Title:

The Holy Trinity in Nubian art

Author(s): Piotr Makowski

Source: Dongola 2012–2014. Fieldwork, conservation and site management, edited by
Włodzimierz Godlewski, Dorota Dzierzbicka (PCMA Excavation Series 3)

Publisher: Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology, University of Warsaw

(PCMA UW)

Year: 2015

Pages: 293 – 308

ISBN: 978-83-903796-8-5

www.pcma.uw.edu.pl
POLISH CENTRE OF MEDITERRANEAN ARCHAEOLOGY
UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW

PCMA  Excavation Series 3

Editorial Committee

Piotr Bieliński
Krzysztof M. Ciałowicz
Wiktor Andrzej Daszewski
Michał Gawlikowski
Włodzimierz Godlewski
Karol Myśliwiec
Tomasz Waliszewski

Editorial Advisory Board

Jean Charles Balty

Charles Bonnet
Giorgio Bucellatti
Stan Hendrickx
Johanna Holaubek
Partners in the Project
 Dongola 2012–2014

FIELDWORK, CONSERVATION AND SITE MANAGEMENT

Editors
Włodzimierz Godlewski
Dorota Dzierzbicka

Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology

University of Warsaw
PCMA EXCAVATION SERIES 3

Series managing editor:

Iwona Zych

Volume editors:
Włodzimierz Godlewski, Dorota Dzierzbicka

Text translation and revisions:

Dorota Dzierzbicka
Arabic translation:
Mahmoud El-Tayeb
Bibliographic editor:
Aleksandra Zych
Technical editor:
Iwona Zych
Proofreading:
Aleksandra Zych
Photographs and drawings:
PCMA UW Documentation Archives 
Illustration processing and digitizing:
Ewa Czyżewska-Zalewska, Szymon Maślak, Marta Momot, Tomasz Szmagier
Cover design:
Dobrochna Zielińska
Original series book and cover design:
MOYO Teresa Witkowska
Typesetting:
Tomasz Szmagier

Cover: Unearthing walls along the northeastern stretch of the fortifications,

view from the east (Photo D. Zielińska)

CIP – Biblioteka Narodowa
Dongola 2012-2014 : fieldwork, conservation and site management / eds. Włodzimierz Godlewski, Dorota
Dzierzbicka. - Warszawa : Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology. University of Warsaw, cop. 2015.
- (PCMA Excavation Series ; 3)

ISBN 978-83-903796-8-5
ISSN 2449-7274

© Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology, University of Warsaw, Warszawa 2015

© The Authors

All rights reserved.

Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology

University of Warsaw
ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28
00-497 Warsaw, Poland
www.pcma.uw.edu.pl
pcma@uw.edu.pl; pam.pcma@uw.edu.pl

Printed in Poland.
 CONTENTS
List of contributors........................................................................................................................... 7

Włodzimierz Godlewski
Preface . ............................................................................................................................................. 9

Dongola plan and timeline .......................................................................................................... 10

Part I The Mosque Building / former Throne Hall of Makuria

.
Chapter 1 Włodzimierz Godlewski
The architecture of the Central Hall ........................................................................................... 15
.
Chapter 2 Dobrochna Zielińska
Painted decoration of the Central Hall: preliminary inventory ............................................. 25

Chapter 3 Cristobal Calaforra-Rzepka, Karina Sosnowska, Dorota Moryto-Naumiuk
Conservation work inside the Central Hall in seasons 2009–2012.......................................... 37

Chapter 4 Elżbieta Jeżewska, Irmina Zadrożna
Analyses of pigments, binders and plaster samples from the Central Hall .........................43

Part II The Citadel in the times of the Kingdom of Makuria: site SWN

Chapter 5 Włodzimierz Godlewski
Building SWN.B.V: The Church of Raphael ..............................................................................53

Chapter 6 Włodzimierz Godlewski
with contributions by Katarzyna Danys and Marta Osypińska
Palatial Building SWN.B.I and earlier relics of Buildings SWN.B.IV and SWN.B.X............65

Chapter 7 Szymon Maślak
Bricks and brick structures in the western part of site SWN on the Citadel.........................85

Chapter 8 Dobrochna Zielińska
The painted decoration of Building SWN.B.V (Royal Church) on the Citadel:
state of research ...........................................................................................................................103
Appendix: Katarzyna Danys
Remarks on vessels in the painting of presbyter Theophorou..............................................108

Chapter 9 Adam Łajtar
Wall inscriptions in church SWN.B.V on the Citadel of Dongola ........................................111

Chapter 10 Katarzyna Danys
Amphorae from Building SWN.B.I in Dongola ...................................................................... 117

Chapter 11 Dorota Dzierzbicka
Amphora stoppers of the 7th century from Old Dongola...................................................... 153

Chapter 12 Jolanta Kurzyńska
Conservation work in Building SWN.B.V on the Citadel ..................................................... 169

Chapter 13 Irena Koss
Analysis of plaster samples from Building SWN.B.V on the Citadel . ................................ 175
 Part III The Citadel in the Funj period: sites B and SWN

Chapter 14 Włodzimierz Godlewski
The fortifications of Dongola and houses to the north of the Citadel ................................ 183

Chapter 15 Szymon Maślak
Houses of the Funj period outside the Citadel: materials and structures .......................... 215

Chapter 16 Włodzimierz Godlewski
SWN.B.I.E: a residential quarter of the Funj period (17th century) .................................... 223

Chapter 17 Naïm Vanthieghem
Documents arabes trouvés à Dongola...................................................................................... 235

Chapter 18 Anna Wodzińska
Some remarks on technological and functional aspects of Funj-period pottery
from Dongola .............................................................................................................................. 239

Chapter 19 Marta Osypińska
Animals: archaeozoological research on osteological material from the Citadel ............. 259

Part IV The monastery and cemetery on Kom H

Chapter 20 Włodzimierz Godlewski
The southwestern part of Kom H in Dongola: research on the monastic gates
and protection work in the cemeteries..................................................................................... 275

Chapter 21 Adam Łajtar
A quotation from Saint Basil’s De jejunio homilia prima 1 in a wall inscription
from the Southwest Annex of the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola ................................ 289

Chapter 22 Piotr Makowski
The Holy Trinity in Nubian art ................................................................................................ 293

Chapter 23 Agnieszka Ryś, Maciej Wyżgoł
Ceramic water supply and drainage installations from Old Dongola ............................... 309

Chapter 24 Jolanta Kurzyńska
Conservation works in the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola ............................................ 319

Part V Dongola site management and preservation

Chapter 25 Romuald Tarczewski, Teresa Dziedzic
Dongola Site Presentation Project: progress in the 2013 season .......................................... 325

.
Abbreviations............................................................................................................................... 332

References .................................................................................................................................... 333

List of illustrations ...................................................................................................................... 349

Team and seasons........................................................................................................................ 363

Dorota Dzierzbicka
Summaries of the contributions (in Arabic) ........................................................................... 373
.
.
Piotr Makowski

THE HOLY TRINITY IN NUBIAN ART

The representation of the Holy Trinity is undoubt-
edly one of the most difficult iconographic issues
in Christian art. This fact explains why Trinitar-
ian depictions have frequently been discussed
by art historians (Boespflug 2011; Brown 1999;
Bunge 2000; Thiessen 2009a) and why their com-
plex theological context has often been a subject
of debate (Greshake 1997: 123–137). The follow-
ing article attempts to introduce images of the
Nubian Trinity into that dispute. Its second aim,
no less significant, is to show the richness and
complexity of their iconography. Above all, the
systematization of knowledge about Nubian rep-
resentations of the Holy Trinity clearly illustrates
the importance of this relatively consistent and
distinctive group of paintings.
The Holy Trinity is an important subject that
is present in Nubian wall painting between the
10th and 14th centuries (Martens-Czarnecka
1992a: 310–311; Scholz 2001: 249–251). In spite
of this, apart from a  handful of rather cursory
remarks on this issue, only two comprehensive
studies addressing the problem have been pub-
lished in recent years (Martens-Czarnecka 2011:
155–162; Werner 2013: 405–406). Moreover, the
phenomenon of relatively frequent occurrence
of the Holy Trinity in the iconographical pro-
grams of Makurian churches and monaster-
ies has not benefited from sufficient attention
of specialists in Trinitarian iconography, who
maintained a  Eurocentric perspective even in
monographic works. A  long time had to pass
before this important gap in the scholarly liter-
ature became clearly noticeable.
Numerous examples of Nubian representa-
tions of the Holy Trinity were found in the Pet-
ros Cathedral (Michałowski 1967: 84–85, 133–134,
163–164)1 and the Rivergate Church (Griffith
1926: 77) in Faras, as well as in Abd el-Gadir
(Griffith 1928b: 71, 77) and Sonqi Tino (Donadoni
1970: 214),2 but they failed to attract the attention
of researchers. The situation changed after a Pol-
ish archaeological mission unearthed a large part
of the Monastery on Kom  H in Dongola (Jako-
bielski 2008). To date, ten images of the Holy
Trinity have been found in its interior. The pop-
ularity of the Trinitarian theme is particularly
evident in the Northwest Annex of the complex
(Martens-Czarnecka 2011: 155–162). Moreover,
it seems that depictions of the Holy Trinity were
painted generally in its most representative loca-
tions and constituted objects of individual piety.
According to Stefan Jakobielski, this supports the
hypothesis that the Holy Trinity might have been
the holy patron of the whole monastic compound
(Jakobielski 1995: 44–45).3 Outside the monas-
tery, in Dongola there is one other fragmentar-
ily preserved image of the Holy Trinity, which
has recently been discovered in the Throne Hall
(Godlewski 2012: 310–311, Fig. 27).

1
The term “Petros Cathedral” was proposed by Włodzimierz Godlewski (2006).
2
It should be highlighted that in many publications the representation of the Holy Trinity from Sonqi Tino was erroneously
assigned to the church in Kulubnarti (Martens-Czarnecka 1992a: 311; 1999: 552, Fig. 1; Scholz 2001: 249–250, Fig. b). This
remark is possible thanks to a recent publication, which resulted in the rediscovery of the wall paintings from Italian
excavations in Sonqi Tino (Pasi 2012: 579, Fig. 13). The author of the reconsideration of the wall painting from Sonqi Tino
did not propose a dating for the mural.
3
For bibliographical references and a  short summary of the discussion on the dedication of the Monastery on
Kom H in Dongola, see Jakobielski 2008: 288 and Łajtar and Pluskota 2001: 349. Godlewski proposed a different
hypothesis, according to which the monastery was dedicated to Anthony the Great (Godlewski 2013a: 78–95;
2013c: 663–664).

293
 Part IV – The Monastery and Cemetery on Kom H Chapter 22

Based on currently available evidence, it Three Divine Persons. Generally speaking, it

appears that no attempts at representing the Trinity
were made before the first half of the 10th century.
Depictions from the Faras Cathedral (Michałowski
1967: 84–85) [Fig. 22-2] and the church in Sonqi
Tino [Fig. 22-1] are possibly the oldest surviving
examples (Donadoni 1970: 214). Nonetheless, an
exact dating for both paintings is hard to establish.
Initially Kazimierz Michałowski argued that the
mural from Faras was painted in the 10th century
(Michałowski 1967: 84), but nowadays a  date in
the first half of the 11th century seems more prob-
able (Godlewski 2006: 110–113). Also the precise
chronology of the Sonqi Tino painting has yet to
be established. A  reassessment of architectural
transformations (Santamaria et al. 2012: 553–568)
and epigraphic evidence, however, leads one to
assume that most of the decorative program of this
church was probably executed in the second half
of the 10th century.4 The other Trinitarian images
can be assigned to the Late period of Nubian art
(from the second half of the 11th to the 14th cen-
tury).5 Włodzimierz Godlewski proposes to date
the representation from the Rivergate Church in
Faras to as late as the 14th century (Godlewski
1995: 57, 60; 2008: 274).
Nubian image of the Holy Trinity
In Nubian art, the Holy Trinity is typically rep-
resented as three identical male figures.6 The
triadic structure is clearly used to address the
problem of divine plurality and unity. The indi-
vidual Persons are arranged horizontally, usu-
ally facing the front. Moreover, they are all of
the same age and have the same facial expres-
sion, wear the same costume and carry identical
attributes of their dignity. This iconographical
model illustrates the absolute identity of the
seems that in Nubian Trinitarian representation
the similar form of the three figures symbol-
izes their consubstantiality, their uniform size
implies co-equality, and symmetrical grouping
demonstrates their unity.
The individual paintings represent homoge-
neous features that are probably a product of local
imaging theology and aesthetic intuition.7 How-
ever, it seems that Nubians did not establish a sin-
gle pattern to visualize the Trinitarian dogma. The
formal and semantic variety of Trinity depictions
under study tends to show that artists were not
bound by strict theological or conventional restric-
tions. The exceptional popularity of the Trinity in
Nubian art led to a remarkable multiplicity of rep-
resentations of the tripartite Divine Being.8 Despite
this, it is very likely that all Nubian attempts of
transposing the idea of Trinitarian dogma onto
imagery realized the same coherent concept. The
image makers developed a  satisfactory formula
that must have been influenced by local ritual, cus-
toms and beliefs.
The image of three repeated figures perfectly
conveyed the idea of the similarity of the Divine
Persons, but at the cost of their oneness. Archae-
ological evidence proves that even though the
Nubian manner of figuration of the Holy Trinity
partly neglected the unity of the Three Divine
Persons and in turn largely focused on the idea
of their identity, it was never banned by the
Makurian Church.9 The achieved iconography
survived until the end of Christianity in Nubia.
In Western art, the representation of the Holy
Trinity as three identical figures side by side led
to associations with tritheism, which was the main
cause of failure of this iconographical type (Seibert
1980: 83). A similar problem may have occurred in
Nubia, since in the terminal period of Nubian art
image makers made another attempt to visualize

4
Based on the relationship between the depiction of the Holy Trinity and the portrait of king Georgios III (965–
1002?), the son of Zacharias, it could be assumed that both murals were painted in the same period. It seems prob-
able that the royal image was painted during the king’s reign in the second half of the 10th century; nonetheless,
the exact moment of its execution remains unknown (Godlewski 2002a: 90).
5
It should be pointed out that the chronological framework of the so-called Late period of Nubian art was defined
differently by Godlewski (1995) and by Martens-Czarnecka (1992a).
6
A non-anthropomorphic representation of the Holy Trinity in the scene of Baptism is known from the Monastery
on Kom H in Dongola (Martens-Czarnecka 2003: 152, Fig. 12; 2011: 147–150) and from a wooden carving from
Qasr Ibrim (Taylor 1991: 68, Fig. 90). However, neither of them should be understood as attempts to show the
essence of the Triune God, but rather as His indirect manifestations. Their iconographic form visibly recalls Early
Christian and Byzantine patterns (Jensen 2012).
7
The role of local imaging theology in the process of creating particular representations and the iconographical
program of Nubian churches was emphasized by Piotr Scholz (Szolc (=Scholz) 1975: 296–299).
8
The formal diversity in facial expressions and vestments of the Three Persons of the Trinity were repeatedly
described by Martens-Czarnecka (2011: 163–165).
Dongola 2012-2014

9
In Western art, the representation of the Holy Trinity as three repeated figures was prohibited by Pope Benedict XIV
in 1745 (Hallebeek 2007: 353).

