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OXTORD
U N IV E a S IT Y PR ESS
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U K IV B R S lT y PRESS
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CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ix
Notes 225
Index 265
I
I
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I Since this book was researched and written in tandem with The Figure of
the Migrant, I would like to reiterate my gratitude to all those who contrib
uted to this project as a whole. I am extremely grateful to the Fulbright
Association for providing me with the means to spend a year in Canada
working with the migrant justice group No One Is Illegal-Toronto and
building the research for this book. This project has benefited greatly from
that year and all the connections it made possible. I also thank Concordia
University, the University of Toronto, and McMaster University for host
ing me as a visiting Fulbright Scholar while in Canada. When I returned to
the States, I was fortunate to have the support of the Wayne Morse Center
for Law and Politics at the University of Oregon, which provided me with
\ funding as well as a desk from which to continue iriy research on the poli
I
tics of migration. The University of Denver provided some financial assis
1 tance to help with the costs of editing and indexing.
While I was writing this book, several universities invited me to speak
about my research on migration and borders. The feedback and questions
that followed these talks ultimately strengthened the work. For this,
I thank the University of Toronto, DePaul University, the University of
Oregon, the University of Redlands, the University of Colorado at Denver,
I
and the Metropolitan State University of Denver. My own department at
the University of Denver has been overwhelmin^yjupportive-Qf-this proj
ect. I am lucky to find myself among such generous colleagues.
I am indebted to a number of people for their support and encourage
ment of this project: Colin Koopman, Ted Toadvine, Dan Smith, Nicolae
Morar, Robert Urquhart, Josh Hanan, Adam Israel, Adam Bobbette,
Etienne Turpin, David Craig, Kieran Aarons, Julia Sushytska, and all the
folks I worked with at Upping the Anti: A Journal of Theory and Action. I also
acknowledge No One Is Illegal-Toronto for its tireless passion and hard
work toward migrant justice and for welcoming me into the organization
as a fellow activist while I lived in Toronto. Thank you especially to Fariah
Chowdhury, Faria Kamal, Farrah Miranda, and Syed Hussan. To Peter
Nyers, for his generous feedback and continuing support for my work,
I am more ^han grateful. During my time as the director of Post-Doctoral
Faculty in Migration and Diaspora at the University of Denver, I benefited
from the support of and fascinating work done by the researchers there. In
the research and final production of this manuscript I am thankful for the
liplp of Nicholas Esposito at the University of Denver, and Angela Chnapko
and Princess Ikatekit at Oxford University Press. A version of chapter 1 Theory of the Border
in this book appears in chapter 2 of The Future of the Migrant (Stanford
University Press, 2015). I am grateful for the reports from my referees and
their helpful feedback. Above all, I am grateful to my wife Katie for her love
and support.
[xl Acknowledgments
Introduction
Mo\^ing Borders
of ithe presupposed social bodies that are divided.* From this perspective, cesses of bordering n o t borders as things)? W here are these borders to be found?
the border appears conceptually as a secondary or derivative phenomenon W ho is doing th e bordering? I t is still possible to ask these questions an d receive
v\nth respect to territorial, state, juridical, or economic power. a straightforw ard an d predictable answer: “th e state." This is n o longer a satisfac
However, the problem with this extensive definition of the border is diat to ry answer. Seeing like a border involves th e recognition th a t borders are woven
it presupposes precisely what it proposes to explain. If individual societies are in to th e fabric of society and are th e routine business of aU concerned. In this
defined as delimited territorial, political, juridical, or economic fields of power, sense, borders are th e key to understanding netw orked connectivity as well as
and borders are the various divisions these societies create, how did these so questions of identity, belonging, political conflict, an d societal transformation.®
cieties come to be delimited or bordered in the first place? In other words, a 'f
border seems to be something created not only by the societies that divide Accordingly, recent border theory has become significantly multidisci
them within and from one another, but also something that is required for the plinary. As David Newman writes, "For as long as the study of boundar
very existence of society itself as “a delimited social field” in'the first place. In ies was synonymous with the lines separating the sovereign territory of
this sense, the border is both constitutive of and constituted by society. states in the international system, the focus of research was geographical.
A society without any kind of border, internal or external, is simply As our understanding of boundaries has taken on new forms and scales of
what we could call the earth or world: a purely presodal, undivided surface. analysis, so too the study of the bordering phenomenon has become multi
Accordingly, society is first and foremost a product of the borders that define disciplinary, with sociologists, political scientists, historians, international
it and the material conditions under which it is dividable.’ Only afterward lawyers and anthropologists taking an active part in the expanding dis-
are borders (re)produced by society. This is another important consequence course.”^° However, as border theory has included new scales of analysis,
for the theory of the border as a continuous division. If we want to under it has also, according to Newman, “experience^di£6cultie5Jn-fusing into
stand the border, we should start with the border and not with societies or a single set of recognizable parameters an^concepts.”^^ This book thus
states, which presuppose its existence. The border has become the social proposes a set of philosophical concepts that will allow us to theorize the
condition necessary for the emergence of certain dominant social forma border at many different levels of in-betweenness.
tions, not the other way around. This is not to say that all social life is the
product of borders. There have always been social movements and commu
nities that have been able to ward off social division and borders to some THE BORDER IS IN MOTION
degree.® Indeed, since the continuity of motion is primary and bifurcation
or division is secondary, the primacy of borders is only primary in relation The second major consequence of a border theory defined by the social pro
to a certain set of historically dominant modes of social organization: terri cess of division is that the border is not static. In part, this is a consequence
torial, statist, juridical, and economic. In this sense, the theory of the border of the fact that the border, as a continuous division, is in between and thus
INTRODUCTION I? !
[6} Introduction
Furthermore, the process of circulation and recirculation performed THE BORDER IS NOT REDUCIBLE TO SPACE
by borders is not under the sole control of anyone, like the sovereign. The
power of the border to allow in and out is profoundly overdetermined by a The fourth major consequence of a border theory defined by the social pro
host of social forces: the daily management of the border technology (the cess of division is that the border cannot be understood in terms of space
motor), the social acceptance or refusal of the border (the drivers of the alone. This consequence follows from the fact that the border is in between
border vehicle), and the subjective whims of those who enforce the borders social spaces and states. In between two spaces is not another space—and
(to accept bribes, and so on). The techniques of border circulation only have so on until infinity. If this were the case, as Zeno argues, movement be
the strength that society gives ^them. tween spaces would be eliminated: there would be nothing but static space.
In practice, borders, both internal and external, have never even suc Movement cannot be explained by spatiotemporalization.^"^ Similarly, the
ceeded in keeping everyone in or out. Given the constant failure of borders border cannot be explained by states and presupposed spatial orderings.
in this regard, the binary and abstract categories of inclusion and exclu- The border is not the result of a spatial ordering, but precisely the other
sion have almost no explanatory power. The failure of borders to include way around—the spatial ordering of society is what is produced by a series
or exclude is not just a contemporary waning sovereignty of postnational of divisions and circulations of motion made by the border. The border
states;^^ borders have always leaked. The so-called greatest examples of his defines society (from the Latin finis, boundary, limit), not the other way
torical wall power—Hadrian’s Wall and the Great Wall of China—were not around.^® Unfortunately, as Linn Axelsson observes, "there is a tendency
meant to keep people out absolutely. Rather, their most successful and in to privilege space andspatialities in the geographical analysis of borders.”^®
tended function was the social circulation of labor and customs.^^ Today this “The spatial turn,” as Chris Rumford writes, “may work to subordinate
remains unchanged with the US-Mexico border wall.^^ In fact, one of the borders to spaces, as if the former were somehow dependent upon a prior
main effects of borders is precisely their capacity to produce hybrid transi spatial ordering.”®®This can be clearly seen in the following geographical
tion zones.^"* Thus “it is the process of bordering,” as David Newman writes, definitions of “borders as dividers of s p a c e , “bounding [as] drawing lines
“rather than the border line per se, that has universal significance in the around spaces and groups,"®® or borders as “the limits of state space.”®®
ordering of society.”^^ Social-space occurs when ^ e mobile flows of humans, animals, plants,
But border circulation is not just the ongoing process of dividing; its and minerals stop and loop back on one another.®^ Society is not individu
technologies of division also haye a direct effect on what is divided. What als ceaselessly moving on their'own away from one another, but occurs
is divided must be recirculated, defended, maintained, and even expanded, when their motions reach a certain limit and return back on themselves
but at the same time what is divided must also be expelled and pushed in villages, cities, states, and so on.®® In other words, social space is the
away. Division is not simple blockage—it is redirection. What is circulated product of a flow that has turned back on itself in a loop or fold (figure 1.2).
does not stop after the division—it comes back again and again. The border The process by which these lines are multiplied and (re)circulated back
is the social technique of reproducing the limit points after which that on one another is the process of bordering that produces social life. Society
which returns may return again and under certain conditions. The border and space do not preexist the delimitation of mobile flows. This argument
does not logically "decide”; it practically redistributes. Since the border is requires further explanation and is developed in the next chapter.
never done once and for all with its divisions, some people who are expelled
come back again from inside (undocumented workers) and others from the
Loop/Fold
outside (border crossers). But since the border is not a logical, binary, or
sovereign cut, its processes often break down, function partially, multiply,
or relocate the division altogether. Instead of dividing into two according
to the static logic of sovereign binarism, the border divides by movement
and multiplication. The border adds to the first division another one, and
another, and so on, moving further along. Instead of “the sovereign who
decides on the exception,” as Carl Schmitt writes,^® we should say instead
that it is “the border that circulates the division.” Figure 1.2: Loop Space.
y'
F
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CHAPTER 1
Border Kinopower
1
PRIMITIVE ACCUMULATION is the condition of social expansion in two ways: it is an internal condi
tion that allows for the removal of part of the population when certain
Another possible way to conceptualize the idea of expansion by expulsion is internal limits have been reached (carrying capacity of a given territory,
as a radicalization of Marx’s concept of “primitive accumulation.” Marx de for example), and it is an external condition that allows for the removal
velops this concept from a passage in Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations: “The of part of the population outside these limits when the territory is able to
accumulation of stock must, in the nature of things, be previous to the divi expand outward into the lands of other groups (hunter-gatherers). In this
sion of labour.”’^In other words, before humans can be divided into owners case territorial expansion was only possible on the condition that part of
and workers, there must have already been an accumulation such that the population was expelled in the form of migratory nomads, forced into
those in power could enforce the division in the first place. The superior the surrounding mountains and deserts.
peoples of history naturally accumulate power and stock and then wield We later see the same logic in the ancient world, whose dominant po
them to perpetuate the subordination of their inferiors. For Smith, this litical form, the state, would not have been possible without the material
process is simply a natural phenomenon: powerful people always already technology of the border wall that both fended off as enemies and held
have accumulated stock, as if from nowhere. captive as slaves a large body of barbarians (political dispossession) from
For Marx, however, this quotation is perfectly emblematic of the his- the mountains of the Middle East and the Mediterranean. The social con
torical obfuscation of political economists regarding the violence and ex ditions for the expansion of a growing political order, including warfare,
pulsion required for those in power to maintain and expand their stock. colonialism, and massive public works, were precisely the expulsion of a
Ii}stead of acknowledging this violence, political economy mythologizes population of barbarians who had to be walled out or walled in by political
and naturalizes it. For Marx the concept of primitive accumulation has a power. This technique occurs again and again throughout history, as Part II
material history. It is the precapitalist condition for capitalist production. of this study develops in further detail.
In particular, .Marx identifies this process, with the expulsion of peasants The second difference between previous theories of primitive accu
and indigenous peoples from their land through enclosure, colonialism, mulation and the more expansive one offered here is that this process of
and antivagabond laws in sixteenth-century England. Marx’s thesis is that prior expulsion or social dejJrivation noted by Marx is not only territorial
the condition of the social expansion of capitalism is the prior expulsion or juridical, and its expansion is not only economic. Expulsion does not
of people from their land and from their juridical status under cus1;omary simply mean forcing people off their land, although in many cases it may
law. Without the expulsion of the people, there is no expansion of private include this. It also means depriving people of their political rights by wall
property and thus no capitalism. ing off the city, criminalizing types of persons by the cellular techniques of
While some scholars argue that primitive, accumulation was merely enclosure and incarceration, or restricting their access to work by identifi
a single historical event from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, cation and checlqjoint techniques. Expulsion is the degree to which a po
others argue that it plays a recurring logical function within capitalism litical subject is deprived or dispossessed of a certain status in the social
itself; in order to expand, capitalism today still relies on noncapitalist meth- order. Accordingly, societies also expand their power in several major
■ods of social expulsion and violence.^ However, the thesis in Part II of this ways: through territorial accumulation, political power, juridical order, and
book is notably different from these views in two important ways. First, the economic profit. What is similar between the theory-of^rimitive^cumu-
process of dispossessing people of their social status (expulsion) in order lation and expansion by expulsion is that most major expansions of social
to further develop or advance a given form of social motion (expansion) is kinetic power also require a prior or primitive violence of kinetic social
not unique to the capitalist regime of social motion. We see the same social expulsion. The border is the material technology and social regime that
process in early human societies whose progressive cultivation of land and directly enacts this expulsion. The concept of primitive accumulation is
animals (territorial expansion) without the material technology of fencing merely one historical instance of a more general social logic at work in the
also expelled (territorial dispossession) a part of the human population. emergence and reproduction of previous societies.
This includes hunter-gatherers whoge territory, was transformed into ag However, Marx also makes several general statements in Capital that
ricultural land, as well as surplus agriculturalists for whom there was no support something like this thesis. For Marx, the social motion of produc
more arable land left to cultivate at a certain point. Thus social expulsion tion in general strives to reproduce itself. He calls this “periodicity”: “Just
The Limit
The second function of the border is its limit. The limit is the path or track
Figure 1.7: The Mark. left behind by the mark or march.^^ Making a mark and marching to the
(Mark)
ribbons, and banners (all from the Germanic root *band-) to literally and
symbolically tie the people of the social group together through visual compulsion binds some of them to society, leaving others out. The fore
identification markers.^® Barbarian tribes and war bands were often highly most part of the border is thus the disjoined flows that the border works
heterogeneous in composition. Newly conquered groups would be assimi on. Accordingly, the frontier, just like the other border functions, is not
lated and allegiances shifted often. Given the mutability of their social or static at all, but constantly undergoing disjunction and conjunction. As the
ganization, the carrying of banners or wearing of different bands around border moves, so does the frontier—as demonstrated by the “moving zone
their bodies served to create a mobile and flexible boundary or social orbit, of settlement” described in Frederick Turner's ftmous text The Frontier in
hence the historical importance for the Germans and the Romans of the American History (1953).'^^ ''
fundamentally collective nature of the boundary festivals. The border was But the frontier is not always “outside”; it is both an internal and ex
not only the mark and limit of society, it was also the social force that tied ternal process of disjunction. Wherever social flows are being expelled or
the flows and junctions together with the binding of festival ribbons, ban disjoined, a frontier begins to emerge. For example, the existence of mil-
ners, and bands, creating a social Bond/^ The Terminalia, as Ovid writes, Kons of undocumented migrants in the United States creates an internal
brought both sides of the border together in a single social bond to make frontier where these people are legally and politically expelled from certain
offerings to Terminus. social mobility and services even though they are “included” in the terri
But the boundary does not bind or recirculate everything into its orbit; tory. Furthermore, the frontier does not have to be spatially contiguous
it also leaves out others at the frontier. with the so-called territorial borders of the state, as in the classic example
of the eighteenth-century western frontier of the United States. The fron
tier can be any place where a colonial power is exp'elliftg^mlHve^eople. As
The Frontier Franz Fanon writes, “The colonial world is a world cut in two. The dividing
line, the frontiers are shown by barracks and police stations.”^^
The fourth function of the border is the frontier (figure 1.10). The frontier is The disjoined nature of the frontier may explain why so many border
not the strictly spatial exterior of some static wall, but rather the foremost theorists describe the frontier as a kind of “zone.”^ A zone, no matter
part of the border’s process of continual motion. All three functions of the where it occurs, exists as a kind of gird or belt—not a line—of disjoined
border’s motion—expulsion (mark), expansion (limit), and compulsion flows around the conjoined ones. It is a process of constant disjunction and
(boundary)—produce or come up against the disjoined flows that define indetermination: a “zone of experimentation,” as Isaiah Bowman states;^^
the frontier. The process of expulsion actively creates disjoined flows, the “the meeting point between savagery and civilization,” as Frederick Jackson
process of expansion then secures their disjunction, and the process of Turner writes.^® Except “savagery” does not only appear on the outside but
he first type of border is the fence. The fence is not only an array of con
T crete border technologies with some architectural similarity, but also a
border regime or a set of kinetic conditions for social motion. Before there
is a concrete technical object called “the fence,” there is a kinetic social
regime of fencing. In particular, the fence is a border regime that produces
a centripetal social motion:->the movement of flows from the periphery
toward the center. Historically, centripetal social motion first emerged as
the dominant form of motion with the earliest human societies beginning
around 10,000 BCE—roughly during the period Gordon Childe refers to
as the "Neolithic Revolution.”^ From Africa, the flow of homo sapiens made
their first settlements in the Fertile Crescent and began farming around
10,000 BCE.2 In general, most human beings changed from being nonsed-
entary hunter-gatherers to being increasingly settled agriculturalists.
Although it may sound strange, "settling down” is the first kinopolitical
event. Without a relatively settled social area or territory, there is little
need to redirect social motion back on itself int<^able4iinctioiis«-Without
settlement, social motion simply follows the flows of wild game and
weather patterns. Thus settlement and sedentism is poorly understood as
th^ lack of movement.^ Sedentism is not immobility; it is the redirection of
flows, the creation of junctions, and the maintenance of social circulation.
Sedentism is movement achieved by other means. When one no longer fol
lows the flows, the problem becomes how to capture them so they will not
move along without you, or rather, how to cast a net to capture them as they
move by. Neolithic societies engaged in a wide range of social motion (daily,
seasonal, interannual, generational, and so on) that required the invention
of a particular border regime to capture the flows of the earth: the fence.
I
Historically, the first dominant form of kinopower is the movement to Accordingly, early human societies are filled with pits and piles to cut
delimit an area of the earth as socially distinct. It creates a territory. While and store the earth's flows. The pit is perhaps the first ves.sel—a vessel for
the earth is composed of continuous flows of water, soil, rock, and organic the dead. The dead, as Lewis Mumford observes, "were the first to have
life, the territory is the social delimitation of these flows back onto them a permanent dwelling: a cavern, a mound marked by a cairn, a collective
selves into junctions. Territorialization is the process of turning the earth barrow. These were landmarks to which the living probably returned at in
back on itself to create relative stability in its flows.^ Territorialization tervals, to commune with or placate the ancestral spirits.”^®Following the
turns the soil back over itself in the creation of human graves, it turns the most general kinetic definition of the fence, we can say that prehistoric
rock over itself into houses, and it turns organic life back over itself in the burial sites were some of the first borders. Entombment cuts into the earth
selective breeding of plaftt and animal agriculture. The surface of the earth in order to create a mound or junction for the dead. The resulting mound
has no center, but the territory creates one. The center does not preex rises above the level of the earth and marks a redirection of the earths
ist, but must be socially made by gathering the earths continuous flows flows into the first limit junction between life and death. The grave is the
and turning them back over themselves into a fold or loop. "The surface of limit junction beyond which one.enters another world of pure undivided
the territory is mobile and fluid.”®In this sense, territorial border power is flows: the frontier of the spirit world. Just as Mumford claims that "the city
defined by a kind of gathering inward or centripetal social force. The fence of the dead antedates the city of the living,”^ so we can also say that the
is the material technology that cuts into the earth and redirects its flows borders of the dead antedate the borders of the living. Accordingly, a his
toward a center that did not preexist the cut.® tory of the border must begin with the first border, the border of the dead.
From prehistory to the present, burial borders continue to mark an im
portant social division. “The first greeting of a traveler, as he approached
THE KINETICS OF THE FENCE a Greek or Roman city, was the row of graves and tombstones that lined
the roads to the city.”^^ The greatest monument markers of Egypt were
The kinopolitical definition of the fence has two basic features.^ The fence is their tombs: border markers or gateways to the realm of the dead modeled
first and foremost a strike or cut into the earth (digging, puncturing, carving directly from the mound. Th'foughout history the cemetery is marked off
out): the pit. Second, the fence adds something to the cut or hole to create from other areas in society with some kind of border. The original kinetics
a verticality rising above the earth: the pile. The fehce cuts or tears into the of burial remain roughly the same: the cut into the earth (the pit) and the
flows of the earth in order to redirect them vertically. If, according to Bernard centripetal storage of flows (the pile). The border fence thus historically
Cache, the most basic egression of architecture is “the frame” in the sense and kinetically precedes civilization, architecture, and the city.
that aUhouses are composed of the basic elements of bottom, sides, and top, According to Mumford, early human societies were formed not only by
then the fence produces the first architectural function: separation. According the regular return to the burial fences that marked the territory, but to
to Cache, “The architectural frame fulfiU[s] at least three functions, whatever areas of the earth that were particularly sacred: “The first germ of the city,
the concrete purpose of the building might b e .... The first function is that then, is in the ceremonial meeting place that serves as the goal for a pil
of separation. Its functional element is the wall.... But architectural space is grimage: a site to which family or clan groups are drawn back, at seasonal
not this general form of simultaneity; it is a space where coexistence is not a intervals, because it concentrates, in addition t p ^ y ifaturaTaHv^'s it may
fundamental given, but rather the uncertain outcome of processes of separa have, certain ‘spiritual’ or supernatural powers, powers of high potency and
tion and partitioning. The wall is the basis of our coexistence. Architecture greater duration, of wider comic significance, than the ordinary processes
builds its space of compatibility on a mode of discontinuity.”®Thus archi of/life.”^®These sacred areas were marked or marked off by all manner of
tecture, according to Cache, should not be primarily conceived of in terms fences: mounds, stakes, monoliths, and so on.
of space (simultaneity) or time (succession), but as the outcome of mobile The kinopolitical function of the fence is thus centripetal; it brings the
processes of partitioning and “delimitation.” or bordering.® The other two periphery into the center. But the fence does not simply redirect a flow; it
functions-of the architectural frame (selection "the window" and distribu contains it. The fence opens a pit and centripetally contains a pile. This is
tion floor *) are built off of the primacy of this division in motion. The house the sense in which the fence is the dominant border regime of early human
is thus built from the intersection of several fences. societies, whose social motion was primarily centripetal and vessel based.
CONCLUSION
[ 9 0 1 Historical Limology
THE CELL [91]
different from the ancient brick, defined by a solid uniformity. The enclo megaliths—graves, shrines, informational signs, and so on—were used
sure not only encircles, as was the primary function of the wall (the tower, to bind or bound points of entrance and exit between the territorial com
the city, and so on), but surrounds on all sides, including top and bottom!
munity of ancestors, whose bodies were similarly bound in life (with
The enclosure digs out an empty space inside the brick. It takes the temple/ tattoos)^® and death (funeral art) as part of the territory. These “archaic
citadel not as its center of concentric expansion, but as its very model of societies of the mark,” as Pierre Clastres calls them,^® were quite differ
social mobility and multiplication. From the Greek word va6q, naos, which ent from the state societies of the ancient world that similarly marked
descnbed the unknown chamber within the dark inner sanctum of the their territorial borders, but did so with the written symbol of the king or
temple, comes the Latin word cella, the small room where the image of despot. The king bordered his territory with the bodies he had killed, muti
God stands. To enclose is first of all to surround entirely, creating a small lated, decapitated, and branded as the enemy.“ Ancient territorial borders
space, room, or interiority. Second, the enclosure confines this interiority. were not simply marked, but written on with the symbolic stamp of politi
Once an empty space has been completely surrounded with the exception cal and military power. As Plato writes in the Laws, “If anyone is caught
of some type of opening or access point, the access point must be closed off committing sacrilege, if he should be a slave or foreigner, let his offense be
and sealed. However, this does not imply any immobility. The movement written on his face and hands.”^^ The ancient stamp is not simply a mark,
is an intensive one: a qualitative change or transformation. Confinement but a symbolic mark that represents the political power of the king. “The
exchanges external or extensive mobility for an accelerated internal or in scarred body supplies a visible inscribed monument or document of the
tensive mobility or change. Third, with the space surrounded and confined, king’s power, equivalent to the herms [border stones], pillars, or statues,
the enclosure contains itself and isolates a discrete individual. The cell thus that chart the imperialist’s triumphal progress and record his victories.”^^
has a specifically individualizing function, which the wall does not have. This is the meaning of the ring of Gyges story told by Herodotus and retold
The wall is composed of homogenous units, while the cell contains quali by Plato in the Republic.'^^ The rings of ancient rulers like Gyges often bore
tatively distinct individuals. Accordingly, the container itself may become a seal or stamp, which allowed the ruler to reproduce a written symbol on
mobUe and enter into specific relations with other self-contained entities a mobile document that represented his power, allowing him to exert an
or unique individuals.
invisible power elsewhere wh^n he was absent.
