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THE LETTERS OF

LUPUS OF FERRIERES

Translated
with an Introduction and Notes

by

GRA YDON w. REGEN OS


Chairman Classical LanBuaBes
Tulane University

II
MAR TINUS NIJHOFF - THE HAGUE
MARTINUS NI]HOFF - PUBLISHER - THE HAGUE

This is the first printed edition in English translation of the letters


of Lupus, a distinguished abbot of the monastery of Ferrieres and
an important ninth-cent 1lrY humanist. A member of the generation
of Latin scholars which flourished in the period following the reign
of Charlemagne, Lupus received his education at Ferrieres and at
Fulda under distinguished teachers who were themselves products
of the great educational movement of the Carolingian renaissance.
So great indeed was his thirst for knowledge and so strong his desire
to further the cause of learning that he sought constantly to provide
himself with better texts of works which he already had and to
acquire new manuscripts. He sought, too, to extend his knowledge
by directing inquiries to his learned friends concerning questions
of religious or literary importance, and he was always ready to
make available to others what he had learned. His letters, which
number some 130, cover a wide range of subjects. Not only do they
reflect the author's own intellectual and humanistic interests, but
they shed considerable light on the political, social, and religious
life of the age. As abbot of the important monastery ofFerrieres, he
formed close friendships with many of the leading men of church
and state, and it is to these that most of his letters are addressed.
He wrote to bishops, archbishops, popes, and kings. Some of his
letters were sent to monks and abbots in neighboring monasteries;
a few to his own monks at times when his official duties called him
away from the monastery. His correspondence provides, therefore,
an excellent source of information for the period, and it preserves
for us a vivid impression made on a perceptive mind by the con-
temporary scene. Without him our knowledge of the era would
certainly be less complete, and our evaluation of it less accurate.

About the author:


Born January 8, 1902; A.B., Indiana Central College (1923); A.M., Indiana Uni-
versity (1925); Ph.D., University of Chicago; member of the Faculty of the College
of Arts and Sciences, Tulane University, 1927-present; Visiting Professor at Ohio State
University, Summer 1960; present title: Professor of Classical Languages, Tulane
University and Chairman of the Department.

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Bibliotheca Catholica Neerlandica Impressa 1500-1727. 1954.


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THE LETTERS OF LUPUS OF FERRIERES
THE LETTERS OF
LUPUS OF FERRIERES

Translated
with an Introduction and Notes

by

GRA YDON w. REGEN OS


Chairman Classical Languages
Tulane University

MARTINUS NI]HOFF - THE HAGUE - 1966


Copyright 1966 by Martinus NijhojJ, The Hague, Netherlands
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1966
All rights reserved, including the right to translate or to
reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form
ISBN 978-94-011-8687-2 ISBN 978-94-011-9499-0 (eBook)
DOl 10.1007/978-94-011-9499-0
PREFACE

This translation ofthe letters of Lupus of Ferrieres is based primarily


on the text of Diimmler' s edition, published in the M onumenta Germaniae
Historica in 1902. In the arrangement of the letters, however, I have
followed Levillain who sought to put them in chronological order on the
basis of his own previous research published in a series of articles in the
Bibliothcque de l'E:cole des chartes, volumes LXII and LXIII, in 1901
and 1902. A chronological table with suggested dating of the letters
is given in this book on pages 151-153. I have attempted to keep the
notes brief, confining them chiefly to identification of quoted passages
and to proper names, assuming that the reader, if interested, will him-
self seek more detailed information in the standard sources.
In a collection of letters of this nature, covering as they do such a
wide range of subject matter, it is to be expected that some will have
comparatively little general appeal. The few letters, for example, which
deal with Latin grammar will be of little interest to most readers.
Occasionally a letter may border on the trite or commonplace. It has
seemed desirable, however, in view ofthe limited number of such letters,
and for the sake of completeness, to include the entire collection.
An effort has been made to convey, as far as possible, the tone and
spirit of the original, as well as the thought, in a natural style of English
prose. It has seemed appropriate to render the numerous direct
quotations from the Bible in the matchless English of the King James
authorized version.
Of the works consulted in the preparation of this book, most helpful
has been Levillain's Loup de Ferricres, Correspondance. In questions of
doubt, it has been comforting to have at hand his French version for
purposes of comparison. His notes too have been of inestimable help.
I wish to express a special debt of gratitude to my former teacher
and friend, the late Professor Charles Henry Beeson of the University
of Chicago, who first introduced me to the field of Medieval Latin and,
in particular, to the study of this author, and to whose memory I most
respectfully dedicate this book.
INTRODUCTION

Our information concerning the life of Lupus of Ferrieres is derived


chiefly from a collection of letters, the vast majority of which bear his
own name. The remainder, with the exception of the third letter which
is addressed to Lupus from Einhard, seem to have been written by
Lupus on behalf of some other person or group of persons, usually the
abbot or the brothers of his own monastery.
Lupus, surnamed Servatus, was born about 805 in the diocese of Sens
in the West Frankish Kingdom, the son of a Bavarian father and a
Frankish mother. We have no information concerning his early boy-
hood, but he is first found enrolled as a student in the monastery of
Ferrieres, some sixty miles southeast of Paris. Adalbert, a former
student of Alcuin, was at that time abbot of this monastery. It re-
mained, however, for his successor Aldric, who became abbot in 821,
to guide and encourage the young Lupus in his quest for learning. This
good abbot, whom Lupus in later life admiringly called his master and
foster-father, (dominus ac nutritor) , introduced the young man to a
course of study in the liberal arts which, with its emphasis on grammar
and rhetoric, as well as reading in contemporary literature, proved less
challenging to the young student than the study of Cicero. It was here
at Ferrieres, however, that Lupus received his basic training, and he
displayed such keenness of mind and thirst for learning that Aldric
saw fit to send him to Fulda where he could study theology under the
skillful instruction of its distinguished abbot, Hrabanus Maurus. Here
he spent six or seven profitable and busy years in study and writing,
and thus established his reputation as a scholar. At the request of
Hrabanus, he and a fellow-student by the name of Gerolf corrected
their master's exposition on the Book of Numbers. He was commissioned
to compile a corpus of the Germanic laws for Eberhard, count of Frioul,
and he adorned the huge manuscript with his own illustrations and added
dedicatory verses. Lupus returned to Ferrieres late in 836, but not until he
had yielded to the request of Bun, abbot of the monastery of Hersfeld,
to write a life of Wig bert whose relics were enshrined in that monastery.
VIII INTRODUCTION

The years which Lupus spent at Fulda gave him an opportunity to


mingle with kindred spirits. The nearness of Fulda to Seligenstadt
where Einhard, the biographer of Charlemagne, was then in retirement,
permitted him to cultivate a warm friendship with that distinguished
scholar. Lupus held him in the highest regard and corresponded with
him freely. He sought his advice on scholarly matters and borrowed
books from his library. He visited Einhard at Seligenstadt, and when
his wife died a short time later, he wrote a long letter of consolation to
the grief-stricken husband. Near the end of this same letter Lupus
acknowledges the gift of a little treatise, On the Adoration of the Cross,
which Einhard had dedicated to him. Among his many other friends in
the vicinity of Fulda were Probus of Mainz and Marcward, Eigil, and
Ansbold of Priim. A number of letters were addressed to the latter.
He had also become a friend of Gottschalk, whose unorthodox views on
predestination eventually led to his condemnation as a heretic.
Upon his return to Ferrieres in 836 he served faithfully as a monk
under Odo until his election and elevation to the abbacy a few years
later. In the meantime he was honored twice with invitations to the
court of Louis the Pious and his queen, Judith. Under Odo he had be-
come the recognized literary leader of the monastery, and in that
capacity he carried on much of its official correspondence. At the request
of Waldo, abbot of St. Maximin of Treves, he wrote the Life of St.
Maximin, a work which he completed in 839. The following year he was
elected abbot of Ferrieres to fill the vacancy created by the removal of
Odo, who had incurred the disfavor of Charles the Bald.
Lupus served his monastery with the greatest devotion during a
period of great political and social turmoil. His duties were varied and
often exacting. He worked untiringly, but successfully, to recover the
monastery's subsidiary unit, the cell of St. Josse, which had been lost
through political chicanery. He was obliged to serve in the army, a
field of activity which he heartily disliked, and was taken captive in
the Aquitanian campaign of 844, barely escaping with his life. He at-
tended many public assemblies and made frequent trips to cou.rt. He
visited other monasteries and made a journey to Rome for prayer and a
conference with Pope Leo IV. Although he was a dedicated leader of
the monastery which he served, and toiled unceasingly for its welfare,
when asked to accept the abbacy of the monastery of Saint-Amand, he
respectfully declined, for he felt that this added responsibility would be
too heavy for his limited strength.
It is believed that Lupus died in the year 862, at the approximate age
INTRODUCTION IX

of 57. The last years of his life, as his correspondence so clearly shows,
were spent in the midst of renewed political strife and national danger.
A violent conflict broke out between Charles the Bald and Louis the
German, in which his friend Guenilo, archbishop of Sens, deserted
Charles to support Louis, an act which Lupus bitterly disapproved.
It was a time of internal dissension, of raids from the north, and of
widespread plundering and destruction.
During his crowded years as abbot of the monastery of Ferrieres,
Lupus still found time to devote himself to his first love, the quest for
knowledge and the desire to further the cause of learning. Theological
questions are frequently discussed in his letters, and he wrote a separate
treatise De tribus quaestionibus on predestination, but his chief interest
was clearly not in theology, but rather in philology, and he is best
known as a bibliophile, scribe, and text critic. He quotes from a wide
range of Latin writers, both secular and ecclesiastical, and shows an
acquaintance with many others. Greek literature, on the other hand,
must have been practically unknown to him. He was a student of the
Bible and his familiarity with the Vulgate edition is evident on nearly
every page of his Epistolae in the form of direct quotation or para phrase.
But it was in the acquisition of books that he was most zealous, and
this was such a passion with him that he took every opportunity he
could find to secure new texts or to borrow copies of texts which he al-
ready had, in order that he might improve his own copy.
The letters of Lupus, which number some 130, cover a wide range of
subjects. Not only do they present an intimate picture of the life and
personality of the author himself, but they also shed considerable light
on the period in which he lived. Most of them were written to church
officials, monks in his own monastery or in neighboring monasteries,
abbots, bishops, and archbishops; one letter each was addressed to
Pope Benedict III and Pope Nicholas I. About twenty-five were written
to high state officials, including king Charles the Bald and the emperor
Lothair. Einhard was the recipient of four letters, and, as was mentioned
above, one letter in the collection is from Einhard to Lupus.
Lupus has never been regarded as a profound scholar nor as an
original thinker, and it is not fair to judge him on those terms. He has
won our esteem primarily because of his genuine devotion to the study
of the classics and his strong desire to pass on that heritage to succeeding
generations. For this reason he has been appropriately called a humanist
of the ninth century.
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface . . . v