294
 Piotr Makowski – The Holy Trinity in Nubian art
the Holy Trinity: to emphasize the unity of the Three
Persons, the three figures were transformed into
a single body with three heads. The oneness of the
Triune God was expressed in an unnatural vision
of a  three-headed figure. Until now only four
examples of this artistic creation have been found
in Nubia. Two of them were unearthed by a Brit-
ish archaeological mission in Abd el-Gadir (Grif-
fith 1928b: 71, 77, Figs 47, 56; von Bissing 1937: 157)
[Fig. 22-3] and two more badly preserved sketches
are known from the Monastery on Kom H in Don-
gola [Fig. 22-4]. It should be noted that on the walls
of the monastery the Trinity is depicted both as
a thrice-repeated human figure and as a tricephalus,
that is, a  triple-headed figure (Martens-Czarnecka
2001a: 271, Fig. 12; 2011: 158–159, Fig. 75) proving
that the two forms of representation were variants
of the same imaging concept.
This type of representations of the Trinitarian
God is also well attested in Medieval iconogra-
phy. Its exact theological explanation remains
unclear (Thiessen 2009b: 15). The form of this type
may be reminiscent of pagan prototypes (Pet-
tazzoni 1946). As a result of this implication and
the aforementioned monstrous associations, in
Fig. 22-1. T
 he Holy Trinity from the church in
Sonqi Tino (Sudan National Museum,
Khartoum)
Europe the tricephalus of the Trinity became a sub-
ject of numerous theological critiques (Mills 2003:
38) and was finally banned by Pope Urban VIII in
1628 (Hallebeek 2007: 353; Brown 1999: 334–335).
Attention should be drawn to the fact that,
similarly as in other artistic centers (Thiessen
2009b: 15), in Nubia tricephalic images of the
Trinity are a clear allusion to Christ Pantocrator
in his gesture of blessing. It is rather surprising
because none of them are placed in monumen-
tal contexts. Despite this, the abstract image of
the Triune God must have left viewers with an
impression of His inaccessibility. At the same
time a  representation showing the Trinity in
a  manner that evidently exceeded the frames
of human perception would have significantly
Fig. 22-2. The Holy Trinity from the Faras Cathedral,
northern aisle (Sudan National Museum,
Khartoum)
295
 Part IV – The Monastery and Cemetery on Kom H Chapter 22

strengthened the conviction of God’s omnipo-
tence and induced fear.
The lack of preserved theological texts makes it
difficult to comprehend how the Nubians under-
stood the essence of the Holy Trinity. However,
the form of the visual representations suggests that
they did not respect the construct’s internal hier-
archy. Moreover, the identical anthropomorphic
form of the Three Persons precludes observation
of their relations. An important source that may
offer a reliable testimony of the Makurian under-
standing of the Trinitarian dogma is a letter from
king Moses George to Apa Mark, Patriarch of Alex-
andria, discovered in House 177 (archive no. 3)
in Qasr Ibrim. The principal part of this document
is prefaced by an elaborate invocation of the Holy
Trinity. Although it does not directly refer to the
issue of imaging the dogma, it seems to illustrate
the close affinity between the Nubian interpreta-
tion of the mystery of the Holy Trinity and its pic-
torial representation. Speaking about the nature of
the Holy Trinity, the author of the text stressed that
it was a “... Trinity of three hypostaseis standing
perfect, of three persons equal to one another in
glory and suffering, the Trinity in Oneness and the
Oneness in Trinity” (after Adams 1996: 228).10 Evi-
dently the emphasis was placed on the unity of the
three hypostases, which finds sufficient expression
in the Nubian form of figuring the Trinity.
A fundamental difficulty which arises dur-
ing reexamination of this material is the issue of
terminology. Relying on formal features, most
Nubiologists describe the identical depictions
of the Three Persons of the Holy Trinity as tri-
ple representations of Christ.11 This approach
is partially justified because the identical fig-
ures of the Trinity are characterized mainly by
Christological motifs, such as a  cruciform nim-
bus. Moreover, the particular Persons are often
rendered as middle-aged men with short black

Fig. 22-3. T
 he Holy Trinity as a three-headed figure Fig. 22-4. Sketch of the Holy Trinity as a  three-headed
from the church in Abd el-Gadir (Sudan figure, Northwest Annex of the Monastery on
National Museum, Khartoum) Kom H in Dongola

10
I wish to express my gratitude to Prof. Włodzimierz Godlewski for bringing this to my attention.
11
A  summary of Martens-Czarnecka’s remarks on the depictions of the Holy Trinity is published in her recent
article. In the formal description she treats the identical images of the Holy Trinity as representations of Christ
Dongola 2012-2014

(Martens-Czarnecka 2012: 243–244). The same terminology was also frequently used by Włodzimierz Godlewski
and Stefan Jakobielski.

296
 Piotr Makowski – The Holy Trinity in Nubian art
beards. Almost all of them are depicted holding
ornate volumes in their right hands. A remark-
able example is, for instance, the painting from
Chapel 13 in the Monastery on Kom H in Don-
gola, in which the left Person evidently points
to ornamented books held by the others (Mar-
tens-Czarnecka 2003: 150, Fig. 10). This gesture
should probably be interpreted as an expres-
sion of the conviction that the mystery of the
Holy Trinity is accessible only by way of reve-
lation flowing from the Bible. Furthermore, it is
widely accepted in art-historical discourse that
the anthropomorphic representation of the Holy
Trinity as three identical figures was largely
based on biblical sources. It seems probable
that a literal interpretation of fragments such as:
“... I am in the Father and the Father in me” (Jn
14:7–11) or “I and the Father are the One” (Jn
10:30) could have persuaded image makers to
visualize all three Beings of the Trinity as Chris-
tomorphic figures (Boespflug 2011: 473–474).
Also certain theological syntheses like that of
Saint Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses, IV:6,6: “the
Father is the invisible of the Son, but the Son,
the visible of the Father” could have given some
important substantiation to the development of
this iconographical type.12
Despite this, without textual background and
relying on visual evidence alone it is impossible
to determine if Nubians understood repeated
representations of Jesus Christ as tangible
images of God the Father and the Holy Ghost,
or just as His visual imitations. In consequence,
the question whether the Nubian Trinity was
depicted as three identical figures of Christ and
if so, for what reason, will remain difficult to
answer. Taking this into consideration, it is safer
to avoid referring to all three identical Persons
as figures or busts of Christ because it indirectly
suggests their identification.
These considerations are also related to the
issue of the position of the particular Divine Per-
sons. It is widely assumed that the place in the cen-
ter of the composition was occupied by the Son of
God, but in the Nubian reality such an interpreta-
tion would be supported only by some ambiguous
epigraphic suggestions (Martens-Czarnecka 2011:
155; Jakobielski 2004). Based on an iconograph-
ical analysis of a  depiction of the Trinity within
the Maiestas Domini composition in the Faras
Cathedral, Roland Werner has recently proposed
12
Some scholars have suggested that the textual sources of the pictorial form of the Nubian Trinity were the work
of Athanasius the Great, in which he focused on the issue of unity of the Triune God (von Bissing 1937: 157).
13
According to Jakobielski, a  reference to the Holy Trinity is also present in a  damaged text in Old Nubian
accompanying the image of a ruler in the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola (Jakobielski 2004).
a different interpretation (Werner 2013: 405). Like
Michałowski before him, he identified the figure
in the middle of the composition as God the Father
(Michałowski 1974: 180). This interpretation is also
supported by an apotropaic invocation of the Holy
Trinity placed on the ceiling, near the top of the
west wall of the burial crypt under the Northwest
Annex of the Monastery on Kom  H in Dongola
(Łajtar and van der Vliet 2012: 332). There have
been suggestions that an inscription located above
the painting from Sonqi Tino mentions the Holy
Trinity (Martens-Czarnecka 1999b: 556; 2001b:
287). However, this text was never published.13
Furthermore, the three Persons of the Holy Trinity
are invoked on a mural from the Faras Cathedral
(Michałowski 1967: 84–85; Jakobielski 1972: 178;
Dinkler 1975: 26). In any case, the lack of evident
legends giving the name of the subject on the wall
paintings suggests that representations of the Holy
Trinity must have been easily recognizable to the
viewers.
Unlike in other Christian artistic centers, in
Nubia particular figures of the Holy Trinity are
usually shown in very close, almost familiar rela-
tionships. They are frequently adjacent to each
other. Often the central figure is slightly “raised”
in relation to the other two, covering parts of their
arms and torsos. Trinitarian images were usually
clearly separated from other depictions, stand-
ing out from the white background of the plaster
covering the walls of monasteries and churches.
The depiction of divine figures as motionless and
suspended in space emphasized their hieratic
character and gave an impression of timelessness
and immutability. Nubians must have seen them
as otherworldly representations of Divine Beings.
The issue of anthropomorphism, which arose
from the study of the Nubian Trinity, provides
a clear indication of the existence of a relationship
between representation and adoration. It is prob-
able that Trinitarian images, like representations
of the Theophany of the Cross (Maiestas Crucis),
functioned as devotional images (van Moorsel
1966: 303–316; van Moorsel, Jacquet, and Schnei-
der 1975: 111–115). Most of them were probably
ex votos commissioned by members of the clergy,
dignitaries or simply those who wished to earn
the grace of God through an act of generosity. It
is partly confirmed by two paintings on which the
images of donors appear next to depictions of the
Holy Trinity (Martens-Czarnecka 2003: 150, Fig. 10;
297
 Part IV – The Monastery and Cemetery on Kom H
Gazda 2003: 234–235, Fig. 7). The devotional con-
notation of Trinitarian images is even more evident
in scenes of protection. By ordering their portraits
to be painted in close relation to the Trinity, Nubi-
ans sought an easier way to achieve salvation. In
this context Trinitarian images played an impor-
tant role in the sphere of individual piety.
Iconographical context
In the majority of cases Trinitarian images are
related to various iconographical contexts and
form part of wider sequences of meaning along-
side other subjects. Moreover, the location of
particular representations of the Holy Trin-
ity suggests that their place in the decorative
scheme of the sacral space was not usually speci-
fied.14 Especially in the Monastery on Kom H in
Dongola the representations of the Holy Trinity
do not appear to constitute fixed elements of the
iconographical program.
As a  point of departure, I propose to study
the paintings from Sonqi Tino and the Faras
Cathedral, which depict the Trinitarian sub-
ject in a  form that had already developed into
its typical Nubian rendering. Both show a clear
tendency toward linearism and almost the same
conventional repertoire of features. The mural
from Sonqi Tino is a  rare example in which
the Trinitarian representation is shown inde-
pendently without any additional motifs. The
abstract identity of the Three Persons is high-
lighted here by their formal placement side by
side, their constant proximity and uninterrupted
relationship. Despite the schematic, almost
sketchy character of the depiction, all figures are
monumental, which must have been perceived
as an indication of holiness.
The iconography of the painting discovered
in the northern aisle of the Faras Cathedral is
much more complicated (Michałowski 1967:
84–85; Dinkler 1975: 26). First of all, the image is
divided into three registers. According to Kurt
Weitzmann, the presence of a geometrical frame
supports the hypothesis that the source for the
Faras wall painting was an icon (Weitzmann
1970: 326). In the upper part, the composition
shows three identical Persons characterized
by Christ’s attributes and physiognomy. The
Christological aspect of these representations
is confirmed by the presence of several motifs.
The right hands are arranged in the gesture of
14
It seems that only in Sonqi Tino the location of the representation of the Holy Trinity was a result of its incorpo-
ration into a more complex decorative scheme (Zielińska 2012: 595).
15
This phenomenon was also visible in the material culture (Ratyński 1982).
298
Chapter 22
blessing depicted in the Latin manner. A pecu-
liar detail is that all of them bear crucifixion
wounds on the hands. The schematically shown
clouds mark the border between earthly and
heavenly spheres, two zones in which salvation
is realized. A preserved Coptic inscription men-
tioning the donor Staurosilkuda, a  deacon in
the church of Mary in Pachoras (Faras), proves
beyond doubt that the painting functioned as
a votive image (Jakobielski 1972: 178).
Three crosses in the lower register are obviously
a reference both to the historical fact of Crucifixion
and to Resurrection. Moreover, their presence is
a symptom of a particular local cult of the cross,
evident in Nubian wall painting (van Moorsel
1966; Dobrzeniecki 1974; Dinkler 1975).15 The small
bells hanging from their arms probably have an
apotropaic meaning complementary to the votive
character of the painting (Dobrzeniecki 1987: 383–
384). The meaning that all these elements seem to
communicate is that the mystery of the invisible
Holy Trinity is revealed thanks to the Incarnation
of the Son of God. Piotr Scholz pointed out that
the joint motif of three repeated representations
of Christomorphic figures and three decorated
crosses should be regarded as an image of Divine
Theophany. In his opinion, the peculiar composi-
tional arrangement of the wall painting may have
been the result of influences of Gnostic philoso-
phy (Scholz 1990: 575–577). According to Tadeusz
Dobrzeniecki, the iconographic setting proves that
the painting was in fact a representation of three
hypostases of Jesus Christ (Dobrzeniecki 1987:
383–385). Unfortunately, Dobrzeniecki’s specula-
tions were based on very limited material. He dis-
cussed the depictions of the three identical divine
figures in the light of the Christological and philo-
sophical problems of the Early Christian period.
This line of reasoning is in fact too general to be
applicable to recent evidence on representations of
Nubian Trinities.
Another example of a  Trinitarian image dis-
covered in the Faras Cathedral constitutes an
element of the Maiestas Domini composition on
the east wall of the southern aisle [Fig. 22-5]. The
unique arrangement of this wall painting consists
of a monumental figure of enthroned Christ with
a  scene of adoration of the cross and a  subse-
quently added representation of the Holy Trinity
flanked by the Twelve Apostles. Initially the two
parts were interpreted separately (Michałowski
1967: 133–134, 163–164), but Dobrzeniecki’s
Dongola 2012-2014
 Piotr Makowski – The Holy Trinity in Nubian art

detailed studies proved the close ideological con-

nection between them (Dobrzeniecki 1980). This
seems to be the only example of a representation
of the Nubian Trinity directly connected with
the liturgical sphere. The iconographical motifs
included in the representation of enthroned
Christ support this hypothesis (Galavaris 1986:
238–239). Moreover, in the 12th century the south-
eastern part of the Cathedral began to function as
a separate chapel. This change was clearly related
to the process of reconfiguration of the church
interior. The small altar (podium) built in front
of the representation of Maiestas Domini suggests
that the whole painting was transformed into an
apsidal composition (Godlewski 2006: 134). At
the same time, the Trinitarian image surrounded
by the Twelve Apostles was incorporated into
a  representation of an apocalyptical vision. The
Holy Trinity replaced the scene of adoration of
the cross.16 However, it should be noted that the
earlier depiction was not completely concealed by
the new painting. Undoubtedly, this solution was
an intentional choice of the artist who wanted to
compare the meaning of the two subjects. In con-
sequence, the whole composition should be inter- Fig. 22-5. Maiestas Domini and the Holy Trin-
preted on two overlapping levels. ity flanked by the Twelve Apostles from
The apocalyptic aspect of the Maiestas Domini the Faras Cathedral, southern aisle
is confirmed by the presence of the cross in the (National Museum in Warsaw)

Fig. 22-6. T
 he Holy Trinity from the Faras Cathedral, southern aisle (National Museum in Warsaw)

16
In Late Antiquity, representations of a cross adored or carried by two angels were relatively popular in Egypt
(Basta 1990: Figs 4–5, 9). The role of the cross in Coptic iconography was studied by Marguerite Rassart-Debergh
(1994).

