2.

African Models in the New Guinea Highlands

Author(s): J. A. Barnes
Source: Man, Vol. 62 (Jan., 1962), pp. 5-9
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2795819
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 JANUARY, i962
fourteenth century A.D. The extent of the naturalweather-
ing sufferedby the carvingsis not inconsistentwith an age
of seven hundred years or more.
Notes
I The 'pupil' seen on the photograph, fig. 3, is a patch of lichen.
2
This piece also is now in the Nigerian Museum.
3 I47 complete nails were counted on the carving.
AFRICAN MODELS IN THE NEW
PROFESSOR J. A. BARNES
AustralianNationalUnitersity,Canberra
Introduction
The peoples of the New Guinea Highlands'
first became accessiblefor study at a time when
anthropological discussionwas dominated by the analyses
of political and kinshipsystemsthat had recently been made
in Africa. Ethnographersworking in New Guinea were
able to present interim accounts of the poly-segmentary
stateless systems of the Highlands with less effort and
greater speed by making use of the advances in under-
standing already achieved by their colleagues who had
studiedsimilarsocial systemsin Africa. Yet it has become
clear that Highland societies fit awkwardly into African
moulds. When first tackling the New Guinea societies it
was a decided advantageto be able to referto the analytical
work available on Nuer, Tallensi, Tiv and other peoples,
but it may be disadvantageousif this African orientation
now prevents us from seeing the distinctively non-African
characteristicsof the Highlands.
The centralhighlandvalleysof New Guineahave become
accessible to travellers only during the last i 5 years and
early ethnographical research was necessarily undertaken
on the coast and in the coastal mountains. These inquiries
were made before the work of Evans-Pritchardand Fortes
on the Nuer and Tallensihad made its full impact on social
anthropology and were carried out among peoples living
mainly in politically independent villages whose social
organization appeared not to offer any striking parallels
with Africa. After I945 the New Guinea Highlands were
opened to a new generation of ethnographers strongly
influenced by structuralthinking who found here larger
societies, apparently patrilineal and lacking hereditary
leadership, whose structures invited comparison with
Africa. When in several respects these societies were
discovered not to operate as an Africanist might have
expected, these deviations from the African model were
often regarded as anomalies requiring special explanation.
Yet in the last year or so a closer examination of the
ethnographicalfacts, the presentationof data from a wider
range of Highland societies and, more recently, the dis-
cussions about non-unilineal systems in Malayo-Polynesia
have considerably weakened what we might call the
African mirage in New Guinea.
MAN Nos. i, 2
4 This carving has also been obtained for the Nigerian national
collections.
5 The urethral orifice is indicated.
6 The exception is the 'drum' which is of coarsely crystalline
milky vein quartz.
7 Cf. K. C. Murray and F. Willett, 'The Ore Grove at Ife,
Western Nigeria,' MAN, I958, I87.
8 By Mr. D. 0. A. Adetunmbi, then a student at University
College, Ibadan.
GUINEA HIGHLANDS
by
The Tiv, Nuer, Tallensi and others differ considerably
from one another but in making inter-continental com-
parisons the substantial differences between them have
often been overlooked. The possible existence of lineage
systems in New Guinea has even been discussedwithout
stating precisely which African lineage systems have been
used as type specimens. Comparisons have often been
drawn with the more abstractaccountsof African societies.
as for example Evans-Pritchard'sessay in AfricanPolitical
Systems,ratherthan with the detailed descriptionsof actual
African situationsgiven, for instance,in his paper Marriage
andthe Familyamongthe Nuer. It has been easy to make the
mistake of comparing the defacto situation in a Highland
community, as shown by an ethnographicalcensus, with
a non-existent and idealized set of conditions among the
Nuer, wrongly inferredfrom Evans-Pritchard'sdiscussion
of the principlesof Nuer social structure.The New Guinea
hamlet is found to be full of matrilateral kin, affmes,
refugees and casualvisitors, quite unlike the hypothecated
entirely virilocal and agnatic Nuer village (though similar
to real Nuer villages). This proceduregives an exaggerated
pictureof the differencesbetween the Highlandsand Africa,
and although most ethnographershave avoided this error
in print, it persistsin many oral discussions.
Yet, despite this caveat, major differences in social
structureremain between, say, Nuer, Tiv, Tallensi, Dinka
and Bedouin on the one hand and, on the other, Chimbu,
Enga, Fore, Huli, Kuma, Kyaka, Mbowamb, Mendi and
Siane. This is not the place to compare all these systems
but rather to suggest topics that should form part of any
detailed comprehensivecomparison.