Introduction . VII

LETTERS.
1. Lupus to Einhard (1). - 2. Lupus to Einhard (4). - 3. Einhard to Lupus (4).-
4. Lupus to Einhard (6). - 5. Lupus to Einhard (14). - 6. Lupus to abbot Bun
(18). -7. Lupus to bishop Immo (19). - 8. Lupus to brother Altuin (21). - 9. Lu-
pus to brother Altuin (24). - 10. Lupus to brother Altuin (27). - 11. Lupus and
A(dalgaud) to Reginb. (28). - 12. Lupus to Reginb. (29). - 13. Lupus to abbot
Waldo (30). - 14. On behalf of abbot Odo to chancellor Louis (31). - 15. On be-
half of abbot Odo to chancellor Louis (31). - 16. On behalf of abbot Odo to
chancellor Louis (32). - 17. On behalf of abbot Odo to bishop Jonas (33). - 18. On
behalf of abbot Odo to fathers Marcward and Sichard (34). - 19. The brothers
of the monastery of Ferrieres to emperor Lothaire I (34). - 20. Lupus and W. to
bishop Jonas (35). - 21. Lupus to Adalgaud (35). - 22. Lupus to King Charles
(37). - 23. Lupus to bishop Ebroin (38). - 24. Lupus to bishop Jonas (38). - 25.
Lupus to abbot Louis (40). - 26. Lupus to bishop Amulus, bishop Guenilo and
count Gerard (41). - 27. Lupus to father Hrabanus (43). - 28. Lupus to Marcward
and Eigil (44). - 29. Lupus to Emperor Lothaire (45). - 30. Lupus to Marcward
and Eigil (46). - 31. Lupus to King Charles (47). - 32. Lupus to abbot Hugo (49).
- 33. Lupus to Marcward (50). - 34. Lupus to abbot Odacre (51). - 35. Lupus to
Marcward (51). - 36. Lupus to abbot Louis (53). - 37. Lupus to King Charles
(53). - 38. Lupus to the brothers of the monastery of Ferrieres (55). - 39. Lupus
to Hatto (55). - 40. Lupus to abbot Usuard (56). - 41. Lupus to bishop Pruden-
tius (57). - 42. Lupus to King Charles (57). - 43. Lupus to bishop Hincmar (58). -
44. Lupus to bishop Guenilo (60). - 45. Lupus to abbot Louis (61). - 46. Lupus to
King Charles (63). - 47. Lupus to abbot Louis (65). - 48. Lupus to bishop Hinc-
mar (66). - 49. Lupus to King Charles (67). - 50. Lupus to abbot Ratbert (69). -
51. Lupus to abbot Ratbert (69). - 52. Lupus to abbot Ratbert (70). - 53. Lupus
to archbishop Orsmar (70). - 54. Lupus to an unidentified friend (71). - 55. Lupus
to an unidentified friend (72). - 56. Lupus to an unidentified person (72). - 57.
Lupus to King Charles (73). - 58. Lupus to Marcward (74). - 59. Lupus to bishop
Hincmar (75). - 60. Lupus to Marcward (75). - 61. Lupus to an unidentified
person (76). - 62. Lupus to the brothers of the monastery of Ferrieres (77). - 63.
Lupus to an unidentified person (77). - 64. Lupus to an unidentified friend (78). -
65. Lupus to father Marcward (78). - 66. Queen Irmentrude to bishop Pardulus
(79). - 67. Lupus to the brothers of Saint Arnand (80). - 68. On behalf of abbot
Marcward to abbot Dido (80). - 69. Lupus to Ansbold (81). -70. Lupus to abbot
Marcward (82). -71. Lupus to bishop Pardulus (82). -72. Lupus to bishop Pardu-
Ius (83). - 73. Lupus to bishop Pardulus (84). -74. Lupus to Rotrarnnus (84).-
XII TABLE OF CONTENTS

75. Lupus to bishop Reginfrid (85). - 76. Lupus to an unidentified person (85). -
77. Lupus to father Marcward (86). -78. Lupus to King Charles (86). - 79. Lupus
to bishop Hincmar (91). - 80. Lupus to Gottschalk (94). - 81. Lupus on behalf of
various bishops to Nominoe, duke of Brittany (99). - 82. Lupus to abbot Louis
(102). - 83. Lupus to father Marcward (102). - 84. Lupus to King Ethelwulf (103).
- 85. Lupus to Felix (104). - 86. Lupus to bishop Guigmund (105). - 87. Lupus
to abbot Altsig (105). - 88. Lupus to father Marcward (106). - 89. Lupus to abbot
Hilduin (108). -90. Lupus to abbot Hilduin (109). - 91. Lupus to a number of
bishops at Moret (110). - 92. Lupus to a number of persons on the death of bishop
Ercanrad (111). - 93. On behalf of various bishops to the clergy of the mother
church of Paris (112). - 94. On behalf of bishop Guenilo to his parishes (113). -
95. Lupus to bishop Heribold (115). - 96. Queen Irmentrude to bishop Heribold
(116). - 97. Lupus to bishop Heribold (117). - 98. Guenilo to the prelates of Italy
and Gaul (117). - 99. Lupus to the bishops of Italy and Gaul (118). - 100. Lupus
to Pope Benedict (119). - 101. Lupus to Reg. (120). - 102. To Pope Nicolas, on
behalf of bishop Guenilo (121). - 103. Lupus to bishop Guenilo (121). - 104. Lu-
pus to bishop Guenilo (122). - 105. Lupus to Bertold (122). - 106. Lupus to abbot
Odo (123). - 107. Lupus to abbot Odo (124). - 108. Lupus to bishop Hincmar
(126). - 109. Lupus to archbishop Herard (127). - 110. Lupus to duke Gerhard
and his wife Bertha (127). - 111. Lupus to abbot Louis (128). - 112. Lupus to
abbot Louis (129). - 113. Lupus to the brothers of Saint Germain (130). - 114.
Lupus to bishop Arduic (130). - 115. Lupus to the holy fathers in the monastery
of Saint Germain (131). - 116. Lupus to abbot Ansbold (132). - 117. Lupus to
abbot Ansbold (133). - 118. Lupus to bishop Guenilo (133). - 119. Lupus to
bishop Folcric (135). - 120. Lupus to bishop Guenilo (137). - 121. Lupus to
bishop Odo (138). - 122. Lupus to bishop Aeneas (138). - 123. Lupus to abbot
Vulfad (139). - 124. Lupus to King Charles (140). - 125. Lupus to Leotald (140).
- 126. Lupus to Leotald (141). - 127. Lupus to bishop Guenilo (141). - 128.
Bishop Guenilo to all those who are faithful to Almighty God (142). - 129. Lupus
to his very reverend lords and valiant Christians (143). - 130. Lupus to bishop
Guenilo (143). - 131. Lupus to Hugo (147). - 132. Lupus to an unidentified
person (148). - 133. Lupus to Ebrard (149).

Chronological and numerical tables 151


Bibliography. 154

Index . . . . 155
]I[

To his very dear Einhard,l greetings from Lupus.


I have long been uncertain, most beloved of men, whether or not I
should dare to write to Your Excellency, and although other good
reasons have kept me from doing it, I have been deterred chiefly by the
fear that I might win your displeasure in my desire to gain your friend-
ship. It certainly would have been over-hasty and very strange for me
to have accepted the gift of intimate friendship without being in the
slightest degree acquainted with you. While I was thus extremely
hesitant, the kind and gentle character of your spirit which surely be-
comes the philosopher gave me hope of realizing my ambition. But,2
that I may seem to have some reason, for I pass over the views of
secular writers on friendship for fear that, since you rely so heavily
upon them, I may hear, and justifiably so, those words of Horace so
often quoted by our wisest men, "Don't carry wood into the forest,"3
let me say that God, far from leaving any occasion for slighting friends,
has indeed commanded that we should thoroughly love our enemies. 4
I therefore ask that you will patiently and kindly give me your attention
while I express in some detail my thoughts, so that you can know that
I have no evil intentions nor attempt this through fickleness of youth.
A love of learning arose in me almost from earliest childhood, and I
did not despise what many people today speak of as a horrible waste of
time. And if there had not been a lack of teachers, and if the study of
the ancient writers had not passed almost into oblivion through long
neglect, perhaps, with the help of God, I could have satisfied my
craving, for within your memory there has been a revival of learning,
thanks to the efforts of the illustrious emperor Charles to whom letters
owe an everlasting debt of gratitude. Learning has indeed lifted up its
1 The biographer of Charlemagne who lived from about 770 to 840.
• Dtimmler and Levillain observe that Heric of Auxerre, who studied under Lupus,
was influenced by this passage in his prologue to the Miracles of St. Germanus (Acta
Sanctorum, July, VII, p. 267).
3 Horace, Satires, 1. 10. 34.
4 Cf. Matthew v. 44.
2 LETTER 1

head to some extent, and support has been given to the truth of Cicero's
well known dictum, "Honor nourishes the arts, and all men are aroused
to the pursuits oflearning by the hope of glory."5
In these days those who pursue an education are considered a burden
to society, and the uneducated who commonly look up to men of
learning as if seated on a high mound impute any fault which they may
find in them to the quality of their training, not to human frailty. Men
have consequently shrunk from this noble endeavor, some because they
do not receive a suitable reward for their knowledge, others because
they fear an unworthy reputation.
It is quite apparent to me that knowledge should be sought for its
own sake, and when I was sent by the holy metropolitan bishop Aldric 6
to pursue it, I found a teacher of grammar and learned from him the
rules. The transition from grammar to rhetoric and then in due course
to the rest of the liberal studies is merely a routine matter, and when I
subsequently began to do some reading in the authors, and the works of
our period displeased me, especially since they lacked the grandeur of
Cicero and the rest of the classical writers which our distinguished
Christian authors also emulated, your work' came into my hands in
which (may I speak without suspicion of flattery) you gloriously set
forth the glorious deeds of the aforesaid emperor. I was pleased to find
in this work noble sentiments, a moderate use of conjunctions, which I
have observed in the classical writers, and sentences not too long and
involved, but of moderate length. Therefore, not only because of my
earlier opinion of you as a man of wisdom, but chiefly because of the
eloquence which I found in that book, I have since wanted to have
some opportunity to meet you and to converse with you, and just as
your goodness and wisdom have made you famous in the eyes of your
humble servant, so may my love for you and my zeal for learning place
me in your highest esteem. Indeed I shall not cease to desire this as
long as I know that you are alive and in good health.
I have all the greater hope that this can be accomplished because I
have now moved from Gaul to this other side of the Rhine and have
become a close neighbor of yours. I was in fact sent by the bishop
mentioned above to the venerable Hrabanus,8 that he might introduce
me to the study of the Holy Scriptures. Then, when I discovered that
his courier was going to your place, I at first intended to send you
6 Cf. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, I. 2. 4.
8 Abbot of Ferrieres and later archbishop of Sens.
1 Einhard's Life of Charlemagne.
8 Hrabanus Maurus, distinguished abbot of Fulda from 822 to 842.
LETTER 1 3

certain difficult words to have explained, but later it seemed better to


send you this letter. If it receives a gracious welcome from you, I shall
be pleased to have won this coveted recognition.
And now that I have exceeded the bounds of propriety, I also make
this request, that you loan me some of your books while I remain here,
although it is much easier to ask for books than for friendship.
Now these are the books: Cicero's De Rhetorica9 (it is true that I do
have this book, but my copy is faulty in several places, for although
I collated it with a manuscript which I found here, supposedly more
accurate, I discovered that it was even more corrupt); also, his three
books on rhetoric, a treatise in dialogue form concerning the oratorIO
(this I think you have, for in the catalogue of your books, after mention
of the book to Herennius and the listing of several others, I found this
entry: Cicero's De Rhetorica); likewise, the Commentary on the Books of
Cicero; and lastly, the N octes Atticae of Aulus Gellius. There are several
other works listed in this catalogue, which, if God grants me to enjoy
your favor, I desire very much to receive, after I have returned the
others, so that I may have copies of them made while I am here.
Remove from me, I beg, my sense of guilt by doing what I ask, and
as I search the bitter roots of learning, let me enjoy its fruits which I
have already found most delightful.H Inspire me by that eloquent style
of yours. If I deserve to receive these favors, I shall be grateful to you
all the rest of my life. Indeed I need not tell you what reward will come
to you for having granted them.
I can think of many things to write about, but I must trouble you no
longer with my own petty problems, for I know that your time is taken
up not only with outside interests, but with the deep and obscure
problems of philosophy.