299
 Part IV – The Monastery and Cemetery on Kom H
lower part of the composition. It seems to be
a  clear reference to both the Gospels and the
Fathers of the Church, according to whom a shin-
ing cross will precede Christ in His Second Com-
ing. As has been observed, the depiction of two
angels flanking the cross, located below Christ in
Majesty, should be seen as a symbolic interpreta-
tion of the apocryphal description of the Resur-
rection (Dobrzeniecki 1987: 354). In my view, the
eschatological idea proposed by Dobrzeniecki is
realized also in the image of the Holy Trinity. It
seems to be manifested by crosses held by the
Divine Persons. The direct reference to the fact
of Incarnation in the Christomorphic form of the
Three Divine Persons takes the analysis of the
whole composition a step further. Certainly, the
image of theophany reveals the divine as well as
the human nature of Jesus Christ. Moreover, the
apocalyptic ruler of the universe is shown also
as a Divine Being of the Holy Trinity (Galavaris
1986: 238–239).
The Coptic inscription visible in the open
book held by the enthroned Christ is undoubt-
edly the key to the true meaning of this composi-
tion. It includes the opening verses of the Gospel
of John: “In the beginning was the Word — and
the Word was with God — and the Word was
God”. The inscribed fragment does not follow
exactly the words of John’s prologue, but main-
tains its general sense (Jakobielski 1972: 133), in
which the concept of consubstantiality of the
Holy Trinity is clearly recognizable. It should
be noted that biblical quotations rarely occur on
Nubian wall paintings (Ochała 2014b: 35).17 In
this context the inscription functions as a sepa-
rate iconographical motif. The three affirmations
of John are among the most important sources
for understanding the nature of the Holy Trin-
ity. Moreover, this formula has become one of
the principal foundations of Trinitarian theology
as a whole (Galavaris 1986: 239).
This representation of the Holy Trinity finds
no direct parallels even in Nubian art. All fig-
ures are characterized by the same features and
are positioned symmetrically, but the central
Person is somewhat larger than the other two
and, furthermore, is located slightly higher. It is
not clear whether this disproportion is an effect
of compositional factors or testimony of a wish
to highlight the specific relationship between the
Divine Persons [Fig. 22-6].
The image of the Holy Trinity is related to an
apocalyptic context also on the two wall paint-
ings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola
[Fig. 22-7]. Both compositions depict the Holy
17
There are only three examples in Coptic and one in Greek.
300
Chapter 22
Trinity enclosed within a medallion and flanked
by Four Apocalyptic Creatures. This unusual
arrangement is unparalleled in Christian iconog-
raphy (Martens-Czarnecka 2001a: 272–273, Fig.
13; 2003: 145–148, Fig. 5; 2011: 160, Fig. 73). Simi-
larly to the representation of Maiestas Crucis, also
popular in Makurian art, the Dongolese paintings
can be recognized as variants of the monumen-
tal subject of Maiestas Domini (Dobrzeniecki 1974:
215–216). The image of Christ in Majesty, however,
is replaced by a  representation of the Holy Trin-
ity. Moreover, the meaning of the representation is
reduced to a liturgical context. Martens-Czarnecka
pointed out that particular figures of the holy triad
show several formal features typical rather for
the image of Christ Pantocrator than for Maiestas
Domini (Martens-Czarnecka 2011: 160). Neverthe-
less, it is unlikely to be a testimony of a fusion of
two monumental iconographical subjects. The
Four Creatures accompanying the Trinity convey
the same spiritual statement as in the vision of
Christ in Majesty. Therefore, both paintings may
be classified as Maiestas Trinitatis (Boespflug and
Załuska 1994: 186–188). In an indicative manner
they communicate a Trinitarian meaning, which is
usually hidden in the image of Maiestas Domini. In
this place it should be noted that much later Ethio-
pian representations of the Holy Trinity are also
frequently surrounded by Four Apocalyptic Crea-
tures (Chojnacki 1983: 101–146). It seems, however,
that Nubian legends naming the Four Apocalyptic
Creatures and their reading in clockwise rotation
probably have their sources in Coptic literature
(Tsakos 2014).
Fig. 22-7. The Holy Trinity flanked by Four Apoca-
lyptic Creatures, Northwest Annex of the
Monastery on Kom H in Dongola
Dongola 2012-2014
 Piotr Makowski – The Holy Trinity in Nubian art

A remarkable phenomenon in Nubian art is
the fact that from the 9th century to the end of
the Christian period local dignitaries were often
depicted under the protection of holy figures.
Among examples of this type of representa-
tions only three show the Holy Trinity as a pro-
tector (Jakobielski 2007: 44). The first one was
discovered by the British archeological mission
in the Rivergate Church in Faras [Fig. 22-10]. It
depicts a royal figure or nobleman in very ample
robes, holding a spear in two hands and carry-
ing a small round shield on his left arm (Griffith
1926: 77, Fig. 61).18 A key feature is certainly his
crown decorated with horns on both sides. As
has been proposed by Godlewski, this element
likely functioned as a royal attribute (Godlewski
2008b: 273). The chronology of the wall painting
in the Rivergate Church is uncertain because it
was based mainly on architectural modifications
of its interior. Relying on the latter and on sty-
listic parallels, Martens-Czarnecka placed it in
the 12th or 13th centuries (Martens-Czarnecka
1992b: 367), but in fact it could have been exe-
cuted even in the 14th century (Godlewski 2008:
274). The Holy Trinity is positioned behind the
head of the protected individual, within a  rec-
tangular frame. Two figures lean out from the
geometrical border and place their hands on the
shoulders of the ruler. This feature clearly illus-
trates the notion that Divine Beings have a direct
influence on the mundane sphere.
The second, and well-known, example was
unearthed in the Monastery on Kom H in Don-
gola, where it undoubtedly functioned in a com-
memorative context [Fig. 22-11]. The lower part
of the composition is almost completely covered
with soot from oil lamps placed on the very
narrow mastaba directly below the painting.
The composition shows a  royal figure in rep-
resentative vestments under protection of the
Holy Trinity. There has been some debate as to
whether the depiction shows a figure of a king
or a Queen Mother.19 This discussion, however,
extends beyond the scope of this paper.
The three Beings of the Holy Trinity rising
from the clouds are depicted protecting and
crowning the ruler. The central figure is shown
en face directly above the anonymous monarch,
on the main axis of the composition, putting the
“heavenly” crown on the ruler’s head. The two
other Divine Persons turn towards the center of
the composition and place their hands on the
shoulders of the portrayed person in a  gesture
of protection. The Person on the left also holds
a cross affixed on top of a long staff. The pres-
ence of regal attributes and gestures of Divine
Beings clearly indicates that the whole composi-
tion should be interpreted as a scene of corona-
tion. A symptomatic element is the fact that the
transfer of authority occurs on the level of the
clouds that surround the main figure.20 It implies
that this symbolic act takes place in the celestial
sphere.
Three identical crosses located below the
long tunic probably represent the Three Per-
sons of the Holy Trinity. The fourth one located
under them was interpreted by Martens-Czar-
necka as an equivalent of crosses frequently
seen below figural representations in Nubian
churches (Martens-Czarnecka 2001b: 293). The
whole arrangement could also constitute a sche-
matic allusion to the scene of protection depicted
on the painting. Moreover, it finds a remarkable
parallel in a depiction in the northern aisle of the
Faras Cathedral. On both paintings the repeti-
tion of the symbolic image of the Holy Trinity
seems to assert that the mystery of the dogma is
revealed in the Incarnation of Christ.
Both paintings represent the same variant of
the protection scene subtype also known from
the Faras Cathedral (Jakobielski 2007: 50). The
basic arrangement of the composition is almost
identical. The focal position is occupied by the
royal figure. Moreover, the border of the celestial
space is evidently separated from the rest of the
composition. The gesture of protection indicates
a close, almost intimate relationship between the
rulers and the Holy Trinity.
The scenes of protection are also well known
from Byzantine art (Ševčenko 1994), but the
close, almost familiar relationship between rep-
resentatives of the Nubian secular power and
Divine Beings seems to lack satisfactory paral-
lels. Also the role of both paintings in the icono-
graphical program of sacral buildings remains
unclear. Nevertheless, the presence of particu-
lar motifs, such as regalia, gives us important
clues as to changes in the functioning of the

18
Initially it was interpreted as an attribute of the eparch (Žabkar 1963).
19
Based on uncertain epigraphic indications and the form of composition Martens-Czarnecka and Jakobielski
argue that the portrait depicts a king (Martens-Czarnecka 2001b: 285; Jakobielski 2004). Godlewski rejected this
hypothesis and stated that facial features and the presence of earrings imply that the figure could be interpreted
as a Queen Mother (Godlewski 1995: 40, 51, Fig. 3; 2008: 278–280, Fig. 14).
20
The schematically shown clouds find a parallel in a painting of a Nubian dignitary on a mural in Chapel 1 in
Banganarti (Żurawski 2003a: 148, Fig. 14; 2003b: 247, Fig. 10).

301
 Part IV – The Monastery and Cemetery on Kom H Chapter 22

Fig. 22-8. The Holy Trinity protecting the bishop

Georgios, Northwest Annex of the Monas-
tery on Kom H in Dongola

Fig. 22-9. Archangel Michael crowned by the Holy

Trinity, Northwest Annex of the Monas-
tery on Kom H in Dongola

Fig. 22-10. N
 obleman or royal figure protected by the
Holy Trinity from the Rivergate Church
in Faras
Fig. 22-11. Royal figure protected by the Holy Trin-
ity, Northwest Annex of the Monastery
on Kom H in Dongola
Dongola 2012-2014

302
 Piotr Makowski – The Holy Trinity in Nubian art
Makurian court (Godlewski 2008: 274). Regard-
less of their place in the mechanism of power,
portraits of individuals protected by the Holy
Trinity should be regarded also as private
expressions of piety. In a symbolic way, the ruler
transformed his mortal body into a visual repre-
sentation. In consequence, the painting became
not only a medium between image and viewer
but also a  perfect manifestation of the donor’s
individual existence as his eternal life in heaven
(Belting 2012: 38–39).
This notion also finds confirmation in a frag-
mentarily preserved mural from the chamber
above the southern crypt in the Monastery on
Kom  H in Dongola [Fig. 22-8]. The composi-
tion was partly reconstructed thanks to several
fragments of painted plaster found in the layers
of debris. It clearly consisted of three identical
heads placed above a  portrait of a  local male
dignitary. In contrast to the majority of Nubian
representations, the three Beings of the Holy
Trinity are not depicted frontally. The two lat-
eral Persons lean slightly forward, in the direc-
tion of the center of the composition. This artistic
measure enhances the position of the protected
figure and highlights his close relationship with
the Triune God. According to local tradition, his
brown skin tone indicates Nubian origin (Mar-
tens-Czarnecka 2011: 159–160, Fig. 76). Based
on this detail, Stefan Jakobielski has suggested
that the image may have been a portrait of Arch-
bishop Georgios (1031–1113). This interpreta-
tion is supported by the location of the mural
as much as by the subject of the painting (Jako-
bielski 1995b: 40). On his funerary stela, Geor-
gios is designated as archbishop, archimandrite
(of the Monastery) of Anthony the Great and
archistylites of (the Monastery of) the Holy Trin-
ity (Łajtar 2002; Jakobielski 1995: 43).21 It is prob-
able, therefore, that it was his personal desire to
commemorate himself under the protection of
the Holy Trinity. The archaeological context of
the wall painting suggests that it was associated
with a sepulchral cult. In contrast to other exam-
ples of scenes of protection by the Trinity, Geor-
gios was not depicted at the symbolic moment
of taking office, but in the celestial realm that he
ascended to after death.
Recent works in the Throne Hall in Dongola
have brought to light the first depiction of the
Trinity located in a  space directly connected
21
The interpretation of the text of that inscription is a focal point in the discussion on the dedication of the Monas-
tery on Kom H in Dongola (Jakobielski 2008: 288–291). The socio-political portrait of Georgios has been recently
sketched by Godlewski (2013c).
22
According to A. Musin, this tradition survived longer outside the Byzantine Empire (Musin 2010: 33–35).
with the royal court (Godlewski 2012: 310–311,
Fig. 27). It should probably be assigned to the
group of paintings in which the Trinity is shown
in scenes of protection. Nevertheless, the state of
preservation makes it difficult to interpret this
composition in a definitive fashion. It very likely
depicts the coronation of a  Makurian king. It
must have clearly communicated the idea that
regal power is bestowed by God. In this context,
the visual image of the ruler served a  specific
role as a tool of royal propaganda. Above all, it
promoted his position and conveyed a clear mes-
sage to the society at large (Mierzejewska 1999:
285–286). Employing the depictions of the Holy
Trinity in royal iconography, Nubians certainly
adopted the distinctive language of Byzantine
art. Similarly to Byzantine emperors, members
of the Makurian royal family functioned in both
mundane and celestial spheres (Maguire 1997).
By representing themselves under the protec-
tion of holy figures they aimed to express their
direct contact with the divine realm.
An extraordinary representation of the Holy
Trinity is located above a  monumental depic-
tion of Archangel Michael in Room 13 in the
Northwest Annex of the Monastery on Kom H in
Dongola [Fig. 22-9]. The three identical Persons
of the Trinity are shown in much smaller scale
than the archangel, leaving no doubt that the
main subject of the composition is Michael. He
is represented in royal splendor, wearing a loros
and a gold crown. Moreover, in his right hand he
holds a long staff topped with a cross and in the
left a round paten (Martens-Czarnecka 2003: 150,
Fig. 10; 2011: 232). All these iconographical motifs
certainly indicate that this wall painting was exe-
cuted in the Byzantine tradition, identifying the
figure of the Archangel with the emperor (Magu-
ire 1997: 258).22 Only the central Being of the Holy
Trinity is depicted frontally. The flanking Persons
turn toward the main axis of the composition.
All of them place their hands on the Archan-
gel’s halo in a  gesture of acclamation. Based on
these details, Magdalena Łaptaś has convincingly
identified the whole composition as a coronation
scene (Łaptaś 2010: 680–681). The fact that there is
no clear divide between the figure of the Archan-
gel and the Holy Trinity suggests that the whole
scene was placed in the celestial realm. Yet-to-be-
published inscriptions accompanying the depic-
tion are certainly fragments of prayers to the
303
 Part IV – The Monastery and Cemetery on Kom H Chapter 22

Archangel, who is regarded as the commander
of the heavenly host and the bishop of Heav-
enly Jerusalem. The arrangement of the painting
repeats the pattern known from representations
of protection, but also constitutes a scene that is
undoubtedly based on textual sources.
An image of Christ flanked by Twelve Apos-
tles painted in the lower register of the north and
south walls of Room 13 suggests that the room
was remodeled to serve as a  church (Zielińska
2010b: 646, Fig. 4). Nevertheless, it seems that
the image of the protective Trinity was not
directly connected with the chamber’s liturgical
function.
Another unparalleled representation of the
Holy Trinity was uncovered on a pillar in the Mon-
astery Church on Kom H in Dongola [Fig. 22-12].
Based on formal similarities, Martens-Czarnecka
suggested that it exhibited features characteristic
for the so-called “Common Throne” type. How-
ever, it should be made clear that other examples
of this type known mostly from Western art are
much more complex and extended to include sev-
eral iconographical motifs (Martens-Czarnecka
2011: 159). The state of preservation makes par-
ticular elements of the painting difficult to dis-
tinguish. The Three Divine Beings are seated on
a monumental throne.23 The Trinity is flanked by
two figures dressed in representational vestments.
The author of the report suggests that they were
portrayed as members of the royal family (Gazda
2003: 234–235, Fig. 7). Stylistic analogies show
that the composition of this painting could have
been a  result of an Egyptian influence (Martens-
Czarnecka 2011: 159).24 A  remarkable feature of
the composition is a  bunch of leafed twigs held
by a female figure to the right of the Holy Trinity
(Mierzejewska 2008: 36–39, Fig. 1). This may indi-
cate that the woman was portrayed as a deceased
person who had already attained salvation.25
Hence, both figures were probably depicted as
members of the heavenly court. Being in the celes-
tial space, they began to function as mediators
between the earthly and heavenly realms.

Fig. 22-12. The Holy Trinity from the Monastery Church on Kom H in Dongola

23
It finds an analogy in a painting from Abd el-Gadir, but the form of the throne is completely different (Griffith
1927: 70–71).
24
The composition of the Dongolese wall painting seems to find a  formal analogy in a  depiction of Three Old
Testament Patriarchs from Deir el-Surian (Innemée 1998: 292, Fig. 1).
Dongola 2012-2014

25
This is a  common interpretation of these particular iconographical motifs present in Christian art from Late
Antiquity. For a well-known example from the 6th century, see Piccirillo 1993: 296.

