in Terms of Preferences” studying two HUDC projects, Al-
Batrawii in Zarqa city, and New Marka in Amman, using an ethnographic approach and
survey to study the physical components and social components and describe what the
residents of the two projects liked or disliked about their environments. For this study, the
New Marka project will be studied and the housing location is taken as a comparison base for
this project and the four RIH projects in Amman, using aerial photography as an aiding tool.
New Marka Housing Project
According to Al-Tammoni (2001), the project was

constructed between 1992 and 1995 and is located to the
east of Amman (close to the Round Belt) connecting to
Zarqa, and near to Amman’s first airport, the Pepsi
factory, and a burning area.
The project area is 86,000m2, and phase 1 consisted of

22 residential buildings, with a total of 274 apartments in
three building types. Unit areas range from 80-110m2,
and consisted of 2-3 bedrooms, living room, guest room,
kitchen, and 1-2 bathrooms, as part of three story blocks.
The second phase consisted of 27 buildings, with 162
apartments, and phase three consisted of 52 serviced land
plots. The project was provided with the necessary
infrastructure such as roads, passages, water, rain water
drainage, electricity, telephone networks, green areas,
car parking and a mosque (Al-Tammoni, 2001).
Figure 1: Site Plan of New
Marka Project
151
According to the researcher, 63% of people surveyed believed that the buildings were too
close with no space between them. 77% of the residents disliked the housing location because
of the desert-like climate, as well as the clamor of airplanes flying near to and over the site.
The project is on a main street, far from all services and entertainment facilities. Also
transportation is very difficult, especially for families without a car, and there are difficulties
in collecting provisions or sending their children to the school, located on the other side of the
dangerous Round Belt road. It should be noted that 90% of residents had children of school
age (Al-Tammoni,2001).
Figure 2 and 3: New Marka Project in 1992 and in 2000
The researcher Al-Tammoni explored the resident’s opinions of the project after nine years of
occupation. The area at that time was empty from any
other residential neighbourhoods, and not all services
were available, as shown in Figure 2 taken in 1992.
Figure 3 shows the same area in 2000, with the nearby

0
urban fabric and connections to other housing projects.
Phase two was complete with another 22 buildings and
their services, and phase three of the project was
completed in 2014 as serviced plots to be sold for
beneficiaries, see Figure 4.
Figure 4: New Marka Project 2013
COMPARING AMMAN’S TWO PLANS
The Greater Amman Comprehensive Development Plan (GACDP) in 1988:
The plan included recommendations for satellite communities towards the eastern and
southern outer edges of the city, as a means to combat the ongoing sprawl to the west, and to
fight inflated land prices as well as a solution for future population concerns.
152
According to the plan, the residential areas of type C
and D (coloured in light orange and orange) provided
for low-income households were not sufficient for the
future higher demands, and this lead to the division of
Amman into two parts; a western part with low
density for rich people, and an eastern part with high
density for low-income people, which created a
fragmented urban environment based on social
differences.
The GACDP (1988), suggested a population density

in residential area, type C of 4.3-4.8 households (25-
28 persons/1000m2 (Dunum), and for type D of 6.5-
7.3 households (37.5-41.5 persons/dunum). It also
suggested the expansion of the urban area for these
residential types in the eastern side of Yarmouk Street Figure 5: the residential areas in
and the Round Belt Road and in the Marka area, Amman 1988, GACDP
including the projects of the housing corporation.
Amman Metropolitan Growth Plan in 2008:
Defined the Urban Envelope, which includes the existing core built-up areas of Amman and
extends beyond them in designated areas, to align with the Amman Development Corridor
(ADC). This Urban Envelope will contain 85% of Amman’s new growth, 55% of new
housing units within the Urban Envelope will be located in Settlement Expansion Areas (in
orange on Figure 4). RIH projects (marked in red) are located within this area.
According to the plan, the Metropolitan Corridors include the Airport Road, the Sahab
Muwaqar Corridor, and the Amman Development Corridor. These will provide Ammanies
with safe, easy access to all parts of the city, and will combine a wide variety of high -density
residential, institutional, and commercial land uses within a vibrant public framework,
consisting of parks, gardens, pedestrian promenades etc. The Abu Alanda project is located
near to the Sahab-Muwaqar Corridor and also near to the ADC (see Figure 5).
The Amman Metropolitan Growth Plan in 2008 suggested a population density target in the
inner east of 3.3 households per dunum (18 persons/dunum), and in the inner south areas of
Amman of 4.2 households (23 persons/dunum).
Figure 6: Metropolitan Growth Plan: Figure 7: Metropolitan Corridors and

Settlement Areas , GAM 2008 Metropolitan Growth Centers, GAM 2008
153
THE ROYAL INITIATIVE FOR HOUSING (RIH) 2008-2013
As a national large-scale housing project in Jordan, RIH provides for the citizens's needs of
decent housing and decent living. 8,448 housing units were developed in 10 projects across
five governors (districts) in Jordan: Badr project in Irbid (North), Batrawii, Jabal Tariq, King
Abdullah bin Abdulaziz in Zqrqa, Dyar, Mostanada, Princess Iman and Abu Alanda in
Amman, Faiha in Madaba (Middle), and same project in Aqaba (South), (see Figure 8). All
of these consist of 2-3 bedrooms apartments with areas from 90-156m2, constructed from
concrete columns and beams and concrete hollow blocks with coloured plaster for the
elevations. All ten projects were provided with their necessary services and infrastructure
such as schools, health centers, commercial buildings and waste water treatment plants.
Figure 9 shows the locations of the four RIH projects in Amman: (Dyar, Abu Alanda,
Mostanada, and Iman5) to the east of The Round
Belt Road, that surrounds eastern Amman from
Sahab to the Amman-Zarqa Road. The figure shows
Yarmouk Road linking Amman center with the
Round Belt road, and reaching to the Abu Alanda
project and then to eastern parts leading to the
Amman Development Corridor ADC (under
construction) and finally reaching to Zarqa.
Comparing the two aerial photographs taken in

1992 and 2013 showing the Abu Alanda and
Mostanada projects, the area to the east of the
Round Belt Road is seen as being empty, with no
urban clusters in 1992. The Yarmouk road from
Amman center did not reach the Abu Alanda area, Figure 8: map of Jordan with RIH
and stopped at the gas factory, while in 2013 it housing projects.
reached the project and continued to the ADC road.
Figure 9: the location of the four RIH

projects in Amman 2013
154
Figure 10 and 11: Aerial photograph of Abu Alanda and Mostanada projects in 1992 and 2013
Figure 12 and 13: Abu Alanda Project site in 2004 and in 2013
Figure 14 and 15: Dyar Project site in 1992 and 2013
155
Figure 15 and 17: Mostanada project site in 1992 and 2013
Figure 18 and 19: Princess Iman 5 project site in 1992 and 2013
Table 1 shows the four RIH housing projects, comparing the number of plots and housing
units as well as the estimated resident numbers and density before and after RIH. The
population was estimated after selling and occupying all the new RIH units, and the
remaining plots assuming that there would be four floors in each plot, and that the mean
household number would be 5.4 persons. Residential density is calculated by dividing the
estimated population over the project area in dunum (person), which equals 1000 m2.
Table 1 the four RIH projects data
Residential
Number of No. of built Estimated
Projec density
plots units population
Project t area (dunum/person)
m2 Before After Before After Before After Before After
RIH RIH RIH RIH RIH RIH RIH RIH
Dyar 40000 57 23 228 442 1231 2386 30.7 59.6
Abu 64300 1786
808 183 3232 3309 17453 27.1 38.8
Alanda 0 8
Mostanad
85000 120 61 480 691 2592 3731 30.5 43.9
a
Princess 12000
205 101 820 1258 4428 6793 36.9 56.6
Iman 5 0
Average 31.3 49.7
Source: researcher, HUDC data, 2014
The average residential density before RIH was 31.3 persons/dunum, and rose to 49.7
persons/dunum after the implementation of RIH, which is higher than the suggested figure by
GACDP in 1988 (37.5-41.5 person/dunum). It is also higher than the Amman Metropolitan
Growth Plan, 2008, which suggested a population density of 18-23 person/dunum.
156
Figure 20: general views of RIH projects (Abu Alanda, Dyar, Mostanada, Princess Iman 5.
Figure 21: plans of RIH projects (Abu Alanda, Dyar, Mostanada, Princess Iman 5.
RESIDENT OPINIONS ON THE FOUR PROJECTS:
According to Daher et al. (2013), the interviews with the residents of the Dyar, Abu Alanda
and Princess Iman projects showed that they need basic services like solid waste management,
good schools, commercial services and water networks.
Table 2 and Figure 22 show the provided services and infrastructure in the four RIH Amman
projects by HUDC.
Table 2 services in RIH projects

Project Provided services
Dyar Commercial building
Commercial building, 2 schools, 1 health center, 3 waste water
Abu Alanda
treatment plants, a mosque.
Mostanada Commercial building, waste water treatment plant
Princess Iman 5 Commercial building, waste water treatment plant, 1 school.
Source: HUDC, 2013
Figure 22: provided services
The researcher, Is-haqat (2013), studied the RIH projects using a questionnaire over a sample
of 385 household heads in the ten RIH projects. 188 of these household heads were actually
living in the four Amman projects (see Table 3 below).
157
Table 3 Number of sold units and sample size
No. of No. of sold No. of Assigned proportional

Project built units until inhabited sample (13%) of inhabited
units 31/12/2013 units units
Dyar 442 426 425 54
Abu Alanda 1773 420 420 57
Mostanada 571 476 476 62
Princess Iman 5 1114 130 115 15
Total 3900 1452 1436 188
Source: researcher, 2013
According to the questionnaire, 61% of the residents expressed their satisfaction with the
project, while 20% were unsatisfied. 97% of people said that water reached their house once a
week (which is normal in Jordan), and 66% said there was a proper sewage network. 75% of
people said there was a suitable rainwater network in the project, and 95% said the garbage
was collected and disposed of properly by GAM.
42% said they had a positive feeling about the building clusters in the project, with 71%
believing that the open spaces in the project were not suitable for family recreation. 53% of
people said that the setbacks between the buildings were wide enough, while 40% said they
were not wide enough, and residents preferred a smaller number of people in the buildings
and larger setbacks between buildings.
Several field interviews were done with randomly selected residents, asking about the reasons
for their selection of the project, and the advantages and disadvantages of living there. Most
residents chose their project because of its proximity to work and relatives, as well as the
availability of transportation. Table 4 summarizes the answers of the residents in the four
projects.
Table 4 Field interviews and answers in the four projects
Reasons for Advantages of the Disadvantages of the
Project
selecting the project project project
Crowded image, lack of car
Well connected to the Good housing unit
parking, no elevators, lack of
Dyar city, close to work areas, wide streets,
public transportation and
and relatives. available shops.
green areas.
Available services,
wide streets, car Bad odors from waste water
Quiet, large housing
Abu Alanda parking, good plant, dangerous entrance, no
unit areas.
interior and exterior boy’s school, no green areas.
finishing.
Close to work and Available services, Crowded image, interior
Mostanada relatives, available wide streets, car finishing problems, no green
transportation. parking. areas.
Crowded image with attached
buildings and narrow streets,
Princess Close to Sahab and Suitable housing
bad odors from waste water
Iman 5 Amman. unit areas.
plant, no school, mosque,
green areas or health center.
Source: researcher, field interviews, 2013
158
CONCLUSIONS
The RIH projects in Jordan represent a national program that has been implemented over a
short period, which targets low-income groups in Jordan. This research has concentrated on
the planning and location of four RIH projects that have been implemented in Amman, and
their relation to earlier and future plans of the city. The four RIH projects could be
considered as high density populated neighbourhoods, with a population of 2,000-17,000
persons. They form a nuclei for new urban neighborhoods, and an extension of the urban
growth contributing to the revival of the surrounding sites. HUDC delivered the projects with
their necessary infrastructure and services, but these need to be completed and improved to
serve the total number of residents.
According to the researcher, Is-haqat (2013), Planners at HUDC should take into
consideration the following variables that affect the selection of the projects by the
beneficiaries:
The Project Location: As shown in the aerial photographs earlier, the RIH housing project
locations were selected to be on governmental lands, or they were bought from the private
sector outside of the city zone areas because this land was cheaper. Better public
transportation is needed for the projects. A rough topography has established as steep streets,
difficult car parking, and a crowded image of buildings (especially when attached types were
used).
The Project Design: RIH projects have their own regulations and zoning criteria, indicating
the maximum built up area which reached 45% of the plot area, and by 3-4 story heights and
minimum setbacks of 2.5-3 meters. Unfortunately green areas in RIH projects are small and
do not exceed 5% of the project area; they must be attended by GAM, small green areas
within the plots could be attended by the adjacent neighbours. This means that children use
streets and parking areas as playing areas.
The Housing unit Design: This affects the resident’s daily living habits, as well as their
health and their living cost. Designers should realize the need for larger room areas to suit
larger households, and provide a better quality of interior finishing, as well as reduction in
costs of water, electricity, and maintenance.
Infrastructure Issues: This includes connections to public sewage networks, adequate water
supply, and well-designed street and pathways network inside the project. Commercial
services should be based upon the resident’s daily needs, providing things like bread,
medicine, meat and vegetables. Schools and health centers must be completed and operating.
When fully occupied more car parking areas will be needed.
Environmental Issues: Planners should pay attention to greenery and infuse planting/tree
schemes around the housing projects and on projects streets. Measures should be taken to
prevent bad odors by locating the treatment plant far from residential buildings and not in the
direction of the prevailing wind or preferable view.
Social Issues: Residents indicated that they do not like to be watched or observed by their
neighbors through windows. They preferred buildings with a smaller number of floors and
housing units. Planners should avoid attaching more than three buildings, especially if they
are large in size and have multi–stories.
159
HUDC has to consider an evaluation and re-study of the current planning and regulation
criteria of its projects due to the changing needs of residents. There is a need to review aspects
such as zoning and regulating criteria, setbacks, building density, F.A.R., car parking, open
spaces and green areas, to create livable and sustainable human settlements.
This research is part of this review and evaluation process that must be done to put resolve
weaknesses and improve strength; coming from studies of the residents. HUDC should take
into consideration the feedback of the actual conditions of projects, to avoid repeating the
same mistakes in future housing projects in Jordan.
References
: ‫المراجع العربية‬
،‫ دراسة وتصميم مشاريع إسكان ذوي الدخل المتدني في األردن‬:‫) رسالة ماجستير‬0222(، ‫ نشوة‬، ‫ صبح‬
. ‫الجامعة األردنية‬
‫) " متغيرات التنمية اإلسكانية والقيم المجتمعية في البيئة الحضرية لمدينة عمان‬0222( ، ‫ سليم صبحي‬، ‫فقيه‬ 
. ‫ منشورات عمادة البحث العلمي – الجامعة األردنية‬،"
‫ ورقة‬، "‫"أثر إستعماالت األراضي والمرافق العمرانية على البيئة والمصادر الطبيعية‬، )0222( ،‫ عاطف‬،‫ نصير‬
‫عمل في المؤتمر المعماري األردني الثاني ( العمارة والبيئة– نحو عمارة بيئية مستدامة) – المركز الثقافي‬
.‫الملكي– عمان‬
. "‫ نمو المدينة الكبرى‬-‫ " تقرير ملخص مخطط عمان‬، )0222( ‫ أمانة عمان الكبرى‬
‫) "الخطة‬8222( ‫ الفريق الفني المشترك من امانة عمان الكبرى ودار الهندسة للتصميم واالستشارات الفنية‬
.‫التنموية الشاملة لعمان الكبرى خالصة الدراسة" – عمان‬
Ababsa, M.(2007), “Social Disparities and Public Policies in Amman” IFPO Institut Francais
du Proche-Orient.
Abu-Dayyeh,N. and Ziadat,F. (2005) “ GIS for understanding physical and social change in
urban settings: a case from Amman, Jordan”, Environment and Planning B: Planning
and Design 2005, Volume 32, pages 127-140, Pion Publication, Great Britain.
Al Tammoni, F. M. (2001) “The Evaluation of HUDC Projects in Terms of Preferences”
Master’s Thesis, Jordan University of Science and Technology.
Al Rawashdeh,S. and Saleh,B. (2006) “Satellite Monitoring of Urban Spatial Growth in the
Amman Area, Jordan”, Journal Of Urban Planning And Development December 2006,
pages 211-216, ASCE.
Al Asad, M. (2005), “ Amman: The challenges of continuous growth” section of
“Urbanization and the changing character of the Arab city” published by the Economic
and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA), United Nations, New York, 19
April 2005, pp 2–12.
Al Homoud, M., Al–Oun, S.(2009),“Jordan’s Badia School Location Effects on the
Perception of Child Safety”, Planning, Practice & Research,Vol.24, No.4,pp. 495–511,
November 2009.
Barker, K.(2004), “Review of Housing Supply: Delivering Stability: Securing our Future
Housing needs, Final report– Recommendations”. HSMO, London.
160
Daher, R., (2013), “Neoliberal Urban Transformations In The Arab City– Meta–narratives,
urban disparities and the emergence of consumerist utopias and geographies of
inequalities in Amman”, Urban Environment, Vol.7,2013, p.99–115, July 2013.
Department of Statistics official site: www.dos.gov.jo
Is-haqat, H.(2013), “Exploring the Appropriateness of the Royal Initiative for Housing for the
Low–income Group in Jordan” Master’s Thesis, German Jordanian University.
Jalouqa, K. (2010) “Comprehensive Planning, Concept and reality” Center of Urban Studies,
Amman.
Khasawheh,J.,(2010),”Tracing the Urban Landscape Back to its Rural and Natural Origins:
the Case of as-Sahel Neighborhood, Amman, Jordan”, Conservation of Architecture,
Urban Areas, Nature & Landscape, Towards a Sustainable Survival of Cultural
Landscap, Vol. 1, 2010.
Makhamreh, Z., Almanasyeh, N., (2011), “Analyzing the State and Pattern of Urban Growth
and City Planning in Amman Using Satellite Images and GIS”, European Journal of
Social Sciences- Volume 24, Number 2, 2011. p. 252-264.
Rapoport, A., (1980), “Environmental Preferences, Habitat Selection and Urban Housing”
Journal of Social Issues Vol.36, No. 3, 1980.
Shabsough, K., (2004), “ The Role of Ministry of Municipal Affairs in Housing Sector”
research for the evaluation of housing sector workshop, Amman.
Winter, I.(2010), “integrating affordable housing issues into urban planning processes”
presentation at Local Government Urban
www.ammancity.gov.jo .
161
Using Social Hub Media to Expand Public Participation in
Municipal Urban Plans
Qutieshat Rania1, a
1
Dept. of Planning &Project Management. Balqa Applied University, Al-Salt, Jordan.
a
rqutieshat@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT
Within the last decade, there has been a boost in social hub media websites such as Facebook,
Instgram and Twitter. These websites were originally informal virtual places for friends to
connect, but have gradually become used as tools for businesses, and more significantly,
government to connect with citizens. Public participation is a form of civic duty that is required
in all stages of planning. But fewer people in Jordan are taking part in the public participation
process, and there is a trend towards an older group (over 40) of residents that come to such
meetings or workshops.
Generally, plans such as specific plans or general plans in Jordan often take years to implement
and require all generations to give feedback on what is needed for the future. This study
investigates the relationship between public participation and the rise of social hub media as a
tool for engagement, demonstrating how municipalities in Jordan use Facebook. This research
suggests that social hub media provide a two-way form of communication between the
community and the local government, which aids in promoting authentic participation.
Additionally, social media allows for efficient outreach and noticing of meetings or public
workshops. As opposed to newspaper or website noticing, websites such as Facebook allow
local governments to target a specific audience by location, age, or interests.
Although many cities developed a Facebook page to engage the “younger generation”, they
attract all ages to become fans. Additionally, the true potential of Facebook as a participatory
tool has not been discovered. Cities are developing their own ways of using it as a tool as there
is no formal best practices manual for city planning departments. The findings of this study have
provided the necessary information to develop a best practice manual for planning practitioners.
The manual provides information on developing a Facebook Page as well as the implications of
the technology.
KEYWORDS: Public Participation, Social Media, Facebook, Urban Planning, Municipalities.
1. INTRODUCTION
“Twitter provides teeth to the masses” was the headline in one of the major Dutch newspapers,
the Volkskrant, in February 2012. The article claimed that internet users in the USA frequently
succeed in blocking plans of companies, foundations and governments. The example featured in
the article is a cancer research foundation changing its funding policy under immediate heavy
public pressure, but the same article also claims that multinationals, banks, lobby groups and
even dictators and autocrats and all those others who thought governance was unidirectional,
have to fear for the mobilization power of the new media. Clearly social media sparked and
fuelled the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. The internet and social media helped
162
mobilize protests against Putin in the weeks before the Russian elections but also forced the
Bank of America and JPMorgan Chase to withdraw intended service fee increases. Moreover,
social media operate real-time and the quick response time makes, according to Mark Ghuneim
of Trendrr, that responses and protests are immediate and become part of the actual event. A
most recent example of the latter is the viral video action #stopkony2012 in March 2012, which
after more than 10 years of silence suddenly sparked the cry for justice in Central Africa. In this
respect the digital revolution is a step towards democratization of power, claims Elshout (2012)
the author of the cited newspaper article, and he continues: “Social networks form a good
platform for organizing countervailing power by political activists and consumers. The same or
related argument can also be found in more established scientific literature on internet use for
mobilization, for instance by Hirzalla et al (2010) and Hara (2008). Others, like Bennett et al.
(2008) and Sreberny and Khiabany (2011) discuss the mobilization power of digital media in
the US and blogs in Iran; Karpf (2011) discusses whether these new social media and internet
sources is not just old wine in new bottles; is not the blog just the new flyer? Nielsen (2011)
argues along the same line and stresses that we should not forget the impact of the mobile
phone. Their critical comments have in common that the new communication devices are not
the cause but rather the tools for change. In the discussion section, we will turn to some
governance dilemmas and agendize some issues for public participation practitioners.
2. MAIN BODY
2.1 Research Problem
Social media such as Facebook, Twitter, Google+, Word Press, and YouTube are just a few of
the hundreds of applications that make participatory information sharing and social networking
possible. These new social media are being used to organize events, communicate information,
develop positions, solicit membership, distribute petitions, and share documents, photographs,
and videos. Given the rapid adoption by citizens around the globe for a diversity of purposes, it
is timely to ask what role social media is playing or could play in facilitating public
participation in municipality plans. This study focuses on two distinct areas of public
participation and attempts to make a connection between them both. It is one thing to inform the
public of a meeting or workshop, but it is something else to have them actively come to a public
meeting. Generally, participation consists of community members physically attending the
meeting/workshop in order to speak their mind about the particular topic. Through case studies,
this study will attempt to answer the following research questions:
1) How can Facebook be used as a proficient means of community participation?

2) Is there a difference between age groups as age relates to the use of Facebook for public
participation?
3) What are the ways in which users access Facebook to be informed about city activities?
4) Can city residents who do not attend public meetings be informed via Facebook?
5) What are the practices of those cities that use Facebook as an outreach and public
participation tool?
Quality data collection and methodology are needed to effectively answer these questions. The
age range was chosen as it includes young adults who have a stake in their community.
163
2.2 Research Methodology
The primary objective of this study is to explore the relationship, if any, between age range and
public participation in urban planning. The study will focus on the use of Facebook specifically
and how city municipalities utilize the software. Comparisons between cities will provide
insight and direction for practicing planners who wish to use Facebook or social media in
general as an additional outreach/education tool.
2.2.1 Methods
Data collection focused on two aspects of public participation and the use of Facebook. The first
focused on public participation events such as the Planning Commission to determine the
number of people who participate and their ages. Research was also expanded to determine the
decisions made by those who were not at the observed public participation events. This included
surveying the public to understand if they participate in public planning as well as their age.
This method of research focused on the user side of public participation and was compared to
the planning side via case study and formal interviews with cities. Yin (2003) suggests the use
of the case study to understand the “how” or “why” programs work within government
agencies. Yin justifies the use of the case study in addition to surveys as a way to explore and
gain a better understanding of the item being researched. Yin’s corresponds with the type of
research and the proposed outcome of this study. In addition to a case study, surveys (both
formal and informal) were developed to explore how Facebook is used to identify the
implications for planners.
2.2.2 Instrumentation
Two instruments were implemented in this study, 1) case studies, and 2) surveys. These
instruments provided insight and information into the public realm of participation as well as the
planning realm of outreach and education.
2.3.1 Cases analysed
Since Amman is the main city in Jordan and the most populated with more than 2.5 million
inhabitants, the City of Amman was the primary case study on the development, launch, and
maintenance of a Facebook Page. The municipality of Greater Amman created and launched the
page, observations were made of the content posted and feedback from fans. This information
provided primary data of opportunities and constraints with regard to using Facebook as a tool
for public participation. Multiple meetings were held by the city to ensure the page was
acceptable and that it followed the basic best practices that were initially developed for this
study. Access was granted to observe the administrative side of the Facebook page in order to
gain access to the “Insight” feature, which is Facebook’s own use and demographic information.
Opportunities and constraints were observed via the Insight feature as well as discussion with
the administrator of the city. Quantitative data collected included total number of fans (“likes”
of the page), age cohorts, sex, active users, and both active page views and unique page views.
This data presented a profile of residents using the page and provided perceptive of their
behaviour. Qualitative data collected included meetings with the administrator to determine any
issues with operating the page, such as responding to comments, creating new content,
frequency of updating, and resources needed.
164
2.3.2 Public Surveys
Surveys provided information on the public realm of participation within the city of Amman.
The surveys were designed for the general public of Amman to gain an understanding of their
public participation behaviour and to determine if they use Facebook. Respondents were asked
if they have attended an Amman planning public participation event such as a workshop or
public hearing. Those who indicated that they did take part in such an event were then asked
how they heard of the event and how often they attend such meetings. Conversely, those who
indicate that they have not attended a public hearing or city workshop were asked what was the
main reason for not attending? All respondents were then asked if they are a Facebook user as
well as their age and sex. This survey was designed to be short and concise to respect
respondents’ time as the surveys were conducted at the exit of a grocery store.
2.3.3 City Interviews
Three cities within Jordan were selected as a simple selection process, Amman as the capital
and most populated city in Jordan, Irbid as the capital of north region and Tafeeleh as the main
city in the south region. The official website was accessed and then they were contacted to
conduct the interview. The public surveys were conducted within the city of Amman at one of
four major supermarkets within the city.
The location was a random selection of the four major supermarkets within five miles of each
other. Additionally respondents were asked to participate in the survey as they exited the store
with the option of walking to their car while responding to the questions.
2.3.4 Participant Observations
Approximate observations were conducted at Amman Planning Commission meetings to

determine how many people attend and their age. An additional survey was designed for a
public participation event, such as a city Planning Commission City Council meeting. This
survey was similar to the one designed and administered outside the grocery store. However, an
additional question asking what type of media outreach would be most likely them attend a
public meeting or workshop. Potential respondents were not directly asked to take the surveys to
respect the meeting and wishes of the city. Observations were taken of the meeting to
understand who attends, such as the general public, concerned citizens, or the applicant of an
agenda item.
2.4 Sampling Strategy
The City of Amman was selected as a case study because of the existing interest to move
forward with social networking. The city was interested in the creation of a Facebook page and
this study was the catalyst for the move forward. As this study focused on age, the
demographics of Amman were considered when selecting the case study. Amman’s median age
is 42 years old with 25.4% of the population between the ages of 15 and 34 years old (Jordan
Census, 2012). With the city available to update and maintain the page, Amman presented itself
as a major candidate for this study.
165
3. Findings
3.1 Planning Commission Surveys
In order to better understand how residents hear about planning related issues, data was
collected at the City of Amman Planning Commission meetings. In addition to first hand
observations, surveys were created specifically for participants of the Planning Commission
meetings. In addition, of the ten Planning Commission meetings scheduled from January 2014
to May 2014, four were cancelled. However, the data still collected/observed on April 5, 2014
to determine the level of participation. The meetings indicated that there is a very low level of
participation. Although this data is not conclusive, it assists in understanding the public
participation process and levels of participation despite the Municipality invitation Figure1
3.2 General Public Surveys
General surveys were used to understand if residents of Amman are aware of public meetings
and/or public workshops for the city. In addition, participants were asked if they are on
Facebook to understand any correlation between Facebook users and public meeting
participants. Surveys were administered on two separate occasions at two different times of the
day. People participated in the survey over the two days.
3.3 Amman Facebook Page
An official Facebook page was created for the City of Amman as a case study and to gather data
on the various issues with creating and operating a page. The page was created through an
adoption of Facebook’s “Connecting to your Constituents with Facebook” which is essentially a
best practice manual for general governmental organizations. In addition, the online
govloop.com blog was used in conjunction with Facebook’s manual to develop and implement
the Greater Amman Municipality Facebook Page.Figure2
Figure 1: Amman Municipality ask citizens to Figure 2: Greater Amman Municipality

participate Facebook Page
3.4 City Interviews
Three main cities in Jordan were contacted via email, Amman, Irbid and Tafeeleh. The
interviews included six questions for the appropriate person to answer. Questions were sent only
after a contact was established with the city. The email explained the study and asked to be put
166
in touch with the most appropriate person to answer them. Interviews were based on
accessibility to their Facebook page. Additionally, Facebook could have been used as a search
tool for city pages, but there was no guarantee that it was the official page. Whereas any link on
the official city webpage would link to an official Facebook page.
4. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PLANNERS
4.1 Review of Research Questions
This section is dedicated to reviewing the questions and drawing conclusions based on the
findings.
1) How can Facebook be used as an efficient means of community outreach/participation?

Facebook is a relatively new tool for many of the cities interviewed, yet all have obtained the
goals they set out initially. Cities were able to launch and operate a page with little resources as
it is a free service and updating/operating the page is relatively simple and quick. The pages can
be customized to include such things as Planning Commission agenda’s in PDF format, or
include surveys to understand residents wants/needs on particular issues, and photos can be used
as an informal visual preference survey. Typical forms of outreach and/or participation activities
can be translated into the realm of Facebook and as such provide an efficient means of
outreach/participation.
2) Is there a difference between age groups as age relates to the use of Facebook for public
participation?
Although this study focused on outreach and public participation of young adults, 18-35,
findings show that Facebook is used by a wider variety of age cohorts. However, the public
surveys indicate that there is a trend towards younger people on Facebook; this does not
produce conclusive results to suggest that young adults use the service exclusively. Of the cities
interviewed, they suggested that the initial goal of creating a page was to reach a “younger
generation” or “residents who may not otherwise participate in city events”. However, none
fully focused on gaining young adult participation. Instead, gaining young adult participation
was a by-product of creating the page. This is seen through the Insight (Facebook’sanalytics) on
the page, where the Amman case study indicated the largest age cohort was within the 18-35
range. Therefore, instead of focusing on using Facebook as a tool to reach young adults, it
should be used to reach those who may not contribute through traditional methods of public
participation. This may include young adults, but does not limit or dictate the use of Facebook
as a tool specifically for this age cohort.
3) What are the ways in which users access Facebook to be informed about city activities?
Cities cannot ensure that the public will view updates posted on Facebook and rely on providing
interesting content on a regular basis to pique fans’ interest. The Amman case study provided
data of the most viewed and most commented content. Hot topic items return higher feedback
rating than other less interesting (to fans) content. This may seem obvious, but although
Facebook is a two-way form of communication it is difficult to know what people think of items
posted if they do not respond. Responses from the public are open for anyone (fans and non-
fans of the page) to see, and therefore people may not respond to items as openly as they would
in a public workshop setting. Users can access the page from any computer or mobile device
with an internet connection. Furthermore, when they access the page they can see if the city has
posted event details and respond to content posted at any time of the day. Facebook provides a
means for residents to interact with their government in an informal way and as such creates an
167
opportunity for additional public participation. This is not to say that Facebook/social media
will eventually replace traditional methods of public participation, it will augment these
methods.
4) Can city residents who do not attend public meetings be informed via Facebook?
In a word, yes. Some of the cities interviewed indicated that status updates were derived from
press releases, Amman city posted a questionnaire about a particular plan that was being
developed. There are various opportunities for cities to use Facebook to inform residents and
many cities already do this. The Amman case study provided information to the public on new
projects and encouraged any and all feedback. Additionally, the City of Amman has the ability
to post PDF copies of agendas/minutes or any other city related documentation. As always, the
public is encouraged to participate in the traditional workshop or public hearing setting, but
generally Facebook can fill information gaps for residents who cannot make it to such an event.
5) What are the practices of those cities that use Facebook as an outreach and public
participation tool?
Cities use Facebook in a variety of ways, however many follow fundamental practices that
allow them to be open and transparent. Most of the cities interviewed created multiple
administrators with a primary administrator dedicated to updating and maintain the Page. The
additional administrators were used as a backup to the primary in the case that they were not
able to post or moderate the Page. The amount of time to update and/or maintain the page also
varied from city to city. However the act of posting a status update is relatively quick. If an
administrator uses official press releases as the basis for updates, then it is a matter of
condensing the information into a status update. Other time commitments are finding and
posting links from websites or posting officially on other Facebook Pages. Perhaps the most
time consuming is creating and posting media such as photos. However photos of a project or
used with permission from a website (i.e. a developer of a large project in the city) can be time
consuming as the photos must be uploaded and optionally “tagged” with a caption. If a city
updates the page often (three or more times per day) then it is likely this will require a larger
commitment from the administrator. Multiple administrators can alleviate the time dedicated by
one staff member and provide a more efficient process for running the page.
4.2 Recommendations
This section provides the top five recommendations for cities or departments interested in
creating a Facebook Page. These recommendations are based on the data collected in this study
as a quick guide for interested cities or departments.
1. Create Goals – Prior to creating a page, the city or department should come together with any
and all staff responsible for the Page and develop goals. These goals should focus on what the
Page will look like, the “voice” of the page, internal and external protocols for terms of service,
and security. Goals can be based on membership, such as achieve 1000 fans within three months
of creating the page. Alternatively, goals can be based on feedback and interactions within the
Page, such as achieving a 10% feedback rate for posted content.
2. Terms of Use – Creating a terms of use protocol is important as it guides not only how
administrators use Facebook, but also how users (fans) conduct themselves on the Page. Internal
terms of use should focus on the “voice” of the page and ensure consistency. Although a formal
“voice” is not discouraged, informal and relaxed communication is typical on Facebook since it
is a primary social networking site for friends. The external terms of use should be posted on the
168
“information” section of the page and allow for fans to understand the rules and conduct of
posting comments and/or media.
3. Content – Create interesting content that will engage fans. Content can be in the form of text
or other media such as photographs or video. Providing interesting and informative content
encourages fans to come back to the Page to see what is new. Content can also be in the form of
links, such as news articles or website, and also external surveying websites to engage fans in
public participation.
4. Updating – Updating the Page provides legitimacy of the Page and encourages fans to come
back often to see new content. It is suggested updating at a maximum of three times per day, to
avoid over saturating fans with information, and a minimum of once per week, to avoid a
stagnating page and perhaps losing fans.
5. Promoting and Adverting – When a Page is created, it requires the administrator to promote
and market it through online material as well as printed material. Online advertising can be free,
as the “like” button and links to the Facebook Page can be posted on existing city websites, as
well as in the signature line of employee emails. Promotion is necessary and although there are
free alternatives, Facebook provides a paid service. Administrators can use the Facebook
advertising tool to reach a specific audience based on their location, age, gender, and/or
interests. Any type of marketing should be discussed at the beginning of creating the page as a
part of the initial goal-setting meetings.
5 CONCLUSION
Clearly, citizen participation is a process that needs to be designed purposefully so as to engage