9 Cicero'S De inventione rhetorica.


10 It is assumed that Lupus made a copy of this MS and that it survives as the
Harleian 2736 in the British Museum. For a facsimile ofthis MS and detailed description
see Charles H. Beeson, Lupus as Scribe and Text Critic (The Mediaeval Academy of
America, Publication No.4, Cambridge, Mass., 1930).
11 Cf. St. Jerome, Commentaries on Jeremiah, I. 1 (Migne, P. L. XXIV, 685): "Unde
et vetus ilia sententia: literarum radices amaras, fructus dulces (whence that old
aphorism: the bitter roots of learning, the sweet fruits);" also, Epist., CXXX. 12
(Migne, P. L., XXII, 1079): "gratias ago Domino quod de amaro semine litterarum,
dulces fructus carpo (I thank the Lord because, from the bitter seed of learning, I reap
the sweet fruits)."
4 LETTERS 2-3

]2[

To his beloved master Einhard,l greetings from Lupus.


I am deeply distressed by the sad news concerning the death of your
esteemed wife, and I should desire now more than ever before to be
with you in order to lighten your sorrow with expressions of sympathy
and to comfort you by frequent talks on thoughts borrowed from the
Holy Scriptures. But until God makes this possible, I suggest that you
remember our human condition which we have brought about because
of our sins and that you bear patiently and sanely what has happened.
Indeed you must not allow yourself to be overcome by this blow of
fortune. You were always courageous and victorious when blessed by
good fortune. Call upon God, therefore, and now display those powers
of forbearance as you would surely exhort any of your dearest friends
to do if overtaken by a similar misfortune.
I hope that you are in good health.

]3[

Einhard extends greetings to his friend Lupus. 1


The heavy sorrow which befell me some time ago on account of the
death of my devoted wife, and only recently on account of the death of
my dear sister and companion, has taken away all my interest and
concern, not only in the affairs of my friends, but in my own as well.
And there seems to be no end to it, for my mind retains so vividly the
memory of that loss that it can absolutely not be forced out. Besides,
the thing that intensifies this grief and aggravates the wound once re-
ceived is the fact that my prayers seem to have been to no avail and I
have been utterly disappointed in the hopes which I had placed in the
help and intercession of the martyrs. 2 Consequently, words of comfort
which usually heal the grief of others tend rather to aggravate and
reopen the wound which is in my heart, for men ask me to bear patient-
ly the blows of fortune which they do not feel themselves, and they

1 Written to Einhard on the death of his wife, Emma, early in 836.

1 Einhard seems to have written this letter a few weeks after the death of his wife,
Emma.
• St. Peter and St. Marcellinus, whose relics were brought from Rome by Einhard
(See Levillain's note).
LETTER 3 5

think that I should be of good cheer in a circumstance wherein they


cannot demonstrate any trace of joy or gladness. Indeed, what mortal
man is there, no mattE,[ how sensible and reasonable he may be, who
would not bewail his lot and consider himself unfortunate and utterly
wretched when, in time of trouble, he finds that He who he had thought
would be favorable to his prayers turns away from him and remains un-
yielding?
Do you not think that troubles such as these might have brought
sighs and tears to such a frail human being, might have caused him to
lament and complain and have driven him to the very depths of de-
spair? They would certainly have broken my spirit if I had not been
helped by divine mercy and if I had not quickly turned to see what our
greatest and wisest men have taught us to accept and to observe in
situations or misfortunes of this kind. There were at hand distinguished
teachers, not to be ignored but listened to and followed in every respect,
as for example the glorious martyr Cyprian and the illustrious expo-
sitors of the Holy Scriptures, Augustine and Jerome. Inspired by their
helpful thoughts and persuasive arguments, I attempted to comfort my
grief-stricken heart, and I began to consider carefully what should be
my feelings in the loss of a dear companion whose mortal nature rather
than life I had seen brought to an end.
I have also tried, in the hope that I might succeed by my own efforts,
to accomplish by reasoning what the passing of time usually accom-
plishes, namely, to cause the wound inflicted on my heart by the sudden
shock of untimely death to form a scar and to heal through the healing
power of self-consolation. But the wound is deep and resists treatment,
and although the remedies offered by those learned men are very
effective, coming, as they do, from doctors who are highly skilled as
well as very gentle, a wound which is still bleeding is not yet ready to
heal.
At this point you are perhaps astonished and saying that grief arising
from such a cause should not have lasted so long, as if a mourner can
decide when his grief should end, the beginning of which he could
neither determine nor anticipate. However, the intensity and the
duration of sorrow and grief can be measured only, I think, by the
extent of the losses sustained. Since I am keenly aware of these losses
every day, in every act, in every deed, in the whole management of the
house and servants, and in every appointment and assignment which
pertains to the service of God and man, how can the wound which has
brought so much pain and discomfort, when repeatedly touched,
6 LETTERS 3-4

fail to get sore and tender again rather than heal and be made well?
Indeed I think, and I have no fear that I shall be found wrong, that
this sorrow and anxiety which the death of my dear companion has
brought me will remain throughout the years until God brings this
wretched mortal existence which he has been willing to give me to its
destined end. And yet I find that this grief has been beneficial to me
thus far rather than harmful, for it holds back and curbs, as if with
bridle and reins, my spirit, hastening to find pleasure and happiness,
and it reminds me of the call of death, whereas a care-free and forgetful
old age had encouraged me to hope for and desire a long old age. I see
that I do not have much time left to live, and yet I am utterly ignorant
of how long it may be. I do know this for a certainty, however, that a
newborn child can die suddenly, and that an old man can live a long
time. 3 Hence, I think that it will be far more profitable and blessed for
me to spend this short and uncertain period oflife in sorrow than in joy,
for if, as our Lord says,4 those who now mourn and sorrow will be
blessed and happy, then those, on the other hand, who do not fear to
end their days in continuous and uninterrupted happiness will become
wretched and unhappy.
I am most grateful to you for your kindness and thoughtfulness in
writing me a letter of consolation, for you could not have given me a
better or more positive proof of your love than by extending to me the
hand of encouragement in time of sickness and despair, and by urging
me to rise up when, as you could not fail to see, I was prostrate and
overwhelmed by grief.
Good health to you, my very dear friend and beloved son.

]4[

I read with considerable feeling your kind letter! in which you bitter-
ly complained of your recent misfortunes, and I regret very much that
your mind has been so affected by this prolonged period of sorrow.
And although friends who far excel me have tried to console you and to
lighten this heavy grief, yet, as is quite clear from your letter, they have
been unsuccessful, because in considering your misfortune they have

• Cicero, De senectute, XIX. 67, expresses this same view, though in different words.
, Cf. Matthew v. 5 (Vulg.); v. 4 (A.V.).

1 Addressed to Einhard, in reply to preceding letter.


LETTER 4 7

not put themselves in your place. Some of them have even gone so
far as to advise you to rejoice in the passing of your dear wife, which, in
my opinion, has no place in a consolation. It is not so much because of
youthful levity or confidence in my ability, limited as I know it is, that
I have had no fear of writing to you again and extending these words of
consolation, such as they are, but rather because of my great devotion
to you. I am indeed conscious of the fact that I have suffered a personal
grief in the death of that noble woman, for your sake as well as my
own, and your letter, I confess, has renewed my sorrow and greatly
increased it. Let me therefore not lose hope that the Lord has reserved
for me something which he has not granted to the others, the ability to
persuade you to accept some consolation. Healing is often sought from
cheap household remedies after costly and carefully prepared medicines
have long been tried in vain.
N ow in the letter which you sent me you divided your reason for
regarding the grief justifiable into two parts. The first of these, as well
as the more important, is the fact that your prayers and the hope which
you placed in the intercession of the holy martyrs have been proved, as
it were, ineffectual and deceptive. The second, and it is closely allied to
the first, is the fact that you have been forced to realize what a great
loss that misfortune has brought to you in your daily life, since the
responsibility for matters both domestic and religious, which were
rendered lighter by the devoted comradeship of that notable woman,
has been made to rest solely on your shoulders, and it is a heavy burden.
Both of these reasons are very important indeed and able easily to
overwhelm anyone except the philosopher who has learned to bear
reverses with moderation.
The validity of the first reason which I stated I shall surely not
attempt to underestimate or rule out completely, for I think it would be
utterly impossible even for perfect orators, if there be any, and all the
more for me, but I shall try to refute and weaken the argument in the
light of reason. You are, to be sure, greatly disturbed and upset because
you believe that your prayers have been in vain, and that the hope
which you placed in the martyrs, nay rather in God, has failed you. But
can you really be sure that what you so strongly demand is conducive
to your own salvation and that of your wife? For if you had studied the
matter sufficiently, you would have seen that the amount of tinder which
kindled this just and bitter grief was great because divine judgment
was chastising you not as a son,2 but venting its fury on you as an
• Cf. Hebrews xii. 6.
8 LETTER 4

adversary. But even so, you should not have sunk to the depths of
despair, but you should have appeased the wrath of God by constant
prayers and humble submissiveness. But now, since God desires that all
men be saved,3 and no one should pray in the name of him who is called
the Savior unless he asks for things which will be profitable for his own
salvation, and since, in complete faith, you have made your request
in the name ofthe Savior, is there anyone who would not suppose that
you have been heard, not to win a temporal desire but rather ever-
lasting salvation? As for me, I am convinced that God has considered
the best interests of both you and your wife, even in her untimely
death.
You ask how this can be? You know, of course, that husbands and
wives, having been reduced from two bodies into one,4 are not removed
by death at the same time, although they have lived together in perfect
harmony; and, in the regular course of nature, the one must necessarily
survive the other. For this reason, as a man of wisdom, you now under-
stand that since the divine sentence pronounced against man, "Dust
thou art and unto dust shalt thou return,"5 can be postponed for a while
but not avoided forever, a faithful couple should desire, inasmuch as
the one or the other ofthem will be left, that the one should survive who
is better able to bear misfortune and better suited for performing the
burial rites in accordance with Christian practice. The difference in
strength is not, to be sure, a question of sex but of the spirit. Otherwise
I do not see how devout couples are joined together in sincere love. Since
sound reasoning convinces us that this is true, it is therefore reasonable
to suppose that God has been very considerate not only of your revered
wife, but of you too, in having actually brought to you, in a judgment
which was unseen but by no means unjust, that which you would have
chosen yourself.
Although she had indeed learned many things from her association
with you, so that she far surpassed not only those of her own sex but
even ordinary men in her remarkable wisdom, sobriety, and upright-
ness, qualities which contribute great dignity to human life, and al-
though a mere woman in body, she had achieved in spirit the stature of
man, she would never have attained the height of your wisdom; never
would she have had any measure of success in trying to equal that
sturdiness and steadfastness which everyone admires so much in you;