304
 Piotr Makowski – The Holy Trinity in Nubian art

Local creation or borrowed icono-
graphical type?
Tracing the genesis of Nubian representations
of the Holy Trinity is an inherently problematic
task. While we have a  relatively large body of
evidence at our disposal, the question of icono-
graphical sources for the Nubian Trinity still
remains open to discussion. All the available
options seem equally uncertain.
Godlewski rightly points out that the fre-
quent presence of Trinitarian images in the
iconographical program of Nubian churches
and monasteries finds no satisfactory paral-
lels (Godlewski 2000b: 177). Partly following
Dobrzeniecki’s hypothesis, he argues that the
form of the Nubian Trinity was borrowed from
Byzantine art (Dobrzeniecki 1987: 385). How-
ever, this assumption seems doubtful because
the vision of Trinity in Byzantine theology
excluded the use of three anthropomorphic fig-
ures to convey the Trinitarian dogma (Felmy
2011; Meyendorff 1979: 180–190).26 Occasionally
this form of imagery was used to illustrate three
separate hypostases of Jesus Christ, but in such
cases particular figures were shown separately
and varied in age and attributes (Bigham 1995:
Fig. 11; Galavaris 1979: Figs 75–78; Tsuji 1975:
Figs 1–4). Some scholars have, nonetheless,
traced the origins of the images of Trinity shown
as three identical male figures to Byzantine art.27
This theory is supported only by formal simi-
larities, however, as no possible prototypes have
been identified in Byzantine iconography to
date.
The Holy Trinity was a rare subject in Ortho-
dox iconography. Because of theological diffi-
culties the Byzantines avoided representing the
dogma in a direct manner. In consequence, the
form of their Trinitarian representations was
less literal and more allegorical, mainly based
on Divine Theophanies described in the Old
and New Testaments, for instance Philoxenia or
Baptism of Christ in the River Jordan. Under
Western influence some anthropomorphic mod-
els of figuring the Trinity became popular in the
13th century, but it should be assumed that this
trend occurred outside the main artistic centers
(Bogevska 2012: 144–146; Kalopissi-Verti 2012:
47–48). Clearly the Nubian attitudes toward
Trinitarian imagery were not the same as those
present in the Byzantine Empire. The local image
of the Trinity was created in a major center and
its form was very suggestive to the viewers.
Unquestionably, the phenomenon of Nubian
Trinitarian iconography was also not related to
Egypt. Paul van Moorsel drew attention to the
fact that images of the Trinity do not appear in
Coptic art (van Moorsel 1989: 15). On the other
hand, textual evidence suggests that since the
8th century Christians in Egypt acknowledged
that the three Persons of the Holy Trinity are
in fact one God, diverse not in nature or being
but rather in substance (hypostases).28 This
theological perspective would have been partly
justified by the form of the Trinity depicted as
three repeated figures. However, this hypothe-
sis, based on the assumption that there is a close
relationship between the word and the image,
does not seem entirely convincing.
Similarities between Nubian and Ethiopian
representations of the Holy Trinity were pointed
out by Martens-Czarnecka (1999b: 555–556, Figs
1–3) and Scholz (2001: 199, 251). The iconogra-
phy of the Holy Trinity is unquestionably more
unified in Ethiopian art. The Three Persons
are always represented there as three identical
elders, either sitting or standing, accompanied
by Four Apocalyptic Creatures and holding orbs
in their right hands. The composition of Ethio-
pian Trinitarian representations is closely related
to two biblical texts, namely Dn 7:9 and Ap. 4:4.
The earliest images of the Trinity known to us
appeared in the first half of the 16th century,
so it is difficult to imagine a direct exchange of
artistic models with Christian Nubia. Moreover,
it has been confirmed that the form of represen-
tations of the Trinitarian dogma was brought
to Ethiopia by Europeans (Chojnacki 1983: 113;
Colli 2008: 35). Nonetheless, numerous ethnoar-
chaeological analogies between Christian Nubia
and Ethiopia indicate that on the level of local
religious beliefs, rituals and customs the two
centers developed in a similar manner (Żurawski
1994). Moreover, it seems that many religious
habits may have survived even to modern times
and some of them may have also been extrapo-
lated to the sphere of understanding the nature
of the Holy Trinity. The observation of similar
features in Nubian and Ethiopian iconography,

26
The Eastern Church adopted visual representations of the Holy Trinity as Abraham’s three angelic visitors.
27
For example, it is assumed that the famous depictions in Hortus Deliciarum, like other illustrations in that codex,
were borrowed from Byzantine iconography (Heimann 1938: 44, Fig. c).
28
A  valuable source for the study of Coptic theology is a  letter from the head of Shenoute’s monastery to the
Patriarch of Alexandria (MacCoull 1990: 30–31)

305
 Part IV – The Monastery and Cemetery on Kom H Chapter 22

regardless of the period, probably serves as
proof of similar theological circumstances,29 but
certainly does not presuppose the existence of
their common or even related source.
It seems that, as in Ethiopia (Chojnacki 1983:
142), the cult of the Holy Trinity was of para-
mount importance in Christian Nubia. It can
be seen not only in wall paintings, but also in
textual evidence. Invocations of the Holy Trin-
ity were frequently placed on various types of
documents (Ruffini 2012: 238–242), but it should
be noted that this habit finds numerous parallels
in the Mediterranean region (Bagnall and Worp
1981: 114–115, 118–119; Hauben 2002). It seems
that in most cases the presence of invocations
of the Trinity in documents was rather a  con-
sequence of convention than a  result of ardent
devotion.
An important issue in the discussion on the
development of Nubian art is its relation to Syro-
Palestinian icon painting. Much has been said
about its various aspects (Weitzmann 1970; Mar-
tens-Czarnecka 1982; Schwarz 1990; Godlewski
1992). Nevertheless, it appears that its link with
Nubian Trinitarian representations is impossi-
ble to identify. It could be assumed that indeed
some formal features like strong linearism could
have been adopted from wooden panels. How-
ever, it is common knowledge that iconography
and style need not have gone hand in hand. Icon
painters rarely attempted Trinitarian subjects as
a result of restrictive theology (Ouspensky 1992).
Thus, it is virtually impossible that the sugges-
tive and theologically apprehensive manner of
figuring the Trinity was copied from an icon.
In European art, the image of the Trinity por-
trayed as three similar male figures, either sit-
ting or standing side by side, was deeply rooted
in pagan beliefs.30 An analogous association
could have also functioned in Nubia (Scholz
2001: 251). However, a number of Egyptologists
argue that the connection between Christian
cults and holy triads popular in both Egyptian
and Meroitic religions is an illusion of modern
scholars (te Velde 1971: 80). Indeed, this model
is in fact too remote to be a direct source of influ-
ence, but it does provide close iconographical
analogies. From another perspective, a creation
in which meaning and symbolic value are the
most important features must have been deeply
rooted in local tradition, because otherwise it
would not have been accepted quickly. The
image makers may have reproduced a  tradi-
tional pattern or even given some new meaning
to it. However, there seems to be no convincing
proof to confirm the idea that a  group of three
divine horizontally arranged male figures func-
tioned as an archetypal image.31
Despite geographical distance, Nubia was
not isolated from influences coming from the
Mediterranean. This fact is clearly visible in the
development of iconographical types. Nubian
image makers were inspired by models origi-
nating from various artistic centers. They cer-
tainly did not follow well-established formulas
but converted them to suit local tastes. Without
a doubt local artists were more independent in
creating new iconographic schemes than artists
in the Byzantine world. They had the ability to
combine individual motifs, which in other cent-
ers often functioned separately. This phenom-
enon may explain the existence of relatively
few examples of unparalleled representations
(Mierzejewska 2010: 653). Unquestionably, most
of them were conditioned by particular regional
circumstances. Some scholars even argue that
Nubia made her own contribution to Christian
iconography (van Moorsel 1975: 127).
Exploring the question of the presence of
European elements in the Nubian Trinity, we
cannot go beyond mere speculation. The evi-
dence of direct contacts between the Western
world and Nubia is scarce. One of the most
important examples is a unique graffito recently
discovered in the Upper Church in Banganarti
(Łajtar and Płóciennik 2011). Furthermore, from
the 12th century onwards Nubia began to appear
in numerous European, mainly geographic and
cartographic, works (Seignobos 2012: 307–308).
This trend was mainly an effect of the increas-
ing role of the Crusaders in relations between
the Near East and Western Europe.32 Nonethe-
less, the relative paucity of evidence makes
it difficult to claim that foreign artists could
have participated in the process of creating
new iconographic schemes, as it was the case

29
In Ethiopia the theological attitude to Trinitarian dogma is reconstructed to a much greater extent (Heyer 1971:
249–257).
30
Ernst Kantorowicz saw the origins of the anthropomorphic Trinity in Roman imperial art (Kantorowicz 1947:
Figs 8, 19). The important role of the tricephalous god in the Celtic, German and Slavic religions and its relation
to Christian iconography were indicated by Roberto Pettazzoni (1946).
31
This term was introduced into iconographical studies by Jan Białostocki (1961).
Dongola 2012-2014

32
Some speculations about the role of Nubia and Nubians in the history of the Crusades are collected by Giovanni
Vantini (1975) and Peter Shinnie (1990).

306
 Piotr Makowski – The Holy Trinity in Nubian art

in 16th-century Ethiopia (Chojnacki 1983: 113).
It seems more probable that some new ideas
reached Nubia through indirect channels.
Comparing iconographical features of partic-
ular European images with Nubian depictions
of the Holy Trinity, some striking analogies
are clearly visible.33 However, most of them do
not seem to be direct results of any contacts or
exchange of artistic achievements, but rather
products of visual intuition. In various places
the same form of the three identical figures may
have expressed the conviction of the unity of the
Holy Trinity. Moreover, employing Christomor-
phic features in the depictions of all three Divine
Beings can be interpreted simply as an attempt
to intrinsically represent what is invisible by
definition. It should be noted that in the major-
ity of European representations of the Trinity as
three identical figures the particular Persons are
positioned separately and shown with differ-
ent gestures and attributes to help identify the
particular Divine Beings. This important remark
shows that even though the Nubians chose the
same way of dealing with the difficulty of illus-
trating the Trinitarian doctrine, they probably
had a  different understanding of the relation-
ship between the particular Persons.
The process of artistic creation of the Nubian
form of representing the Trinity cannot be recon-
structed in a  satisfactory manner. This icono-
graphic phenomenon is no less an element of
theology than developments of local cult and
devotion. It is difficult to imagine that foreign
visitors directly brought the Western idea of
imaging the Trinitarian dogma to Nubia. On the
other hand, iconographical types may have been
taken over and so thoroughly reshaped to fit
regional circumstances that no evident stylistic
features were left to testify to an outside influ-
ence.34 The form of the Nubian Trinity exhibits
some local features that otherwise do not occur
in Christian art. This fact suggests that it was
above all a product of a regional imaging theol-
ogy. It seems that the form of the iconographi-
cal program and particular subjects were closely
related to local spirituality and religious cus-
toms. Formal analogies naturally do not imply
that foreign models were the main source for
Nubian representations of the Holy Trinity, but
it is also unlikely that they were only a product
of regional conditions. Without any conviction
that a definitive explanation is possible, I would
suggest that some elements borrowed from
other artistic centers may have been adopted by
Nubian artists, but at the same time the main
imaging concept was still consistent with local
perception and maintained its original character.
Conclusion
What is very intriguing about Trinitarian depic-
tions is the particular moment of their appear-
ance in Nubian art. Generally, it should be said
that new tendencies became visible at the end of
the 11th and at the beginning of the 12th century.
Wall painting acquired a more local character and
new unparalleled types appeared in iconography
(Martens-Czarnecka 1992a; Godlewski 1992: 111–
112; 1995: 50–51). In this context the development
of Trinitarian imagery should be classified as one
of the elements of the process of Nubianization35
of local art. Regardless of who were the interme-
diates, during a  period of political and cultural
isolation and internal consolidation the kingdom
of Makuria was reached by new influences from
Byzantium and probably also from other artistic
centers.
Without space for an extensive overview, it
is enough to say that in the light of this reex-
amination one is compelled to approach the
visual history of this iconographical subject
from a wider perspective. It seems that in 11th-
century Europe anthropomorphic Trinities were
painted only by Anglo-Saxon artists (Raw 1997;
Rosenthal 1981).36 However, during the 12th and
13th centuries they became relatively popular
in western iconography as a  whole (Boespflug
2011: 479; Brown 1999: 330–334). Apart from the
issue of artistic sources, it is striking that almost
identical forms of figuring the Trinitarian dogma
appeared simultaneously in Western Europe
and in the Middle Nile Valley, 2000 km from
the shores of the Mediterranean Sea (after Łajtar

33
The most important example seems to be the painting from Vallepietra (D’Achille 1991). Its iconographic simi-
larities to Nubian painting have recently been pointed out by the Italian scholar Anna Maria D’Achille (2007).
34
This important remark was formulated by Kurt Weitzmann (1970: 325). His methodology no longer seems to
properly explain the phenomenon of creating Nubian art. In Polish scholarship, Jan Białostocki has proposed
some significant comments on Weitzmann’s methods (Białostocki 1982: 41–49).
35
This term was proposed by Włodzimierz Godlewski (2008: 275).
36
The Holy Trinity shown as three anthropomorphic figures also appeared on two Early Christian sarcophagi.
However, both objects should be interpreted as unsuccessful attempts to visualize the Triune God, which
probably have never been copied (Grabar 1980: 112–113).

307
 Part IV – The Monastery and Cemetery on Kom H
and Płóciennik 2011: 110). Apparently, a period
of transition in the theory of imaging the Trini-
tarian dogma occurred also in the kingdom of
Makuria. According to François Boespflug, sig-
nificant changes in Trinitarian iconography tak-
ing place between the 9th and the 12th centuries
were not symptoms of any theological or artistic
tendencies, but rather results of specific “pres-
sure” to create images which are common to all
Christian communities (Boespflug 2008: 83–84).
This principal trend is to be seen also in Chris-
tian Nubia. Clearly the geographical barrier did
not translate into theological distance between
artistic centers.
Due to the lack of appropriate textual sources,
a  reconstruction of the development of the sta-
tus of the image in Nubian art cannot go beyond
speculation. However, it seems obvious that
through its visual availability to the faithful and
its suggestive form, the representation of the Tri-
une God became an almost tangible reflection of
holiness. This fact formed a basis for the belief in
the transmission of sacred power through images.
The close proximity of an image and its prototype
redefined both notions. In consequence, the form
of worship assumed a  more personal and com-
memorative character suited for individual ven-
eration of images (Kitzinger 1954: 149–150).
The various permutations of meaning suggest
that Nubian image makers had a tolerant attitude
308
Chapter 22
to the issue of imaging the dogma. However,
iconographical sources provide only snippets of
information about the local understanding of the
essence of the Holy Trinity. Without any doubt,
Nubians were bold in representing what was
impossible to show by conventional depiction.
Certainly, their main aim was not to reveal God’s
mystery to the viewers, but to lead them to it by
showing its visual reflection.
This purely iconographical study of Nubian
Trinitarian representations cannot give clear
answers to many of the arising questions. More-
over, I am well aware that I have barely touched
upon even the most important aspects of the
Nubian Trinity. The only aim in this attempt
at a  synthetic approach to the relatively vast
and constantly expanding body of evidence on
the subject was to provide a  fresh perspective.
Nevertheless, I hope that the presented remarks
and suggestions will be of some value for future
investigations.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Prof. Barbara Dąb-
Kalinowska and Dr. Dobrochna Zielińska for
valuable comments which I benefitted from dur-
ing the preparation of the present paper.
Dongola 2012-2014
ABBREVIATIONS

ANM Archéologie du Nil Moyen (Lille)

AV Archäologische Veröffentlichungen (Berlin–Mainz)
BAH Bibliothèque archéologique et historique (Paris)
BAR IS British Archaeological Reports, International Series (London)
BCH Bulletin de correspondance héllenique (Paris)
BdE Bibliothèque d’étude (Cairo)
BIFAO Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale (Cairo)
CCE Cahiers de la céramique égyptienne (Cairo)
CdE Chronique d’Égypte (Brussels)
CPG M. Geerard (Ed.), Clavis Patrum Graecorum I–V, Turnhout:
Brepols, 1974–2003
CRIPEL Cahiers de recherches de l’Institut de papyrologie et égyptologie de Lille (Lille)
EtTrav Études et travaux (Warsaw)
FIFAO Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale (Cairo)
GAMAR Gdańsk Archaeological Museum African Reports (Gdańsk)
JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (London)
JJP Journal of Juristic Papyrology (Warsaw)
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago)
LAAA Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology (Liverpool)
MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo
(Wiesbaden)
MIFAO Mémoires publiés par les membres de l’Institut français d’archéologie
orientale (Cairo)
OIP Oriental Institute Publications (Chicago)
OLA Orientalia lovaniensia analecta (Leuven)
PAM Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean (Warsaw)
PG J.P. Migne (Ed.), Patrologiae Cursus Completus: Series Graeca,
Paris: Imprimerie catholique, 1857–1866
RMNW Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie (Warsaw)
SARS Sudan Archaeological Research Society
ZPE Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik (Bonn)
Dongola 2012-2014

332
REFERENCES

Adams, W.Y. (1966). The vintage of Nubia. Kush, 14, 262–283.

