Student No.

1232

TA: Anne Tseng

Sociology 316

“An Analysis of Durkheim and Bourdieu in SoulCycle”

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In 2005, Elizabeth Cutler and Julie Rice stumbled upon a novel business idea: making

cardio fun, exciting, and even sexy. Their alternative exercise practice, a combination of dance

and spinning, became the trendy it exercise in a matter of years. SoulCycle is now a major player

in the alternative exercise market, offering its clients not just a workout, but also an experience.

SoulCycle’s culture transcends its goal of fitness: the business is now a lifestyle, a way of

thinking, acting, and interacting with the world. Emile Durkheim’s theory of religion and Pierre

Bourdieu’s theory of social distinction unearth SoulCycle’s far-reaching consequences: both

theories reveal the strong impact of social groups on the individual, although Bourdieu’s theory

allows for more individual agency and spontaneous interaction between the individual and the

rest of the group. Furthermore, these theories demonstrates how SoulCycle itself is a social group

in that it binds together individuals and affects those individuals’ decisions.

Durkheim’s theory of religion, as outlined in Elementary Forms of Religious Life, divides

the world into two realms--that of the sacred, and that of the profane. The sacred is set apart by a

specific set of beliefs and rituals, which work to both create the division between the sacred and

the profane and to reaffirm that division. Durkheim defines religion as “a unified system of

beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and surrounded by

prohibitions—beliefs and practices that unite its adherents into a single moral community called

a church.”(46). These three elements of religion--the establishment of beliefs and practices, the

existence of sacred things, and the unification of adherents into a single space--are the base upon

which religions can take on more specific forms (for instance, differentiation into different belief

structures). The division of the world into ‘sacred’ and ‘profane’ relies on the interaction

between beliefs and rites. According to Durkheim, beliefs are “states of opinions [that] consist of

representations,” while rites are “fixed modes of action” and “rules of conduct that prescribe how
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man must conduct himself with sacred things” (36, 40). Rites therefore depend on beliefs in

order to be materialized. The interaction between opinion and action results in the creation of the

sacred and the profane, the sacred being “that which the profane must not and cannot touch with

impunity [...] things protected and isolated by prohibition” (36-40). The profane lacks such

distinguishing prohibitions, emphasizing how Durkheim defines these terms relationally (40).

The core principle of Durkheim’s theory of religion, which builds upon the elements of

the sacred, the profane, beliefs, and rites, is that religion is a reflection of society. The practices

and opinions of a religious community not only reflect the values of that religion, but also the

society of the adherents. Rites and the sacred are intimately related to the core values of the

communities they arise in, then, in that rites are “the means by which the social group

periodically reaffirms itself” (287). Durkheim’s theory of religion, structured around society,

limits the role of human agency: thus, the social structure of the group overpowers individuality.

The strength of the society, at the expense of the individual, is reflected in the concept of

collective effervescence, an emotionally-based state through which the collective reaffirms their

belief in the sacred, and therefore themselves. This reaffirmation requires the physical

concentration of members, as well as their psychological agreement: therefore, collective

effervescence depends on the collective action of individual members. Durkheim’s theory

emphasizes that reaffirmation cannot occur on the basis of individual action alone; it therefore,

lacks a discussion of human agency in the face of societal structures.

The definition of religion established by Durkheim appropriately describes the extent to

which SoulCycle affects its loyal adherents. Durkheim’s definition of religion can be directly

applied to SoulCycle: the entire structure of SoulCycle mirrors that of a religion. A particular set

of beliefs and rites revolving around fitness are defined in SoulCycle. These beliefs include a
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dedication to fitness, inspiration, and being the best possible version of oneself—instructors are

often hired on their basis to inspire and to create a “stunned, near-hallucinatory state” in workout

sessions (Grigoriadis, Morris). SoulCycle’s economic success hinges on its ability to translate

abstract beliefs into a set of rituals (exercises) that individuals are willing to pay an exorbitant

amount of money to participate in. SoulCycle also defines a set of sacred and profane ways of

life. To live a sacred life, individuals must abide by the beliefs communicated during workouts--

and partake in SoulCycle as often as possible.

Unsurprisingly, SoulCycle has been wildly successful because its owners have managed

to elevate SoulCycle to the realm of the sacred: because it is viewed as being set apart from the

mundane, adherents have a solemn outlook on the rituals of SoulCycle. In order to prepare for

meeting with the sacred space of SoulCycle, individuals don SoulCycle-brand gear. The gear

signifies that the individual is about to enter the sacred space of SoulCycle—it marks a transition

from mundane, everyday life to a space that is exalted and set apart from the rest of society.

Furthermore, SoulCycle defines its exercise practice as sacred—the Rspecific movement of the

body during workouts, combined with the specific SoulCycle attitude espoused by instructors—

are differentiated from other, less trendy workout regimens or ways of life.