Descent
In the Highlands usually a majority, though rarely all,
of the adult males in any local community are agnatically
related to one another. Most married men live patri-
virilocally. Many a large social group is divided into seg-
ments each associatedwith a son of its founder. It is argued
that these groups are patrilineal descent groups. Yet
several other characteristicsof Highland societies make
S
No. 2 MAN
this categorizationless certain. These may be summarized
as follows:
(a) In many instancesnon-agnates are numerous in the
local community and some of them are powerful.
(b) It is often hard to detect any difference in status
between agnatesand non-agnates. If a distinctionis drawn
it may be made in such a way that the patrilineal des-
cendants of non-agnates after one or two generations are
assimilatedto the local agnatic group.
(c) An adolescent boy, and even an adult man, has
some choice in deciding whether he will adhere to the
local group in which his father is an agnate or to some
other group to which he can trace non-agnatic connexion.
He may be able to maintain multiple allegiance or to shift
his affiliation.
(d) A married woman neither remains fully affiliated
to her natal group nor is completely transferredto her
husband's group but rather sustains an interest in both.
Yet the division of rights in and responsibilitiestowards
her is not exclusive.
(e) Many individuals who assert a mutual agnatic
relationshipare unable to trace out their connexions step
by step and are uninterestedin trying to do so.
(f) The names of remoter patrilineal ancestors are
forgotten; or alternatively the genealogical structure of
the group is stated to be a single (or sometimes a double)
descending line of males with no remembered siblings
leading to a large band of brothersabout three generations
above living adults; or else there is a gap of unspecified
magnitude between the putative remote ancestors who
give their names to contemporary segments and the
father'sfathersor father'sfather'sfathers of the living.
(g) Even if the agnates form a recognizable core to
the local community there may be no context in which
all potential members of this core, including non-residents,
act as a unity distinguishedfrom their non-agnatic neigh-
bours.
(h) An agnatic ancestorcult either does not exist or else
does not provide contexts in which non-resident agnates,
or agnates from co-ordinate segments, are brought to-
gether.
Hence it seems prudent to think twice before cata-
loguing the New Guinea Highlands as characterizedby
patrilineal descent. Clearly, genealogical connexion of
some sort is one criterion for membership of many social
groups. But it may not be the only criterion; birth, or
residence, or a parent's former residence, or utilization of
garden land, or participation in exchange and feasting
activities, or in house-building or raiding, may be other
relevant criteria for group membership. If, as Fortes
advocates, we continue to restrict the category 'descent
group' to groups in which descent is the only criterion
for membership,then in many Highland societiesit is hard
to discover descent groups. Furthermorethe genealogical
connexion required for membership may not necessarily
be agnatic. Other connexions can be invoked, and this
appeal to other cognatic, and sometimes to affinal, ties
does not have to be justified by some elaboration of, or
dispensation from, an agnatic dogma. In the Highlands
6
JANUARY, I962
the patrilinealancestorsdo not act as guardiansof the
agnatic prmciple.
These remarksapply unequallyto differentHighland
societies.In some, long lines of agnatic ancestorsare
rememberedwhile in others genealogicalknowledge is
poorandnot agnaticallybiased;in somethelocalincidence
of agnatesis high, in othersit is low; in some there is
strongpressureon a man to affiliatehimselfexclusively
with his agnateswhilein othershe candividehis allegiance
between two or more kin groups; and there are other
dimensionsof variation. The MaeEnga,for instance,fit
well into an agnaticmodelwhereasthe Chimbuandsome
otherpeoplescan be treatedas agnaticsocietiesonly with
increasingdifficultyaswe cometo know moreaboutthem.
ThusalthoughsomeHighlandsocietiesareappropriately
classifiedas agnatic,the area as a whole appearsto be
characterized by cumulativepatrifiliationratherthan by
agnaticdescent.Here I am makinga distinctionbetween
filiationas a mechanismof recruitmentto socialgroups
and to ascribedrelationships and descentas a sanctioned
andmorallyevaluatedprincipleof belief.The Tallensi,for
example, have both these characteristics. But in most,
thoughnot in all,Highlandsocietiesthe dogmaof descent
is absentor is heldonlyweakly;theprincipleof recruitment
to a man'sfather'sgroupoperates,but only concurrently
with otherprinciples,andis sanctionednot by an appealto
thenotionof descentassuchbutby referenceto theobliga-
tions of kinsfolk,differentiatedaccordingto relationship
and encompassedwithin a span of only two or three
generations.In each generationa substantial majorityof
men affiiatethemselveswith theirfather'sgroup and in
this way it acquiressome agnatic continuityover the
generations.It may be similarin demographicappearance
and defactokinshipties to a patrilinealgroup in which
accessorysegmentsarecontinuallybeingassimilated to the
authenticcore, but its structureand ideology are quite
different.