This makes possible the second kinetic function of the cell: linkage. Once The identification cell of the Middle Ages invented a whole new kind
an enclosure contains separate individuals, linkage is able to bring them of identification border: the letter and passport. The marks of the body
together without unifying or homogenizing them. The link is not simply a and the symbolic stamp of the ruler did not disappear in the Middle Ages,
connection; it is a nonelastic, rigid connection that both brings individual but something new was added: an enclosure or interiority that identified
enclosures together and holds them apart. It is a kind of mutual contract and individualized the Hearer as a linked extension of the ruler’s juridical
or shared agreement between individuals. Linkage does not imply immo power. This was expressed in two different types of enclosure and linkage
bility, but moves instead according to a linked rotational motion defined technologies: the letter and the passport. Both function as mobile juridical
by the tensions between two or more centers or individuals. In the Middle borders, fundamentally tied to medieval travel and a system of identifica
Ages the proliferation of centers of power produced precisely this form of tion marks that produced individuals.
motiqn, but it did so according to three major types of border technolo
gies: identification, confinement, and the timetable.
r
The Letter
THE CHECKPOINT 1 [ m ]
expanded as a form of growth. As long as a society is capable of producing centrifugal circle, or a tensional link. The series is a flow between relay junc
and mobilizing its surplus and deficits, it will be able to achieve an elastic tions, oscillating between constant contractions and expansions aiming
equilibrium or expansion. Thus elasticity moves not from the outside to the toward social equilibrium. The checkpoint takes place precisely along a
center (centripetaUy), nor from the center to the outside (centrifugally), series of any points whatever, not only at privileged territorial, political,
nor by rigid links between centers (tension), but rather by the redistribu or juridical points.
tion of a surplus to whatever point it is needed.
This elastic force of the checkpoint is a specifically economic type of
kinopower in that economics, in its kinetic sense, strives for the free ar THE KINETICS OF THE CHECKPOINT
rangement and movement of things to and fro with a minimum of territo
rial, political, or juridical restrictions and a maximum of equilibrium. In The kinetics of the checkpoint border are defined by two interrelated func
particular, the dominance of the checkpoint emerges alongside the social tions: the point and the inspection. The first kinetic function of the check
kinetics described by the liberal economic concept of Laissez faire et lais- point is the isolation of a point in a flow of social space-time. A kinetic
sez passer, coined by the physiocrat Francois Quesnay and popularized by point is the smaUest possible discreet unit of information or data extracted
Vincent de Gournay with the slogan Laissez faire et laissez passer, le monde from a social flow, but since flows are not reducible to points, there is no
va de lui mime! (Let do and let pass, the world goes on by itself!).^ The absolutely smallest point. What a point is and where a point is may change
social kinetics of liberal economics are clear: let the flows of social motion as it flows. The point is thus determinable without being fully determined.
move and pass across all previous territorial, political, and legal borders. It is a point of bifurcation whose sloped tangent intersects the flow at in
This does not entail the abolition of aU borders, of course, but rather the finity. Unlike an enclosure, which emphasizes the interiority created when
creation of new elastic borders of police, security, and informational bor a flow folds back on itself, the point has no depth or interiority. The point is
ders that, instead of blocking movement, order it according to the multiple not the border that identifies the depth of a legal individual, but the border
and competing ends of dynamic social oscillation. All that is solid must that can occur at any point on the surface, like a Cartesian coordinate. The
melt into air! Everything must be set into economic circulation. modern individual can thus b^ divided up into points of information on the
More broadly construed, economics is not simply the science of wealth, axes of space and time. These points can then be elastically modulated and
but an entire kinetic regime for the direction of social motion. In this way redirected according to the changing demands of social motion. The point
economics functions more like the management of a household (oikonomia) is thus perfectly abstract in the sense in which any place and any time may
than like the management of a state (polis). This is precisely why Aristotle, become a bifurcation point, but entirely concrete insofar as it always occurs
for example, argues that the tedme oikonomike (economics) differs from as some specific point.
politics, just as the house (oikia) differs from the city (polis).^ While the The second kinetic function of the checkpoint is the inspection. The
state is concerned with the goal of the public good, the household is simply checkpoint border is not merely a series of possible points of interven
concerned with the desirable arrangement or balance of the individual’s tion and bifurcation, but a concrete point where the subject comes under
private property. The house is not the fenced village of centripetaUy ac^ formal inspection and division by a border authority. However, since the
cumulated flows, nor the walled megajunction of the ancient city from point may be anywhere, the border authority eould~be-any(5nr^ho can
whence power radiates centrifugaUy, nor the linked junctions of the ceUular report or enforce a social division based on one or more discreet points
and monastic institutions of the Middle Ages. Economics and the house^ of information. This is a significant break from previous border technolo
hold are not a centric or unifying social kinetic process. gies. The border has always been mobile, but tended to appear predomi
The economy is more like a series of decentered and unlinked private nately around privileged territorial, political, and legal sites shrines, city
households that do'not, on their own, constitute a city or a feudum_aU perimeters, customs houses, and so on. The checkpoint takes the point of
of which require centers. Households, like a series, can be added together bifurcation common to all previous borders and gives it an autonomy of its
indefinitely without ever establishing a social center or totality. Instead, own in order to appear anywhere and be inspected by anyone. It is a total
the assembly of private households forms an indefinite series with a shift mobilization."^ The inspection is also different from the border techniques
ing point of equilibrium. The series is not a centripetal inward curve, a of medieval juridical linkage that were concerned primarily with valid
I n s 1 Historical Limohgy
THE CHECKPOINT I [119]
and facilitate commerce according to the just price. Police of this time of the law throughout the town and country and force the potential crim
made society into a kind of convent through a million tiny regulations inal to rationalize the punitive consequences of legal violations. In this
(in contrast to laws), as Montesquieu writes, "continually employed about way the patrol does not need to directly coerce or enclose but can simply
minute particulars.”^^ As Mladek notes, policing “adheres much more to deter crime by its oscillating presence to and fro. The police patrol now
its economic and especially cameral—dimension; the state is present in functions more elastically—appearing in greater frequency and number
all relationships, it keeps an eye on the business of the people while keeping it according to the shifting crime potentials to produce an equilibrium.
in motion, and it constantly discovers new means and techniques to insure Second, the goal of the preventative police patrol was not to intervene in
' the"comfort of all.”^^ economic exchange, but rather to break up riots, remove beggars, deter
The third historical stage of the police patrol is a more preventative one, theft, and disperse other obstructions to the free movement of commerce
beginning around the mid-eighteenth century and continuing up to the and persons. Third, the preventative patrol secured certain environmen
present. Rather than a band of informal watchmen or patrolmen paid to tal borders—roadways, customs houses, watchhouses, streetlights, sewer
confine or bind deviant social motion back to its feudal enclosure, or an systems, and so on—that were the conditions under which liberal move
expansive army of enclosing and intervening patrol groups, police become ment could take place. "Future evils,” as von Berg writes, “are in the last
increasingly organized as a mobile deterrent force. The theory of preven account only the object of police, for its principal goal is avoidance and
tative policing emerges in the so-called reformist tradition: in the works prevention. Past evils, insofar as they are submitted to the judgment of
of Italian criminal lawyer Cesare Beccaria, English and Scottish theorists law, belong to the justice system.”®®
Jeremy Bentham, Edwin Chadwick, and Patrick Colquhoun, German phi However, preventative policing also produces a kinetic paradox.
losopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte, and French theorist Nicolas de la Mare. Although the aim of liberal police reform was to create fixed borders of le
All of these theorists share a suspicion and criticism of an overreaching gality and limit police motion, the practice of prevention actually destroys
police force whose continual interventions in the details of social motion fixed borders and all limits to police motion. If the goal of deterrence is to
do more harm than good. For example, by restricting the sale of grain to prevent crime before it occurs by policing potentially criminal acts—the
ensure equilibrium, the police were artificially raising prices.^^ By acting on wearing of masks, begging, idleness, and so on—then the border between
their own executive regulations, police were failing to enforce the law and legal and illegal loses its fixed points and is stretched elastically to any
protect the liberty of people’s right to free movement. activity whatever in any place whatever that may possibly lead to a crime.
The solution to this problem of the interventionist economic police state As Marx observes, “A preventive law, therefore, has within it no measure,
is a threefold Hberal program. First, the police should be made to adhere no rational .rule, for a rational rule can only result from the nature of a
directly to the law and not to their own executive regulations of good order. thing, in this instance of freedom. It is without measure, for if prevention
The people have the ability to reason and decide on their collective laws of freedom is to be effective, it must be as all-embracing as its object, i.e.,
themselves.^® Second, the economy and the private management of finan unlimited. A preventive law is therefore the contradiction of an unlimited
cial affairs should not be the object of interventions. Economic activity limitation.”^®
should be allowed free circulation, just as the people themselves should be This phenomenon is precisely what defines modern borders' as check
allowed free movement according to their own self-interest—Laissez faire points. The so-called contradiction of the unlimited-limitation-does not
et laissez passerP Finally, the government that is to govern best should imply that modern borders have been abolished. On the contrary, since
govern least. Its primary aim should not be intervention but the security criminality is potentially anywhere, so is the border: unlimited in the sense
of an environment or atmosphere such that the private management of in which it can take place at any point whatsoever, but limited in the sense
affairs and commerce should find its maximum freedom. “Political liberty,” in which it does take place in the form of an inspection or check. The in
as Montesquieu writes, “consists in security.”^® spection does not presume guilt, but only the potentiality of guilt. Thus the
All three of these liberal reforms were achieved primarily through the police are infinitely justified in their continual inspection of the populace
concrete kinetic technology of the police patrol in three ways. First, the via the patrol. “The boundary where it ceases is fixed not by necessity, but
purpose of the preventative police patrol was to render visible the borders by the fortuitousness of arbitrariness,” as Marx writes.^^
A t each police sta tio n o f a subdivision, i.e., a t each w atch-house, a book should This in stru m e n t com m on to European equilibrium and th e organization of
be k ep t fo r enterin g all inform ation o f th e offenses com m itted w ith in th e dis police is statistics. The effective preservation of European equilibrium requires
tric t to which such w atch-house m ay belong. That every such inform ation shoxUd th a t each sta te is in a position, first, to know its ow n forces, an d second, to know
com prise th e m o st m aterial circum stances relative to th e offense in se rted by an d evaluate th e forces of th e others, th u s p erm ittin g a com parison th a t m akes
th e injured p arty . . . th e tim e w hen, th e place where . . . th e description o f the it possible to uphold an d m aintain th e equilibrium . Thus a principle is needed
p erso n charged, nam es of in fo rm a n t.. . . th e keeper o f th e w atch-house o r th e for deciphering a state’s constitutive forces. For each state, one’s own an d the
The danger is that any such assembly might be resistant to the police.
Since the police are a preventative force, this possible congelation of t* e n by officers 'in plain clothes.’ In France this was also similarly the
motion must be dispersed like a blood clot before it gets out of control. The c* e AJcording to iL o ir. three inspectors employing a network o spie
social kinetic effect of this border function is the shutting down of political
and 'criminals arrested more criminals in Paris J
movements and free association, which Marx bemoans at length.^^^
The second type of police checkpoint is the spy. The spy is the shadow side
s r ~ r :.
of the patrol and thus follows the inverse of the three social kinetic func
tions found in the patrol: kinoptics, kinography, and circulation. The police
spy functions as a border in the same sense as the patrol dcres: he estab-
lishesia mobile social division between good and bad circulation, legality
THE CHECKPOINT 11 ( I4 7 l
11461 Historical Limology
or film. While the painter tries to synthesize a totality of motion over a human race.”^^The “average man’’ is made possible by the social division of
long duration, the photographer simply wants a slice of it in a moment, a human life into bionational data points. The idea is that one’s natural and
point extracted firom a continual series. Thus it is no coincidence that as national life can be inspected and assessed according to a socially standard
early as 1854, less than thirty years after the invention of the daguerreo measurement.
type camera, the photographic image was incorporated into passport docu The nation, as its etymology suggests, is something one is bom into
ments to create a literal anthropometric image of the people’s body.^^ The or with. One cannot choose to be French or German—one’s blood must
national border is not at any single point, but is capable of introducing come from the soil of the territory; one’s tongue must be one’s bionational
a division between national and nonnational individuals at any possible mother tongue; one’s land must be one’s motherland, Vaterland, or patria,
point or kinetic slice of mobility. and so on.^^ National borders are natural borders. This is attested to in
Once the social flow has been divided up into isolated individual points, the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century determination of natural river
the second function of the national border is to introduce a division be and moimtain formations as the pregiven “natural" borders of territorial-
tween national and nonnational individuals through an inspection of any political-national bodies. Thus at birth (natio), one’s body is already marked
point whatever. It is precisely this mobility and mutability of the security and bordered by the color of one’s skin, the tongue in one’s mouth, and the
checkpoint that gives it its vast and definitively punctual power of inspec blood in one’s body. The fluency of language ,is tied to the fluency and flow
tion. At no previous point in history was such a quantity of biometric data of nationalized social mobility.
available for as many unique individuals as it was from the late eighteenth Modem demography and biometry emerge as the twin kinometrics of
century forward. However, this capacity posed a new kinopolitical prob nationalism: the inspection of the people and their living bodies. Above
lem: where to intervene into the continuous flow of potentially isolatable all, this becomes important because territorial-political unification allows
points? With larger flows of mobile bodies and data came an increasing freer movement within the territory, and economic liberalization allows
uncertainty as to where to draw the line. freer movement between political territories. With such enormous popu
National security borders thus increasingly come to require and rely lations moving around more than ever, governments became increasingly
on a demographic apparatus to record and determine where to intervene attentive to keeping track o'f the kinetic information that defined these
and inspect. Interestingly, modem demography and nationalism share the bodies in motion in order to secure the nation. Beginning in the eighteenth
same kinopolitical border regime. Nationalism not only isolates a point century, the “health of the nation” was understood to be causally connected
or individual within the constant flow of people and things made possible to a strong and large population. Thus the control of the movement of pop
by modem revolutions in economic mobility, transportation, and com ulations across the territory became a central part of the art of government
munication; it also isolates the points of the natural and biological body and, according to Foucault, “in the wider sense of what we now call the
of the individual. The individual point is composed of biological points— economy.’ Demography and biometry record the images of the people
hair color, eye color, skin color, language, and so on—that mark the na and their living bodies precisely because these are where the borders of the
tional limits of the body. National borders are written on the body and can nation occur; their bodies literally make up the body of the nation. If one
thus be inspected. For example^the Belgian statistician Adolphe Quetelet wants a strong nation, one can select for it through border enforcement.
became famous for his invention of the “average man": “Just as astrono Hair color, eye color, skin color, language, and othe'f'bibmetfical markers all
mers considered the average of many measurements to represent the clos reveal something about the body's nationality and thus are points where a
est approximation to a theoretically exact measurement, so Quetelet con border can emerge. For example, the International Statistical Congress of
cluded that the average of many measurements of humans represented not 1873 recommended that all census data include "spoken language” because
only the ‘average man’ but also an ideal type free from both excess and of its “national significance.”^^ Thus the borders of the nation are not only
defect.”^®“The man whom I considered is the analog in society of the center territorial, they are linguistic.
of gravity in bodies; he is a fictional being for whom everything happens ac Demography in particular collects huge databases and identifies trends
cording to the average results obtained for society. If the average man were in biometrical data in order to determine how many nonnationals are in
determined for a nation, he would represent the type of that nation; if he the country and how many nationals are leaving in order to preserve a
could be determined for all men, he would represent the type for the entire certain racial identity.^^ When these numbers reach a certain threshold.
THE CHECKPOINT II [1 5 ll
[150] Historical Limohgy
regional groups. By deemphasizing geographic communities, the census of sharp diamond-shaped spikes. The kinetics of barbed wire are fittingly
essentially defined the nation as the primary locus of identification and the same kinetics of the checkpoint: a continuous series of smooth, flexible
analysis, and weighted each individual within that nation equally and wires punctuated by sharp spikes of control. Barbed wire and the check
anonymously. This meant that most of the aggregates to which individu point share four major kinetic functions. First, contrary to the naked single
als belonged were not located anywhere other than the nation, an abstract wire, barbed wire has a structural elasticity by virtue of the tvristed or tor
rather than a geographical location.”^®In order for this individuation in sional connection between the two intertwined wires.^® When a single
the census to take place, a whole new technology of security points is re metal wire is exposed to heat, it expands and thus slackens or dilates.
quired: more enumerators are needed, and door-to-door inquiries must However, the elasticity of barbed wire allows it to maintain an equilibrium
be conducted, individually collected, verified, synthesized, and sent to the throughout contractions and expansions of temperature. Furthermore,
central administration. Further, given the quantity of individuals involved unlike the single wire, this elasticity made possible by kinetic torsion
and the increased possibility of error with more units over longer durations makes barbed wire stronger and able to bend without breaking. Second,
such as double counting or changing data, the census had to be faster and barbed wire is lightweight, compact, and thus extremely mobile and trans
more mobile than the changing data. Previous censuses took several weeks portable. Barbed wire can be transported and installed faster than any
or months to complete, but the 1841 British census was to be conducted in other fence, wall, or cell in history. Just as the checkpoint is defined by its
a single night. Speed and mobility is thus the key to successful kinometry. punctual control in a continuous oscillation 'of movement, so barbed wire
This was accomplished by allotting to each enumerator no more houses can appear quickly and be transported to" any point whatever. Third, barbed
than could be collected from in a day, made possible by the expanding rail wire is highly flexible and adaptable to almost any spatial situation. It can
ways of the 1830s and 1840s. As a writer for the Westminster Review ex be added to a series of fence posts (the barbed-wire fence), it can be added
plained in 1854, "Our national portraiture must be taken by daguerreotype on any surface of a wall (the barbed-wire security wall), or it can be quickly
[photograph] process, and hot by gradual finishing [painting]. Formerly, be shaped into the cells of an institution (the iconic barbed-wire concen
John Bull sat still, day after day, till the picture was finished; but now he tration camps or holding cells). Not only can it be transported quickly to
must be caught in the attitude of the moment.”^^ any point whatever, it can be^unroUed and installed at any point whatever.
Demography and photography thus share a historical as well as a kin- Fourth, barbed wire is thin. At a distance it is barely visible, under gunfire
opolitical affinity. Demography is the portrait of the people taken in a pho it is practically invincible, and in production it is inexpensive to make. Like
tographic snapshot: a point in a continuously oscillating flow. Demography the checkpoint, it is like a spider's web, fishnet, or sieve that lets light, air,
treats the nation as a pulmonary circulation of oscillations to and fro. Thus and buUets.pass through but captures the bodies ’of animals and humans in
the goal of the national border as a security checlq)oint is to be able to in its barbs. Like the checlqjoint, the thin, quasi invisibility of barbed wire “in
spect this demographic flow at any point whatever. Accordingly, there are verts the game of visibility. Whereas before one could make oneself hidden
two security images of the nation; the photographic and the demographic in order to attack a visible barrier, now it is the barrier itself that is hidden
appear as its two poles—identity and anonymity. With the dominance of to the person who would attempt to breach it. Surprised, he is caught fully
the national security checkpoint, the individual is a specific set of biomet exposed to the reply that awaits him.”^®
ric markers governable at any point by passports, IDs, police surveillance, Barbed wire functions as a specifically nationaLsecurity-checkpcfint tech
records, and so forth, but at the same time the individual is also the most nology in several historically important ways^This is first attested to in the
anonymous demographic figure, since everyone is an individual. The pass national securitization of the American West. With the patenting of barbed
port makes possible the former and the census makes possible the latter wfre in America by an Illinois farmer named J. F. Glidden, settlers, pioneers,
as the enumeration of the anonymous biometric data that defines the and prairie farmers had access to large quantities of cheap barbed wire.
people of the nation. Identity and anonymity, punctual control and free Under pressure from poor, landless farmers, the 1862 Homestead Act had
movement—these are the dyads of the national security point. given any American citizen free ownership of 160 acres of public land on
Finally, the national security checkpoint is secured by the invention of the condition that it be cultivated. Armed with barbed wire from the 1870s
a completely unique kinetic border technology: barbed wire. In 1865 Louis on, American citizens expanded westward into Indian territories, section
Francois Janin first patented a unique double-wire design holding a series ing off their plots of land as they went. The open West became subdivided
[1 6 8 ] ContemporaryBorders
THE US-MEXICO FENCE [169]
2 to ° d T 7- are sub- high-surveillance areas, and so on. The US*Mexico border is thus poorly
Both c f l J ‘° operedonal rreeds of the border patrol understood as a technique of inclusion and exclusion. Since border tech
Both of theae operational aims require the massive movement of dirt ”»In nologies always respond kinetically to a mixture of forces—territorial, po
to tln h“ litical, juridical, economic—they are constantly changing vectors through
tops of nearby mountains to fiUin the canyons.“ Die result of this environ- redirection. For example, after 9/11 the US-Mexico border was trans
formed into a national security outpost against terrorism. Suddenly who
ewhere by erosion, destroying plants and wildlife, but that the bare was allowed in and out, and the criteria for determining passage, changed.
em banteents that have replaced the Hving canyons f S m u jw s g S New techniques of bifurcation emerged. New holding cells, interrogation
are eroding into the Tijuana estuary, destroying L e c o l o g X b i t a t t d techniques, and new laws suspending habeas corpus and others went into
mkbitmg the mobility of the border patrol along washed out roadways " effect. As the National Terrorism Advisory System (NTAS) level rises from
The border as dirt, water, and roadway is in a constant circuit of e r o s L yellow to orange, so the border recirculates accordingly: increasing wait
£ e T ® " “ °” ’ '=” der fence itself is a mobile assem- times at the border redirect traffic, increasingly invasive searches redirect
age of repurposed military materials transported from ah over the world people to "security zones” and "interrogation areas,” increasing fortifica-
WorU ^ Americans during tions along the border redirect migrants into the scorching desert. As se
World War II were dug up from the deserts of Crystal City CaUfomia anH curity conditions change, new interior Border Patrol checkpoints emerge
fifty miles away from the border, and others disappear or close down. As
brought m from around the world.*^ The border is a material assemblage of these temporary interior checkpoints move (every fourteen days), so traf
vairous mobUe war m achines-transported from around the w o rld -ifto a fic is rerouted or delayed. Since the border is never done once and for all
ita rfjlb iT b “ technologies of mU- with its divisions, people who are expelled come back again from inside as
tery mobUity have now become the tools of restricted and forced mobihty undocumented workers and others from the outside recirculate again after
at the border, since the flip side of free state-centered mobility is the forced deportation. After detained migrants have spent their maximum time in
to o ”b° 1 periphery. At the border railroad I s are turned a for-profit detention facility,^costing taxpayers $ 2 0 0 a day per bed, they
mto vehicle barriers, crushed cars to o walls-mobility into constraint.- are deported back into Mexico, where they attempt reentry.^^ This cottage
th r ^ v h ° ih tb ‘' f ‘’5' “ d coyotajes as they cut and dig industry is not a logical exclusion, it is a social kinetic circulation made pos
through the border infrastructure. In March 2001, the US Customs and
sible by the circuits of the border.
rder Protection agency (CBP) reported 4,037breaches in 2010 alona The
agency estimated that “it would cost $6.5 biUion 'to deploy, operate and
three distinct kinetic technologies: the offensive funnel effect, the defen In this case, building increasingly secure border fenc^.s a c h ^ y L te ^ a se d
sive security fence, and the binding monument. the number apprehensions and increased the number of migrants who
were able to go around unfenced. unpatroUed areas. In other words, the
fence functions centripetally to increase the accumulation of migrants just
The Funnel Effect as the corrals of history have done, despite so-caUed intentions to keep
migrants out.