These two manifestations of the divide between the sacred and the profane illustrate how

Durkheim defines these two concepts in relational terms--in the realm of SoulCycle, all things

associated with the fitness regimen are sacred, while everything outside is part of the profane.

Finally, SoulCycle mirrors Durkheim’s concept of a religion in that adherents are concentrated

into a single sweaty and trendy studio--a fitness temple. A church, in the Durkheimian sense,

must be a physical entity; however, the specific characteristics of that space are up for

negotiation by the particular moral community that is supported by the space. In SoulCycle, the
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fitness studios serve as a central location where adherents are exposed to the beliefs and rites of

this religion.

Two other aspects of Durkheim’s theory of religion are applicable to the case study of

SoulCycle. The first is collective effervescence. In SoulCycle, collective effervescence occurs

through the weekly rush to sign up for classes: once classes are filled, individuals miss out on the

opportunity to take courses for that week. These intense sign-up sessions, which occur at a set

time every Monday, serve as a reaffirmation of the sacredness of SoulCycle, reminding

individuals to recommit to involvement. When individuals are forced to recommit every week,

the reasons for their initial commitment to SoulCycle are brought up again and again, resulting in

a cycle of reaffirmation. The fact that adherents need to continually re-sign up for classes creates

a sense of exclusivity, which contributes to the religious nature of this exercise trend. Being on

the waiting list for SoulCycle courses has been likend to “being in ‘purgatory’,” emphasizing the

religious character of this entire system of exercise (Morris). These sign-up sessions may occur

online, yet the physical concentration of SoulCycle adherents during lessons is the basis for

social rejuvenation: individuals do not want to miss out on the communal exaltation that is a part

of SoulCycle, and therefore make sure to sign up week after week to maintain their physical

relationship with the rest of the social group. Collective effervescence, as applied to SoulCycle,

is therefore a drawn-out process initiated by physical concentration, leading individuals to act

independently in order to maintain the physical concentration.

The second aspect of Durkheim’s theory that is applicable to SoulCycle is his conclusion

that religion reflects the society from which it arises. The main source of staunch SoulCycle

loyalists is the upper-middle class and wealthy elites; therefore, SoulCycle is a reflection of the

particular social cultures of these socioeconomic classes. The values embodied by these classes
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reflect a privileged outlook on life, including liberally spending money and putting oneself

before others. Furthermore, individuality is cherished by these classes--SoulCycle therefore is a

society united by a collective sense of the individual. Durkheim would be quick to note that

while individuals within this system may emphasize individuality, the collective sense of

individuality reigns supreme over every individual and encourages individual notions of

individuality—thus, it is the “religion” of SoulCycle that perpetuates this idea of individuality,

and not the individuals themselves.

Bourdieu’s theory of distinction offers another lens through which the system of

SoulCycle can be analyzed: his theories draw upon Durkheim’s work and offer similar

understandings of the underlying social mechanisms at work. Similar to Durkheim, Bourdieu

emphasizes the role of society in determining the acts and perceptions of the individual. In his

theory of distinction, Durkheim offers culture as a “legitimate object of scientific study,”

specifically through the analysis of taste (Ritzer 524). Taste, how people classify objects and

themselves, arises through the interaction of habitus, the field, and capital. Habitus refers to “the

durable and transposable systems of schemata of perception, appreciation, and action that result

from the institution of the social in the body” (Bourdieu, 1992; 126-127). Bourdieu views habitus

as a particular frame of understanding the world, one that is flexible, adaptable, capable of

withstanding the test of time, and yet highly individualized. In this respect, Bourdieu diverges

from Durkheim in his concession that every individual’s experience in the world will be unique

in some respect. Habitus alone “allows us to take into account, and to account for, the constancy

of dispositions, tastes, preferences;” habitus translates a set of characteristics into a “unitary

lifestyle” (Bourdieu, 1992; 131, 340). However, despite emanating from the individual, habitus

do not arise from individual cognitive processes—“habitus is a socialized subjectivity,” and it

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acquires this social nature by virtue of the field, which is defined as a “network of relations

among the objective positions within it” (Bourdieu, 1992; 126, Ritzer 522). The field helps

define habitus; the two possess a dialectic relationship (Bourdieu, 1992; 127, Ritzer 521).

Habitus and field do not exist in a vacuum: the interaction between the two both creates and

redefines the specific characteristics of a particular habitus or field. The ability of certain habitus

to gain dominance over others is due to the importance placed on each type of capital--economic,

cultural, social or symbolic. Each field places a different amount of importance on each form of

capital: therefore, a habitus that is dominant in one field may not be as dominant in another field

that places more weight on a different type of capital.