Adams, W.Y. (1986). Ceramic industries of medieval Nubia [=Memoirs of the UNESCO Archaeological Survey
of Sudanese Nubia 1]. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky.
Adams, W.Y. (1996). Qasr Ibrîm: The late medieval period [=Excavation Memoir 59]. London: Egypt Explo-
ration Society.
Adams, W.Y. (1998). Towards a comparative study of Christian Nubian burial practices. ANM, 8, 13–41.
Adams, W.Y. (2001). Meinarti II. The early and classic Christian phases [=BAR IS 966; SARS Publication 6].
Oxford: Archaeopress.
Adams, W.Y. (2005). The West Bank survey from Faras to Gemai III. Sites of Christian age [=BAR IS 1421;
SARS Publication 14]. Oxford: Archaeopress.
Adams, W.Y., Adams, N.K., Van Gerven, D.P., and Greene, D.L. (1999). Kulubnarti III. The cemeteries
[=BAR IS 814; SARS Publication 4]. Oxford: Archaeopress.
Alexopoulos, S. (2009). The presanctified liturgy in the Byzantine rite: a comparative analysis of its origins,
evolution, and structural components [=Liturgia condenda 21]. Leuven: Peeters.
Amills, M., Ramírez, O., Galman-Omitogun, O., and Clop, A. (2012). Domestic pigs in Africa. African
Archaeological Review, 30(1), 73–82.
Arthur, P. (1989). Aspects of Byzantine economy: An evaluation of amphora evidence from Italy.
In V. Déroche and J.-M. Spieser (Eds.), Recherches sur la céramique byzantine [=BCH Supplément 18]
(pp. 79–93). Athens: École française d’Athènes.
Aston, D.A. (2007). Amphorae, storage jars and kegs from Elephantine. a brief survey of  vessels from
the eighth–seventh centuries BC to the seventh–eighth centuries AD. In S. Marchand and
A. Marangou (Eds.), Amphores d’Égypte de la Basse Époque à l’époque arabe II [=CCE 8/1]
(pp. 419–445). Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale.
Bagińska, D. (2005). Amfory z terenów Nubii od II w. p.n.e. do XIV w. n.e. Studium nad typologią naczyń
i kontaktami handlowymi Nubii ze światem śródziemnomorskim [Amphorae from the territory of Nubia
from the 2nd century BC through the 14th century AD. Study of vessel typology and Nubia’s com-
mercial contacts with the Mediterranean] (unpubl. Ph.D. diss.). University of Warsaw [in Polish].
Bagińska, D. (2008). Pottery from Banganarti. Season 2006. PAM, 18, 410–425.
Bagnall, R.S. and Worp, K.A. (1981). Christian invocations in the papyri. CdE, 56(111), 112–133.
Bailey, D.M. (1996). The pottery from the south church at el-Ashmunein. CCE, 4, 47–111.
Baldassare, I. (1967). Le pitture. In Tamit (1964). Missione archeologica in Egitto dell’Università di Roma
(pp. 39–60). Rome: Istituto di Studi del Vicino Oriente.

333
 References

Ballet, P. and Dixneuf, D. (2004). Ateliers d’amphores de la chora egyptienne aux époques romaine et
byzantine. In J. Eiring and J. Lund (Eds.), Transport amphorae and trade in the Eastern Mediterra-
nean: Acts of the international colloquium at the Danish Institute at Athens, September 26–29, 2002
[=Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens 5] (pp. 67–72). Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.
Bartosiewicz, L., Van Neer, W., and Lentacker, A. (1997). Draught cattle: Their osteological identification
and history [=Annales du Musée Royal de l’Afrique Centrale 281]. Tervuren: Koninklijk Museum
voor Midden-Afrika.
Basta, M. (1990). Winged figures on wooden panels. In W. Godlewski (Ed.), Coptic studies: Acts of the
Third International Congress of Coptic Studies, Warsaw, 20–25 August, 1984 (pp. 267–274). War-
saw: PWN – Éditions Scientifiques de Pologne.
Belting, H. (2012). Antropologia obrazu: szkice do nauki o obrazie [An anthropology of images]. (M. Bryl, Trans.).
Kraków: Towarzystwo Autorów i Wydawców Prac Naukowych Universitas [in Polish].
Białostocki, J. (1961). Temat ramowy i obraz archetypiczny. Psychologia i ikonografia [The framework
theme and the archetypal image. Psychology and iconography]. In J. Białostocki, Teoria i twór-
czość: o tradycji i inwencji w teorii sztuki i ikonografii (pp. 160–168). Poznań: Poznańskie Wydaw-
nictwo Naukowe [in Polish].
Białostocki, J. (1982). Problem oryginalności i kryteria wartościowania w studiach nad ikonografią sta-
rochrześcijańskiego malarstwa miniaturowego [The problem of originality and criteria of
value in studies on the iconography of Early Christian icon painting]. In J. Białostocki, Symbole
i obrazy w świecie sztuki I (pp. 41–58). Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe [in Polish].
Bietak, M. and Schwarz, M. (1998). Naga el-Scheima: eine befestigte christliche Siedlung und andere christli-
che Denkmäler in Sayala – Nubien II. Die Grabungsergebnisse aus der Sicht neuerer Forschungen.
Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Bigham, S. (1995). The image of God the Father in Orthodox theology and iconography and other studies.
Torrance, CA: Oakwood.
Blench, R.M. (2000). African minor livestock species. In R.M. Blench and K.C. MacDonald (Eds.),
The origins and development of African livestock: Archaeology, genetics, linguistics, and ethnography
(pp. 314–338). London: UCL Press.
Boespflug, F. (2008). Karykatury Boga: potęga i niebezpieczeństwo obrazu [Caricatures of God: The power and
danger of image]. (M. Szewc, Trans.). Poznań: W drodze [in Polish].
Boespflug, F. (2011). The Trinity in Christian visual arts. In G. Emery and M. Levering (Eds.), The Oxford
handbook of the Trinity (pp. 472–486). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Boespflug, F. and Załuska, Y. (1994). Le dogme trinitaire et l’essor de son iconographie en Occident
de l’époque carolingienne au IVe Concile du Latran (1215). Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale,
37(147), 181–240.
Boessneck, J. (1956). Ein Beitrag zur Errechnung der Widerristhöhe nach Metapodienmaßen bei
Rindern. Zeitschrift für Tierzüchtung und Züchtungsbiologie, 68(1), 75–90.
Bogevska, S. (2012). The Holy Trinity in the diocese of the archbishopric of Ohrid in the second half
of the 13th century. Patrimonium, 10, 143–178.
Bonifay, M. and Leffy, R. (2002). Les céramiques du remplissage de la citerne du Sarapéion à Alexan-
drie. In J.-Y. Empereur (Ed.), Alexandrina 2 [=Études Alexandrines 6] (pp. 39–84). Cairo: Institut
français d’archéologie orientale.
Bonnet, F. (1983). Poteries, verres, monnaies, décors et inscriptions. In R. Kasser and J.-M. Alès (Eds.),
Survey archéologique des Kellia (Basse Égypte): rapport de la campagne 1981 (pp. 423–480). Leuven:
Peeters.
Bourriau, J., Nicholson, P.T., and Rose, P.J. (2000). Pottery. In P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw (Eds.), Ancient
Egyptian materials and technology (pp. 121–147). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Brakmann, H. (2006). Defunctus adhuc loquitur: Gottesdienst und Gebetsliteratur der untergegangenen
Kirche in Nubien. Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft, 48(3), 283–333.
Dongola 2012-2014

334
 References

Brown, D. (1999). The Trinity in art. In S.T. Davis, D. Kendall, and G. O’Collins (Eds.), The Trinity:
An interdisciplinary symposium on the Trinity (pp. 329–356). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Browne, G.M. (1995). Griffith’s Old Nubian graffito 4. EtTrav, 17, 17–21.
Bunge, G. (2000). L’iconographie de la Sainte Trinité: des catacombes à Andreï Roublev. (D. Demongeot,
Trans.). Paris: Mediaspaul.
Cailliaud, F. (1826). Voyage à Méroé, au fleuve Blanc, au-delà de Fâzoql dans le midi du royaume de Sennâr,
à Syouah et dans cinq autres oasis; fait dans les années 1819, 1820, 1821 et 1822. Paris: Imprimerie
royale.
Calkin, V.I. (1960). Izmenčivost metapodii i ee značenie dlâ izučeniâ krupnogo rogatogo skota drevnosti
[Variability of metapodia and its significance for the study of ancient horned cattle]. Bûlletin
Moskovskogo Obščestva Ispytatelej Prirody, 65(1), 109–126 [in Russian].
Chaix, L. (2011). A review of the history of cattle in the Sudan throughout the Holocene. In H. Jousse and
J. Lesur (Eds.), People and animals in Holocene Africa: Recent advances in archaeozoology [=Reports
in African Archaeology 2] (pp. 13–26). Frankfurt am Main: Africa Magna Verlag.
Chaix, L. and Grant, A. (1992). Cattle in Ancient Nubia. Anthropozoologica, 16, 61–66.
Chaplin, R.E. (1971). The study of animal bones from archaeological sites. London: Seminar Press.
Chojnacki, S. (1983). Major themes in Ethiopian painting: Indigenous developments, the influence of foreign
models, and their adaptation from the 13th to the 19th century [=Äthiopistische Forschungen 10].
Wiesbaden: F. Steiner.
Clédat, J. (1999). Le monastère et la nécropole de Baouit [=MIFAO 114]. Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie
orientale.
Colin, F., Laisney, D., and Marchand, S. (2000). Qaret el-Toub : un fort romain et une nécropole phara-
onique. Prospection archéologique dans l’oasis de Bahariya 1999. BIFAO, 100, 145–192.
Colli, A. (2008). Dall’Occidente all’Etiopia: cenni di iconografia della Trinità dal XVI al XVIII secolo. In
C. Silvestri (Ed.), L’iconografia della SS. Trinità nel Sacro Monte di Ghiffa: contesto e confronti. Atti
del convegno internazionale, Verbania, Villa Giulia, venerdì 23–sabato 24 marzo 2007 (pp. 33–53).
Gravellona Toce: Tipografia Press Grafica.
Crawford, O.G.S. (1951). The Fung kingdom of Sennar, with a geographical account of the middle Nile region.
Gloucester: J. Bellows.
D’Achille, A.M. (1991). Sull’iconografia trinitaria medievale: la Trinità del Santuario sul Monte Autore
presso Vallepietra. Arte Medievale, 5(1), 49–73.
D’Achille, A.M. (2007). Un problema di iconografia trinitaria tra Oriente e Occidente: l’affresco di Val-
lepietra e le immagini di Faras (Nubia). Convergenze poligenetiche o emergenze corradicali?
In A.C. Quintavalle (Ed.), Medioevo mediterraneo: l’Occidente, Bisanzio e l’Islam. Atti del convegno
internazionale di studi, Parma, 21–25 settembre 2004 [=Convegni di Parma 7] (pp. 511–524). Milan:
Electa.
Danys-Lasek, K. (2012a). Pottery from the refuse dump under unit B.26 in Naqlun. PAM, 19, 222–232.
Danys-Lasek, K. (2012b). Dongola 2009: Pottery from Building I (Kom A). PAM, 19, 315–329.
Danys-Lasek, K. (2014). Pottery from Deir el-Naqlun (6th–12th  century). Preliminary report from Polish
excavations in 2010 and 2011. PAM, 23/1, 543–642.
de Vingo, P. (2005). Liguria in Late Antiquity and in the early Middle Ages: Its trade relations with the
western and eastern Mediterranean Sea through transport amphorae. In J.M. Gurt i Esparra-
guera, J. Buxeda i Garrigós, and M.A. Cau Ontiveros (Eds.), LRCW 1. Late Roman coarse wares,
cooking wares and amphorae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and archaeometry [=BAR IS 1340]
(pp. 341–353). Oxford: Archaeopress.
Derda, T. (1992). Inscriptions with the formula theou haris kerdos on Late Roman amphorae. ZPE, 94,
135–152.

335
 References

Derda, T. and Wipszycka, E. (1994). L’emploi des titres abba, apa et papas dans l’Égypte byzantine.
JJP, 24, 23–56.
Dinkler, E. (1975). Beobachtungen zur Ikonographie des Kreuzes in der nubischen Kunst. In K. Micha-
łowski (Ed.), Nubia: récentes recherches. Actes du Colloque nubiologique international au Musée
national de Varsovie 19–22 Juin 1972 (pp. 22–30). Warsaw: National Museum in Warsaw.
Dobrzeniecki, T. (1974). Maiestas Domini w zabytkach polskich i obcych z Polską związanych. Część
druga. Maiestas Crucis w ściennym malarstwie Nubii (Faras) [Maiestas Domini in artefacts
of Polish origin and in foreign artefacts associated with Poland. Part two. Maiestas Crucis in
Nubian wall painting (Faras)]. RMNW, 18, 215–308 [in Polish].
Dobrzeniecki, T. (1980). Nubijska Maiestas Domini z Katedry w Faras w Muzeum Narodowym w War-
szawie [The Nubian Maiestas Domini from the Faras Cathedral in the National Museum in
Warsaw]. RMNW, 24, 261–341 [in Polish].
Dobrzeniecki, T. (1987). Nubijska Maiestas Domini z Katedry w Faras w Muzeum Narodowym w War-
szawie. Część druga [The Nubian Maiestas Domini from the Faras Cathedral in the National
Museum in Warsaw. Part two]. RMNW, 31, 263–390 [in Polish].
Donadoni, S. (1970). Les fouilles à l’église de Sonqi Tino. In E. Dinkler (Ed.), Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens
in christlicher Zeit: Ergebnisse und Probleme auf Grund der jüngsten Ausgrabungen (pp. 209–218).
Recklinghausen: A. Bongers.
Donadoni, S. (1975). Les graffiti de l’église de Sonqi Tino. In K. Michałowski (Ed.), Nubia: récentes recher-
ches. Actes du Colloque nubiologique international au Musée national de Varsovie 19–22 Juin 1972
(pp. 31–39). Warsaw: National Museum in Warsaw.
Dzierzbicka, D. (2010). Wineries of the Mareotic Region. In L. Blue and E. Khalil (Eds.), Lake Mareotis:
Reconstructing the past. Proceedings of the International Conference on the Archaeology of the Mare-
otic Region held at Alexandria University, Egypt, 5th–6th April 2008 [=BAR IS 2113] (pp. 127–134).
Oxford: Archaeopress.
Egloff, M. (1977). Kellia, la poterie copte: quatre siècles d’artisanat et d’échanges en Basse-Egypte I–II [=Recher-
ches suisses d’archéologie copte 3]. Geneva: Georg.
El-Hakim, O.M. (1999). Nubian architecture: the Egyptian vernacular experience (2nd ed., rev.). Cairo: Palm
Press.
Elzein, I.S. (2004). Islamic archaeology in the Sudan [=BAR IS 1289; Cambridge Monographs in African Archa-
eology 60]. Oxford: Archaeopress.
Emery, W.B. and Kirwan, L.P. (1938). The royal tombs of Ballana and Qustul. Cairo: Government Press.
Felmy, K.C. (2011). The development of the Trinity doctrine in Byzantium (ninth to fifteenth centuries).
In G. Emery and M. Levering (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of the Trinity (pp. 210–224). Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Fournet, J.-L. and Pieri, D. (2008). Les dipinti amphoriques d’Antinoopolis. In R. Pintaudi (Ed.), Antino-
upolis I [=Scavi e materiali 1] (pp. 175–216). Florence: Istituto Papirologico “G. Vitelli”.
Frank, B.E. (1993). Reconstructing the history of an African ceramic tradition: technology, slavery and
agency in the region of Kadiolo (Mali). Cahiers d'Études Africaines, 131, 381–401.
Frend, W.H.C., Dragas, G.D., and Kontoyiannis, S. (1992). Some further Greek liturgical fragments from
Q’asr Ibrim. Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, 35, 119–134.
Frend, W.H.C. and Muirhaid, I.A. (1976). The Greek manuscripts from the Cathedral of Q’asr Ibrim.
Le Muséon, 89, 43–49.
Frier, B.W. (1983). Roman law and the wine trade: The problem of “vinegar sold as wine”. Zeitschrift der
Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung, 100(1), 257–295.
Fuscaldo, P. (2011). Ramesside, Late Nubian and Christian pottery from Serra West in the Museum
of Natural History, La Plata. Antiguo Oriente: Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Historia del
Antiguo Oriente, 9, 167–244.
Dongola 2012-2014