The first type of fence at the US-Mexico border is the funnel fence or “funnel By forcing migration from Mexico and creating a funnel-shaped fence
effect, as it is popularly called. This funnel effect is a fundamentally of the US-Mexico border effectively becomes the world’s largest centripetal
fensive border technique that brings a diverse periphery toward a central manhunting apparatus. According to federal records, more than six thorn
point for capture. The historical technique of corralling has probably been sand immigrants have died crossing the southern border since 199B.
flS2 ]
fe d e ra l e n fo rc e m e n t o p e ra tio n s
agents on the southwest border have been increasingly steadily, since the
early 1990s: from 3,555 agents in 1992 to 20,119 in 2009.^
The model for this militarized human border wall is Operation Blockade.
m ent wall is f ^ r e d n Lh “ f°— Operation Blockade was invented by El Paso Border Patrol chief Silvestre
Patrol. Immigrations and Custom * e Border Reyes on September 19,1993, in order to stop unauthorized border cross
Each hmctions accordTng m « -d . ings through the city. Operation Blockade consisted of 400 Border Patrol
agents lined up for twenty miles in fixed positions within eyesight of each
creates bricks ofhomogefized m a t t e r ^ t i l
and marches them outward to t ”i ™ * compact formation, other along the banks of the Rio Grande and through the middle of the city.
ery. Each of t h l e X T w d l T , P -P h ‘ “The human wall of hundreds of highly visible Border Patrol agents had
ia a show or J r t i t of directed), the effect of quickly halting the unauthorized migrant flow within twenty
according to a series of m l k a l ' ^ ^ defined miles of the El Paso area.”®Instead of roaming around the interior of the
tion” as " s t r a t e r m o v l l e j country and border cities looking to apprehend authorized border cross-
planned and coordinated activity ' f action; a ers, Operation Blockade stacked its human .bricks into fixed locations at
erations are o p e rS o n ^ ^ d e r op- the urban periphery. They do not move to chase people down; instead, they
body of people, not just m a t l r i l I ""^^'^^^ation of a centrally organized relied on other agents who were not posted at the border to do so. In ad
of the military body precedes the bridc^^ wall dition, a second line of agents was stationed slightly further interior as
a second line of defense."^ The human blockade wall kept its eyes on the
border as a “line watch” and left only when a replacement arrived.
PatrolCUSBPlwasfoundlToril'^fiL lls " '* " The English word “blockade” is of specifically military origin and means
of Labor to prevent u n a u t h o r i ^ e f e S l i r e "to seal off as an act of war.”®Operation Blockade was specifically theorized
afterm ath of the Mexican-American War. B e fo l t ie USW t h e y 'd ” to be a "massive show of force”®that made visible the sovereign centrifu
patroUed directly by US Army soldiers. Today the u l f i f ’ F gal power of federal enforceihent. Three weeks later, however, Operation
the same green-colored um'fo>-,T, a.u ^ uniform retains Blockade was renamed Operation Hold the Line because local business
military function and contra f “ “ y-m aW n g clear its offensive leaders disliked the idea of an absolute blockade. The phrase “hold the
officers The lreat“ l P ° l- line” means “to remain steadfast under pressure,” but also has a histori
torical and military kinetic s t r u c t u m ^ “ f ‘PP'"^ Eis- cal military meaning since soldiers have been organized into offensive line
atandardized and L m T ‘tansforming human beings into structures like rows and columns. "Hold the line” means “fight to hold your
military position.” We could also add to these meanings the kinetic mean
..c r tn g „
r “° r r * " ” -'
ing used in the ancient art of walling: the geometric line and level of reason
umns under central an^l i.- ^ rank-and-file col- according to which a good wall should be built.^® The wall, in contrast to the
of the agent is "hardened” with ar^or""!^”^ ^ ' body pile, is built according to a geometrical model centrifugally applied outward
configuration by a central fi>H i stacked into an ordered to homologous material pieces and brought intq r^oii«mce'Sfoun3rthe line
and level of the central idea. All lines are forced into the resonance of a
Border J>atrol Council d -h ^ President of the National model level line: the borderline. This centrifugal motion is described by the
where p o litlL p o ^ r l a t ~ only to USBP as a “forward deployment” of "constant vigilance” and "high profile
Thus during t h ! 1990s when the of the patrol agent. presence.”^^
Congress hfgan to ‘’° r Operation Hold the Line in El Paso soon became the model for mili
tarized human wall power along the border. Operation Gatekeeper was
ffie T o lt'h ? B m d irp ttt? L T ^ ^ ^ launched in San Diego in October 1994, using the same model of highly
P - . e n t s i n l 9 9 ; : r S : i S - - ~ ^ visible, fixed border agents along key sections. Around this same time
Operation Safeguard was launched in the Tucson sector using the same
The third type of wall at the US-Mexico border is the port wall, defined
“got away." The drag road is a r minrants can be captured,
by the binding function of the boundary. The port wall compels or binds
smooth dirt surface in which the jhe north of an all-
flows into circulation by controlling the passage across the border. It is
Border Patrol agents create t se ™ chain-link fencing, or other
the road wall that makes possible imports, exports, deports, reports, and
weather road,“ by d r a ^ g a ' • ’ ^ outward from
transports. If the US-Mexico wall has two sides—federal enforcement and
heavy ohiects behind as they go. On
corrugated steel—the port is between the two and ensures their communi
urban centers, standardizing a ^ t n g J ^he
cation. These roads function not only to divide the territory, as many roads
their way back they cut the sign
have historically, but also to expedite the centrifugal removal of migrants. tcacesleftinthesandialanocim egehc^^^^
It draws on both federal power for enforcement and the steel wall for se
a trace. From these traces tra J ^ ^ „cit and nowfre-
curity. The wall supports a passage and regulates the circulation and mo weight, and gait of the motion. M i^^tah^^ ,hese
bility of various social flows at each concentric level. For most of history,
quently wear pieces 0 “ T® .c border “ When the drag road works,
the road has served a primarily military function directly related to state
warfare: the rapid movement of troops and supply of construction materi
it turns the transport road into a cut through them or dug
als. The US-Mexico wall is no exception.^^ At the US-Mexico border we can
andwalls bear the traces of the ^ i t y Thus the border road as
identify two major types of ports: transports and ports of entry/exit.
under them. Both are material ^hat deters
The first port wall is the transport wall, which regulates and binds the
a kinographic device or t o g ro corrugated-steel structure exists,
circulation across and along the border. Without an expanded system of
roadways to, from, and along the US-Mexico border, the centrifugal system migrants even m places ™ ^ entry/exit port. The entry ports at the
The second major portwaU« v/ HuftB-filter
of expulsion would be almost impossible. The border road is the material
US-Mexico border function no P . elements; the number of
and kinetic precondition for the effective operation of federal enforcement
ecreen, and regulate and so on. US-
at the border and for the construction of any significant tactical infrastruc cargo trucks, visitor visas, commuters ^
ture such as fences, walls, towers, and cameras. Before any of these could m 4 co entry ports are the o^^ps m
be built, a road had to be built to allow construction equipment and Border
the border that regtote the mo ^ port has bis-
Patrol agents to move freely across rough desert terrain. The structure of
ritorial state) and the periphery ( ofhow
both dirt and all-weather roads along the border basically does not differ
from those invented by ancient Greeks and Romans: stacked layers of
W o " e a to h o “
gravel, sand, dirt, and asphalt.^® Not only does the border as a road require
the massive movement of dirt to secure its transport, but these roads are
also constantly moving on their ovm. As quickly as many border roads are
T h t S S t C C ."
t h e US-MEXICO WALL [1911
[2241 Conclusion
are located far away from th e visible policing of th e b order line. In effect, w ithin im portance today." N ewm an, "On Borders an d Power.” 16. See also Jo h n so n e t al.,
th ese global a n d data-driven system s, b order lines are draw n via th e association “Interventions.”
rules betw een item s o f data." Alison M ountz, "Border Politics: Spatial Provision 20. For a sum m ary of historical positions affirm ing a difference betw een n atu ral and
a n d G eographical Precision," in Jo h n so n e t al., "Interventions,” 64. See also Didier artificial borders see Prescott, Political Frontiers and Boundaries, 51. See also Ancel.
Bigo, “W hen Two Become One: In te rn a l a n d E xternal Securitizations in Europe,” Les Frontiires, 51 (“fronti^re naturelle”).
in International Relations Theory and the Politics of European Integration: Power, 21. W endy Brown, Walled States, Waning Sovereignty (New York: Zone Books,-2010).
Security, and Community, ed. M. K elstrup a n d M. C. W illiams (London: Routledge, 22. The bo rd er “wall” will be fu rth e r developed in ch ap ter 3.
2000); an d M athew Coleman, "Im m igration Geopolitics beyond th e Mexico-US 23. This argum ent is fully defended in P art III.
•' Border,"Antipode 39.1 (2007): 54-76. 24. “D oors an d bridges can be as a p t a m etap h o r for borders as are walls ah d barri
12. N ewm an, "On Borders a n d Power,” 16. ers, b u t n e ith e r should i t be forgotten th a t whUe walls can be knocked dow n as
13. N ewm an, “O n Borders a n d Power," 16. quickly as they are constructed, so too doors can be slam m ed sh u t as easily as th ey
14. M anuel Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (M alden, MA: Blackwell, are opened.” N ewm an, "On Borders an d Power,” 19. See also H enk Van H outum
1996), 376. a n d Anke Strtiver, “Borders, Strangers, Bridges an d Doors,” Space and Polity 6.2
15. For examples o f th e m etaphorical usage o f concepts of m obility and fluidity (2002): 141-146.
see Jo h n Urry, Sociology beyond Societies: Mobilities for the Twenty-First Century 25. N ewm an, “O n Borders an d Power," 15.
(London: Routledge, 2000), 2. Z ygm unt Baum an n o tes th e effort "to deploy 'flu 26. See Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer, tran s. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford: Stanford
idity' as th e leading m etap h o r fo r th e p re se n t stage o f th e m o d em era.” Z ygm unt U niversity Press, 1998).
Bauman, Liquid Modernity (Hoboken, N J: Wiley, 2013), 2. 27. See H enri Bergson, Matter and Memory, tran s. N. M. Paul an d W. S. Palmer
16. By saying th e b o rd er is n o t a m e ta p h o r I m e a n th a t th e m obility o f th e b order (New York: Z one Books, 1988), 179-223; a n d Nail, Figure o f the Migrant, 12: “The
is n o t “like” so m eth in g else th a t actually m oves— im plying th a t th e b o rd er has problem w ith th is spatial logic, according to th e Greek philosopher Zeno, is th a t
n o actual m ovem ent, b u t o nly a m etaphorical, ideal, o r rep resen ta tio n a l one. we w ould have to traverse a n infinite distance o f intervals in order to arrive any
This does n o t m ean th a t th e re is n o such th in g as m e tap h o r— only th a t lin where. Thus, m ovem ent would be im possible. The sam e resu lt occurs, according
gu istic m e ta p h o r p resu p p o ses m a tte r th a t m oves. This is directly a tte ste d to in to Zeno, w hen we u n d erstan d m ovem ent as a series of tem poral now -points or
th e o riginal G reek m ean in g o f th e w ord “m e ta p h o r” as “tran sp o rt." M etaphor in stan ts. If every u n it of tim e is infinitely divisible, it will take a n infinity of tim e
is a kinetic process by w hich th e featu res o f one m a teria l th in g are literally or to move from one p o in t to any other. The problem is th a t m ovem ent cannot be di
affectively tra n sp o rte d to an o th er. The d an g er is th a t th e original kinetic defini vided w ith o u t destroying it. By thinking th a t we can divide m ovem ent in to fixed,
tio n h as been lo s t in favor of a n id ealist a n d re p rese n ta tio n a l m odel th a t sim ply im m obile stages based o n departures an d arrivals, we spatialize and immobUize
com pares essences by analogy. If a soldier is th e h iu n a n brick stacked in to th e it. M ovem ent, according to such a definition, is ju s t th e difference betw een divis
m ilita ry wall, it is n o t because th e soldier is like a brick o r th e brick is like th e ible p o in ts o f space-tim e, b u t th ere is n o real continuity.
soldier, b u t th a t b o th actually m ove according to th e sam e b o rd er regim e. They 28. “All borders, each act of debordering an d rebordering, an d every border crossing
share th e sam e affective capacity w ith o u t being m o deled o n one an o th er. For are constitutive of social relations, and, as such, help us o rien tate ourselves to the
m o re o n th is idea o f affect vs. m e ta p h o r see Gilles D eleuze a n d F6lix G uattari, world.” Chris Rumford, "Theorizing Borders," European Journal of Social Theory 9.2
"Becoming In ten se, Becom ing Animal," in A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and (2006): 155-169; 167. ^ ,
Schizophrenia, tra n s. B rian M assum i (M inneapolis: U niversity of M inn eso ta 29. “There is a tendency to privilege space an d spatialities in geographical analy
Press, 1987). sis of borders.” Linn Axelsson, “Temporalizing th e Border,” Dialogues in Human
Furtherm ore, if th e soldier is n o t only m a tte r in m otion b u t also a figure im bued Geography 3.3 (2013): 324-32 6; 324.
w ith social m eaning as a civic figure, a hero, a righteous w arrior, a m anly p ro 30. Rumford, "Theorizing Borders," 166.
tector, th is is th e case because b o th th e m otion a n d th e ideal "m eanings” of th e 31. “Borders as dividers of space.” Alexander D iener an d Jo sh u a Hagen, Bordej^:AVery
figure are p a rt o f th e sam e coconstitutive regim e o f m otion. M atter a n d m eaning Short Introduction (New York: O xford U niversity Pr6ss, 20'12), 2.
are n o t m odeled on one a n o th e r o r .reducible to one another, b u t e n te r in to th e 32. David N ewm an, “Boundaries," in A Companion to Political Geography ed, Jo h n A.
sam e specific historical regim es of m o tio n th a t regulate a n d circulate th e ir shared Agnew, K atharyne Mitchell, ap d Gerard Toal (M alden. MA; Blackwell, 2003), 134.
trajectories. In th is sense kinopolitics is a rejection of b o th m aterialist an d idealist 33; M ountz, "Border Politics," 66-67.
form s o f explanatory reductionism . 34. A m ore detailed explanation will be provided in chapter 2.
17. Ancel, Les Frontiires, 52. 35. See N a a Figure of the Migrant, 24: "Instead o f analyzing societies as prim arily
18. Nick Vaughan-W illiams, Border Politics: The Limits of Sovereign Power (Edinburgh: static, spatial, o r tem poral, kinopolitics or social kinetics understands th e m p ri
Edinburgh U niversity Press, 2009), 1. m arily as “regim es o f m otion." Societies are always in m otion: directing people
19. Borders have always been mobile. Their m an ag em en t has always been crucial. This a n d objects, reproducing th e ir social conditions (periodicity), an d striving to
is.n o t a new p h enom enon— as som e have argued. "If th e m ajor focus of p a st re expand th e ir territorial, poHtical, juridical, a n d economic pow er th ro u g h diverse
search in to borders was concerned w ith th e way in w hich th ey were dem arcated form s of expulsion. In th is sense, i t is possible to identify som e- thing like a p o liti
a n d delim ited, it is th e m anagem ent o f th e b o rd er regim e w hich is o f greater cal th eo ry of m ovem ent.”
Notes [1291
[2281 Notes
of m ovem ents.- T h e A utonom y o f M igration: The Animals 32. Ovid, Fasti, book II, February 23; The Term inalia, httpi/Z w w w .poetryintransla-
U ndocum ented M ^ iljty . in Deleuzian Encounters: Studies in Contemporary
tion.eom /PITBR/Latin/O vidFastiBkTw o.htm #_Toc69367696.
33. George C. H om ans, English Villagers o f the Thirteenth Century, 2 n d ed. (Cambridge,
MA: H arvard U niversity Press, 1991), 368.
15. P a ^ t e r g i a 6 j , G loria Anzaldiia. Homi Bhabha. a n d o th ers argue th a t we should
34. The w ord "lim it” comes from th e Latin w ord h’mes (plural: bmrCes) m eaning "path,
hybridity. See Papastergiadis. The Turbulence track, tra il o r a line le ft by th e passage o f som ething." O xford L atin Dictionary.
of Miration, 1 6 8 -8 8 ; Gloria Anzaldila, Borderlands: The New Mestizo = U Frontera
35. Thus, in Pokom y's etym ology th e w ord “lim it" comes from th e PIE ro o t el-, "to
SanPrancisco:
(London: S p in ste
Routledge, rs/A u n tL u te . 1987); H om i Bhabha. The Location e f '-utcure
1994). a ltu r e bow o r to b e n i" http://indo-european.info/pokom y-etym ological-dictionary/
index.htm .
16 MkhelSemsdevebpsasMW theory ofvorUces:Thevott« 36. h ttp ://en.w iktio nary.org/w iki/patte. The w ord “patrol" comes fro m th e Frankish
mthssamsway as Aesptallinl«thepclnts;thet,imfagD>ovemeiitbrings together •patta-, "paw, sole of th e foot,” from th e Proto-G erm anic *pat-, “to walk, tread, go,
atom s and p o m ts a lf c . TheBirth o f Physics. 16. Dalamte a n d G oattart t £ n 4 t h e r
step," an d likely, from ' th e PIE ro o t “pat-, "path, to go."
develop th is u n d e r th e nam e o f "m inor science" in A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism
37. The w ord “boundary” also h a s a kinetic origin in th ree related m eanings of the
trans. Brian M assum i (London; C ontinuum , 2008), 361-62. English w ord "bound." F irst, th e n o u n "boimd" comes from th e O ld French bonde
. The kinetic ro o ts o f A e w ord junctio n come fro m th e Proto-Indo-European ro o t
yeug-, to join, to yoke. m eaning "lim it o r b o undary stone" (m odem French borne), vaudant of bodne,
from th e m edieval L atin bodina, also m eaning “b o u n d ary ” Second, th e adjective
M « 7 s r s / ' o f Moosmsnt (Boston: H oughton “bound," m eaning “to be ready to go," com es'from PIE ro o t ^bheue- “to be, exist,
dwell." A nd third, th e p a st participle "bound" com es firom th e w ord “bind," from
* “™ S h ly critiqued in T im CressweU. On the th e PIE ro o t *bhendh- m eaning "to bind, compel, o r bond, o r bend." The English
m 2 X 2 7 -W ^ N J: Taylot & F m n d s, w ord "boundary” th u s resonates vrith these th re e m e a n in g . As a frm ction or
"synonym" for th e border, th e w ord "boundary" plays a n im p o rta n t m eaning in
20. Peter H a p t t p u ts m ovem ent f a s t, b u t only arbitrarily: "It is ju s t as logical to
relation to ^ e m ark an d th e lim it.
begtavnththestudy of settlements as with the study of routes. Wechooseto m ake 38. This is th e sense in w hich th e adjective "bound" also resonates w ith its PIE root
*bheue- "to be, exist, dwell.”
39. From th e sam e PIE ro o t as b o u n d a n d b in d i*bhendh-) also comes th e G ermanic root
21. M ^ y US deten tio n centers will pay o n e dollar p e r h o u r fo r detain ed m ig ran ts’
*band-, w hose derivatives such as "band," "bond," a n d "bend” all refer to a mobile
labor even faough th e ir legal sta tu s forbids th em fro m working. ‘P u n l s L e n t
"unified social group." h ttp .7 /w ^ .ety m o n lin e.co m /in d ex .p h p ?term sb an d .
a n d Profits: I m m i ^ t i o n D etention,■Aljazeera.com, 2012, http://w w w .aljazeera
40. Band: A th in strip o f flexible m a t^ ri^ used to encircle an d b in d one object o r to
com /program m es/faultIines/2012/04/201241081117980874 htmL hold a n u m b er o f objects together.
General, Im m ig ra tio n and 41. Ovid, Fasti, book II, February 23; The Terminalia. http://w w w .poetryintransla-
Custom s E nforcem ents Tracking and T ransfers o f Detainees,” 2009 2 h ttu V /
tion.eom /PITBR/Latin/OvidFastiBkTw o.htm #_Toc69367696.
^ .o |d h s .g o v / a s s e t s / M g m t /O I G J 9 ^ 1 _ M a r 0 9 : p d f . accessed A pril 1 0 , 2 0 1 5 . 42. See Frederick J. T urner, The Frontier in American History (New York: Holt, R inehart
23. S ^ I =‘taiilar definition o f expulsion: -people, enterprises, and
an d W inston, 1962).
] ^ “ “ P=>kdfromthecoresocialandeconomicordersofourtime."Expulsioiis,l 43. Frantz Fanon, “Concerning Violence," in The Wretched of the Earth, trans.
24. fa e re are e v m quite a few th in g s th e to u rist could com plain about.” Zygm unt
C ohstance Farrington (London; Penguin, 1967), 2 9 -3 0 . O riginally published as
P c M ^ g S ) ’M Columbia U n iw rsity Les damnis de la terre (Paris: M aspero, 1961).
25. OED online. 44. The G erm an geographer Friedrich R atzel proposed th e idea o f borders as
having tw o periphery zones a n d one central zone w here tw o states m ingle, in
26. chapter 4 fo r detailed examples o f th ese social points.
his book P o litis^ Geographie (Leipzig: R. O ldenbourg, 1897). The idea is also
27. U e w ord « m e s from th e Old French word marchier "to walk; to tm vel by
discussed in Prescott, Geography of Frontiers, 17. See^also'Petef'N yets,“"Moving
foot, from th e PIE ro o t W r g - . m ean in g -b o u n d ary " o r "border.- ^ Borders: The Politics o f Dirt," Radical Philosophy 17^ (2012); 2 -6 ; David N ewm an,
D rL n d procession see Jean-Louis "On Borders an d Power: A Theoretical Framework," Journal of Borderlands
Studies 18.1 (2003); 13-25 ("H ybridization takes place in contact zones" 1161);
D ^ v e rta 9 8 6 h
Malcolm A nderson, Frontiers; Territory and State Formation in the Modem World
^ 0 ^ ”^ o f the Greek City-State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996), 9; a n d Turner, Frontier in American History.
(Chicago. U niversity o f Chicago Press, 1995), 41-42. ^
45. See Isaiah Bowman, The Pioneer Fringe (New York; A m erican Geographical Society
30. l ^ m PIE ro o t *ter- m eaning "boundary m arker" an d th e ro o t o f th e words
term in ate a n d exterm inate.” of New York, 1931).
46. See Frederick J. T urner, The Significance of the Frontier in American History (Ann
31. Siculus Flaccus, De Condkionihus Agrorum, 11.
Arbor: U niversity Microfilms, 1966).
[230] Notes
47. See Neil Sm ith, The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City d o m inant social center, or outw ard away from one, or in a legal tension w ith
(London: Routledge, 1996). o thers, a n d so on. For example, a “social center” does n o t have to be geom et
48. Thomas Nail, The Figure o f the Migrant (Stanford: S tanford U niversity Press, 2015), rically o r exactly in th e center of a territory, city, o r village. A social center
37. The fro n tie r zone is th e place w here th e process o f expansion by expulsion relates to th e relatively high degree of power, influence, or prestige of a social
occurs. See also P art II o f The Figure of the Migrant m ore generally fo r th e theo ry in s titu tio n —pow er exerted by individuals a t th e top o f a social hierarchy.
a n d h isto ry o f social expansion by expulsion th a t defines th e disjoining fro n tier The type an d degree o f social m o tio n directed by th is pow er center exert a
zone o f societies a n d its subjective effects on th e figure o f th e m igrant. social “force” insofar as th e social m o tio n collectively m obilizes people politi
49. This is w hat M arx calls “social m etabolism .” Capital, 1:283. cally, legally, economically, an d so on. (40)
7. The first definition o f th e w ord "fence” comes from its etym ological origins in the
CHAPTER 2
PIE ro o t “gwhen-, to strike.
1. G ordon Childe, Man Makes Himself (New York: New A m erican Library, 1951), 59.
8. Cache, Earth Moves, 24.
2. The first “g reat m igration” o f h u m an m ovem ent occurred alm o st tw o m illion years
9. “The wall delim its an d th e w indow selects." Cache, Earth Moves, 28.
ago w hen Homo erectus m oved o u t o f A fiica in to th e M iddle East. A lthough it is 10. Lewis M um ford, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its
strange to call th is a m igration since it to o k th o u san d s o f years o f Homo erectus
Prospects (New York: H arcourt, Brace 8t World, 1961), 7.
sim ply following th e m igration of wild gam e m oving n o rth (at a b o u t 1 k m a year)
11. M um ford, City in History, 7.
to avoid rising tem peratures a n d th e desertification o f Africa. W h eth e r we call
12. M um ford, City in History, 7.
th is m igration o r n o t. Homo erectus an d early Homo sapiens were initially nonsed-
13. M um ford, City in History, 10.
en ta ry hun ter-g ath erers who increasingly settle d dow n in societies. For a fully 14. “The N eolithic period is pre-em inently one of containers: it is a n age of sto n e p o t
developed historical account of th is m ovem ent see Patrick M anning, Migration in te ry utensils, of vases, jars, vats, cisterns, bins, b a m s, granaries, houses, n o t least
World History (New York: Routledge, 2005). 16-39. great collective containers like irrigation ditches a n d villages.” M um ford, City in
3; For a n interestin g discussion o f th e “degrees of m obility in neolithic” see Douglass
History, 16.