those who need to be involved in order to be effective and make a policy into a success. New
media and open source strategies in combination with impact assessment have not been
extensively studied yet. Most related studies either focus on web-based tools for E-government
and E-governance, or mostly focus on electronic tools for service delivery and monitoring of
policy and project implementation (e.g. Cavalcante de Menezes, et al. 2010).
No matter what perspective we take on the meaning of mobile communication, internet and
social media on the internet and their impact on policy making, as an impact assessment
community, we are facing the challenge of using these new media for organizing public
participation processes and at the same time are confronted with a new phenomenon: the public
has no means to organize it. This leads us to wonder what the impact of new media and the
phenomenon of self-organizing publics will be on public policy making and public participation
in impact assessment in special.
New media and public participation in impact assessment is a medal with two sides; the
organizer/initiator side where new media are a resource and means for spreading information
and soliciting feedback on plans and for organizing, monitoring and follow-up by inviting the
public to participate; the other side of the medal is the potential for self-mobilization of publics,
which in itself may be considered a blessing but may also turn into hard to fight the opposition.
Clearly, citizen participation is a process that needs to be designed purposefully so as to engage
those who need to be involved in order to be effective and make a policy into a success.
Different mechanisms for citizen participation serve to achieve different participatory goals and
involve the creation of different publics (Braun and Schultz 2010; Felt and Fochler 2010).
Public participation, therefore, is not only about objects, but also about the subjects: who is
169
participating and who needs to participate? It is a matter of constructing the right public. In the
open source approach to public participation, however, individuals self-identify as a player in
the process. This puts the burden on the organizer to define tasks in such a way that they attract
the right kind of public as well as enough numbers to solve the problem at hand (Benkler 2002).
References
Benkler, Y. , 2002. "The Nature of the Firm "The Yale Law Journal. Vol. 112, No. 3, pp. 369-
446.
Bennett, W.L., Breunig, C., and Givens, T., 2008." Communication and Political Mobilization:
Digital Media and the Organization of Anti-Iraq War Demonstrations." U.S. Political
Communication, Volume 25, Issue 3, 2008 pages 269-289.
Brabham, D. C. , 2009." Crowd sourcing the public participation process for planning projects"
Planning Theory, 8(3), 242-262.
Braun, K., Schultz, S. ,2010." … a certain amount of engineering involved: Constructing the
public in participatory governance arrangements.'' Public Understanding of Science, 19:
403 originally published online 9 October 2009 DOI: 10.1177/09636625093478142010.
Cavalcante de Menezes, L. , Feitosa de Figueirêdo, H., Madeira Fernandes, R., Eduardo da
Silva, T., and de Souza Baptista, C. 2010.," SocialSupervisor: A Geographically
Enhanced Social Content Site to Supervise Public Works." Electronic Government and
the Information Systems Perspective, Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 2010, Volume
6267/2010, 134-141, DOI: 10.1007/978-3-642-15172-9_13.
Elshout, A., 2012." Twitter geeft de massa tanden.", Volkskrant, 8 Feb 2012:7.
Felt, U., Fochler, M. ,2010." Machineries for Making Publics: Inscribing and Describing Publics
in Public Engagement." Minerva, 48/3, 219-238.
Hara, N., 2008." Internet use for political mobilization: Voices of participants." First Monday,
Volume: 13, Issue: 7, Pages: 1-14.
Hirzalla, F., Van Zoonen, L., De Ridder, J., 2010." Internet Use and Political Participation:
Reflections on the Mobilization/Normalization Controversy." The Information Society,
Volume: 27, Issue: 1, Pages: 1-15 DOI: 10.1080/01972243.2011.534360.
Howe, J. ,2006. "The Rise of Crowd sourcing."Wired Issue 14.06
http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/14.06/crowds.html .
Karpf, D., 2010. "Online Political Mobilization from the Advocacy Group's Perspective:
Looking Beyond Clicktivism. " Policy & Internet, Vol. 2: Iss. 4, Article 2. DOI:
10.2202/1944-2866.1098.
Nielsen, R.K., 2011." Mundane Internet Tools, Mobilizing Practices, and the Coproduction of
Citizenship in Political Campaigns." New Media & Society. August 2011, vol. 13 no. 5
755-771.
Sreberny, A., and Khiabany, G., 2011." Blogistan: The Internet and Politics in Iran." IBTauris.
Surowiecki, James, 2004." The Wisdom of Crowds: Why the Many Are Smarter Than the Few
and How Collective Wisdom Shapes Business, Economies, Societies and Nations."
Doubleday Publishers, New York, NY
170
Appendix A: city contacted for interviews
Name of Name of
Municipality City
Amman Greater https://www.facebook.com/cityofamman Amman
Municipality
Irbid Greater https://www.facebook.com/pages/%D8%A8%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%A9- Irbid
Municipality %D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A8%D8%AF-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%83%D8%A8%D8%B1%D9%89-Greater-Irbid-
Municipality/521167804644459
Tafila Greater https://www.facebook.com/www.tafila.jo Tafila
Municipality
Appendix B: City Interview Transcripts sample
Greater Amman Municipality, Jordan
1. What is the primary goal of using Facebook (and social media in general) for the City of
Amman?
Amman uses a lot of social media including Twitter, YouTube, Blogs, and live streams.
The main goal of using social media is to increase dispersal of information to the public as well
as get feedback from the public. Also it is used to reach a different audience, ones that don’t go
to public meetings. Twitter sums it up well, 140 character tweets vs. 140 page council package.
This condensed information reaches a younger generation. Also image and video works well for
the younger generation.
2. How did the city decide to use social media? Additionally, which department suggested the
idea?
I started the page and knew the intrinsic value of social media. I went to the mayor for approval
which was a simple process. Social media is free and signing up is quick and so was an easy
choice for the city to adopt it. Besides cities are already used to creating press releases as well as
releasing photos, these can be looked at as blogs and Facebook photos respectively.
3. What is the process for running the page? Is there one person who is responsible or are
there multiple admins? Additionally are there any security concerns with admin rights?
There are multiple admins only as backup. Most of the Facebook feed comes from the twitter
account, yet we don’t post to Facebook in the same volume as twitter. Only really important
information is posted on Facebook. As far as security, the person conducting social media
should be trusted and at an executive level. It is the same as going on the TV camera, each
message posted is representational of the City – it’s a political message.
4. Is there an internal "terms of use" protocol that those running the Facebook page must
follow?
I manage the accounts and use my own discretion. So far there have been no issues from
content. Negative messages are left and only explicit content is removed.
5. What have you found to be the main issues with the page? For example, are there concerns
with the public's ability to comment on posts? Are there concerns with providing enough
content to post on a regular basis? etc.
171
No real issues with the Facebook page per se. Yes, we get the occasional post from a citizen that
is upset about some issue, but that is par for the course at any level of government. I have a
policy of removing any posts that include obscenities or are complete rants. If it is a genuine
criticism on how the city is managing an issue and others can learn something from the post or
involves a debatable issue, then I encourage wall interactivity. However most of the interactivity
that takes place on the city Facebook page involves my posts and the Facebook like button. In
general the majority of users following the city do not post comments but use the like button as
a means of communication. I also delete spam posts form individuals trying to advertise or
market products or non-city related events.
6. Has the page obtained the goals the City set out to accomplish initially?
My main goal as I mentioned was to be able to connect with the community that may not have
been paying attention to city news. I believe that I achieved that goal and now I have 20000
people who I am able to distribute city news to daily as part of their Facebook experience. I also
think that I have justified the use of social media as an important tool in the business of local
government. I am able to quickly disseminate city news to a broader spectrum of the community
and that can be very beneficial, especially when it comes to city policies & ordinances and in
particular Fire, Police and Street alerts.
172
II
Conference Papers
Part 4:
Urban identity and social sustainability of the city
The Impact of the Transformed Built Environment on the
Identity of Arab Cities - “Doha city as a case study”
Aya Ibrahim Khalil Ibrahim1,a

1
Assistant lecturer, Faculty of Fine Arts, Department of Architecture, Alexandria University.
Alexandria, Egypt
a
aya.ikhalil88@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT
The traditional urban layouts are witnessing many changes; they have been swept away for the
sake of modernity and the continuous development of globalization. Generally, these new
patterns and layouts do not reflect nor preserve any of the original status or the cultural
traditional aspects of these cities. Those cities have been gradually losing their spirit, essence,
whole image, and stereotype, due to various reasons and aspects throughout the end of the last
century. The importing of foreign ideas and life styles, and copying of the international style are
some of the obvious reasons behind this dramatic transformation in the identity.
Most of the Arab cities, especially those in the Gulf area, have become duplicates with the use
of many typical components. These elements which are repeated and scattered rapidly are
resulting in an image lacking in any of the human and social dimensions; directly leading to and
affecting the inhabitants of these cities who have witnessed these changes and transformation.
This could explain the reasons behind the disappearance of the sense of belonging and loyalty to
the place.
This paper will focus on the main factors behind changes in urban identity. It will discuss the
term and the concept of “Memory” as something which links the inhabitants with the city. The
paper will also investigate the new urban forms and how they affect the cultural identity, as well
as the interaction between the citizens of modern Arab society. It will discuss the way that some
spaces have lost their sense of place, and how competition between the Gulf States is rapidly
increasing; affecting the history and memory of the transferred areas. This discussion will be
raising questions on whether the application of modernism is useful to the Arab cities and their
citizens through fulfilling their expectations, or whether it is wiping out the identity of their
countries.
Keywords: Identity – Transformation – Memory – Globalization
175
1. INTRODUCTION
Arab cities have obviously been influenced by the high wave of globalization, which is affecting
all aspects of life. Through this, many changes have occurred and appeared in the urban fabric,
architectural styles, social dimensions, economic changes, and on the whole image of these
cities.
These cities and their old settlements were originally designed according to people’s needs,
existing environmental factors, and their conservative traditions and culture. The transformation
of some parts lacks any sense of place or memory that links people with the past and the history
of the space. These changes have neglected the social dimensions of the urban realm, which
includes the human scale and the amount of interaction within a space.
Many factors play an important role in the changing identity of the Arab city. Some cities have
begun to recognize that they are losing their identity, and in response attempted to recall the
past. Revival of some of the old buildings and public spaces has begun, which over time has
attracted more and more of their citizens.
The debate between fellow citizens is also increasing, with discussion on whether changes are in
the public interest or not. From here their role in the participation and building of their national
identities is important and cannot be neglected.
METHODOLOGY
The paper will discuss these points through the descriptive method of explaining scientific terms
and definitions, and by analysing Doha city as a case study. It will open up debate through
giving examples and citizen observations obtained through a survey of Qatari citizens, which
was done by the researcher.
“People are their places, and place is its people” Relph (1976: 34)
2. THE MEANING OF PLACE IDENTITY

According to Gillian Rose (1995) in her book “Place and
identity: a sense of place”, we can conclude that the identity
of any place is a resulted equation of it being a specific place
with related perceptions, and with memories and certain
feelings. These perceptions, memories, and feelings will
create a connection to this place as well as familiarity over
time or for a moment of experience.
Figure 1: The components of Identity
2.1 URBAN IDENTITY Source: Diagram adopted by the
Urban identity is a mixture of tangible and intangible factorsresearcher.
such as the built environment and
the culture or traditions of a place. These factors are directly linked and clarify the whole image
of the city. (Erem, Ö., Gür, E., 2007)
176
2.2 THE TERM MEMORY
Memory is the main cause of people’s connections to places; creating feelings of familiarity and
imprinting a clear image through distinctive elements. When the identity of a place is clear,
people can recall its image over a long time or short time through individual memory, social
memory, collective memory, and public memory, as Edward S. Casey (2004) has discussed in
his book ” Public Memory in place and time”.
2.3 THE NEED FOR IMAGE AND IDENTITY

Not every city has an iconic image; which is dependent on the amount of components with a
unique and clear identity. Cities which lack any specific features may look alike and be difficult
to distinguish from each other. Recently, some of the cities in the Gulf area have been going
through this dilemma; affected by globalization and the imposition of the international style on
an urban scale. Each city is utilizing similar architectural elements, leading to an overall
monotonous image.
Famous examples of this similarity are the cities of Dubai and Doha. Both governments are
competing to create international cities; neglecting the countries’ history, its people’s needs, and
its traditions, as is shown in the following figure (2).
Figure 2: Left, Dubai tallest skyscrapers, VS. Right: Doha city’s towers along the Cornish.
Source: www.ibda3world.com/, 12/2/2015
www.al-sharq.com/news/details/289954, 12/2/2015
2.4 THE IMAGE OF THE CITY

Kevin Lynch (1960) has stressed the importance of the image of a city, which is also known as
the public image or overall image of the city. This image controls all identity related to certain
streets or iconic buildings and landmarks. It can be considered as the outcome of several
individual images related to a huge number of citizens and habitants. This can be measured
mainly as one of the tangible, physical factors, but many other aspects can play an additional
role in that overall image. Intangible things such as the activities of people, the city’s history,
and its culture will also form part of this image. The main structure of a city’s image is formed
by its urban fabric; its streets and paths; its iconic buildings; and its main public spaces.
177
3.0 THE MAIN ELEMENTS IN THE IDENTITY OF ARAB CITIES
A city often contains overlapping patterns of its history, architectural styles, urban fabric,
culture, traditions, natural features, politics, and human behaviour. All of these elements interact
and compromise, creating a singular identity for each city.
3.1 HISTORY
The history of these cities, their formation, and
the activities that were held for people to earn a
living, affects the original image of the city. This
image is sometimes recalled by citizens; evoking
a desire to revive it for the younger generations.
This history is also being restored in the human
memory as a reference due to the recent
transformations. As an example; figure (3) shows Figure 3: The complex of Sheikh Abdullah
some ruins of the Sheikh Abdullah Bin Jassim bin Jassim at Feriq Al-Salata viewed from the
complex and a sailing boat for fishing and pearl North-east.
collection. Source:www.flickr.com/photos/50273801@
N08/5059428334/
3.2 THE URBAN FABRIC
The urban fabric is considered to be one of the Source:
main structures that connect people to places. www.catnaps.org/islamic/islaqatold2.html1/,
Urban designers and planners will take many 30/1/2015
factors into consideration whilst designing and
planning such as; the climate; users’ traditions;
activities; and the economic conditions. This
can be observed through the old urban fabric of
Doha city in the late 1940’s as shown in figure
(4). It is clear that the urban fabric affects the
identity of the city as a whole. It also has an
impact on the identity of individual streets; the
city’s spirit is produced by both, its urban
fabric, and the distinctive character and Figure 4: An Ariel view of Doha’s old urban fabric
identity of its streets. The scale of the urban looking from the south east at the late 1940s
fabric and city grids has a great impact on Source: www.catnaps.org/islamic/islaqatold.html/,
30/1/2015
street scale and legibility. (Bruce Hull, R.,
Lamb, M. & Vigob G., 1993)
Lynch used the word, “Imageability” to describe the relationship between spaces and the
observer of the space: straight lines that form a grid can turn into curvy lines or other forms that
represent one’s image of the city (1960:14).
3.3 ARCHITECTURE
Architecture is used to define buildings and the street lining walls that have a unique identity.
This leads to a certain image of a city, especially when the city has a unified architectural style
that is based on a historical reference. As a result, a visual identity is shaped directly. However,
in spite of this style of the built envelope forming the street line, it is not considered as the
whole image.
178
3.4 ACTIVITIES HELD BY PEOPLE
The activity of users determines the environments they live in, the places they work and the type
of lifestyle they seek. These activities shape the city’s image. Historically, most of the
inhabitants of the Gulf region used to deal with fishing, pearling and camel breeding, and this
image is remembered even as these activities are becoming extinct. (Alraouf, Ali A., 2012)
3.5 NATURE IN CITIES AND ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS

The natural features of the city directly affect the city’s streets, whether being a desert city, an
intermediate city or a coastal city. Streets, as a considerable part of the urban open space, have a
significant role in creating urban microclimates (Shishegar, N., 2013). For example, in warmer
climates streets, alleyways and sidewalks are narrow in order to provide more shade. Coastal
features can give variation to a city image due to the waterfront; of which there are many recent
projects transforming the Gulf cities.
3.6 CULTURE AND TRADITIONS
Traditional organizations are the main bond of Gulf region citizens. People form their own
circles that are isolated from any other expatriates. This produces a strong society; preserving its
own traditions and identity that are passed on to every new generation. Many of the traditional
rights and customs are still prevalent in the Gulf area, and have no indication of vanishing.
Culture plays an obvious role in inhabitant’s perceptions of and tendencies in the physical
environment; influencing the way they live in, interact in, organize and use spaces. (Fernando,
N., 2007).
Lewis Mumford (1961) regards historic cities as symbols of culture and civilization. He notes
that cities are different from one another primarily because the cultures that created them are
different.
4 WHY DOES IDENTITY CHANGE OVER TIME?
As a result of the rapid change of the identity of some cities, there have been questions about the
main reasons behind these changes fora longg time.
Figure 5: a diagram showing the main reasons behind changes in city identity.
Source: Diagram adopted by the researcher.
179
Some of the main reasons are the following:
 Human development; since the first appearance of human settlements and their increasing
needs with time.
 Social development; human behaviour changes over time, resulting in their social lives
developing and flourishing. Social and cultural developments over time are amongst the
reasons for change in the city’s identity.
 Economic and environmental development; economic growth can change a city’s features
from the whole urban fabric down to the small details of their streets. Cities are also trying
to adapt to environmental changes through new architectural and urban solutions.
 Political decisions; political situations and governmental decisions play a role in the
transformation of the street and city identity over time.
 To cope with rapid global changes, various cities tend to adopt the international style,
abandoning its traditional identity over time without enough awareness. Governments can
be considered as one of the main reasons behind these changes; as citizens of these cities
may not interfere in the change process. Lynch previously mentioned that the observer
himself should play an active role in perceiving the world. In which the observer has to
create and develop his image by participating in this process (1960:6). An obvious example
in need of this is Dubai city, which has totally changed over the last fifty years due to
adoption of the international style with the help of its government’s vision.
Figure 6: left Dubai old urban fabric at year 1975, Right: Dubai’s recent image and
urban fabric at year 2010.
Source: www.catnaps.org/islamic/approach1.html, 20/2/2014
 It is clear that architectural and urban thinking changes over time, and that architects, urban
designers and planners play an important role in changing the city’s image.
 People can control and help with the changing identity of their cities with their needs and
through their activities.
5 THE LOST IDENTITY

Yi-fu Tuan (1974) used the term “Topophilia” to describe the relationships that people establish
with places. He suggested that sense of place was the self-conscious evaluation of place by
individuals. He wrote that the sense of place implies a certain distance between self and place
that allows the self to appreciate a place (1980:4). In these cases sometimes the sense of place
only occurs and is realized after it is lost.
180
5.1 HOW DOES THIS OCCUR
Our places are clearly supporting of our identity and through the increasing population in the
Gulf States, both expatriates and nationals require more housing. This has led to the demolition
of old building structures as well as their adjacent streets and paths, and the inhabitants being
moved to new neighbourhoods with different identities. This may be affecting the old
generations who have witnessed both eras, and this was concluded from a questionnaire* which
was collected across different Qatari ages and genders. Additionally the government’s
continuous need to develop new patterns is affecting the identity of Arab cities.
5.2 THE IMPACT ON THE CITY AND USERS
As a result of urban transformation, the traditional Gulf urban layouts have partially
disappeared; swept aside by the continuous need to produce ‘modern’ developments. These
changes to the city as a whole, through its built environment, affect the citizens of such
countries as previously mentioned.
Buildings are not only important as urban structures, but because of the memories which are
attached to place through the social and emotional meanings that people link to their physical
form. In some cases, buildings that have become part of urban history are being erased from the
collective memory; replaced with false memories and identities rather than confirming and
stressing their realities, which can be as harmful as physical destruction. (Dowell, 2008)
Since cities are attached to people through their memories; the identities of people are linked to
these cities and their physical form. The demolition or decay of these physical forms can
therefore damage the relationship between people and streets; changing the street’s traditional
image and neglecting its human dimensions and scale. This leads to reduced social interaction,
with people feeling that their streets are unfamiliar, and with no sense of belonging to these
cities.
5.3 THE CURRENT DEBATE

Amongst the greatest emerging difficulties which the Gulf areas are facing is the wave of
modernity that is transforming all fields of life. The Arab’s private realm has become public and
today governmental decisions - which have been adopted from the West - conflict with the
traditional ways of decision making. More participation should be taking place with the public;
with citizens making the decisions that directly affect their future, comfort, and sense of
belonging. On the contradictory, some of the young citizens are seeing these transformations as
progress, and they are even proud of modernism and the new urban identity; seeing it as a
means for a bright future for the coming generations (according to the previous questionnaire).
6 CASE STUDY (DOHA-QATAR)

Doha city is considered to be one of the most apparent examples of experiencing a dramatic
transformation in its urban layout over the last decades. This paper will go through the city’s
past, the transformation process and its impact. Then at the end it will show some new
approaches for the future city.
*A questionnaire which was based on different Qatari ages and genders living at Doha city on 2015, a total of 20 Qatari
nationals, 12 males and 8 females and 10 of them aged in between 23-30 while the other 10 are from 30 years to above.
181
6.1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Qatar is a small peninsula, with a total area of
11,500 km2 of flat land. Doha city is its capital,
and the country is connected to the Arabian
Peninsula from the south where it borders with
Saudi Arabia. It has a hot, dry climate. Qatar's
population stood at a record: 2,116,400 at the end
of Jan. 2015 (the Ministry of Development
Planning and Statistics (QSA). Over the last few
decades Qatar has developed a new vision of Figure 7: Doha’s old settlement, and fishing
itself and a totally new future. The state of Qatar boats.
witnessed a huge economic growth through the Source:www.catnaps.org/islamic/gulfarch1.h
last decade through increased income from its exportstml,
of16/2/2015
oil and gas. Qataris, whose livelihoods
used to depend on fishing, pearling, camel breeding, and the industry of ships, had special
settlements which matched with their traditions, environment and activities. By the 1940’s the
discovery of oil and gas brought drastic socio-economic and environmental changes. In the
1970’s, soon after Qatar gained its independence, the coastline and the waterfront of the city
have dramatically changed. Qatar, similar to other Gulf States, coped with globalization and
modernism through many development projects, transforming its skyline in order to establish
itself as a globalized city. As many cities are competing to reach this status, many of them have
duplicated elements as previously mentioned. (Alraouf, Ali A., 2012
2011
2009
2007
2005
Figure 8: Doha’s Transformed skyline over time, between 2005 and 2011.
Source: www.4ddoha.com/projects/Making-of-Doha/
6.2 TRANSFORMATION OF THE URBAN IDENTITY
We can conclude that this occurring transformation was due factors such as; economic growth;
globalization; political decisions; social development; with people’s needs also playing an
important role in the change of the city’s image. The transformation of Doha city’s image is
clearly observable on an architectural and urban planning scale in the west bay district, with its
182
newly built towers. However the country is facing some of the disadvantages of modernism,
such as environmental problems and a decreases satisfaction of the public life of its residents.
Figure 9: Left: Doha Old town, Right: The west bay district and the newly built towers.
Source: www.panoramio.com/photo/42603110, 14/2/2015
The debates and the conflicts between the Qatari nationals are happening regardless of whether
modernism is benefiting them or demolishing their past and threatening their traditions and
heritage. (According to a questionnaire done on 20 Qataris from different ages and genders;
70% of them are in favour of modern transformations with all their different impacts).
Some of the new generations, with no experience of the past decades, are in favour of these
changes as a path to international recognition, while the older generations have come to fear the
loss of identity as they have witnessed changes. For this reason many citizens are again attracted
to the old markets – Souq Waqif as an example – and heritage buildings; as their nostalgic
feelings are increasing towards such places. This is perhaps a reason for the government’s
changed planning strategy; with current concern on preserving the national identity, in an
attempt to fulfill the people’s expectations and needs.
6.2.1 THREATS
In 2015, Doha fared poorly in the new international sustainability index; an inaugural index by
the Dutch firm Arcadis*. Qatar ranked amongst the least sustainable countries in the world. The
Arcadis Index examined 50 cities from 31 countries, in which the survey ranked cities on the
basis of three sub-categories “people, planet and profit”, corresponding to the three dimensions
of sustainability (social, environmental and economic).
Three dimensions of sustainability
Social Environmental Economic
People Planet Profit
Doha was ranked 41st out of the 50 cities overall

Figure 10: A diagram showing the three dimensions of sustainability and the total ranking of Doha city
according to the ARCADIS Sustainable Cities Index.
Source: www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/, 17/2/2015, Diagram adopted by the researcher.
183
Doha city scored averagely in terms of Social sustainability at 34th position, which includes
(transportation infrastructure, health, education, income equality and green spaces). It took 30th
position for economic sustainability, including (public transportation, commuting time, ease of
doing business, property and living costs). However the total ranking of Doha was lowered
based on Environmental factors, for which it places last.
Figure 11: Doha city according to the ARCADIS sustainable Index

Source: www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/, 17/2/2015
6.3 BUILDING A NEW IMAGE AND IDENTITY (THE EXPORTED IMAGE)
Doha city is building a new image and identity

and is readjusting its development path due to
several disadvantages which threatened its
existence as a sustainable city of the world. This
is one of the reasons behind the new upcoming
projects which are being constructed in order to
suit the new sustainable expectations, and to
build a new exported image based on a proper
foundation avoiding several previous mistakes.
One evident project currently under construction
and aiming to fulfill Qatar’s new sustainable
vision is “Msheireb” Downtown.
Architects, urban planners and designers are
creating a new scheme in order to reconnect the Figure 12: “Msheireb” Downtown project at the
contemporary Doha to its past, through trying heart of Doha city.
Source: www.mdd.msheireb.com/, 20/4/2015
* ARCADIS is the leading global natural and built asset design & consultancy firm working in partnership with our clients to
deliver exceptional and sustainable outcomes through the application of design, consultancy, engineering, project and
management services.
184
to reach the ideal model of Doha. It is a residential quarter that originally developed beside the
historic city centre in the middle of the last century, with a variety of mixed uses and facilities.
This project is taking consideration of environmental factors to make it possible for pedestrian
life and social bonds focused around the historic market “Souk”. The country is trying to learn
from previous experiences and so all buildings in Msheireb Downtown are targeting at least a
LEED Gold rating, with a number aiming for Platinum. Achieving this would help to create a
successful, sustainable image for the city in which it is preserving its architecture, traditions,
culture, and social life.
7. CONCLUSIONS
The built environment plays a critical role in the city’s identity and memory; the existence and
construction of the structural elements such as buildings, streets and public spaces are the main
determinants of the image of cities. These elements are considered to be the indicators of a clear
identity, with this image changing through the ages due to various reasons.
This rapid transformation which is occurring in the Gulf States is changing the image of its
cities throughout the entire world. These cities have been losing their traditional identity over
the last few decades, and this is affecting its residents’ lifestyles, traditions and culture. This has
resulted in a debate between specialists and residents as to whether this transformation is to their
benefit or not. Because of this, some cities have begun to change their strategic planning to
accommodate development and globalization, but with new projects which do not demolish or
erase historic identity; instead recalling the past with its elements and making the users more
comfortable and connected to the place.
The negligence of public participation and consideration of the needs and comfort of the
inhabitants has played an important role in this current growing scene. A general framework and
an applicable strategy should be implemented in order to help cities preserve what remains of
their heritage, and to cope with the effects of globalization within the current context. This
strategy should also manage the rapid increase in population and differing needs of people
without damaging and demolishing the image and identity over time due to the unawareness of
users.
185
References
Alraouf, A. (2012). DOHAIZATION Constructing a New Urbanity Brand amid Gulf and Middle
Eastern Cities. Leibzig University, Germany, P.4
Bevan,R. (2006). The Destruction of Memory: Architecture at War. London: Reaktion Books,
P. 194.
Bruce, R., Lamb ,M. & Vigob G. (1993). Place identity: symbols of self in the urban fabric, P.1.
Dowell, G., (2008). Memory and Identity: Destruction and Rebuilding, article on:
www.thebldgblock.wordpress.com/2008/06/05/memory-and-identity-destruction-and-
rebuilding-gregory-dowell/.
Edward, S. (2004). Public Memory in place and time. University of Alabama Press, P.20-25
Erem, Ö., Gür, E. (2007). A Comparative Space Identification Elements Analysis Method for
Districts, 6th International Space Syntax Symposium, İstanbul, P. 1
Fernando, N. (2007). Culture and Identity in Urban Streets. ProQuest press, P.2-7.
Gillian, R. (1995). Place and identity: a sense of place. Oxford: The Open University, P.88-89.
Lynch, K. (1960). The Image of the City, Cambridge: MIT Press. P. 46-49.
Mumford, L. (1961). The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects.
Harcourt, Brace & World.
Perkins, H., David C. Thorns, P. (2011). Identity and Everyday Life in a Globalizing World.
Palgrave Macmillan, p.14, 15.
Shishegar, N. (2013). Street Design and Urban Microclimate, a paper at the: Journal of Clean
Energy Technologies, Vol. 1, No. 1, P.1
www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/
www.bdonline.co.uk/city-making-doha/5034818.article.
www.restreets.org/image-and-identity, 12/1/2013.
LIST OF FIGURES REFERENCES
Figure 1: Diagram adopted by the researcher.
Figure 2: www.ibda3world.com/, 12/2/2015
Figure 3: www.flickr.com/photos/50273801@N08/5059428334/, 22/1/2015
Figure 4: www.catnaps.org/islamic/islaqatold.html/, 30/1/2015
Figure 5: Diagram adopted by the researcher
Figure 6: www.catnaps.org/islamic/approach1.html, 20/2/2014
Figure 7: www.catnaps.org/islamic/gulfarch1.html, 16/2/2015
Figure 8: www.4ddoha.com/projects/Making-of-Doha/, 5/2/2015
Figure 9: www.panoramio.com/photo/42603110, 14/2/2015
Figure 10: www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/,17/2/2015,Diagram adopted by the
researcher.
Figure 11: www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/, 17/2/2015
Figure 12: www.mdd.msheireb.com/, 20/4/2015
186
The Issue of Architectural and Urban Identity of
Contemporary Algerian Cities: Case of Constantine City
Chabi Nadia1, a, Bouhadjar Khalil2, b, Baba Rima3, c

1
Dept. of Architecture, Constantine University 3, Constantine, Algeria, 25 000
2
Dept. of Project Management, Constantine University 3, Constantine, Algeria, 25 000
3
Dept. of Architecture., Constantine University 3, Constantine, Algeria, 25 000
a
nadia.chabi@yahoo.fr, b khalilbouhadjar25@gmail.com, c baba_rima@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT
To face the requirements of the modern era, societies are currently trying to solve their problems
by opting for modernity through the principles of homogenization and standardization. Indeed,
accelerated modernization is advocated in all fields of life affecting the cultures as well as the
identities of people. Modernity threatens the heritage of the past, especially of that related to the
old city and its traditional architecture. Despite their traditional core, the cities of the Arab
world are experiencing rapid growth with designs based on the universal principles of urbanism
and architecture; giving birth to forms and urban structures which have no relationship with the
local culture. With extensive arrays, their stereotyped construction, and the standard
accompanying facilities, the new urban character of the Arab world is anonymous, raising issues
on the identity of the Arab city.
Aware of the stake and the importance of assigning a national style to the Algerian city, which
broke with that of their home country, the French settlers were able to respond to this concern
by drawing on the traditional heritage. The French architects conceived a new style called "neo
Moresque" which was founded on the arabisance of the imported European models. This “neo
Moresque" style is representative of an aesthetic and architectural flowering of a century of
interbreeding between the East and the Occident, constituting a very rich research topic. It
allows for focus on the issue of patrimony and its conservation. It is necessary to find suitable
solutions to these contemporary problems that are related to the country, since the "national
style" expresses the urban and architectural identity of the nation, and its civilizational
membership.
This Millennium, Constantine with its traditional core, constitutes a case of study which
highlights the problematic situation of the Algerian city. The study of this town permits analysis
and discussion of the questions related to the fate of the Arab city, in particular those of Algeria.
It is a question of emphasizing the possible ways to identify the ills of the Algerian city and then
attempting to bring adequate solutions. In fact, this paper aims to study the city of Constantine
by trying to consider and find the best manners of utilising that traditional heritage, which is
unique. This can serve as the starting point for a contemporary urban and architectural creation.
It can constitute a source of inspiration and even a solution to the problem of identity and
culture of Algerian architecture and town planning. Today, the true urgency is to establish a new
Arab cultural vision that supports whilst being responsible for its social dimension.
KEYWORDS: urban and architectural identity, national style, neo Moresque, Constantine.
187
1. INTRODUCTION
By definition, identity "designates what is specific to an individual or to a community and what

distinguishes them from their environment1”. Indeed, each city carries the imprint, the genius,
the history, the memory of its inhabitants, whilst being the reflection of the culture they have
produced. Its architecture and its urban planning are a cultural and historical fact. The human
creativity that is associated with innovation contributes to the construction of the city. This
attributes to each city, its own architectural and urban identity.
Throughout history, the city has evolved by developing its own urban heritage. Today, the city,
especially the Arab city, is experiencing the process of modernity through the generalization of
a pattern of society. This imposes itself as a model to be followed because it constitutes the only
way to achieve modernity. Under the influence of modern urban patterns, the city loses its
distinctiveness or even its identity. The urban space becomes uniform and homogeneous, all in
the name of globalization. Facing contemporaneousness, the Algerian city, notably Constantine,
carries the principles of modernity which is considered as a doctrine; imposing its corpus and its
application upon humanity.
Thus, this work aims to demonstrate how Algerian cities have lost their architectural and urban
identity through history, with special focus on the impact of French colonization. The
methodology of this paper is based on analysis and historical studies of Algeria, especially
Constantine city. Therefore a theoretical analysis is used and supported by the reading and
interpretation of narrative historical texts (archives of the city of Constantine – city council) and
iconographic material such as: maps, plans, facades, cuts, and photos.
2. ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN IDENTITY
Identity is defined as “the foundation for a sense of belonging. It is the means by which people
locate themselves as members of communities and groups and how they define their place in
society2”. It constitutes the result of a long historical process of the past, or, of a memory that
people assume to be "common heritage". The notion of identity is based, not only in our relation
to the past but also in the future. However, the modern era threatens the identities that different
groups and societies have acquired throughout history. Today, globalization brings a risk of
homogenization and standardization of the contemporary cities but also emphasises the desire
for differentiation and distinction.
Thus, the contemporary context encourages the emergence of discourses focused on identity;
notably on the preservation of the national architectural and urban heritage. In this context,
contemporary cities all attempt to build a specific identity in order to stand out and to increase
their visibility and their attractiveness on a regional, national, or even international scale. The
policy-makers try to promote the existing natural and patrimonial resources, creating new urban
projects that retain the historical identity of the society in question. Sustained by new strategies
that translate the needs of belonging, the city becomes a theatre stage where representations of
identity are emphasized for the sake of « urban marketing ». These strategies attempt to give an
attractive image to captivate tourists and investors.
1
Denise Pumain & Thierry Paquot & Richard Kleinschmager, « Dictionnaire la ville et l'urbain, Paris », Economica :
Anthropos, 2006, p.148.
2
http://www.buildingfutures.org.uk/assets/downloads/The_Future_of_Identity.pdf
188
New construction, infrastructure or interventions in the existing heritage areas are carried out in
order to give the city an identity that the society is proud to display. The practice of urban
marketing serves to promote the existing assets of the city and those under construction whilst
promoting the projected image. The Identity-building of a contemporary city creates multiple
problems in a world where globalization, with all its qualities and excesses, imposes itself as the
universal principle. Indeed, any heritage conservation in the contemporary city, as a living
organism that changes over time, is confronted by multiple obstacles. These problems are bound
to the usefulness of the patrimony through the choice of an adequate use value that allows it to
find a place in the present time and to be transmitted to the future generations.
3. ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN IDENTITY OF THE ALGERIAN CITY IN