3 Cf. 1 Timothy ii. 4.


• Cf. Matthew xix. 5-6.
5 Genesis iii. 19.
LETTER 4 9

never, if she had lived, could she have done as much as you for her
eternal salvation and your own.
Since then, while we remain in this frail body, we cannot be complete-
ly free from trouble but must at some time or another be stricken by
some disaster, I should hope that you will aspire to that which the
philosophers have thought it possible for the wise man to attain, that is,
to master in an intelligent manner circumstances which seem at first
sight to be unfavorable and by which the ignorant masses are usually
ruined, nay rather to subject your will to the will of God. Then too, be-
cause the Divine Word illuminates the darkest recesses of this life as we
see in the following verse: "Thy word is a lamp unto my feet, and a
light unto my path,"6 it is necessary for us to examine carefully how
God himselffashions this life. It is true that we repeat every day while
reciting the Lord's prayer "Thy will be done,"7 meaning of course not
our will, which is often deceived and does not know what is best for it,
but thy will, that is, God's, which knows beforehand the future. Our
Savior also, when the hour of his death was near and he had cried
"0 my father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me,"8 thus
mastered by divine power the weakness of the manhood which he had
taken upon himself, or rather the frailty of his body, for which he had
submissively offered this prayer, saying. "Nevertheless not as I will, but
as thou wilt." Obviously, the Master knows not how to deceive or to
be deceived, because God has taught us by his example to attempt by
prayer to keep misfortunes away, when they press upon us, so that we
may accept for our own good the fulfillment of his will, even when it is
contrary to our own desires.
Consider, I beg you, the Apostle Paul whose preeminence was such
that he was caught up into the third heaven and heard the secret words
of the Holy Trinity which it is not permitted for man to utter. 9 Three
times he prayed the Lord to deliver him from the messenger of Satan by
whom he was buffeted, and he did not obtain what he wished but did
receive that which was profitable. 10 Remember how David mortified
himself that he might obtain life for his son,n and yet. in spite of his
greatness as a prophet, he was not even privileged to receive a reply
from God when overcome by such heavy grief. "For whatsoever things

6 Psalm cxix. 105.


7 Matthew vi. 10.
8 Matthew xxvi. 39.
9 Cf. 2 Corinthians xii. 2, 4.
10 Cf. 2 Corinthians xii. 7, 8.
11 Cf. 2 Kings xviii. 33, xix. 4 (Vulg.); 2 Samuel xviii. 33, xix. 4 (A.v.).
10 LETTER 4

were written afore time were written for our learning, that we through
patience and comfort of the scriptures might have hope."12 Consider,
then, how David, having discovered the futility of his importunate
prayers, obtained comfort through reason and found peace by his
humble submission to the justice of God. You do not possess such a
resolute mind. Receive as your reply the following words addressed to
the Apostle: "My grace is sufficient for thee: for my strength is made
perfect in weakness."13 He, indeed, having been admonished by this
divine revelation to change his attitude, surrendered whatever resent-
ment had arisen in him on realizing that his prayer was repudiated. The
field of sacred writings is rich in teachings and examples of this kind,
but since "we do not sing to deaf ears,"14 as a great poet has said, and
space is limited in a letter, I pass them by and leave them to you for
considera tion.
It will suffice merely to touch upon those things which, in my opinion,
can by themselves alone, if God so grant, alleviate and bring healing to
this swollen wound. And yet, as I dwell upon this matter, another idea
occurs to me, the belief that this judgment of God can appear to be a
very clear proof of his mercy rather than of his wrath. Since indeed he
"scourgeth every son whom he receiveth,"15 perhaps he did not allow
your affections to be divided in love for a wife, and we can suppose that
he has called you back to a love for himself alone. And if, because of an
intemperate love for her, you have been attracted too much to her body,
he has punished you by taking that body away from you. And since
God speaking through the prophet says: "affliction shall not rise up the
second time"16 (rendered in the Septuagint" God does not pass judgment
on the same case twice"), he has deemed it proper to correct you for
having, as a man, exceeded proper limits (for no one is without fault),
lest at some future time he might have to decide something worse for
you. You must therefore accept God's boundless mercy, and, since he
has judged you worthy of receiving his correction, you must bear the
blows of his chastisement rather than fear his displeasure. Solomon
says: "My son, despise not the chastening of the Lord; neither be
weary of his correction: for whom the Lord loveth he correcteth; even
as a father the son in whom he delighteth."17 In short, God turns the

12 Romans xv. 4.
13 2 Corinthians xii. 9.
14 Vergil, Eclogues, X. 8.
15 Hebrews xii. 6.
16 Nahum i. 9.
17 Proverbs iii. 11, 12; cf. Hebrews xii. 5.
LETTER 4 11

fury of his wrath upon them after death whose sins go unpunished in
this world and whom he permits to flourish after their own desires.
Concerning such men we read in the Psalm: "They are not in trouble
as other men; neither are they plagued like other men."18 Also, in the
Book of Job we read: "They spend their days in wealth, and in a
moment go down to the grave."19
This further thought occurs to me, that God has wanted you to learn
from these very experiences how unhappy is the man who removes him-
self everlastingly from the very one in whom there is true and eternal
delight, if the temporary removal of one who is very loyal and dear to
him, but only a human being, affects him so much. Since this seems
most reasonable, give up, I beg of you, as far as you can, this grief
which is the topic of our discussion, and say with Job: "The Lord gave,
and the Lord hath taken away; the Lord hath done according to his
pleasure; blessed be the name of the Lord. "20 And with the apostle pour
forth praises to God, saying: "Blessed be God, even the Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies and the God of all comfort;
who comforteth us in all our tribulation. "21
There remains the second part of the task which I have undertaken,
and I must touch upon it briefly, lest perhaps, in my desire to console
you I may tire you by saying too much. You have stated that your
sorrow is returning, or rather continuing because the increased burden
of the daily routine reminds you of the good which you have lost, and
particularly because it seems that it cannot stop. I must admit myself
that this is very true, and I heartily approve and consider quite ortho-
dox your claim, among other things, that man cannot at will put an end
to a grief which he does not anticipate nor can avoid when it threatens.
It is certainly not in the power of man to choose his course oflife, but
his steps are directed by the Lord,22 and the freedom of the human will
is entirely dependent upon the help of God's grace. Yet it is plain that
the things that have been done cannot be undone, and that grief cannot
bring back the past, nor is it in the power of man to secure help from
himself. For this reason, whenever we are overtaken by any difficulties
whatsoever, the more helpless we feel ourselves to be, the more swiftly
must we fly to the protection of God's mercy as to a well protected har-
bor. That has been eloquently expressed in these words: "It is necessary
18 Psalm lxxiii. 5.
1. Job xxi. 13 .
• 0 Job i. 21.
21 2 Corinthians i. 3, 4.
II Cf. Proverbs xx. 24.
12 LETTER 4

for God's help to be present when human resources fail."23 And our grief
need not last long provided we only try. He who thus calls us to himself,
"Come unto me, all ye who labor, " 24 surely assists those who try, teaches
those who come to him, and without doubt crowns those who abide in
him. As for your saying that this sorrow will remain 'with you as long as
you live, that is based, I feel, on the fact that your love grew strong
because of your long years together, but let me urge you as far as I dare
to do so not to remain in this obstinate state of mind, for your immoder-
ation will certainly not help her for whose sake it came about, and it
will do you much harm, if it is not put aside.
Why do you not rather commit yourself wholly to the care and
healing power of God, since that which our human nature considers
most difficult is very easy for him? Who, indeed, has placed his hope in
the Lord and been deceived? I beseech you to pour out your whole heart
to God in prayer. He who has urged men to pray, "ask and ye shall
receive, "25 is willing to grant your request. Ask him to inspire you with a
desire to pray and to grant you the fulfillment of your prayer. Say what
that illustrious and at the same time most eloquent writer, Augustine,
said: "Give what You command, and command what You wish. "26 By
his grace, indeed, God goes before us and he will follow, so that we can
wish some good thing and be able to receive it. This truth we have
evidently learned in the Psalms, where it is written: "The God of my
mercy shall prevent me,"27 and again: "Thy goodness and mercy shall
follow me all the days of my life."28 Heed the admonition of the Holy
Spirit as expressed by David: "Cast thy burden upon the Lord, and he
shall sustain thee,"29 and say in full confidence to God: "Thou art my
hiding place; thou shalt preserve me from trouble,"30 and soon, ex-
ulting in praises to God, you will be able to repeat with the apostle:
"I can do all things through Christ which strengtheneth me."31 The
sorrow of the world produces death,32 no doubt a spiritual death, but it
often causes, as you well know, a physical death also. Let us therefore
be saddened by the tribulations which come from the sins which crowd
23 Dtimmler, as well as Levillain, observes that this saying comes from Rufinus'
translation of the Historiae Ecclesiasticae of Eusebius.
24 Matthew xi. 28.
25 John xvi. 24.
26 St. Augustine, Confessions, X. 29.
27 Psalm Iix. 10.
28 Psalm xxiii. 6 .
• 9 Psalm Iv. 22.
30 Psalm xxxii. 7.
31 Philippians iv. 13.
3. 2 Corinthians vii. 10.
LETTER 4 13

upon us, and let us strive to separate ourselves from their deceptive
sweetness with as much bitterness as possible, and let us bear with
restraint our sojourn in this life which is not without complaint. Final-
ly, let us look to God for pardon, and let us rejoice, putting our full
confidence in him. And then, concerning that promise in the gospel,
"Blessed are they that mourn; for they shall be comforted, "33 it is under-
stood very properly to apply not to those who mourn the loss of dear
ones and temporal blessings, but to those who, having been first sepa-
rated from the deadly pleasure of sins, mourn until they receive com-
fort through the power of the Holy Spirit. It applies also to those who
by saving grace are troubled on account of their own sins and the sins of
those who are very close to them, and on account of the postponement
of that life of bliss for which we yearn with all our heart. As you pray,
then, for the everlasting repose of your deceased wife who, as we be-
lieve, has not died but passed beyond death, beseech our Lord that he
give you patience and perseverance and advancement in good deeds,
and he will promptly bring comfort to your heart so that you will heed
the apostle when he exhorts, "Rejoice in the Lord alway: and again I
say rejoice."34
Since you have seen fit to share your troubles with me, I shall indeed
try to pray more earnestly for both you and her. I believe that God
must be pleased, not through any merit of my own, but because of your
humble spirit, that, in spite of your high position, you have not hesitated
to confer with one so lowly as myself on matters of such a serious nature.
I have shown as well as I could by human reasoning and divine authority
that you should not be disappointed because your prayer has not been
fulfilled, and also how that seemingly incurable wound may be re-
lieved. It will be proof of your wisdom and accustomed perceptiveness
to read again and again this letter with the same earnestness with
which I composed it, not to teach but to remind you, and if any useful-
ness can be gained from it, to regard it as your own out of respect for
our friendship.
I was pleased, as I might well be, to receive the little volume, dedi-
cated to me, entitled On the Adoration of the Cross,35 which, in my judg-
ment, will be very useful. And I could wish that you would do me the
favor of explaining all the difficult problems I first sent you to solve,
as well as those I left with you this year. Your efforts would surely

.3 Matthew v. 5 (Vulg.); v. 4 (A.V.).