Bailey, Alasdair W hittle, a n d Vicki Cum m ings, (Un)Settling the Neolithic (Oxford- 15. The w ord "corral” comes from th e PIE root *kers; m eaning “to n m .”
Oxbow, 2005), 1.
16. The h u n tin g in terp re tatio n proposed by M aitland was adopted by D ussaud and
4. Here I follow M anuel De Landa’s definition o f territorialization. “The o th e r di later by Field, b u t was supplanted by th e h erd corral theory, w hich gained wider
m ension [processes o f territorialization] defines variable processes in w hich these acceptance. C ited in A. Holzer, U. Avner, N. Porat, an d L. K. H orwitz, “D esert
com ponents becom e involved an d th a t e ith e r stabilize th e id en tity o f an assem Kites in th e Negev D esert a n ^ N ortheast Sinai: Their Function, Chronology an d
blage, by increasing its degree o f in tern a l hom ogeneity o r th e degree o f sh arp Ecology," Journal of Arid Environments 74.7 (2010): 806. See also Ren6 D ussaud,
n ess o f its boundaries, o r destabilize it.” M anuel De Landa, A New Philosophy of “Les releves du Capitaine Rees dans le d6sert de Syrie," Syria 10.2 (1929): 151;
Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity (London: C ontinuum , 2006), 12. H enry Field, “N o rth Arabian D esert Archaeological Survey, 1925-50," in Papers
5. B ernard Cache, Earth Moves: The Furnishing of Territories, tran s. Anne Boyman, ed. of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology 45.2 (Cambridge: Peabody
Michael Speaks (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995), 11. M useum , 1960), 129-131; O. Eissfeldt, "G abelhurden im O stjordanland,” Kleine
6. I defined social force th u s in The Figure of the Migrant (Stanford: Stanford Schriften 3 (1960): 61-70; A. S. Kirkbride, “D esert 'Kites,'” Journal of the Palestine
U niversity Press, 2015):
Oriental Society 20 (1946): 1-5; W. A. W ard, “The Supposed Asiatic Campaign of
By social force, I m ean th a t which describes th e m o tio n o f society. I do n o t N arm er,” Milanges de IVniversiti Saint-Joseph de Beyrouth 45 (1969): 208; Y. Yadin,
m ean th e vital o r m etaphysical cause of m otion. As Bergson argues, force “is “The E arliest Record o f Egypt's M ilitary Penetration in to Asia," Israel Exploration
know n and estim ated only by th e m ovem ents which it is supposed to produce Journal 5 (1955): 5-10.
in space . . . [but it is] one w ith th ese m ovem ents." There is n o secret cause or 17. J. C. Echallier a n d F. Braemer, “N ature e t functions de ‘d esert kites’: D onnees et
action a t a distance b ehind different types o f m ovem ent. There are simply hypotheses nouvelles,” Paliorient 21.1 (1995): 35-63.^ ___
different types or tendencies in social m ovem ent. The th eo ry of social forces 18. David Kennedy, "Kites: New Discoveries an d a New T ^ e ," ArabiSh Arcfideology and
describes them . Epigraphy 23.2 (2012): 145-155.
A social force is n o t th e sam e as a physical force. In physics, th e concept of 19. E. K. B arth, “T rapping Reindeer in S outh Norway,” Antiquity 7 (1983): 1 0 9 -U 5 .
force does n o t describe social actors, th e ir relations, o r causes. I t deals only 20. 'V. N. Yagodin, “‘A rrow -Shaped’ S tructures in th e Aralo-Gaspian Steppe,” in The
w ith m aterial bodies as material. B ut political philosophy deals w ith m aterial Harm and the Hamad: Excavations and Surveys in Eastern Jordan, ed. A. V. G. B etts
bodies as territo rial, political, juridical, economic, a n d so on. H um an beings (Sheffield: G ontinuum Intern atio n al Publishing Group, 1998), 207-223.
do n o t necessarily desire, believe, or collectively act in th e ways th a t particles 21. See G. G. Prison, Prehistoric Hunters of the High Plains (New York: Academic Press,
do in physics. Social forces are th u s n o t m odeled o n physical forces b u t de 2004); Prison, Survival by Hunting: Prehistoric Human Predators and Animal Prey
scribe entirely different types of forces. (B erkley: U niversity of California Press, 1991); Bryan H ockett an d T im othy W.
In a specifically kinopolitical analysis, th e d o m in an t types o f social Murphy, “A ntiquity of Com m unal Pronghorn H u n tin g in th e N orth-C entral Great
m otion, th e ir direction, a n d relation are w h a t are o f in terest. In kinopolitics, Basin,” American Antiquity 74.4 (2009): 7 0 8 -7 3 4 .
som e types o f social m ovem ent are m ore or less d irected inw ard tow ard a 22. G. S. Goon, The Hunting People (London: Nick Lyons, 1976), 111-115.
Notes [235]
[234] Notes
66. Avner, "C urrent Archaeological Research,” 138. 14. M artin Brice. Stronghold: A History of Military Architecture (London: Batsford,
67. For example, in Sinai m any of th e roadside cairns are darkened on th e inside from
blood sacrifices o r oil libations. “The faces o f th e in n er stones were usually black 15. S e! W chard Gabriel. The Great Armies of Antiquity (W estport, CT: Praeger, 2002).
ened, b u t no rem ains of b u rn t charcoal were fo u n d nearby. The stains m ay have 4 8 -5 8 . The w orld’s first arm ies appeared in Sum er an d A kkad betw een 3500 and
come from libations o f oil o r blood on th e piles, such as th o se perfo rm ed by Moses 2200 BCE. ^
a t th e fo o t o f M ount Sinai (Exodus 24:6). I t is believed th a t th e crenellations com 16. Lewis M um ford, The City in History: Its Origins. Its Transformations, and Its
m em orated acts of pilgrimage a n d were sanctified by libation. This exam ple is lo Prospects (New York: H arcourt, Brace 8i World, 1961), 60.
cated in N ahal Shaharut." Avner, "C urrent Archaeological Research,” 137. 17. Aristotle.PoZztics, book VII, chapter 11,1331.
68. R o g ^ Joussaum e, Dolmans for the Dead (Syracuse, NY: Cornell U niversity Press, 18 See Richard Gabriel a n d D ennis E. Showalter. “Assyria; 890 to 612 BCb, m
1985), 257.
Soldiers’LivesthroughHistorymstpoit,CT:GTeenwood?ress.2007).
69. Steven Rosen, “D esert Pastoral N om adism in th e Longue Dur6e; A Case Study 19. C ited in Toby W ilkinson, The Rise and Fall of Ancient Egypt (New York: Random
from th e Negev a n d th e S ou th ern L evantine D eserts,” in The Archaeology of House, 2010), 306. , j v
Mobility: Old World and New World Nomadism, ed. H. B arnard a n d Willeke 20 Polybius, The Histories of Polybius, vol. 3, Loeb Classical Library, tran slated by
W endrich (Los Angeles: C otsen In stitu te o f Archaeology, U niversity o f California, W.R. Paton (Cambridge, MA: H arvard U niversity Press, 1923). section 24.
2008), 122. 21. Se M um ford, City in History, 3 9-60.
22 As Paul Virilio calls it throughout: Paul Virilio. Speed and Politics: An Essay on
CHAPTER 3 ' Dromology, tran s. M ark Polizzotti (New York: Columbia U niversity Press. 1986).
1. G ordon Childe, Man Makes Himself (New York: New A m erican Library, 1951), 115. 23. T horsten O pper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict (Cambridge, MA: H arvard U niversity
2. G ordon Childe, "The U rban Revolution,” Town Planning Review 21.1 (1950): 3-17. Press. 2008), 108-109.
3. These two kinetic functions are also related to th e dual m eaning o f th e m odem 24. See Alfred Bradford an d Pamela Bradford, With Arrow. Sword, and Spear: A History
E n g li^ word “waU,” which refers to b o th a n intern al a n d an external wall. of Warfare in the Ancient World (W estport, CTr" Praeger, 2001), 65.
Historically, th e w ord "waE” is a seventeenth-century com bination of tw o older 25. J. S. Wacher,’The Roman World (London: Routledge, 1987), 157.
English words: “wall” a n d "mure." The English word "mure” is now obsolete, ac 26. M um ford, City in History, 101. , , ,j .
cording to th e OBD, even though it is still used in th e English word “m ural” and 27 Th** broad stre e ts of U r a n d little Lagash were used as a cardinal axis for soldiers^
“immure.” In m any languages, however, this split rem ains active. For example, i t can M U w is M um ford w rites. "The broad street h a d come in before th e m vention o t
be found in th e G erm an words wand and mauer, th e Spanish words pared and muro; wheeled vehicles, for it was probably first laid o u t fo r sacred processions an d for
and th e French words paroi an d mur. To u n derstand th e tw o kinetic functions o f the m arching soldiers. The frequeivt o rientation of th e m ain avenues to th e pom ts of
wall it is im p o rtan t to recover th e split m eaning w ithin th e English word "wall” th e com pass perhaps indicates th e grow ing dom inance of th e sky gods. City m
4. “They assum e precisely th is fo rm of bricks th a t ensures Qieir integ ratio n into History, 73.
th e h ig h er unity.” Gilles Deleuze a n d F^lix G uattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism 28. M um ford, City in History, 46. n
and Schizophrenia, tran s. R obert Hxxrley, H elen R. Lane, a n d M ark Seem 29. Paul Virilio, Bunker Archaeology, tran s. George CoUms (New York. Princeton
(M inneapolis: U hiversity o f M innesota Press, 1983), 199. A rchitectural Press, 1994), 38. iqqqs -a-ao
5. Deleuze an d G uattari, Attti-Oedfpus, 196. 30. Andr6 Leroi-Gourhan. Gesture and Speech (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993), 332.
6. See Aurangzeb K han an d C arsten Lemmen, “Bricks an d U rbanism in th e Indus 31. O n th e difference an d connection betw een th e h o rizo n tal an d vertical gr^-w all
Valley Rise an d Decline,” Ju ly 24, 2014, History and Philosophy of Physics, h ttp :// see Spiro Kostof, The City Shaped: Urban Patterns and Meanings through History
arxiv.org/abs/1303.1426. . (Boston: Little, Brown, 1991), 138-139.
7. Euclid, Elements, book I, definition 15 a n d 16. My italics. T ranslation b y Richard 32. M um ford, City in History, 27.
Fitzpatrick. h ttp ://isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topicl047845.files/E lem ents. 33. See C. J. Gadd. Hammurabi and the End of His Dynasty (Cambridge: U m versity
pdf Press, 1965). _
8. Euclid, Elements, book I, postu late 3. 34. C ited in Oswald Dilke, The Roman Land Surveyors: Arflntrodactioh to theAgrimen-
9. The etym ology o f th e w ord murus em phasizes th e process o f “fixing o r building" sores (N ew ton Abbot: David a n d Charles, 1971), 20.
(from *mei-), and n o t th e "governing o r ruling” (from *wal-) of th e wall. 35. M um ford, City in History, 64. ^ <n,^
10. Plutarch, Moralia, volum e 1, "How a M an May Become Aware of His Progress in 36. H eather Baker, “Babylonian Land Survey in S o a o - p o h ti^ Conteirt. m The
V irtue,” in Plutarch's Complete Works, vol. 2 (Princeton, N J: P rinceton U niversity Empirical Dimension of Ancient Near Eastern Studies, ed. G ebhard J. Selz (Vienna.
Press, 1909), 134. LIT Verlag, 2011), 297.
11. K han a n d Lemmen, “Bricks an d Urbanism.” 37. D uncan Melville, “O ld Babylonian W eights a n d M easures, h ttp ://it.stlaw u .ed u /
12. Lemmen, “Bricks a n d Urbanism,” 6. The m ap clearly show s a n explosion of brick -dm elvill/m esom ath/obm etrology.htm l.
usages a fte r 3200 BCE. 38. H erodotus, The History of Herodotus, book 2,109. T ranslated by S. R appoport CIhe
13. See M. L. Smith, "The Archaeology of South A sian Cities," Journal of Archaeological Grolier Society Publishers, London).
Research 14.2 (2006): 97-142. 39. C ited in Dilke, Roman Land Surveyors, 21.
Notes [237]
[2361 Notes
7 8 “W isdom is a m o st sure stronghold w hich never crum bles away n o r is betrayed.
40. Dilke, Roman Land Surveyors, 22.
Walls of defense m u s t be constructed in o u r ow n im pregnable
41. See H. W. Fairm an, Town Planning in Pharaonic Egypt (Liverpool: U niversity Press,
1949). Diogenes L aertius relaying th e th o u g h ts of A ntisthenes a
of Gorgia in Lives of Eminent PhUosophers. book VI, chapter 1. Im e 13. (H arvar
42. M um ford, City in History, 81.
University Press, Loeb Classical Library, 1925).
43. M um ford, City in History, 207.
79. See J o h n Protevl, Political Physics: Deleuze, Demda, and the Body Politic
44. See Sir H enry Geroge Lyons, The Cadastral Survey of Egypt 1892-1907 (Cairo:
N ational Print. D ept, 1908) (London: A thlone Press, 2001), 115-117.
45. See Ellen M orris, The Architecture of Imperialism: Military Bases and the Evolution of
80. Dilke, Roman Land Surveyors. 87.
81 O lwen Brogan, T h e Rom an Limes in Germany. Archaeological Journal 92
foreign Policy in Egypt's New Kingdom (Leiden: Brill, 2005).
(1935)-1; C ^ . W hittaker, Frontiers of the Roman Empire: A Social
46. Dilke, Roman Land Surveyors, 23-25.
Study (Baltimore: Jo h n s H opkins U niversity Press, 1994), 200; ^ d E d w ^ d R
47. M um ford, City in History, 192.
The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire^from
48. Dilke, Roman Land Surveyors, 23.
the Third (Baltimore: Jo h n s H opkins U niversity Press. 1976), 19. O n m i l i t ^
49. Strabo, Geography, vol. 1, book 4, chapter 1, section 5.
^ d b o o k s , see B rian Campbell, "Teach Yourself How to Be a General. Journal of
50. Strabo, Geography, vol. 2, book 12, chapter 4, section 7.
51. A ristophanes, Birds, 1290. R o p i a n Studies 77 (1987): 13-29. ti yyrli< Timitis
52. SeeKostof,77ie City Sloped, 95-158. 82. Andrfi Piganiol. " U n o tio n de limes." Q uintus C o n ^ ^ u s ^ n t e r n a t .^
Romani Studiosorum (Zagreb: Jugoslavenka A kadem ija Z nanosti, 1963), 12 .
53. M um ford, City in History, 192.
54. Dilke, Roman Land Surveyors, 31-33.
84. Nort/iem Frontiers of Roman Britain (London: Batsford.
55. Dilke, Roman Land Surveyors, 15.
56. Virgil, Aeneid, book 5 ,7 4 6 . 1982), 84.
57. ' Jacques Ancel, Giopolitique (Paris: Delagrave, 1936), 33.
86. Sm ofirid^Divine. The North-west Frontier of Rome: A Military Study of Hadrian s
58. Siculus Flaccus, De condicionibus agrorum, in Campbell, Writings of the
Roman Land Surveyors, 102-33, 104, 105; Siculus Flaccus, De Condicionibus Wall (London: M acdonald. 1969). . ,n i
87. Procopius, Anecdota, XXIV. 12, in Procopius, tran s. H. B. Dewmg, Greek-Enghs
Agrorum, lines 104-105.
ed 7 vols. (London: William Heinemann, 1954), vol. 6.
59. Siculus Flaccus, De Condicionibus Agrorum, lines 120-121.
88. Fergus Millar, The Roman Empire and Its Neighbours (New York: D elacorte Press.
60. Brice, Stronghold, 48.
61. Brice, Stronghold, 49. 1968). 105.
62. W hile th e origin o f th e ram p art begins w ith th e encircling wall o f th e an cien t city, 89. Brice, Stronghold, 60.
n o t all ram p arts are continuous circles. 90. Brice, Stronghold, 56.
63. Gilles Deleuze a n d F^lix G uattari, A ThousandPlateaus: Capitalism andSchizophrenia,
S B r e w e ^ ^ o S e m Fmnriere. 161; an d J o h n Cecil M ann, "The Frontiers of th e
trans. B rian M assum i (M inneapolis: U niversity of M innesota Press, 1987),
Principate," Aufstieg und Niedergang der RSmischen Welt 2 (1974): 508.
431 n . 14.
93. Greeks. Romans, and Barbarians: Spheres of Interaction
64. M um ford, City in History, 36.
65. Childe, '“The U rban Revolution," 7. (New York: M ethuen, 1988), 3. , ^ irc-T
94. M. G. Lay. Ways of the W oM A History of the WorUS Roads and of ^ Vehcles That
66. M um ford, City in History, 37. See also Childe, "The U rban Revolution."
Used Them (New Brunswick. N J: Rutgers U niversity Press. 1992), 93.
67. M um ford, City in History, 37.
68. See Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion (New York: Sheed 8t Ward,
96. ^ ^ T v i l i ^ N e g a t i v c Horizon: An Essay in Dromoscopy. tran s. M ichael D egener
1958).
69. The Epic of Gilgamesh, tab let I i:l-1 9 . A ndrew George (Penguin Classics, 2003).
97. Emperor." t r ^ ^ M a r k - H a n f ^ t ^ ™
70. M um ford, City in History, 35. nybooks.coin^bgs/nyrblog/2011/juV01/message-emperor-new-trmslat^^^^^^
71. Brice, Stronghold, 35.
98 - L arm y is always stro n g enough w hen i t ra n go an d come, exten^d itself an d draw
72. Brice, Stronghold, 35.
i ^ S in, as it w ishes a n d w hen i t wishes." Paul Virilio attrib u tes th is phrase
73. Brice, Stronghold, 35.
to th e .o rie n t C hinese stm teg ist Se M a in Virilio, Negative Horizon, 58.
74. Plato, Laws, book V, 745c. My italics. Plato, Complete Works, edited by J o h n Cooper
(Cambridge: H ackett Publishing Company, 1997).
75. Plato, Lows, book VI, 778e-779d.
East, ab o u t 4 0 0 0 BCE. See Richard Kirby, Engmeenng m History (New York.
76. Plato, Laws, book VI, 778e-779d.
77. “W ith respect to walls, those w ho say th a t a courageous people o u g h t n o t to have McGraw-Hill, 1956).
any, pay to o m uch respect to obsolete n otions; particularly as we m ay see those 101. C ited in Lay, Ways of the World, 50. ^ , j iq c q \
102. See L. S. De Camp, The Ancient Engineers (G arden City: Doubleday, 1963).
w ho pride them selves th erein continually confuted by facts." A ristotle, Politics,
book VII, chapter XI. 103. Lay, Ways of the World, 50.
Notes l239]
[238] Notes
104. Lay, Ways of the World, 45.
105. Lay, Ways of the World, 45.
106. See Lionel Casson, Travel in the Ancient World (Baltimore: Jo h n s H opkins
U niversity Press, 1994).
107. H erodotus, The History of Herodotus, vol. 2, b ook VIII, line 98. Press, 2003), 178.
108. As th e Delphic Oracle told, “W hen all was lost, a w ooden wall should still shelter 6. A nderson, Passages, 151.
th e A thenians.” Those n o ncom batants w ho p u t th e ir tr u s t in palisades died in the 7. Anderson, Passages, 148.
fire. Those A thenians like Themistocles, w ho believed th e Oracle was referring to 8. A nderson, Passages, 152. My italics.
th e w ooden w ar galleys, to o k th e fleet to sea a n d defeated th e Persians a t Salamis. 9 . From the root-/eg/i, to lay down. .„c^«VmrpnzoParenti-Castelliand
See Brice, Stron^old, 45. 10. For a n in-depth kinettc jo M odel H um an Joints," in 21st
109. “By 2000 BCE m etal tools allowed m any an cien t cities to create flagstones for
paving local streets a n d paths. A round th is tim e th e M inoans of Crete created
th e largest an d m o st innovative paved road. This first m ajor road way from the
capital a t K nossus to th e sea p o rt o f Leben was th e m o st advanced a n d successful
early road because i t was so architecturally sim ilar to a h o rizo n tal wall. In stead of
c ^ re n d o n Pressi New York: Oxford
sim ply settin g dow n irregularly cu t flat sto n es‘on th e earth , it was m ade o f thick
(200m m ) evenly cu t san d sto n e pieces b o u n d to g eth er by a clay-gypsum m ortar,
and a 4 m wide surface o f basaltic flagstones flanked by m o rtare d pieces o f lim e 11. M " u S r L o r y of Sexuality, vol. 1: An Introduction, trano, R obert
stone, a n d lined w ith side drains. This M inoan technique w ould n o t be im proved Hurley (New York: V intage, 1990), 87.
u p o n fo r over th ree m illennia,” Lay, Ways o f the World, 52. 12. jea„Bodln,7heSixBoofceof£lCommomvea!e:
110. Lay, Ways of the World, 52.
111. Lay, Ways of the World, 53.
112. Raym ond Chevallier, Roman Roads (Berkeley: U niversity of California Press, Douglas McRae (Cambridge. MA: Harvard Umversity Press, 196 )-
1976), 65. 14. Bodin, Les six livres, book I, chapter VII. L’Hdpital: Oeuvres
113. Pliny th e Elder, Historic Naturalis, 18, 111; Lay, Ways of the World, 59. 15 Bodin, Les six livres, introduction, xix. See also P. y»
114. Lay, Ways of the World, 55.
115. “A nd a fte r Phrygia succeeds th e river Halys, a t which th e re is a gate w hich one 1.
m u st needs pass th ro u g h in order to cross th e river, a n d a strong guard-post is
established there." H erodotus, The Histories of Herodotus, book V, line 52.
116. H erodotus, The Histories of Herodotus, book I, line 180. 2002),109.
117. N atalie May, "Gates a n d Their F unctions in M esopotam ia and' A ncient Israel," 17. EUenblum, "Borders an d Bo^derhnes, .
in The Fabric of Cities: Aspects o f Urbanism, Urban Topography and Society in 18. Kim WiUsher. "H istory ^ 4 http://w w w .raw story.
Mesopotamia, Greece and Rome, ed. Natalie May an d Ulrike S teinert (Boston: Brill, Frozen NeoUthic M an. h ad 57. Guardian May 4 ' ,k - 5 r o t y e a r s -
com /rs/2014/05/04/history-of-tattoos-stretches-back 50UU year
2014), 77-121; 79.
118. M um ford, City in History, 71-72. frozen-neoHthic-man-have-57/. Political Anthropology
119. Virilio, Speed and Politics, 33. 19 Pierre Clastres, Society agamst the State, assays
120. M um ford, City in History, 66.
121. For a detailed historical analysis of these functions in th e ancient n e a r ea st see
May, “Gates a n d Their Functions.” Greece (Princeton, N J; P rinceton U m versity Press,.1994),
122. Plutarch, Lives, Romulus, chapter 1. 21. Plato, Lows, 854d.
123. See J. Laet, Portorium: l^tude sur I'organisation douaniere chez les Remains, surtout d 22 Steiner, The Tyrant's Writ, 155.
Y6poque du haut-empire (New York: A m o Press, 1975).
124. See Brice, Stronghold, 60.
125. M um ford, City in History, 28.
CHAPTER 4
1. A lexander D iener a n d Jo sh u a H agen, Borders: A Very Short Introduction (New York:
O xford U niversity Press, 2012), 38.
2. Peter Sahlins, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley: ■ 2007), 159.
U niversity o f California Press, 1989), 6.
Notes [241]
[2401 Notes
27. G roebner, W/ioAreyou?, 156. M. PoUaca, Writings, ed. E. M. A tkins an d R obert D odaro (Cambridge:
28. Groebner, PVho Are Vbu?, 156,157.
Cambridge U niversity Press, 2001), 123-124.
29. Groebner, Who Are ibu?, 157.
65. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 221.
30. For an elaboration of th is p o in t see Groebner, Who Are You?, 171-221.
66 Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 143.
31. Groebner, Who Are K>«?, 171. D arlene H edsttom , T h e Geography of th e M o n ^ tic Cefl in Early Egyptian
32. Groebner, WhoAreYou?, 157. M onastic Literature," Church History 78.4 (2009): 767.
33. Groebner,W hoAreYou?, 156.
34. Groebner,W hoAreYou?, 159. I" C am bridgeUniversity
35. Groebner, Who Are 7ou?, 161.
Press, 1990), 71.