THETWENTY-FIRST CENTURY
Facing the requirements of the modern era, the present society attempts to solve its problems by
opting for modernity’s principles of homogenization and standardization. Indeed, the process of
accelerated modernization imposes itself on all domains of life; affecting the culture and
identity of people. It jeopardizes goods inherited from the past including those related to the city
and its traditional architecture. With their traditional towns, the cities of the Arab world are
experiencing rapid growth. Their new extensions have a conception based on the universal
principles of urbanism and architecture. These principles give birth to urban forms and
structures that have no relation with the local culture. With extensive arrays of stereotyped
construction, and the standardised accompanying facilities, the urbanization of the Arab world
has become anonymous, raising concerns about the authentic identity of the Arab city.
Like the Maghreb cities, the Algerian town grows and spreads under the weight of the
demographic thrust. It ignores the old traditional city, which carries lessons in both architecture
and planning. Conforming to the governmental decisions, the Algerian planners and architects
prefer to import and adopt exogenous urban and architectural models into the Algerian society.
This raises questions on their adaptability to the socio-cultural requirements of the Algerian
citizens, and on the image that they confer to the cities, notably Constantine.
4. THE ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN IDENTITY OF THE CITY OF

CONSTANTINE THROUGHOUT HISTORY
As old as Jerusalem, Constantine is the result of a long historic evolution. It constitutes a

material and immaterial collective produced by people that have succeeded each other in a
particular temporal and spatial environment. In other words, the old city is the result of a long
stratification of successive or simultaneous cultural patterns. Each one reflects the conditions of
its production and the state of the social relations that gave birth to it.
Like the Arab cities, Constantine is currently in movement. The ongoing dynamics result from
the combined effects of internationalization and globalization. This modest contribution tries to
make a historic reading of the questions on the urban identity of Constantine, particularly during
the last two decades, whilst attempting to find ways of preserving it.
Commonly named "Souika", the old city of Constantine is characterized by its traditional fabric
which is the mirror of its society and cultural patterns (Image .1). During the first occupations3
the city was confined by the unique geology which constituted the site of its establishment.
3
Archives of the city of Constantine “city council”
189
Perched at 600 m, the ground rock is cut by a deep ravine through which the “Oued Rhumel”
flows, giving the city its appearance of a citadel. With its rampart houses, the old city of
Constantine is a microcosm characterized by the symbiosis existing between the materiality of
the space - on the scale of the structure or the urban form - and the society who occupied it. This
anthropological order refers to a history, to a culture and to a territory possessing a singular
identity. Indeed, this was the spatial translation of the way of life proper to the Muslim
community whose intimacy, security and social cohesion, are the major principles of their
culture.
Before colonisation, Constantine presented a compact urban landscape, characterized by the

sobriety of its architecture, its homogeneous structure, the introversion of the places and the
common ownership of its built environment. This traditional city is the formal expression of the
numerous relations that existed between the individual, the society and the territory. Facing this
unique and strong landscape, the French colonizer was forced to destroy it to overcome the
cohesion and the resistance of the autochthonous inhabitants. In fact, the traditional built
environment was, for the colonizer, a hindrance to its domination, to its expansion. The identity
of the traditional city had to be broken and transformed. Thus, a destructive operation began in
favour of a deep acculturation of the society followed by a planned uprooting.
Image 1: The old city of Constantine “Souika”

Sources: http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesImages/cartespostales/vieille_ville.htm ;
http://fr.picclick.com/POSTCARD-ALGERIE-CONSTANTINE-LE-THEATRE-190921861865.html
Conquered by the French in 1836, the old city underwent particular transformations in response.
At first, responding to the needs of the settlers coming from Europe4. Then secondly, to the old
4
IDEM 3
190
city being marginalized by the creation of a new centre of power; giving birth to the European
city and its extensions. Indeed, the displacement of the centrality of the old city toward the
European city with the polarization-concentration of the economic, financial, and administrative
functions did not overshadow the importance of the historic centre, even though it had been
emptied of its functions and its autochthonous population. On the contrary, the “medina” kept
its historic, symbolic, commercial, and social centrality.
During the period of colonization, the conflicted linkage of the two different social and cultural
entities, gave Constantine an identity that was different to that of its origin (Image .2). Reading
the representation of the urban order reveals the cultural differences that caused the separation
between the two types of urban spaces; the traditional core and the colonial town. The urban
space of the colonial order is governed by a segregative model which is firstly ethnic and, then
socioeconomic. Constantine was composed of two entities. On one hand, the medina is folded in
on itself with a compact and homogeneous social body. On the other hand the European town is
an open, conquering city, with a gradual deployment whose social structuring is dynamic and
diversified. Each of the two territories belongs to a temporal horizon that is different; the past
for the medina and the future for the colonial town.
Thus, the colonial city of Constantine presents a composite urban and cultural collection. Its
urban space is characterized by a heterogeneous set of territories defined by their differences
and their specific identities. This reality is often summarized by those that guided the colonial
intervention in terms of urban planning and development with the dual principle of separation
(separation of the médina from the European new cities) and of preservation (preservation of the
médina from all architectural and urban intrusion in dissonance with the formal, cultural and
social properties of the medina).
Image .2. Constantine city during the French colonization

Sources: http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesImages/photos1900/ville2.htm ;
http://fr.picclick.com/POSTCARD-ALGERIE-CONSTANTINE-LE-THEATRE-190921861865.html
191
During the colonial period, changes were made after the introduction of new forces that have
governed the city since5. Their actions have led to major transformations in the socio-spatial
structure of the city. Thus, Constantine has gradually taken a dual cultural identity (Image .3).
One aspect being the urban landscape of the pre-colonial city as the result of a conception based
on the cultural and social values of the traditional society, and the other being the colonial
landscape carrying a specific message, through which the settlers tried to institute a legitimacy
of the colonial act. Beyond these ideological and political goals, we try to discover the part
given to urban design.
Image 3. Specificities of the urban landscape of the Algerian city

Source: http://fr.picclick.com/POSTCARD-ALGERIE-CONSTANTINE-LE-THEATRE-
190921861865.html
The architectural and urban production of the colonial period was based on exogenous factors
including the influence of the metropolis that played a determining role. Indeed, the architecture
and the urbanism of the French cities constituted the main referential sources for the edification
of the new occupied territories. These colonial references draw their essence from modernity.
The planning of the colonial period is founded mainly on the visual qualities of the landscape;
the main arteries offer a scenic landscape highlighting the perspective views. Indeed, the design
of the colonial city is characterized by the perspectives of great public buildings, stunning views
of the city, and commemorative statues, a manner of apprehending the city through the image of
a tourist excursion6.
5
IDEM 3
6
Béguin F. (1983): « Arabisances. Décor architectural et tracé urbain en Afrique du nord, 1830-1950 ».
Ed. Dunod Paris.
192
At the dawn of the 20th Century, Algeria established new references that have substantially
changed the way of producing architecture and urban planning in its territory. After more than
half a century of occupation, the miscegenation of the two cultures allowed the settlers to
acquire a new identity, which was enriched by the values of the local culture. The adoption of
this style, based on local resources had to allow more efficient adherence of the Muslim
population to the “Medersas”. This type of building displayed for the first time, and with pride,
elements of the syntax of the architectural styles; “Arab – Moresque”. This architecture is
characterized by the use of marble columns, sculpted wood, and faience inside the buildings.
The outside is marked by a massive entry door, a large dome, and small openings on a
cantilever supported by uniquely decorative pillars, and this all works to compete with the
European domes widely used.
Founded on the idea of segregation, the urban space of the colonial order saw the socio-spatial
differentiation grow stronger after gaining independence; giving rise to new spatial re-
compositions. After independence, the urban growth of Constantine underwent several
backlashes of a strong demographic growth, and an intense rural exodus. The growth of the city
manifested a juxtaposition of two urban fabrics; one planned by the state, and the other as an
informal fabric reflecting “popular spontaneity”7. The latter took shape outside of the formal
urban fabric. Thus, the city experienced an uncontrolled and precarious urban development.
Recently, the Government decided to plan and build a new city to solve the problems of
Constantine. But the construction of this new town “Ali Mendjeli" 8 has confronted several
challenges related to planning and urban management. The new town has been created as the
result of a decision taken by local authorities to decongest Constantine. With a difficult site, the
extension of Constantine has faced many obstacles (rocky gorges, steepness, railroad tracks, and
an airport). Under the influence of a massive rural exodus, the city reached the saturation limits
of its site. The report concerning this urban development is well known; the loss of the city’s
identity due to the change of architectural and urban conception and realization. These problems
are aggravated by the constraints of the site, the multitude of actors and the absence of
coordination between them. In fact, the immediate consequence is the apparition of a poly
nuclear urban area with an ambiguous identity (Image .4).
7
Chabi. N. (2007) : “l’homme, l’environnement et l’urbanisme : cas de Constatine”, PhD thesis,
Mentouri Constantine university.
8
Chabi. N. & Dekoumi. D. & Souki. H. & Baba. R. & Bouhadjar. K. & Laouar. R. (2014) “ Fabrique de
la ville : phénomène de non ville, cas des ZHUN et de la ville nouvelle Ali Mendjeli“, CNEPRU project
under the code : G00920130117, led by Dr CHABI NADIA, Constantine university 3.
193
Image 4: The new town Ali Mendjeli. Source: authors, 2007
Currently, the urban landscape of Constantine offers the researcher a heterogeneous

composition; formed mainly of heterogeneous material elements, whose reading proves to be
complex and difficult. The passage from the architecture with meaningful and symbolic
dimensions, to an anonymous architecture detached of the social and geographical context, has
fully contributed to the devalued quality of the spaces and their image, making them
insignificant and repulsive. The research of a legible architecture requires a consideration of the
person perceiving the object, through a study that retraces the signs identifying the landscape of
his past and present experience. This legacy allows the person to understand the messages (if
they exist) of their urban landscape. But beyond an easy reading, induced by the revalorization
of the patrimonial registers, the identity of the city instead develops itself through the exclusion
of all exogenous models. “The studies 9 ” showed that these different models (as larger
collectives) adopted by the circumstantial decisions, have aggravated the fragmentation of our
spaces and the loss of their specific image. The wealth of heritage is based upon a selection,
within a determined area, of a very precise number of architectural elements, in order to avoid
complexity and incoherence.
5. IN SEARCH OF A CONTEMPORARY ARCHITECTURAL IDENTITY: WHY THE

CHOICE OF NEO-MORESQUE?
Indeed, the heritage of a place is the reflection of a local identity. As a material expression of
the memory of a place, the architectural and urban patrimony is probably one of the most
9
IDEM 7
194
palpable components of this identity 10 . The French settlers recognized the importance of
assigning a proper style to the Algerian city that breaks with the one of the metropolis (France).
Thus, they have been able to answer this preoccupation. After studying the traditional town,
especially the medina of Constantine, it can be seen that the French architects were able to
design a new named style "neo-Moresque", which was founded on the arabisance of the
imported European models. With the aesthetic and architectural flowering of a century of
miscegenation between orient and west, the neo-Moresque style constitutes a very rich research
theme. It is a concern for the researchers interested in the issue of heritage and its preservation,
and for those who want to find concrete answers to the contemporary problems bound to the
proper «national style» of a country that expresses the identity of its nation, and its civilizational
belonging.
5.1 Definition of the neo-Moresque style in Algeria
The neo-Moresque 11 style, in Algeria is different from those developed in the Maghreb
countries because it constitutes the result of several conjunctures; political, social, economic,
artistic and architectural. Historically, the neo-Moresque style unveiled the new political
intentions of the French administration. They led to the construction of a new identity for the
cities of Algeria12. At the beginning of the colonial conquest, the French army imposed and used
elements of European architecture and urbanism as a symbol of victory13. The following phase,
the one of the protectorate, gave birth to a new model: "the style of the protector14 " or "Jonnart
style ". This appeared in Algeria in the beginning of the Twentieth Century, and this new style
combined Moresque architecture with the European classical style. It aimed to propagate "the
arabization of the built environment15" (Image .5). For political and cultural purposes, the neo
Moresque style is a sort of reconciliation or miscegenation between the orient and the west,
giving birth to a new political and cultural identity in order to win over and to control the
autochthonous population. Unlike other styles imported without previous modification that were
grafted onto the Algerian cities, the neo-Moorish style attempts to recover and reinterpret local
heritage values (culture, art, architecture ...) in modern construction. Somehow, this is the
affirmation of a Renaissance through an artistic and architectural appropriation of the
autochthonous traditional characters, which is used to promote the Moresque aesthetic.
Taking as reference the traditional culture of the Maghreb (especially that of Constantine), the
French architects designed an original architecture, resulting from a scholarly and intelligent
miscegenation that mingled the local architecture with western cultural data. This work was
done through a research based on a thorough analysis of the local architecture and the
autochthonous culture. Thus, new buildings have been achieved with an Arab architectural
envelope sheltering the functions that meet the needs of the settlers of this time: stations,
medersas, hotels etc. With this humanist language, the members of the colonial government
especially Jonnart, have worked hard to construct and give an image of "one thousand and one
10
IDEM 2
11
The neo-Moresque presents itself as a composite construction referring to two occurrences:
- The prefix "Neo": mark a renewal in the setting of an old order. From where the expressions: neoclassical, neo-
baroque, pre-existing that integrates new data.
- The second part "Moresque”: comes of the Moorish adjective that according to the Romans designated what
belonged TO old Mauritania (currently Maghreb). Later, in the middle Ages, this appellation is going to be given to
the people of the Maghreb who conquered Spain.
12
A domestic cultural policy aiming to elaborate an identity that distinguishes itself of the one of the metropolis
'Paris'.
13
IDEM 6
14
Named as "Jonnart style" (Charles Célestin JONNART initiator of this orientalist art) or" neo-moresque" style.
15
IDEM 6
195
nights" in order to glorify the local culture through the protection and the respect of the identity
of the autochthones; hence the name "the protector style".
1- Oran railway
station,
2 - Seat of the
wilaya (ex
prefecture of
Algiers),
3- Annaba
railway station,
4- Skikda railway
station
Image 5: Algerian neo-moresque constructions

Sources: http://www.algeriephilatelie.net/an_bibliotheque_cartes_postales_num.php?numero=22 ;
http://www.akpool.fr/cartes-postales/24075657-carte-postale-alger-algerien-vue-de-la-prfecture-facade ;
http://www.vitaminech.com/annuaire/cpsm-colorisee-algerie-bone-annaba-la-gare-chemin-de-fer-
alg/Photos_20155_134417_23_1.html ;
http://ww.delcampe.net/page/item/id,276990600,var,afriqueALGERIEPHILIPPEV-ILLESKIKDAvue-
sur-la-gare-en-1955annee-de-grands-massacreslutte-contre-les-Francais,language,F.html.
The arabisance16 movement lasted only a short period of time, and it marked the Algerian urban
landscape only slightly. Buildings with a neo-Moresque style were implanted throughout all
Algerian cities (Constantine and Bône to the east, and Oran and Tlemcen to the west), most
notably the city of Algiers, which benefited from several works of this type, as the capital. The
médersas were the first models of interpretation of the Moresque art. They were used to transmit
and display an image of the city in which tradition and modernity were learnedly associated.
After this, the building of other amenities such as: schools, administration centres, post offices,
banks, railway stations, and hotels had all been achieved in the neo-Moresque style. The most
famous of these being the big post office of Algiers, designed in 1910 by Voinot and Tondoire
(Image .6).
16
Action to make architecture looks like the Arab one (to arabise the design of architecture).
196
Image 6: The big post office of Algiers (Algeria)
Sources: http://fr.picclick.com/CPA-Algerie-Alger-La-Grande-Poste-47089-220519105627.html ;
http://www.vitaminech.com/annuaire/interieur-de-la-grande-poste-d-
alger/Photos_14664_4268_16_1.html ; http://dzactiviste.info/choses-vues-de-la-poudre-aux-
yeux-lincendie-de-la-grande-poste/
The neo-Moresque style is an emergent stylistic movement with oriental tendencies. It

constitutes a new miscegenation phenomenon; a marriage between two cultures where two
architectural styles were combined to give birth to a new style. It is distinguished by its
numerous borrowings of the arabo-andalusian architecture: minarets, arches, bows, domes,
carved stucco, large sculpted doors, moucharabiehs, faiences and mosaics, and calligraphy.
5.2 Identity issue of the contemporary Algerian city
Algerian heritage is diverse and includes numerous elements that belong to different fields of
study such as: archaeology, architecture, and environment. The protection of monuments and
historical sites is indispensable. They deserve a greater attention. The current “wait-and-see”
approach is not sufficient to protect and valorise the identity of cities if there is not a real
awareness of their value by the citizens and the government. No doubt, today's architecture is
the heritage of tomorrow.
To preserve the architectural heritage is to keep the identity of the city. This urban memory
binds the city to its inhabitants and constitutes the image that the city offers to its visitors. The
contemporary city has a strong will of trying to promote its architecture. Thus, it encourages
creativity in new construction, whilst using the traditional repertoire as reference. The beginning
of the Twenty-First Century is synonymous with boldness and modernity, inventiveness and the
contribution of a new writing of the urban landscape. This heritage of the future will implement
innovative architectural landmarks and will bring a breath of renewal to the city.
197
This paper tries to uncover the best manner to utilise this unique heritage: the neo-Moresque
style, so that it constitutes a starting point for the contemporary architectural creation. A half
century after the independence of Algeria, the example of the Medersa of Constantine (Image .7
and 8 & Figure .1) and others can be seen as a source of inspiration or even a solution to the
identity and cultural problems of Algerian architecture. The Algerian city struggles to find its
way in a world where everything is stereotyped and standardized. Through this example, this
study attempts to provide some answers as to the definition of the neo-Moorish style in Algeria,
and the role it can play in the specific contemporary architectural production of our country.
This work tries to determine if the neo-Moresque style can constitute a historical basis, as a
landmark for the future architectural production, or if it can enrich the image of a national style?
Image 7: The médersa of Constantine

Sources: http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesImages/cartespostales/medersa.htm ;
http://forum.actudz.com/topic15331-45.html ; http://www.vitaminech.com/annuaire/cp-
constantine-la-medrassa-et-la-place-trous-agra/Photos_20155_162583_25_1.html ;
http://algerie.voyage.over-blog.com/article-11232430.html ; http://www.pierre-le-
cycliste.fr/blog2008/?cat=6
198
1. First floor plan of the Medersa of Constantine.
2. Second floor plan of the Medersa of Constantine.
3. Cut of the Medersa of Constantine. (Transverse section)
4. Main façade of the Medersa of Constantine.
5. Posterior facade of the Medersa of Constantine.
Figure 1: Plans, cut and façades of the medersa of Constantine
Source: Boulbene. H (2010)
Image 8: Interior of the medersa of Constantine

Sources: http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesImages/cartespostales/medersa.htm ;
http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LaVille/quartiers/Vignettes/medersa.htm ;
http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesConstantinois/mai2004/medersa.htm ;
http://www.akpool.fr/cartes-postales/24184851-carte-postale-constantine-algerien-
intrieur-nouvelle-mdersa
The French settlers left deep imprints on the cities of Algeria. These architectural values in turn
became a part of the heritage which also deserves to be preserved, especially the neo Moresque
style. This had to be studied and analysed from a professional point of view, leaving behind all
preconceived ideas related to any negative positions towards the colonial legacy. It is probable
that the Algerian neo-Moresque style is the result of painful political conjunctures, but it now
199
conveys rich and original artistic and architectural values for Algeria. The management of this
style focuses on the relations that exist between the neo-Moresque buildings, the conveyed
memory and sensitivity of the population, and the elected officials. This colonial legacy must be
valued as a part of the national cultural identity.
6. CONCLUSIONS
To protect the identity of Algerian cities, it is necessary “to valorise the existing legacy and to
construct the heritage of tomorrow”. This study is a re-reading of the artistic and cultural
exchanges between the Orient and the West. The aim of this message is twofold. Firstly, it is an
attempt of theoretical enrichment of the neo-Moresque style, whilst highlighting the influences
of European culture on the development of a new architectural and artistic style in the Maghreb.
Secondly, it is intended to sensitize local populations and stakeholders to the interest of its
preservation and its utilisation as a concrete example which gives lessons on combining
tradition and modernity. It also aims to propose a new responsible attitude in the recognition and
the valorisation of this unique heritage in the Maghreb.
In the history of art and architecture, the neo-Moresque style constitutes a remarkable
movement that was developed in Algeria. The majority of Algerian cities display these neo-
Moorish pearls with their specific and authentic character, participating in the diversification
and artistic enrichment of the architectural and urban heritage. If, according to some statements,
the arabisance is limited to a simple reproduction of some specific elements of the local
architecture (arches, domes, minarets...), it is clear that to rewrite the heritage of the Maghreb
with the letters of the west, we must go beyond this attitude to reinvent a new architectural
language that is drawn from the vernacular architecture and its extraordinary spirituality.
The colonial heritage doesn't constitute a danger to the existence of indigenous heritage. There
are other colonial inheritances that managed to melt and to be part of the patrimonial goods that
the Algerian society has accepted as such for centuries (Roman, Byzantine...). The true danger
for our rich heritage is in not finding any logical and precise paths to transmit this ancestral
inheritance. Another danger is in not being able to produce a contemporary architecture that will
be the heritage of tomorrow. Therefore, the national style must go beyond a contextual or
formal study of architecture and patrimonial values. It must be more than a reinterpretation of a
human and spiritual tradition, in order to truly perpetuate its cultural mode and to preserve its
cultural, architectural and urban identity.
References
Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose.

Badjada, A. (1983). «Notice historique sur la Madersa de Constantine (1909-1983) » Texte
rédigé à Constantine le 29 janvier 1983, available at http://www.constantine25000.com.
Badjadja, A. (2008) : « Un regard constantinois suite aux Confession d’un archiviste algérien ».
Ed. Société des Ecrivains, Paris.
Benoist, G. (1886) : de l’instruction et de l’éducation des indigènes dans la province de
Constantine .Ed. Hachette, page 148. Paris.
Imen B. (2013). L’identité en projets : ville, architecture et patrimoine, Analyse de concours à
Québec et à Toronto, Thèse du grade de PhD en Aménagement. Université de Montréal.
OULEBSIR, N. (2004). Les usages du patrimoine: monuments, musées et politique coloniale en
Algérie, 1830-1930, Paris : la Maison des sciences de l'homme.
200
Understanding people’s needs for a vivid public realm as a
key step towards enhancing the modern Arab cities’ identity
Eng. Merham M. Keleg1,a, Prof. Dr. Mohamed A. Salheen1,b, Dr. Marwa Abdellatif 1,c.
1
Department of Urban Design and Planning. Faculty of Engineering. Ain Shams University.
Cairo, Egypt. 1 El-Sarayat St., Abbasia, Cairo. 11517
a
merhamkeleg@eng.asu.edu.eg, b mohamed_salheen@eng.asu.edu.eg, c
m.abdellatif@eng.asu.edu.eg
ABSTRACT
Traditional cities emerged and grew according to the residents’ needs, thus they were a
reflection of the community’s culture and traditions; where the urban grid, open spaces network
as well as the buildings imitated the unique identities of their cities; their climate, local
materials, social system and traditions, in addition to the political regime. Hence, traditional
cities accommodated their people’s needs and their human scale. However, cities have
witnessed numerous changes and challenges that have jeopardized their survival. So the need
for new cities has become undeniable. The Athens charter of 1933 was released as a guide for
the planning of modern cities face the challenges of the modern era. Thus, cities around the
world have attempted to accommodate these globally set guidelines, overlooking the human
scale and neglecting the social and cultural distinctiveness of each city.
Nasr city in Cairo was planned as a suburb in the late 1960s to tackle the housing shortage in
Egypt, especially Cairo. The Nasr city’s master plan was influenced by the global shifts that
were prevailing at this time and aimed at accommodating modern planning concepts. It can be
said that Nasr city is a typical suburb of the modern era. Nasr city is abundant in open public
spaces compared to other districts of Cairo. However, these spaces are empty of people most of
the time, which detracts from the character and experience of the neighbourhoods of Nasr City.
In fact, this is now the case for many cities throughout the globe. Hence several initiatives and
practices have begun, aiming to enhance the experience of the public realm of neighbourhoods
as a catalyst for revitalizing communities and improving their liveability. This is done through
fostering social interaction among residents and boosting their sense of place and pride, since it
is argued that urban spaces which reflect their cities and their inhabitants are vital to liveability.
Recently many cities like Washington DC, London, and Melbourne have adopted these concepts
and are successfully implementing them, achieving the expected results in terms of enhancing
the character of the neighbourhoods and reconnecting the residents to their neighbourhoods.
This paper aims to explore how residents of Nasr city envision ‘their’ public spaces,
understanding the reasons that hinder their usage as well as knowing their recommendations for
enhancing public spaces in their neighbourhoods as a means of encouraging regular usage. In
addition, an assessment will be made of Nasr city’s public spaces, as an attempt to bridge the
gap between the offered built environments and people’s needs in modern neighbourhoods. This
shall be achieved through a questionnaire among Nasr city residents, observations of people’s
reactions towards offered public spaces, and urban surveys of the provided public spaces. Based
on these studies the paper proposes recommendations incorporating people’s needs for vivid
public realm in order to help the planners to understand the malfunctions of the modern cities’
planning that has hindered the planned public spaces in modern neighbourhoods from
201
conveying their role as centres of social interaction among residents and thus as symbols of
neighbourhoods and cities.
KEYWORDS: Public spaces, Nasr city, Identity, Vivid public realm.
GENERAL BACKGROUND
Human settlement patterns have emerged as a result of the specific needs of each group of
people in that area; personal needs, climatic needs, cultural needs… etc.. Old cities can be
considered as storytellers of history as they convey lots of meaning and ambiance about the
prevailing social, political, and cultural circumstances. People have been responsible for shaping
the places around them according to their individual and communal identities (Living Streets,
2012). Hence old cities had unique identities that were distinguishable throughout the world.
However modernism has introduced new lifestyles, altered social cultures and affected the
business world. Which in return has affected the physical forms of the built environment, where
a new concept of space has been introduced (Madanipour, 2003). The motor car has taken over
the urban spaces, and consequently changed the relationship between human beings and
buildings, between buildings and open spaces (ibid). In accordance planners and architects have
tried to accommodate these changes, and the Athens charter of 1933 was one of these initiatives
aiming at ensuring healthy modern life, yet accommodating modern challenges (automobiles,
factories, population boom, rapid urbanization…etc.). The main principles of the Athens charter
were for strict separation between land uses, high rise residential blocks in addition to
facilitating car's movement which has resulted in prioritizing its; overlooking the pedestrian.
Furthermore, economic liberalization, social polarization, and fragmentation have also helped in
turning public spaces into subjects of contestation (Oktay, 2012). Which can be seen through
neglect, decline, privatization, commercialization and exclusion of public spaces (Oktay, 2012).
This, in turn, has yielded a deteriorating, shrinking public realm that is losing its meaning in
people’s life (Ibid).
VIVID PUBLIC REALM AND THE IDENTITIES OF CITIES
Identity of place is pillared by place attachment, spatial identity and the surrounding land uses
(Dougherty, 2006). Victoria argues that identity is mainly defined by the quality and diversity of
the cultural activities and services of the place (Victoria, 2008), hence it is people’s reaction to
the places they live in and the changes these places make to them that forms the identity of the
place (Dougherty, 2006). In fact meaningful social exchange builds a sense of belonging and
community pride for the residents (CHOUDHURY, 2008). Thus a pedestrian friendly public
realm plays an essential role in shaping a positive image of the city (Powell Dobson Urbanists,
2008).
Public spaces also contribute tremendously to the social cohesion and local identity through
acting as social catalysts; gathering residents together for various reasons and activities
representing a symbolic meaning of coexistence (Dougherty, 2006; Memluk, 2013). The precise
use of public space is crucial in defining its identity, as the design of the public space for diverse
uses as well as meeting the users’ needs will define much of the space’s identity (Dougherty,
2006). In other words, people will not use the space unless they can identify with it and feel
connected to it (Dougherty, 2006). Thus, many urban areas now lack identity, due to the
diminished role of the provided public spaces which have been planned or changed without
concern for the environmental or social realities of the place (Dougherty, 2006; Georgopulos,
202
2005). Investing in the quality of the public realm, aiming at fostering the cultural interactions
can contribute to revitalizing deprived and abandoned urban spaces (Monroy, 2010). Hence
urban spaces that reflect the residents of their cities act as microcosms of the city that takes on
its characteristics (Dougherty, 2006). “I believe very strongly that the cities that pay attention—
really pay attention —to quality of life will be the cities that thrive in the 21st century.”
(Richard M. Daley)
World Cities, in this era of globalization, are competing to become the main hub for
entrepreneurs, visitors, workers, and residents are realizing that the only means for achieving
their goal, is by increasing its attractiveness among other cities for accommodating the peoples’
needs for a better quality of life (Cortright & Mayer, 2012; Gehl architects, 2013).
Creating an appealing city life is mainly achieved by offering numerous opportunities for
outdoor social interaction which reflect the city and its inhabitants (CHOUDHURY, 2008;
Dougherty, 2006). For instance Cities like Copenhagen, Melbourne, Vancouver, San Francisco,
London, and Moscow etc. are widely known for their competitive quality of life and liveability
which makes them livable cities for their inhabitants, attractive to visitors and tourists as well as
entrepreneurs. These cities have attained such progress by shifting their strategies to embrace
the enhancement of their liveability, which is mainly achieved by adopting “people first”
policies (Livable City, 2014; Gehl architects, 2013). Consequently, governments at all levels
should adopt a new paradigm for cities of the future where place making and public spaces
become the core incremental process of city making (PPS, 2015).
RESEARCH PROBLEMS
Despite the great importance of public spaces to inhabitants, communities, and cities; not all
public spaces are effective places. Dangerous roads, abandoned lots or poorly maintained
properties and spaces may be considered as public spaces, however, they surely don’t contribute
to the wellbeing, coexistence, or cultural richness of cities and communities (PPS, 2015). On the
contrary poorly managed or inaccessible public spaces can act as barriers rather than being
collective spaces, where they become unsafe, exclusive, or threatening on various scales (PPS,
2015). Hence creating public spaces for people requires more than simply providing the spaces
(moveDC Vision, 2014). It requires making attractive, functional, well maintained and safe
places that attract people and offer them a comfortable environment, adequate for spending time
(moveDC Vision, 2014; PPS, 2015). Moreover, designers should consider the urban space as an
aesthetic entity as well as a behavioural setting (Carmona et al., 2003). On the other hand
community engagement is crucial in designing and shaping their neighbourhoods and public
spaces, as it offers a promising opportunity for creating socially, economically, and
environmentally sustainable places (Living Streets, 2012). In fact, this was the norm throughout
history as people have always been the shapers of the places around them, which highlighted
their individual and communal activity (Batty & Longley, 1994; Living Streets, 2012). Hence a
city’s transformation should be an interplay between all forces; between the elite group of
professionals and the people, which shall be achieved by exchanging urban cultures and
collective actions (Shaw & Hudson, 2009). Thus, creating successful places depends on the
skills of designers, the vision and the commitment of those who employ the designers (CABE,
2000), as well as the engagement and commitment of residents in order to create a place rather
than a space (PPS, 2015).
It is vital to create a common ground by defining the term “public spaces” that is used in this
study. Broadly speaking any place that promotes acquinatances between people is considered a
203
public space regardless of its size, shape, location, or ownership. However, for the scope of this
research we will use the globally agreed definition of a public space as ‘accessible for all’, as
well as the definition of the charter of public space “Public spaces are all places publicly owned
or of public use, accessible and enjoyable by all for free and without a profit motive.”
(CharterforPublicSpaces, 2013). The public spaces that will be studied are the open free
accessible outdoor spaces. Based on this definition the modern suburb of Nasr City in Cairo has
forty three public spaces distributed among the districts.
Despite the abundance of public spaces distributed in Nasr City, a majority of them are devoid
of people most of the time. In fact the issue of abandoned public spaces is clearly obvious in
Nasr city, as these public spaces do not convey their social and cultural function, which
jeopardizes the identity of Nasr City.
Nasr City Background: the study area
The first master plan for Cairo was issued in 1956 in order to guide and control development
(UN, 1990). One of the main results of this master plan was the construction of a large town
extension as a new government centre, (Abouelmagd, 2011; UN, 1990). Nasr city was planned
on 250 km2 of vacant desert land, and its construction began in 1965 (Abouelmagd, 2011) by
Madinet Nasr, for a public housing company which was founded in 1959 (Madinet Nasr for
Housing Development, 2012).
Nasr city was designed at a time when modern architects had the opportunity to deliver their
ideas around the world. The architects of this time got rid of traditional planning ideologies and
designed the new cities and its spaces according to the new lifestyles that prevailed during this
period (Frochaux & Martin, 2010). As Nasr city was built according to the guidelines of the
Athens charter of 1933, the southern of the urban extension was planned as a residential area
(Frochaux & Martin, 2010). It was planned in a grid pattern by Dr. Sayed Koriem and divided
into 10 districts (Eid, et al., 2010; Frochaux & Martin, 2010). This characteristic plan of Nasr
city with its straight routes, serve geometrical land plots which are equally shaped (Eid, et al.,
2010; Frochaux & Martin, 2010), and where each zone was planned so that its’ centre would
contain higher level services to serve the surrounding neighbourhoods (Eid, et al., 2010). In turn
each neighbourhood contained its own smaller service centre situated in its heart, where they
would provide goods for everyday life and a place for neighbours to meet (Frochaux & Martin,
2010). Hence this plan created an abundance of green open spaces compared to other parts of
Cairo (ibid). However the orthogonal system has not produced any hierarchisation of spaces, as
there is no focus on converging axes that would emphasize a building or a space (ibid).
METHODOLOGY
In order to understand the dilemma of the abandoned public spaces of Nasr city as a step
towards enhancing its identity, it is important to understand the reasons for the disconnection of
people’s needs and the built environment. This shall be achieved through a field observation of
the existing public spaces in order to assess the qualities of the built environment. A
questionnaire among Nasr city residents will also be used to understand their recommendations
for better public spaces that would encourage more usage. Hence first it is essential to explore
the qualities of well-designed public spaces and their aspects, in order to be able to assess the
built environment.
204
Qualities of well-designed public spaces
A vivid public realm can be achieved through a comfortable and welcoming environment that is
vibrant, with people enjoying themselves and the company of others, where it is safe and secure
even at night and suitable for all age sectors (An Urban Design Protocol For Australian Cities,
2011). Thus it is essential to concentrate on attractive, intricate places that relate to the scale of
pedestrians, and not to the scale of moving cars (Tibbalds, 2004). Moreover individuality,
distinctiveness, and differences between places should be celebrated in order to create an
attractive public realm that promotes a feeling of well-being and comfort (ibid). For instance,
places that stimulate a feeling of physical and psychological well-being are spaces that are
thoroughly pleasant places to be, spaces that create an unforgettable overall impression (Ewing
et al., 2013). In fact, this can be accomplished when all factors manage to work together in order
to achieve pleasing ends (Ibid). Although, there is no magical formula for successful public
spaces, there are some factors that are agreed upon that help in attracting people to spaces.
These factors range from the macro scale to the micro scale, from purely tangible physical
factors to intangible social factors as illustrated in Table 1.
Table 1: shows the main qualities of well-designed public spaces. Source: The Author compiled from
different resources
Quality Definition Aspects
Furniture – Finishes The furniture of the public space and the Primary seats as well as
way it is arranged is a welcoming secondary sitting
gesture of these spaces to the users. opportunities.
Encourage diversity of
users through different
seat settings and
materials
Microclimatic conditions Enhancing the microclimatic conditions Incorporation of natural
- Sustainability – of a space implies protection from elements like plants,
Adaptability adverse climatic changes as well as trees, and water is
protection from any threatening noise encouraged in public
spaces for plenty of
reasons.
Eating & Drinking Different amenities offering people Cafes and food vans
opportunities different opportunities for their provision in public
engagement in public life. spaces or on the edges.
Distinctive character – Uniqueness of space ensures repetitive Visually pleasant
Welcoming – Pleasing visits of people, as it provides a (Landscape)
Landscape memorable experience and makes them A distinctive character
Micro scale of the space
feel unique that responds to the

local context
Wow factor
Overall maintenance & Well maintained space sends a message Cleanliness
cleanliness to its users and invites them for more
visits, contrary to damaged or lousy The maintenance of the
spaces. space; undamaged
furniture, graffiti free
walls
205
Accessibility Pedestrian friendly ensuring access for Smooth entrances – no
all people, races, abilities, gender, and locked gates
ages. Interesting yet
functional through paths
Surrounding traffic
management
Enclosure - Size - Enclosed spaces that cluster frame has Building lines should
Clustering – Human higher chances to stimulate people to define the streets and
Scale get attached to these spaces and feel squares
some responsibility towards them. Smaller clearly defined
Responsible for the provision of the spaces
feeling of comfort and so pleasure.
Where a comfortable human scale
environment is the one related to the
scale and pace of pedestrians
Surrounding land uses The relationship between the street and Mixed and vivid land
the public space should be continual. uses should always be
situated around public
spaces; especially at the
ground floor level
Robustness - Meet the needs of different users’ ages, Responsive public space
Accommodate different groups, and classes. design that provides a
activities & events range of choices with
features that edge the
space rather than
dominating it
Macro scale of the area
Safety & surveillance - Pedestrians of all ages and abilities feel Space is overlooked
Lighting unthreatened, safe around the clock
Ensuring good visibility
especially at night, low crime statistics
into the space
within the space, and free of any
Adequate lighting
antisocial behaviour
Legibility - Network of Planning city spaces to act as a series of
public spaces linked sequences of nodes in the
pedestrian movement
Management – A sense of inclusion is directly related
community participation to and reinforced by empowerment and
civic engagement. Management and
people, places are considered the two
faces of a coin or synonyms, when
identifying responsible management of
spaces
Intangible qualities
Inclusiveness Inclusive public space, is welcoming to Generating social

all where everyone feels welcome by dynamics through
working effectively for all in the complementary public
community, including disabled, elderly spaces and available
people, teens, and children. activities is a crucial
element of urban
cohesion
Hence the aspects of each quality will be used as the checklist for assessing the public spaces of Nasr city.
206
5. RESULTS
5.1Field survey Results
The forty three public spaces of Nasr city were assessed by the authors, according to a checklist
where each aspect was verified for its presence or absence, and then assigned a point for each
existing aspect. However the inclusiveness quality was not verified as only a few spaces had
people present, which would hinder the assessment.
A sample of the assessment checklist, is illustrated in