The interactions between habitus, field, and capital offer poignant insights into the

patterns of social life embedded within the system of SoulCycle: these three concepts also

explain the particular tastes involved with this exercise. In terms of SoulCycle, habitus are the

ideas and perceptions held by individuals regarding fitness and culture that translate into the

practice of “high-end” cardio. These ideas originate from a collective sense of what ought to be

and what should not be: for instance, that cardio ought to be both an exercise routine and a

lifestyle. The specific social norms that are characteristic of SoulCycle adherents are dependent

upon the interaction between internal social perception and inclusion into an external social

group. Following Bourdieu’s definition of habitus, the schemata associated with SoulCycle are

flexible, adaptable, and durable: SoulCycle has spread from its initial origin in New York City

across the nation, and has even been done in a barn in the Hamptons (Grigoriadis). Furthermore,

SoulCycle has withstood the ravages of the 2008 financial crisis, becoming embedded within the

needs and desires of adherents.

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The high socioeconomic field that individual actors within the SoulCycle community

inhabit affects their particular habitus, and their habitus in turn affects their position within the

field. This field relates to the class status that individuals within the SoulCycle community are a

part of: due to their association with higher socioeconomic classes, individuals in this community

are more likely to have their particular tastes accepted by the rest of society. This explains why

SoulCycle has become a practice that is coveted by members outside of the community—the

tastes of those already within have acquired a cultural hegemony due to their origination from a

high-status field. Therefore, within the realm of SoulCycle, cultural and social capital are the key

forms of capital that individuals who practice this exercise possess. A Bourdieusian analysis of

SoulCycle reveals that the social elite have a strong preferences for things they consider

exclusive, which SoulCycle embodies through the limited availability of courses and the high

expense associated with those courses. The high amount of social and cultural capital these

socioeconomic elites possess (for instance, political, economic, and social connections, as well as

an appreciation for cultural norms characteristic of elite classes, such as ballet, theater, and fine

dining) benefits SoulCycle in that these elites use those forms of capital to propagate their

adherence to that particular exercise.

Bourdieu and Durkheim’s theories both explain SoulCycle in terms of the social structure

exhibiting a strong agency over the individual. A Durkheimian analysis of SoulCycle reveals that

it possess the defining elements of a religion, which stresses the communal over the individual.

Similarly, an application of Bourdieu to the matter illustrates how the tastes associated with a

position are a product of collective social norms. However, Bourdieu’s theory of distinction

offers individuals more agency in the face of social structures. Durkheim’s theory fits more

within the realm of functionalism than Bourdieu; Durkheim emphasizes how the individual fits
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within a grander structure. Durkheim, however, notes that despite commonalities in habitus

within a particular social group, each individual within that group will have an idiosyncratic and

nuanced variation of that habitus: no two individuals will have the same exact experiences within

their shared social space. Examining SoulCycle strictly through the lens of Durkheim’s theory

limits the actions of the individual adherents to SoulCycle: individuals cannot impact the social

morphology of the SoulCycle community to the extent that they can in other social theories. In

this sense, individuals are limited by the social structures already in place in the larger SoulCycle

community, and must fit into existing practices rather than helping to form them. In contrast, a

Bourdieusian analysis of SoulCycle reveals that tastes become imperceptible as individuals

embed them within their sense of self; the constraints of social structures dissipate as tastes

become embodied. Thus, SoulCycle in a Bourdieusian sense is more than just an exercise

routine--it is a distinguishing characteristic of individual adherents, who define themselves in

terms of their preference for SoulCycle.

SoulCycle’s cult following can be attributed to a variety of factors--excellent marketing,

strategic studio locations, and potentially a superior product. However, other implicit factors that

must be considered are the social principles that have guided the success of this exercise trend--

these principles include habitus, field, beliefs, rites, the sacred, and the profane, which are found

within the theories of Durkheim and Bourdieu. The true success of SoulCycle is indebted to its

particular orientation within the social world, and its success at rooting its adherents in that

particular orientation. Cutler and and Rice’s idea is profitable is due to their acute understanding

of the social world of elites--they have been able to transform exercise into a highly valued form

of cultural and social capital that is gaining hegemony in cities across the nation.
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Bibliography

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Reflexive Sociology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992. 98-135. Print.

Bourdieu, Pierre. “Social Space and Symbolic Space.” Contemporary Sociological Theory. Ed.

Craig Calhoun, Joseph Gerteis, James Moody, Steven Pfaff, and Indermohan Virk.

Malden: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 336-344. Print.

Durkheim, Emile. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. New York: Oxford University Press,

2001. Print.

Grigoriadis, Vanessa. “Riding High.” Vanity Fair. Conde Nast, 31 August 2012. Web. 17

November 2015.

Morris, Alex. “The Carefully Cultivated Soul of SoulCycle.” The Cut. New York Media LLC, 6

January 2013. Web. 18 November 2015.

Ritzer, George and Jeffrey Stepnisky. Sociological Theory. 9th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill,

2014. Print.