36. Groebner, WhoAreYou?, 162. 70. H edstrom , “Geography of M onastic CeU, 385.
37. Groebner,W hoAreYou?, 171. 71. Cited in Hedstrom, "Geography of M onastic CeU. 383.
38. “C arrying a passeport, a n authorized, sealed d o cum ent fu rnishing personal details
72. A nderson, Passages, 134.
ab o u t th e ir bearer, was now n o longer a privilege, b u t a n obligation.” Groebner,
73 Backman. Worlds of Medieval Europe, 73. «„
Who Are You?, 175, 74 “W hile th e dom inant stra n d o f m onasticism came from th e
39. Maurice H artoy, Histoire du passeport frangais, depuis I'antiquitS jusqu'd nos jours:
o th er stra n d cam e from th e Celtic people of, w hat is t o ^ ,
Histoire U^slative e t doctrinale, analyse et critique, renseignernents pratiques (Paris: an d th e B ritish Isles. For th e Celts, m onasticism offered a n escape from ru r
Champion, 1937), 3 4 -3 5 . misery and clan warfare. By 600 CElrelandhadweU o v e r a h n n ie d th r iim g m o n -
40. Groebner,W hoAreYou?, 172. a s t e S s an d a b b e y s - th e m o st fuUy m onasticiaed region in Europe. Backman,
41. G roebner, WhoAreYou?, 172.
Worlds ofMedieval Europe, 76. ^
42. G roebner, Who Are You?, 175. 75 Thissociallegislationisfinancedbytherenouncedw ealthofitsm ^^
43. Jo sep h Byrne, Encyclopedia of the Black Death (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 7fi ^ince S aint Pachomius, th e "father of cenobitic m onasticism , also sp en t tim e
2012), 37. L S e " L n y , M arilyn D u n n suggests th a t th is ceUular structure nmy
44. Byrne, Encyclopedia of Black Death, 3 7 -3 8 . See also Carlo CipoUa, Public Health
havT even b een p a r L ll y Inspired by R om an arm y
and the Medical Profession in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge U niversity Development of Communal U fe ,-in M m er g en ce efM o n « ^ ^ ^
Press, 1976); a n d A nn Carmichael, Plague and the Poor in Renaissance Florence Futl.erstet).e£urlyMidd;eAges(Malden,MA;Blackwell,2000) 29.
(Cambridge: Cambridge U niversity Press, 1986), 116.
7 7 For floor plans an d additional details of th e cellular
45. G roebner, WhoAreYou?, 178-179. c h a r t e r h o L s see Roger Palmer, English M onustenes in the Middle Ages, ^
46. Groebner, Who Are You?, 179. S n e o f Monastic Architecture and Custom from the Conquest to the Supptesslo
47. Frank Aydelotte, Elizabethan Rogues and Vagabonds (Oxford: C larendon Press,
1913). See also A. L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560- 7 8 .C o to Ih e o 2 s ta l!e S o m m s e n a n d P .M e y e r ® ^ ^ ^ ^
1640 (London: M ethuen, 1985). 79 Edward Peters, "Prison before th e Prison: The A ncient an d M eheval W o r l ^
48. C ited by G roebner, Who Are You?, 191. ' in The Oxford History of the Prison: The Practice o f Punishment m Western Society,
49. Groebner,W hoAreYou?, 191. ” d.“ l r r i s m d David J. R othm an (New York: O xford U niversity Press,
50. G roebner, WhoAreYou?, 200.
51. All cited in G roebner, Who Are You?, 201, 80. j S e r e m t e , Im a g e s of th e Cloister: Haven or Prison,” Mediaevalia 12 (1989 for
52. Bodin, Six Lfvres, boo k VI, chapter 1.
53. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, tran s. Alan Sheridan 81. G u T c ^ L t - M e d i e v a l Prisons: B etw een M yth a n d Reality, Hell an d Purgatory,"
(New York: P antheon Books, 1977), 147. My italics.
History Compass 4 (2006): 5. ^ _
54. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 170.
82. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 238.
55. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 148. My italics.
56. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 172. S ' Medieval Society: Power. Disdpline, and Resistance in
57. Emilia Jam roziak a n d Karen Stdber, Monasteries on the Borders of Medieval
Languedoc Uthaca, NY: ComeU U niversity Press, 1997).
Europe: Conflict and Cultural Interaction (T um hout: Brepols, 2013), 2.
85 Geltner, “Medieval Prisons," 10.
58. Lewis Mxmiford, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its 86 Given’s w ork does m uch to correct Foucault’s om ission of th e pow er of th e m e i
Prospects (New York: H arcourt, Brace & World, 1961), 246. ■ CTal prisons an d th eir distinctly pre-E nlightenm ent origins. See Given, Inquisition
59. M um ford, City in History, 247.
60. C ited in M um ford, City in History, 247. See also B ernard a n d Je a n Mabillon, Opera
and Medieval Society. v o- i , ”
87 Saint Benedictine. Rule ofSaintBenedict. chapter 36: .
Omnia (Paris: A pud Gaume Fratres, 1839), 663. 88. See G. B. Risse, Mending Bodies. Saving Souls: A History of Hospitals (New York.
61. A ugustine, The Monastic Rules (Hyde Park, NY: N ew City Press, 2004), chapter 1.
O xford U niversity Press, 1999).
62. Saint A nthony, Sermons for Sundays and Festivals (Padova: M essaggero di
89. Benedictine, Rule of Saint Benedict, chapter 36.
Sant'A ntonio, 2007).
Notes [2431
[242] Notes
7 See Giorgio A gamben, “M ovem ent,- transcribed a n d tran slated by A t t a n a B ov^
90. Roy Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity h ttp ://v .^ .g e n e ta tio n -o n lin e .o rg /p /fp a g a m b e n 3 .h tm ; an d E rn st Jtm ger T o td
(New York: N orton. 1997), 127-128. M ^ iliz a tio m - in The Heidegger Controversy: A Critical Reader, ed, Ricbard W obn
91. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 161.
92. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 149. Foucault argues th a t th e m ain difference be
(Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993). , /■< ha j v
8. L c h e l Foucault, Security, Territory, Population: LeMree o t tbe ’
tw een m edieval an d eighteen th -cen tu ry discipline was liia t m edieval discipline 1977-78 tran s. A lessandro F ontana (Basingstoke; Palgrave MacmiBan, 2007), 20.
h ad a negative function, “n o t to w aste time," w hereas by th e eig h teen th century
9. C ited in D ean W ilson, Vie Beat: Policing a Victorian City (Beaconsfield, AustraUa.
it h as a m ore positive function, “to become m ore productive" (154). W hile all the
o th e r basic characteristics are shared betw een medieval a n d eighteenth-century
10 ^ T m e c h a n S d m o v em en ts of th e body d u rin g driU, p a ra d e a n d th e b eat
disciplinary power, “productivity" is n o t, because it is n o t, I argue, an aspect t o e l f " n t r e n c h e d in th e officers, so th a t w earing p la in clothes or ^ y
of juridical kinopow er, which ends approxim ately in th e sev en teen th century.
o th e r a tte m p ts to conceal th e ir id e n tity could n o t erase th e
Productivity is an aspect of a different fo rm o f pow er: economic kinopower. W hat
fo rm ed service. D etective In sp ecto r A ndrew L ansdow ne
Foucault defines as "disciplinary power" is actually th e historical tran sitio n o r
oirs th a t th e com m on d efin itio n o f a poUce d etectiv e was o n e w ho m arches
adm ixture betw een th e decline o f juridical kinopow er an d th e rise o f economic
along th e s tre e ts w ith th e m easu red tre a d o f a bobhy w arn in g all ,
kinopow er th a t occurs in th e eig h teen th century.
his approach, a n d m ak in g i t clear to every crim inal th a t a detective is nem .
93. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 150. Thus th e ir physique, w hich displayed a ttrib u te s e sse n tia l to law enforce
94. See Jo h n Scattergood, “W riting th e Clock: The R econstruction o f Tim e in th e Late
m e n t, could L o im p air th a t v ery sam e goal." H aia Shpayer-M akov Sheddm g
Middle Ages," European Review 11.4 (2003): 4 5 3 -474. th e U niform a n d A cquiring a New M asculine Im age; The Case of th e Late
95. See Carmichael, Plague and the Poor, 108-126.
V i c t o r i a ” d E dw ardian E nglish Police D etective," in A
96. Byrne, Encyclopedia of Black Death, 305.
M asculinities, 1700-2010, ed. D avid G. B arrie a n d S usan BroomhaU (A bingdon,
97. Byrne, Encyclopedia of Black Death, 305.
98. Byrne, Encyclopedia of Black Death, 326. 11 m ain stre e ts of * e centre
99. Byrne, Encyclopedia ofBlackDeath, 325. lis betw een 9 a.m. a n d 7 p.m." CUve Emsley, Crime and Society in England, 1750-
100. Orders Conceived and Published by the Lord Major and Aldermen of the City of London,
1900 ffiondon; Longm an, 1987), 229, “In France, ^
Concerning the Infection of the Plague (London: P rin ted by Ja m es Flesher, 1665). w ere patroUed by a centralized, royal constabulary, th e Mar«chauss4e. A ™ e1 “ d
101. Byrne, Encyclopedia of Black Death, 326. accoutered like m valrym en, th e cavaliers of th e M ar^chaussSe w ere ex-soldiers
102. Byrne, Encyclopedia of Black Death, 208.
an d th e In stitu tio n h a d b een estabU shed originally to pohce * e
103. Byrne, Encyclopedia of Black Death, 210. ch v e Emsley, Crime, Police, and Penal Policy: European Experiences, 1750 1940
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 66. <?tate
CHAPTERS 12. Alan W illiams, The Police of Paris, 1718-1789 (B aton Rouge: Louisiana State
1. For a closer study o f these m igratory figures see Thomas Nail, The Figure of the
Migrant (Stanford: S tanford U niversity Press, 2015), 145-178. U niversity Press, 1979), 189.
13. W illiams, Police o f Paris, 189-190. tj
2. Giuliano Procacci provides th e m o st convincing re fu tatio n of Pirenne an d 14. Jerem y B entham , An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislatio
Sweezy’s im m obility thesis. “To assert th a t feudalism was a n im m obile historical
form ation, n o t itself capable o f in te rn a l developm ent b u t m erely susceptible to 15. The Birth of the Prison, tran s. Alan Sheridan
ex ternal influence is precisely to pose th e problem in term s o f ran d o m contin
gency a n d n o t in term s of dialectical interaction.” G iuliano Procacci, "A Survey of 16 fa id ^ J P w S m ^ rebel against society. w U t rem ains for
th e Debate,” Societd 11 (1955): 129. thembuttobeg?Andsurelyno one can w onder a t th e great arm y of b e ^ a r s .m o s
3. Eric Hobsbawm, "The General Crisis of th e European Economy in th e 17th
of th e m able-bodied m en. w ith w hom th e police c a ^ e s
Century," Past and Present 5.1 (1954): 33-53. M arx an d Friedrich Engels. Karl Marx. Frederick Epgils, voL 4 ao n d o n T taw ren ce
4. "A g reat n u m b er o f p easan ts were driven in to vagabondage o r forced to become
city plebeians by th e d estru ctio n of th e ir domiciles a n d th e d evastation o f th e ir 17 B erita i v i d e d in to 118 precincts (Reviere). each ^ d e r th e supervi
fields in addition to th e general disorder.” Friedrich Engels, The Peasant War in sion o 7 a U eutenant. For th e purposes of discipline an d controL th e precm cts e
Germany, trans. M oissaye Olgin (New York: In tern atio n al Publishers, 1966), 147. grouped in to th irte e n districts (Hooptmannschafien), a captain in ^ g e of e a A
5. Jacques Turgot, “Eloge de V incent de Goumay,” Mercure, A ugust 1759, rep rin ted T d L c h containing from eight to te n precincts. See Raym ond Fosdick, European
in A nne-R obert-Jacques Turgot, Oeuvres De Turgot, vol. 1 (Paris: Guillaxxmin, Police Svstenw (Montclair: Patterson Sm ith, 1969), 115. „ «
1844), 288; M arquis de M irabeau, Philosophie rurale, 1763 a n d Ephimirides du
18. L c q u e l R and^re, Dissensus: On Politics and Aesthetics, tran s. Steve Corcoran
Citoyen, 1767.
(London: C ontinuum , 2010), 36. My italics.
6. Giorgio Agamben, The Kingdom and the Glory: Fora Theological Genealogy of Economy 19. C rim inality is n o t a new phenom enon, b u t m o d em policing creates a new type of
and Government, tran s. Lorenzo Chiesa an d M atteo M andarin! (Stanford: Stanford
bo rd er betw een legality an d criminality.
U niversity Press, 2011), 17.
Notes [245]
[244] Notes
4 4 “Constables were to p rev en t crim e th ro u g h regular p atro ls tlw t w ould m ake A e
20. M ark Neocleous, The Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of Police Power ■ crim inals aware th ey were being w atched an d reassure law -abidm g citizens th a t
(London: Pluto Press, 2000), 82. order was being m aintained." W ilson, The Beat, 44.
21. In th e m o s t system atic study of th e Paris police before th e revolution, Alan 45 “However, to project th e necessary awe an d clout, th e officer h a d to have a phy
Williams concludes th a t th e provision of security a n d th e m aintenance o f order sique ffiat c o iL u n ic a te d the nught possessed by the poHce an d ^ d e r s c o r e d ^ ^ ^
were th e overriding concerns of th e police force, w ith d e terre n t p atro l as its m ain r o k in society. Police officers were expected to be stro n g m order to °verp°w er
activity. See W illiams, Police of Paris, 202; see also table 2, 68. “This is in p a rt persons if a 7 o ffe n se was com m itted, to convey an im age of
confirm ed by Pierre Clem ent, in one o f th e earliest historical studies o f th e Old p o ten tial offenders, a n d to be conspicuous in case help was needed. Shpayer
Regime police: crim e a n d stre e t disorders are d te d as prim e concerns, w ith d ete r
re n t p atro l as th e m ain police activity. In h is m em oir, Lenoir declares th a t crime 46 tf ^ constable w ere conrplem ented by ^
control is th e ‘m o st im m ense a n d m o st im portant* o f all police functions." Jean- S y ste m of beat p atroW h ich envisaged in d i^ d u a lco .« to b le sm o ™ g at^
Paul Brodeur, The Policing Web (Oxford: O xford U niversity Press, 2010), 10. ^Krnll<Th soace The regularity an d uniform ity o f th e constable o n th e beat
22. C ited in Neocleous, Fabrication of Social Order, 6. L u l d b e p r^ e c te d o u t o n to th e space th ro u g h w hich h e m oved, police
23. Thomas H obbes, Leviathan, ed. Richard Tuck (Cambridge: Cambridge U niversity h o ^ h i e i n g about control over public space th ro u g h steady s u r v e t o c e an d
Press, 1991), 128. n h v s T c 'a l ^ p l e - D ean W ilson, -W eU-Set-Up M en’; Respectable M a s ^ h m ty
24. Foucault, Security, Territory, Population, 98. ! ! ; r P o t e o i n i z a t i o n a l C ulture in M elbourne 1853-c. 1920, in Barrie an d
25. Foucault, Security, Territory, Population, 313. My italics.
26. Neocleous, Fabrication of Social Order, 3. 47 ^ ° e r i S y ” f o ™ e t Officer of th e London M etropoU tan PoUm , poUce >=ea«
27. J u s ti, Staatswirtshaft a n d Grujidsatze der policeywissenschaft, b o th cited in W. i ^ T L e d to M elbourne in 1854 an d divided th e d t y in to i s c r e t e “ P -
Small, The Cameralists: The Pioneers of German SocialPolity (Kitchener, ON: Batoche, vide ro u n d -th e-cb ck surveillance. The regularity of
2001), 3 0 7 ,3 6 6 ,4 3 7 . th e regulated body of th e constable. Beats were revised to 1859 8
28. Neocleous, Fabrication of Social Order, 13. m aps ^ d i v i d u a l beats compiled by S u perintendent P r e ^ . whic
29. S eeFranc^oisQ uesnay(1694-1774), Maximesgin£ralesdugouvememenUconomique h e claim ed 'relate w ith m inuteness th e m an n er in w hich th ey s h o d d be w or .
d'un royaume agricole, in Physiocratie ou constitution naturelle du gouvemement I n d l ^ a l beats were tim ed, th e su p erin ten d e n t having n o te d w here every con-
le plus au humain, ed. Pierre Sam uel D u Pont de N em ours (Paris: M erlin, 1768), stable w ould be a t ten -m in u te intervals. By 1888 tw o m iles p e r h o u r was ^ s e s s e d
99-122; republished in Franfois Quesnay e t la physiocratie, Vol 2 (Paris: In s titu t l T * e ” oreect walking pace to observe ’people an d places.’ -Ihe b e a t system was
N ational d’fitudes Dem ographiques), 9 4 9 -9 7 6 . Tn^saged™ a g ian t o L o o r in p m a tio n of BenUiam’s p ^ o p U c o n - a m assive
30. Nicolas de la Mare, Traitd de la police (Paris: Chez M. B runet, 1719), 2. v is io n -la c h in e in m o tio n c o n s S u te d from a m u ltitu d e of h u m an m oving p arts.
31. Jean-C harles-Pierre Lenoir, Ordonnance de M. Le Lieutenant Giniral De Police
(Paris: De rim p rim erie royale, 1779), 34. 48. ^ t i ™ s i r e ‘l i o m ' ^ * t o e in m otion constructed from a m ultitude of hu m an
32. Foucault, Security, Territory, Population, 314-315.
33. rb^r1«»a de Secondat b aro n de M ontesquieu, The Spirit of Laws, trans. Thomas 49 ^ ™ « t T e t ™ ! t a " c o r b t a a t i o n ^ t h tiie hierarchical and
N ugent, vol. 2 (New York: Bell, 1892), book 2 6 ,1 6 8 . ’ tu re of th e poUce organization, situ ated th e average fo o t constable w ithto a s m c t
34. Klaus M ladek, Police Forces: A Cultural History of an Institution (New York: Palgrave r e t i m e T w h a t is of significance h ere is th e functioning o f th e beat
Macmillan, 2007), 51. My italics. ^^m ^^kin^dofinternalpanopticonw hichm onitorednoto
35. Foucault, Security, Territory, Population, 3 4 4 -34 8. b u t th e poUce them selves. E xperim ents h a d already b een “ “ f ”
36. See Im m anuel Kant, “W hat Is Enlightenm ent?" in Perpetual Peace and Other Essays S l y 1850’s to ensure constables patrolled th eir beats w ith regularity. Wilson,
on Politics, History, andMorab, tran s. Ted H um phrey (Indianapolis: H ackett, 1983).
37. “It will be necessary to arouse, to facilitate, a n d to laisser faire, in o th e r words 50. ^ p r “ s S f t a S suburbs of th e M etropolis *■= P ° “ “ P^“ ° '
to m anage a n d n o longer to control d iro u g h rules a n d regulations.” Foucault, th ree m iles an hour, an d th e p resen t arran g em en t aa-to s m ^ e 4 i a t r o l . ^ * e
Security, Territory, Population, 352. S lic e m e n shaU pass every p a rt of his b eat once in a q u arter of “
38. M ontesquieu, The Spirit of Laws, book 12. of th is arran g em en tis th a t depredators c a l^ a tb u p o n th e ° P P ^ = ^ “ ^ ^
39. GQnther H einrich v o n Berg, Handbuch des Teutschen Policeyrechts, 2 n d ed., vol. 1 to th e m during th is q u arter of a n hour, a n d arrange for it; they w a tA
(H annover: Hahn, 1802), 13. proach o f th e patroL an d m ay h ear his footfalL" E d w n The
40. Karl M arx an d Frederick Engels, "On Freedom o f th e Press, Proceedings o f th e Sixth Nations (London: Longm ans, 1965), 4 3 4 -4 3 5 . A perfect to o w le d p
Rhine Province Assembly" (1842), in Collected Works, vol. 1 (London: Lawrence & every evening of th e different routes a n d situ atio n s of th e patroles. they
W ishart. 1975), 163. n a ^ w l y w a s h e d , a n d th eir vigilance (wherever they are vigilant) is m to o m any
41. Marx an d Engels, "Freedom of th e Press," 163. l ^ ^ I s l S t e d . " Patrick C o ^ o u n , A Tmarise on tlie Police ihe Metropolis
42. Edwin Chadwick, "Preventive Police," London Review, 1829, 255. a o n d o n : J. M awman, 1800). chapter 5,2 2 2 .
43. Brodeur, The Policing Web, 68.
I2 4 6 ] Notes
r
51. '"Those who adm in ister public pow er m u st have th e pow er an d th e rig h t to keep be approaching, an d th a t there was always one w ith in easy reach should anyone
w atch over th e citizens’ conduct; -they have police pow er a n d police legislation.” call for assistance." F. M. D odsworth, “The Idea of Police in E ighteenth-C entury
Jo h a n n G ottlieb Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right, tran s. Michael Baur, ed. England: Discipline, Reform ation, Superintendence, c. 1780-1800,” Journal of the
Frederick Nexihouser (Cambridge: Cambridge U niversity Press, 2000), 146. History of Ideas 69.4 (2008): 5 8 3 -604, 594-595. “Paris h ad by one count 8.500
52. He w atches rath e r th a n he acts a n d th e m ore he w atches a n d th e less h e needs to rio ts d u ring th e eighteenth century. In th is scenario, th e CP [commissaire de police]
act. See Jo sep h Michel A ntoine Servan, Discours sur Vadministration de la justice becomes som ething like a guard in Jerem y B entham ’s Panopticon p rison (or h o s
criminelle (A GenSve, 1767), 17. C ited by Brodeur, The Policing Web, 57. pital, hospice, or school), representing ‘th e architecture of surveillance,' though
53. S e r y ^ , Discours, 23. w ith o u t walls, w hich w ould m ake unnecessary vigilant, aggressive policing.” Jo h n
54. W ilson, The Beat, 50. M errim an, Police Stories: Building the French State, 1815-1851 (New York: Oxford
55. “London’s new ly-form ed police force o f 1829 was distinguished from th e old U niversity Press, 2006), 11.
w atch system by th e intro d u ction o f an around-the-clock patrol, designed to p re 61. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 214.
v e n t crim e ra th e r th a n sim ply a rre st offenders a fte r th e fact. . . . A regular u n i 62. “The practices em ployed by th e functionaries of th e crim inal justice system s to
form ed police b eat w ould m ake th e ‘crim inal class’ aware th a t th ey were u n d er achieve th e ir aim s were also similar: patrols, surveillance, registration, th e collec
surveillance, while sim ultaneously d eterrin g p o ten tia l offenders fro m com m it tio n of inform ation, incarceration, and so forth." Emsley, Crime, Police, 273.
tin g crim inal acts.” W ilson, The Beat, 45. 63. Emsley, Crime, Police, 131.
56. “W atch-houses are now placed a t convenient distances all over th e M etropolis; 64. W ilson, "Well-Set-Up Men.” 166.
w here a parochial constable atten d s, in ro tatio n , every n ig h t, to receive disorderly 65. W ilson, The Beat, 51.
a n d crim inal persons, an d to carry th em before a M agistrate n e x t m orning.— 66. Lenoir, Ordonnance, 66.
In each w atch-house also (in case o f fire) th e nam es of th e tum -cocks, a n d th e 67. Lenoir, Ordonnance, 6 8-69.
places where engines are kept, are to be found. This circum stance is m en tio n ed for 68. C ited in W ilson, The Beat, 53. Regulations, 1877,28.
th e inform ation of strangers u n acquainted w ith th e Police o f th e M etropolis; to 69. W ilson, The Beat, 51.
w hom it is recom m ended, in case o f fire, or any accident or disturbance requiring 70. Chadwick, The Health of Nations, 203.
th e assistance of th e Civil Power, to apply im m ediately to th e Officer o f th e night, 71. Emsley, Crime, Police, 120.
a t th e n earest w atch-house, or to th e w atchm en on th e beat.” Colquhoun, Treatise 72. Emsley, Crime, Police, 118.
on the Police, 1215. 73. Chadwick, “Preventative Policing,” 282.