336
 References

Galavaris, G. (1979). The illustrations of the prefaces in Byzantine gospels [=Byzantina Vindobonensia 11].
Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Galavaris, G. (1986). Observations on the iconography of a  Faras “Majestas” and its relatives. In
M. Krause (Ed.), Nubische Studien: Tagungsakten der 5. Internationalen Konferenz der International
Society for Nubian Studies, Heidelberg, 22.–25. September 1982 (pp. 237–244). Mainz am Rhein:
Philipp von Zabern.
Gamber, K. (1983). Zur Liturgie Nubiens. Die Kathedrale von Faras und ihre Wandmalereien. Ostkir-
chliche Studien, 32, 21–35.
Garcea, E.A.A. (2004). Two different pottery productions in northern Sudan. Sudan & Nubia, 8, 95–102.
Gartkiewicz, P.M. (1990). The Cathedral in Old Dongola and its antecedents [=Nubia 1; Dongola 2]. Warsaw:
Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe.
Gascoigne, A.L. (2007). Amphorae from Old Cairo: a preliminary note. In S. Marchand and A. Maran-
gou (Eds.), Amphores d’Égypte de la Basse Époque à l’époque arabe I [=CCE 8/1] (pp. 161–174).
Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale.
Gayraud, R.-P. and Tréglia, J.-C. (2014). Amphores céramiques culinaires et céramiques communes
Omeyyades d’un niveau d’incendie à Fustat – Istabl’antar (le Caire, Égypte): The containers.
In N. Poulou-Papadimitriou, E. Nodarou, and V. Kilikoglou (Eds.), LRCW 4: Late Roman coarse
wares, cooking wares and amphorae in the Mediterranean. Archaeology and archaeometry. The Medi-
terranean: a market without frontiers I [=BAR IS 2616/1] (pp. 265–375). Oxford: Archaeopress.
Gazda, D. (2003). The Monastery Church on Kom H in Old Dongola 2002. PAM, 14, 230–236.
Gazda, D. (2005). Monastery Church on Kom H in Old Dongola. Third and fourth season of excavations
(2004, 2004/5). PAM, 16, 285–295.
Gazda, D. (2008). The Monastery Church on Kom H in Old Dongola after two seasons of excavations in
2006. PAM, 18, 349–360.
Gempeler, R.D. (1992). Elephantine X. Die Keramik römischer bis früharabischer Zeit [=AV 43]. Mainz am
Rhein: Philipp von Zabern.
Godlewski, W. (1982). The mosque building in Old Dongola. In P. van Moorsel (Ed.), New discoveries in
Nubia: Proceedings of the Colloquium on Nubian studies, the Hague, 1979 [=Egyptologische uitga-
ven 2] (pp. 21–28). Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.
Godlewski, W. (1986). Le monastère de St Phoibammon [=Deir el-Bahari 5]. (Z. Kiss, Trans.). Warsaw: PWN
– Éditions Scientifiques de Pologne.
Godlewski, W. (1990). Coptic pottery from Deir el-Naqlun (Fayum). In W. Godlewski (Ed.), Coptic and
Nubian pottery: International workshop, Nieborów August 29-31, 1988, I [=National Museum in
Warsaw Occasional Paper 1] (pp. 49–62). Warsaw: National Museum in Warsaw.
Godlewski, W. (1991a). Old Dongola 1988–1989. The House PCH.1. ANM, 5, 79–101.
Godlewski, W. (1991b). The fortifications of Old Dongola. Report on the 1990 season. ANM, 5, 103–128.
Godlewski, W. (1992). Some remarks on the Faras Cathedral and its painting. Journal of Coptic Studies, 2,
99–116.
Godlewski, W. (1995). The late period in Nubian art – from the middle of 13th to the end of 14th cen-
turies. In R. Gundlach, M. Kropp, and A. Leibundgut (Eds.), Der Sudan in Vergangenheit und
Gegenwart / Sudan past and present [=Nordostafrikanisch/westasiatische Studien 1] (pp. 37–63).
Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang.
Godlewski, W. (2000a). Old Dongola. Kom A, 1999. PAM, 11, 197–206.
Godlewski, W. (2000b). Nubia, Egypt, and Byzantium. In O.Z. Pevny (Ed.), Perceptions of Byzantium and
its neighbors (843–1261): The Metropolitan Museum of Art symposia (pp. 168–182). New York:
Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Godlewski, W. (2002a). Introduction to the Golden Age of Makuria (9th–11th century). Africana Bulletin,
50, 75–98.

337
 References

Godlewski, W. (2002b). Old Dongola. Kom A, 2001. PAM, 13, 203–216.

Godlewski, W. (2004a). Old Dongola. Kom A (Acropolis), 2003. PAM, 15, 193–215.
Godlewski, W. (2004b). The rise of Makuria (late 5th–8th cent.). In T. Kendall (Ed.), Nubian studies, 1998:
Proceedings of the ninth conference of the International Society of Nubian Studies, August 21–26,
1998, Boston, Massachusetts (pp. 52–73). Boston: Department of African-American Studies,
Northeastern University.
Godlewski, W. (2006). Pachoras: The cathedrals of Aetios, Paulos and Petros. The architecture [=PAM Supple-
ment Series 1]. Warsaw: Warsaw University Press.
Godlewski, W. (2007). Old Dongola. Kom A (Acropolis), 2005. PAM, 17, 287–299.
Godlewski, W. (2008). Bishops and kings. The official program of the Pachoras (Faras) Cathedrals.
In W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar (Eds.), Between the cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th Conference for
Nubian studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006, I. Main papers [=PAM Supple-
ment Series 2.1] (pp. 263–282). Warsaw: Warsaw University Press.
Godlewski, W. (2010a). Old Dongola. Kom A (Citadel), 2007. PAM, 19, 313–326.
Godlewski, W. (2010b). Dongola after the 2008–2010 seasons: Royalty, saints and blessed bishops. Sudan
& Nubia, 14, 75–82.
Godlewski, W. (2012). Dongola 2008–2009. PAM, 21, 289–314.
Godlewski, W. (2013a). Dongola: Ancient Tungul. Archaeological guide [=PCMA Archaeological Guides 1].
Warsaw: PCMA UW.
Godlewski, W. (2013b). Dongola, Sudan: Excavations in 2012. Światowit, 10/A, 185–192.
Godlewski, W. (2013c). Archbishop Georgios of Dongola. Socio-political change in the kingdom
of Makuria in the second half of the 11th century. PAM, 22, 663–677.
Godlewski, W. (2014). Dongola 2010–2011. PAM, 23/1, 265–284.
Godlewski, W. (2015). Dongola. Excavations in the 2012–2013 seasons. PAM, 24/1, 325–339.
Godlewski, W. and Medeksza, S. (1987). The so-called Mosque Building in Old Dongola (Sudan). a struc-
tural analysis. ANM, 2, 185–205.
Grabar, A. (1980). Christian iconography: a study of its origins. London: Routledge; Kegan Paul.
Greshake, G. (1997). Der dreieine Gott: eine trinitarische Theologie. Freiburg: Herder.
Griffith, F.L. (1926). Oxford excavations in Nubia. LAAA, 13, 25–93.
Griffith, F.L. (1927). Oxford excavations in Nubia. LAAA, 14, 57–116.
Griffith, F.L. (1928a). Christian documents from Nubia. Proceedings of the British Academy, 14, 117–146.
Griffith, F.L. (1928b). Oxford excavations in Nubia, LVI–LXI: The church at Abd el-Qadir. LAAA, 15,
63–88.
Grzymski, K.A. (1987). Archaeological reconnaissance in Upper Nubia [=Society for the Study of Egyptian
Antiquities Publication 14]. Toronto: Benben Publications.
Grzymski, K.A. (1991). Ceramic material from the Letti Basin area. In W. Godlewski (Ed.), Coptic and
Nubian pottery: International workshop, Nieborów August 29-31, 1988, II [=National Museum in
Warsaw Occasional Paper 2] (pp. 18–23). Warsaw: National Museum in Warsaw.
Hallebeek, J. (2007). Papal prohibitions midway between rigor and laxity. On the issue of depicting the
Holy Trinity. In W. van Asselt, P. Geest, D. Müller, and T. Salemink (Eds.), Iconoclasm and ico-
noclash: Struggle for religious identity [=Jewish and Christian Perspectives Series 14] (pp. 353–383).
Leiden: Brill.
Hauben, H. (2002). On the invocation of the “Holy and Consubstantial Trinity” in Byzantine oath and
dating formulas. ZPE, 139, 158–160.
Dongola 2012-2014

338
 References

Heimann, A. (1938). Trinitas Creator Mundi. Journal of the Warburg Institute, 2(1), 42–52.
Heyer, F. (1971). Die Kirche Äthiopiens: eine Bestandsaufnahme [=Theologische Bibliothek Töpelmann 22].
Berlin: de Gruyter.
Hope, C. (1978). Jar sealings and amphorae of the 18th dynasty: a technological study [=Excavations at Malkata
and the Birket Habu, 1972–1974 5]. Warminster: Aris & Phillips.
Hölscher, U. (1954). The excavation of Medinet Habu V. Post-Ramessid remains [=OIP 66]. (E.B. Hauser,
Trans.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Innemée, K.C. (1998). Recent discoveries of wall-paintings in Deir al-Surian. Hugoye, 1(2), 288–304.
Jacquet-Gordon, H. (1972). Les ermitages chrétiens du désert d’Esna III. Céramique et objets [=FIFAO 29/3].
Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale.
Jaklewicz, A. (2003). Zatyczki do naczyń z Cytadeli w Starej Dongoli na tle analogicznego materiału z Egiptu
i Nubii późnoantycznej i średniowiecznej (IV–XIV w. n.e.) [Mud stoppers from the Citadel in Old
Dongola in the light of parallels from Egypt and Late Antique and Medieval Nubia (4th–14th c. AD)]
(unpubl. MA thesis). University of Warsaw [in Polish].
Jakobielski, S. (1972). A history of the Bishopric of Pachoras on the basis of Coptic inscriptions [=Faras 3].
Warsaw: Éditions scientifiques de Pologne.
Jakobielski, S. (1982). Polish excavations at Old Dongola in 1976 and 1978. In J.M. Plumley (Ed.),
Nubian studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Selwyn College, Cambridge, 1978
(pp. 116–126). Warminster: Aris & Phillips.
Jakobielski, S. (1995). Monastery of the Holy Trinity at Old Dongola – a  short archaeological report.
In M. Starowieyski (Ed.), The spirituality of ancient monasticism: Acts of the International Colloqu-
ium, held in Cracow – Tyniec, 16–19th November 1994. Specialized contributions (pp. 35–45). Tyniec:
Wydawnictwo Benedyktynów.
Jakobielski, S. (2001). Das Kloster der Heiligen Dreifaltigkeit. Bauphasen des nordwestlichen Anbaus.
In S. Jakobielski and P.O. Scholz (Eds.), Dongola-Studien: 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im
Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches [=Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica 7] (pp. 141–168). Warsaw:
ZAŚ PAN.
Jakobielski, S. (2003). Old Dongola. Fieldwork in 2002. PAM, 14, 211–229.
Jakobielski, S. (2004). The Holy Trinity: Fragments of a wall painting of a Nubian king in the coronation
scene. In J.R. Anderson and D.A. Welsby (Eds.), Sudan: Ancient treasures. An exhibition of recent
discoveries from the Sudan National Museum (p. 215). London: British Museum Press.
Jakobielski, S. (2005). Old Dongola. Fieldwork in 2004. PAM, 16, 259–272.
Jakobielski, S. (2007). Nubian scenes of protection from Faras as an aid to dating. EtTrav, 21, 43–51.
Jakobielski, S. (2008). The Holy Trinity Monastery in Old Dongola. In W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar (Eds.),
Between the cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian studies, Warsaw University,
27 August – 2 September 2006, I. Main papers [=PAM Supplement Series 2.1] (pp. 283–302).
Warsaw: Warsaw University Press.
Jakobielski, S. (2010). The Holy Trinity Monastery in Old Dongola. Excavations 2002/2003–2006.
GAMAR, 6, 69–90.
Jakobielski, S. and Martens-Czarnecka, M. (2008). Old Dongola. Fieldwork, seasons 2005/2006 and 2006.
PAM, 18, 325–342.
Jakobielski, S. and van der Vliet, J. (2011). From Aswan to Dongola: The epitaph of bishop Joseph (died
AD 668). In A. Łajtar and J. van der Vliet (Eds.), Nubian voices: Studies in Christian Nubian cul-
ture [=JJP Supplement 15] (pp. 15–35). Warsaw: Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation.
Jensen, R.M. (2012). Baptismal imagery in early Christianity: Ritual, visual, and theological dimensions. Grand
Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