3. Philippians iv. 4.
35 lWonumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistolae, V, 146-149, ed. by K. Hampe.
14 LETTERS 4-5

benefit many others as well as myself. Nevertheless, I am grateful to


you and I thank you very much for this book you sent as a surprise,
and for the other forms of instruction I have already received from you.
I shall be waiting eagerly to find out what God will inspire you his most
devoted and faithful servant to do.
H I am still alive I expect to leave here the middle of May. At that
time, God willing, I shall come and visit you for several days as, if you
will remember, I promised. My purpose in coming will be to return
your books and to learn what I need to know, to spend some time with
you in pleasant conversations, and to profit from your example of honor
and dignity, which I find most pleasing. It was indeed a false report
which led you to think that I would be departing at this time. Even if
this were true, and I am most unwilling that it should be, I should
certainly be hastening to you. Indeed I have such a high regard for you
that I would not think of returning home without stopping to see you
and to seek the protection of your holy martyrs.
Master and dearest father, well deserving of me in all things, I hope
that you will remember me and I trust that you are strong in the Lord
and abounding in good success.

]5[

Most faithful father Einhard,l greetings from Lupus.


It is very difficult for me to express to you how pleased I am that you
are mindful of me, especially since you a man of great preeminence have
gone so far as to honor me by returning my greetings so willingly, al-
though I had hoped to be cheered by a letter from you and to learn to
what extent your flood of grief has now subsided and whether I your
humble servant have been able to persuade you at all. As for myself,
I am offering, just as I promised, a special prayer to the Lord each day
for the everlasting repose of your beloved wife, and I do not cease to
pray earnestly that he will grant what will, I think, be of advantage to
you both, not only in this life but in the life to come. Whether I shall be
of any help to you, you may perhaps realize. I could never, however,
hesitate to entrust the fulfillment of these petitions to divine mercy and
wait for the fulfillment, though from our point of view it be slow in
coming, yet certainly to be expected in the ripeness of time on account
1 Written shortly after the preceding letter.
LETTER 5 15

of the magnitude of that justice. I request, moreover, that you read the
twenty-seventh chapter of Book XXI of Saint Augustine's City of God
and see if that inspired man of God did not express the very same views
as I have on this subject of sorrow. I had really never read it before, but
when I later came across it I was astonished to discover that my own
thoughts coincided so closely with his as to have seemed entirely
colored by them.
Now I have been obliged to postpone slightly the date of my de-
parture for home and a visit to you in the meantime. The reason for
this is because the venerable Marcward, 2 whose duty it is to arrange for
my return, was being sent on a mission to Italy and had summoned me
first to a friendly conference with him, and I decided, Holy Father, that
I should leave here for your place on the day which I had indicated. But
the illustrious abbot Hrabanus, returning a little later from the palace,
could not be certain whether he would be here at that time on account
of a mission to which he had been appointed. He therefore urged me to
delay my return until the fifth day of June because the feast of Saint
Boniface would not permit his absence at that time unless an imperial
command of greatest importance should by chance call him away.
Accordingly, when Marcward returned he sent someone to ask me when
I preferred to leave, and I told him to have the horses brought here for
that purpose on the fourth of June so that, Christ being willing, I might
be able to set out on the sixth. This he will surely accomplish if he is
alive. Consequently, I do not dare to give you a definite day for my
arrival, but I do assure you that if God is willing I shall by all means
arrive during the week beginning June the fifth. May it be my privilege
then to find your mind so relieved of every burden of care that you will
not only be free to converse with me in your usual gracious manner, as
between friends, but will also give me the benefit of your sound judg-
ment when my own understanding or that of others fails me. To escape
the reproach of flattery, I do not wish to express further how much I
respect your judgment, how much I defer to it, and finally how much I
realize that I have been and will be helped by it. God whose grace has
supplied it will understand.
In the meantime, will you please examine in that spirit of warm
fatherly devotion which you always bear toward me those questions
which I submitted to you so that, having considered them first, you
may more easily give me the answers. In the first book of his Arithmetic,

2 Abbot of Prtim, 829-853.


16 LETTER 5

the fourth chapter, Boethius3 sets forth the following: Quod autem
dictum est: secundum quorum generum contrarias passiones, huiusmodi
est. Beginning at this place and continuing to the following words which
appear farther on: spatio est maxima, parvissima quantitate, the meaning
is less clear to me than I should like. In the same book, Chapter XXXI,
besides the words partes multiplicis superpartientis, which he explains
himself, he says that it is not "difficult for the studious" to find the rest
according to the "method" which he has shown. This will surely not be
difficult for me to understand, if I shall learn fully from you what he
wrote a little farther on where he says: vocabunturque hi secundum
proprias partes duplex superbipartiens, etc. This same distinguished
author, in the second book of this same work, and likewise in the
second chapter, says: et ut ait Nichomachus inmusitaton teorema pro-
jiciens (or, as I have found elsewhere, enmusitaton). As for these Greek
words, I am not sure that I entirely understand what they mean. In the
same book, chapter XXV, beginning at the place where he writes:
omnis quoque cibus qui ex tetragonorum superjicie improfunditatem cor-
poris crevit, and continuing to angulas vero octo, quorum singulus sub
tribus ejusmodi continetur, qualiter priores fuere tetragoni, unde cibus ipse
productus est, to use his own words, I do not understand the shape of
this intricate thing, and I am in desperate need of your help to grasp
the meaning of it. I am also desirous of beginning the calculus of Victo-
rius,4 guided by the grace of God and instructed by you.
Again, in the case of words such as aratrum, salubris, etc., which seem
to have a long penult both by position and by nature, there is great
uncertainty, and I must confess that I still have difficulty with the
problem, not being certain whether one should observe nature, whether
the penult should be pronounced long, as it is, or whether on account of
the rule which Donatus5 gives: "If the penult is long by position, it shall
be accented (as in Catullus) ; but only if it is long by position, not from a
combination of a mute and a liquid, for that will cause the accent to
shift (as infaretra)," whether, when syllables are at the same time long
by nature and by such position, the syllable common to both should be
prejudicial to nature, and the accent shifted to the antepenult. I have
really never yet been able to find any authoritative statement in the
grammarians to support or to disprove either of these two opinions. It
remains for you, therefore, a person of wisdom, to remove this uncertain-

3 Boethius' De institutione arithmetica is in Migne's Patrologia Latina, vol. LXIII.


4 A fifth-century mathematician.
• Keil, Gramm. Lat. IV. 371.
LETTER 5 17

ty from my mind and to offer some conclusive proof in support of one


or the other of these views. Besides the difficulty of not finding a defi-
nite rule of anyone on this subject there is also the fact that I always
find the penult long in the scansion of a word like aratrum, while, if a
syllable can remain common in the case of those also long by nature, it
is evident that aratra, in the nominative, accusative, and vocative
plural, could have been employed in dactylic verse.
There are many other questions to ask which I have in my notes and
which, God willing and with your permission, it will be better for me
to ask you in person. And, when I arrive, I beg of you, in view of the
kindness which you have always so generously shown me, that you
quickly draw from the recesses of your mind the memory of things
which you know I need and which I shall not learn except from you.
Freely disclose these things to me, if you will please, out of respect for
our love and friendship, that in thus planting in me the seeds of your
learning you may transmit to countless others its fruits.
Furthermore, the royal scribe Bertcaud is said to have drawn a full
scale copy of the ancient letters, at least of those which are very large
and are called "uncials" by some. If you can, therefore, please send this
copy to me with the painter, whenever he returns, being very careful,
however, that the sheet is protected by a seal.
I would have sent you the Aulus Gellius,6 if the abboF had not
kept it, complaining that a copy had not yet been made for him.
He will write to you, however, he says, and tell you that he forcibly
took this book away from me. But if God so wills, I shall return this
book myself, as well as all the rest which I enjoy because of your gen-
erosity.
For the present at least do not hesitate to explain to me the obscure
problems of the law, and especially the Greek words, as well as some
other Greek words in Servius8 which I sent to you earlier.
My best wishes to you, illustrious master and very dear father, for
good health and continuous prosperity.

e In letter 1 Lupus had requested a copy of the Noctes Atticae.


7 Hrabanus Maurus.
8 A fourth-century grammarian (Keil, Gramm. Lat., IV, 405-472).
18 LETTER 6

]6[

To the very reverend abbot Bun l and to all his brothers, best wishes from
Lupus.
Though doubting and distrusting my own abilities, I have been
forced by your insistent demands, dear fathers, to write the life of Saint
Wigbert. 2 It was fitting that I remain unyielding in my refusal, for,
besides the fact that my limited ability is not equal to the treatment of
a subject of such importance, you asked me to undertake this work at the
very time when I was busiest. Only my high regard for you forced me
to put aside those important obligations of mine and to yield to your
desire. Indeed, he who is obedient to love will at times neglect his own
affairs and look out for the welfare of his brethren. I have therefore
yielded to your command.
But be that as it may, it will rest upon the mercy of God and the
intercession of this saintly man whose deeds I have decided briefly to
describe that his memorable life be written in a worthy style, and that
those traits of character which are noblest not be distorted and roughly
described in unpolished diction.
But let no one consider this little work inaccurate because I am
writing it in the 836th year of our Lord's incarnation, and the 14th
indiction, and seem to be recalling things which took place ninety years
ago, for certainly anyone with the slightest education knows that Sal-
lustius Crisp us and Titus Livius narrated not a few things which had
occurred long before their time, and which they had learned, partly
from hearsay, and partly from reading. And to come to our own writers,
Jerome published his life of Paul,3 a man who certainly lived in a very
remote past, and Bishop Ambrose has left us an account of the passion
of the virgin Agnes 4 who was surely not his contemporary. The negli-
gence of our ancestors in leaving untold the deeds of so great a person is
not strange, nor is it the only case which needs to be condemned, for we
know of certain things of the highest importance which have been
suppressed not only by the writers who have lived shortly before our
time, but also by those who have lived ever so long ago. Hence I do not
see why it should be to my discredit if indeed I clear ourselves of the

Abbot of the monastery of Hersfeld.


1
• Wigbert was born in England about 675. He went to Germany about 734 where
he served as abbot in several German monasteries. He died at Fritzlar about 747.
3 Vita S. Pauli Primi Eremitae, Migne, P.L., XXIII, 17-30.
• A eta Sanetorum, Vol. II, 350-363, falsely ascribed to St. Ambrose.
LETTERS 6-7 19

blame resulting from our failure thus far to put into writing the deeds of
this illustrious man, and if I provide to those who wish to read me
nothing else except the things which have been very well known to you
and assigned, as it were, to me.
May I, however, have the kindly indulgence of the critical reader, so
that he not be offended if the soft Latin language is sometimes rendered
harsh by the insertion of German names of men and places. He must
bear in mind that I am not writing a poem where names are some-
times altered to suit poetic license and even adapted to the sound of
the Latin language or changed entirely, but that I am writing a
history which does not allow itself to be obscured by colorful deviations
from the truth. But now let us come to the main point.
I have sent this, as you wished, in its first draft rather than in a
finished style. I have not added anything apocryphal from outside
sources, but have written only what you reasonably suggested should
be included, following the pathway of truth. :\Iay it please Wigbert,
the blessed confessor of Christ, to accept this with his favor, and to
reward you who provided the material as well as myself who put it
into some literary form by his intercession for us.