57. "To establish a C orrespondence w ith th e M agistrates in Town a n d Country, so as 74. Fosdick, European Police Systems, 356.
to be able m ore effectually to w atch th e m otions of all suspected persons; w ith a 75. Fosdick, European Police Systems, 348.
view to quick a n d im m ediate detection; a n d to in terp o se such em barrassm ents in 76. Fosdick, European Police Systems, 316.
th e way o f every class o f offenders, as may dim inish crim es by increasing th e risk 77. Fosdick, European Police Systems, 280-281.
of detection: All th is, u n d er circum stances w here a centre-point would be form ed, 78. Foucault, Security, Territory. Population, 315.
a n d th e general affairs of th e Police conducted w ith m eth o d a n d regularity:— 79. “N apoleon w anted facts— facts about agriculture, th e economy in general, ^ e
w here M agistrates would find assistance a n d inform ation; w here th e g reater of population, an d w hat th e population was th in k in g an d doing. The various police
fenses, such as th e Coinage o f base Money, a n d L o ttery Insurances, would be in stitu tio n s w ere one source for such inform ation, particularly w ith reference to
traced to th e ir source." Colquhoim, Treatise on the Police, 80. th e m ovem ent of people an d to popular opinion.” Emsley, Crime, Police, 118.
58. Commission into the State of the Melbourne Police, 1855,11. C ited in W ilson, The 80. Foucault, Security, Territory, Population, 326.
Beat, 50. 81. Foucault, Security, Territory, Population, 335.
59. “How could rectitu d e possibly fear an d h ate th e eye o f such watchfulness?" Fichte, 82. Hobbes, Leviathan: A Critical Edition, ed. G. A. J. Rogers a n d Karl Schuhm ann
Foundations of Natural Right, 263. (London: C ontinuum , 2005), 200. ^ ^
60. M any police h istorians an d th eo rists have draw n on B entham ’s ideas to explain 83. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, tran s. G. D. H. Cole
policing. B rodeur w rites, "The m ain in stru m e n t of p revention was surveillance. In (London: J. M. D ent & Sons. 1920), 252.
h is eulogy o f d’Argenson, Fontenelle gave an early expression to th e B entham ian 84. Hobbes, Leviathan, 262. , . , . .
strateg y of p anoptic surveillance w hen h e w rote th a t one of th e functions of S5( Edwin Chadwick, On the Evils of Disunity in Central and Local Administration
th e police chief m ag istrate was “to be p resen t everyw here w ith o u t being seen." (London: Longm ans, Green, 1885), 95. / tt i
Brodeur, The Policing Web, 57. T h e b eat system was envisaged, as a g ian t outdoor 86. Clive Emsley, The English Police: A Political and Social History (Hemel
incarnation o f B entham 's panopticon—a m assive vision-m achine in m o tio n con H em pstead: H arvester W heatsheaf, 1991), 57.
stru c te d from a m u ltitu d e o f h u m an m oving parts.” W ilson, "Well-Set-Up Men," 87. David Garrioch, “T h e P aternal G overnm ent of Men: The Self-Image a n d Actioti
167. "There is a n obvious link betw een th e police p atro l a n d th e disciplinary so of th e Paris Police in th e E ighteenth Century," in Barrie an d Broom. History of
ciety, w ith th e policem an as ‘th e personification of panopticism .’ The very idea of Police, 38. ,_
p atro l as a m echanism o f crim e p revention was th a t crim in als would be deterred 88. C ited in Charles Clarkson an d J. H. Richardson. Police! (London: Field a n d Tuer,
because th ey n ev er knew w h eth er or n o t a w atchm an o r later a police officer m ight 1889), 3.
Notes [249]
[248] Notes
119. Brodeur, ThePolicingWeb, 52.
89. Emsley, Crime, Police, 66.
120. Emsley, Crime, Po/ice. 106. was reflected in practice by his
90. D idier Truchet, Ledroitpublic (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2003).
91. C ited in PaulVirilio, Speed and Politics:An Essay on Dromology (New York: Columbia T h is idea of
U niversity Press, 1986).43.
f r L a f c ™ of - at
92. Cited in Emsley, Crime, Police, 110-111.
93. Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right, 255.
94. Foucault, Security, Territory, Population, 18. introduction to History ofPolice, 15.
95. Jam es C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human
122. Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right, 2 .
Cpndition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale U niversity Press, 1998), 61.
96. M ontesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, ch ap te r xxiv.
123. Lenoir, Ordonnance, 110. fParis-De I'lm prim erie N ationals,
124 S aint-Just. Rapport sur les factions de litranger Claris. p
97. Chadwick, “Preventative Policing,” 274.
98. Chadwick, The Health of Nations, 435.
99. C ited in W ilson, The Beat, 75.
100. Lenoir, Ordonnance, 53.
101. W ilson, The Beat, xvi.
126. Emsley, Crime and Society. 225.
102. "The m ove-on law, a com bination of coim dl regulation a n d th e Police Offences Act
o f 1865, subsequently becam e a staple piece o f legislation fo r policing th e city."
W ilson, The Beat, 62.
a n d WiUiam M olesw orth (London: J o h n Bohn, 1840J.
103. C ited in W ilson, The Beat, 62.
104. C ited in W ilson, The Beat, 62.
105. E. P. Thom pson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: V intage, 1966). " l . T B . \ y h n e r , T h e M eaning a n d D efinidon of in Seventeenth-C entury
106. Mladek, Police Forces, 257. England." Past and Present 86 ( F e b r ^ 1980). 8 ^
107. Ranci6re, Dissensus, 37.
108. Servan, Discours, 18-19. U niveraity P r e . ,
109. Lenoir, Ordonnance, 267.
110. Jerem y B entham , A Manual of Political Economy (n.p.: n.p., 1800), 40, h ttp ://so c -
serv.m cm aster.ca/econ/ugcm /3ll3/bentham /m anualpoliticaleconom y.pdf.
111. C ited in W ilson, The Beat, 64.
112. Brodeur, The Policing Web, 57.
113. Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right, 258.
114. “The rig h t o f association a n d public m eeting.— By th e decrees of July 28, to
A ugust 2 ,1 8 4 8 , th e clubs are subjected to a m ass o f police regxilations, denying
th e m alm ost every liberty. For instance, th ey are n o t allowed to pass resolutions ^ 5. ColquhoundtedbyNeocieous,FabncationofSociaIOrder.5 .
in a legislative form , &c. By th e sam e law, all non-political circles a n d private re
6. F idite, Foundations of Natural Righ^ Sphere: AnInquiry
u n io n s are th row n entirely u n d er th e supervision a n d caprice o f th e police." Karl
M arx an d Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx, Frederick Engels: Collected Works , vol. 10,
(New York: In tern atio n al Publishers, 1975), 569.
115. “Some sen io r police officials believed deficiencies in tiie b e a t system cotild be rec Press, 1989), 110. De.vfTT «<>rtionVI no. I; Georg Hegel,
tified th ro u g h th e increased use o f plain-clothes police a n d th e su b stan tial re
organisation of existing police beats. The u tility o f th e plain-clothes p atro l was
expressed by Inspector Cawsey, w ho claim ed th a t 'th e th ie f can n o t know where
th e plain clothes m an is . . . a plain cloUies m an m ay p o p up a t any m om ent.'
Plain-clothes police functioning as ‘rovers' w ere th o u g h t to overcome th e predict
ability o f th e u n iform ed beat." W ilson, The Beat, 71.
116. Neocleous, Fabrication of Social Order, 4. of f ^ 8 2 0 d te d in Georg Hegel. Elem ent, of the Phioeophy of
117. “ ‘A m a n in u niform will hardly ever take a th ie f' explained S u p erintendent
A ndrew McLean to a parliam entary com m ittee som e five years a fter th e new 11 Hegel. Elements, paragraph. 244.
police were created. In th e sam e forum , th e com m issioners o f th e M etropolitan
Police re p o rted a n assessm ent th a t th ree-q u arters o f th e h e g g ars an d felons’ ap
p rehended were ta k en by officers 'in plain clothes.’" Emsley, Crime, Police, 110.
118. Lenoir, Ordonnance, 154. 1800), 9 4 -9 5 .
Notes 1251]
1250] Notes
40. Ian Hacking, The Taming o f Chance (Cambridge: Cambridge U niversity Press,
15. Diener and Hagen. Confers, 41.’ 1990), 16-26; Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism, 81.
41. C ited in K athrin Levitan, A Cultural History of the British Census: Envisioning the
Multitude in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 17.
17. See Hobsbawm. Nations andNationalism 42. Levitan, British Census, 17-18.
18. Diener and Hagen, Borders, 42. 43. Levitan, British Census, 17-18.
19. Diener and Hagen, Borders, 43. 44. Levitan, British Census, 19.
20. D i^ e r and Hagen, Bordens. 43. 45. Hacking, The Taming o f Chance, 18.
46. Levitan, British Census, 29.
47. Levitan, British Census, 28 n. 90.
2. 48. Olivier Razac, Barbed tWre.'i4Pohrical H istory (New York: N ew Press, 2002), 12.
23 (^^^^nship and theState 49. Razac, Barbed WhVe, 95.
[252] Notes
Notes [253]
16. Stephanie Simon. "Boider-Fence Project H its a Snag," WaUStreet Journal, February
66. RFIDs are n o t continuously stream s of m ovem ent, b u t simply appear as such be 4 2009, http://www.wsj.eom/artides/SB123370523066745559. „ i, .
cause th ey have m any m ore p lo tte d digitally p lo tte d p o in ts in a series— in which
17. D etention W atch N etw ork, "The M oney Trail.” http://w w w .detentionw atchnet-
a signal is tra n sm itte d an d returned. See Louise Amoore, The Politics o f Possibility:
Risk and Security beyond Probability (Diirham, NC: Duke U niversity Press, 2013), work.ore/node/2393. , , . , ...
18 "Only tw o m iles long, th e fence did n o t completely re stric t border crossmgs, b u t it
105-106. was IphysicaU y distinctive an d visually im posing landm ark th a t cu t th ro u g h the
67. Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right, 257. T ranslation modified.
' h e a rt of Calexico-MexicaU." St. Jo h n , Line in the Scmd, 145.
68. Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right, 257.
19 Congressional Research Service, “Border Security, 28.
69. Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right, 262-263.
70. Fichte,'Foundfltions of Natural Right, 257.
S' t r S f “ • « .1. . ; r -
71. Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right, 2 5 8 -259. 1 2 7 0 4 percent, w hereas th a t of Mexico declined 10.5 percent. This h a d th e effect
72. Fichte, Foundations o f N atural 258-259.
of draw ing Mexico’s n o rth e rn borderlands tow ard th e U nited States and. as a
73. Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right, 259.
result, facilitating th e goals of th o se cham pioning U.S. te r n to r i^
74. Fosdick, European Police Systems, 324-325. i t w eakened th e ties betw een th e population of Mexico s n o rth e rn states a n d the
75. Gr^goire Chamayou, “Fichte’s Passport: A Philosophy of th e Police,” tran s. Kieran
country’s center.” C ited in Nevins, Operation Gatekeeper, 21.
Aarons, Theory and Event 16.2 (2013): 5. 22 This is a big claim, b u t n o t an incorrect one.- See David Bacon. Illegal People. How
76. Chamayou, “Fichte’s Passport,” 6. Globalization Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants (Boston: Beacon Press,
2 0 0 8 ) and Bacon, Rigftt to Stay Home. , , , , .
CHAPTER? 23 “In this regard, ‘h ard ’ boundaries in v ite - in d e e d , they help i ^ e m eintable
1. US Im m igration, “Ih e Costs an d Benefits o f B order Security,” http://w w w .usim - m any o f th e v e ry transgressions th a t th ey exist to r e p e l- w h e th e r tiiey be in the
m igration.com /cost-benefits-border-security.htm l.
f o n J o f ‘exotic’ ideas, illicit com m odities, or unw anted peoples. Nevins, Operation
2. Ronald Rael, “Border Wall as A rchitecture,” Environment and Planning D: Society
and Space 29.3 (2011): 4 0 9 -4 2 0 . 24 S S r ^ e r t Mike Davis, an d Julidn Cardona. No One Is Illegal: Fighting V h l e n c e
3. Craig Glenday, Guinness World Records 2009 (R andom H ouse Digital, 2009), 457.
and State Repression on the U.S.-Mexico Border (Chicago: H aym arket Books.
4. David Bacon, The Right to Stay Home: How US Policy Drives Mexican Migration
(Boston: Beacon Press, 2013), 11.
25. S sL^chetii. “The U nforgotten.” Boston Globe. July 2014.
5. Jo sep h Nevins, Operation Gatekeeper and Beyond: The War on “Illegals" and the tonglobe.com/metro/2014/07/;26/students-inake-efforts-ident^-imm^^
Remaking of the U.S.-Mexico Boundary (New York: Routledge, 2010), 23-24. bu^d-unmarked-graves-near-southwest-border/4iDqnsqHzu9m8N6pP
6. Nevins, Operation Gatekeeper, 18-22.
7. US Custom s a n d B order Protection, “DHS a n d DOI Sign A greem ent fo r M itigation 26 ^ 7 ‘F ^ n e l Effect’ a n d Recovered Bodies of U nauthorized M igrants Processed;
o f Border Security Im pact on th e Environm ent,” http ://w w w .cis.o rg /sites/d s.o rg / ■ B inational M igration In stitu te. O ctober 2006. h tt p :/ /b m i.^ j a ^ e d u /s ite s /d e -
files/articles/2010/border-m itigation.pdf. fault/files/The%20Funnel%20Effect%20and%20Recovered%20Bodies.pdf.
8. Congressional Research Service, "Border Security: Barriers along th e U.S.
In tern atio n al Border,” https://w w w .fas.org/sgp/crs/hom esec/R L 33659.pdf, 24. S J i d ^ ^ S M ^ M t . "Preliminary E stim ate for Lighting of B o u n d a ^ Fence, m -
9. P eter Nyers, “Moving Borders: The Politics o f D irt,” Radical Philosophy 174 (Jiily-
s X P r o t e c t devices, a n d Erection of observation
A ugust 2012): 4. ysidro^and nogales." file 56084/946A , box 9, acc 59A2034 NARA, 1. C ited by
10. Ja so n Beaubien, “Border Fence Yields Showdown a t Sm uggler’s Gulch,” N ational
Public Radio, February 6, 2009, http ://w w w .n p r.o rg /tem p lates/sto ry /sto ry .
29. ^ T o ^ t i n u e ^ l S n a n i t a r i a n Crisis a t th e Border: U ndocum ented
php?storyId=100336089. Deaths Recordedby the PirnaCountyOffice of the M e d ^ E i ^ ^ r W ^ ^ ^
11. Nyers, “Moving Borders," 4. B inational M igration In stitu te, U niversity of Anzona.Tme 2 0 1 3 r l ir h t W /b m i.
12. In th e 1940s Border Patrol officials in Calexico erected a chain-link fence, salvaged arizona.edu/sites/default/files/border_deathsJin'al^web.pdf.
from a Japanese A m erican in te rn m e n t camp, along 5.8 m iles o f th e boundary
30 “M eanwhile. U.S. officials continued to erect m ore s u b s ta n ti^ cham -lm k fences t
line to p rev en t illegal im m igrant entries. See Kelly H ernandez, Migra! A History of c S e l h u i U m ovem ent in m ore heavily popu lated areas.” St. Jo h n . Lme m the
the U.S. Border Patrol (Berkeley: U niversity of California Press, 2010), 130; Rachel
St. Jo h n , Line in the Sand: A History of the Western U.S.-Mexico Border (Princeton,
31 i r a d i t t f o n , interview s conducted w ith cu rren t an d form er unauthorized m i
N J: P rinceton U niversity Press, 2011), 204. grants in 2009 found th a t one o u t of four illegal en tra n ts from M e»co h ad en
13. M oham m ad Chaichian, Empires and Walls: Globalization, Migration, and Colonial
£ r e d illegally th ro u g h a p o rt, either hidden in a vehicle o r using borrow ed or
Domination (Leiden: Brill, 2013); 229. fraudu lent docum ents, an d th a t aliens attem p tin g illegal en try through a POE
14. C ited in Chaichian, Empires and Walls, 230. were half as likely to be apprehended as those a o s s in g betw een th e ports. See
15. July 9;-1951, m em o from Chief Patrol inspector, El Centro, to district Enforcem ent
Jo n a th a n Hicken. MoUie Cohen, an d Jorge N arvaez. ^Double
officer in Los Angeles (nArA 56084/946A , 9, 59A2034). C ited in H ernandez, E nforcem ent PoUcies Shape Tunkaseno M igration, m Mexican Migration and
Migra!, 131 n. 21.
Notes 1255]
[254] Notes
49. Thomas NalT “Child Refugees-. The New B arbadians' Pacific Smndard, A u ^ s f
the U.S. Economic Crisis, ed. W ayne A. Cornelius, David FitzGerald, Pedro Lewin
Fischer, a n d Leah M use-Orlinoff (La Jolla: U niversity o f California, San Diego
50. Sh ttp
b ://w
R^^oids, "US
w w .a l)a z e e ra .c o m /m d e p th /fe a tu re s /z u x ‘*/
C enter fo r Com parative Im m igration Studies, 2010), 60-61.
32. Reece Jo n es. Border Walls: Security and the War on Terror in the United States, India, child-migrants-20146167848636918.html.
and Israel (London: Zed Books, 2012), 118.
33. Karla Zablusdovsky, “H untin g H um ans: The A m ericans Taking Im m igration into 52. Genealogy o f Morals, tran s. W alter K aufm ann
Their Own Hands." Newsweek, July 23, 2014, http://w w w .new sw eek.com /2014/
(New York; V intage Books. 1967) Encounters w ith th e U.S.-Mexico Border,"
08/01/texan-ranchers-hunt-daily-illegal-immigrants-260489.html.
34. Zablusdovsky, “H untin g H um ans.”
35. Zablusdovsky, "H unting Humans." counties/san-diego/U.S.-Mexico-border-geo^^^^^^
36. The M inutem en were n o t literally try in g to kill m ig ran ts in th is example, b u t
54. 1848 . United States Statutes
th e turkey m etap h o r is explicitly related to hu n tin g . D iana Welch, "This Ain’t No
Picnic: M inutem en on Patrol," Austin Chronicle, O ctober 28, 2005, h ttp ://w w w . r t t 4 f n i 8 4 * h ^ ^
austinchronicle.com /new s/2005-1 0-28/303805/.
asp#art5.
37. Debbie N athan, "Border Geography an d Vigilantes,” NACLA 34.2 (2000): 5. 55. St. Jo h n , Line in the Sand, 92.
38. Rael, “Border Wall as A rchitecture," 270. 56. Newbury. “D rawing a Line.” cUOTaee In-Between.” in Fluctuating
39. M anuel Roig-Franzia, “Mexico Calls US B order Fence Severe T hreat to
Environm ent," Washington Post, N ovem ber 16, 2007, w w w .w ashingtonpost.com /
w p -dyn/content/article/2007/lV 15/A R 2007111502272.htm l.
40. See Bacon, Right to Stay Home; Bacon, Illegal People; Davis, No One Is Illegal.
41. S ou th ern Poverty Law Center, "Close to Slavery: G uestw orker Program s in the
: i : ^ ^ : t ^ ^ " r ^ ^ r t i S M . r a n t U e a t h s f S a „
U nited States,” 2013, h ttp ://w w w .splcenter.org/sites/default/files/dow nloads/
publication/SPLC-Close-to-Slavery-2013.pdf. Diego Union Tribune, O ctober 3 0 ,2 0 0 9 . Dangerous,” N ational
42. See Bacon, Right to Stay Home; Bacon, Illegal People; Davis, No One Is Illegal.
43. C ongressional Research Service, "Border Security: Im m igration E nforcem ent be
tw een P orts of Entry,” D ecem ber 31,2014, h ttp://w w w .fas.org/sgp/crs/hom esec/ u -s -m e ric o -b o rd e r-c ro ssin g -p o w s-m o re -to g « o u s^
R42138.pdf, 35.
61. Paul Ingrain jM S 'h ttp -//w w w .tu c so n se n tin e l.c o n ^ ^
44. “U.S. b o rd er enforcem ent policy has uninten tio n ally encouraged undocum ented
m igrants to rem ain in th e U.S. fo r longer periods a n d settle p erm an en tly in this
co untry in m uch larger num bers." H alf o f th e Mexico-based fam ily m em bers
of u n au th o rized aliens interview ed by th e UC, San Diego MMFRP (Mexican 62. J o h n Stowe. "A Theological
M igration Field Research Program) in 200 9 indicated th a t th ey h a d a relative who
h ad rem ained in th e U nited States longer th a n th ey h a d in ten d ed because they
feared th ey w ould be unable to re-en ter th e U nited States if th ey re tu rn e d hom e,
see Hicken, Cohen, a n d N arvaez, “Double Jeopardy," 57-58.
45. D etention W atch N etw ork, "The M oney Trail."
46. "During th e Battle of Agua P rieta in N ovem ber 1915, a b attalio n of U.S. soldiers
p o sted in Douglas escorted refugees fro m th e b o rd er to a fenced enclosure m ea andM oy a, Social Justice, 263. ^ -------- — -
su rin g tw o h u n d red by th re e h u n d red yards. By N ovem ber 3 th is camp housed
2,700 refugees, m ostly w om en a n d children. W hile U.S. officials released “well-to-
do” refugees, th ey continued to d etain th o u san d s o f restricted im m igrants such ^ l^ x Ify V a y a n . The Three U.S.-Merico Border Wars.- Dmgs Im m igarion. and Homeland
as ind ig en t refugees a n d Chinese im m igrants b arred by U.S. im m igration laws. ■ ■ security ( W - tp o r t. ^ N a ^ n a l Review. Ju ly 2.
St. Jo h n , Line in the Sand, 128.
47. See Giorgio Agamben, “W hat Is a Camp?,” in Means without End: Notes on ^ • ^ " s T e d "
Politics, tran s. Vincenzo B inetti a n d Cesare C asarino (M inneapolis: U niversity of
M innesota Press, 2000), 3 7 -4 8 .
48. Kate Linthicum , “Expansion o f A delanto Im m igrant D eten tio n Center
Underway," Los Angeles Times, Ju ly 8 ,2 0 1 4 , http://w w w .latim es.com /local/la-m e- o n e IS nlegal: Pigbt.'ng Violence and State
ff-adelanto-im m igration-20140709-story.htm l.
Notes [257]
[256] Notes
Repression on the U.S.-Mexico Border (Chicago: Haymarket Books. 2006): Payan 24. Haddal, Kim, and Garcia, "Border Security."
U.S.-Mexko Border Wars. ^ ’ 25. Haddal, Kim, and Garcia. "Border Security.”
4. Robert Farley, “Obama Says Border Patrol Has Doubled the Number of Agents 26. Matthew Carr, Fortress Europe: Dispatches from a Gated Continent (NewYork: New
since 2004,” politifact.com. May 10. 2011, http://ww.politifact.com/truth-o- Press, 2012), 233.
meter/statements/2 0 1 1 /may/1 0 /barack-obama/obama-says-border-patrol-has- 27. Mohammad Chaichian, Empires and Walls: Globalization, Migration, and Colonial
doubled-number-agents/.
Domination (Leiden: BriU, 2013), 227.
5. ChadC.HaddaI,“BorderSecurity:'IheRoleoftheU.S.BorderPatroi;Congressional 28. Military Surplus Supplier, http://www.calumetindustries.com/index.php?s=alu
ResearchServiceReport, March3,2010,http://assets.opencrs.com/rpts/RL32562_ minum.
20100303.pdf.
29. Telephone conversation with CBP, November 30,2005. Cited in Haddal, Kim, and
6. ^^^^^<^^^'n.tzeTv,HxddenLivesandHumanRightsmtheUnitedStates:Vnderstandingthe Garcia, “Border Security,” 22.
Controversies and Tragedies of UndocumentedImmigration (Santa Barbara: Praeger, 30. The drop in apprehensions occurs in tandem with the construction of walledurban
2014), 166. See also David Spener, Clandestine Crossings: Migrants and Coyotes on areas and increased bdrder patrol numbers. "The total number of agents nationally
the TexaS’Mexico Border athaca, NY: Cornell University Pfess. 2009). also grew, from 4,028 in fiscal year 1993 to 21,394 in fiscal year 2012. The great
7. Timothy J. Dunn and Jose Palafox, “Militarization of the Border,” in The Oxford est rise in the number_of Border Patrol agents occurred in the Southwest border
Encyclopedia of Latinos and Latinas in the United States, ed. Suzanne Oboler and sectors, from South Texas to California, from a total of 3,444 agents in fiscal year
Deena J. Gonzalez (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 2005). 1993 to 18,412 in fiscal year 2012. Today, the Border Patrol’s Tucson sector has the
8. According to the OED. .
largest number of agents in the Southwest, 4,176 in fiscal year 2012, compared
9. US Customs and Border Protection. “Border Patrol History," http://ww.cbp gov/ with 287 in fiscal year 1993. Tucson had 92,639 apprehensions in 1993, a high of
border-security/along-us-borders/history. 616,346 in 2000 andl20,00 in 2012. TheSan Diegosector, which reportedthe most
10. Plutarch, Moratia, “How a Man May Become Aware of His Progress in l^rtue,” in apprehensions in the nation in 1993,531,689 (El Paso was No. 2), saw its number
PbiOirchsComplete Works, toI. 2 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UniveisityPress, 1909), 134 of arrests drop to 120,000 in 2012.” Diana Washington Valdez, “Hold the Line: El
11. US Customs and Border Protection. "Laredo North Station.”http://ww.cbp!gov/ Paso Operation Changed Enforcement Method along US-Mexico border,” El Paso
border-security/along-us-borders/border-patrol-sectors/laredo-sector-texas/ Times, September 29, 2013, http://www.elpasotimes.com/news/ci_24199714/
laredo-north-station. controversial-el-paso-border-patrol-enforcement-operation-succeeded.