339
 References

Junker, H. (1925). Ermenne. Bericht über die grabungen der Akademie der wissenschaften in Wien auf den frie-
dhöfen von Ermenne (Nubien) im winter 1911/12 [=Akademie der wisenschaften in Wien. Philosophi-
sch-historische klasse. Denkschriften 67/1]. Vienna: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky.
Kalopissi-Verti, S. (2012). Aspects of Byzantine art after the recapture of Constantinople (1261 –
c. 1300): Reflections of imperial policy, reactions, confrontation with the Latins. In J.-P. Caillet
and F. Joubert (Eds.), Orient et occident méditerranéens au XIIIe siècle: les programmes picturaux
(pp. 41–64). Paris: Picard.
Kantorowicz, E.H. (1947). The Quinity of Winchester. The Art Bulletin, 29(2), 73–85.
Kaufmann, C.M. (1910). Die Menasstadt und das Nationalheiligtum der altchristlichen Aegypter in der westa-
lexandrinischen Wüste: Ausgrabungen der Frankfurter Expedition am Karm Abu Mina 1905–1907,
I. Leipzig: Hiersemann.
Kitzinger, E. (1954). The cult of images in the age before iconoclasm. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 8, 83–150.
Klimaszewska-Drabot, E. and Czyżewska, E. (2012). The pottery from four tumuli graves in El-Zuma
(2009). PAM, 21, 361–376.
Kubińska, J. (1974). Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes [=Faras 4]. Warsaw: Éditions scientifiques de Pologne.
Kubińska, J. (1976). Prothesis de la Cathédrale de Faras. Documents et recherches. Revue des Archéologues
et Historiens d’Art de Louvain, 9, 7–37.
Landgraf, J.E. (1980). Keisan’s Byzantine pottery. In J. Briend and J.-B. Humbert (Eds.), Tell Keisan (1971–
1976) : une cité phénicienne en Galilée (pp. 51–99). Fribourg: Editions universitaires.
Lasota-Moskalewska, A. (1984). Morphotic changes of domestic cattle skeleton from the Neolithic Age
to the beginning of the Iron Age. Wiadomości Archeologiczne, 45(2), 119–163.
Lasota-Moskalewska, A. (2005). Zwierzęta udomowione w dziejach ludzkości [Domesticated animals in human
history]. Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego [in Polish].
Layton, B. (2011). A Coptic grammar: With chrestomathy and glossary. Sahidic dialect (3rd ed., rev.) [=Porta
linguarum orientalium 20]. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Lecuyot, G. (2007). Amphores de la Basse Époque à l’époque copte provenant de Saqqâra, secteur du
mastaba d’Akhethetep. In S. Marchand and A. Marangou (Eds.), Amphores d’Égypte de la
Basse Époque à l’époque arabe I [=CCE 8/1] (pp. 199–206). Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie
orientale.
Lecuyot, G. and Pierrat-Bonnefois, G. (2004). Corpus de la céramique de Tôd. Fouilles 1980–1983 et 1990.
CCE, 7, 145–209.
Lepsius, C.R. (1853). Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the peninsula of Sinai. (L. Horner and J.B. Horner,
Trans.). London: H.G. Bohn.
Lepsius, C.R. (Ed.). (1849–1859). Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien: nach den Zeichnungen der von
seiner Majestät dem Koenige von Preussen Friedrich Wilhelm IV nach diesen Ländern gesendeten
und in den Jahren 1842–1845 ausgeführten wissenschaftlichen Expedition auf Befehl seiner Majestaet
I–XII. Berlin: Nicolaische Buchhandlung.
Luffin, X. (2004). The use of Arabic as a written language in Central Africa: The case of the Uele Basin
(Northern Congo) in the late nineteenth century. Sudanic Africa, 15, 145–177.
Łajtar, A. (1995). Greek inscriptions from the monastery on Kom H in Old Dongola. In M. Starowieyski
(Ed.), The spirituality of ancient monasticism: Acts of the International Colloquium, held in Cracow
– Tyniec, 16–19th November 1994. Specialized contributions (pp. 47–61). Tyniec: Wydawnictwo
Benedyktynów.
Łajtar, A. (1996). Varia Nubica III. Ein liturgisches Gebet aus Qasr Ibrim. ZPE, 112, 140–142.
Łajtar, A. (2002). Georgios, Archbishop of Dongola (†1113) and his epitaph. In T. Derda, J. Urbanik, and
M. Węcowski (Eds.), Euergesias Charin: Studies presented to Benedetto Bravo and Ewa Wipszycka by
their disciples [=JJP Supplement 1] (pp. 159–192). Warsaw: Fundacja im. Rafała Taubenschlaga.
Dongola 2012-2014

340
 References

Łajtar, A. (2008). Late Christian Nubia through visitors’ inscriptions from the Upper Church at
Banganarti. In W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar (Eds.), Between the cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th
Conference for Nubian studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006, I. Main papers
[=PAM Supplement Series 2.1] (pp. 321–331). Warsaw: Warsaw University Press.
Łajtar, A. (2009). Varia Nubica XII–XIX. JJP, 39, 83–119.
Łajtar, A. (2011). New finds of Greek epitaphs at Dongola. In A. Łajtar and J. van der Vliet (Eds.), Nubian
voices: Studies in Christian Nubian culture [=JJP Supplement 15] (pp. 37–94). Warsaw: Raphael
Taubenschlag Foundation.
Łajtar, A. (2014). Epitaph of Staurosaña (†1057), granddaughter (?) of a king Zakharias, found in Dongola.
In A. Lohwasser and P. Wolf (Eds.), Ein Forscherleben zwischen den Welten. Zum 80. Geburtstag
von Steffen Wenig (pp. 221–228). Berlin: Sudanarchäologische Gesellschaft zu Berlin.
Łajtar, A. (2015). Wall inscriptions in the Southwest Annex to the Monastery on Kom  H at Dongola:
Report on the work in the 2013 season. PAM, 24/1, 344–351.
Łajtar, A. (forthcoming a). The so-called Kudanbes inscription in Deir Anba Hadra (St Simeon Monastery)
near Aswan: An attempt at a new reading and interpretation.
Łajtar, A. (forthcoming b). The Late Christian pilgrimage centre at Banganarti: The evidence of inscriptions.
Łajtar, A. (forthcoming c). The Nubian Liturgy of the Presanctified.
Łajtar, A. and Pluskota, K. (2001). Inscribed vessels from the Monastery of the Holy Trinity at
Old Dongola. In S. Jakobielski and P.O. Scholz (Eds.), Dongola-Studien: 35 Jahre polnischer
Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches [=Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica 7] (pp. 335–
355). Warsaw: ZAŚ PAN.
Łajtar, A. and Płóciennik, T. (2011). a man from Provance on the Middle Nile: a graffito in the upper
church at Banganarti. In A. Łajtar and J. van der Vliet (Eds.), Nubian voices: Studies in Christian
Nubian culture [=JJP Supplement 15] (pp. 95–121). Warsaw: Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation.
Łajtar, A. and van der Vliet, J. (1998). Rich ladies of Meinarti and their churches. With an appended list
of sources from Christian Nubia containing the expression “having the Church of so-and-so”.
JJP, 28, 35–53.
Łajtar, A. and van der Vliet, J. (2010). Qasr Ibrim: The Greek and Coptic inscriptions [=JJP Supplement 13].
Warsaw: Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation.
Łajtar, A. and van der Vliet, J. (2012). Wall inscriptions in a burial vault under the Northwest Annex of
the Monastery on Kom H (Dongola 2009). PAM, 21, 330–337.
Łajtar, A. and Zielińska, D. (forthcoming). The northern pastophorium of Nubian churches: Ideology
and function (on the basis of inscriptions and paintings).
Łaptaś, M. (1997). A sphere, an orb or a disc? The object held by the archangels in the Faras Cathedral
wall paintings. Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie, 38(1–4), 24–42.
Łaptaś, M. (2004). Archaniołowie w malarstwie nubijskim [Archangels in Nubian wall painting] (unpubl.
Ph.D. diss.). University of Warsaw [in Polish].
Łaptaś, M. (2010). Archangels as protectors and guardians in Nubian paintings. In W. Godlewski and
A. Łajtar (Eds.), Between the cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian studies, War-
saw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006, II.2. Session papers [=PAM Supplement Series 2.2/2]
(pp. 675–681). Warsaw: Warsaw University Press.
MacCoull, L.S.B. (1990). The Paschal Letter of Alexander II, Patriarch of Alexandria: a Greek defense of
Coptic theology under Arab rule. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 44, 27–40.
Maguire, H. (1997). The heavenly court. In H. Maguire (Ed.), Byzantine court culture from 829 to 1204
(pp. 247–259). Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection.
Majcherek, G. (1992). Amfory rzymskie i byzantyjskie z Aleksandrii (Kom el-Dikka). Studium typologiczne
[Roman and Byzantine amphorae from Alexandria (Kom el-Dikka). Typological studies] (unpubl.
Ph.D. diss.). University of Warsaw [in Polish].

341
 References

Majcherek, G. (1995). Gazan amphorae: Typology reconsidered. In H. Meyza and J. Młynarczyk (Eds.),
Hellenistic and Roman pottery in the Eastern Mediterranean: Advances in scientific studies. Acts of
the II Nieborów Pottery Workshop, Nieborów, 18–20 December 1993 (pp. 163–178). Warsaw: Rese-
arch Center for Mediterranean Archaeology, Polish Academy of Sciences.
Majcherek, G. (2004). Alexandria’s long-distance trade in Late Antiquity – the amphora evidence.
In J. Eiring and J. Lund (Eds.), Transport amphorae and trade in the Eastern Mediterranean: Acts of
the international colloquium at the Danish Institute at Athens, September 26–29, 2002 [=Monographs
of the Danish Institute at Athens 5] (pp. 229–238). Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.
Majcherek, G. (2008). The pottery assemblage from the baths and sāqiyah. In H. Szymańska and K.
Babraj (Eds.), Marea I. Byzantine Marea: Excavations in 2000–2003 and 2006 [=Biblioteka Muzeum
Archeologicznego w Krakowie 4] (pp. 105–127). Kraków: Muzeum Archeologiczne w Krakowie.
Marchand, S. and Dixneuf, D. (2007). Amphores et conteneurs égyptiens et importés du VIIe siècle
apr. J.-C. Sondages récents de Baouît (2003–2004). In S. Marchand and A. Marangou (Eds.),
Amphores d’Égypte de la Basse Époque à l’époque arabe I [=CCE 8/1] (pp. 309–343). Cairo: Institut
français d’archéologie orientale.
Marquié, S. (2007). Les amphores trouvées dans le Wadi Natrun (Beni Salama et de Bir Hooker). In
S. Marchand and A. Marangou (Eds.), Amphores d’Égypte de la Basse Époque à l’époque arabe  I
[=CCE 8/1] (pp. 77–114). Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (1982). Influences extérieures dans l’art nubien: éléments décoratifs dans les
peintures murales de faras du VIIIe siècle. Africana Bulletin, 31, 59–73.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (1992a). Late Christian painting in Nubia. In C. Bonnet (Ed.), Études nubiennes:
conférence de Genève. Actes du VIIe Congrès international d’études nubiennes, 3–8 septembre 1990,  I.
Communications principales (pp. 307–316). Geneva: C. Bonnet.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (1992b). New look at the wall paintings of the Rivergate Church in Faras. In
P.O. Scholz (Ed.), Orbis Aethiopicus: Studia in honorem Stanislaus Chojnacki natali septuage-
simo quinto dicata, septuagesimo septimo oblata [=Bibliotheca Nubica 3] (pp. 363–383). Albstadt:
K. Schuler.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (1998). An attempt to define the function of selected rooms at the Monastery in
Old Dongola. GAMAR, 1, 81–93.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (1999a). Wall paintings from the Monastery on Kom H at Old Dongola. In
S. Emmel, M. Krause, S.G. Richter, and S. Schaten (Eds.), Ägypten und Nubien in spätantiker und
christlicher Zeit: Akten des 6. Internationalen Koptologenkongresses, Münster, 20.–26. Juli 1996, I.
Materielle Kultur, Kunst und religiöses Leben (pp. 273–284). Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (1999b). Certain common aspects of Ethiopian and Nubian painting. Nubica
et Aethiopica, 4/5, 551–564.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (2001a). Wall paintings discovered in Old Dongola. In S. Jakobielski and
P.O. Scholz (Eds.), Dongola-Studien: 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuriti-
schen Reiches [=Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica 7] (pp. 253–284). Warsaw: ZAŚ PAN.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (2001b). Nubian king – a painting from the Monastery in Dongola. In S. Jako-
bielski and P.O. Scholz (Eds.), Dongola-Studien: 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des
makuritischen Reiches [=Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica 7] (pp. 285–300). Warsaw: ZAŚ PAN.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (2003). New wall paintings discovered at the Monastery of the Holy Trinity in
Old Dongola (Sudan) during the 2000 excavation campaign. GAMAR, 2, 145–153.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (2011). The wall paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola. (B.M. Gostyń-
ska, Trans.) [=Nubia 3; Dongola 3; PAM Monograph Series 3]. Warsaw: Warsaw University Press.
Martens-Czarnecka, M. (2012). Iconography of Jesus Christ in Nubian painting. EtTrav, 25, 241–252.
Martin, A. (1994). Archives privées et cachettes documentaires. In A. Bülow-Jacobsen (Ed.), Proceedings
of the 20th International Congress of Papyrologists, Copenhagen, 23–29 August, 1992 (pp. 569–577).
Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press.
Dongola 2012-2014

342
 References

Marti, H. (Ed.). (1989). De ieiunio I, II: zwei Predigten über das Fasten nach Basileios von Kaisareia. [=Supple-
ments to vigiliae christianae 6]. Leiden: E.J. Brill.
Meyendorff, J. (1979). Byzantine theology: Historical trends and doctrinal themes (2nd ed.). New York: For-
dham University Press.
Michałowski, K. (1966). Polish excavations at Old Dongola: First season, November–December 1964.
Kush, 14, 289–299.
Michałowski, K. (1967). Faras: die Kathedrale aus dem Wüstensand. Einsiedeln–Zürich–Cologne: Benziger.
Michałowski, K. (1974). Faras: Wall paintings in the collection of the National Museum in Warsaw (with con-
tributions by S. Jakobielski). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Artystyczno-Graficzne.
Mierzejewska, B. (1999). Murals in the Bishops’ Chapel, Faras: The visual expression of the ruler’s ide-
ology in Nubia. In S. Emmel, M. Krause, S.G. Richter, and S. Schaten (Eds.), Ägypten und Nubien
in spätantiker und christlicher Zeit: Akten des 6. Internationalen Koptologenkongresses, Münster, 20.–
26. Juli 1996, I. Materielle Kultur, Kunst und religiöses Leben [=Sprachen und Kulturen des christli-
chen Orients 6] (pp. 285–295). Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag.
Mierzejewska, B. (2008). Postacie fundatorów trzymających gałązki na malowidłach ściennych w
Nubii [Figures of founders holding branches in Nubian wall paintings]. Ikonotheka, 21, 33–53
[in Polish].
Mierzejewska, B. (2010). Intercessio perpetua. The Nubians and their heavenly allies in painting. In
W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar (Eds.), Between the cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th Conference for
Nubian studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006, II.2. Session papers [=PAM Sup-
plement Series 2.2/2] (pp. 653–674). Warsaw: Warsaw University Press.
Mills, A.J. (1982). The cemeteries of Qasr Ibrîm: a report of the excavations conducted by W.B. Emery in 1961
[=Excavation Memoir 51]. London: Egypt Exploration Society.
Mills, R. (2003). Jesus as monster. In B. Bildhauer and R. Mills (Eds.), The monstrous Middle Ages
(pp. 28–54). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Monneret de Villard, U. (1935–1957). La Nubia medioevale I–III. Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie
orientale.
Müller, C.D.G. (1959). Die Engellehre der koptischen Kirche. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Musin, A. (2010). Russian medieval culture as an “area of preservation” of the Byzantine civilization. In
P.Ł. Grotowski and S. Skrzyniarz (Eds.), Towards rewriting? New approaches to Byzantine archa-
eology and art. Proceedings of the symposium on Byzantine art and archaeology, Cracow, September
8–10, 2008 [=Series Byzantina 8] (pp. 11–44). Warsaw: Neriton.
Nachtergael, G. (2000). Sceaux et timbres de bois d’Égypte I. En marge des archives d’Hèroninos: cachets
et bouchons d’amphores de Théadelphie. CdE, 75, 153–170.
Obłuski, A. (2014). Excavation at Site C.01 on the Citadel of Tungul (Old Dongola), Sudan: preliminary
report. PAM, 23/1, 296–309.
Obłuski, A., Godlewski, W., Kołątaj, W., Medeksza, S., and Calaforra-Rzepka, C. (2013). The Mosque
Building in Dongola. Conservation and revitalization project. PAM, 22, 248–272.
Ochała, G. (2011). Chronological systems of Christian Nubia [=JJP Supplement 16]. Warsaw: Raphael Tau-
benschlag Foundation.
Ochała, G. (2014a). Old Nubian lists of goods and money: a preliminary presentation. In J.R. Anderson
and D.A. Welsby (Eds.), The Fourth Cataract and beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International
Conference for Nubian Studies [=British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1] (pp. 971–976).
Leuven: Peeters.
Ochała, G. (2014b). Multilingualism in Christian Nubia: Qualitative and quantitative approaches.
Dotawo: a Journal of Nubian Studies, 1, 1–50.
Osypińska, M. (2004). Animal bone remains from Old Dongola. Osteological material from Building B.I
on Kom A. PAM, 15, 224–230.