A genealogyin a pre-literatesociety is in generala
charter,in Malinowski'ssense,for a given configuration
of contemporarysocialrelations.Wherethereis a dogma
of descent,andin particular a dogmaof agnaticsolidarity,
the genealogymustreflectthe contemporary situation,or
some desiredmodificationof it, in termsof the dogma.
Butif thedogmais absent,appealto a genealogyto validate
presentactionis of no avail.Henceit is not surprisingthat
severalHighlandsocieties,though againnot all of them,
neglecttheir genealogies,eitherby not revisingthem or
by simply forgetting them. Where revision does take
place,it maybe simplificationratherthanthemanipulation
characteristic of Tiv andNuer.
Bounded andUnbounded Affiliation
In a poly-segmentarysociety like Tallensithe main
afflliationsthat governan individual'sstatusand activities
are determinedby birth. He has a specifiedand unique
positionin the lineagesystemand cannotescapefrom it,
thoughwithin the minimallineagehe can exercisesome
initiative,as well as in the affinalties which he choosesto
JANUARY, I962 MAN
establish, and in the relationships which he enters into
outside the lineage system. In Firth's terminology there is
little or no optation in the descent system itself New
Guineasocieties,on the other hand, seem to be characterized
by a considerable degree of optation. The absence or
weakness of a dogma of agnatic descent is one aspect of
this and the possibility of affiliationwith some local group
other than one's father'sfollows from it. In some societies,
Mae Enga for example, sooner or later a man must declare
his allegiance one way or the other but in other societies
he can, and indeed, if he is ambitious, he will, keep open
until late in life the possibility of shifting from one group
to another. In the southern Highlands, and possibly
elsewhere, a man can successfullycontinue as a member of
two or more groups at the same time.
In a unilineal descent system multiple membership or
affiliationof this kind is obviously impossible; one of the
arguments used against the alleged feasibility of non-
unilinealdescentsystemsis preciselythis potential or actual
plurality of membership. There are three separateissues
involved: the distinction between membership of a group
and residence on its territory; the feasibility of multiple
affiliationin a system of competing groups; and the notion
that a man must have a single home with which he is
principallyidentified. Co-residenceimplies the possibility,
but not the necessity, of continual day-to-day face-to-face
interaction and in a non-literate society, however clearly
their rights are recognized, absent members cannot play
as frill a part in the activities of the group as do those who
are present. But just as co-residence does not necessarily
imply co-activity, so some form of co-activity is possible
without continuous co-residence. This is particularly
relevant to those Highland societies where there is no
nuclear family residence and where a man sleeps with his
fellows while his wives sleep with their young children
and pigs in their own houses. Under these conditions,
where a man spendsthe night is only one indication among
many of where his principal allegiances and interests lie.
His gardens may be scattered, not only in the sense of
being located on various ridges and in various valleys but
also by being on land under the control of several local
groups. In effect, even in those societies where a man's
main allegianceis always to one and only one local group,
he may have substantialinterests in a number of others.
There is no great differencebetween unilocal residencein
these circumstancesand the manifest poly-local residence
reported from some of the southern Highland societies.
Multiple affiliationmay give individualsgreatersecurity
and room to manxuvre but may be detrimentalto group
solidarity. A group can either be jealous of its resources
and discourage immigrants or it can seek to build up its
strength by recruitingnew members. The choice it makes
will depend at least in part on the availability of garden
land and other natural assets under its control and on its
strength as a fighting unit vis-a-vis its likely or actual
enemies. Either it can restrict membership by insisting on
agnatic purity or in some other way or it can build up its
numbers by recruiting non-agnates and by bringing back
agnates who have strayed. Highland societies vary in the
7
No. 2
choice made; probably enough has been publishedto make
a preliminary comparative survey worth while. No
simple answer is likely, for it should be remembered that
restrictive policies act both ways. A man whose agnatic
group is short of land may support a policy restrictinguse
of the land to agnates,but if he is short of land himself he
may be relying on exercising his claims as a non-agnate
in the territoriesof neighbouring groups.