12. Dunn and Palafox, "Militarization of the Border." 31. See Haddal, Kim, and Garcia, "Border Security,” ii.
13. Dunn and Palafox. "Militarization of the Border.” 32. Haddal, Kimj and Garcia, “Bordey Security.”
14. Josi Gonzalez, The Dynamics of an ICE Raid,” https://shusterman.com/pdf/dy- 33. Alan Taylor, “On the Border,”Atlantic, May 6,2013, http://ww.theatlantic.com/
namicsofaniceraid.pdf. photo/2013/05/on-the-borderA00510/.
15. Margot Mendelson, Shayna Strom, and Michael Wishnie. "Collateral Damage: 34. M. G. Lay, Ways of the World:A History of the World's Roads and of the Vehicles That
M Examination of ICE’s Fugitive Operations Program,” Migration Policy UsedThem (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 93.
Institute, February 2009, http://ww.migrationpolicy.org/research/ice-fugitive- 35. I. S. Griffith and N. D. Zimmerly, "Engineers Support U.S. Border Patrol,”Engineer
operations-program. 44.3 (2014): 16-19, http://0-search.proquest.com.bianca.penlib.du.edu/docview/
16. "The Obama administration claimed that it was only seeking criminals for depor 1625137769?accountid=14608.
tation, and that participation in the program was voluntary. But when NewYork 36. Department of Homeland Security, US Customs and Border Protection, US
state and Massachusetts formally refused to participate. DHS announced that Border Patrol, "Final Environmental Assessment: Baboquivari Road Project along
participation in Secure Communities was mandatory and implemented the pro the U.S./Mexico International Border in Arizona,” December 2014, http://www.
gram everywhere.” David Bacon. The Right to Stay Home: How US Policy Drives cbp.gOv/sites/default/files/documents/FEA%20TCA%20BBQ%20041515.pdf.
Mexican Migration (Boston: Beacon Press, 2013), 175. 37. Krista Schlyer, Continental Divide: Wildlife, People, and the Border Wall ^ ^eg e
17. Bacon, Right to Stay Home. Station: Texas A8tM University Press, 2012), 142. ^ ^
18. Bacon, Rig/it to Stay Home, 147.
38. United States Department of the Interior Bureau of Land Management Case File #
19. Bacon, Rigftt to Stay Home, 146. 53512, "Improvement and Construction, Operation, and Maintenance of Proposed
20. National Immigration Forum. "Fact Sheet: Operation Stonegarden,” February All-Weather Roadin the El Centro Station Area of Responsibility, U.S. Customs and
Border Protection, U.S. Border Patrol, El Centro Sector,” December 2013, http://
21. Immigration Policy Center. "FaUing through the Cracks.” http://ww.immigra- www.blm.gov/pgdata/etc/medialib/blm/ca/pdf/elcentro/nepa/bp.Par.7200.
tionpolicy.or^just-facts/falling-through-cracks. File.dat/blm_fonsidr_westdesert_roadway.pdf.
l^SlO "Border Deployment WiH Take Weeks,” New York Times, August 39. “Operation Gatekeeper: An Investigation into Allegations of Fraud and
Misconduct," US Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General, 1998,
23. Chad C. Haddal, Yule Kim, and Michael John Garcia. “Border Security: Barriers http://www.justice.gov/oig/special/9807/gkpl9.htm.
^ong the U.S. International Border,” Congressional Research Service Report, 40. Richard Misrach, "Border Signs," California Sunday Magazine, 2014, https://sto-
March 16,2009, https://ww.fas.org/sgp/crs/homesec/RL33659.pdf. rips.ra1ifom iasunday.cQ m /2014-ll-02/richard-m israch-border-signs/.
[258] Notes
Notes [259]
12. -Iha above statistics are all from Associated Press, ‘l i ^ g r a n t s F ^ e Long
41. Lisa Seghetti, “Border Security: Immigration Inspections at Ports of Entry”
D etention, Few Rights: M any D etainees Spend M onths or Years
Congressional Research Service, January 26, 2015, https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/ C enters,' NBC News, M arch 15, 2009, http://w w w .nbcnew s.com /id/29706177/
homesec/R43356.pdf, 15.
42. Seghetti, “Border Security," 12. #.Up-sKpF4GfO. , . . 1
13 "Of th e detainee population of 32,000.18.690 im m igrants have n o cnm m al con
43. Nicholas Genova, “Migrant Illegality’and Deportability in Everyday Life,”Annual
viction. More th a n 400 of th o se w ith n o crim inal record have been incarcerated
Review ofAnthropology 31 (2002): 419-447. foratleastayear.-DepartmentofHomelandSecurity.OfficeofInspectorGeneral,
Notes [2611
[260] Notes
com/story/2008/04/25/jackals-in-night-border-patrol-helicopter-unit-keeps-
8. K hashu, “Role of Local Police ” 18,169.
watch-in-califomia/. _ „
9. K hashu, "Role of Local Police," executive sum m ary. 27 "U.S. Custom s an d B o rd er Protection’s U nm anned A ircraft System Does
10. H ispanics c o n stitu te approxim ately 60 percent of all u ndocum ented persons, b u t N ot Achieve In ten d ed R esults or R ecognize AU Costs of O perations
well over 90 percen t of th o se subjected to INS enforcem ent actions are Hispanic. N um ber 13-135-AUD-DHS), D ecem ber 15-17. 2014. https://w w w .oig.dhs.gov/
C arm en Joge an d Sonia M. P6rez, The Mainstreaming of Hate: A Report on Latinos assets/Mgmt/2015/OIGJl5-17_Decl4.pdf.
and Harassment. Hate Violence, and Law Enforcement Abuse in the '90s (W ashington,
DC: N ational Council of La Raza, 1999), 26, http://w w w .civilrights.org/publica-
28.
29
Schied, memorandum. m ti,
Andrew Becker. "New Drone Report: O ur Border Is Not as S e c u r e ^ We Thoug ,
tions/justice-on-trial/race.htm l. April 4. 2013. http://w w w .thedailybeast.eom /articles/2013/04/04/new -drone-
11. See, fo r example, J o h n R. Tester, Dwain W. W arner, a n d W illiam W. Cochran, report-our-border-is-not-as-secure-as-we-thought.html. nnin
“A Radio-Tracking System fo r Studying M ovem ents o f Deer,” Journal of Wildlife 30 “USAF D rone O perators Insignia Patch." Afghanistan War, S eptem ber 12, 2012,
Management 28.1 (1964): 4 2 -4 5 . ■http://afghancentral.blogspot.com/2012/09/usaf-drone-operators-insigma-
12. R obert L. Schwitzgebel, “M an a n d Machine,” Psychology Today, April 1969.
13. Alicia Caldwell, “ZDHS Is Using GPS-Enabled Ankle Bracelets to Track Im m igrant 31 Press, “H alf of U.S.-Mexico Border Now Patrolled 0 % by Drone."
Families Crossing th e Border,” Huffington Post, D ecem ber 24, 2014, http ://w w w . * Guardian, N ovem ber 13, 2014. h ttp ://usa.new s.net/article/2274725/us-drones-
huffingtonpost.com /2014A 2/24/dhs-is-using-gpsenabled-a_n_6379132.htm l.
patrol-half-of-m exico-border. ,, , v i ,
14. Yvonne Jew kes a n d Jam ie B ennett, Dictionary of Prisons and Punishment 32. L ^ g o ire Chamayou, A Theory of the Drone, tran s. J a n e t Lloyd (New York. New
(CuUompton: WiUan, 2008), 8 2-8 4 .
OfACC 2015^ •
15. See K hashu, “Role o f Local Police.” 33. M ichlel B erry a n d N abiha Syed, ’The FAA’s Slow Move to Regulate Domestic
16. Lonnie J. W estphal, “The In-Car Camera: Value a n d Im pact,” Police Chief 71.8 Drones," Washington Post, Septem ber 24, 2014, http://w w w .w ashm gtonpost.
(August 2004), http://w w w .policechiefm agazine.org/m agazine/index.cfm 7fuse com/news/volokh-conspiracy/wp/2014/09/24/the-faas-slow-move-to-regulate-
action=display& article_id=358.
17. W estphal, “In-Car Camera." 34 S s G o ^ r ^ T ^ ^ ^ ^ Office. “B orderP atrol: C heck p o in tsC o n M b u teto
18. Lisa Seghetti, “B order Security: Im m igration E nforcem ent betw een P orts of Border Patrol’s M ission, b u t More C onsistent D ata Collection a n d Perform ance
Entry,” Congressional Research Service R eport, D ecem ber 31, 2 0 1 4 ,1 8 , h ttp s :// M easurem ent Could Im prove Effectiveness,” A ugust 2009, http://w w w .gao.gov/
w w w .fas.org/sgp/crs/hom esec/R 42138.pdf.
new .item s/d09824.pdf. . ,
19. Testim ony of CBP assista n t com m issioner M ark Borkowski before th e House 35. ACLU. “The C onstitution in t^ e 100-Mile B order Zone, https://w w w .aclu.org/
C om m ittee o n H om eland Security, Subcom m ittee o n B order an d M aritim e im m igrants-rights/constitution-lO O -m ile-border-zone. , c
Security, “A fter SBInet: The F uture o f Technology o n th e Border,” 112th Congress, 36. US Custom s an d Border Protection, "Office of Border P a tr o l-S e r to rs an
1st sess., M arch 15, 2011. Stations,” Accessed a t http://ecso.sw f.usace.arm y.m il/m aps/SectorP.pdl:.
20. Seghetti, “Border Security,” 19. 37. ACLU, “100-M ile B order Zone."
21. David Perera, “CBP Awards In teg rated Fixed Towers P rocurem ent to Texas Firm," 38. US G overnm ent A ccountability Office, “Border Patrol.^
Fierce Homeland Security, February 28, 2014, http://w w w .fiercehom elandsecu- 39. US G overnm ent Accountability Office, “B order Patrol.
rity .co m /sto ry /c b p -a w a rd s-in teg ra ted -fix ed -to w ers-p ro c u re m e n t-tex a s-firm /
40 In City o f Indianapolis V. Edmond, 531 U.S. 44 (2000). , „v i • ^ »
2014-02-28. 41." Cindy Casares, “B order Patrol Takes ’No’ for a n A nswer a t In tern al Checkpoints.
22. The A ssociated Press, “D rone C arrying Drugs Crashes N ear U.S.-Mexico Border,"
Texas Observer, M arch 7, 2013. . , j ^ *•
BBC News, Ja n u a ry 22, 2015, http://w w w .bbc.com /new s/w orld-latin-am erica- 42 ACLU. TJ.S. Border P atrol In terio r Checkpoints; Frequently Asked Q uestions.
30931367. ACLU B order Litigation Project, https://w w w .aclusandiego.org/w p-content/up-
23. CBP Office o f Congressional Affairs, M arch 19, 2013; a n d CBP Office of Air and loads/2014/ll/B order-Patrol-C heckpoint-FA Q s.pdf. the
M arine, “2011 A ir a n d M arine M ilestones a n d Achievements,” http://w w w .cbp. 43. US D ep artm en t of H om eland Security, “P riv a^ , im p a c t A s s e s S i f l ^ o r
gov/xp/cgov/border_security/am /operations/2011_achiev.xm l. A utom ated B iom etric Identification System ODE^IT), D ecem ber 7 , 2°12, h ^ V /
24. N o rth e rn b order u n m an n ed aerial system s (UAS) are based in G rand Forks, ND; www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/privacy-pia-nppd-ident-06252013.
S outhw est b order UAS are based in Sierra V ista, AZ (four system s) an d Corpus
Christi, TX (one system ); an d m aritim e UAS are based in Corpus Christi, TX (one 44. o f t h e to ta l 24,310 w orkers checked. 17 p ercen t quit, w ere fired, or w ere arrested
system ) a n d in Cape Canaveral, FL (two systems). as a re su lt of O peration Vanguard. *
25. A ssociated Press, “B order P atrol Forced to N eg o tiated th ro u g h Rough Terrain," 45. US Immigraticjns an d Custom s Enforcem ent, 'l a w E nforcem ent Support Center,
NBC News, N ovem ber 21, 2005, h ttp ://w w w .n b cn ew s.co m /id /1 0 1 3 7 3 0 4 /n s/
u s _ n e w s -s e c u rity /t/b o rd e r-p a tro l-fo rc e d -n e g o tia te -to u g h -te rra in /# .V O T s
http://www.ice.gov/lesc. , ,
46. A lthough u nder Secure C om m unities m o st m igrants were bem g deported, regard
BEKzjOc. less of crim inal background. „
26. Associated Press, “Jackals in th e N ight: B order Patrol’s H elicopter U nit Keeps 47. US D ep artm en t of H om eland Security. “Privacy Im pact A ssessm ent.
W atch in California M ountains,” Fox News, April 25, 2008, http://w w w .foxnew s.
Notes [2631
[262] Notes
48. David V enturella, "Testim ony to House Subcom m ittee o n H om eland Security
A ppropriations, C om m ittee o n A ppropriations," May 12. 2 0 0 9 .9 4 3 .
49. US C iito m s an d Border Protection. “SENTRI: Secure Electtomc N etw ork for
Travelers Rapid Inspection," http://w ww .cbp.gov/travel/trusted-traveler-program s/
aqueducts, 84
Acropolis, Greece, 68
aerial m onitoring, in US-Mexico border archaic societies of th e m ark
(Clastres), 93
regime, 212-4
architectural fram e (Cache), 48
A erostat surveillance blim ps, 212-3
A ristophanes, 74
am bassador, origin of term , 96
A merican Civil Liberties U nion, 214, 215 A ristotle, 6 9 ,7 8 ,1 1 2 , 238n77
A rizona Surveillance Technology
America’s Shield Initiative (ASI). 210
Plan, 211
Ancel, Jacques, 6 ,1 2 , 2 5 ,7 5
ASI. See America’s Shield Initiative (ASI)
ancient Greece
Assyria, 6 8 ,6 9 ,8 3
Acropolis, 68
asylum, as confinem ent cell, 104
burial borders, 49
A thanasius, Saint, 101
geodesy a n d m ilitary wall
A ugustine, Saint, 1 0 0 ,102
'architecture, 7 3 -4 .
H eraia border procession, 3 6 -7 ,3 8 A tistria
identification requirem ents, 98
horos (boundary stones), 62
police p atro l as border, 127
ram p art walls, 7 8 -9
A utom ated Biom etric Identification
roadways, 83
System (IDENT), 216-8
ancient Rome
average m an (Q uetelet), 148-9
bridges, 84
Avner, Uzi, 61
burial borders, 49
Axelsson, Linn, 9 ,1 0
geodesy a n d m ilitary wall
architecture, 7 4 -5
Babylonia
legionnaires as walls, 69
post-conquest city stakes, 70 city p o rt vralls in, 85
m ilitary walls (kudurus), 72
roadways, 8 3 - 4 ,24 0 n l0 9
Badawy, A l e ^ d e r , 73 ...------------
surveyors (fiffdmensores), 7 5 ,7 9
Term inalia, border procession, balbals (Mongolia), 61
Balibar, Etienne, 10
37, 3 8 ,4 0
Banse, Ewald, 12
te rrito rial walls, 7 9 -8 0
views on incarceration, 102 barbed wire, 152-5
A nderson, Perry, 8 9 -9 0 Basil, Saint, 101
b eating o f bounds ritu al (medieval
anim al m igration, 175
C hristians), 37
A nthony, Saint, 100,101
b e a t system , of police. See police
A ntonine Wall, Scotland, 80
checkpoints
A ntoninus Pius, Emperor, 80
apprehend, detain, d eport, apprehend Beccaria, Cesare, 120
beggar's perm its, 9 7 -8
(A-DT-D-A). 30
Benedictine Rule, 1 0 1 -2 ,1 0 3 ,1 0 6 social kinetics of, 91-2 counterterrorism , an d US-Mexico
b order regime, defined, 13
B entham , Jerem y, 116,120,124,133, b order th e o ry a n d studies sum m ary conclusion, 109 border, 171,202
248n60. See also panopticism an d em piricism , 11-2 tu n e, 104-7 coyotes/coyotajes, 170
Bergson, H enri, 28, 227n27 m ultidisciplinary, 5 cem eteries, 4 9 ,5 7 ,1 8 1 crim e an d im m igrants, 2 0 4 -5
bifurcation process, 3 -4 need fo r fu rth e r research, 2 2 3 -4 census taking, 151-2 C rim inal Alien R equirem ent (CAR) cen
bills of e x c h ^ g e , 159-60 an d statism , 1 5 -6 centrifugal social m otion, defined, 64. ters, 197-200, 230n21. See also im
bills of h ealth, 97 sum m ary conclusion, 222 See also headings at US-Mexico m igrant d eten tio n centers, in US
B inational M igration In stitu te, 173-4 Borid, D ulan, 52 border; walls, as border regime Critique of Pure Reason, The (Kant), 10
biom etry. 1 4 9 -5 0 ,1 5 5 -7 ,1 6 0 ,2 1 6 -9 BORSTAR. See B order Patrol Search, centripetal social m otion, defined, 47. cross, apprehend, d eport, cross
blockade, defined, 185 Traum a, an d Rescue U nit See also fences, as bo rd er regime; (C-A-D-O, 30
Bodin, Jean , 9 1 ,9 8 (BORSTAR) social force, defined cross, work, cross, w o rk .. .deport, cross
Boeing C orporation, 210 boundary. See also specific types of ceramic bricks. See bricks (C-W-C-W.. .D-C). 31
border, m ultiple definitions of, 3 5 -4 2 boundaries Cerberus surveillance tow ers, 211-2,213 Cultural History of the British Census
Border Angels, 181-2 in kinopolitics, 3 9 -4 0 Chadwick, Edwin, 1 2 0,122,123,124, (Levitan), 151-2
border as social division, 1-17 origin o f term , 3 9 - 4 0 ,231n37. 1 2 6 -7 ,1 2 9 ,1 3 2 ,2 0 8 , 247u50 cuneiform tablets, 72
in-betw eenness, 2 -5 B oundary Survey Commission, US- Chamayou, Gr4goire, 160 Curzon, Lord, 12
bifurcation process of, 3 -4 Mexico border, 179 checkpoint border regim es, overview.