Table 2, where this public space was selected as an example of the prevailing current status of
Nasr city’s public spaces (spaces with results ranging from 1 to 4 points). Then the space is
shown in pictures as seen in Error! Reference source not found..
Table 2: illustrates a sample of the checklist assessment for public spaces used in Nasr City.
Source: The Author.
Distinctive character – Welcoming – Pleasing Landscape
Robustness - Accommodate different activities & events

Microclimatic conditions - Sustainability – Adaptability
Enclosure - Size - Clustering – Human Scale
Management – community participation

Legibility - Network of public spaces
Overall maintenance & cleanliness
Eating & Drinking opportunities
Safety & surveillance - Lighting

Surrounding land uses
Furniture – Finishes
Accessibility
Total
0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 3
207
Table 3: illustrates the current status of the selected of public spaces in pictures, organised according to
the pre-defined qualities used in the assessment checklist. Source: The Author.
Figure 1 illustrates the relation Figure 2 illustrates the spread out Figure 3 illustrates the
between the space and the of the cafeterias' chairs (in the deteriorated situation of the
cafeterias' chairs. However the market complex) on the space, space, which degrades the
rest of the space lacks any which can be considered a space’s character while
furniture and the arrangement relatively appropriate eating and hindering the accessibility to
of the landscape elements is drinking opportunity. the space as well.
not employed for improving
the microclimatic condition of
the space.
Furniture – Finishes / Eating & Drinking opportunities Distinctive character –
Microclimatic conditions - Welcoming – Pleasing
Sustainability – Adaptability Landscape
Figure 5 illustrates the extension Figure 6 illustrates the

Figure 4 illustrates the of the chairs of the cafeterias lighting technique (wrapping
occupied sidewalks beside the space (in the market lightreeeatures around the
surrounding the space with complex) on the sidewalk, as the trees’ trunk) improvised by
parked cars which obstructs land use of the surrounding the cafeterias' management.
the movement of pedestrians, market can be considered a These efforts can be
and so hinders the relatively active use which considered a lighting source,
accessibility of the space. It is improves the relation between however it is only provided in
obvious that there is a lack of the space and the surrounding the seating area, while the
maintenance of the landscape land uses. rest of the space is left dark.
of the space.
Overall maintenance & Surrounding Land uses Safety & surveillance -

cleanliness / Accessibility Lighting
208
Similarly the points of other public spaces are explained and then visualized on the map shown
in Figure 7. From the map it is obvious that most public spaces in Nasr city lack most of the
qualities that should be provided in order to encourage people to use them. Hence people are not
attracted to use these public spaces, leaving them as abandoned, unpleasant spaces and in most
cases unsafe. Thus, it can be concluded that Nasr city faces a phenomenal malfunctioning of
public spaces.
Legend
1-4 Points
5-9 Points
10-13 Points
Parks
Scale. 1:30000
Figure 7: shows the points that were given to each

public space in Nasr city according to the
checklist. Source: The author
On the other hand, a cross sectional analysis of Nasr city’s public spaces was used afterwards in
order to explore the holistic situation of Nasr city’s public spaces and to highlight the main
assets and malfunctions that are common for most of the public spaces as shown in Figure .
It is obvious that most of the public spaces have eating and drinking opportunities, however
these numbers may be a bit misleading as these opportunities are already used as markets that
are found beside most of the public spaces. However they do not attract the residents due to
their bad condition and lack of seats, and the presence of eating and drinking opportunities
should be accompanied by seating in order to encourage users to grab food and enjoy it in the
open air; which is not the case for Nasr city’s public spaces. The second quality that was
observed intensively, is the vivid ground floor land uses in Nasr city, where most of the space
has been transformed into shops and cafes rather than being purely residential. This quality
might offer these public spaces the passive surveillance of the passers-by and the shop
merchants, as well as around the clock activities, but the separation of public spaces and the
209
surrounding land uses by streets has degraded this effect as public spaces are disconnected from
the pedestrian routes.
On the other hand, management, enclosure, and legibility scored least among all public spaces,
since all public spaces are managed by the state with no engagement of the community. The
enclosure and legibility and network of public spaces are the result of top down planning, where
the human scale wasn’t taken into consideration while setting the master plan of Nasr city.
Moreover the pedestrian pace and their experience obviously weren’t regarded. In conclusion, it
is evident that the qualities of well-designed spaces are closely interrelated and their effects
can’t be perceived separately. Hence designing a public space should be regarded as a
comprehensive approach on multiple scales.
Cross sectional analysis of the qualities

of Nasr City's Public Spaces
Total Number of Public … 43

Eating & Drinking … 28
Surronding Land uses 21
Robustness 17
Microclimate 15
Accessibility 13
Distinctive Character 11
Overall Maintenance 9
Figure 8: shows the percentage of the willingness Safety & Lighting 8
of people to use public spaces in Nasr City if their Furniture 7
recommendations were accommodated. Source: Management 2
Enclosure and Human scale 2
The Author Legibility-Network of… 0
0 10 20 30 40 50
Recommendations of residents for

improving the provided Public Spaces
Better Location 1
Fewer obtsacles to reach … 5
Charging Entrance Tickets 6
Wider Sidewalks 7
Seperation from roads 10
Providing Eating & … 12
Increasing surrounding … 12
More activities 18
Figure 9: shows the recommendations of Nasr City Attractive Landscape 19
Presence of security … 20
residents for improving the public spaces in their Better Lighting 21
neighborhoods which would encourage them to use increasing amenities 22
these spaces. Source: The Author Increasing seats 22
Regular Maintenance 26
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
210
5.2 Questionnaire results
The questionnaire was distributed among Nasr city residents. The sample consists of 43
respondents, where 44% were male and 56% female. The respondents’ ages ranged from 12
years to over 60, however the biggest sector was
from the ages of 18 to 34 years. They were asked
about their recommendations for better public
spaces that would encourage the residents to use
Yes Maybe No
these spaces, as shown in Figure 9. There is a 3%
consensus on regular maintenance, providing
seating opportunities and amenities (Furniture) as 34%
well as safety as the main needs for better public
spaces. These three qualities were more significant
63%
than the other suggested qualities which highlights
their importance as essential factors for
encouraging people to use public spaces. The next
most important qualities are attractive landscape,
and accommodating activities for the further Figure 10: Shows the percentage of the
required needs. Thereupon they were asked if they willingness of people to use public spaces in
would use these spaces if their mentioned Nasr City if their recommendation were
recommendations were accommodated as shown in accommodated. Source: The Author
Figure 8. And the result that 63% said that they
would probably use them while 34% said that they
are not sure.
Thus, it can be concluded that people consider maintenance, street furniture, and safety as
preconditions for using public spaces, and there is an apparent willingness to use public spaces
if these were enhanced according to their recommendations.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Public spaces are the nuclei of social life in cities and neighbourhoods. They are where the
individual gets to know his community and begins to think and act as a part of a group. Hence it
is agreed that vibrant public life is part of the lost identity that modern cities suffer from as a
result of numerous challenges and circumstances. On the other hand, just providing public
spaces is not solving the problem; worse it is complicating it. As abandoned, unused public
spaces have numerous negative impacts on many levels, they are socially unsafe, economically
draining, and aesthetically unappealing.
Thus, while planning cities great attention should be given to the locations of public spaces
within the master plan and their relations to the surroundings; since they are the main
determinant of social life and a sense of belonging to the communities. Planning and designing
public spaces should be dealt with in a comprehensive multi scale approach. Moreover,
community engagement in the design and management of public spaces as well as
understanding their needs is essential to ensure their usage and connection to their
neighbourhoods. Hence:
 The locations of public spaces should facilitate flow between the surrounding land uses and
public spaces in order to create an around the clock vivid environment.
211
 The internal design and layout of public spaces should prioritize maintenance, seating
opportunities, and safety as preconditions of usage according to people’s opinions.
 Spaces should be robust enough to accommodate different activities in order to achieve a