]7[

To him who deserves sincere admiration for his saintly life, the vener-
able Immo,l Lup~ts expresses hope of eternal salvation.
With good reason did I read your letter with the greatest pleasure
and let its thoughts sink deeply into my mind and consciousness, for
it was a tender and warm letter and awakened in me pleasant memories
of our friendship. For if, as you wrote, you really count me among
your dearest friends, it will be pardonable perhaps because, on account
of the difficulties of travel, you neglected every opportunity which you
could easily have found and refused to comfort me with a letter of
consolation. And yet the pain from such an insult has been greatly
intensified because you have not done what we had often decided,
namely, that you would be the first to tell me what things I should
know as often as you could find an opportunity. But this at another time.
But be that as it may, by the grace of our Lord God, I have returned
safe and sound, and except for the death of my teacher and foster-

1 Identified as Immo, the bishop of ::"royon from 841 to 859.


20 LETTER 7

father Aldric,2 which is, to me personally, a very heavy loss, and the
death of certain other friends, nothing unusual has happened to me
which I could regard as very sad. I have been wondering, however,
and not quite able to understand why you have asked me to let you
know what books I have written or read in Germany, unless perhaps,
in cleverly trying to put me to the test, you have two things in mind,
and if I should yield to the one, I could appear guilty of conceit, and
to the other, of youthful indiscretion. I therefore simply state that I
devoted myself chiefly to reading, and, to keep my memory alert and
increase my learning, I acquired a few books. I was not charmed by
the German language, as some have very foolishly claimed, nor did
I burden myself with such a hard and tedious undertaking.
Now I am very grateful to you for having admonished me on the
authority of the Holy Scriptures to practice humility, and I want
you to believe that I have thus far, since God made me and enriched
me with his blessings, committed everything to his grace, and I humbly
beseech him to preserve and increase in me these things. Indeed, to
the arguments which you proposed, I add also this verse from the
gospel: "Have salt in yourselves, and have peace one with another,"3
and I add also that which Paul, who knew the secrets of heaven,
gives: "What hast thou that thou didst not receive: now if thou didst
receive it, why dost thou glory, as if thou hadst not received it?"4
Nor does this saying escape my mind, although I certainly do not
consider myself great: "However great you are, humble yourself in
all things, and you will find grace with God."5 I recall so many
teachings on this theme, so forceful and in fact so beneficial, that I
can not even dream of taking upon myself credit for divine benefits.
Yet he who excels because of some divine grace can surely not escape
the various opinions of different people. Indeed, some spoke thus of
our Savior, on whom there is no suspicion of blame whatsoever: "He
is a good man," and others: "Nay, but he deceiveth the people."6 The
wise man will therefore find in the following a very strong and extra-
ordinary refuge: "If thine eye be single, thy whole body shall be full
of light."7
I hope that you remember me kindly and that you are well.

• The archbishop of Sens from 829 until his death, October 10, 836.
a Mark ix. 49 (Vulg.); ix. 50 (A.V.).
, 1 Corinthians iv. 7.
5 Ecclesiasticus iii. 20.
• John vii. 12.
7 Matthew vi. 22.
LETTER 8 21

]8[

To his very dear brother Altuin,l best wishes from Lupus.


The letter from Your Holiness reached me on April 29 and it clearly
indicated your affection for me, which is certainly no different from
that which I have enjoyed and cherish deeply. Indeed, since we lived
abroad for quite a long time so harmoniously, pleasantly, and I might
perhaps add, profitably, how could a love strenthened by such long
associa tion together be weakened?
Now in respect to that illness of mine concerning which you have
heard, be assured that it brought me no harm but the greatest good,
for God's grace which is present in all things and is everlasting sur-
rounded me, and I suffered nothing worse than mere anxiety. It is true
that an abscess developed in my right groin and merely threatened to
be fatal, but it produced such an abundance of prayers wherever the
report of my illness spread that I make bold to suggest that this was
brought about by divine favor.
\Vhen I returned from the other side of the Rhine and discovered
the condition of our monastery I decided to obey those to whom I was
subjected and, by the favor of God's mercy, I am enjoying a complete
rest and spending my spare time in the pleasant and profitable pursuit
of reading. So you can see that I am planning no trips. If you therefore
think it necessary to have a conference with me you should wait until
late summer because of the present lack of pasture. At that time you
can spend many days with us without any worry so far as the horses
are concerned.
In the meantime I shall answer as briefly as I can the questions
which you raised, at least those concerning which I think that I have
acquired some knowledge.
I should never hesitate to say that a common syllable is formed from
a mute and a liquid only in the case of those which are short by nature,
first because nature generally takes precedence over position, and
secondly, because the pronunciation of words such as the following
prompts me to think so: peccator yields the feminine peccatrix; amator,
amatrix; venator, venatrix, and there are many similar cases con-
cerning which no one has ever doubted that the accent should fall on
the penult. For if we should follow position, we would pronounce the
feminine nouns with the accent on the antepenult, but who would not

1 Probably a monk at the monastery of Saint Alban near Mainz.


22 LETTER 8

think it absurd, nay even barbaric? Finally, I find no evidence any-


where in the poets that syllables long by nature are ever shortened,
although I have devoted much time and study to this question. It
seems to me therefore, and to certain scholars who have considered
these matters with me, and they are the best in the field, that salubris,
aratrum, and similar words, should be without any question pro-
nounced with the accent on the penult.
As for bibliotheca, we are shown how it should be pronounced by
this verse from Martial:
Quem mea non tatum bibliotheca capit. 2
In the moral verses attributed to Alcuin, statera has the following
position:
Non tibi sit modius duplex nec statera duplex. 3
That blasphemus is a Greek word no one will question, unless he be
one who pays little attention to the fact that it is spelled with ph. It
was therefore a certain Greek who assured me that the Greeks pro-
nounce blasphemus with a short penult, and our own Einhard has
construed it in the very same way. Aurelius Prudentius,4 however,
whose reputation is very great, has placed the word as follows: Divisor
blaspheme Dei. Hence the belief has spread far and wide that blasphe-
mus and blasphemo have their accent on the penult.
As for nundinae, I have found it with a long penult in a poem by
Theodulf.5 Whether he did this on his own authority or that of his
teachers, responsibility for it must rest with him.
We render loquela and querela with a single 1 after the orthography
of Caper. 6 We would have no hesitation, however, in rendering medela
the same as suadela if the difference in type did not interfere with the
similarity in conjugation, and if the almost complete harmony of
examples, which we must not ignore, did not oppose. Let us therefore
remain neutral and not rashly change our usage until, if what I have
said is not enough, something more convincing may be found by our-
selves or by some other diligent scholars.
The sistrum is a musical instrument which Isis, as you have written,
was represented as carrying in her hand to indicate thereby the rise
and the fall of the Nile. For this reason, Vergil, to show that Cleopatra
Martial, XIX. 190. 2.
2
Carmina, LXII. 88 (Dtimmler, MGH, Poetae latini aevi Carolini, I, 278).
3
• A Christian poet of the fourth century. The quotation here is from his Hamartigenia,
verse 2 (Migne, P.L., LIX, \011).
5 Bishop of Orleans in the Carolingian period. Allusion here is to verse 47 in the 69th
poem in Dtimmler's edition (MGH, Poetae latini aevi Carolini, I, 559).
6 A second-century grammarian (Keil, Gramm. Lat., VII, 96, 6).
LETTER 8 23

has assumed its fancied power, says with his usual perception: patrio
vocat agmina sistro.7
We render fialae with a short penult for the reason that those objects
which we call fialae are made of glass, which is called in Greek hialis.
Now you have hialin in Vergil:
Carpebant hialin saturo fucato colore. s
Likewise in Martial:
Quid tibi cum fiala ligulam committere posses. 9
Concerning comets which have been seen there is more to fear, it
seems, than to explain. And since the Holy Scriptures never mention
them, we can believe or rather fear what the gentiles have learned by
experience when they appeared. They have reported that comets
portend pestilence, famine, and war. Hence the poet of Mantua, in
speaking of other portents at the time of Caesar's death and as the
civil wars were drawing near, says: "Nor did terrible comets ever blaze
forth so frequently."lo ]osephusl l also mentions that a sword-shaped
star hung over the city of ] erusalem for a whole year before the city
was destroyed. But that we may find some hope of meeting a kindlier
fate, Pompeius Trogus relates in the following passage that the future
greatness of king Mithridates was predicted by a comet: "For in the
year of his birth as well as in the first year of his reign a comet shone
so brightly for a period of seventy days at both times that the whole
sky seemed to be aglow. It traversed a quarter of the heavens, and its
brilliant rays exceeded the light of the sun; and during its rising and
setting four hours were spent."12 Moreover, this last April shortly after
midnight I saw with my own eyes a rather faint star lying under the
constellation of Leo, and its beam of light stretched to Spica, in the
constellation of Virgo. I watched this star for many days, examining
it closely, but later I did not see the beam of light. Finally the star
itself passed from view.13
Since my return many have been eager to get that book which you
requested, but it must not be loaned to them. I have therefore about
decided to take it away somewhere so that it not get lost. Perhaps
you will get it from me when you come. Although I saw that it could
7 Aeneid, VIII. 696.
8 Georgics, IV. 335.
9 l\Iartial, VIII. 33. 23.
10 Georgics, I. 488.
11 The Jewish War, VI. 5. 3.
12 Justinus, Historiae Philippi cae, XXXVII. 2.
13 Other references to this comet appear in contemporaneous writers. See Levillain's
note on passage.
24 LETTERS 8-9

be entrusted to this cleric because he is faithful to you, I am surprised,


however, that you failed to observe that it could not be safely done
because he is traveling on foot.
Finally, I am sorry that you have not kept me informed fully con-
cerning our bishop, for his welfare concerns me more than anyone
else's. Besides, I am almost offended because you have not written to
tell me about the activities of our friend Probus,14 that is to say,
whether he is pursuing a regular course of studies in the liberal arts
in the woodlands of Germany, as he used to express it in all seriousness,
or whether, as I am more inclined to think, he is compiling or has at
least begun to compile his anthology and admitting into the company
of the elect Cicero and Vergil and all the rest who, in his opinion, are
the most excellent authors, so that the Lord may not have shed his
blood in vain nor spent his time in Hell to no avail, if the prophecy
is true: "0 death, I will be thy plagues; 0 grave I will be thy destruc-
tion."15
Good health to you, my dearest friend, and kindly continue your
love for me. Extend my humble greetings to your prior and congrega-
tion, and beg them to be so good as to beseech the Lord in my behalf
and of my father and mother.