a itic a l limology, 1 0 -4 Bowman, Isaiah, 4 1 -2 See also inform ation checkpoints; Darius th e Great (Darius I), 83
h isto ry of social form ations, brick garden, defined, 72 police checkpoints; security check databases, 11 4 ,1 4 9 -5 0 ,1 8 7 , 210,
1 4 - 7 ,228n50 bricks, 6 7 -8 , 6 9 .7 2 points; US-Mexico border, as check 2 1 6 -7 ,2 1 9
bridge walls, 84 p o in t border regim e d ata p oints, defined, 155. See also elec
in m otion and as zone o f contestation,
as economic kinopow er, 110-3 tronic m onitoring; inform ation
5 - 7 , 2 2 6 n l6 Brodeur, Jean-Paid, 1 3 4 ,248n60
as process of circulation/ social kinetics of, 113-5 checkpoints; security checkpoints
Brodgar tem ple, Scotland, 61
recirculation, 7 -8 Brown, Wendy, 228n50 sum m ary conclusion, 137,161 Day of th e D ead (religious event), 181
spatial ordering o f society, 9, 227n35 Chertoff, Michael, 187 death m onum ents. See tom b m onum ents
Bryn Celli Ddu, Wales, 54
sum m ary conclusion, 1 7 ,2 2 1 -5 Buhen, Egypt, 7 3 ,7 8 Childe, G ordon, 47, 6 4 ,7 7 D efense Coalition, 180
border circuit, defined, 30 burial borders, 49, 5 4 ,5 7 ,5 8 -9 , circulation, in kinopolitics, 7 -8 , 3 3 -5 ’ de Goumay, V incent, 112
bordering process (Newman), 8 ,1 0 6 1 -2 ,1 7 9 -8 2 citadel walls, 7 6 -9 ,1 0 0 De Landa, M anuel, 232«4
border kinopower, 21-43. See also specific Bush, G.W. adm inistration, 18 7 -8 city p o rt walls, 8 4 -7 Deleuze, Gilles, 6 5 -6
types of borders city stakes, 70 demography, 2 5 ,1 4 9 -5 2
analysis o f social flows, 2 4 -6 , 229n5 Clairvaux, B ernard de, 9 4 ,1 0 0 denationalization, by Nazis, 154
Cache, Bernard, 48
b order term inology, 3 5 -4 2 class division. See private p ro p erty secu d eportation o f im m igrants, by US, 30,
caging effect, of US-Mexico border,
boundary, 3 9 - 4 0 ,231n37 1 7 6 -7 ,256n44 rity checlq)oints 187 ,1 9 2 ,1 9 8 , 2 1 7 .258nl6
circulation and recirculation, cairns. See m egalithic boundaries Clastres, Pierre, 93 Derechos H um anos, 182
28-31, 3 3 -5 clocks, 106 d eten tio n cells, o f US-Mexico border
California N ational Guard, 189
conjoined vs. disjoined flows, 31-2 Capital (M arx), 2 3 -4 ,2 9 collective will, in com m unity regim e, 196-200
expansion by expulsion, 21, capitalism palisades, 5 5 -7 d eten tio n centers, in US. See im m igrant
t
2 2 -3 , 3 4 -5 a n d labor circuit, 3 0 -1 ,1 4 6 Colquhoun, Patrick, 1 2 0 ,1 2 3 -4 ,1 4 0 , d eten tio n centers, in US
frontier, 4 0 -2 laissez passer in, 112,114,120 1 4 3 .247n50 d eten tio n circui^defined, 30.-------- —
h isto ry of, 4 2 -3
P com m unity palisade fences, 5 5 -7 de Vigny, Piewe V igni, 131
social expulsion an d violence due to
junctions an d stasis, 2 7 -8 (M arx), 22 com m unity policing, 2 0 7 -8 Devil’s Wall, 80
lim it as defensive function, 3 7 -9 CAR centers. See C rim inal Alien confinem ent cells, 99-104 DHS. See US H om eland Security
lim it vs. non lim it junctions, 3 2 -3 ,3 5 R equirem ent (CAR) centers conjoined vs. disjoined flows, 31-2 D epartm ent (DHS)
m arks of bifurcations,' 3 6 -7 C arthusian Order, 101 contem porary limology, 42. See also Discipline and Punish (Foucault),
prim itive accum ulation, 2 2 -4 cells, as b order regim e, 88-109. headings at US-Mexico border 1 0 5 -6 ,244n92
border m o n u m en ts, defined, 178 See also US-Mexico border, as cellu corral fences, 50-1. See also funnel effect, Discourse on the Origins of Inequality
Border Patrol. See US Custom s and la r b order regime of US-Mexico border (Rousseau), 53
Border Protection (CBP) Corrections C orporation of America, 177 (disjoined flows. See conjoined vs. dis
confinem ent, 9 9 -104
Border P atrol Search, Traum a, and identification, 9 2 -8 corrugated-steel walls, of US-Mexico joined flows; frontier, in kinopolitics
Rescue U nit (BORSTAR), 173 q u aran tined city, 10 7 -9 border regime, 188-90 D om at, Jean, 130
Index [2671
[2661 Index
elim inatio n of provincial borders H ippocrates, 107
FAA M odernization a n d R eform Act
dom estic palisade fences, 5 2 -3 w ithin, 145 H ippodam us, 7 3 -4
(FMRA), 214
drag roads, 191 Law o n Suspects (1793), 150 H obbes, Thomas, 137
f acial images, in biom etrics, 216,219
drones, 1 6 8 ,2 1 2 -4 plain clothes police, 135 Hobsbawm, Eric, 110-1
Faurman, H. W , 73 Holder, Eric, 199
du Rosier, B ernard, 96 police p a tro l as border, 115-6,125,
D u rrin g to n Walls, England, 54 Fanon, Franz, 41 Holdich, Thomas, 12, 25
1 2 6 ,246n21
Faw cett, Charles, 1 2 ,2 5 horarium (tim etable), 1 0 5 -6 ,1 6 0 , 201
renovation of Paris, 131
fences, as b order regime, 4 7 -6 3 . See hospital, as confinem ent cell, 1 0 3 -4 ,1 0 6
economic kinopow er, 1 6 ,244n92. spying during French Revolution, 136
' 5eea/so checkpoint border regimes, also US-Mexico border, as fence hum an cattle pens. See im m igrant d eten
t r ^ c regulation in, 129-31
b order regim e tio n centers, in US
overview frontier, in kinopolitics, 4 0 -2
economic power, 1 -2 ,1 2 ,1 6 . See also corrals, 5 0 -1 h u m an corralling. See fu n n el effect, of
fivnti^res plastiques (Ancel), 6
kinopolitical definition of, 4 8 -5 0
specific border regimes Frontier in American History, The US-Mexico border
m egaliths, 5 7 -6 2 H um ane Borders, 182
Egypt (Turner), 41
palisades, 51-7 h u n tin g traps. See corral fences
citadel walls, 7 7 -8 funnel effect, of US-Mexico border,
sum m ary conclusion, 6 2 -3 hybrid tran sitio n zones, 8 ,2 6
geodesy an d taxatio n , 72—3 . 1 7 2 -6 ,255n31, 256n44
F erdinand o f Spain, King, 98
pyram ids, 6 8 ,7 3
feudalism , 8 9 -9 1 ,1 1 0 -1 ,1 3 9 ,1 4 5 , ICAD database. See Integrated Com puter
elastic social m otion, defined. 111. geodesy an d surveyors, 71-5
See also checkpoint b order re 244n2 A ssisted D etection (ICAD) database
geom orphology, 6
Fichte, Jo h a n n G ottlieb, 120,217 ICE. See Im m igration an d Custom s
gim es, overview; headings at Germany
o n bills o f exchange, 1 5 9-60 E nforcem ent (ICE)
US-Mexico border concentration cam ps a n d denational
o n function o f police patrol, 123,124,
electric fences, 174-5 ization of people, 154 IDENT. See A utom ated Biometric
electronic m onitoring, 2 0 6 -7 ,2 1 7 130,134 Identificaticyi System (IDENT)
an d lab o r circuit, 146
o n p a ssp o rt requirem ent, 15 8 -9
Elements (Euclid), 6 6 -7 landlord perm its, 98 identification cells, 9 2 -8
o n police spying, 136 identification cells, of US-Mexico border
Emsley, Clive, 126 police p atro l as border, 127
o n private property, 139,141
E nforcem ent a n d Removal O perations Glidden, J. F., 153 regime, 194-6
Figure of the Migrant, The (Nail), 13,15, id en tity form ation, in com m unity
(ERO) (ICE), 186 Gordon, Colin, 141-2
3 5 ,4 2 ,2 2 4 palisades, 57
England Goseck Circle, Germany, 54
fin g erp rin t system s, 160,187, im m igrant d eten tio n centers, in US, 30,
beggar’s p erm its, 98 G reat Wall o f China, 8
2 0 8 ,2 1 6 -7 1 7 1 ,1 7 7 -8 ,1 9 4 ,1 9 7 -2 0 0 , 230n21
census taking in, 151-2 "Great Wall o f China, The” (Kafka), 66
Flaccus, Siculus, 37, 75 im m igrant m ilitary-prison-industrial-
D urrin g to n Walls, 54 Greece. See ancient Greece
market-valued private property • flows, in kinopolitics, 2 4 -6 d eten tio n complex, 193, 202
G roebner, V alentin, 9 4 ,9 8
FMRA. See FAA M odernization and
i n . 139 ground sensors, 212 Im m igration a n d Custom s Enforcem ent
Reform Act (FMRA) (ICE). See also O peration Secure
M o u nt P leasant Henge, 54 Gxiattari, F^lix, 6 5 -6
for-profit prisons, 177. See also im m i C om m unities (ICE)
plain clothes police, 1 3 5 -6 ,1 3 7
g ra n t d e te n tio n centers, in US E nforcem ent an d Removal O perations
police patro l as border, 129, H aberm as, JUrgen, 141
Fosdick, Raymond, 127,160
248nn55-57 Hacking, Ian, 156 (ERO), 186
Foucault, Michel h o tlin e for repo rting illegal
Stonehenge, 54 H adrian's Wall, Scotland, 8, 38, 8 0 ,8 6 -7
on confinem ent cell system s, 99,
W oodhenge, 54 Halley, Edm ond, 25 aliens, 208
100,102 Law Enfafcerfifent Silpport Center
entrance junctions, 3 2 -5 H am m urabi, King, 72
on definition o f economy, 149
en try /e x it p o rt walls, of US-Mexico H arshom , Richard, 12 (L^SC), 217
on legal pow er, 91 stacking process of, 186-7
b order regim e, 191-2 Harvey, W illiam, 25, 2 2 9 o ll
o n police p atrol, 117,1 19 ,1 2 7 -8 use of electronic m onitoring, 207
environm ental concerns, due to US- H aussm ann, Baron, 131
on q u aran tin ed cities, 107 use of raids, 1 86-7, 218
Mexico border, 1 6 9 -7 0 ,1 7 5 -6 Headrick, Daniel, 156,157
on renovation of Paris, 131 Im m igration a n d N ationality Act,
equilibrium . See police checkpoints h ealth borders, 97
on security, 114-5,116 am endm ents to (1996), 197
Esarhaddon, King, 83 Health of Nations, The (Chadwick), 132
o n tim etables, 1 0 4 ,1 0 5 -6 Im m igration a n d N aturalization Services
Euclid, 6 6 -7 H edstrom , D arlene, 100
Foundations of Natural Right (Fichte), 130
exit junctions, 3 2 -4 Hegel, G.W.F., 142,143 (INS), 174,186, 210,1216,218
expansion by expulsion, in kinopolitics, France in-car police cam eras, 2 0 8 -9
henge enclosures. See sacred
certificates docum enting receipt of
21, 2 2 -3 ,3 4 -5 palisade fences in(fo)dividuals, 114,156, 216,
alm s/public m oney/services, 150
expulsion, defined, 34 H erodotus, 7 2 -3 ,8 3 , 85, 93 2 1 9 ,253n64
early p a ssp o rt checkpoints, 150
extensive division, 3 -4 , 6 ,3 4
Index [269]
12681 Index
labor circuit, defined, 30-1 roadways in, 82-3 Nebuchadnezzar, King, 83
information checkpoints, 155-61 Neocleous, Mark, 116,142
laissez passer, in capitalism, 112,114,120 shrines, 77
checkpoints, overview, 110-5 Neolithic Revolution (Child), 47,232
La Mare, Nicolas de, 118,120 stelae, as territorial megalith, 62
and in(fo)dividuals, 156, 253n64 neo-Medievalism (J. Williams), 16
landing mats. See corrugated-steel walls, "Message from the Emperor, A"
inspection function of, 157-60 Nevins, Joseph, 167
of US-Mexico border regime (Kafka), 82
isolation of data points, 156-7 Newman, David, 5, 8,10
land surveying, 71-5 Meton of Athens, 74
summary conclusion, 161 Mexican-American War, 168,179,184 Newton, Isaac, 25
traceability of mobility, 160-1 Law Enforcement Support Center (LESC)
aCE), 217 Mexico. See also headings at Nietzsche, 178
in US-Mexico border regime, 216-20 node vs. junction, 27-8
INS. See Immigration and Naturalization Laws (Plato), 78-9,93 US-Mexico border
leakage, of borders, 13 citizens living in US, 167 No More Deaths, 182
Services (INS) plant species damage at border, 175-6 nonlimit junctions. See limit vs. non
inspection and checkpoints. See informa Lefebvre, Georges, 145
legal contracts, 89 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo junctions
tion checlqjoints
Integrated Automated Fingerprint legal enclosure, in letters, 95-6 (1848), 179
Leibniz, G. W., 151 migration corridor, use of term, 174 Obama administration, 187,188,
Identification System, 216-7 198,258nl6
Integrated Computer Assisted Detection Lenoir, Jean Charles Pierre, 118,125, military walls, 68-79,237n27
132,133,135 Minutemen, 169,175,256n36 Office of Biometric Identity Manage
(ICAD) database, 210 (OBIM) (DHS), 216-8
Integrated Surveillance Information Leroi-Gourhan, Andr^, 71 Mladek, Klaus, 120,133
letter, as identification cell, 93-6,156 rrmemotechnics, 125,178,180. See also operation, defined, 184
System (ISIS), 210 police checkpoints; punishment, Operation Blockade (USBP), 185,
intensive division, 3,34 Leviathan (Hobbes), 129
Levitan, Kathrin, 151-2 kinetic memory of 188, 212
Inter-faith Immigrant Coalition, 182 Operation Gatekeeper (USBP),
life and death flows. See burial borders; Mobile Vehicle Surveillance Systems. 211
interior checkpoints, in US-Mexico 180,185-6
tombs, as megalithic boundary mobility, authorized via letters/
border regime, 41, 214-6 Operation Hold the Line (USBP), 18
limit, in kinopolitics, 37-9 passports, 93-8
iris scans, 216-7 Moheau, Jean-Baptiste, 25,151 Operation Jump Start (National
ISIS. See Integrated Surveillance limites. See territorial walls
limit vs. nonlimit junctions, 32-3,35 monastery, as confinement cell, 99-102, Guard), 187-8
Information System (ISIS) Operation Phalanx (National Guard
Israel, breach of security fence, 26 linkage, of cells, 92 103, i06
local law enforcement, and immigrant Montesquieu, Baron de, 120,131-2 Operation Rio Grande (USBP), 186
Italy, bills of health, 97 monument fence functions, of US- Operation Safeguard (USBP), 185-f
detention, 193-4,197-8, 200-1
Locke, John, 139 Mexico border, 178-82 Operation Secure Communities
jail, origin of term, 102 aCE), 186-7,197-201,208,
loop space, 9 Moran, Shawn, 184
Janin, Louis Franfois, 152-3 216-8, 258nl6
Jefferson, Thomas, 154 Louis XI, King, 96-7 Moryadas, S., 27-8
Mount Pleasant Henge, England, 54 Operation Stonegarden (ICE), 187
Jericho, 67 Louis XIV, King, 115-6
move-on powers, of police, 132-3, 205-6 Operation Streamline (DHS/DOJ),
Johnson, Corey, 10 Lowe, John, 27-8
Mumford, Lewis Operation Tarmac (ICE), 187
Jones, Reece, 10 on architecture of early cities, 71,72, Operation Vanguard (ICE), 187
junctions, in kinopolitics, 27-8,32-5 MacKie, Euan, 61
73-4,237n27 Operation Vanguard (INS), 216
juridical power, 1-2,12,16. See also madness, 104
manhunt apparatus, 51,98,150, on citadels, 87 Operation Wagon Train (ICE), 187
cells, as border regime; headings at OrdoMonasterii (Augustine), 100
173,174-5. See also headings at on monastery as polls, 99-100
US-Mexico border tyvid; 37,40
US-Mexico border on Neolithic period of containers, 50'
jurisdiction, in letters, 95-6 owners and workers. See private pr
Justi, Johann Heinrich Gottlob von, 118 march, defined, 36-8 on sacred power of early cities, 49-50
mark, defined, 36-8 on soldier as human brick, 69 erty security checkpoints
Marx, Karl. 22-4,29,116,121, on temple megaliths, 60
Kafka, Franz, 66 Paasi, Anssi, 10
134,245nl6 on transportation, 82, 85
Kant, Immanuel, 10,13 Pachomius, Saint, 101-2
Kerlikowske, R. Gil, 213 McLean, Andrew, 135,250nll7
mechanical clocks, 106 Napoleon III, 131, 249n79 palisade fences, 51-7
kindividuals. See in(fo)dividuals panopticism. See also police checkp
kinopolitics, defined, 24,229n5. See also megalithic boundaries, 57-62 Napolitano, Janet, 210-1
National Guard, 184,187-8,189 distinguished from knopticism,
border kinopower Merriman, Peter, 229n5
national security checkpoints, 143-55 124,210
kinopticism, distinguished from panopti- Mesopotamia, 64, 65 police surveillance in, 210, 247n
city gates in, 86 Native Americans, and border issues,
cism, 124, 210 247o49, 248n60
cuneiform tablets, 72 154,169,179
kites. See corral fences
Index
[270] Index
Rumford, Chris, 5,9 social expansion, defined, 34
paper, invention of, 94 private property and class social expulsion, defined, 34
division, 142-3 RVSS. See remote video surveillance
parcelized sovereignty (Anderson), 89 social flows, 24-6'
Passages fromAntiquity to Feudalism Prevention Through Deterrence strategy systems (RVSS)
social force, defined, 232n6
(Anderson), 89-90 (USBP), 188-9
primitive accumulation (Marx), 22-4 sacred and profane flows. See sacred pali social motion. Sec border kinopower
passport, as identification cell, 96-8, social space, defined, 9, 227n35
prison, as confinement cell, 102-3,106 sade fences; temples, as megalithic
147-8,150,156,158-9,194-5 social transportation, 82
private property security boundary
pattern-of-life analysis, 217-8 soldiers, as military wall, 69-71, 80
checkpoints, 138-43 sacred palisade fences, 53-4,77
Paz, Octavio, 167 Southern Poverty Law Center, 196
periodicity (Marx), 23-4 Procopius, 80 Sanctorius, 25
San Diego-Tijuana border, Spain, passport requirements, 97-8
permanent interior checkpoints, in US- proletariat and bourgeoisie. See private spy checlq)oints, 134-7,209,250nll5,
Mexico border regime, 215 property security checkpoints 179-80,188-9
SBI. See Secure Border Initiative (SBI) 251nl21
Persian Empire, roadways in, 83 property ownership. See private property
SBInet, 210-1 stacking of bricks, 65
phalanx walls, 70 security checkpoints stake fences. See palisade fences
Philipp II, King, 98 Prussia, October Edict (1807), 146 Schmitt, Carl, 8
Schwitzgebel, Ralph, 206-7 Standing Stones of Henness,
Philo. 100 punishment, kinetic memory of, 178, Scotland, 61
photograph, as data point, 147-8,152, 180-1,199 Schwitzgebel, Robert, 206-7
Scotland statism, 15-6,222
156.158-9,208, 216 statistics
quarantined city, as cell, 107-9 Antonine Wall, 80
Piganiol, Andr^, 79-80 measurement of flows, 25, 26
plague epidemic. See quarantined city, Quesnay, Francois, 112,118 Brodgar temple, 61
Hadrian’s Wall, 8,38,80,86-7 in police patrols, 128
as cell Quetelet, Adolphe, 148-9 stela. See territorial markers, as mega
Skara Brae, 61
Plato, 78-9,93 Standing Stones of Henness, 61 lithic boundary
Pliny the Elder, 84 Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) Stonehenge, England, 54
cards, 216-20 Secure Border Initiative (SBI), 210-1
Plutarch, 67, 86 Secure Electronic Network for Travelers Strabo,, 74,84
police checkpoints, 115-37. See also spy radio transmitters, for
monitoring, 206-7 Rapid Inspection (SENTRI), 218-20 student visas, 195-6
checkpoints Secure Fence Act (2006), 169-70,176 Sumerian Ziggurats, 68
checkpoints, overview, 110-5 raids. See Immigration and Customs superhenges. See sacred palisade fences
Enforcement (ICE) security checkpoints, 138-55 '
circulatory function of, 128-34 superintendence, origin of term, 124. See
rampart walls, 76-87. See also' checkpoints, overview, 110-5
invention of police radio, 132 also police checkpoints
corrugated-steel walls, of US- national security checkpoints, 143-55
kinographic function of, 124-8 surveyors. See geodesy and siurveyors
kinoptic function of, 122-4, 247nn45- Mexico border regime private property, 138-43
summary conclusion, 161 Swift 8i Company, 187
47, 247nn49-50 Ranci^re, Jacques, 116,133 Switzerland, beggar's permits, 97
Ratzel, Friedrich, 25 in US-Mexico border regime, 209-16
police patrol, 116-34
recirculation, in kinopolitics, 33-5 security fence functions, of US-Mexico
preventative function of, 117-21 tactical interior checkpoints, in US-
spy function of, 134-7, 251nl21 regimes of motion, defined, 24, 229n5 border, 176-8
sedentism, 47-8,65 Mexico border regime, 215-6
summary conclusion, 137 remote video surveillance systems
Servan, Antoine, 123,133 taxation
in US-Mexico border regime, 203-9 (RVSS), 210-1 and city port walls, 85,86-7
police radio, invention of, 132 Republic (Plato), 93 Sesostris III, 78
ships, as wooden walls, 83, 240nl08 and geodesy, 72-3
police spy. See spy checkpoints Reyes, Silvestre, 185 and sociayrinetics.of y?alls,.66_
political economy, 22 RFID. See Radio Frequency Identification siege towers, 75-6
Sinai region, 61,236n67 and transport walls, 81, 83,84
political power, 1-2,12,16. See also Spe (RFID) cards temples, as megalithic boundary,
RGV250 program (ICE), 207 Skara Brae, Scotland, 61
cific border regimes 59-61,100
Political Writings (Augustine), 100 Rickman, John, 151 Skeates, Robin, 57
Smith, Adam, 22 tensional social motion, defined, 90. See
politics, origin of term, 65 right to assemble, 134, 2S0nll4 also cells, as border regime; headings
port walls, of US-Mexico border rigors, defined, 79 Smith, M. L., 67
social cohesion/coercion, in community at US-Mexico border
regime, 190-2 Rio Grande River, 168 territorial boundary monuments, 178-9
riots, 134 palisades, 55-7
poverty and the poor territorialization, defined, 48, 232n4
road walls, 82-4. See also port walls, of Social Contract, The (Rousseau), 129
myth of criminal class, 142-3 territorial markers, as megalithic
US-Mexico border regime social division. See border as social divi
and national security checkpoints, 150 boundary, 61-2
Roman Empire. See ancient Rome sion; specific border regimes
and police checkpoints. 111, 115-6, territorial ports, 86-7
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 53,129 social elasticity, defined, 111-2
133, 244n4, 245nl6
Index [273]
[272] Index
territorial power, 1-2,4-5,12,16. See Secure Fence Act (2006), 169-70,176 security function of, 176-8 walls, as border regime, 64-87. See
also specific border regimes Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo social kinetics of, 171-2 also US-Mexico border, as wall
territorial walls, 79-80 (1848). 179 US-Mexico border, as wall border border regime
Texas Border Volunteers, 175 unmanned aerial vehicles. See drones regime, 183-92 history of, 228n50
thermal sensors, 175,210, 211,212 Urban Revolution (Childe), 64 corrugated-steel walls, 188-90 military, 68-79,237n27
Thirty Years War (1618-1648), 111, 244n4 US Army, 184 port walls, 190-2 origin of term, 236n3
Thomas, Julian, 54 US Army Corps of Engineers, 189 US enforcement operations, 184-8 port, 81-7
Thompson, E. P., 133 US Border Patrol (USBP). See also specific US-Mexico border regime, overview rampart, 76-80
timber circlea,.See sacred palisade fences operations as checkpoint against terrorism, 171 social kinetics of, 65-8
time cells apprehension rates, 189-90, deaths of immigrants due to, summary conclusion, 87
as border regime, 104-7 259n30 173-4,179-80 war on immigration, in US (1990s),
of US-Mexico border regime, 200-1 Border Patrol Air Mobile Unit, 212-4 holes in, 26,170,172 183,202
timetable, as time cell, 104-7 drag roads, 191 social circulation of labor and watchhouses, 121,122,123-4. See also
time zones, 105 on fences, 172 customs, 8 police checkpoints
tomb monuments, 179-82 scope of enforcement, 184-9 summary conclusion, 165-7 watermarks, in letters, 94-5
tombs, as megalithic boundary, 49, use of drones, 168, 212-4 as zone of contestation, 167-8 water walls. See aqueducts
58-9,61 virtual checkpoints, 210-4 US National Security Agency, 137 Wealth ofNations (Smith), 22
Torpey, John, 146 US Customs and Border Protection Whittle, Alasdair, 56
Torres, John, 178 (CBP), 170-2,175,184, VADBR(Vehicle and Dismount Willacy County Correctional Center,
tortoise formation (testudo), 70,75 186, 213-5 Exploitation Radar), 213 Texas, 198-9
traceability of mobility, 160-1,191 US Federal Bureau of Investigation Vaughan-Williams, Nick, 7 Williams, Alan, 115
traffic regulation, 129-32 (FBI), 216-7 Venturella, David, 217-8 Williams, John, 16
transcendental idealism/critique US Homeland Security Department Vickers, Michael, 174-5 wisdom, as walled stronghold, 79,239n78
(Kant), 12 (DHS), 11,258nl6. See alsospecific vigilante migrant himting Woodhenge, England, 54
transport walls divisions groups, 174-5 workers' visas, 195-6
as border regime, 81-4 agency reorganization, 186,193-4 vine arbor siege walls (vinea), 75 workplace raids. See Immigration and
of US-Mexico border regime, 190-1 Arizona Siirveillance Technology Virgil, 74 9 Customs Enforcement (ICE)
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848), 179 Plan, 210-1 Virilio, Paul, 82, 85 World War 1/11,154
trip lasers, 212 Office of Biometric Identity virtual fence, in US-Mexico border
Turner, Frederick, 41 Management (OBIM), 216-8 regime, 210-2 Zeno, 9, 227n27
Two Treatises of Government (Locke), 139 Operation Streamline, 197 visas, 192,194-6 zone, defined, 41
US Justice Department (DOJ), von Berg, Heinrich, 121 zone of e;q)erimentation (Bowman), 41-2
uniforms, 199, 213 197,208
United Nations Charter, 144-5 US-Mexico border, as cellular border
United States. See also specific federal regime, 193-201
agencies detention cells, 196-200
cheap labor in, 176 identification cells, 194-6
deportation of immigrants, 30,187, time/processing cells, 200-1
192,198. 217,258nl6 US-Mexico border, as checlq)omt border
fragmentation of Native Americans in, regime, 202-20
154,169,179 information checkpoints, 216-20
history of guest workers in, 196 police checkpoints, 203-9
Homestead Act (1862), 153-4 security checkpoints, 209-16
immigrant detention centers in, 30, US-Mexico border, as fence border
171,177-8,194,197-200,230n21 regime, 167-82
immigrant population in, 167, as in constant motion/
177-8,202 bifurcation, 167-71
migrant admissions/denials, 192 funnel effect of, 172-6,
National TerrorismAdvisory System 255n31, 256n44
(NTAS), 171 as monument, 178-82
1274] Index
"Is there really a contradiction 'HERE ARE MORE TYPES OF BORDERS
between globalization and the today than ever before in history. Borders
multiplication of borders around us? of all kinds define every aspect of social life
In this powerful and original book, in the twenty-first century. From the biometric
Thomas Nail effectively demonstrates data that divides the smallest aspects of our
that this is not the case. Focusing bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the
on heterogeneous devices of social im m ense expanse of our domestic and inter
division, he provides a fascinating national airspace, we are defined by borders.
genealogy of the border and a Tkey can no longer simply be understood as the
compelling theoretical framework for geographical divisions between nation-states.
understanding both its contemporary Today, their form and function has become too
manifestations and the intensity of the complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a
tensions, conflicts, and struggles that theory of the border that can make sense of this
surround them." hybridity across multiple domains of social life.
SANDRO MEZZADRA. Rather than viewing borders as the result of
co-author of Border as Method, pre-established social entities like states, lliom as
or, the Multiplication of Labor Nail reinterprets social history from the
perspective of the continual and constitutive
"Theory of the Border is a meticulous movement of the borders that organize and
account of the intensely difficult divide society in the first place. Societies and
problems of borders in the twenty- slates are the products of bordering, Nail argues,
first century. Moving beyond simply not the other way around. Applying his original
theorizing borders. Nail generates movement-oriented:theoretical framework
a new mode of theory in which “kinopolitics” to several major historical border
bounded identities (of persons, regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints),
nations and territories) are both Theory of the Border pioneers a new' methodology
necessary and impossible. This lucid of “critical limology,” that provides fresh tools for
study transforms the borders of the the analysis of contemporary border politics.
disciplines with which it engages."
CLAIRE COLEBROOK, THOMAS NAIL is Associate Professor
Edwin Erie Sparks Professor of English, of Philosopiiy at the University of Denver.
The Pennsylvania State University
OXTORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS ISBN 9 7 8 -0 -1 9 -0 6 1 8 6 4 -3
www.oup.com