more effective role for its positive impact on joining the neighbours together and hence
increasing the social cohesion of the community.
 Enhancing the distinctiveness of each public space will definitely add to the identity of
neighbourhoods and hence boost the pride of the residents.
References
Abouelmagd, D. (2011). Public Housing and Public Housing Policies in Greater Cairo.
Toulouse, France, 23rd enhr conference (European Network for Housing Research).
Batty, M. & Longley, P. (1994). Fractal Cities: A Geometry of Form and Function. San Diego,
CA and London: Academic Press.
CharterforPublicSpaces (2013). Charter for Public Spaces , Rome.
Choudhury, A. (2008). IDENTIFYING THE CRITERIA THAT SUSTAIN LIVABLE STREETS,
ARIZONA, TUCSON: UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA, TUCSON.
Dougherty, D. L. (2006). EMBODYING THE CITY: IDENTITY AND USE IN URBAN PUBLIC
SPACE, Alexandria, Virginia: Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University.
Eid, Y. and others (2010). Nasr City: Land Use Transformations. Al Azhar University, july,
5(16), pp. 777-789.
Frochaux, M. & Martin, A. (2010). Nasr City. Draft ed.:ETH Studio Basel Contemporary City
Institute.
Gehlarchitects (2013). gehl cities for people. Available at:
http://gehlcitiesforpeople.dk/author/gehlblog/page/3/ [Accessed 17 January 2014].
Georgopulos, D. (2005). Introduction. In: Livability 101. What Makes a Community Livable?.
New York: The American Institute of Architects, pp. 4-5.
Living Streets (2012). Why places matter, UK: Living Streets.
Madanipour, A., (2003). Public and Private Spaces of the City. LONDON AND NEW YORK:
Routledge.
Madinet Nasr for Housing Development (2012). www.mnhd.com/. Available at:
http://www.mnhd.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/Company-Credentials.pdf [Accessed
2 January 2015].
Memluk, M. Z. (2013). Designing Urban Squares. In: Advances in Landscape Architecture.
InTech., pp. 513-530.
Monroy, J. (2010). CHAPTER 9 – FOSTERING CULTURALLY RICH COMMUNITIES. In:
Shanghai Manual – A Guide for Sustainable Urban Development in the 21st Century.
shanghai, pp. 256-284.
moveDC Vision (2014). The District of Columbia’s Multimodal Long-Range Transportation
Plan, Washington, DC: District Department of Transportation.
Oktay, D. (2012). LIVABLE PUBLIC URBAN SPACES AS ESSENTIALS OF HUMAN
SUSTAINABLE URBANISM. Ankara, AESOP.
212
Powell Dobson Urbanists (2008). Public Realm Design. In The Heads of The Valleys. A Good
Practice Guide, Cardiff.
Project for Public Spaces, PPS (2015). http://www.pps.org/. Available at:
http://www.pps.org/blog/placemaking-and-place-led-development-a-new-paradigm-for-
cities-of-the-future/ [Accessed 25 February 2015].
Shaw, P. & Hudson, J. (2009). The Qualities of Informal Space: (Re)appropriation within the
informal, interstitial spaces of the city.. Brighton, SAGE publications.
Tibbalds, F. (2004). Making People-Friendly Towns. 3rd ed. London: Spon Press.
United Nations, UN, 1990. Population Growth and Policies in Mega Cities, New York:
UNITED NATIONS.
Victoria, A. (2008). The Role of Arts and Culture in Liveability and Competitiveness - Precis
213
‫مسؤولية المهندس العربي في تحديث الهوية العمرانية للمدينة العربية‬
‫الدكتور المهندس مأمون موسى عطعوط‬
‫‪mmmatout@hotmail.com‬‬
‫الملخص‬
‫يركز هذا البحث على دراسة وتطوير خبرة المصمم المعماري في معظم الدول العربية المرتبطة مباشرة بحجم المعلومات‬
‫المكتسبة‪ ،‬من خالل تعامله مع أصحاب الخبرات الواسعة في هذا المجال‪ ،‬وحضور البرامج والمنتديات والدورات التدريبية‬
‫التخصصية المتعلقة بالتطوير العمراني‪ ،‬و التي تساعد على تنمية المهارات التطبيقية لدى المصمم المعماري؛ لزيادة‬
‫المعلومات الضرورية التي لم يتمكن من الحصول عليها أثناء تحصيله العلمي‪ ،‬حيث يساعد ذلك على استحداث منهجية‬
‫موحدة وشاملة تمكنه من تطبيق النظريات واستخدام المعلومات المكتسبة في إعداد التصاميم المعمارية في أي بلد عربي‬
‫يعمل به من المحيط إلى الخليج‪ .‬ولقد نجحت معظم المدن العربية في استقطاب أهم المصممين المعماريين من خالل المكاتب‬
‫االستشارية العالمية لتصميم أحدث المشروعات العمرانية في المنطقة‪.‬‬
‫والسؤال الذي يطرح نفسه‪ :‬هل هناك خطه عمرانية موحدة معتمدة لدى منظمة الدول العربية تعتمد معايير االستدامة‬
‫والتطبيقات التكنولوجية‪ ،‬وتتميز بطابع معين مرتبط مباشرة بالبعد االجتماعي والثقافي لسكان هذه المدن يركز على الحداثة‬
‫في مجال التصميم الحضري؟ إنّ إجابة هذا السؤال تعتمد على الكادر الهندسي المعتمد لدى المشروع الذي يصممه‪ ،‬على أن‬
‫يكون مؤهالً علميًا و عمليًا ولديه خبرة واسعة في تطبيق النظريات من خالل الممارسة الهندسية‪.‬‬
‫الكلمات المفتاحية ‪:‬التدريب‪ ،‬التأهيل‪ ،‬الحداثة‪ ،‬التصميم الحضري‬
‫المقدمة‬
‫نجحت الدول العربية في توظيف مدخراتها في مجال التنمية المعمارية‪ ،‬حيث ركزت المدن و العواصم على االستثمار في‬
‫المشاريع العمرانية في االتجاه األفقي و العمودي‪ .‬و قد تم تصميم وتنفيذ هذه المشاريع عن طريق عدد كبير من المؤسسات‬
‫المحلية والعالمية التي قامت بإعداد دراسات مرتبطة بالحداثة والتقليد في المجتمع‪ ،‬كذلك تم األخذ بعين االعتبار البعد‬
‫االجتماعي ألي تصميم حضري والمرتبط بالعادات والتقاليد و التراث الشرقي الذي يعكس مدى التطور الملحوظ في‬
‫التصاميم العمرانية الحديثة‪ .‬وإن معظم المشاريع التي تم تطويرها تمت من خالل دراسات مستفيضة مرتبطة مباشر ًة‬
‫بالرأس مالية والحداثة‪.‬‬
‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬
‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬
‫‪214‬‬
‫حرصت مؤسسات التصميم المعماري في معظم المدن العربية على تأهيل الكوادر الوطنية المتخصصة في مكاتبها‪،‬‬
‫وركزت على إعداد التصاميم ذات الطابع العمراني المميز من خالل الكادر التصميمي الذي تم ابتعاثه إلى مؤسسات علمية‪،‬‬
‫وتدريبه على أيدي معماريين متخصصين في مجال التنمية الحضرية والتصميم العصري الحديث‪.‬‬
‫وقد أثمرت هذه الجهود عن نتائج مرضية لعدد كبير من المستثمرين وأصحاب المشاريع‪ ،‬إال أنّ الطابع التجاري المرتبط‬
‫بالعامل الزمني واألبعاد السياسية والثقافية للمشاريع الجديدة يعتمد على عوامل تربط ما بين الحداثة واالستدامة والتقليد‪،‬‬
‫وكذلك سرعة اإلنجاز بمواعيد ال تتناسب وحجم المشروع خصو ً‬
‫صا في مرحلة إعداد التصاميم‪ ،‬والتي تعتبر األهم لدى‬
‫المهندس المعماري؛ حيث انعكس ذلك سلبيا ً على تحديث الطابع العمراني للمشاريع‪ ،‬وعدم الحفاظ على هويتها المعمارية في‬
‫كثير من المدن؛ مما أدى إلى حدوث خلل في التصاميم‪ ،‬وإخفاء الهوية المعمارية المميزة تدريج ًيا لعدد كبير من المباني التي‬
‫دامت على مدى عقود سابقة‪ ،‬وخصو ً‬
‫صا عند ترميمها أو عند محاولة إدخال بعض العناصر التكنولوجية الحديثة لهذه‬
‫المباني‪.‬‬
‫إن الكثير من المهندسين المعماريين لم تـتح لهم الفرصة لمواكبة حركة التطوير العمراني منذ بدايته‪ ،‬وليس لديهم القدرة على‬
‫استغالل الطاقات اإلبداعية التي يمتلكونها‪ ،‬وهي جزء من مواهب ونظريات علمية ليس للمصمم وقت كاف لتطويرها‪ .‬لذا‬
‫أصبحت هناك حاجة ضرورية لتأهيل عدد كبير من المعماريين؛ لالستفادة من طاقاتهم وإمكانياتهم‪ ،‬ووضع خطط مستقبلية‬
‫لهم‪ ،‬من خالل إشراكهم في مشاريع التنمية المعمارية وتركيبتها البيئية واالجتماعية لمواكبة التطور السريع‪ ،‬دون التأثير على‬
‫التراث المعماري ومراعاة التصاميم التي تتناسب مع التطور وسرعة اإلنجاز ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬مسؤولية المهندس المعماري‬
‫إنّ من أهم مسؤوليات المهندس المعماري هي إعداد التصاميم األولية للمشاريع‪ ،‬ومن ثم اعتمادها للبدء في التصاميم‬
‫النهائية‪ .‬وأيضا إعداد المخططات التنفيذية؛ حتى يتمكن فريق العمل التابع له من إعداد القياسات وجداول الكميات ليتم طرح‬
‫المشروع على شكل مناقصة‪ .‬يقوم أيضا بإعداد مخططات المدن الجديدة بعد تقسيم أراضيها إلى قطع‪ ،‬وإعداد مخططات‬
‫للمشاريع التي ستقام على هذه األراضي بما في ذلك تخطيط المناطق وتجميلها واالهتمام بالمساحات العامة الخضراء‬
‫المحيطة بالمباني وتوصيف بعض مواد البناء‪ .‬وللمهندس المعماري دور كبير في أعمال التصميم واإلشراف على تنفيذ‬
‫بعض األعمال الخاصة بترميمات المباني القديمة‪ ،‬أو تحديث البعض منها؛ بغرض اإلبقاء و المحافظة على هويتها األصلية‪.‬‬
‫إنّ اإلبداع في تطوير الفكرة األساسية ألي مشروع والتي يجب أن تتناسب مع هوية المنطقة المقام عليها المشروع من أهم‬
‫المهارات الضرورية للمصمم المعماري‪ .‬يساهم المهندس المعماري أيضًا إلى حد كبير في الحفاظ على البيئة‪ ،‬ويشارك في‬
‫وضع معايير وضوابط لتتناسب مع متطلبات وحاجيات اإلنسان في مكان عمله وإقامته‪ .‬وفي أماكن أخرى عديدة تلبي‬
‫حاجاته النفسية والروحية من خالل إبداعات معمارية مميزة على م ّر العصور‪ .‬وإنّ هذه المعايير تعزز من ارتباط الفرد‬
‫بالبيئة و انتمائه إلى المكان الذي يقيم فيه‪.‬‬
‫إنّ الحداثة واالستدامة وتطوير المشاريع أفكار تلقى استحسا ًنا وترحي ًبا من كل فئات المجتمع‪ .‬ولكن يجب على صناع القرار‬
‫في المؤسسات المتخصصة في هذا المجال التأني وعدم التسرع والتفكير مرارً ا بديمومة التراث المعماري والهوية العمرانية‬
‫للمشاريع التي تقام في دول المنطقة على حد سواء‪ .‬يأتي هذا من خالل اعتماد استراجية ممنهجة لتدريب وتأهيل المعماريين‬
‫‪215‬‬
‫على برامج متخصصة وبشكل دوري‪ ،‬وإخضاعهم لدورات تدريبية مكثفة لضمان مواكبة الحداثة المستمرة للمشاريع بهدف‬
‫الحفاظ على هويتها و طابعها األصلي‪.‬‬
‫إن تعزيز الممارسة المهنية للمهندس المعماري ال يعتمد فقط على النظريات العلمية المكتسية أثناء دراسته الجامعية‪ ،‬وانما‬
‫على مواكبة التطور العلمي والتكنولوجي المتزامن‪ .‬مما يدعو إلى إعداد برامج تخصصية لتأهيل أي مهندس‪ ،‬وخاصة‬
‫المهندسين المعماريين العامليين في كافة القطاعات الحكومية والخاصة‪ ،‬وذلك لضمان جودة أعمال التصميم للحفاظ على‬
‫الطابع العمراني‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬إعداد البرامج التدريبية‬
‫إن البرنامج التدريبيّ للمهندس المعماري يختلف عن المساق التعليمي الذي يتلقاه في الجامعة‪ ،‬ولذا يجب وضع معايير‬
‫مدروسة تتعلق بنوعية البرامج التدريبية المقترحة‪ ،‬والتي تهدف إلى تحسين الممارسة العملية بشكل إيجابي لتساعد المهندس‬
‫المصمم في التعمق بالنواحي التي يجب أن يركز عليها ويعمل على تعزيزها في مجال عمله لتحقيق الهدف الرئيسي‬
‫للمشروع القائم علي تصميمه أو تنفيذه ‪.‬‬
‫ويعتمد ذلك على نوعية حاجة المؤسسات القائمة والمتخصصة في تطوير العمل المعماري في المنطقة مما يساعدها على‬
‫مواكبة الهوية المعمارية المتزامنة مع الحداثة والتكنولوجيا‪ .‬من هذا المنطلق يجب إعداد برنامج تأهيلى موحد للمهندسين‬
‫المعماريين بنا ًء على توصيات الكوادر المؤهلة التي لها خبرة واسعة في قطاع التدريب والتأهيل والتعليم المستمر ضمن‬
‫معايير تتناسب مع احتياجات المنطقة للحفاظ على هويتها العمرانية من خالل‪-:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬تحديث الخدمات االستشارية الهندسية في مجال العمارة والعمل على مراجعة معاييرها الحالية‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬إدخال بعض التقنيات الحديثة على التصميمات المعمارية من خالل برامج تتناسب مع الهوية العربية‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬العمل على دمج األدوار الهندسية بالعمل اإلدارى للمهندس المحترف‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬منح المهندس المعماري سلطات إدارية وتأهيلية في اتخاذ صناعة القرار‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5‬العمل على تنمية المهارات التعاقدية للمهندس المعماري‪.‬‬
‫تختلف البرامج التدريبية في طبيعتها‪ ،‬فهناك برامج تدريبية ال تتجاوز الثالثة أيام‪ ،‬تتعلق بفهم قوانين بلديات المناطق ومعايير‬
‫اعتماد البناء واعتماد المخططات ضمن شروط معتمدة للتخطيط المعماري‪ .‬وهذه البرامج تهدف إلى تأهيل المهندس في‬
‫تدقيق المستندات وتطبيق التشريعات التعاقدية‪ .‬والعمل في هذه البرامج بشكل مستمر يؤدي إلى تطوير المقترحات‬
‫والتشريعات الجديدة التي تتطلب إعداد برامج إضافية أخرى للتد ّرب عليها لها عالقة بالقوانين التي تخدم التنمية الحضرية‬
‫والتخطيط العمراني‪.‬‬
‫ويعتمد نجاح هذه البرامج على مدى ثقة صناع القرار بالمؤسسات الحكومية القائمة على ترشيح فئات من المهندسين‬
‫المعماريين الجاري تأهيلهم ليكونوا من صناع القرار في مؤسساتهم‪ ،‬وكذلك المصممين أصحاب االختصاص على المستوى‬
‫االستشاري والتنفيذي‪ ،‬ورؤساء األقسام ومدراء التراخيص‪ .‬إنّ إعداد برامج التدريب للمهندسين ليس بالشيء السهل‪ ،‬فهناك‬
‫فئات كثيرة من المهندسين تختلف عن بعضها في الخبرة والتحصيل العلمي‪ ،‬أو في القدرات اإلبداعية والمهارات والطرق‬
‫‪216‬‬
‫المكتسبة‪ ،‬وكذلك نوع االختصاصات التي يعملون بها‪ .‬ويشكل هذا عب ًئا كبيرً ا على مصممي البرامج التدريبية وإعداد‬
‫المعايير الخاصة بها‪ .‬ولذلك يجب العمل على إعداد قاعدة بيانات موحدة لجمع المعلومات ع ّما يحتاجه المهندس المعماري‬
‫من دورات وبرامج تخصصه‪ ،‬لها عالقه بطبيعة عمل المهندس ونوع المسؤوليات المترتبة عليه‪ ،‬وكيفية تعامله مع المشاكل‬
‫التي يواجهها في مراحل تصميم المشروع‪ ،‬وكيفية التغلب عليها وكيفية تعامل المهندس مع مرؤوسيه ومع أفراد فريق العمل‬
‫التابع له ‪.‬‬
‫إن فكرة إعداد برنامج مقترح وموحد لمهندس المنطقة يشمل أحدث المستجدات في التدريب والتنفيذ وعالقة النظم الحديثة‬
‫لإلدارة‪ ،‬بالعمل االستشاري وأسس التصميم للمشروعات وإدارة المدن التراثية الحديثة في تطبيق برنامج التأهيل وتطويره‬
‫من خالل برامج مشتركة تحقق للمهندس اإلحساس باالندماج في المجتمع الهندسي‪ ،‬ويساعد على إطالق الملكات اإلبداعية‬
‫من خالل العمل الجماعي واالنتماء الوطني (خليل رشاد ‪.)2004‬‬
‫إن المؤسسات المتخصصة في تقديم الخدمات االستشارية يجب عليها أن تدرك بأنّ مجاالت التدريب التخصصية تعتمد على‬
‫ً‬
‫مسؤوال عن تدعيم خبراته بما‬ ‫مواكبة التقدم العلمي والبحث المستمر في مجاالت عديدة تهم المهندس المعاري الذي أصبح‬
‫يتناسب مع ما تقدم به العلم من تطور بالهندسة المعمارية‪ .‬وإنّ مواكبة ما توصلت إليه المؤسسات اإلقليمية والعالمية‬
‫المتخصصة بتقديم الخدمات االستشارية المعمارية أصبح أمرً ا مفروضًا على كل مهندس معماري يسعى إلى تطوير خبراته‬
‫وتحديث معلوماته ومنحه الثقة في قدراته على اتخاذ القرار‪ ،‬معتم ًدا بذلك على الخبرات في مجاالت عديدة‪ ،‬مثل إدارة‬
‫التنمية العمرانية‪ ،‬وتحليل الجدوى االقتصادية ألي مشروع‪ ،‬واالعتبارات البيئية للمشاريع المستقبلية‪ ،‬ومعاييراالستدامة‬
‫المعمول بها عالميًا‪ ،‬وإدارة ترميم البناء‪ ،‬وتحليل المخاطر‪ .‬وسوف يتم التحدّث عن فوائد هذه المجاالت في هذه الدراسات‪.‬‬
‫إنّ تحديات الهندسة المعمارية المقبلة على المنطقة العربية والناتجة عن العولمة تتطلب خبرات هندسية متمكنة للتعامل مع ما‬
‫هو جديد ولكن ضمن حدود بحيث يتم الحفاظ على الحداثة وتقليد البناء وتقييم البعد االجتماعي للتصميم الحضري‪ .‬وتبدأ هذه‬
‫المرحلة من المهندس المعماري الذي يشكل عجلة العمل الهندسي‪ ،‬فمن خالل االرتقاء بكفاءته وتطوير قدراته المعرفية‬
‫ومهارته الفنية‪ ،‬يمكن توظيف ما يتاح من إمكانيات علمية وتكنولوجية بأقصى مرور لتطوير واقع العمل الهندسي فى دول‬
‫المنطقة (علي محمد السواط وهاشم عبد هللا الصالح ‪.)2002‬‬
‫لقد أصبح من الضروري التزام المهندس المعماري بمواكبة التطورات العلمية التي تدعم مهنته وتؤثر بها بشكل مباشر من‬
‫خالل التطوير الذاتي اعتما ًدا على متابعة المستجدات العلمية والعملية في مجال العمارة‪ ،‬ومواكبة التطورات اإلبداعية‬
‫والمعرفية‪ ،‬وتقييم قدراته وتطوير مهارته الضرورية المتعلقة بالعمل‪ ،‬وممارسة األعمال المهنية بإتقان وحرفية‪ ،‬والقدرة على‬
‫التعامل مع أية مشكلة سواء كانت مشاكل األفراد أو مشاكل تتعلق بالمشروع‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬التطوير الذاتي للمهندس المعماري‬
‫إنّ التطوير الذاتي للمهندس بعد أن يجتاز برامج تدريبية محددة يعتمد على إرادته أوال‪ ،‬وثم على مقوماته العلمية والعملية‪،‬‬
‫وأيضا الدافع الرئيسي الذي يدفعه لهذا التطور من خالل وسائل معينة ومدروسة‪ ،‬وكذلك البيئة التي يعمل بها التي تساعد‬
‫على تواجد مقومات التطوير‪ .‬كما يجب ربط عملية التطوير واإلبداع والتدريب الذاتيّ للمهندس الذي يمارسه أثناء فترة عمله‬
‫بالمؤسسات‪ ،‬بإسلوب ومقومات ومخرجات التعليم الجامعي‪ ،‬الذي يجب أن يشجع الطالب في كلية الهندسة المعمارية على‬
‫‪217‬‬
‫االعتماد على نفسه في البحث عن الجديد‪ ،‬وعن االبتكار واالختراع والممارسة المستمرة‪ .‬إنّ التعليم والتدريب الهندسي يمثل‬
‫حالة ديناميكية مستمرة وليس حالة اجتماعية أو اعتيادية جامدة (راضي محسن الزبيدي ‪ .)2002‬كما أن إعداد وتطوير‬
‫المهندس المعماري من خالل أساليب التطوير الذاتي التي تركز على المعرفة العامة والمهارات التطبيقية للمهنة‪ ،‬والعمل‬
‫على توثيق المعلومات والخبرات لديه‪ .‬إنّ المصمم المعماري بحاجة دائمة لالطالع على المستجدات في مجال تخصصه‪،‬‬
‫وكذلك تطوير مهاراته اإلدارية والمهنية و الفكرية‪.‬‬
‫إن معظم المشكالت التى تعيق جهود ومراحل التطوير والتدريب التى تسببها اإلدارات من خالل مدرائها في الهندسه‬
‫المعمارية ناتجة عن اعتقاد لدى الكثير من المدراء بأنّ التدريب والتطوير كلف زائدة وتحتاج إلى ميزانيات ومبالغ احتياطية‬
‫مرصودة قد تؤثر على الربح المحدد للمشروع‪ .‬لذا على أصحاب المؤسسات تخصيص موارد مالية سنوية محددة للتدريب‬
‫والتطوير تساعد المهندسين المعماريين على تطوير ذاتهم وتحسين قدراتهم اإلنتاجية واإلبداعية‪ ،‬فليس هناك مايمنع من‬
‫إرسالهم إلى الخارج لالستفادة من الخبرات الخارجية لتعليم وتطبيق ما هو جديد في مجال اختصاصاتهم؛ للحفاظ على التراث‬
‫المعماري للمدينة العربية‪ ،‬كما يحافظ على هويتهم المعمارية مع ضرورة التغطية الشاملة لنفقات وأجور هذه البرامج‪ .‬إنّ‬
‫الهيئات المهنية وجمعيات المهندسين والنقابات المسؤولة يجب أن تأخذ على عاتقها جز ًءا من مسؤوليات تحديد البرامج‬
‫وتوزيعها والتزام األفراد العاملين بالمؤسسات االستشارية بأخذ هذه البرامج وتطبيقها واعتمادها كمعايير رئيسية لالرتقاء‬
‫الوظيفي ‪.‬‬
‫من جهة أخرى فإن جمعيات المهندسين في دول المنطقة تركز وبشكل مباشر على برامج التدريب والتأهيل دون أن تخاطب‬
‫شخصية المهندس المعماري الذي يشعر بأن هذه البرامج مفروضة عليه‪ .‬وقد ال تتوافر لديه القناعات الكافية بأهميتها وقيمتها‬
‫في حياته العملية‪ .‬وربما يفسر هذه الحالة بعدم إقبال كثير من المهندسين والمعماريين على البرامج التدريبية‪( .‬مشاري بن‬
‫عبد هللا النعيم‪ ،‬وعلي بن محمد السواط ‪ .)2004‬إن التعليم المستمر والتدريب على المستوى المهني والوظيفي في مجال‬
‫الهندسة المعمارية يؤهل المهندس للوصول إلى أعلى المراتب؛ وتجعله قادرا على اتخاذ القرارات وبشكل علمي وصحيح‪،‬‬
‫ً‬
‫مرتكزا بها على قواعد وأسس ونظريات الباحثين ‪( .‬جمال الحصبي ومنصور جراغ ‪ .)2002‬إال أن مهندس اليوم يواجه‬
‫الكثير من التحديات و الصعوبات في كيفية البقاء على دراية بكل ما هو جديد في مجاله المهني‪ ،‬خاصة في ظل تضخم‬
‫المعلومات والذي يساهم بشكل كبير في خلق هذه المشكلة‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬البرامج المقترحة للتدريب والتطوير الذاتي‬
‫‪ -1‬برنامج ترميم المواقع األثرية‪ :‬يعتبر هذا البرنامج برنامجً ا فن ًيا متخص ً‬
‫صا في التعامل مع المواقع األثرية‪ ،‬والتي تعكس‬
‫جز ًءا من الهوية العمرانية العربية‪ .‬حيث يساعد المهندس على معرفة العيوب الفنية للمبانى وكيفية التعامل معها من خالل‬
‫المواد المستخدمة التى يجب احتساب تكاليفها المرتبطة بالجهد المبذول‪ .‬إنّ تطبيق التكنولوجيا الحديثة للتعامل مع المواقع‬
‫األثريه من خالل المهندسين المعماريين؛ يساعد على استنتاج وسائل حديثة لتحديث هذه المباني والحفاظ على تصميمها‬
‫األجمل بعد فحصها وتقييمها‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬برنامج التطبيقات اإلدارية في التنمية العمرانية‪ :‬ويضمن هذا البرنامج كيفية ضمان المستوى المعيشى لألفراد في مناطق‬
‫عمرانية محدثة‪ ،‬من خالل الشعور باألمان واالستقرار‪ .‬ويعتمد ذلك على فهم وتطبيق األسس العلمية في علوم اإلدارة بالتنمية‬
‫العمرانية‪ ،‬والتي تساعد على نتائج تمكن أفراد المجتمع بالمحافظة على النظام البيئي المحيط بمكان إقامتهم‪ .‬وانّ فهم مراحل‬
‫تطوير ونمو المجتمع العمراني يتطلب جه ًدا كبيرً ا من المهندس المعماري بالبحث في مراحل البناء واالستقرار‪ ،‬ومتطلبات‬
‫‪218‬‬
‫األفراد والمجتمعات خالل هذه المراحل‪ .‬وعلى المص ّمم المعماري أن يكون قادرً ا على إعداد تقارير تفصيلية قبل البدء بإعداد‬
‫تصاميم تتضمن مصادر التنمية المجتمعية‪ ،‬وكيفية استجابة المجتمع للمتطلبات المواكبة للحداثة‬
‫‪ -3‬برنامج دراسة وتحليل الجدوى االقتصادية‪ :‬وهو من أهم الدورات التدريبية التي القت إقباال كثيرً ا من المهندسين‬
‫بمختلف تخصصاتهم‪ .‬وان الهدف من هذا البرنامج هو تعريف المهندس بضرورة جمع وتحليل المعلومات الضرورية الهامة‬
‫عن المشروع أثناء الدراسات األولية‪ ،‬وهذه المعلومات تكون فنية‪ ،‬تعاقدية‪ ،‬مالية وقانونية‪ .‬وبنا ًء على هذه المعلومات يتم‬
‫اتخاذ القرار بالبدء بالعمل بالمشروع أو توقيفه من قبل اللجنة المتخصصة‪ .‬ويتم التركيز في هذا البرنامج على دراسة وتحليل‬
‫الكلـف المباشرة وغير المباشرة (تكاليف كل أعمال البناء‪ ،‬بما فيها تكاليف إعداد التصاميم وتكاليف إصدار رخصة البناء‬
‫وتكاليف سعر األرض التي سيقام عليها المشروع‪ ،‬وتكاليف التشغيل والصيانة)‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬برنامج تطبيقات اداره المشاريع‪ :‬إنّ علم إدارة المشاريع يرتكز على األمور اإلدارية بشكل عام‪ ،‬وكذلك األمور الفنية؛‬
‫ألن المهندس ‪ -‬بغظ النظر عن تخصصه ‪ -‬يجب أن يكون ملمـ ًّا بعلوم ومبادئ اإلدارة العامة‪ ،‬والتي تعتبر قاعدة أساسية‬
‫إلدارة أي مشروع‪ .‬ويحظى المتدرب (المهندس) بالحصول على فرصه تتيح له التعرف على عدة مواضيع في هذا البرنامج‪.‬‬
‫منها‪ :‬إدارة وتحليل المخاطر‪ ،‬وإدارة األفراد‪ ،‬واألصول‪ ،‬وتطبيقات إدارة الجودة‪ ،‬واإلدارة المالية‪ ،‬وإدارة العقود‪ ،‬وإدارة‬
‫المشتريات والموردين‪ ،‬وإدارة مقاولي العمل بما فيها مقاولي الباطن‪ .‬أما بالنسبة لتطبيقات إدارة المشاريع فهي جزء مهم في‬
‫هذه البرنامج الذي يسمح للمهندس بالتعرف على أسس ومبادئ التخطيط‪ ،‬وكيفية البدء بالعمل (أي إعداد الترتيبات‬
‫والخطوات الضرورية للبدء في العمل بالمشروع) والطرق الهامة لمتابعة سير العمل ومراحل إنهاء العقد بما فيها الدروس‬
‫المستفادة ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5‬برنامج عالقة التصميم المعماري بالبيئة‪ :‬ويعتبر من أهم البرامج التدريبية والتطبيقية لدى المهندس المعماري المتميز‪،‬‬
‫حيث يهدف هذا البرنامج إلى كيفية تطوير المشاريع من الواقع البيئي باستخدام التقنيات الحديثة المستوحاة من الحلول‬
‫المعمارية‪ .‬ويكتسب المصمم المعماري في هذه المرحلة طريقة المزج بين الحضارة الغربية والعمارة التراثية‪ ،‬من خالل‬
‫توافر المواد المعمارية الحديثه ذات اللون والملمس المختلفين اللذين يؤديان إلى زيادة في التنوع‪ .‬يتاح للمهندس العربي‬
‫التواصل مع المهندسين المعماريين العالميين؛ ليكتسب أعلى المهارات التي تجعله يحافظ على خصوصيته في عمله لوجود‬
‫الصراع الدائم بين الحداثة والتقليد واالستدامة والرأس مالية وكثير من العوامل التي يجب أن تجعله يتمسك بهويته العمرانية‬
‫العربية ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬دور الجمعيات الهندسية في الحفاظ على الهوية العمرانية‬
‫إن النقابات والجمعيات الهندسية في دول المنطقه يجب أن يكون لها دور مميز في تطوير المهنة الهندسية‪ ،‬حيث يقع على‬
‫عاتقها رعاية مصالح المهندسين وتطوير قدراتهم من خالل البرامج التدريبية المقترحة‪ .‬حيث تعمل على تقديم كل ما هو‬
‫جديد في عالم الهندسة‪ ،‬وتواكب كل ما يستجد من تق ّدم في هذا المجال‪ .‬وعلى الرغم من أهمية الجمعيات الهندسية الال إنتاجية‬
‫فإنّ تفاعل المهندسين مع هذه الجمعيات يعد ضع ًفا‪ ،‬عل ًما بأن هذه الجمعيات تحتوي على شعب ولجان الحتواء المهندسين‬
‫أنفسهم (بدر ملبس الزايدي ‪.) 2004‬‬
‫إن سرعة زيادة وتيرة النمو االقتصادي في المنطقة أدت إلى زيادة عدد المشاريع التنموية‪ ،‬بما فيها المشاريع المتعلقة بالبنية‬
‫التحتية ومشاريع البناء والمشاريع التجارية والصناعية؛ ولينعكس ذلك إيجاب ًيا على طلب وزيادة عدد المهندسين من أصحاب‬
‫‪219‬‬
‫الخبرات؛ لالرتقاء بالمستوى المهني والفني‪ .‬ويتم ذلك من خالل تطوير المهندس مهن ًيا وإداريا‪ ،‬من خالل تبادل الخبرات‬
‫والتجارب واتباع األساليب الحديثة وتحفيز سبل اإلبداع واالبتكار الذي يساهم ببناء الكفاءة والثقة لديه‪ .‬ويجب على النقابات‬
‫والمؤسسات تحديد معايير ومستويات رفيعة لالرتقاء بأعلى مراتب التميز لدى كل المهندسين المحليّين والعاملين لديها‪ ،‬حيث‬
‫يقع على عاتقها مسؤولية كبيرة في تطوير المشاريع القائمة على تنفيذها من خالل الكادر الفني‪ .‬كما أنّ المهندس له دور فعال‬
‫في التنمية االقتصادية‪ ،‬حيث صرح مدير معهد ( ام‪-‬اي‪-‬تي ) بأن ‪ %00-%40‬من المهندسين خريجي المعهد يتم اجتذابهم‬
‫للعمل في مجال إدارة األعمال والبنوك؛ ألنهم لديهم القدرهة على تحديد المشاكل وتحليلها‪ ،‬وإيجاد الحلول العملية لها (محمد‬
‫البراك‪ ،‬وعادل مال هللا ‪.)2000‬‬
‫إن تطوير المشاريع له دور مؤثر في تنمية االقتصاد‪ ،‬وإن المهندسين المسؤولين عن التخطيط والتصميم لهذه المشاريع لهم‬
‫الدور األكبر فيها‪ ،‬حيث أن المهندسين يعتبرون عنصرا مطلوبا في مؤسسات التطوير العمراني‪ ،‬لما لديهم من قدرات على‬
‫إيجاد الحلول‪ .‬وألهمية هذا الدور للمهندس المعماري كان على الجمعيات الهندسية تزويده بالمهارات الالزمة‪ ،‬كاإلدارة‬
‫وغيرها حسب ما يحتاجه في مجال عمله‪ .‬لذلك كان يجب تطوير برامج هندسية مدروسة تلبي رغبة حاجة المهندس؛ ليتمكن‬
‫من متابعه التطور العلمي في مجال تخصصه‪ .‬فيجب على مدراء الجمعيات الهندسية والنقابات أن يكونوا على تواصل‬
‫مستمر مع مدراء المكاتب االستشارية والمؤسسات الحكومية والخاصة التي لها عالقة بالتطوير العمراني؛ إلعداد البرامج‬
‫الضرورية لمهندسيها؛ ليتمكنوا من االرتقاء في فن صناعة القرار‪ .‬وعليه يجب على الجمعيات والنقابات أن تستمر في إقامة‬
‫مؤتمرات وندوات ومعارض هندسية بشكل مستمر‪ ،‬وتنظيم محاضرات وزيارات للخبراء‪ ،‬مع إتاحة الفرصة لتبادل‬
‫المعلومات الهندسية والعلمية عبر الوسائل المختلفة‪ ،‬وإعداد كتيبات ووثائق يتم توزيعها على األعضاء وبشكل مستمر ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬التأهيل المهني للمهندس المعماري‬
‫تعتمد عملية التأهيل المهني للمهندس المعماري على وجود مؤسسات معتمدة ومؤهلة لها خبرة طويلة في هذا المجال‪ ،‬تعمل‬
‫على تقدير االحتياج التدريبي‪ ،‬وتحديد األهداف والمعايير التي تعتمد بشكل مباشر على المسار الوظيفي للمعماري‪ ،‬والذي‬
‫تكون جز ًءا منه المحافظة على التراث والموازنة بين الحداثة والتقليد‪ .‬ومن هذا المنطلق نجد أن نظرة المصمم المعماري‬
‫الغربي ألي مشروع تكون شمولية وكاملة لتنتهي بإعداد تصميم مستدام متوافق في المتطلبات البيئية‪ ،‬ومتميز بالحداثة وذات‬
‫بعد اجتماعي ومتجاوب مع الهوية العمرانية‪ .‬أما عن المؤسسات المهنية في منطقة الشرق األوسط المتخصصة في تأهيل‬
‫المهندسين المعماريين المتخصصين في المحافظة على الهوية العمرانية‪ ،‬فإنها ال تزال غير فاعلة‪ ،‬ولم تصل إلى الحد‬
‫المطلوب؛ ألن البعض منها يعتبر مقي ًدا‪ .‬ويؤدي ذلك إلى غياب منسق مناهج وبرامج التدريب‪ .‬وبالتالي تصعب عملية التقييم‬
‫ألي برنامج تدريبي؛ مما ينعكس سل ًبا على احترافية المهنة‪ ،‬وتطبيقات مخرجات الدورة التدريبية التي تكون محدودة بحد‬
‫ذاتها‪.‬‬
‫إن الحفاظ على ديمومة الطابع العمراني العربي المتسم باألصالة والحداثة والتقليد يتطلب تطوير وتحديث خطط الدراسات‬
‫الجامعية للمصمم العمراني‪ ،‬وطبيعة البرامج التدريبية التي يتلقاها أثناء عمله‪ ،‬حيث يجب على صناع القرار عمل خطه‬
‫للتطوير الذاتي للمهندس‪ ،‬وذلك بتحديد مستوى التأهيل المستهدف لالرتقاء في المستوى المهني‪ .‬ويجب أن تركز هذه البرامج‬
‫على مراحل عملية وتقنية ذات معايير وأدوات قياس لتقييم األداء ولتقييم المشاريع التي يعمل عليها‪ .‬إن المصمم المعماري‬
‫يجب عليه ‪ -‬وبشكل منتظم ‪ -‬االطالع على ما توصل إليه العلم في مجال تخصصه‪ ،‬من خالل عمليات التواصل المباشر و‬
‫غير المباشر‪ ،‬ومن خالل شبكات المعلومات‪ ،‬حيث يساعده ذلك على التفكير التحليلي والمنطقي؛ كي تبقى أعماله ضمن سياق‬
‫‪220‬‬
‫ممنهج‪ ،‬وهو الحفاظ على الهوية العمرانية المحدثة تكنولوج ًيا‪ .‬وكما ذكر سابقا فإن الدكتور عبد الخالق عبد هللا ذكر بأن "‬
‫دول الخليج تتحسس من وجود النقابات العمالية والمهنية‪ ،‬وتتعامل معها بتخوف بتردد ملحوظين؛ ألن الشريحة الكبرى من‬
‫هذه الدول من غير المواطنين؛ م ّما يضعف سياسة التدريب والتأهيل المهني للمهندسين القائمين على صنع القرار (عبد‬
‫الخالق عبد هللا ‪ .)2003‬لذا البد من اتخاذ قرارات موحدة صادرة عن الجمعيات والهيئات والنقابات المهنية لدول المنطقة‬
‫تركزعلى تطوير وتحسين األداء الوظيفي للمهندسين المعماريين لينعكس إيجابا على ممارستهم وتطبيقاتهم المهنية‪ ،‬وذلك‬
‫لمواجهة التحديات التي قد تطمس الهوية العمرانية العربية‪ .‬ويعتمد ذلك على الناحية الشخصية والذاتية للمهندس باالرتقاء‬
‫المهني وقدرته على المنافسة العالمية في تصميم مشاريع تجمع بين حداثة التقليد والعراقة واالستدامة‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬دور المكاتب الهندسية في الحفاظ على الطابع العمراني‬
‫إن معظم الدول في المنطقه قامت باالستعانة بعدد كبير من المكاتب االستشارية األجنبية المتخصصة في هذا المجال؛ نظرً ا‬
‫لعدم وجود مكاتب محلية لديها الخبرة في اإلبداع المعماري‪ ،‬وخصوصا أثناء الطفرة العمرانية التي شهدتها دول المنطقة‪،‬‬
‫وبشكل تدريجي بدأت المكاتب المحلية بالنمو‪ ،‬حيث قامت بتوظيف عدد كبير من المهندسين المعماريين والمصممين للعمل‬
‫على إعداد تصاميم لمشاريع عدة‪ ،‬إلى أن أصبحت بعض هذه المكاتب االستشارية تنافس المكاتب العالمية الموجودة في‬
‫المنطقة‪.‬‬
‫إن الحسّ المعماري والحفاظ على الهوية المعمارية وتطوير المشاريع العمرانية التي تجمع بين الحداثة والتقليد أصبحت من‬
‫أولويات واهتمامات المصمم المعماري؛ نظرً ا لسرعة التنمية في دول المنطقة‪ ،‬وإنشاء عدد كبير من المشاريع التي أفقدت‬
‫المنطقة طابعها األصلي؛ ما قد يؤدي إلى مسح الهوية العمرانية‪ .‬وأصبح هذا مؤشرً ا على إعادة النظر من قبل المكاتب‬
‫الهندسية إلعادة هيكلتها وتمكين وتطوير مهندسيها من خالل طرح برامج تدريبية مكثفة تركز على التراث العمراني المحدث‬
‫فن ًيا وتكنولوج ًيا‪ ،‬ويتطلب هذا بأن يكون الوضع الحال ّي للمكتب الهندسيّ االستشاريّ في وضع ج ّيد لتغطية النفقات الخاصه‬
‫لهذه البرامج ‪.‬‬
‫إنّ وجود خطة استراتيجية يبنى عليها تطوير المكتب وكوادره الفنية العاملة فيه‪ ،‬تكون من خالل خطط مدروسة تعتمد على‬
‫رؤية وسياسة صناع القرار في المؤسسات االستشارية‪ .‬وعلى المؤسسات الحكومية التي تمنح تراخيص للمكاتب األجنبية‬
‫المتخصصة للتصاميم المعمارية أن تشترط على هذه المكاتب طرح البرامج التخصصية بهدف التدريب‪ ،‬وفق آلية متفق‬
‫عليها مسبقا أو ابتعاث عدد معين من المهندسين في مكاتبها الرئيسية الواقعة في بلدها الرئيسي‪ .‬ويجب تفعيل االتفاقيات بين‬
‫المكاتب المحلية والمكاتب العالمية ووضع خطط عمل تؤدي إلى تفعيل شراكة دائمة بين المؤسستين؛ لتنعكس إيجا ًبا على‬
‫كفاءة وخبرة المهندس‪ .‬لذا من الضروري وجود تنسيق وتعاون بين المكاتب الهندسية‪ ،‬عن طريق تبادل الخبرات والتجارب‪،‬‬
‫حيث إنها تساعد على التطوير واإلبداع وطرح مبادرات جديدة‪ .‬وعليه فيجب عقد مؤتمرات سنوية أو نصف سنوية يجتمع‬
‫بها صناع القرار في هذه المكاتب وكبار المهندسين ومدراء مشاريع التصميم‪ ،‬لوضع خطط استراتيجية قابلة للتطبيق‪،‬‬
‫ووضع برامج تدريبية بشكل دوري‪.‬‬
‫وعلى المكاتب االستشارية أن تشجع المهندسين حديثي التخرج على العمل في قطاع التصميم لفترات متعاقبة‪ ،‬ويجب أن‬
‫يكون هذا من خالل تشريعات وقوانين تضمن تطوير المسار المهني والتأهيلي للمهندس‪ ،‬وخصو ً‬
‫صا المعماريين منهم‪ ،‬مع‬
‫عدم تجاهل الحوافز المادية لهم‪ ،‬على أن يقوموا بتطبيق العلوم النظرية على أعمالهم التصميمية ضمن استراتجية مدروسة‬
‫‪221‬‬
‫ومحددة لهذه الشريحة من المهندسين‪ .‬وإنّ تعزيز دور المكاتب الهندسية في عجلة التنمية من خالل تطبيق أسلوب مدروس‬
‫لالستفادة من الكوادر الهندسية وتوظيفها لتدريب المهندسين (ضياء الدين توفيقي ‪.)2004‬‬
‫‪ .8‬الخاتمه‬
‫إن هناك غيابا واضحا للخطط واالستراتيجيات والبرامج التدريبية التي تفعل جهود تطوير المهندسين والمصممين المعماريين‬
‫ً‬
‫تحديثا دائ ًما من المهارات‬ ‫للحفاظ على هوية العمارة العربية المحدثة‪ ،‬لذلك فإن االرتقاء بهذه المهنة وتطويرها يتطلب‬
‫الضرورية للمصمم‪ .‬وإن دور المؤسسات وجمعيات المهندسيين في المنطقة يجب أن يركز على إعداد استراتيجيات تتعلق‬
‫ببرامج التدريب للمهندسين العاملين في هذا المجال‪ ،‬من خالل ندوات وورش عمل ومحاضرات ودورات تدريبية منتظمة‬
‫لضمان تأهيل االختصاصيين القادرين على التعامل بكل المواضيع المتعلقة بالحفاظ على هوية العمارة العربية الحديثة‪ .‬فليس‬
‫من السهل التعامل أو الحفاظ على التراث العمراني في المنطقه ألن اإلبقاء عليه وتحديثه أو ترميمه يتطلب خبرات‬
‫متخصصة في هذا المجال قادرة على الموازنة بين التراث والحداثة واالستدامة‪ ،‬وكذلك تحديث البيئة المحيطة‪ ،‬والتعامل مع‬
‫المؤثرات الخارجية التي تؤثر على بقاء القيمة المعمارية‪ .‬وإن الحفاظ على المنجزات العمرانية يتطلب دمج النظريات‬
‫واألساليب العلمية مع التطبيقات العملية المكتسبة من البرامج التدريبية على فترات متزامنة‪ .‬ويجب عدم التردد في تقل هذه‬
‫الخبرات والتجارب الهامة بين دول المنطقه لتوحيد األفكار والبرامج واألهداف المستقبلية لضمان استمرار عملية التحديث‬
‫دون التأثير على القيمة المعمارية للمبنى‪.‬‬
‫‪ .9‬النتائج والتوصيات‬
‫بناء على ماسبق طرحه من التحديات التي تهدد هوية العمارة العربية‪ ،‬والتي تنعكس وتؤثر على األداء الوظيفي للمصمم‬
‫المعماري وتقلل من أهمية الضرورة على تركيز الفهم بالحفاظ على الحداثة والتقليد وكيفية تأثير رأس المالية على التنمية‬
‫العمرانية المستدامة في المجتمعات الحديثة فإننا نوصي بالتالي ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬مواكبة المتغيرات الحضارية من خالل التدريب الممنهج الهادف إلى الحفاظ على الهوية العمرانية للمنطقة ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬التعاون مع المؤسسات الدولية المتخصصة في مجال التدريب المهني من خالل توقيع اتفاقيات شراكة طويلة األجل‬
‫‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬دعم جمعيات نقابات المهندسين المعماريين في دول المنطقه لنشر التقنية الحديثة التي يمكن تطبيقها لتطوير‬
‫وتحسين المواصفات؛ لتواكب متطلبات العصر لتنمية الفكر اإلبداعي ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬تحديد وتنويع برامج التدريب الهندسية والتركيز على التدريب الجامعي أثناء الدراسة الجامعية والتدريب العملي‬
‫المر ّكز أثناء العمل ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫مؤهال علم ًيا ومدر ًكا لما يحتاجه المتدرب‪ ،‬ويكون‬ ‫ضرورة وضع معايير مهنية للمدرب الذي يجب أن يكون‬ ‫‪-5‬‬
‫قادرً ا على توصيل المعلومات الهامهة للمتدربين ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -0‬متابعة منتظمة لمراكز األبحاث العلمية‪ ،‬وزيارة المشاريع المشابهة للتعرف على تطبيقات التكنولوجيا الحديثة‪.‬‬
‫‪ -7‬تكوين مؤسسات هندسية قادرة على المنافسة عالم ًيا‪ ،‬من خالل تأسيس شركات تقدم خدمات هندسية متكاملة ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -8‬رصد ميزانيات سنوية محددة يتم إنفاقها على برامج تدريبية خاصة بالمهندسين المعماريين ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -9‬تنمية الفكر اإلبداعي والتشجيع المستمر على االبتكار للمصمم المعماري على المستوى الفردي ‪.‬‬
‫‪222‬‬
‫‪ .11‬المراجع‬
‫‪ -1‬علي محمد السواط‪ ،‬وهاشم عبد هللا الصالح ‪ "2002‬العمل الهندسي في القطاع الحكومي والحاجه لشهادة الممارسة‬
‫المهنية للمهندس في هذا القطاع"‪ ،‬سجل أبحاث ندوة ترخيص المهندسين السعوديين‪ ،‬قسم الهندسة المدنية‪ ،‬جامعة الملك فهد‬
‫للبترول والمعادن بالظهران‪،‬ص ‪-1‬ص ‪10‬‬
‫‪ -2‬المهندس خليل رشاد ‪" ،2004‬البرنامج الموحد لتأهيل المهندس الخليجي إلدارة المنجزات العمرانية والحفاظ عليها" ‪،‬‬
‫الملتقى الهندسي الخليجي الثامن نحو تفعيل دور المهندس في تنمية االقتصاد‪ ،‬دبي‪ ،‬إ‪.‬ع‪.‬م ص ‪ -122‬ص ‪130‬‬
‫‪ -3‬راضي محسن الزبيدي ‪2002‬م‪ " ،‬التعليم والتدريب التطبقي الهندسي " ‪ ،‬سجل أبحاث الملتقى الهندسي الخليجي‬
‫السادس‪ ،‬الدوحة – قطر‪ ،‬ص‪– 337‬ص ‪343‬‬
‫‪ -4‬الدكتور مشاري بن عبد هللا النعيم‪ ،‬والمهندس علي بن محمد السواط ‪ " ،2004‬التطويرالذاتي وأهميته للمهندس‬
‫المعماري الخليجي وأثره في االرتقاء بالمهنة الهندسية‪ .‬مجلد أوراق عمل الملتقى الهندسي الخليجي الثامن ‪ 2004‬دبي ‪،‬أ‪.‬‬
‫ع‪ .‬م ص‪ 204-‬ص‪212-‬‬
‫‪ -5‬المهندس جالل الحجي‪ ،‬والمهندس منصور براع ‪ " ،2002‬التعليم المستمر للمهندس نظرة واقعية‪ .‬سجل أبحاث الملتقى‬
‫الهندسي الخليجي السادس ‪ .‬الدوحة – قطر ص‪– 300‬ص‪314‬‬
‫‪ -0‬المهندس بدر ملبس الزايدي ‪2004‬م " المهندس ودوره في عملية التنمية ( الفرص والتحديات ) " الملتقى الهندسي‬
‫الثامن في دبي ص ‪– 230‬ص ‪235‬‬
‫‪ -7‬د‪ .‬محمد البراك‪ ،‬عادل مال هللا " دراسات الكلية الهندسية والبترول الثالث الحتياجات سوق العمل الكويتي من المخرجات‬
‫الهندسية ‪ " .2000/2002‬مركز التدريب الهندسي للخرجين‪ ،‬كلية الهندسة والبترول‪ ،‬جامعة الكويت‪ ،‬مايو ‪2003‬‬
‫‪ -8‬الملتقى الهندسي الخليجي الخامس ‪ .‬مسقط – سلطنة عمان ‪ 20-18‬فبراير ‪2001‬م‪-‬ص‪90‬‬
‫‪ -9‬د‪ .‬عبد الخالق عبد هللا‪2003 ،‬م ‪ " .‬البعد السياسي للتنمية البشرية‪ ،‬حالة الدول الخليجية‪ ،‬مؤتمر التنمية بالبحرين‪،‬‬
‫المنامة‪2003.‬‬
‫‪ -10‬المهندس ضياء الدين توفيقي ‪ " 2004‬المكاتب الهندسية وتطلعات المستقبل " ‪ .‬الملتقى الهندسي الخيجي‬
‫الثامن‪.‬ص‪ 177‬دبي إ‪.‬ع‪.‬م ‪.2004‬‬
‫‪223‬‬
II
Conference Papers
Part 5:
The political and sociocultural dimensions of regeneration projects
Assessing the Social Sustainability of Urban Landscape:
Case study of Abdali regeneration (The new downtown of Amman)
Bushra Zalloom1, a
1
School of Architecture and Design, University of Petra, Jordan.
a
bushra.zalloum@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT
This study is about assessing the social sustainability of the urban landscape, it focuses on the
case of Amman, specifically, the Abdali urban regeneration project that is known as the “new
downtown of Amman”. It focuses on the social dynamic of the urban landscape in its macro
scale. The study illustrates the impacts of urban regeneration projects on the physical and
sociocultural settings of Amman, and how these impacts affected its social sustainability. The
study aims to provide insight into the dynamics of the urban space, especially those occurred by
urban regeneration developments, and then assessing the impacts of these transformations on
social sustainability of Amman city.
Abdali Urban Regeneration Project was selected because it is the first mega project that
emerged in the city. The impacts of the project on the social sustainability of Amman is
arguable as the project occasionally opened to public and many parts still under construction,
therefore, the findings must be understood as indicative in character and not as determining
facts. Moreover, to enhance the credibility of the findings mixed methods approach was used,
various types of the interviews with locals, architects, academics, experts, developer, and the
Greater Amman Municipality were conducted. Other methods such as the site analyses,
documents analyses, and unstructured observation with photographic survey were also used.
KEYWORDS: Social sustainability, Social impact, Social assessment, Abdali project
1. INTRODUCTION
This study suggests understanding the urban space in a dynamic way and from various
perspectives that take the political, sociocultural and socioeconomic aspects as “process” and
the built environment as “product” and examining the influence of the product on urban identity
and social sustainability. Researchers -Madanipour 1996; Kostof 2009; Lin 2010; and Sepe
2013 among others- provided useful theoretical tools for describing and analyzing the relation
between these aspects in shaping the city, and highlighted how urban spaces shaped as a result
of continuous processes. It shows that tracing the production of space through time offers a
dynamic perspective that bridges the gap between social and spatial dimensions.
This study aims to assess the physical, social, and cultural impacts of urban regeneration
projects on the city identity and its social sustainability. To achieve this aim, the existing
international frameworks were studied -such as, the concept of social sustainability, Place-
making charter, and SIA framework- to find the most important indicators that are used in social
assessment. Reviewing the international frameworks confirmed that implementing them directly
in Amman is impractical and may lead to further influences, because there is no ready solution
that suits all places all over the world, each culture is unique, what works for European cities
226
might be completely inappropriate for ones in the Middle East. Therefore, the
Dynamicframework, which merges between urban morphology and social characteristics, is
created to be used in assessing the impact of Abdali regeneration project on the social
sustainability of Amman. This framework resulted from the integration between various
international charters and frameworks, and then further developed to respect the sociocultural
organization of the City.
2. Research methods
Mixed methods approach had been implemented on Abdali case study to assess its impacts on
social sustainability of Amman. The impacts of the Abdali project were assessed through
studying the urban morphology and the social characteristics of the project. Urban morphology
had been tested by conducting site analyses, documents analyses, and unstructured observation
with photographic survey, while social characteristics had been tested by conducting various
types of interviews with different target groups (Fig. 1).
Social characteristics have been

tested by conducting various
types of interviews with
different target groups.
Urban morphology has been

tested by conducting site
analyses, documents analyses,
and unstructured observation
with photographic survey.
Fig.1: Testing the Dynamic framework on Abdali by using mixed methods approach
Mixed methods are selected to overcome the minuses of using only qualitative or quantitative
methods, and because it suits the nature of social study as well as urban studies in collecting and
analyzing the data and different viewpoints (Bryman 2012). About 80% of the implemented
methods are qualitative, while only 20% are quantitative.
3. ABDALICASE STUDY
The Abdali case study in Amman has been done as part of my PhD research. The contemporary
urban characteristic of Amman was considered not attractive to the overseas developers and
investors. Therefore, MAWARED-Abdali’s local developer- decided to develop the Abdali site
and give Amman the glory to attract international investments (Summer 2005). To achieve this
goal, MAWARED and Horizon International -an international construction corporation
specialized in investment and development of a large scale real estate and construction projects
owned by Sheikh Bahaa Rafiq al-Hariri- entered into a joint venture in 2002 (Abdali 2013).
227
This partnership led the Horizon International to bring their expertise networks which had
previously been involved in a similar development in Beirut, known as Solidere development, to
contribute to the conceptual design of the new downtown of Amman. Abdali planners were
working together with the planners of Solidere in developing the building regulations and codes
for the Abdali development, thus, similarities between the two projects are recognized especially
in the initial scheme of Abdali (Abdali 2013; Rayyan 2013). Likewise, the initial scheme of
Abdali was designed by the Millennium Development, and the economic feasibility was studied
by Shair and Partners from the Dar al-Handasah group(Summer 2005), both of them were
international companies that involved previously in Solidere, consequently a little chance was
given to Jordanian planners and architects to contribute to the project.
3.1 The urban morphology of Abdali
This section focuses on the urban morphology for the main areas in the Abdali project compared
to its adjacent neighbourhoods, to comprehend the transformation of the physical and social
forms, and to predict the impacts –positive and negative- of this transformation on social
sustainability and urban identity. The analysis of the physical form focuses on street pattern,
plots pattern and buildings form (Conzen 1980), the process of transformation on streets and
plot pattern can be realized from a comparison of aerial views and maps. However, the
architectural characteristic which includes the masses, materials, and the general image can be
realized from the 3D images and field observation, while the heights of the building obtained
from analyzing the buildings’ heights map designed by Abdalip.s.c.
3.1.1 The physical form of Abdali
The area of study for this investigation includes Abdali development and its surroundings. The
surrounding areas include two zones; area (1) “the South neighborhood” across Sulaiman al-
Naboulsi Street, and area (2) “the North neighborhood” across al-Amin Street (Fig. 2).
Fig.2 The area of study; Abdali development and its surroundings (Source: the researcher)
The aerial views for Abdali area show the transformation on the physical pattern from curve
streets that smoothly follows the topography lines to linear streets that are perpendicular on
them; and from an organic pattern that integrated with the surrounding to a designed, systematic
228
one that imposed on them (Fig. 3; Fig. 4). This transformation affects the arrangement of
buildings and the organization of public spaces; thus, change the shape of the built environment.
Fig.3 Abdali site in 2000: Organic and integrated Fig.4 Abdali site in 2008:Linear and
(source: Abdali 2010) imposed (source: Abdali 2010)
3.1.2 Gateways
The Abdali development consists of six major gates that define the main zones (Fig. 5); each
gate is safeguarded by different means of security, and most of them are identified by two
towers. These gates are distributed as follows:
 Queen Nour Gate, at the western edge, defines the IT zone and the Boulevard.
 Naboulsi Gate, at the southern edge, defines the Abdali shopping mall.
 King Abdullah Gate defines the existing Civic Pole of the Abdali in the east.
 King Hussein Gate 1 defines the Transient housing zone at the northern edge.
 King Hussein Gate 2 defines the eastern edge of the phase two.
 Al Amin Street Gate, located at the north-western edge and the Queen Nour highway,
defines the western side of phase two.
Fig.5 The six major gates for Abdali development (Source: Abdali 2010)
229
3.1.3 Roads Network
The site is surrounded by two main traffic arteries at the North Eastern and South Western sides,
namely the King Hussein Street and Suleiman Naboulsi Street. Queen Nour Street forms its
western boundary, and Al Amin Street marks its northern edge. The grid street network is
imposed on the organic contour. The pattern of the streets separates the site from the city and
interrupts the continuity of the existing vehicular network
The hierarchy of the streets in Abdaliis divided according to capacity and corresponding width
into primary roads and secondary roads. A ring road for service is introduced around the whole
site emphasizing its isolation from surrounding (Fig. 6). The traffic effect of Abdaliis
questionable as the area is already suffering from traffic congestion, so how it will
accommodate the increased numbers of cars accompanied with this development in the future?
Fig.6 Different types of roads within the Abdali development (Source: Abdali 2010)
3.1.4 Zones division and Land use
The current Master Plan sub-divides the Abdali Development into two phases; each phase
includes a series of zones and each zone has its characters, and functions(Fig. 7) as shown
below:
230
Fig.7 Main sectors in Abdali development (Source: Abdali 2010 edited by the researcher)
1. The IT zone: This zone located on the highest point at the western edge of the site. The
towers in the IT zone are designed by London-based, internationally famous architect
Norman Forster (Abu-Hijleh 2013). This zone will include four high-rise buildings, their
heights vary between 120m up to 220m, and this represents a huge difference in height
compared to the surrounding neighborhoods where the heights never exceed 13m. Likewise,
their High-Tech design is varied between cubic and irregular forms covered with glass
panels with no reference to the local contexts (Fig. 8)
Fig.8 International designs with no reference to the local contexts (Abdali 2010)
2. The Boulevard: Abdali Boulevard is an east-west pedestrian spine that connects the IT
zone with the shopping mall; it follows the site contours and built as various terraces within
different levels. Each level contains buildings that include restaurants and retail spaces on
their ground floor, along with residential and office spaces at its upper floors (Rayyan
2013). The Boulevard is considered as the main public space in Phase One of the project; it
also places as a buffer zone between the commercial area and the towers of Phase Two.
This spine reflects the linear pattern, the quality of the design for the outdoor spaces is high,
the landscape features and the furniture are selected to reflect the luxurious brands and
231
lifestyle (Abdali 2008). The buildings in the boulevard are cladded with natural stone and
their height is 24m in general except two buildings on the east end, their height increased to
28m, which still acceptable within the Cityscape (Fig. 9). Moreover, buildings along the
boulevard are following specific design guidelines and regulations that issued by
Abdalip.s.c. to control the architectural characteristics, heights, materials, colors, massing,
and percentage of openings in facades (Abu-Hijleh 2013).
Fig.9Abdali Boulevard (Source: the researcher 2013)
3. The Commercial zone: Located between the Boulevard and al-Naboulsi Street, it forms
the southern boundary of Abdali development. Office buildings for corporate companies
and the banking sector start boosting and changing the character of the street. The heights
of these buildings are about 24m in the center and 28m in both edges -on East and West-
with a tower at the western edge, yet, the physical form is considered acceptable compared
to the surroundings. The architectural characteristics in this zone are also controlled by a
set of guidelines issued by Abdalip.s.c (Fig. 10).
Fig.10 The commercial sector of Abdali (on the left) and the existing commercial buildings across the
same road (on the right) (Source: The researcher 2013)
4. Transient housing: This sector is situated on the eastern part of the site, the main plaza
within this sector links between the Residential sector, and the Abdali Mall. This sector
consists mainly of two rectangular plots; each plot has its own courts and mid-rise
buildings, while marked with a high-rise building. Thus, this zone is marked by two high-
rise buildings. Transient housing, according to the Abdali developer, has been built to serve
tourists, investors, businessmen, and other professionals who may visit Abdali or Amman
232
and need a temporary accommodation rather than a room in a hotel, and it is not targeting
locals.
5. The Residential zone: This zone is located at the east part adjusts the Parliament House
and the Palace of Justice. The residential zone includes three towers, while the other
buildings are almost 28m. The presence of the high-rise and med-rise buildings in this zone,
dedicated to hotel and residential uses, define the starting point of the new urban
composition at the eastern edge, adjacent to the existing civic pole (Rayyan 2013). The
existing civic pole is connected with the residential quarter through a central piazza. This
piazza, according to Rayyan (2013), is not accessible to locals.
6. Abdali Mall: Abdali Shopping Mall is situated almost in the heart of the project on a
triangular plot at the intersection of all land uses of the project, similar to traditional cities
where the market place built in the city centre and connected with different uses (Aryan
2013) (Fig. 11). The height of the main body of the mall is fixed on 20m generating a
homogeneous skyline, with the exception of a 125m high-rise building with retail at its
base- marked its southern edge. It is clear from the site plan that the outdoor spaces of the
mall tend to be organic, unlike the linear pattern that applied to the master plan.
Fig.11 The construction of Abdali shopping mall (Source: Abdali 2013)
7. The existing Civic Pole: This zone includes the major landmarks that identified the
existing urban fabric, King Abdullah Mosque, the Parliament House, and the Palace of
Justice (Fig. 12). The master plan includes these areas in the design in order to develop the
landscape for the outdoor spaces surrounding them. The relation between the high-rises and
these existing governmental institutions around them is still questionable regarding the
security and accessibility.
233
Fig.12The proposed design for the plaza of the existing civic pole as presented
at Abdalip.s.c (Source: The researcher 2013)
8. Phase Two: This phase envisioned with a central dynamic park that contains a circular
plaza and a semi curve pedestrian spine which surrounded with mixed-use towers. The 3D
model shows that this phase has been a battlefield for a big number of glass towers with
different High-Tech styles (Fig.13). The relation between these masses and their
surrounding neighborhoods, regard the height and the whole image, still annoying.
Fig.13 The 3D model shows Phase Two as a battlefield for glass towers (Abdali 2008)
3.2 The social characteristics
The social characteristics of Abdali were tested through various types of interviews, however, it
is important to highlight that the responding sample of the structured interview with locals does
not represent the entire population in Abdali development. Therefore, the findings must be
understood as indicative in character and not as determining facts. For this reason it is supported
by additional twenty interviews with Other Ammanis who lived far away from the Area of
development. Moreover, the findings are supported by further interviews such as the focused
interview with architects, academics, developer, and GAM, besides the unstructured interview
with the legal and real-estate advisor, and also with the project designer.
The general results of the interview with different target groups confirm that the social
sustainability of the Areas surrounding Abdali is threatened. Using the main aspects within the
234
Dynamic framework to assess the impacts of Abdali development on Amman’s sustainability in
general and on its surrounding areas on specific shows that the transformation in the project’s
area is not accepted by the architects, experts or even locals, especially who reside in the
northern neighborhood (Area 2).
The findings confirm that existing areas surrounding Abdali are suffering from lack of social
infrastructures such as parking lots, pedestrian friendly areas, especially for elders, women, and
children, safe walkways, and effective public transportation. Congestion surrounding the project
was recognized during the field observation, especially at al-Naboulsi Street, and locals are
suffering from this issue. However, the developer states that the investors paid about
80$ million to improve the infrastructure surrounding the project, yet Abdali may help in
enhancing the social infrastructure and overcome the current problems.
Accessibility, affordability, integration, and efficiency of the public transport network are vital
indicators when studying the social infrastructure (EU 2011). The previous analyses show that
the newly introduced functions and the public areas inside the project such as the main plaza,
the Boulevard, the exclusive office space, as well as Housing zone; are physically and visually
inaccessible and separated from their surroundings. The site analysis shows that the project is
located as an exclusive island that is physically surrounded by major streets, and socially is
dedicated to certain strata of the society. The outer boundaries enhance this separation, where a
continuous facade of the commercial buildings found in the south, the towers at the IT zone in
the west, the Civic Pole with its controlled gates in the east, and the towers of Phase Two in the
north. The plantation within the proposed landscape is forcing these boundaries and creating a
continuous fence that isolate the unwanted existing images in the surrounding neighborhoods.
This separation is likely to intensify the socioeconomic and the spatial segregation not only
between East and West Amman, but also between this new urban island and the rest of the city.
4. SURVEY OUTCOMES
4.1 Urban morphology
Abdali emerged to the city with an attractive image and comprehensive functions that smoothly
integrated with the surrounding neighborhoods, but under the power of capitalism, it had been
transformed to an exclusive island. The power of capitalism forced the developers to modify the
initial scheme, delete all the public facilities and replace them by mixed-use towers and
commercial uses, with various international High-Tech designs, with cubic and irregular glass
masses which going to dominate the skyline of Amman, especially within Phase Two.
Although Abdalip.s.c. tries to preserve the architectural characteristics of Amman by