In the Highlands an individual often has allegiances,of
the same kind if varying in degree, to severalgroups which
may be either at enmity or amity with one another. This
multiple allegianceis quite distinct from the allegiancesof
differentkinds to differentgroups which occur in even the
most determinate unilineal societies. This multiplicity in
New Guinea is largely a result of individual initiative and
is not due to the automatic operation of rules. A 'rubbish
man' is typically a man who is a member of one local
group but who has no ties that lead him outside it,
whereas a 'big man' is likely to have a great variety of
individual and group ties, along with a clear primary
identificationwith one specific group.
Moreover it is proliferation of ties at the individual
rather than at the group level that seems to distinguish
New Guineafrom Africa. As we would expect, both kinds
of bond occur in both areas.In most partsof the Highlands
there are fairly stable alliancesbetween large groups such
as clansandphratries,and sometimes enduringrelationships
of hostility as well, and these are often expressed in an
affinalor fraternalidiom. It is also true that in all the poly-
segmentary African societies that we are considering,
explicit recognition is given to the rights and obligations
which a man has with respectto the groups to which he or
his agnates are linked matrilaterally. Yet the relative
importanceof what we might call high-level and low-level
non-agnatic (and also pseudo-agnatic) ties seems to differ
in the two areas. Complementary filiation plays a greater
partin the lives of New GuineaHighlandersand traditional
inter-group ties seem less important. It may be argued
that this is due to the imposition of colonial peace, for
when warfare was endemic inter-group afflliation was
presumably more significant than it is now. But the
accounts of pre-contact fighting, of the military alliances
arrangedand the refuges sought after defeat, do not bear
this out. In any case pre-colonial fighting is at least as close
to the presentin New Guineaas it is in the relevantregions
of Africa.
The emphasis on low-level rather than high-level
affiliation is clearly associated with the greater range of
choice in the New Guinea systems, and in particularwith
the widespreadculturalemphasison ceremonial exchange.
Although exchanges and prestationsmay be spoken of as
arrangedby the clan or sub-clan and may even be timed
on a regional basis, the great majority of these ceremonial
transactions are undisguisedly transactions between in-
dividuals. In establishinga position of dominance in these
transactionsa man is seriously handicappedif he lacks the
support of his agnates, but he cannot hope to succeed
without utilizing in addition a wide range of other con-
nexions, some matrilateral,others affinal and yet others
No. 2 MAN
lacking a genealogicalbasis. If he is successfulit is his local
group, usually but not invariably consisting of his close
agnates,which more than others enjoy his reflectedglory.
Among Tiv and Tallensi, and less certainly among Nuer,
it seems that a man acquiresdominance primarilybecause
he belongs to the dominant local group, whereas in the
New Guinea Highlandsit might be said that a local group
becomes dominant because of the big men who belong to
it. The contrast is greatest between the Highlands and
those Africansocietieswhere leadershipwithin lineage seg-
ments is determined more by rules of seniority than by
individual effort.
Two aspects of this contrast require special mention.
Fortes,in his discussionof what he callsthe 'field principle,'
draws attention to the fact that Tallensi matrimonial
alliancesare establishednot at random but in accordance
with socialinterests.The patternof marriagesis determined
partly by the choices made by individualswithin the range
of potential spouses permitted by the rules, and partly by
the configuration of rules themselves. Prohibition of
marriagewithin one's own clan, or mother's sub-clan, or
preferencefor marriage with a specified kind of cousin,
indicate the variety of interest involved. Two alternative
trends can be seen. Either marriages are restricted to a
certain group, so that enduring connubial alliances,either
symmetrical or one-way, are maintained and renewed
down the generations,or else every iiiarriagebetween two
groups is an iiiipediiiient to further iiiarriages between
them. In other words, iiiatrimonial alliances are either
concentrated or deliberatelv dispersed. The latter alter-
in the Highlandsand accordswell
native is iiiore coImIm1onI
with the einphasis oni a miiLiltiplicity of freshly established
inter-persoinalcoIi11exioIis ratherthaii o0 grotupand inter-
group solidarity.