]9[

To the venerable brother Altuin,l Lupus expresses hope jor everlasting


salvation.
If questions could be answered by anyone as easily as they are
raised, all scholars would have reached the summit of wisdom long
ago. But now that literary studies are almost completely neglected,2
how few can be found who do not justifiably complain of the ignorance
of teachers, the scarcity of books, and the lack of time for study. You
must not be offended with me, then, if instead of explaining those
subjects which I have already mastered I deem it proper to devote
every minute of time I have to the study of things which I do not
understand. And I do not believe that I am making a mistake if I

14 A priest of Mainz. His death occurred on June 25, 859.


15 Hosea xiii. 14.

1 The same person addressed in preceding letter.


S Lupus, many years later, was pleased to see a revival of learning. See letter 133.
LETTER 9 25

direct those whose pathway to knowledge I have with God's favor


revealed or made smoother to take the path over which I have traveled,
if, that is to say, by using or having used the written text as my
guide, I shall impose the same practice upon my pupils, persuading
those present by word of mouth and those absent by a stubborn
silence.
Your insistence, however, has forced me to explain some of the
questions for which you have earnestly sought an answer. Locuples
has a long penult in the genitive case, as Prician shows in Book V, in
his discussion of nouns ending in long es: "The appellative nouns," he
says,3 "referring to people, which are common or variable among the
Greeks, are common with us, as heres and locuples." Likewise, in
Book VII,4 explaining with marvelous care when the penult of the
third declension ought to be long or short, he says: "The penult is
long in the case of those nouns whose nominative ends in a long
syllable, whether by nature or by position, as sol, solis; infans, infantis.
Exceptions occur in Greek nouns ending in on and in Latin or borrowed
nouns ending in 0"; which have sometimes a short, sometimes a long
penult in the genitive. "There are, besides, those ending in ms, bs, ps,
or x, which always have a short penult in the genitive." Likewise,
"par, lar, vas, pes, ceres, compos, bos ,sus, grus, which are long in the
nominative, have a short penult in the genitive." Since then those
nouns which have a long syllable in the nominative, either by nature
or position, ordinarily have long penults in the genitive (except for
those nouns which by long observation he has discovered and noted),
and since, on his statement, locuples ends in long es, it will also,
according to him, be pronounced with a long penult in the genitive.
I could also prove this on the testimony of the poets, if the authority
of this great man were not so high even among the contentious. As
for locupleto, moreover, which I do not hesitate to pronounce with a
long penult (in the same way as roboro is pronounced with a short
penult because robur, roboris has a short penult), we can be sure that
it is transitive in Cicero. We render it thus as it occurs in the Psalm,
M ultiplicasti locupletare eam. 5
In Prician,6 the author mentioned above, in book VII, previously
referred to, we can find what we need to know about the pronuncia-
tion of mulieris. For at this point he says that masculine, feminine,
3 v. 5. 27 (Kei!, II, 159).
• VII. 9. 46-47 (Keil, II, 325).
• Psalm lxv. 9: "Thou greatly enrichest it (i.e., the earth)."
• VII. 7. 32 (Keil, II, 313).
26 LETTER 9

neuter, and common nouns in er are found to have a short final syllable,
but masculine Greek words and one Latin word, or rather a foreign
word (belonging to neither language) end in a long er, and in the
following passage he says:7 "In the case of those words which have a
short final syllable in the nominative, sometimes the penult of the
genitive is short, sometimes it is long. Neuter nouns ending in al and
el and derivative neuters in ar have a long penult. Some words ending
in or also have a long penult in the genitive, as for example cursor,
cursoris; others such as Haector, Haectoris, have a short penult; all
others, however, which have a final short syllable in the nominative,
also have a short penult in the genitive. Inquies is an exception, for it
has kept the declension of the simple word in its compound form,
although it has shortened its final vowel in the nominative." If then
mulier ends in short er, and there is no doubt of this, nor does it appear
among his exceptions, its genitive, according to him, would be pro-
nounced with a short penult. To support this I still have no proof from
poetry. And since, as he himself says,S "nothing among human accom-
plishments is perfect in every respect," he may have omitted it, not
on account of ignorance, but through an oversight. For this reason I
do not wish to risk my own reputation by changing the usage until
something can be found more valid, if not more conclusive, on the
matter from my own research or that of my friends.
As for ulciscor and vindico, the very same distinguished writer ex-
plains why he said that each should be taken in two different senses,
adding: "each should be taken to show advantage to the offended as
well as disadvantage to the offender, and vengeance should thus apply
not only to punishment but also deliverance."9 And yet, to those
who observe carefully, its meaning is readily seen in the verses of
Vergil. For example, in the verse which reads:
Ulta virum poenas inimico a fratre recepi,10
he applies ulta to the person wronged. Indeed, it was Sicharbas, or, as
Vergil writes with poetic license,l1 Sichaeus, who was wronged by
Pygmalion, Dido's brother, and sentenced by him to death. Now
Dido later avenged (ulta est) her husband, not by inflicting punish-
ment on him, for he was dead, but by stripping Pygmalion of the
wealth for which he had committed the crime. She therefore punished
7 VII. 9. 47-48 (Keil, II, 326).
8 I, preface, 3 (Keil, II, 2).
• XVIII. 30. 292 (Keil, III, 365).
10 Vergil, Aeneid, IV. 656.
II Cf. Servius, Commentary on Aeneid. I. 343.
LETTERS 9-10 27

the person who had done a wrong on behalf of him who had been
wronged. The same word is therefore used for the one wronged, and
it would be construed in the same way if the meter had permitted him
to write "avenging the man" (vindicans virum). In the following
example which reads:
Nunquam omnes hodie moriemur inulti,12
the word is directed against the offender. In fact, when Aeneas was
encouraging his comrades to resist the Greeks who had brought the
city under their power, he used, as Vergil fancies, this word to signify
that punishment and vengeance should be bravely exacted from the
transgressors, both for his own people who had already fallen, and for
himself, before he should fall.
The following item I have not wished to touch upon until I have
searched more carefully in Livy.
I have always heard propitius pronounced with a sibilant even by
those who are poorly educated, and in the oldest manuscripts I have
never found it written except with a t. It is not determined in Prician
whether stupeo changes the u of the present to i in the perfect, but in
the old manuscripts you will find it written without distinction.
I am very pleased that our patron, the bishop, is safe and sound.
But as for Probus,13 I am not so surprised that he has published
something as I am that he has not yet lifted material from everybody
for his writing.
I wish you good health, and, if you please, I beg that both you and
all the rest of my friends beseech the Lord unceasingly on behalf of
my father, mother, and myself.

] 10 [

If you had arrived here unexpectedly,l you certainly would have


put yourself to unnecessary trouble. Indeed you would have found me
involved in so many unavoidable activities that I could scarcely have
given you one hour of free time for many days. Besides, the absence
of the abbot would also have defeated your purpose a great deal.
Accordingly, since I am very busy, as I have just mentioned, and
since the abbot will not be likely to return until autumn, if you think
12 Vergil, Aeneid, II. 670.
13 See letter 8, note 14.

1 Addressed to Altuin, as are the two preceding letters.


28 LETTERS 10-11

you must come here, you must wait, you see, until the time is con-
venient for the visit.
Finally, I shall try to the best of my ability to assist your brother
with my prayers, as you have requested.

]II[

To our very dear and beloved Reginb. best wishes for eternal salvation
from Lupus and A ( dalgaud).1
Your letter accused me severely because I, Lupus, evidently forgot
all about brotherly love and natural affection to the extent that I scorn-
fully refused to comfort you when you were in difficulties at least by a
letter of consolation since I had no other means of helping you. I
gather from this that the letter which I sent you nearly three years
ago from beyond the Rhine with the abbot Marcward never reached
you. But this was not through carelessness on his part. The fact is
that he could not find you and so he left your letter with our fellow-
countryman Bodo who, he supposed, was faithful to us. If he had
delivered the letter to you, you would have learned that I not only
deeply sympathized with you in your trouble with true brotherly love
but had already then decided on a plan for the recovery of your luck.
But let us pass over those things which were left undone either through
treachery or neglect; the present is more urgent.
We are pleased that a somewhat brighter fortune is opening up for
you, and we hope that you will not abuse its indulgence but that you
will reap its full enjoyment both for yourself and your friends. You
will better understand how you can do this if you become acquainted
with our good fortune.
Last year, thanks to the efforts of my friends, I was brought into
the presence of the emperor and very graciously received by him and
the queen. 2 And now, on this the twenty-second day of September, in
the first indiction,S I am going to the palace on invitation of the
queen. She has great influence, and many think that some high
1 The identities of Reginb. and Adalgaud are not clear. Levillain offers the interesting
suggestion that they may have been brothers of Lupus. He observes that the terms
germanitas, natura, and germanus seem to convey the idea of physical rather than
spiritual brotherhood. Unfortunately, however, further evidence to support this view
is lacking.
I The emperor is Louis the Pious who ruled from 814 to 840. The queen is Judith.
3 The year was 837.
LETTERS 11-12 29

position is about to be conferred upon me. If by God's abounding


grace this comes to pass, do not doubt that you will be summoned
immediately, so that, with the emperor's permission, we may spend
our time together and fully enjoy the pleasant pursuit of our mutual
studies. But if we should happen to be disappointed in our hopes,
write me and let me know if you want me to petition the emperor
through friends that he at least give you a place in your monastery,
but grant permission for you to study with me as long as the two of
us desire. Since things are thus, I urge you not to neglect the Holy
Scriptures since the need for them is frequent and a knowledge of
them is beneficial, and I particularly ask that you always keep this
thought before your mind: "Remember thy creator in the days of thy
youth,"4 etc.
I would have sent you the book you requested if I had not been
without a suitable courier. I wish to share that book with you, however,
if I am permitted to live, and all other books which with God's help I
receive, and I shall always be concerned about your affairs no less
than about my own, for now I have indeed put away childish things. 5
A love for profitable things interests me, and in order to attain them
I confess that I am helped greatly by the persistent efforts of our
brother Adalgaud who is well deserving from us and whose name
graces the head of this letter.
Best wishes.

] 121 [

Do you think it was right that when I had made you a most faithful
guardian of my things I should long allow myself to be deprived of
yours? Yet even so, if God grants me the strength and ability to
realize my anticipations, no one, and you least of all, will question the
deep concern which I have for you. When you come here and dis-
cover my situation which cannot be described in a letter, you will
indeed understand why I wrote that you could not study with me
now as you had planned. Nevertheless, if no change in my situation
takes place, it is better for you to be with me and to advance in the
study of Vergil as well as you can (for you will profit from my spare
time and willingness to help you) than to be your own teacher and
, Ecclesiastes xii. 1.
6 Cf. 1 Corinthians xiii. 11.

1 This letter seems to have been addressed to Reginb., as was the preceding.
30 LETTERS 12-13

proceed with painful effort but little profit. I can certainly help you
if God grants it, and I very much wish to do so. Moreover, I have
written to Aud. and Ebr. 2 concerning your return, having vaguely
alluded to it as a visit. Whenever you come we shall talk the matter
over and readily determine whether you should remain or go back.
But be sure to visit me promptly by July 1st, for the business at
hand is most important and does not permit further delay.
Best wishes.