establishing building guidelines for the architectural details of the mid-rise and the low-rise
buildings, the type of stone, opening percentage, type and color of glass, but still, the high-rises’
designs are totally controlled by the investor’s passion, therefore, the project is going to be an
architectural exhibition that displays High-Tech style that is not related to the local identity or
the accumulated history.
While Abdali remains in its first phase of implementation, the results are expected to impact the
whole urban landscape of Amman, and provide a model for future urban growth. The outcome
of the survey provides a deep understanding of the transformation of Abdali schemes, its urban
morphology and the reasons behind it. This gives us the chance to imagine the future of the area,
and the understanding that a considerable care should be taken -especially in Phase Two- to
235
minimize the future impacts of this development. Abdali provides a model for future growths,
thus, it deserves to learn from its mistakes and avoid repeating them in future developments to
enhance the logic of sustainability and preserve the social solidity.
4.2 The social characteristics
Studying the social infrastructure addresses one of the main research objectives that aim to
explore the impacts of urban regeneration projects on the physical and sociocultural setting of
the city, and reveal the relation between the physical content and the social content. In general,
participants from Area 1, Other Ammanis, and some architects were more optimistic about the
accessibility to Abdali and that the infrastructure of Abdali will enhance the quality of services
in Amman. However, they were uncertain about the project affordability, this feeling, according
to them, emerged from the luxurious facilities that were promoted which they know that they
could not afford. Therefore, they always wonder during the interview, “Why to visit something
we cannot afford? It is not built for us”.
It is clear that promoting Abdali as a place for luxurious facilities targeting only high-class
residents and investors affect the locals. Document analysis to promote material confirms this
fact as well. The Shopping Mall and the Boulevard’s facilities are expected to include high-end
brands that are not affordable to most of the locals. On the other hand, many experts believe that
Abdali will improve the quality of the built environment. Creating safe, diverse, clean, livable
urban spaces for pedestrian will encourage locals, especially women and children, to socialize
and enjoy their city, it may also offer job opportunities and attract locals to visit the project and
socialize.
The survey outcome shows that the construction of Abdali affects Amman’s sustainability; some
effects are temporary and anchored with the construction period, such as the sense of instability,
a sense of insecurity, and other psychological effect. Thus, as soon as the project operated and
established all these emotions may vanish. Another, temporary, psychological effect on locals
represented by their feeling of danger, the whole area, in their opinion, became unsafe and
insecure. The presence of the foreign workforce in Abdali, who came from different
backgrounds and brought annoying behaviors with them threatens the locals and decrease their
sense of security. Although it is a temporary impact, but still, it affects their sense of security.
Today, locals should be back at home early and lock the main doors before sunsets, and they
cannot enjoy walking in the streets as they used to. Furthermore, some locals as well as some
architects and experts believe that Abdali will enhance the consumption culture among locals, as
it includes a variety of facilities that will attract specific strata of the community, the elites. The
area becomes unattractive for them, but could the project become an attractive place for the
middle-class to visit and enjoy without any further consumption? Could Abdali become an
attractive place for various social strata after operation?
The survey also identifies the importance of socially innovative and inclusive governance in
enhancing the social sustainability. Abdali reflects a serious shift in city governance, GAM
which is usually responsible for planning Amman, was not an effective participant in the
planning and decision-making processes of Abdali. They have recently been involved in
designing the traffic in the surrounding areas. They have also been reviewing and authorizing
the international proposed designs that are based on Abdalip.s.c. guidelines rather than GAM’s
guidelines. Under the power of capitalism, the developer had a dominant position to impose the
project without any consent of GAM.
236
The results of the survey confirm that the social capital within the existing communities need an
enhancement by governing the city in an inclusive manner, by supporting public participation,
by developing the existing policies and regulations, and by educating locals and encouraging
them to participate in city making. As architects and experts proposed during the interview, this
could be achieved by enhancing the sociocultural activates, improving the social infrastructure,
building more social centers, and encouraging the locals to participate in voluntary works and
small businesses to develop their neighborhood.
5. CONCLUSION
The survey analyses of physical and social form found that regeneration projects transform the
urban landscape of the area. Physically, the standardization of architecture and the privatization
of space had intensified spatial segregation, and created exclusive cityscape. Socially, urban
regeneration had increased the social polarization, reinforced the links between specific
socioeconomic groups and specific locations, and led to other societal effects such as the
changes in market, employment opportunities, status of families, and a sense of belonging to a
community. Culturally, the built environment of these projects affected the sociocultural
behavior of people and increased the consumerism culture among them.
The research outcome indicated that imposing Abdali within the heart of Amman under the
power of capitalism increased the gap between these forms, and also confirmed that these
towers are not related to the sociocultural context, not connected with surrounding areas, and
not reflecting the locals’ needs as well, which may lead to considerable threats to the social
sustainability of the city. These threats could be minimized, controlled, and turned into
opportunities if seen from a different perspective.
Analyzing the impacts of Abdali on the social sustainability of Amman by using the Dynamic
framework confirms that the real impact of Abdali on social sustainability and urban identity is
still ambiguous for locals, architects, and experts as well, minuses and pluses, advantages and
disadvantages, are still arguable. Architect and experts believe that Abdali will change the
quality of life, but it is not clear yet if this change will be positive or negative. Abdali may
improve the quality of life for its users, who can afford the services, and create more job
opportunities, but it may also increase the consumption culture, and transform Amman’s
identity. This stand gives a tremendous chance for further research in the future to re-understand
this development from a different perspective that enhances the project sustainability and helps
in turning the predicted threats into valuable opportunities.
237
References
Abdali (2013).Abdail main page. Available at: http://www.abdali.jo/index.php?r=site/index

(Accessed March 2013).
Abdali (2008).The new downtown of Amman-Jordan. Amman: Abdalip.s.c.
Abdali (2010).Renaissance of Amman. Amman: Abdalip.s.c.
Bryman, A. (2012). Social research methods. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Conzen, M. (1980). “Morphology of nineteenth century cities” in Schaedel R. et al (ed.)
Urbanization in the Americas from the beginnings to the present. Cambridge: University
press.
European Union- EU (2011). Cities of tomorrow: Challenges, visions, ways forward. Electronic
version available at http://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/index_en.htm, by European
Commission (Accessed March 2013).
Kostof, S. (2009).The city shaped: urban patterns and meanings through history. London:
Thames &Hundson Ltd.
Lin R. (2010). Urban Renaissance: A Blueprint for Creative City Tainan. Unpublished master
thesis: ErasmusUniversity Rotterdam.
Madanipour, A. (1996). Design of urban space: An inquiry into a socio-spatialprocess.
Chichester: John Wiley & Sons.
Sepe, M. (2013), Planning and Place in the City Mapping PlaceIdentity. Routledge
Summer, D. (2005).Neo liberalizing the city: the circulation of city builders and urban images
in Beirut and Amman, unpublished master thesis, Beirut: American university of Beirut.
Interviews:
Rayyan, R. (2013).Partner and local projects Coordinator at Laceco Jordan; the Abdali designer.
Abu Hijleh, H. (2013). Head of engineering section atAbdali pcs.
238
Al-Abdali Mega Project: Assessment of Socio-economic and
Cultural impacts on the peripheral edges.
Muhammad Kadhim, PhD 1,a, Farah Al-Akiely, M.Sc. 2,b

1
Industrial Professor of Spatial Planning at the German-Jordanian University, Amman, Jordan.
Head of Urban, Regional planning at Dar Al-Omran.
2
Lecturer of Spatial Planning and Urban Regeneration at the German-Jordanian University,
Amman, Jordan.
Urban/Regional planner at Dar Al-Omran.
a
Muhammad.Kadhim@gmail.com, b Farah.Akiely@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
Amman, The capital city of Jordan, underwent significant investment-driven growth during the
past two decades. Such growth being triggered by the fallout from ‘September 11th’ when many
Arab Gulf states directed surplus capital to the East rather than the West, where it was becoming
less and less welcome (Daher, 2012). The relative social and political stability of Jordan meant a
significant proportion of this capital was channeled to the small Hashemite Kingdom and more
specifically to the capital: Amman. On the level of macro and micro development strategies, the
government of Jordan, through its attempts to tap into such foreign investment, reacted
promptly to set up a supporting environment and institutional infrastructure (such as Abdali
Investment & Development and National Resources and Development Corporation
“Mawared”). Under Royal auspices, decision makers formed a development vision for a new Al
Abdali District, conceptualizing it as the “New Downtown of Amman”. The vision revolved
mainly around creating a new business centre away from the historic downtown centre of
Amman. In essence, creating a new ‘CBD’ for the city. Construction of this project started in
2002 and in 2015, most of its first stage had been completed and inaugurated.
Aiming to contribute to understanding the social, economic and cultural impacts of Al-Abdali
project; this paper highlights the macro and micro urban contexts of this project and tracks the
changes that occurred during its construction and partial operation, through measuring a set of
variables and indicators. The research methodology involves demarcating the micro-level
impact areas (peripheral edges) and measuring impacts on residents and users through mixed
quantitative and qualitative measurements. The process took into account the specificity of each
of the four neighbourhoods surrounding Al-Abdali project. The paper focuses on socio-
economic and cultural dimensions. Additionally, impacts on the urban identity and social
sustainability of the surrounding areas are also addressed.
A secondary aim was to lay the ground for possible remedial action to accommodate, ameliorate
halt, or reverse these effects.
Keywords: Urban Planning, Socio-economic Impact, Neoliberalism, Gentrification
239
1. INTRODUCTION
Policy Setting: Following from the ‘Sept 11’ fallout alluded to in the abstract,
development/redevelopment of major urban sites in Amman, Zarqa and Aqaba were inspired by
the vision of His Majesty King Abdullah II, who took a bold decision to relocate military
installations out of city centers to free valuable land for development in support of the national
economy soon after his ascension to the thrown in 1999. The total area available for
development in these cities is 2,592 hectares, of which 80-hectares are located in Amman,
2,500-hectares in Zarqa, and 12-hectares in Aqaba. In February 2002, two major urban sites
were vacated, the Al-Abdali site, located at the centre of the Capital Amman, and the site of the
Pilot Project in Zarqa, which constitutes the first stage of the Zarqa New Garden City master
plan. The National Resources Investment and Development Corporation (Mawared), a state-
owned investment corporation which enjoys financial and administrative independence, is the
owner of these sites and offers an opportunity to capable developers to assist in the development
of these sites both on commercial and residential levels.
Mawared was the designated partner in the private sector to engage in major real estate projects,
and was Jordan’s largest real estate developer and ranked amongst Jordan’s top five landowners.
To this end, Mawared offered vacant, single-owned sites that are ready for development and
also facilitated the smooth processing of official dealings with all relevant authorities. Mawared
also provided an opportunity for the development of prime urban sites and offered its partners
opportunities to lead in regulating, and sustaining such ventures. Mawared became an
investment partner by providing land as its share of equity and capital.
In June 2003, Mawared launched the Al-Abdali Urban Regeneration Project in partnership with
Saudi Oger, a leading international developer. This partnership targeted complete
redevelopment of the 80- hectare site as a new downtown for Amman. A partnership agreement
was signed to develop Al-Abdali Project with a budget of approx. US$800 million. The
development of the site as a smart urban centre was intended to provide for the first time in
Amman, world-class infrastructure for an integrated business environment in one single package
in a central location, in addition to the opportunity of promoting the concept of better urban
living in Amman. Moreover, a Memorandum of Understanding between Emaar (United Arab
Emirates) and Mawared was signed in May 2004 on the sidelines of the World Economic
Forum to confirm Emaar’s desire in participating in the development of exclusive residential
complexes within Al-Abdali project site.
As alluded to in the Introduction, investment attraction strategies became evident in Amman in

the aftermath of Sept 11th. Paper authors argue that no project manifests this investment drive
nor its links to neoliberalism more evidently than Al Abdali Project. The project represents a
clear illustration of neoliberal urban restructuring. It brings to the fore contemporary and global
spatial ordering and engineering manifested in high-end business towers that offer an exclusive
concept of refuge and consumption (Daher 2013).
Physical Setting: Located roughly at the geographic centre of Amman, the Abdali District is
surrounded by important commercial centres, business headquarters, public offices, and military
buildings, as well as residential areas. This investment-driven project generated an urban
transformation pocket never seen in Amman before. Its layout, design and context magnified the
strengths of certain edges and exacerbated the challenges facing other bordering
neighbourhoods (figure 4). Al-Abdali Project fueled a vast debate between its supporters and
opponents. The project fueled vast debates between supporters and opponents. Supporters
240
believed that such a mega project is a unique endeavor promoting ‘smart urban planning’, where
business, living and leisure would smoothly and positively intertwine to create a model of
modernization in the Kingdom and the region. Supporters also argued that a ‘New Abdali’ will
be a driver for further ‘quality growth’ in the city. On the other hand, opponents believed the
project would contribute to consolidating ‘privatization’ of urban planning, diminish and
weaken Municipal role (which benefits public welfare), and push through undesired neoliberal
trends, create gated-communities and “island-effects”. Opponents also argued that the likely
socio-economic impacts will be mostly evident through dramatically increased cost of living,
rent and transport in the bordering neighbourhoods. Social Impacts that will be significant and
very likely to result in social fragmentation and dispersal in adjacent neighbourhoods. This
would eventually create a community subjected to forced gentrification, and a local community
substituted by a new multi-nationality working group, which will in turn fabricate a further
decline in social cohesion and a further increase in social exclusion.
(Daher, 2013)
Urban Setting: On the macro level, Al Abdali Megaproject is located in relatively affluent
‘West Amman’ surrounded by major arterial roads leading west and north. It is surrounded by
major economic, commercial and cultural landmarks and as such nested within one of Amman’s
most vibrant strategic locations.
Al-Abdali
Project
Figure 1: Al-Abdali Regional Context

Source: Al-Abdali impact mitigation
Study, 2012
On the micro urban level, Al Abdali District represents one of the five largest districts in
Greater Amman. The district covers an area of 15 square kilometers and hosts a population of
about 120,000 that includes the neighbourhoods of Shmeisani, Sports City district, Jabal al
Hussein, and Jabal Luweibdeh. The old historic areas of Jabal Al Hussein and Luweibdeh also
have some of the city's most important government and military locations, along with important
landmarks in other parts of Al Abdali, such as the Royal Cultural Center, Al Hussein Sports
241
City, the Parliament building, Palace of Justice, Association of Trade Unions, King Abdullah I
Mosque, and numerous embassies.
Figure 2: Al-Abdali Macro Context

Source: Al-Abdali impact mitigation Study, 2012
2. The Al ABDALI PROJECT
The project site measures about 80 hectares and represents the largest, single owned (by the
Jordanian Army), developable plot in central Amman. Al-Abdali Urban Regeneration Project
was envisaged to become the ‘modern heart of Amman’ by virtue of its linkages to most
existing urban nodes, by its linkages to surrounding major vehicular roads and its proximity to
all major urban districts. Its vision stressed that it should provide a lifestyle that would attract
quality investors into a smart business environment and ultimately form a distinguished
business and residential community (Abdo, 2012).
The development of Al-Abdali was meant to create, for the first time in Amman, a vibrant
integrated mixed-use development, whereby people will be able to work, learn, live and
entertain. The project was planned to support Jordan’s drive towards a knowledge economy by
providing an electronic infrastructure for a contemporary business and residential environment.
Moreover and since the site is adjacent to major civic buildings such as the Houses of
Parliament, Palace of Justice, King Abdullah I Mosque, and the Ministry of Education, it was
also meant to assume the symbolic meaning towards the stability and prosperity of the
Kingdom. The site also forms a natural extension of the financial district in Amman. It is
planned to host a mixture of public and private usages, and to encompass attractive and
animated urban spaces for people 24 hours a day with a network of pedestrian-friendly streets,
plazas and gardens. The project supports a retail pedestrian spine flanked by what is supposed to
be culturally rooted architecture, and a central shopping and entertainment facility. Additionally,
a place for emerging E businesses, with a choice of world-class, multi-rise office complexes,
civic plazas around a national library and a performing arts centre, prestigious serviced
residential buildings, purpose built medical and legal quarters, with underground parking
facilities and state-of-the-art infrastructure.
242
Figure 3: Al-Abdali Context
The adopted planning and urban design approach reflects what have become globally
acceptable, contemporary, investment-driven urban design models that include a variety of
building types, mixed uses, and intermingling of housing mainly for high income groups. It was
to be initiated over two phases in terms of location and implementation timeframe (phase I and
Phase II) with a total built-up area of over 1.7 million m² consisting of residential apartments,
office space, hotels, serviced apartments and commercial and retail outlets, as well as
entertainment facilities.
243
Figure 4: Al-Abdali Land use Plan
Phase One of the project with a total land area of 384,000 m², and a total built up area of
1,021,622 m² which includes the following parcellation, (Abu-Hejleh, 2012):
- Net development rights: 1,021,622 m²

- Gross built up area: 1,800,000 m²
- Number of parcels: 54
- Number of projects: 32
- Total area of pedestrian streets: 26,800 m²
- Total landscaped area: 14,000 m²
Whereas Phase Two, envisioned with a central green park across 30,000 sq.m of land in its
midst, serving as a focal theme for both residential and commercial developments will be
consist of the following:
- Total land area is 113,000 m², of which 59,440 m² are used for developed parcels.
- Net development rights are 726,407 m².
- Gross built up area is 1,300,000 m².
- Total area of pedestrian streets is 8,500 m².
- Total landscaped area is 31,800 m².
244
Figure 5: Al-Abdali: The Central Business District of Amman
Source: Al-Abdali Project Website, 2015
To accentuate its mixed-use nature, Al Abdali clustered the site area into seven main sectors and
conceptualized the design of each one in terms of land use and architectural form. The area is
served by high level urban infrastructure such as, a well-designed roads network, a new planted
storm water drainage system, central heating and air conditioning plant, sewage drainage and
electro-power station with a capacity of 8 megawatt. In order to mitigate traffic congestion, Al
Abdali constructed a network of bridges and tunnels at the main access to the site and intends to
construct two more tunnels on the other two sides. The significant eco-friendly infrastructure
that has been introduced is the central grey water treatment unit, which will be connected to
every single property and which is designed to generate water that will be reused for
irrigation,(Saifi,2012)
Figure 6: Al-Abdali Megaproject during construction

Source: Daher, 2013
245
3. METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH PROCESS
The methodology adopted was based on 2 main pillars; the first took a qualitative research
approach in order to understand the effect of al Al-Abdali on its neighbouring areas, while the
second was based on demarcating and measuring impacts through quantitative surveys
involving a set of variables and indicators, such as land prices and rents, type of businesses and
employment. Cultural impacts were demarcated and measured through a qualitative research
approach.
Qualitative research included observational site visits and field tours, and an intensive desktop
research and literature review, aiming to provide the research team with the required and needed
information of Al Abdali project. The visits also provided the platform for site understanding
required in order to conduct interviews and data collection. This process of desktop research and
literature review exposed the research team to many documents and scholar articles concerning
the targeted area and its surroundings. To properly understand the impact of Al Abdali Project,
it was necessary to analyze the stakeholders of the surrounding areas as the effected core of the
impact consequences; whether this impact is positive or negative. Directly affected stakeholders
of the peripheral edges were identified and classified into the following groups with initial
impacts and needs identified as follows:
Stakeholder Impact Needs

Residents - Increase of living cost, gentrification, - Green and open spaces,
decline in life quality, poor access to Sidewalks, parking areas, Jobs,
public services; education, healthcare, plaza for kids, storm water
etc. drainage, dust-free, better housing
- Traffic congestion, competition for conditions
on-street parking.
Retailers - Decline in client numbers and - Pedestrian facilities, on-street

business. Gentrification of small retail parking, dust-free, green and open
businesses. spaces, increase pedestrians rather
than cars.
Commuters - Traffic congestion, poor public - Pedestrian facilities, sidewalks,
(transit & transportation, wasting time, unsafe local public, footbridges,
destination) pedestrian routes transportation, bus-stops.
Visitors - Traffic congestion, access to car - Car Parking Areas, less traffic
parking. congestion, pedestrian facilities
Table 1: Stakeholders Engagement
Following two extensive site visits, meetings with officials and stakeholder engagement, the
following SWOT analysis was produced in order to strategically map the observations and site
analysis that was undertaken. The SWOT method was comparatively analyzed against the
surveys done by Students of the spatial planning studio at the German Jordanian University as
part of their Masters studies; where stratified random sampling was adopted. The results
supported our observed impacts of Al-Abdali Project.
246
STRENGTHS WEAKNESSES
• The emergence of al- Abdali as a • Loss of authentic role and functions
new regional business destination. • Existing overcrowded street networks and
• Availability of vacant spaces (for major traffic nodes.
infill projects) • The unsafe pedestrian environment
• The strategic location of the area • Lack of car parking
(relatively close to the historical core • Shortage of community facilities
of Amman) • Contrast in urban fabric
• Alliance of private-public • Deterioration of adjacent buildings
partnerships in urban renewal . Decline of local economy
planning
• Supportive and flexible regulations
OPPORTUNITIES THREATS
• New and enhanced land-use • Traffic congestion
regulations • Social gentrification
• Presence of the planning • Eroding acceptability and support.
framework (Amman Plan) • Energy and water deficiency
supported by institutional and policy
framework for development
oriented projects
Table 2: SWOT Analysis Matrix
Quantitative analysis was based on the work of the spatial planning studio students at the
German Jordanian University, prepared in 2013. It was employed to demarcate the direct and
indirect impact areas along with measuring the occurring impact during the construction and
partial operation of al Abdali mega project. All residents, shop owners and workers in the
surroundings of the project were considered, in addition to those who access its surroundings for
work or for any other purpose. The following are some important elements and factors relevant
to this quantitative work:
- Managing to do a full census study was not feasible in terms of time and money, since the
population is large, and census surveys require having the entire population sampled.
- The sample therefore was determined to reflect the characteristics of the entire population from
which it is drawn, and it was developed as follows:
- Stratified sampling method was adopted (which is superior to random sampling because it
reduces sample errors), the stratum was defined as follows:
1- Users and Visitors of the surroundings of Al-Abdali project.
2- Residents (living in the upper and lower residential areas).
3- Shop keepers and servants
4- Friday market merchants and shoppers
- It was important to note that each of the selected groups shares common characteristics, and that
groups do not overlap with each other.
247
- Probability sampling was done, which meant everyone in the population had the opportunity of
being selected. The sampled groups were determined according to the following quantities:
Users and Visitors of the surroundings of Al-Abdali project  40 Questionnaires

Residents (living in the upper and lower residential areas)  30 Questionnaires.
Shop keepers and servants  30 Questionnaires.
Friday market merchants and shoppers  30 Questionnaires.
Qualitative research findings:
Visitors
 Most of the visitors to Al-Abdali are either employers or employees (45%); the others being
either visitors to the courts complex or the Islamic hospital
 Most agreed that Al-Abdali Project will introduce positive new services in Al-Abdali (75%)
 Patients visiting the Islamic Hospital complained of poor accessibility (50%) and lack of
parking (60%)
 Most visitors believe that the Project will cause more traffic problems (85%)
Residents
 Are eager to use the boulevard as an open space (80%), but are apprehensive to interact with the
anticipated ‘higher social layer’ (70%)
 Need more open spaces and recreation activities (80%)
 Feel inherent security in their area (Al-Abdali) at night will strengthen the Abdali Project.
(80%)
 Depend less on public transportation, and think that the Abdali Project will increase the traffic
congestion that already exists.
 Complaints of lack of medical centres
 Think that sidewalks are deficient and inadequate in both commercial and residential areas
(80%)
Shop Owners
 Are optimistic that the Project will enhance the economic situation of the area (50%)
 Disagreed with the suggestion that the Project will cause an increase in goods prices (66%), but
think Al-Abdali Project will cause an increase in the lease cost of shops.
 Think that the Project will increase working hours for them (50%), up to (60%) think they will
continue to work till/after 10:00 pm.
 Most agreed that a lack of parking spaces in the area will have a negative effect on shops and
retail outlets.
Friday Souk (Market) Users

 Most think business was negatively affected by moving the Abdali bus terminal to the north of
Amman.
 Are very concerned with moving the souk to another place.
248
 Most are worried they will not be allowed to sell any longer in this place and that the souk will
Al-Abdali
close Project
totally. 5
THEME PROBLEMS Tool of Assessment
Increase Traffic conges on •GAM Assessment

Accessibility
•GAM Assessment
Transport systems and networks
Water, sewerage, electricity and telecommunica ons
•Focus group mee ng with
Pedestrian conflict residents
Social & Cultural Land Use
Set new regula ons for the neighborhoods
Regula ons
Introduce new foreign social layer decline the social cohesion residents
•Interview with Developers
fragmenta on, separa on and specializa on of func ons and residents
uses within Al-Abdali •Interview with Developers
contributes to social and spa al marginaliza on
Growing income inequality & economic restructuring

Economic
Increase life cost and value of lease
Table 3: Qualitative research findings
249
Boundary of Spa al Plan - Priori zed Core Areas
No. Problem Area
Boundary of Timeal
Spa Frame
PlanStakeholders
- Priori zedMap
Core Suggested Interven
Areas o
per Impact Years involved Related
No. Problem Area Time Frame Stakeholders Map Suggested Interven o
▪ Improve traffic system
Physical GAM ▪ Improve pedestrian routes
1. Accessibility 0-5 Ministry of ▪▪ Improve traffictransport
Suggest other system mea
Physical
IMPACT CONTEXT AND DEMARCATION GAMOF ITS DIMENSIONS
Traffic ▪▪ Improve
Offer parking spacesroutes
pedestrian
1. Accessibility 0-5 Ministry of ▪•Set
Suggest other
Regula ons transport mea
for the edges
Traffic
The table below summarizes the impact theme profiles. The table includes ▪ Offer parking
three core themes spaces
GAM
(social, economic and cultural) and two cross-reference •▪Set
but relevant themes
Interfere
thatRegula
from
are worthonsinvolved
for the edges
1 authori es
2. Environmental 5-10 was linked toMinistry
highlighting . Each theme of timeframe for impacts ▪based
an expected on factors
Interfere from involved
GAM •Plant trees to reduce the gas
measured and type of impact. Water authori es
2. Environmental 5-10 Ministry of emissions
•Plant trees to reduce the gas
Water
emissions
Impact Theme Timeframe Real estate
Stakeholders Impact Area ▪ Re-regulate land-use
(Y) owners
Involved •social integra on by prohibi
3. Social 10-20 Real estate
Inhabitants ▪discrimina
Re-regulate onland-use
and offering
Social 10-20 Real-estate owners,
Dept.owners
of Land & • social
opportuniintegra
es on by
and prohibi
physical spa
residents, department
3. Social 10-20 Inhabitants
Survey discrimina
encourage on
posiand ve offering
interac on
of land and survey
Dept. of Land & opportuni es and physical spa
Economic 0-5 Survey
Shopkeepers, encourage posi ve interac on
Shopkeepers ▪ Improve facili es for shops
companies,
Firms tourists, ▪ Offer parking space
4. Economical 0-5 Shopkeepers ▪▪ Improve
Al-Abdali Project investors
Tourists Improve facili
sidewalkses for shops
Firms
Investors ▪ Offer parking space
▪ Extend commercial depth
Al-Abdali
4. Project
Economical 0-5
Tourists ▪ Improve sidewalks
Cultural 10-20 Residents, Real-estate
Investors
owners, shopkeepers ▪ Extend commercial depth
Boundary of Spa al Plan - Priori zed Core Areas
Boundary of Spa
No. Problem Area Timeal PlanStakeholders
Frame - Priori zedMap
Core Areas
Suggested Interven o
No. per Impact
Problem Area Years
Time Frame involved
Stakeholders Related
Map Suggested Interven o
▪ Improve traffic system
Cross reference Themes:
Physical GAM ▪▪ Improve
Improve pedestrian routes
traffic system
1. Physical
Accessibility 0-50-5 GAM, Ministry of
Ministry
Physical GAM of ▪▪ Improve
Suggest other transport
pedestrian routesmea
Accessibility Transportation,
Traffic ▪▪ Suggest
Offer parking spaces
1. Accessibility 0-5 Ministry of other transport mea
Traffic Department
Traffic ▪•Set Regula
Offer ons
parking for the edge
spaces
•▪Set Regula
Interfere onsinvolved
from for the edges
Environmental 5-10 GAM, GAMMinistry of
Water and Irrigation authori es
▪ Interfere from involved
2. Environmental 5-10 Ministry
GAM of •Plant trees
authori es to reduce the gas
2. Environmental 5-10 Water of
Ministry
•emissions
Plant trees to reduce the gas
Water
emissions
Table 4: Impact Themes and demarcation of Real
impactestate
dimensions ▪ Re-regulate land-use
owners
Real estate ▪•social integraland-use
Re-regulate on by prohibi
3. Social 10-20 Inhabitants
owners discrimina on
•social integra on by and offering
prohibi
3.
4.Social
IMPACTS 10-20 Dept. of Land
Inhabitants & discrimina on and offering spa
opportuni es and physical
Dept. Survey
of Land & encourage posi
opportuni es andvephysical
interac spa
on
4.1 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACTS
Survey encourage posi ve interac on
Shopkeepers ▪ Improve facili es for shops
Al-Abdali project represents one of Amman’s Firms main Emerging Spaces of Inclusion and
4. Economical
Exclusion, yet it is not0-5 Shopkeepers
a unique phenomenon in Amman (Daher, 2012). ▪▪ Improve
Similar
Offer
to
parking
several facili space
other es for shops
Tourists
Firms ▪▪ Offer
Improve sidewalks
parking space
4. built or proposed projects,
Economical 0-5 it will force major urban and territorial transformations
Investors in the city. As
is evident from some high-rise projectsTourists ▪▪ Improve
planned to cater for exclusive office
Extend commercial
spaces sidewalks
and
depth
residential compounds supplying the upper Investors
middle classes in the form of gated▪ Extend commercial depth
communities
along the peripheral edges of the city, many of these newly emerging spaces of inclusion and
1 These cross-reference themes could be further explored by other research.