The other aspect that should be iiientiolned is the
availability of natturalresotirces. Some of the differences
between New Gulineaand Africa mnaybe due simply to
the differelncesbetweenipigs anidcattle, btit obviously this
is onlv part of the storv. Ill the Africanisocieties which we
are considerilnga mianis largely dependeintoii his aglnatic
kin for econoliiic suLpport, but this is less trtie of the New
Guinea Highlands. Inheritaniceand the provision and
distribution of bridewcalth play a miajor part in African
societies in determining the structure of small lineage
segments and in establishing tlheircorporate qualities. In
New Guinea a malndepends less on what he can hope to
inherit from his father ani pays less attention to the ill
defined reversionarv rights which hie may perhaps have
in the propertv of his agnatic cousins. In both areasa maln
looks first to his agniaticgroup for garden land, but it
seems that in New Guinea he can turn with greater
confidence to other groups as well. Before the coming of
commercial crops there were in the Highlands, apart
from groves of nutt palndalitis,comiiparativelyfew long-
lived tree crops or sites of particularlyhigh fertility sLch
as in Africa often forimia substantialpart of the collective
capital of a lineage segmcnt. In New Gulineaa imian's
capitalresourcesconlsistlargely in the obligations which hc
has imposcd oli his exchange partnersaind oln his deatlh
8
JANUARY, I962
these resourcesmay be dissipatedor disappearentirely.
Hence to a greaterextent than in Africa every man in the
New GuineaHighlandsstartsfrom scratchand has to build
up his own social position. Once again, we must not carry
the contrast too far. Clearly even in New Guinea it is
generally an advantageto be the son of a big man, just as
in Africa the eldest son of an eldest son does not attain
leadershipwithout some personal ability; but the contrast
remains.
In general terms this contrast might be phrased as
between bounded affiliation in Africa and unbounded
affiliation in the Highlands; or between African group
solidarityand New Guinea network cohesion.
SocialDivisiontas Conditioni
or Process
Concentration on the network of alliances between
individuals and between small groups may perhaps
explain why comparatively little attention has been paid
in New Guinea studies to the processes whereby groups
such as clan and sub-clan segment and divide.
In the analysisof segmentary societies there are always
two points of view. On the one hand poly-segmentation
is seen as an enduring condition whereby there are in
existence, and perhapshave been for a long time, a fixed
hierarchy of segments, each segimientof higher order
contaiiningseveral segments of lower order. Evans-Prit-
chard and Fortes'searlier work discusseshow in different
contexts segiiients variously oppose and support one
another withotut clhangingtheir status in the segmeintary
lierarchy. The termiis'fission' aind'fusion' were applied
to these shifts of oppositioin and alliance in different
contexts. On the other hand we may turn our attention
to the ways in which new segimienlts are formed and how
existingsegimientsareupgraded,downgradedandeliminated.
Manlyrecentwriters have followed Fordein using 'fission,'
'fusion' and other teriiis to referto these processesof status
alterationof segmiienltsrather than to the contexttualshifts
with which Evanls-Pritchardlanid Fortes were iniitially
concernled.
In New Guinlea the conltemiporarypattern of poly-
segimienitationhas beeni docuilmentedfor miianysocieties.
There has been solmiedisctussionof how the fortunesof war
have lcd in the past to changes in this pattern, alnda little
has beeln said about contextual shifts of opposition and
alliance.There has beelnless analysisof how, for example,
ilncreasinigpopulationover the yearsmay resultin a segmiient
of olne order converting itself, gradually or suddenly, to
olne of higher order. Meggitt's study of the dynamics of
scgmenltatiolnamiiongthe Mae Enga, dealing with this
processat length, has not yet been published.
This olmiissionarises partly becauseit is hard to get anv
reliable tinmedepth frolmithe field material; Highlanders
are poor oral historians.But it is due also, I suggest, to a
basic difference between New Guinea and Africa in the
way in which over-large groups split up. In Nuer, Tiv and
Tallensi we have a clear picture of how, given adequate
fertility, two brothers from their childhood gradually
grow apart uLtil, after several generations, their agnatic
JANUARY, I962 MAN
descendantscome to form two distinct co-ordinate seg-
ments within a major segment. Even if some analytical
queries remain the process over at least the first three
generationsis well understood. This kind of segmentation
we may well call chronic, for in a sense the division of the
lineage into two branches is already present when the
brothers are still lying in the cradle. The details of the
process may be unpredictablebut the line of cleavage is
alreadydetermined.Segmentationor fissionin New Guinea
appearsnot to take this inexorableform; one cannot predict
two generations in advance how a group will split.