343
 References

Osypińska, M. (2013). Archaeozoological research on animal remains from excavations in Dongola

(Sudan) in 2010. PAM, 22, 229–247.
Ouspensky, L. (1992). Theology of the icon. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press.
Pasi, S. (2012). I dipinti della chiesa di Sonqi Tino in Nubia. Scienze dell’Antichità, 18, 571–595.
Peacock, D.P.S. and Williams, D.F. (1986). Amphorae and the Roman economy: An introductory guide. Lon-
don: Longman.
Pettazzoni, R. (1946). The pagan origins of the three-headed representation of the Christian Trinity.
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 9, 135–151.
Phillips, J. (2003). An overview of the ceramics. In B. Żurawski, Survey and excavations between Old Don-
gola and Ez-Zuma [=Nubia 2; Southern Dongola Reach Survey 1] (pp. 387–437). Warsaw: Neriton.
Piccirillo, M. (1993). The mosaics of Jordan [=American Center of Oriental Research Publications 1]. Amman:
American Center of Oriental Research.
Pieri, D. (2005). Le commerce du vin oriental à l’époque byzantine, Ve–VIIe siècles: le témoignage des amphores
en Gaule [=BAH 174]. Beirut: Institut français du Proche-Orient.
Pieri, D. (2007). Les centres de production d’amphores en Méditerranée orientale durant l’Antiquité
tardive : quelques remarques. In M. Bonifay and J.-C. Tréglia (Eds.), LRCW 2. Late Roman coarse
wares, cooking wares and amphorae in the Mediterranean. Archaeology and archaeometry [=BAR IS
1662] (pp. 611–625). Oxford: Archaeopress.
Pluskota, K. (1997). Old Dongola: Recent pottery finds. In Actes de la VIIIe Conférence Internationale des
Études Nubiennes: Lille 11–17 septembre 1994, II. Découvertes archéologiques [=CRIPEL 17/2]
(pp. 235–242). Villeneuve-d’Ascq: Université Charles de Gaulle–Lille III.
Pluskota, K. (2001). The kiln sites of Old Dongola. In S. Jakobielski and P.O. Scholz (Eds.), Dongola-Stu-
dien: 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen Reiches [=Bibliotheca Nubica et
Aethiopica 7] (pp. 357–366). Warsaw: ZAŚ PAN.
Pluskota, K. (2005). Amphorae from Old Dongola. Evolution of local products (exploration of kiln R1 F).
GAMAR, 3, 227–232.
Presedo Velo, F.J. (1965). El poblado cristiano de la isla de Abkanarti en la segunda catarata del Nilo (Sudán)
[=Memorias de la Misión Arqueológica Española en Nubia 7]. Madrid: Dirección General de Rela-
ciones Culturales.
Quibell, J.E. (1912). Excavations at Saqqara IV. 1908–10. The monastery of Apa Jeremias. Cairo: Institut fra-
nçais d’archéologie orientale.
Rassart-Debergh, M. (1994). Le Christ et la croix dans l’art copte. In S. Giversen, M. Krause, and P. Nagel
(Eds.), Coptology: Past, present, and future. Studies in honour of Rodolphe Kasser [=OLA 61]
(pp. 45–69). Leuven: Peeters.
Ratyński, Z. (1982). Hand and pectoral crosses from Faras. Nubia Christiana, 1, 223–270.
Raw, B.C. (1997). Trinity and incarnation in Anglo-Saxon art and thought [=Cambridge Studies in Anglo-
Saxon England 21]. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Reynolds, P. (2005). Levantine amphorae from Cilicia to Gaza: a typology and analysis of regional pro-
duction trends from the 1st to 7th centuries. In J.M. Gurt i Esparraguera, J. Buxeda i Garrigós,
and M.A. Cau Ontiveros (Eds.), LRCW 1. Late Roman coarse wares, cooking wares and ampho-
rae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and archaeometry [=BAR IS 1340] (pp. 563–611). Oxford:
Archaeopress.
Riley, J.A. (1979). The coarse pottery from Benghazi. In J.A. Lloyd (Ed.), Excavations at Sidi Khrebish, Ben-
ghazi (Berenice) II. Economic life at Berenice [=Libya Antiqua Supplements 5] (pp. 91–467). Tripoli:
Department of Antiquities, People’s Socialist Libyan Arab Jamahirya.
Rodziewicz, M. (1984). Les habitations romaines tardives d’Alexandrie: à la lumière des fouilles polonaises
à Kôm el-Dikka [=Alexandrie 3]. Warsaw: Éditions Scientifiques de Pologne.
Dongola 2012-2014

344
 References

Rosenthal, J.E. (1981). Three drawings in an Anglo-Saxon Pontifical: Anthropomorphic Trinity or thre-
efold Christ? The Art Bulletin, 63(4), 547–562.
Ruffini, G. (2012). Medieval Nubia: a social and economic history. New York: Oxford University Press.
Rutschowscaya, M.-H. (1986). Catalogue des bois de l’Égypte copte. Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des musées
nationaux.
Santamaria, U., Morresi, F., Castro, F., and Cappozzo, M. (2012). Sonqi Tino e l’architettura delle chiese
nubiane. Scienze dell’Antichità, 18, 555–571.
Sazanov, A. (2007). Les amphores orientales d’époque protobyzantine au Nord de la Mer Noire: chro-
nologie et typologie. In M. Bonifay and J.-C. Tréglia (Eds.), LRCW 2. Late Roman coarse wares,
cooking wares and amphorae in the Mediterranean. Archaeology and archaeometry II [=BAR IS 1662]
(pp. 803–815). Oxford: Archaeopress.
Scholz, P.O. (1990). Gnostische Elemente in nubischen Wandmalereien: das Christusbild. Nubica, 1–2,
565–584.
Scholz, P.O. (2001). Das nubische Christentum und seine Wandmalereien. In S. Jakobielski and
P.O. Scholz (Eds.), Dongola-Studien: 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuritischen
Reiches [=Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica 7] (pp. 177–251). Warsaw: ZAŚ PAN.
Schwarz, M. (1990). Syro-palästinensischer Einfluß auf die nubische Wandmalerei und Kirchenarchitek-
tur. Nubica, 1–2, 585–591.
Seibert, J. (1980). Lexikon christlicher Kunst: Themen, Gestalten, Symbole. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder.
Seignobos, R. (2012). The other Ethiopia: Nubia and the crusade (12th–14th century). Annales d’Éthiopie,
27, 307–311.
Seignobos, R. (2015). Les évêchés nubiens: nouveaux témoignages. La source de la liste de Vansleb et
deux autres textes méconnus. In A. Łajtar, G. Ochała, and J. van der Vliet (Eds.), Nubian voices II.
New texts and studies on Christian Nubian culture [=JJP Supplement 27] (pp. 151–230). Warsaw:
Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation.
Shinnie, P.L. (1990). Christian Nubia and the crusades. Nubica, 1–2, 603–607.
Shinnie, P.L. and Chittick, H.N. (1961). Ghazali, a monastery in the northern Sudan [=Sudan Antiquities
Service Occasional Papers 5]. Khartoum: Sudan Antiquities Service.
Shinnie, P.L. and Shinnie, M. (1978). Debeira West, a mediaeval Nubian town. Warminster: Aris & Phillips.
Strouhal, E. (1984). Wadi Qitna and Kalabsha-South: Late Roman – early Byzantine tumuli cemeteries in Egyp-
tian Nubia I. Archaeology. Prague: Charles University.
Szolc, P. (1975). The iconographical programme of the Faras Cathedral. Some marginal remarks concer-
ning Professor K. Weitzmann’s theory. EtTrav, 8, 295–299.
Ševčenko, N.P. (1994). Close encounters: Contact between Holy Figures and the faithful as represented
in Byzantine works of art. In A. Guillou and J. Durand (Eds.), Byzance et les images : cycle de
conférences organisé au musée du Louvre par le Service culturel du 5 octobre au 7 décembre 1992
(pp. 255–285). Paris: Documentation français.
Taylor, J.H. (1991). Egypt and Nubia. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
te Velde, H. (1971). Some remarks on the structure of Egyptian divine triads. JEA, 57, 80–86.
Thiessen, G. (2009a). Images of the Trinity in visual art. In D. Marmion and G. Thiessen (Eds.), Trinity
and salvation: Theological, spiritual, and aesthetic perspectives [=Studies in Theology, Society, and
Culture 2] (pp. 119–140). Oxford: Peter Lang.
Thiessen, G. (2009b). Imaging the dogma of the Trinity. Communio Viatorum, 51(1), 4–21.
Tomber, R. and Williams, D. (2000). Egyptian amphorae in Britain and the Western Provinces. Britannia,
31, 41–54.
Török, L. (1975). Abdallah Nirqi 1964. The pottery finds of the settlement. Acta Archaeologica Academiae
Scientiarum Hungaricae, 27, 353–494.

345
 References

Török, L. (1988). Late antique Nubia: History and archaeology of the southern neighbor of Egypt in the 4th–6th c. A.D.
[=Antaeus 16]. Budapest: Archaeological Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
Tsakos, A. (2009). Addenda and corrigenda to the Khartoum inscriptions (I. Khartoum Copt. and Greek).
JJP, 39, 199–215.
Tsakos, A. (2014). Miscellanea epigraphica Nubica V: The names of the Four Creatures of the Apoca-
lypse in Christian Nubia. Collectanea Christiana Orientalia, 11, 253–263.
Tsuji, S. (1975). The headpiece miniatures and genealogy pictures in Paris. Gr. 74. Dumbarton Oaks
Papers, 29, 165–203.
van Moorsel, P. (1966). Une théophanie nubienne. Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana, 42, 297–316.
van Moorsel, P. (1975). “Bilder ohne Worte”. Problems in Nubian Christian iconography. In K. Micha-
łowski (Ed.), Nubia: récentes recherches. Actes du Colloque nubiologique international au Musée
national de Varsovie 19–22 Juin 1972 (pp. 126–129). Warsaw: National Museum in Warsaw.
van Moorsel, P. (1989). Medieval church decoration in Nubia and Upper Egypt compared with that in
Lower Egypt: An iconographical approach. Nubian Letters, 12, 14–16.
van Moorsel, P., Jacquet, J., and Schneider, H.D. (1975). The central church of Abdallah Nirqi. Leiden: Brill.
Vandorpe, K. (2009). Archives and dossiers. In R.S. Bagnall (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of papyrology
(pp. 216–255). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Vandorpe, K. and Waebens, S. (2009). Reconstructing Pathyris’ archives: a multicultural community in Hel-
lenistic Egypt [=Collectanea hellenistica 3]. Brussels: Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie van Belgie
& l’Union Academique Internationale.
Vantini, G. (1975). Oriental sources concerning Nubia. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Akademie der
Wissenschaften.
von Bissing, F.W. (1937). Die Kirche von Abd el Gadir bei Wadi Halfa und ihre Wandmalereien.
MDAIK, 7, 128–183.
von den Driesch, A. (1976). a guide to the measurement of animal bones from archaeological sites [=Peabody
Museum Bulletin 1]. Cambridge, MA: Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology,
Harvard University.
Walters, C.C. (1974). Monastic archaeology in Egypt. Warminster: Aris & Phillips.
Ward, C. (2000). The Sadana Islands shipwreck. The Red Sea in global trade. Saudi Aramco World, 51(6),
14–21.
Weitzmann, K. (1970). Some remarks on the sources of the fresco paintings of the Cathedral of Faras.
In E. Dinkler (Ed.), Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in christlicher Zeit: Ergebnisse und Probleme auf
Grund der jüngsten Ausgrabungen (pp. 325–346). Recklinghausen: Bongers.
Welsby, D.A. and Daniels, C. (1991). Soba: Archaeological research at a medieval capital on the Blue Nile [=Bri-
tish Institute in Eastern Africa Memoir 12]. London: British Institute in Eastern Africa.
Werner, R. (2013). Das Christentum in Nubien: Geschichte und Gestalt einer afrikanischen Kirche [=Studien
zur orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 48]. Berlin: Lit.
Williams, D.F. (2005). An integrated archaeometric approach to ceramic fabric recognition: a  study
case on late Roman amphora 1 from the eastern Mediterranean. In J.M. Gurt i Esparraguera,
J. Buxeda i Garrigós, and M.A. Cau Ontiveros (Eds.), LRCW 1. Late Roman coarse wares, cooking
wares and amphorae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and archaeometry [=BAR IS 1340] (pp. 613–
624). Oxford: Archaeopress.
Winlock, H.E. and Crum, W.E. (1926). The Monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes. New York: Metropolitan
Museum of Art.
Winnicki, J.K. (2009). Late Egypt and her neighbours: Foreign population in Egypt in the first millennium BC
[=JJP Supplement 12]. Warsaw: Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation.
Wipszycka, E. (1992). Fonctionnement de l’église égyptienne aux IVe–VIIIe siècles (sur quelques aspects).
Dongola 2012-2014

In C. Décobert (Ed.), Itinéraires d’Egypte : mélanges offerts au père Maurice Martin s.j. [=BdE 107]

346
 References

(pp. 115–145). Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale (reprinted in E. Wipszycka,

Études sur le christianisme dans l’Égypte de l’antiquité tardive, Rome: Institutum Patristicum
«Augustinianum», 1996).
Ziadé, I. (1936). Présanctifiés (messe des). In Dictionnaire de théologie catholique XIII.1 (pp. 77–111). Paris:
Letouzey et Ané.
Zielińska, D. (2010a). Edifice without parallel: Cruciform Building on the Old Dongola citadel. In
W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar (Eds.), Between the cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th Conference for
Nubian studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006, II.2. Session papers [=PAM
Supplement Series 2.2/2] (pp. 695–703). Warsaw: Warsaw University Press.
Zielińska, D. (2010b). The iconographical program in Nubian churches: Progress report based on a new
reconstruction project. In W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar (Eds.), Between the cataracts: Proceedings
of the 11th Conference for Nubian studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006, II.2.
Session papers [=PAM Supplement Series 2.2/2] (pp. 643–651). Warsaw: Warsaw University
Press.
Zielińska, D. (2012). The painted decoration of the church at Sonqi Tino in the context of the iconogra-
phical program of Nubian churches. Scienze dell’Antichità, 18, 593–599.
Žabkar, L.V. (1963). The Eparch of Nubia as king. JNES, 22(4), 217–219.
Żurawski, B. (1994). Nubia and Ethiopia in the Christian period: Some affinities. In P.B. Henze (Ed.),
Aspects of Ethiopian art from ancient Axum to the 20th century (pp. 33–41). London: Jed.
Żurawski, B. (1995). Old Dongola 1984–1993. The Mortuary Complex. a preliminary report. EtTrav, 17,
327–364.
Żurawski, B. (1997). Old Dongola: Kom H, Southwestern Unit. PAM, 8, 169–178.
Żurawski, B. (2001). Dongola, the city of the Makurians (literary sources to 1956). In S. Jakobielski and
P.O. Scholz (Eds.), Dongola-Studien: 35 Jahre polnischer Forschungen im Zentrum des makuriti-
schen Reiches [=Bibliotheca Nubica et Aethiopica 7] (pp. 75–141). Warsaw: ZAŚ PAN.
Żurawski, B. (2003a). Survey and excavations between Old Dongola and Ez-Zuma [=Nubia 2; Southern Don-
gola Reach Survey 1]. Warsaw: Neriton.
Żurawski, B. (2003b). Dongola Reach. The Southern Dongola Reach Survey Project, 2002. PAM, 14,
237–252.
Żurawski, B. (2008a). The churches of Banganarti, 2002–2006. In W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar (Eds.),
Between the cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian studies, Warsaw University,
27 August – 2 September 2006, I. Main papers [=PAM Supplement Series 2.1] (pp. 303–321). War-
saw: Warsaw University Press.
Żurawski, B. (2008b). Banganarti. The 2006 season. PAM, 18, 385–395.
Żurawski, B. (2012). St. Raphael Church I at Banganarti: Mid-sixth to mid-eleventh century. An introduction to
the site and the epoch [=GAMAR Monograph Series 2]. Gdańsk: Gdańsk Archaeological Museum
and Heritage Protection Fund.

347