250
exclusion are causing severe cases of gentrification, along with social and physical displacement
in the city. This will intensify both the socio-economic and spatial polarization, not only
Al-Abdali Project 22
between East and West Amman, but also between this new “elitist urban islands” and the rest of
the city, creating harsh separation edges and gentrifying peripheral areas.
SP711_Planning Studio II 9.March.2013
Social Impacts
Impact Areas – Social
• Not preferred place for living
by locals due to change of
social fabric in the area and
traffic conges on in day
hours
• Estates set for lease or sale
• Many estates (houses) are
se led by companies/ firms/
offices
• Increase in number of
laborers in the area rose
security issues between locals
Al-Abdali Project
• Area housing of large 23
numbers of construc on
laborers
• Time frame
Impact Areas- core
– of problem
Economical
Economic Impact
area: 10-20 Years
• Gentrifica on in shops belt in
Al-Nabulsi Street
• Value of commercial estates
value almost tripled and on
demand
• Abdali Project will increase
demand on Hotels and Banks
nearby
• Time frame - core of problem

area: 0-5 Years
4.2 CULTURAL AND URBAN IDENTITY IMPACTS
‘The city of Amman is shifting towards patterns of urban living that are portrayed to enable
cities to outlive change in a politically and economically tough situation’ (Innab, 2014). Those
patterns are stationed around capital accumulation deriving from a city’s capacities for
consumption of all sorts. Putting the city on display as a field of opportunities, by creating a free
251
market liberated from the state, and generating a fully commoditized form of social life through
large-scale development practices and regeneration projects. This will target highly significant
and meaningful places in the city, promoting and circulating a “theme” of an image of how life
should be, a life style, replacing what is already there, and working in harmony with a unique
fabric of its own. But this unreal, commoditized image of a hygienic, new, neo liberal
environment excluding the marginalized and dislocating them and their place of memory will
only increase the spatial and social segregation in the city. “Planning for modernity seems to be
predicated on the necessity of the displacement of the poor from the urban fabric” (Shami,
2012).
Amman’s Abdali is promoted by MAWARED’s brochures, website, videos, and other

promotional materials such as the “New Downtown for Amman,” and more recently due to
criticism, the slogan has changed to the “New Business District”. Newly introduced functions
include exclusive office space, an IT Park, commercial and high-end residential spaces, in
addition to a newly created civic “secular” plaza bounded by the state mosque, the Parliament,
and the courts of law. There appears to be a symbolic replacement of the existing historic
downtown and the current civic/urban symbols (e.g., The Historic Husseini Mosque and
specialty Ammani markets).
The Abdali Project, with its universal geometry, had also caused the displacement of the
existing near-by Abdali transportation terminal, together with its drivers, informal venders and
occupants, to the outskirts of Amman away from the centre of the city. The project will also
definitely compete with the existing historic downtown, which is already suffering from a lack
of economic vitality and gradually disintegrating. The public transportation terminal has been
moved to the outskirts of the city in Tabarbour, causing major difficulties for the average citizen
for whom public transportation is essential in daily life. One of the major characteristics of
neoliberal projects is the pushing away of “the undesired,” the poor, to the outskirts of the city.
Apparently Al Abdali project has succeeded in that. This provides another global example of
how the poor of the city relate to these neoliberal projects (Daher, 2012). Additionally, by
shifting Al Abdali bus terminal, not only are we detouring a major movement pattern, we are
also extracting more than 30 years from the contemporary history of the city.
4.3 PHYSICAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS
Due to the relatively high density this area is planned to host, many resulting physical and
environmental impacts will occur, dramatically affecting the surrounding areas ongoing since
the construction phases until currently being partially occupied.
252
Al-Abdali Project 20
Physical Impacts
Impact Areas – Physical
• Traffic conges on
• Peak hours
• Change/ restora on of
heights and facades of
building nearby
• Narrow roads and sidewalks
• Lack of parking spaces
• Public transport op ons
available in adjacent areas
are Service Taxis and Taxis
only
• Time frame - core of

Al-Abdaliproblem
Project area: 0-5 Years 21
Impact Impacts
Environmental Areas – Environmental
• Dust and noise problem due

to construc on work
• Sewage problem
• Reduced of water supplied
• Time frame - core of

problem area: 0-5 Years
253
4.4. SUMMARY
The main findings of research conducted through visits, surveys and analyses are as follows:
Table 5: Summery Matrix
5. CONCLUSIONS
According to research findings, the following impacts of Al Abdali Projects on the surrounding
areas are either already evident or can be confidently forecast:
Social Impacts
 Significant numbers of different nationalities are likely to be injected into the Suleiman al-
Nabulsi neighbourhood. This is likely to generate a new, predominantly working-class-social
layer composed of different expatriate nationalities (Egyptians, Chinese and Philippines, and
others). Numerous Jordanian households have in fact already vacated their properties due to the
increase of rental fees and were replaced by the previously mentioned new working layer.
 This new working-class social layer is expected to grow and cause further social fragmentation,
resulting in a decline in social cohesion and an increase in social exclusion.
 Since several inhabitants of the area stated that Al Abdali project is like ‘an alien body that has
been implanted in the area with specific entry points’, it appears this will only further isolate
and marginalize any remaining residents of this and other neighbourhoods.
254
Economic Impacts
 Suleiman al-Nabulsi St will be most significantly affected. The retail business is likely to shrink
due to the rapid increase of rent rates and loss of customers. Most of the retail business in the
street has been reliant on the employees of the government departments that existed before the
project as well as the high number of citizens visiting those governmental offices on a daily
basis.
 Many retail business owners will cease to be there. Indications are that they will depart as soon
as they can sell their businesses.
 The cost of living in the Suleiman al-Nabulsi neighbourhood will increase significantly in terms
of residential rental rates, and extra transportation costs due to displacement of the former
commuter terminal.
Cultural Impacts
 The symbolic branding and marketing of the al Abdali project as the new downtown of Amman
is not likely to happen. Instead a new, and largely alien cultural reality will be introduced,
further eroding the cultural identity of the existing neighbourhoods.
 The International Image introduced by Al-Abdali, predominated by new building and urban
form, new massing, regulated open spaces and high-tech oriented Architectural details and
materials, will most likely promote irresponsible replication of such images in surrounding
areas. Culturally speaking, this could have devastating impacts and will require bold and robust
counter-measures to ensure balance and harmony with Amman’s existing cultural identity.
 Such development practices will signal what the authors of this paper view as an unhealthy start
for new, more neoliberal oriented investments. This could trigger further marginalization,
gentrification, and dislocation of what remains of the relatively young history of urban Amman.
Reference
Daher, R. (2013). “Neoliberal Urban Transformations in The Arab City” in

EnvironnementUrbain / Urban Environment, volume , 2013, p. a- a-115
Innab, S. (2014). City of Events: a Close Look at Al Abdali Bus Terminal and Beyond. Available
at http://www.citysharing.ch/invited-projects~68.html. Accessed in March 2015.
Abu-Hejleh, H. (2012). Section Engineer (Interviewed by S. Tarabieh, S.) Amman.
Daher, R. (2012). Designing Civic Encounter/ Workshop/Discourses Of Neoliberalism And
Disparities In The City Landscape: Cranes, Craters, And An Exclusive Urbanity.
Retrieved from: http://www.artterritories.net/designingcivicencounter/?page_id=78
Abdo, H. (2012). The Impact Assessment of al Abdali Project mitigating interventions, German
Jordanian University
Saifi, F. (2012) Marketing Manager (Interviewed by Tarabieh, S.) Amman.
255
The revitalization of historic centers: an attractive,
sustainable urban project for the old center of Jijel.
Yasmine Bouhelouf
Laboratory of research and study in Amenagement and Urbanism (LREAU)

University of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene (USTHB) – Algiers –Algeria
yasmine1310@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
The future of town centers in the Algerian city represents a great challenge, since the rise of new
growth in the outskirts is likely to weaken them. Indeed, in the absence of public intervention,
these centers may depopulate, degrade and become marginalized from the general context of the
surrounding territory.
In this sense, our attention is focused on the situation in the downtown area of Jijel and its
future. It suffers from a multidimensional decline in the eyes of both specialists and non-
specialists. Indeed, the ancient center of Jijel suffers from a lack of vitality and therefore appeal.
Like other Algerian cities, Jijel aims to be a “qualitative, competitive, attractive and sustainable
city" (SNAT 2025), and as such attractiveness has become a major issue for the city. There is
widespread expectation that the city should move from being a small land-locked town into a
major center of tourism, business and industry thanks to its attractive location, its natural
resources, tourism potential and its ambitious future projects.
In such a situation, the future of its ancient town-center represents a real problem. The old
center is not developed enough for the role that Jijel should play in the eastern region of
Algeria. In this context, the city center can benefit from global experience to support its urgent
need of urban regeneration. We wanted then to provide guidance for the management of the
urban entity which has weaknesses in the heart of an area of multiple ambitions.
The main objective throughout this work is to draw up a sustainable urban attractiveness
strategy to highlight the present situation of the ancient town center of Jijel and other old town
centers in Algeria, in order to revitalize and rebuild its centrality. Furthermore to eradicate the
process of decline that constantly threatens our central urban entity and consequently disturbs
the entire territory to which it belongs.
KEY WORDS: ancient center, revitalization, urban project of attractiveness, Jijel
256
1. INTRODUCTION: URBAN REVITALIZATION, A FULL RESPONSE TO THE
DETERIORATION OF THE OLD CENTERS
Old centers, historic centers or downtowns, are terms used to qualify spaces that were not so
long ago the whole cities of Mediterranean settlements. Currently, in a context marked by urban
sprawl and decentralization, ancient centers are having their main functions weakened to the
extent that sometimes they completely disappear. One of the reasons behind this is that their
morphology, land structure and built typology limit their ability to adapt and respond
spontaneously to changing lifestyles and modern forms of economy and trade. They then tend,
with the absence of government intervention, to depopulate, to degrade and marginalize
themselves from the general context of the territories around them. (IAURIF. 2006)
In a global context of sustainable development, attractiveness and urban competitiveness, such
crises in ancient centers pose a serious problem. Yet the question of their survival and
regeneration presents a major challenge. According to Cornu (1981) "The old quarters have thus
become newsmakers; it’s presented as deserving an almost religious aspect. And they are
subject to incessant references and much debate" (CORNU, 1981).
For more than thirty years, the concepts referring to the city have evolved, as expressed by
Grumbach (1998): "do the city on the city" or Chaline (1999): "Urban Regeneration" to qualify
urban policies and actions in favour of deprived quarters in general, and the old centers in
particular. These terms mean to "regenerate", to "revitalize", to "renovate", and "curettage"
them, and then to "restore", to "reclassify", to "rehabilitate", to "destroy to rebuild", which
subscribe them to an urban renewal process.
2. THE URBAN PROJECT OF ATTRACTIVENESS, SERVING THE

REVITALIZATION OF HISTORIC CENTERS
Attractiveness can be defined as "the ability to attract and retain activities, businesses and
communities, through the existence of various factors that make a territory by its own
characteristics, exert a pull effect to a more or less extent on businesses and households, and
allows participation, with varying success, in the development of these” (FILONI, 2012). There
are many types of attractiveness: attractiveness of capability/ability, touristic, economic,
environmental, cultural and residential etc. Each type is conditioned by the presence of several
factors.
Figure 01: the main dimensions of attraction for researchers, capabilities, tourists and investors, (Source:
AZOUI, 2011)
257
Analysis of these criteria has identified 4 attracting levels
Figure 02: Levers of urban attractiveness. Source: author
Sustainable urban attractiveness can be a powerful engine for the development, the (re)
energizing and the revitalizing of a territory, of a city and especially of its old center.
(BOURGAIN et al., 2010)
Today, the revitalization policy has changed; planners are now trying to ensure the revitalization
of cities or parts of the city by promoting them as attractive places for both the establishment of
new businesses, and tourists, residents, visitors and researchers through the establishment of
urban attractiveness projects that are:
 specific to each city;
 founded on the overall urban quality ;
 Enhancing a territory’s own resources;
 And registered to an approach of sustainable development, etc.1
The implementation of ‘urban attractiveness’ projects can generate positive impacts on the
social and cultural aspects (intercultural understanding of peace and social animation) but also,
and especially economically, as summarized by what we call "the residential economy", or
"creative-face" (FLORIDA, 2002). In this sense the French economist Lawrence Davezies,
confirms that "the whole functioning of the territorial system is now based on residential
mobility of the population. The attractiveness of the territories becomes a fundamental issue of
development (DAVEZIES, 2009).
The gradual increase of attractiveness as a territorial development lever causes more and more
communities to enter into competition, in order to capture the human flows and benefit from
greater numbers of taxpayers, consumers, voters, 'secondary' residents, and tourists (HERVE et
al, 2010). These are the groups who can stimulate local economic development and contribute
positively to the image of the city, a sine qua non of any urban revitalization. This leads to a
race in creating comparative residential advantages, such as producing a positive image, or that
of an urban environment of quality; development of public investment in the areas of housing,
infrastructure and public spaces, and rehabilitating existing homes etc (MIOT, 2014).
Several city developments and attractiveness enhancement models exist and they attach great
importance to the concept of identity and the conscious production of a branded image. The
1
attractiveness can also generate negative effects if developing with no regard of its durability, this can not only
damage societies and the environment, but also develop the seeds of its own destruction; for this it is necessary to
move towards sustainable attractiveness strategies.
258
construction of this image can be through a change in the physical environment through urban
renewal, the establishment of clusters and flagship projects which correspond to other
revitalization strategies such as the quality of urban space, and urban tourism revitalization
through architecture etc.
However, this image can also be built through new conceptual orientations, such as urban
marketing, event marketing, and “L’offre territorial” or by sustainable development which has
become a new strategy that focuses more on the present era.
These two strategies (attractiveness and urban revitalization) are closely related and it can be
found that urban revitalization strategies come directly from that of attractiveness
(BOUHELOUF, 2014).
3. THE DETERIORATION OF HISTORIC CENTERS IN THE ALGERIAN CITY: THE

EXAMPLE OF THE OLD TOWN OF JIJEL
If the old centers of Algerian cities have very different characteristics, but the mechanisms that
lead to their degradation and abandonment are similar (urban sprawl, the spread of centralities,
lack of public intervention ... etc) and therefore they are undergoing multiple realities; usually
suffering from problems of obsolescence of buildings and public spaces, the emergence of
wastelands and vacant land within the urban area, the deterioration of the living environment,
and the resulting phenomena of demographic loosening.
In addition to an erosion of activities and loss of jobs that contribute to loss of dynamism,
attractiveness and vitality, the residential population is developing a negative image of these
centres, because they are becoming more suited to contemporary urban circumstances.
In this sense, attention is drawn to the ancient center of Jijel, given its state of multidimensional
crisis. Jijel is located 300 km from the capital, and has an area of 62.38 km2. For more than 15
years the center has experienced a gradual decline, with the loss of sales momentum and a poor
state of buildings and public spaces. The city is struggling to spontaneously find a new life or a
new dynamism, which calls for urgent and comprehensive urban renewal.
Figure 03: Location of JIJEL. Source; www.Jijel .info.com
259
the old center Figure 05: deterioration in the quality of
urban space in the old center of Jijel.
Source: author
Jijel, like all Algerian cities is not immune to the challenges of this Century. The city wants to
be "qualitative, competitive, attractive and sustainable" (MATET 2010) and aims, among
others, to promote urban policy and urban renewal that makes the Algerian town qualitative,
competitive, attractive and durable; able to meet the needs of its inhabitants and to adapt to
changes as well as contribute to local culture and urban identity (MATET, 2010).
Jijel certainly offers all the conditions for the realization of a pole of attraction. It can achieve
the rank of being a major growth pole in the north-east of the country, due to its very attractive
location, its natural resources, its tourist potential, and structural projects in progress.
Figure 06: The old center of Jijel: a fragile urban entity in the heart of a multi-territory ambition.
Source: CEAP, 2011
For this reason the government must commit to implementing revitalization policies, which aim
to upgrade the existing Jijel, giving it a more positive image. It is therefore particularly
important to rebuild the centrality and dynamism of this area of conviviality, sociability,
reference and identity, in order to carry a story and a picture which may also be the basis for a
new development, which halts the process of decline.
260
3.1 Definition and presentation of the study area
The study area occupies the central part of the urban zone of Jijel. The former center covers an
area of 44.5 ha, with ports (fishing and military) which extend over an area of 25 ha. This
research suggests that the area requires:
Figure 07: Delineation and presentation of the historic center of Jijel, a weakened urban entity.
Source: Google Earth treated by Author
3.2 A sustainable project for urban attraction "the awakening of the sleeping beauty."
The situation of Jijel described above indicates challenges that are expected. But it also
indicates that in order to become one of the areas of growth within Eastern Algeria it must
develop in the fields of business and tourism. The city of Jijel is currently unable to follow the
model of development for the city and its territory; failing to deliver the extent of development
in the area, which is expected by its population and the elected local authorities.
In order to confront this situation, the establishment of a strategy for sustainable urban attraction
will be a message of hope to rehabilitate the old center of Jijel: The strategic area of interest is a
living milieu of strong identities, a recognized business pole and a main employment center.
Additionally, it is an area from which the city is identified.
The questions that we should ask, and to which our communication will attempt to find answers
to are:
 How to revitalize the old center of Jijel and promote its socio-economic and spatial
enhancement in harmony with local specificities and territory ambitions?
 How will the revitalization of the old center of Jijel promote and trigger enhanced urban
attractiveness?
 What type of urban attractiveness projects will revitalize downtown Jijel?
 And, what type of urban attractiveness should be used; touristic, residential, or
economic?
3.3 Establishing a diagnosis of the old center is essential

Since every old center is unique: there is no perfect model to reproduce or to generate a
miraculous solution. Antique malls are all different and attractiveness strategies proposed for
possible revitalization must take into consideration existing local situations, emphasizing the
values of the territories and their capacity to be promoted. It is strongly recommended to start
with a diagnosis. Many diagnostic methods exist, among the Multi Criterion Analysis (CMA)
261
and the SWOT (Strength, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats) have been chosen, preceded
by conventional analysis (preliminary diagnosis - inventory).
To succeed in our approach three tools were used, namely:
The results of the interviews and the analysis of territorial patterns showed that the strategy for
improving the attraction of the old center of Jijel for possible revitalization cannot be outside the
fields of tourism and business (2). Today, the city of Jijel must engage in a (residential tourist
and business (economic)) generalized attractiveness and overall strategy to make the center a
living entity.
3.4 Findings and classical analysis: keys figures
Subject matter Explanation
7,331 inhabitants in 1977, 3,652 inhabitants in 2011 (depopulation of the
old center)
Population, An unemployment rate of 45% or nearly 1 of 2 active unemployed.
employment Weakened business does not meet the aspirations of the people
and activities Tourism and port activity not stated.
The city of Jijel is a real administrative center for the concentration of a
large number of administrative facilities (banks, courthouses etc).
Habitat of different types (Arabic, colonial, recent individuals, collective ...)
a TOL lower than the national average of six people / Logt
Habitat and Estate dilapidated housing and not involving
equipment A vacancy rate in 2010 with 11.4%, 3% increase each year
A real estate market at prices more or less accessible.
A colonial heritage: 45% of colonial type and 30% of type Arabic
Well structured road network, composed of three structural axes, three
physical centralities.
framework Mode of transport and lack of non-solid
Lack of green spaces and public spaces not invested by residents
Buildings in poor condition are 39.8% of all built
Brownfield sites that are still waiting for recovery.
Land and urban Undeveloped open space, primarily located in the city-port interface area,
wasteland spread over an area of 2.5 Ha and constitute a significant stock of land
And legal status suitable for the implementation of future investment programs.
By adding the presence of a large property in occupied buildings and vacant
houses in a very advanced state of degradation.
More than 30% of the private ownership of land
3.5 Targeted urban analysis indicators: assessing the attractiveness; key step.
262
Given the complexity of the topic of attractiveness, the classical analysis will not be sufficient.
It must be accompanied by an AMC that will allow us to assess the attractiveness of the center
and its territory. This depends, however, on the dynamics affecting the surrounding areas and
projects that are planned or in progress. Through theoretical research on the factors of economic
attractiveness, tourism, and residential land, we have highlighted a range of criteria and
indicators for widespread attractiveness (residential, business and tourism at a time) necessary
for the assessment of attractiveness of the center and its territory within the city of Jijel. The
results of the analysis are presented in the form of radar profiles in figure No. 08, 09.
Figure 08: assessment profile of attractiveness of Figure 09: assessment profile in the touristic
the ancient center of Jijel and its territory. Source: infrastructures and cultural ressources.
author Source: author
The results of the evaluation, shown schematically above confirm the unattractiveness of
present downtown Jijel, due to the significant lack of infrastructure and the prerequisites for
high quality of life and tourism (quality of urban space, cultural and tourism infrastructure,
service equipment for businesses, events and cultural productions etc). However, natural
resources and human potential both offer great opportunities for the development of the center's
appeal. While other areas such as connectivity, installation conditions and structural facilities
are within a mean interval. The general profile allows us to identify areas representing attraction
forces that require strategies for development and preservation, and the areas that require urgent
action namely: tourism infrastructure, cultural resources and the living environment.
263
Figure 10: Evaluation of areas of attractiveness. Source: BOUHELOUF, 2014
One of the problems of the old center is a lack of supply in terms of responsiveness (reception
infrastructure, leisure, consumption, transportation accessibility, building superior services etc.),
activities (higher tertiary and service, leisure, consumption), and livability (quality of urban
space, housing, etc.). But even those that do exist are of poor quality and do not meet the
aspirations of the target population.
Figure 11: Improving the overall supply of the city, a prerequisite for its revitalization. (Source:
BOUHELOUF, 2014)
Any work on the proposals (activity, responsiveness and livability) in downtown must be
accompanied by urban marketing actions to promote the new proposals of the territory (whether
residential, commercial or economic) from each of the public bodies concerned (investors,
tourists, businessmen, residents, general public). Urban marketing will also convey the image
built for Jijel and develops its reputation.
264
3.6 SWOT analysis: for qualitative diagnosis in the old center of Jijel and its territory
Strengths Weakness
- Urban Fabric well structured. - Negative overall physical conditions
- Existence of a large fishing port and marina -Absence of adequate commercial offers to
at the perimeter of the center. serve the local population and visitors.
-Low Urban density -Lack of luxury housing
- Land potential; offering large urban values. -Lack of higher tertiary facilities
-Availability of Urban land and wasteland in -Lack of cultural facilities, recreation centers
busy recover. and playgrounds at the neighbourhood level.
- Varied habitat -Reallocation of port activity.
-The Presence of interesting places as well as -Lack of parking and lack of parking areas in
major structural boulevards that can be used secondary channels, and Inappropriate and
as animated axes rigid transit -mode
-Security And urban tranquility. -Lack of consumer spaces and attractive and
radiant leisure
Opportunities Threats
-A Classified natural heritage -Urban sprawl at the expense of high potential
-Availability of human resources agricultural land and tourist areas, in particular
-Natural landscape wealth among the most that of the East side of the city
beautiful in the Mediterranean basin -Absence of a strategic vision capable of
-Varied natural resources: water, soil, energy, carrying a global project for the city center
agricultural land strong potential. -Seismic and flooding risks
-Varied topography of land form (favorable -etc ...
to agricultural intensification and
urbanization)
Enormous tourist potential. Etc ...
The results clearly demonstrate that the potential of the city is immense and diverse. Such
potential can promote the emergence of a project of urban attraction and ‘attractiveness’.
The lack of supply in terms of inhabitability, responsiveness and activity as shown in AMC, is
considered as the main factor reducing the center's appeal and therefore its revitalization,
SWOT grid allows us to point out another weakness, no less important than the first, which is
the poor quality of urban space; due mainly to the obsolescence of the built environment, the
poor quality of public spaces and green areas, as well as the presence of wasteland and vacant
land, which generates a negative overall image for the resident population, visitors and tourists.
Indeed, the results of interviews, as well as the theoretical development of the factors of
attractiveness show that the urban area is the first interface between a city for both its residents
and visitors. Therefore, the quality of the urban area is the primary determinant of the
attractiveness of a city in that it shapes the perception and builds the image of the city.
CONCLUSION: ANCIENT CENTER OF JIJEL: PROJECTIONS INTO THE FUTURE,

IDENTITY, BRANDING, QUALITY OF LIFE AND GLOBAL QUALITY
In conclusion an urban project of attractiveness is vital to leverage Jijel’s revitalization. Such a
project may be realized through promoting and enhancing the attractiveness of the old center of
265
Jijel for the reasons mentioned above, in particular through the formulation of a strategic
ambition through the establishment of an urban project approach.
More pragmatically, the affirmation of the old center of Jijel as residential, tourist and business
areas obliges us to refocus on the relevant levers of attraction of the economic and touristic
elements that are primarily focused on the transformation of the image through improving the
quality of urban space (ensuring quality planning through physical regeneration), the guarantee
of quality based on the activity, and responsiveness and inhabitability to ensure a better quality
of life for a diverse population.
If physical work in the urban space is not accompanied by work on the perception of the urban
space, the reverse is also true. Criteria such as image, identity, and representations of urban
space play a crucial role in the attractiveness of cities.
This is why creating a brand image and building an affirmed distinctive identity in downtown
Jijel, with a strategy of urban-based marketing, communications, and special events seems
necessary.
Jijel has long suffered from a lack of branding; today it is obliged to work on its image, in order
to express its individuality and uniqueness through the development of its vast resources
(natural, cultural etc.). Through researching the history of the city of Jijel and through analysis
of interviews with local stakeholders (residents, policy makers, and professionals), two elements
can be suggested to build a brand image for Jijel:
 Natural heritage, as an essential element of the image of Jijel
The city of Jijel is known for its exceptional natural heritage, which is an asset for its promotion
as a destination. The integration of nature into the city center can confirm its image as a city of
high landscape.
 " Return to the Sea": a winning card for downtown Jijel
The city’s port areas are rich in terms of the social history of Jijel. Their presence is strong in
the minds of the population. In this regard, any development projects should open the port to the
population and the city to the sea.
To succeed in realizing the three directions mentioned above, the old center of Jijel calls for a
global action on urban regeneration in the context of an urban project. The following diagram
shows the strategy proposed for the old center of Jijel.
 Regulation of attractiveness measures to ensure sustainable urban revitalization.

This proposed attractiveness strategy for the center of Jijel will certainly generate a dynamism
and bring new life into the center by introducing new activities, new inhabitants and
consequently by creating a new richness and wealth sources, generate new jobs, and liveliness
etc. In order to maintain this status, it is necessary to think about the negative effects that may
be caused by the non- mastery of the proposed attractive effect.
266
References
Bouhelouf , Y. (2014). L’attractivité urbaine au service de la revitalisation du centre ancien
de Jijel, Master thesis: EPAU.
Bourgian, A. et al. L'attractivité : quel levier pour le développement ?, Mondes en
développement 2010/1 (n° 149), p. 7-10.DOI 10.3917/med.149.0007 Article available
online at http://www.cairn.info/revue-mondes-en-developpement-2010-1-page-7.htm
Cornu, M. (1981). Quartier anciens : les sacraliser ? Les moderniser ?. Revue Urbanisme.
Davezies, L. (2009). L'économie locale résidentielle. Géographie, économie, société, 2009/1
Vol. 11, p. 47-53 Article available at : http://www.cairn.info/revue-geographie-economie-
societe-2009-1-page-47.htm
Filoni, G. (2012). Les Pyrénées à l'épreuve de la compétition des territoires: le secteur des
Métiers et de l'Artisanat sujet du marketing territorial, Master thesis, the Institute of
Political Studies in Aix-en-Provence.
Herve, A. and others (2010). L’attractivité résidentielle des agglomérations françaises.
DAUPHIN: University of France.
IAURIF (2006). n°145, p 11
MATET. (2010). SNAT 2030, Document de synthèse».
Miot, Y. (2014). Renouveler l’habitat des quartiers anciens dans le cadre de la politique de la
Ville : la gentrification comme horizon ? – Les exemples de Mulhouse, Roubaix et Saint-
Etienne. available at URL : http://metropoles.revues.org/4777
267
‫سياسات و أدوات التعمير في الجزائر‪ -‬دراسة حالة مدينة متوسطة ‪ :‬جيجل‬
‫‪ ،3‬ج‬
‫مصطفى بليبٍلي ‪ ،1‬أ عمار بوالشعير ‪ ،2‬ب ‪ ،‬رشيد محداب‬
‫‪ -1‬مخبر األبحاث البناء و المحيط‪-‬جامعة محمد الصديق بن يحيى –ص ب ‪– 98‬اوالد عيسى ‪ 19111‬جيجل‪-‬الجزائر‬
‫‪ -2‬مخبر األبحاث البناء و المحيط‪-‬جامعة محمد الصديق بن يحيى –ص ب ‪– 98‬اوالد عيسى ‪ 19111‬جيجل‪-‬الجزائر‬
‫‪ -3‬دائرة الهندسة المعمارية‪-‬جامعة عبد الرحمان ميرة –نهج طرقة أوزمور ‪ 6111‬بجاية‪-‬الجزائر‬
‫أ‪ ، musblibli@gmail.com -‬ب‪ ، abouchair@gmail.com-‬ج‪. rachid.mohdeb@voila.fr -‬‬
‫الملخص‬
‫تتميز السياسات العمرانية في الجزائر بتأثرها الفعال والقوي باإلرث االستعماري وكذا التطور الشامل للتخطيط العمراني في‬
‫العالم‪ .‬إن الجزائر كبقية البلدان لم تسلم من تغييرات وتطورات أدوات التعمير المؤثرة على الحيز الحضري‪ .‬وقد تميزت هذه‬
‫التطورات في بداية األمر بالفقدان التدريجي لالهتما بالجودة الجمالية في تصميم المساحات الحضرية وكذا تفاصيل تهيئتها‪،‬‬
‫لصالح تقنيات التهيئة اإلقليمية والتخطيط الحضري الشامل والمبرمج مسبقا‪ .‬وفي مراحل أخرى‪ ،‬تعتبراآلثار السلبية إلنتاج‬
‫الفضاءات العمرانية‪ ،‬وفقا لهذه األساليب‪ ،‬وكذا الوضعية االقتصادية الصعبة‪ ،‬وبعد سنوات من النمو‪ ،‬لوحظ الرجوع‪ ،‬بصفة‬
‫واضحة وبأكثر وعي لنهج تأخذ بعين االعتبار البعد الفضائي وكذا العقالنية في شغل األراضي‪ ،‬التشاور‪ ،‬والتصاميم المفصلة‬
‫وحتى مفهو تجميل البيئة الحضرية‪ ،‬الذي تم العودة إليه بعد التخلي عنه فيما مضى ‪.‬‬
‫هذه الدراسة تناقش ما يلي‪ :‬أوال‪ ،‬السياسة وأدوات التخطيط من الحقبة االستعمارية وخالل العقود الثالثة األولى من االستقالل‪،‬‬
‫وثانيا‪ ،‬اإلصالحات في بداية التسعينيات وكذا الصعوبات والعوائق التي صادفتها‪ .‬و لهذا تم اختيار حالة دراسية تتمثل في‬
‫'جيجل' وهي مدينة متوسطة من مدن الجزائر‪ ،‬عاشت المراحل المذكورة وطبقت عليها السياسات وأدوات التعمير التي تخص‬
‫موضوعنا‪.‬‬
‫الكلمات المفتاحية ‪ :‬توسع المجال الحضري ‪ ،‬التخطيط العمراني ‪ ،‬التهيئة والتعمير ‪ ،‬أدوات التعمير‪.‬‬
‫المقدمة‬
‫تع ّد قواعد التّهيئة والتّعمير في تاريخ البشرية حضارة‪ ،‬علم‪ ،‬فن وأخالق‪ ،‬وهي التعبير عن مجموعة من المعارف والمهارات‬
‫وانبعاث لثقافة حضارة التمدن الّتي تساهم في تطوير اإلنسان وأفكاره وحياته االجتماعية وترجمة لها من خالل فن تنظيم البناء‬
‫والعمران ‪ .‬وتع ّد نوعية البناء وشكله وإدماجه في المحيط واحترا المناظر الطّبيعية والحضرية و حماية التراث الثقافي‬
‫والتاريخ بمنفعة عمومية لكامل أفراد المجتمع والدولة على السواء‪.‬‬
‫وقد تطوّرت هذه المفاهيم لتصبح قوانين قائمة بذاتها تشمل وضع القواعد القانونية ال ّرامية إلى كيفية تنظيم المدن وإنجاز‬
‫التّجمعات السكنية العمرانية‪ ،‬تنظيم إنتاج األراضي القابلة للتّعمير‪ ،‬إنجاز وتطوير المباني حسب التّسيير العقالني لألرض‪،‬‬
‫تحقيق التوازنات بين مختلف األنشطة االجتماعية ( زراعة‪ ،‬صناعة‪ ،‬سكن )‪ ،‬المحافظة على المحيط والبيئة والمنظر العا‬
‫الحضاري وهذا بموجب سياسة وإستراتيجية عامة تح ّدد على أساسها القوانين وتنفذ عن طريق أدوات التهيئة والتّعمير‪.‬‬
‫إن سياسات التهيئة والتعمير في الجزائر م ّرت بع ّدة مراحل حاولت من خاللها الحكومات المتعاقبة ومنذ االستقالل التحكم في‬ ‫ّ‬
‫أن هذه القواعد ظلّت‬‫قواعد البناء والتّوسع العمراني ورغم أنّها وإن غيّرت شيئا من مظاهر الحياة العمرانية واالجتماعية إالّ ّ‬
‫ناقصة وغير مواكبة لما توصّلت إليه الحضارات اإلنسانية ألسباب موضوعية أهمها ‪ :‬التّخلف االقتصادي والنزوح الريفي و‬
‫النمو ال ّديمغرافي المفرط وعد فعالية القوانين والتنظيمات الّتي طبقّت في هذا المجال تنفيذا لسياسة معيّنة األمر الذي أ ّدى إلى‬
‫تواطّأ الجهات اإلدارية وكذا المستوى الثقافي السائد آنذاك‪ .‬عليه ترتب ظهور مدن بأكملها وأحياء وبنايات كبيرة و منشآت من‬
‫‪268‬‬
‫العد تفتقر ألدنى قواعد التهيئة العمرانية والصحية ودون احترا ألدنى المقاييس والشروط المطبقة في هذا المجال أو عل‬
‫أراضي زراعية جد خصبة أو في مناطق محمية و مصنفة دوليا وداخليا‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬النشأة و التطور العمراني للمدينة‪:‬‬
‫مدينة جيجل‪ ،‬جيجلي أو إيجيلجيلي قديما و منذ نشأتها‪ ،‬خضعت لهيمنة الشعوب و الحضارات المتعاقبة والتي شهدها تاريخ‬
‫البحر األبيض المتوسط‪ .‬حيث كانت معظم هذه الحضارات تولي اهتماما لموقعها االستراتيجي مورفلوجيتها التي هي على‬
‫شكل مرافئ طبيعية‪ .‬وقد شهدت نشاط حول سواحلها‪ ،‬و من هذا المكان انطلق نمو وتطور المدينة‪ .‬المدينة العتيقة كانت تحتل‬
‫أساسا شبه الجزيرة التي كانت متصلة باليابسة عبر مضيق صغير وكذلك كانت محصنة بجدار قديم ضد هجمات القبائل‬
‫المجاورة‪.‬‬
‫مع الفينيقيين‪ ،‬كان االحتالل يقتصر على مساحة صغيرة جدا‪ ،‬واآلثار التي تثبت وجودها هي المقابر المنحوتة في الصخر‪،‬‬
‫التي ال تزال مرئية في "النقطة السوداء" (الربطة حاليا)‪ .‬أما عند الرومان‪ ،‬لم تقتصر المدينة على الشبه الجزيرة والقلعة‬
‫الحالية‪ ،‬ولكن امتدت إلى موقع المدينة الحديثة الحالية‪ ،‬وخاصة في الجزء الذي يقع على حدود البحر (الميناء)‪ .‬وقد تميز‬
‫االحتالل البيزنطي عموما بتوسيع المدينة القديمة وكذا التحصينات المتمثلة في جدان تتخللها عدة أبراج‪ ،‬أما بالنسبة للحقبة‬
‫التالية و المتمثلة في الغزو الوندالي فلم يتبقى منها أي أثر‪ .‬وخالل حكم العرب لم تشهد أية تغييرات كبرى ملحوظة ‪ ،‬حيث تم‬
‫الحفاظ على الجدران الرومانية (البيزنطية) ‪ ،‬وكذا لم يتم بناء إال بعض المساجد والمدارس القرأنية ‪ ،‬والتي تم تدميرها الحقا‬
‫من قبل النورمنديين‪ ،‬و تقليص محيط المدينة‪ .‬مع مجيء األتراك‪ ،‬اقتصر نشاطهم داخل الجدران القديمة‪ .‬وقد تميزت هذه‬
‫الفترة من خالل تطوير هياكل المبادالت التجارية وكذا الفضاءات االجتماعات‪ ،‬ال سيما المتمثلة في األسواق‪ ،‬المساجد‪ ،‬الميناء‬
‫‪ ...‬الخ‪ .‬يتموقع الميناء في الخليج الذي يطل على الجهة الشرقية كونه محمي من الرياح بواسطة اليابسة من الغرب‪ ،‬من‬
‫الشمال مجموعة صخور كحاجز غير كاف ضد األمواج العاتية‪.‬‬
‫ب‪-‬أثار فينيقية‬ ‫أ‪ -‬أثار رومانية‬