Insteadit seems that within the group of agnatesand others
there is a multiplicity of cleavages or potential cleavages.
In a crisis these are polarized, two men emerge as obvious
rivals and each with his followers forms either a new unit
or a distinct segment of the existing unit. Segmentation,
as it were, is not chronic but catastrophic.The regularities,
if any, in catastrophicsegmentation are obviously harder
to determine than in chronic segmentation. In Africa the
dogma of descentactsas a continuouslyoperatingprinciple,
providing each individualwith an orderedset of affiliations,
so that in any crisishe knows his rightful place, even if he
is not always there. In New Guinea affiliationsare not
automatically arrangedin order in this way; what might
be called the principle of social mitosis, whereby potential
recruits to rival co-ordinate segments sort themselves
before an impending crisis, is absent; the break, when it
comes, appears to come arbitrarily.In addition, changes
in the poly-segmentary pattern in New Guinea seem to
come about more often than in Africa as the result of
defeat in war. The causes of war may be predictablebut
who is killed and who lives, which group wins and which
loses, is in New Guinea as much as anywhere else a matter
of luck. Here again we have to deal with an apparently
arbitraryprocess.
This lack of predictability or regularity in changes in
the segmentary pattern is, of course, another aspect of
the basic contrastbetween group solidarity and individual
enterprise. The sanctions that maintain the segmentary
status quo, whether derived from economic or physical
pressures,or from cult or dogma, are weaker in the High-
lands than in Africa and the incentives for change are
stronger.
A characteristicof Highland cultures, and perhaps of
Melanesiaas a whole, is the high value placed on violence.
The primitive states of Africa, and even the African
stateless societies which we have been considering, are
readily likened to the kingdomllsand princedoms of
medixevalEurope, valuing peace but ready to go to war to
defend their interests or to achieve likely economic re-
wards. Prowess in battle is highly rewarded but warfare
is usually not undertakenlightly and most of the people
most of the time want peace. In New Guinea a greater
emphasis appearsto be placed on killing for its own sake
rather than as a continuation of group policy aimed at
material ends. In these circumstanceswe might expect to
No. 2
find a less developed system of alliancesand countervailing
forces, and less developed arrangementsfor maintaining
peace, than we would have in a polity directed to peace
and prosperity. Secondly, we would expect that leaders,
whatever their other qualities,were moved to violence at
least as much as their fellows and possibly more. The
Highlands of New Guinea cannot have been the scene of
a war of all againstall, for the pre-contact population was
large and often densely settled; indigenous social institu-
tions preventing excess violence and destruction must
necessarilyhave been effective, for otherwise the popula-
tion would not have survived. Likewise other qualities
than prowess in violence were required for leadership,in
particularthe ability to engage and co-ordinate the efforts
of others in ceremonial exchanges. Yet despite these
qualificationsI think that it may still be hypothetized that
the disorderand irregularityof social life in the Highlands,
as comparedwith, say, Tiv, is due in part to the high value
placed on killing.
Conclusion
I have sketched some of the difficultiesthat follow from
assuming that the societies of the New Guinea Highlands
can be regardedas variantson a pattern establishedby the
Nuer, Tallensi, Tiv and similar African societies, and I
have tried to indicate ways out of these difficulties.There
are major ecological differencesbetween the two groups
of societies and any full commentary would have to take
account of these, in particularthe lack of storable food in
New Guinea. Despite the great difference in structure,
culture and environment, one route to a better under-
standing of the Highlands lies, I think, through a closer
examination of the detailed information available on the
statelesssocieties of Africa. Perhaps this examination may
lead incidentally to a clearer formulation of the salient
characteristicsof these African systems.
It so happens that stateless societies were studied and
described in Africa before ethnographical research really
got under way in the Highlands.It would be interestingto
work out how, say, the Nuer might have been described
if the only analytical models available had been those
developed to describe, say, Chimbu and Mbowamb. At
the same time, if the differencesbetween the patrilineal
poly-segmentary stateless societies of Africa and the
societies of the New Guinea Highlands are as great as I
have suggested, it might be worth while looking for other
societies in Africa that could provide closer parallels.
Note
I This paper was presented to Section VII, ioth Pacific Science
Congress, in Honolulu on 3I August, I96I. It was written at sea,
away from books, and I cannot cite sources. I hope to publish later
a fuller discussion substantiating and certainly qualifying the many
generalizations in this paper.