‫شكل ‪ :1‬لوحتان لديالمار‪ ،‬تبينان األتار الفينيقية و الرومانية عند دخول اإلستعمار(‪)1988-1981‬‬
‫‪269‬‬
‫شكل ‪ : 2‬خريطة لمدينة جيجل وضاحيتها مؤرخة في ‪ 1661‬لجون أوجيلبي‪ -‬لندن‬
‫بعد الحملة الفرنسية األولى التي قا بها الدوق دي بوفور عا ‪ ،1668‬تم تدمير المدينة بالكامل جراء القصف‪ .‬و مع وصول‬
‫الفرنسيين عا ‪ 1938‬بعد احتالل الجزائر‪ ،‬وبعد سلسلة من المواجهات‪ ،‬تم توجيه اهتما الغزاة آنذاك إلى المدينة التي كانت‬
‫في حالة جد متدهورة‪ .‬و قد تمت االستفادة من بقايا الجدران القديمة للمدينة التاريخية‪ .‬و كذلك تم ترميم و إعادة استعمال‬
‫البرج السداسي المتواجد منذ الحملة األولى (دوق دي بوفور) و الذي اتخذ اسم حصن سانت فردينان‪ ،‬و في الوسط تم إنشاء‬
‫أيضا معقل مربع حصن غالبوا متصلة بحصن أخر سمي بسانت أوجيني‪ .‬وتقرر تشييد حصن تحت دوكين من تحت أنقاض‬
‫منشأء دينية(زاوية) إسالمية قديمة‪.‬‬
‫في عا ‪ 1986‬هز زلزال عنيف األرض‪ ،‬انهار إثره المسجد وعدة منازل‪ ،‬حيث انسحب البحر على مسافة كبيرة ليعود و‬
‫يستكمل الكارثة ‪ ،‬ويهدا كان التدمير الكامل لما كانت تسمى بمدينة "جيجيلي"‪.‬‬
‫شكل ‪ :3‬منظر مزدوج للضفة الغربية قبل وبعد زلزال ‪1986‬‬
‫‪270‬‬
‫كان هناك إنشاء تخطيط عمراني الجديد على شكل مثلثي يتطابق وشكل السهل و التضاريس المجاورة‪ ،‬و محدود بالشوارع‬
‫الرئيسية الثالثة‪ :‬شارع فيفون ‪ ) .Vivonne‬حاليا األمير عبد القادر‪ ،).‬شارع غاداني‪(. Gadaigne‬حاليا أول نوفمبر)‪ ،‬شارع‬
‫كالرفيل‪( Clerville‬حاليا عبد الحميد بن باديس)‪ .‬هذه الشوارع الثالثة تؤدي إلى ثالثة تقاطعات كانت عبارة عن أبواب‬
‫المدينة االستعمارية‪.‬‬
‫وبحلول أوائل القرن التاسع عشر تم تشييد أولى مباني االستيطان والمتمثلة في الكنيسة عا ‪( 1968‬التي دمرت في ‪،)1881‬‬
‫المستشفى‪ ،‬السوق‪ ،‬المحكمة‪ ،‬والميناء كأهم المنشات الذي كان عبارة عن مرفأ روماني و دمر إثر زلزال ‪ ،1986‬حيث تم‬
‫إعادة بنائه عا ‪ 1998‬واكتماله في عا ‪.1838‬‬
‫شكل ‪ : 8‬النسيج العمراني لما قبل االستعمار الفرنسي (قبل ‪)1931‬‬
‫شكل ‪ : 8‬أول مخطط تعمير لمدينة جيجل يعود لسنة ‪1961‬‬
‫‪271‬‬
‫‪ .2‬تطور السياسة العمرانية في الجزائر و جيجل‬
‫‪ 1.2‬مرحلة ما قبل االستعمار‪:‬‬
‫طبقت في هذه الفترة سياسة عمرانية تهدف الى استنزاف الثروات الوطنية و تشويه التاريخ و الثقافة الجزائرية ‪ ,‬حيث أنها لم‬
‫تراعي األنماط المعمارية و العمرانية التاريخية ‪ ,‬باإلضافة إلى اهمال الجوانب االقتصادية و االجتماعية الجزائرية من‬
‫تقاليد و قيم ‪ ,‬و هو ما يالحظ بشكل واضح في االنقطاع الموجود بين األنماط القديمة و األنماط المستوردة خاصة في المدن‬
‫الكبرى حيث في سنة ‪ , 1889‬حاول الفرنسيون تغليط الرأي العا العالمي و الوطني بخصوص الحرب التحريرية باعتبارهم‬
‫أن الثورة الجزائرية ال تهدف الى الحرية بل قامت من أجل الرفع من المستوى المعيشي للمواطنين و محاربة ما يسمى بالجهل‬
‫و الفقر و تجسدت هذه السياسة في انجاز أكبر مشروع تنموي أال و هو مشروع قسنطينة الذي يرمي إلى انتهاج سياسة تنموية‬
‫على مستوى كبريات المدن باإلضافة إلى و ضع قانون التخطيط الحضري في الجزائر و الذي لم يطبق في سنة ‪ 1861‬و‬
‫اشتمل هذا القانون على ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬المخطط التوجيهي العمراني الذي وضع كمشروع برنامج لتوجيه التهيئة و التنمية في البلديات ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬المخطط العمراني المفصل الذي وضع من أجل توضيح و تطبيق التوجيهات األساسية الموجودة في المخطط األول‬
‫‪.‬‬
‫أثناء االستعمار‪ ،‬السياسات العمرانية وتخطيط المدن في الجزائر كانت ترجع إلى الهيئة التشريعية المعمول بها في فرنسا منذ‬
‫عا ‪ .1818‬وبين عامي ‪ 1833‬و ‪ ،1862‬ظهرت أحياء جديدة عشوائية (غبر مخططة) حول المدينة كحي مصطفى‪ ،‬حي‬
‫موسى و الهضبة‪ .‬كذلك شوهد نمو وإعمار الضواحي على طول المسالك الريفية‪ ،‬تشييد أحياء إعادة اإلسكان المبرمجة في‬
‫إطار السكن االقتصادي (السكن الرخيص‪ )HBM -‬في المنطقة الواقعة بين جبل القرن (المقابر) و البحر غربا‪ .‬وفي عا‬
‫‪ ،1889‬تم سن قانون جديد في فرنسا (تم تمديده في الجزائر في عا ‪ ،)1861‬الذي يقو بتوسيع إشكالية التهيئة العمرانية إلى‬
‫كافة اإلقليم‪ ،‬إذ يتمثل عموما في ترتيب " مخطط توجيهي للتعمير‪ " PUD -‬وكذا أداة التنفيذ لمحتواه بواسطة " المخطط‬
‫العمراني المفصل "‪ .‬في عا ‪ 1862‬تم إدخال مخطط المبادئ للتعمير )‪ ،(PUP‬الذي كان يهدف لتنظيم العمران في المدن التي‬
‫لم تكن تخضع للمخططات التوجيهية للتعمير‪ ،PUD‬التي يصل عدد سكانها إلى ‪ 11 111‬نسمة‪.‬‬
‫شكل ‪ : 6‬مخطط التهيئة ‪ ،‬التوسع و التزيين لمدينة‬ ‫شكل‪ : 6‬الوضع القائم للمدينة سنة ‪1881‬‬
‫جيجل‪1833 ،‬‬
‫‪272‬‬
‫أ ‪ -‬حي سكني مخصص إلطارات االستعمار من برنامج قسنطينة ‪1889‬‬
‫ب‪-‬جودة فضاءات العمران إبان اإلستعمار‬

‫شكل ‪ : 9‬مناظر للفضاءات الناتجة عن طرق التعمير الفرنسي‬
‫‪ 2.2‬مرحلة ما بعد االستقالل‪:‬‬
‫وجدت الجزائر نفسها بعد االستقالل مباشرة أما مجال عمراني و اقتصادي موروث تسوده الفوضى العقارية و قلة المرافق و‬
‫إهمال من طرف الجزائريين ‪ ,‬و من بين الخطوات األولى التى انتهجتها الجزائر ‪ .‬هي إنشاء ما يسمى بالمخطط العمراني‬
‫المبدئي للبلديات ‪ ,‬التي يزيد عدد سكانها ‪ 11‬أالف نسمة و لم تأخد بعين االعتبار في الفترة االستعمارية و في سنة ‪1868‬‬
‫تزايد االهتما بهذا المجال و ذلك بإنشاء وزارة االشغال العمومية و البناء لالهتما بهذا المجال حيث قامت بانشاء مكتب‬
‫الدراسات العمومية و الهندسة المعمارية و البناء سنة ‪ , 1869‬ثم تلته مكاتب الدراسات و هيئات أخرى تسهر على تطوير و‬
‫تنظيم العمران في الجزائر ‪ ,‬حيث أوكلت إليها مهمة انجاز مخططات توجيهية حضرية لكل المدن الجزائرية نذكر من‬
‫بينها )‪ (CADAT‬و التي أنشأت سنة ‪ 1861‬و استمرت إلى الثمانينات و مكتب )‪ (COMEDOR‬و هو مكتب وطني أوكلت‬
‫إليه مهمة إنشاء المخطط العمراني التوجيهي لمدينة الجزائر ‪ 1866-1861‬و قد اعتمد على بعض األفكار و الدراسات‬
‫الخارجية ‪ ,‬أين حاولوا تطبيقها على الجزائر من بينها مناطق التعمير األولية و المناطق الحضرية السكنية‬
‫الجديدة )‪ (ZUHN‬و نظرا للتغيرات االجتماعية و االقتصادية و السياسية التي حدثت في الجزائر و انتهجت سياسة التخطيط‬
‫الحضري إلى نمط حديث و دراسة المدينة بالعالقة مع المحيط و تجسد ذلك بصدور قانون التهيئة و التعمير ‪ 1881‬و التوجيه‬
‫العقاري في نفس السنة و تم تطبيقه عن طريق المراسيم التالية ‪:‬‬
‫‪273‬‬
‫‪ -‬عقود التعمير "المرسو التنفيذي" رقم ‪166-81‬‬
‫‪ -‬المخطط التوجيهي للتهيئة و التعمير "‪ "PDAU‬المرسو التنفيذي ‪166-81‬‬
‫‪ -‬مخطط شغل األراضي ‪ POS‬المرسو التنفيذي ‪169-81‬‬
‫بين ‪ 1862‬و ‪ 1862‬أي مباشرة بعد االستقالل لم يمكن موضوع العمران من أولويات الدولة الجزائرية الفتية ‪ ،‬حيث كانت‬
‫اهتماماتها تتمحور خصوصا حول القطاع الصناعي قاعدة لنهوض و استقاللية االقتصاد الوطني‪ .‬علما أن هذه الفترة اتسمت‬
‫بالتعمير السريع و القوي لمناطق االستثمار الصناعي و كذلك النزوح الكثيف للسكان اتجاه معظم المدن الجزائرية‪.‬‬
‫فيما يتعلق االستحواذ على الفضاء‪ ،‬سواء كان في المناطق الحضرية أو الريفية‪ ،‬فإن مدينة جيجل على غرار المدن و القرى‬
‫الجزائرية عرفت استغالل و شغل فوضوي بالنسبة للممتلكات الشاغرة التي تركها السكان األوربيون الذين هجروا البالد بشكل‬
‫جماعي‪ .‬وكان يعتبر هذا االستحواذ عادال للطبقات االجتماعية الشعبية التي تم طردها و أخد أراضيها سابقا من جهة وكذا‬
‫المشاركة بنشاط في النضال من أجل التحرير‪.‬من جهة أخرى‪ .‬وهذا ما كان منطقيا في منظور النظا السياسي‪.‬‬
‫إن قانون ‪ 21/62‬المؤرخ في ‪ 28‬أوت ‪ 1862‬بشأن حماية وإدارة العقارات و الممتلكات الشاغرة وكذا مرسو مارس لسنة‬
‫‪ 1863‬بشأن العقارات الشاغرة وجاءا لتسوية و تنظيم هذا الوضع‪ .‬وهكذا‪ ،‬فإن الملكيات المتروكة من قبل المستعمرين أعلنت‬
‫"شاغرة" وأسندت إدارتها إلى جمعيات الفالحين في إطار التعاونيات الفالحية الذاتية‪ .‬حيث شوهد نزوح ريفي قوي ضاعفه‬
‫النمو السكاني العالي الذي أذى إلى الزيادة في كثافة أحياء المدينة‪ :‬حي مصطفى‪ ،‬حي موسى‪ ،‬الهضبة ـالضاحية كذا ظهور‬
‫أحياء جديدة والمتمثلة في مناطق سكنية عفوية وغير قانونية‪ (.‬التعمير الفوضوي الغير منظم‪ ،‬األحياء القصديرية الخ‪ ...‬على‬
‫سبيل المثال حي العقابي وحي أيوف) ‪ .‬كان لهذا تأثير سلبي على البيئة‪ ،‬مما أدى إلى تدهور المناطق الساحلية‪ ،‬والتعدي على‬
‫األراضي الزراعية والغابات‪.‬‬
‫شكل ‪ : 8‬منظر عا للمدينة الناتج عن السياسات و األدوات المعمول بها بعد اإلستقالل‪.‬‬
‫‪274‬‬
‫في حوالي سنة ‪0781.‬‬ ‫في حدود سنوات الثالثينيات‪.‬‬
‫في حدود سنوات الستينيات‪.‬‬ ‫في حدود سنوات السبعينيات‪.‬‬
‫في حدود سنوات الثمانينات‪.‬‬ ‫في حدود سنوات التسعينيات‪.‬‬
‫في حدود سنوات ‪. 2111‬‬

‫توسع مدينة جيجل‬
‫شكل ‪ : 11‬نمو البقعة العمرانية مقارنة مع إقليم البلدية‬
‫‪275‬‬
‫خالل العقد األول بعد االستقالل‪ ،‬واصلت المصالح اإلدارية التعامل بالنصوص القانونية الموروثة من االستعمار‪ .‬القوانين‬
‫المتعلقة بمخططات التعمير تدخل في هذا اإلطار (مرسو عا ‪ 1861‬بشأن المخطط التوجيهي للتعمير والمخطط التفصيلي‬
‫للتعمير)‪ .‬وكان من المتوقع أن تستمر حتى جوان عا ‪ ،1868‬مما يحد من صالحية النصوص ذات األصل االستعماري و‬
‫التي أصبح استبدالها ضروري و حتمي بواسطة أحكا مرسو عا ‪ ،1863‬والذي يسمح بتمديد األحكا المعمول بها سابقا و‬
‫التي بقت سارية المفعول حتى عا ‪.1881‬‬
‫في البرامج التنموية‪ ،‬بدأت تظهر مالمح االنشغاالت بالقضايا العمرانية في ديباجة المخطط الرباعي ‪ ،1863-1861‬الذي هو‬
‫في الواقع األول من نوعه في سلسلة من المخططات الوطنية‪ ،‬والمخطط الثالثي ‪ 1868-1866‬كان هدفه الرئيسي إعداد‬
‫الشروط لوضع مخطط فعال‪ ،‬وفي نفس الوقت إعداد قانون البلديات (‪ )1866‬وكذلك قانون الواليات (‪ )1868‬في مجال‬
‫التخطيط العمران و التعمير‪ .‬وفي عا ‪ ،1868‬وقد بلغ النمو العمراني للمدن الجزائرية مستويات عالية جدا‪ ،‬وأنه في هذا‬
‫السياق تم إطالق دراسات التخطيط العمراني‪ ،‬والتي كانت تغطي‪ ،‬في أول الحال المدن الكبرى‪ ،‬ثم تلتها كل المدن التي يزيد‬
‫عدد سكانها عن ‪ 11.111‬نسمة‪ ،‬ثم تلك التي تفوق ‪ 8111‬ساكن‪ .‬وأخيرا‪ ،‬الستكمال و القيا و بالنشاطات القطاعية على أكمل‬
‫وجه وكذا التجسيد الجيد لمقترحات مخططات التعمير ‪ ،‬تم الشروع في إجراءات جديدة تتمثل في تنفيذ المخططات البلدية‬
‫للتنمية )‪ .(Plan Communal de Développement‬هذه الفترة تزامنت مع ترقية المدينة إلى عاصمة للوالية‪ .‬وعلى‬
‫إثرها منحت المدينة بمخطط توجيهي للتعمير ‪ ،Plan d’Urbanisme Directeur‬الذي يحدد الخطوط الرئيسية للتنمية‬
‫الحضرية وكذا تعمير المدينة‪.‬‬
‫من سنة ‪ 1868‬إلى ‪ 1866‬أعربت الدولة عن انشغاالتها العميقة في مجال التخطيط العمراني ال سيما مع انطالق سياسة‬
‫اإلنتاج الكثيف للسكن و هذا بخلق المناطق الجديدة للسكن الحضري ‪(Zones d’Habitation Urbaine Nouvelles‬‬
‫)‪ .ZHUN‬وهذا لالستجابة للطلب القوي على المساكن فقط دون أخد بعين االعتبار الخصائص االجتماعية‪ ،‬الديموغرافية و‬
‫الثقافية الموجودة‪ (.‬حيث شهدت مدينة جيجل انطالق أشغال منطقتين من هذا النوع بأعالي المدينة بحي أيوف ( ‪ I‬و ‪II‬‬
‫‪ .(ZHUN‬و كذا انشاء بعض التجزئات الكبيرة في الضواحي‪ .‬إن التخطيط اإلقنثصادي ما بين القطاعات يعكس انشغاالت‬
‫كمية و حجميه ال يخد المدينة و خصوصياتها‪ .‬أما فيم يتعلق بالمناطق البحرية ـ الغابات و مناطق التوسع السياحي فقد تم‬
‫إنتاج العديد من التعليمات و المراسيم بهدف حمايتها في إطار تهيئة اإلقليم و التعمير‪.‬‬
‫المادة ‪ 8‬من المرسو رقم ‪ 66-91‬المؤرخ في ‪ 23‬أكتوبر ‪ 1866‬و المتعلق بالقانون البحري ينص على أن المجال البحري‬
‫العا (‪ )Domaine Public Maritime‬هو غير قابل للتصرف غير قابل للتنازل و بعيد المنال‪ .‬الكن يمكن إن يكون‬
‫موضوع طلب إذن شغل ‪ ،‬امتياز أو استغالل مؤقت‪ .‬لذا أنشأ القانون البحري على نطاق واسع لكي تتمكن اإلدارة على‬
‫الحفاظ وكذا تنظيم أي استغالل للمجال البحري العا ‪ .‬ولكن على الرغم من أن المادة ‪ 8‬من هذا المرسو واضحة جدا بشأن‬
‫شغل الشريط الساحلي‪ ،‬وتبقى الحقيقة أن هذا األخير ليس من السهل تحديده ‪ ،‬وهذا ما يؤدي إلى تفسيرات و تدخالت في العديد‬
‫من المجاالت و من مختلف المستخدمين‪ .‬كذلك نفس الشيء بالنسبة للقانون رقم ‪ 96-13‬و المؤرخ في ‪26‬جانفي ‪ 1896‬بشأن‬
‫تهيئة اإلقليم والتي تحدد إطار تنفيذ السياسة الوطنية لتهيئة اإلقليم والمنصوص عليها في الميثاق الوطني لعا ‪ ،1896‬في‬
‫مادتها الثامنة (‪ )9‬تنص على أن إجراءات وخيارات تهيئة اإلقليم تؤول إلى حماية وتعزيز الشريط الساحلي والجرف القاري‪.‬‬
‫ولكن على أرض الواقع‪ ،‬ليس هناك أي احترا أو تطبيق لهذه المبادئ (شالين‪ ،‬حجيج‪ ،‬دوبوا‪ ،‬موري‪ .)2113 ،‬أعطى الدستور‬
‫لعا ‪ ،1898‬الذي كرس التعددية الحزبية‪ ،‬الدافع لسلسلة من القوانين المهمة‪ ،‬وبما في ذلك المهتمة بالعقار‪ ،‬الهيئة اإلقليمية‬
‫والتخطيط العمراني‪.‬‬
‫‪ 3.2‬بعد عا ‪:1881‬‬
‫وبعد اعتماد القانون رقم ‪ 81-28‬المؤرخ ‪ 1‬ديسمبر ‪ 1881‬و المتعلق بالتهيئة والعمران‪ ،‬تم التزود بوسائل و أدوات جديدة‬
‫لتهيئة اإلقليم و العمران‪ ،‬والتي تتمثل في المخطط التوجيهي للتهيئة و التعمير (‪ )PDAU‬على مستوى التجمعات العمرانية و‬
‫البلديات‪ ،‬بدال من المخطط التوجيهي للتعمير(‪ )PUD‬و المخطط العمراني المفصل (‪ ،)PUP‬وكذا مخطط شغل األراضي‬
‫(‪ )POS‬الموافق لوحدة عمرانية أو لحي سكني‪ .‬على مدى هذا العقد أو العشرية‪ ،‬في أعقاب الوضع األمني الذي عانت منه‬
‫‪276‬‬
‫البالد‪ ،‬أضف إلى ذلك النزوح الريفي الهائل لما أذى بالتالي إلى ظهور األحياء الغير شرعية و المباني الفوضوية‪ .‬فقد أخد‬
‫تطور المدينة امتداد ملحوظا‪ ،‬حيث تم توجه التوسع أساسا نحو الجنوب‪ ،‬وهذا باحتالل هضبة "أيوف"‪.‬‬
‫شكل ‪ : 11‬صورة القمر الصناعي « ‪ » Quickbird‬لمدينة جيجل عا ‪( 2116‬المصدر‪ ،‬مكتب الدراسات ‪-SCE‬فرنسا ‪)2116‬‬
‫‪277‬‬
‫حدود البلدية‪.‬‬ ‫مركزالمدينة (االنسجة القديمة)‬
‫الطرقات الرئيسية المبرمجة‬ ‫مناطق في طور التعمير‬
‫طريق رئيسي في طور التحديث‬ ‫مبرمجة للتعمير‬ ‫مناطق‬
‫شكل ‪ : 12‬توجهات التوسع العمراني لمدينة جيجل‪.‬‬
‫وفيما يتعلق بالمجال البحري العا (‪ )DMP‬األمر رقم ‪ 91-66‬المتعلق بالقانون البحري حيث تم تعديله وتتميمه بالقانون رقم‬
‫‪ 89-18‬المؤرخ في ‪ 28‬جوان ‪ ،1889‬ولكن لم يكن هناك أي تغيير فيما يخص التعريف و كذا إجراءات الحماية وتعيين‬
‫حدوده (‪ .)DPM‬وأيضا لم يالحظ أي احترا لهذا القانون فيما يخص حظر البناء داخل شريط المائة متر(‪ )111‬على طول‬
‫الساحل‪.‬‬
‫في مراحل التوسع العمراني ‪ ،‬إن الشكل العمراني لمدينة جيجل كان متراكز‪ ،‬واآلن فهي أصبحت تؤول إلى الشكل الخطي‬
‫على طول الساحل‪ ،‬وفقا للطريق الوطني ‪ RN43‬خصوصا بعد الشروع في عملية ازدواجيته‪ ،‬الذي سيربط المدينة وتجمعاتها‬
‫الثانوية (أوالد بوالنار وحراثن) و بالتالي توسيع المحيط العمراني للمدينة‪ ،‬كذالك أفاق التهيئة و التعمير ترمي إلى ملء‬
‫الفراغات و الجيوب المتواجدة (المدخل الشرقي و مزغيطان) بين المدينة األ وضواحيها وذلك لسد االحتياجات العقارية‬
‫المتوقعة للنمو (بوبزاري‪.)2007 ،‬‬
‫وهكذا تكون المدينة استهلكت الكثير من احتياطيات أراضيها‪ ،‬ثم أن الوقت قد حان للتفكير في احتماالت تكثيف وإعادة استخدا‬
‫األراضي في الحدود الحالية ‪ ،‬وهي ظاهرة بدأت تتجلى بالفعل وبطريقة عفوية بوسط المدينة‪ .‬حيث نالحظ عدة مشاريع‬
‫ترميمية داخل األنسجة العمرانية القديمة‪.‬‬
‫‪278‬‬
‫‪ .3‬الخالصة‪:‬‬
‫إن التعمير هو أداة لتحسين الشكل العمراني و عملية تخطيط و تنظيم تندرج في هذا اإلطار‪ ،‬و هو يرتكز على التنبّؤات و‬
‫التقديرات المبنية على األساس الديمغرافي و السوسيولوجي‪ ،‬حيث أن هذا األساس مرتبط بتلبية الحاجات المتزايدة للسكان‬
‫نتيجة النمو الديمغرافي هذا من جهة‪ ،‬و من جهة أخرى يُبنى على األساس االقتصادي‪ ،‬الرتباط النشاطات االقتصادية باألساس‬
‫األول‪ ،‬و الرتفاع معدل العمالة و مجالية خطوط التوسع الجغرافية للمدينة و إشكال شغل األراضي‪.‬‬
‫فالتعمير كمفهو نظري هو مجموع العمليات المركزة و الهادفة إلى تنظيم السكان و النشاطات (المنشآت التجهيزات و وسائل‬
‫اإلتصال على مستوى اإلقليم)؛ إذن فالتعمير عملية إدارية تقو بها السلطات العمومية التي تفترض تخطيط المجال و تعبئة‬
‫الفواعل ( السكان‪ ،‬المؤسسات‪ ،‬الجماعات المحلية و اإلدارية) إذن التعمير هو فن و تقنية أكثر منه علم‪ ،‬لكن للتذكير فهذا من‬
‫جانبه النظري المجرّد‪.‬‬
‫في نهاية هذه العمل يمكن القول من خالل النتائج المتوصل إليها‪ ،‬وبالنظر إلى جملة المشاكل التي يعانى منها قطاع العمران‬
‫في الجزائر في جوانبه المختلفة‪ ،‬حيث تم حصر العديد منها‪ ،‬أن السياسة العمرانية فشلت في بناء مدينة بالمواصفات الحديثة‪،‬‬
‫ويرجع ذلك إلى أسلوب التسيير بالدرجة األولى‪ ،‬وأسباب أخرى ثانوية‪ ،‬كل ذلك أدى إلى تدهور وضعية المدن الجزائرية التي‬
‫تفتقر في المقابل إلى المفاتيح العمرانية العاكسة لنجاحها‪.‬‬
‫‪279‬‬
‫ المراجع‬.4
69-68‫ ص‬،1886 ،‫ ديوان المطبوعات الجامعية‬،‫ الجزائر‬،‫التحضر والتهيئة العمرانية في الجزائر‬:‫ بشير التيجاني‬-
. ‫الجزائر‬،‫ منشورات األنيسم‬، ‫تاريخ جيجل قديما وحديثا‬- .2116،.‫ع‬،‫ خنوف‬-
ANAT (2001). Plan d’Occupation Des Sols N°1 De La Ville De Jijel.

Batty M. (2001). Polynucleated Urban Landscapes in Urban Studies, Vol.38, No.4, 635-655.
Beaujeu. J. (1995), Géographie Urbaine. Paris, Armand Colin, P 349 .
Bénévolo.L (1995). Histoire De La Ville. Paris, Parenthèses, P 509 .
Blumann, C. (1977). Droit De L’urbanisme. Ed Dalloz, Paris.
BOUBEZARI (2007). Révision Du PDAU De La Commune De Jijel.
Bouchair.A.and Et Dupagne.A. (2003), "Building Traditions Of M'Zab Facing The Challenges
Of Re-Shaping Of Its Built Form And Society" in Building And Environment; 38, (11):
1345-1364.
CASTEX, P. and others (1997). Formes Urbaines : De L'îlot À La Barre, Éditions Parenthèses,
Marseille.
Cluzet A. (1994), Donner Un Nouveau Souffle Aux POS, Urbanisme Mai/Juin 94.
HANNOUF ,F. (2009). Intervention Du Genie Militaire Français Sur Une Ville
D’algerie Au Debut De La Colonisation:Djidjelli, 1839-1862. Mémoire De Master,
ENSA De Paris-Belleville,
Fouchier. V. (1994). Planification Urbaine – Penser La Densité. Etudes Foncières N°64.
Hadjiedj A, and Chaline C., Maury J. (2003). Alger Les Nouveaux Défis De L’urbanisation,
L’Harmattan, France.
Journal Officiel (1991). “Journal Officiel De Le République Algérienne Démocratique Et
Populaire N°26 Du 1er Juin 1991“, PP.801-814.
Le Corbusier (1942). La Charte d’Athènes. Paris, Les Éditions De Minuit, 1957.
Marc C. (2008). Pays, Paysages, Paysans d’Algérie. Editions Média-Plus 2008.
Marc C. (2008), L'Algérie Ou L'Espace Retourné, Editions Flammarion - Collection :
Géographes 1988
Merlin P. (1973). Méthodes Quantitatives Et Espace Urbain, Imprimerie Durand, France, 1973,
PP 45-63.
Merlin P. (1995). Planification Urbaine Et Ecologie, La Jaune Et La Rouge De 1995:
Environnement Et Aménagement.
Panerai. P, Depaule. JC, and Demorgon. M. (1999). Analyse Urbaine. Éditions Parenthèses.
Rongeot .G. (1987). Valeur Fonciere Et Creation Urbaine, Acte Du Colloque International :
Les Tissus Urbains 1/2/3, Oran, Ed ENAG, Alger.
Safri. S. (2008). Renouvellement Urbain D’un Centre Ancien En Déclin, Cas Du Centre Ville
De Jijel, Université De Constantine, Févier 2008. PP 225.
Zucchelli Alberto (1983). Introduction à l’urbanisme opérationnel et la composition urbaine,
V.3 OPU, Alger, p10.
280
III
Editorial Committee
 Professor Mohsen Aboutorabi, Director of Research Study, Birmingham School of

Architecture, Birmingham City University, UK
 Professor Richard Coles, Director of Centre for Design and the Creative Industries,
Birmingham City University, UK.
 Professor Peter Larkham, Professor of Planning, Birmingham School of the Built
Environment, Birmingham City University, UK.
 Dr Lawrence Green, Director of Research: Art and Design, Birmingham City
University, UK.
 Dr Bushra Zalloom, School of Architecture and Design, University of Petra, Jordan.
281

Transformationofurbancharacterof Arab Citiessincethelatelastcentury

Încărcat de

Informații document

Titlu original

Drepturi de autor

Formate disponibile

Partajați acest document

Partajați sau inserați document

Opțiuni de partajare

Vi se pare util acest document?

Este necorespunzător acest conținut?

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

Transformationofurbancharacterof Arab Citiessincethelatelastcentury

Încărcat de

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

Transformation of the urban character of Arab Cities

since the late last century

BCU publication, Birmingham, September 2015

Proceedings of the International Conference held at German Jordanian University

Proceedings of the International Conference held at German Jordanian University

© M. Aboutorabi & B. Zalloom (2015)

Part 2: Capitalism and modernism: the changing character of urban spaces

Part 4: Urban identity and social sustainability of the city

III Editorial Committee...............................................................................................................281

“To be modern is to find ourselves in an environment that promises us […]

Part 1: Modernity and tradition: Approaches and practices in urban design:

Deyala Tarawneh introduce different ‘typologies of Brownfield sites emerging in Amman’

Part 4: Urban identity and social sustainability of the city

Part 5: The political and sociocultural dimensions of regeneration projects

KEYWORDS: Dubai, architecture, traditional, contemporary

Abocar, A. and Kasolowsky, R. (2010). "How Dubai Got Serious" in Reuters.

KKEYWORDS: Urban, Social, Regional, Politics.

THE RE-BIRTH OF AMMAN:

EARLY CITY LIFE 1916-1930:

1990-2010 AND BEYOND, AMMAN A REGIONAL METROPOLIS:

Apartmentisation of Amman, as contrary to single family houses is the state of residential

Shami, S. (2004). Amman is not a City, Middle eastern Cities in Question.

Dr. Hassan Elmouelhi1, a, Azzurra Sarnataro2, b

Cairo’s informal settlements or “Ashwa’eyat” (in Arabic meaning random or haphazard)

Keywords: Culture, urban informality, urban space, Cairo.

2. RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODOLOGY:

3. ‘ASHWA’EYAT AS AN “ORDINARY” CULTURALLY ACCEPTED WAY OF LIFE:

5. UNDERSTANDING ‘ASHWA’EYAT COMPLEXITY:

5.1. INTERRELATIONS BETWEEN CULTURAL FACTORS, URBAN PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS, USE

Informality here is seen as an outcome of a constellation of cultural factors, and an expression

Figure 2: Phases of informal urban development in relation to urban physical characteristics,

5.3. ‘ASHWA’EYAT: A HYBRID OF CONTRADICTIONS

Cairo’s ‘ashwa’eyat could be summarized as a special atmosphere of existence that carries

5.4. CULTURAL FACTOR’S CONSTELLATION: CHANGES OF PROMINENCE OVER TIME

6. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR URBAN DEVELOPMENT INTERVENTION

AlSayyad, N. (1993). Squatting and Culture: A comparative Analysis of Informal

My position as a Baghdadi architect/planner gave me a unique vantage point regarding the

KEYWORDS: Baghdad, Heritage, History, City Centre

Tigris River Tigris River

The Tigris River

Souks & Alleys

Fig 4: the Development of the main Historical Souks in Baghdad

3. A VISION FOR THE FUTURE

Fig 6: A Three Dimensional

Urban Activities Rebalancing

River Built-up Built-up Revitaliz- Market

Tigris Open Conges- Congested Week

Fig 8: Rebalancing Urban Activities 10

Fig 9: Recollecting the huge wealth of the City Memories 11

Jadid Hassan Pasha: A Green Village in the City.

Baghdad Gates: Challenging Existence

The City’s Past Regenerates and Revitalizes its Future

Makiya, M. and others (1969). Baghdad. Baghdad: Iraqi Engineering Union.

Illustrations and maps: Based on personal studies conducted by the author

KEYWORDS: Iran, urban spaces, performance, theatre.

The question asked in this study is:

2- TRADITIONAL IRANIAN CITIES AND THEIR CULTURAL AND ARTISTIC

Figure1: An old map of Tehran showing that old

In traditional cities, mosques and Tekiyehs were used

Figure 4: Rozeh-khani in the contemporary period.

Figure 5: Shiraz, Tekiyeh Moshir.

Figure 7: The performance of Taziyeh

Figure 14: Another figure of a Taziyeh