]13 [

Lupus extends greetings to Waldo. 1


For friends to vie in good offices and to wish to excel one another
in sincere acts of kindness is considered, as it should be, one of the
most important activities of human existence, for in times of weakness,
with God's grace working in us, we are strengthened by helping one
another; and we are not vainly carried away by periods of happiness,
nor, since we have been made able to cope with grief, are we easily
overcome by it. Careful consideration of this important idea has
prompted me, my dear Waldo, to do you a favor, and it has prevented
me from refusing to do what you have earnestly requested since we
first became acquainted, namely, that I should write the life of Saint
Maximin and render by a more accurate account the stories of every sort
which have come down to us and restore them to their proper dignity.
Moreover, I believe that he will assist me greatly by his merciful
intercession before God if I publish his deeds with the greatest care
and present them as models to those who are ignorant of them. But
in this task I am concerned not a little by the fact that many of the
things which he did while he lived have obviously been passed over
in silence. Only meager records of his activities remain, and in the case
of these some are found to be apocryphal.
The result is that the limited amount of material available to us
does little credit to the celebrated greatness of this most distinguished
man. I shall therefore omit those matters which may tend to discredit
the rest and I shall merely attempt to narrate what is worth recording,
depending not upon my own ability, but rather the grace of God.
• Identities unknown.
1 Abbot of Saint Maximin of Treves, and afterwards bishop of Treves. to whom
Lupus promises to dedicate his Life of St. Maximin (Krusch. MGH. Scriptores rerum
merovingicarum. III. 71-82). The work was completed in 839.
LETTERS 14-15 31

] 14 [

Odo, the least oj abbots, and the whole congregation oj Ferrieres join
in extending heartiest greetings to Louis! who has deserved to receive the
highest honors.
Whenever we are tossed about on the stormy sea of confusion and
necessity, we confidently turn to you our friendly harbor, for you are
ready to help everyone and exclude no one who comes to you for aid.
Now to avoid a long introduction, you recall that when the abbot
Zacharias 2 was assigned to us this year you very wisely favored us to
the extent that he was almost sent elsewhere instead of to us. This
same abbot is now on his way to our lord the king to ask him what
course he is to choose now. \Vill you therefore please use your good
offices out of consideration for our straitened circumstances to see
that this man is now sent to the place from which he came or to any
other place you please, for to confess the simple truth the support of
his men is no small burden to us. \Ve beg you then to help us so that
we may have the resources to grant hospitality to others who come
here in large numbers.

]IS [

Odo, the least oj abbots, extends heartiest greetings in the Lord to


Louis, most worthy oj the highest honors.
Seeing more clearly than the light of day the warm affection which
you have for your humble servant, I express my manifold thanks,
and I pray that God will reward you for your kindness. As for myself,
I am ready to give loyal obedience if Your Excellency sees fit to
command anything. Moreover, necessity forces me to seek with
humility your help again.! Indeed it was with your assistance that I
obtained permission to return from the Aquitanian campaign 2 when
illness struck. I was ill nearly all the time, and I have not regained my
strength yet. That is what prevented me from attending along with
others the assembly which had been called. However, I have sent our
men with the count of the district to carryon the duties of the ex-
1 Chancellor of Charles the Bald.
2 Otherwise unknown.

1 Cf. previous letter.


2 The campaign of 840 which ended in August.
32 LETTERS 15-16

pedition in the usual manner. We therefore appeal to your kindness to


relieve us, if you will, of the fear of causing offense, for although I was
perfectly willing and ready to do my duty along with the others, I
could not, on the other hand, avoid my illness.

]16 [

Odo, least of the abbots, and all the congregation of the monastery of
Ferrieres extend greetings in the Lord to Louis, a man of the highest
distinction and worthy of all respect. 1
We are not unmindful that you are burdened by many heavy respon-
sibilities which press upon you from every direction and that there is
hardly enough time for you to take care of them. But we have so much
confidence in your good nature that we believe you are always ready
to help us with our problems. On the other hand we can scarcely
express to Your Excellency how ready we are to do your will and to
render due obedience, if you see fit to make a request. In the mean-
time we are doing what we can, unceasingly offering, that is, our most
earnest prayers to our Lord God for your good health and success,
which we also regard as our own. We ask that you, on your part,
once more consider our request and kindly see that it is accomplished.
For almost two full years our men have suffered the hardships of a
general campaign2 carried on either with our help or alone, and since
the income from their property has been used for this kind of service
they are impoverished. Will you therefore be especially considerate
of them and, if possible, grant them the privilege of returning home 3
so that they may catch their breath for a little while and again provide
resources for future service.
Now there is a report circulating in our monastery that the clerks
of the palace desire and even demand control of the various monasteries
and that their only concern is to satisfy their own personal greed by
oppressing the servants of God. We seek the benefit of your wisdom
in this matter and ask that you will be on the alert to protect us in
our time of weakness. To be sure the condition of our monastery is
very well known to you, for you were reared just a short distance

1 This is the last of the three letters written on behalf of Odo, the abbot of Ferrieres,
and his fellow monks to Louis, Chancellor to Charles the Bald.
o See preceding letter.
S The following letter fixes the date of their return as August 10.
LETTERS 16-17 33

away and have even been with us too. Except for its devotion to
religion, which has given it a name among the other monasteries,
there is nothing here for a man who thinks highly of himself to seek
unless he should turn out to be so sacrilegious that he would dare to
appropriate for his own use the revenues belonging to the servants of
God and enrich himself at their expense. In this too then carefully look
out for us so that through your help we may feel secure and may more
freely beseech the Lord in your behalf.

] 17 [
Odo extends best wishes to the very reverend bishop ] onas 1 for con-
tinued good health.
Yesterday, August lOth, in the middle of the afternoon, our men
returned from the Aquitanian campaign and reported complete
success. In fact the defense of Aquitania has been divided threefold
with military personnel assigned according to the advantage of the
sites. One of these divisions is on duty at Clermont under the com-
mand of Modoin, bishop of Autun, and Aubert, count of A vallon,
along with several others; the second division, located at Limoges, is
under Gerard, a former prince and friend of King Pepin, and his
associates who are qualified for this kind of business; the third, more-
over, established at Angouleme, is commanded by count Reinold.
The men also announced that our lord the king came to Saint
Martin on the same day, that is to say, the lOth of August, but pro-
ceeded on from there past the city of Orleans. This I should think
likely since Louis, a man of noble character who holds the position of
secretary in the palace, took the trouble to advise me to meet our
lord the king at the city of Tours or certainly at Orleans, qualifying
his suggestion with the condition: "if, that is, he passes through the
city of Orleans."
Finally, Gunbold and Hug0 2 are returning as suppliants to the
king, and it is believed that they will get back their own positions of
honor.
As for the king himself, he has decided, if his life is spared, to come
to Quierzy on August 24.
1 Bishop of Orleans.
• The identity of these men is obscure. Levillain believes that Gunbold may have
been one of the counts who had defected from Charles the Bald to Lothair. He suggests
that Hugo may have been the count of Sens.
34 LETTERS 18-19

]18 [

Odo extends wishes to the very reverend and beloved fathers, M arcward
and Sichard, for continuing good health.
Since your men, in setting out to you, provide us an excellent
opportunity to write you a letter, we are not neglecting our duty, and
we beg you, holy fathers, as soon as possible to send us a letter in turn
containing an account of your state of health and the extent of your
success. But as for ourselves, we are in a kind of intermediate position,
we are drifting about in uncertainty, for we are unable to discover who
best deserves to lay claim to our region. There is, to be sure, as the
report of your men has made clear, a difference of opinion on this
subject. Nevertheless, we humbly beseech you, dear fathers, if popular
sentiment is more favorable toward Lothair, and if, as we hope and
believe, divine mercy permits you to find favor with him to the
advantage of God's servants, that you will kindly remember us and
not hesitate to protect us, your humble servants, as far as you are
able with the help of God's grace, from the wickedness of evil men.
We wish you good health and hope that you will enjoy greater
successes as the days come and go.

] 19 [

o Augustus, l most excellent lord, we the brothers of the monastery


of Ferrieres, having been beset this year by many very difficult
situations, are embarrassed to trouble Your Majesty so many times.
When we recall, however, that we have prayed and are praying
faithfully for you and we realize that you have promised us your
assistance, we do not despair of obtaining what we request.
The cell of Saint Josse which Charles the Great once gave to Alcuin 2
to provide hospitality to strangers was conceded to us by your late
father, as his edict attests, with the understanding that whatever
would not be needed for alms should be for us to use. Through frau-
dulent means Rhuoding 3 obtained this cell from you, and whenever
we ask to have this gift which we legally received from your father

Lothaire I who served as emperor from 840 to 855.


1
• This cell was given to Alcuin by Charlemagne about 792 (Cf. MGH, Epistolae, IV,
p. 66 and 291). It was located in northern France near the coast.
S Probably a palace clerk.
LETTERS 19-21 35

returned, he claims that we are impostors. We therefore ask that you


examine your father's edict and out of respect for Saint Peter, Saint
Mary, and Saint Paul, in whose names we beseech our common Lord
for you, that you will please settle this matter in such a way that the
usurper of that cell will not only be brought to justice now but will
also have no opportunity in the future to accuse us falsely.
Indeed, even if our lord, your late father, had not granted us this
gift, we have worked and are still working so earnestly for you that
we are all of the opinion that if we were to ask Your Excellency for
that very cell or something greater we should not be refused. Since
this insult to us began in your reign, may God inspire you, kind sir,
to bring it to a definite end so that such an act of kindness may
prompt us and our successors to pray more fervently for you and your
sons, and that God may permit you to rule on earth in such a way
that you will win an eternal kingdom in heaven.

] 20 [

Greetings in the Lord to the very reverend Bishop jonas,l from Lupus
and W.2
We have read your book,3 just as you requested, but, to put it very
briefly, we have not wished to change anything in it, in order that
you may yourself correct your own work which you have written
yourself. It was necessary indeed for us to take into account our
youthfulness and inferior position and to consider your age and rank.
It was improper for us to pretend a facility and a kind of delight in
criticism which we often condemn in certain others.

] 21 [

Lupus sends very special greetings in the Lord to his very dear Adalgaud. 1
In obedience to your desire, though with reluctance, I am com-
posing this letter myself, and if it turns out, as it will, to be shorter
than you would have liked, you must blame it on yourself, for at one
1 Bishop of Orleans.
• Identity unknown.
3 Probably refers to a work written by Jonas against Claudius, bishop of Turin,
concerning the worship of images. See Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des
.Hillelalters, I, 377-8.
1 See letter 11, note 1.
36 LETTER 21

and the same instant you have forced two favors from me at a time
when I am very busy. But not to delay you long, in regard to such
verbs I think that we should understand what Prician2 says in the
case of other verbs, though they are very few in number and not
verbs in general, but rather the irregular verbs, as he calls them. In-
deed, the fact that other verbs have a long penult in the first and
second person is based on the authority of Servius3 who says that in
the following verse where Vergil has employed systole the syllable ri
is short for metrical convenience:
Egerimus, nosti; et nimium meminisse necesse est.4
In like manner Juvencus writes:
Ne sanctum canibus dederitis, neve velitis,5
though some writers say that the perfect of the subjunctive and the
future perfect are different. But Prician claims, and I am of the same
opinion, that this is very seldom done in the case of other irregular
verbs such as voluerimus, -ritus, ederimus, -ritis, and whatever others
there are of this kind whose penults we lengthen without question.
Prician 6 also asserts that doceberis should be rendered with an e in
the penult. He says that the conjugation of the present tense, in the
passive as well as in the active, indicates the conjugation of the
other tenses except for the perfect and those tenses which are derived
from it, the inflection being made, he says, according to each of the
three conjugations. Then, just as the present tense of the third con-
jugation becomes passive from the active by the insertion of -ri, yet
with the i, as he has clearly pointed out, being changed to e (for
example, legeris, not legiris) , in like manner, since docebo preserves
the inflection of the third conjugation, we have doceberis, in which the
i of the active is changed to e. I realize that there are many other
things to be said on this question and the first one, but the limitation
of space imposed by a letter obliges me to pass them by.
I am very grateful to you, on your part, for having performed a
brotherly act in correcting the Macrobius, 7 although I should like to
have seen the book from which you sent me a leaf. It is indeed a
truly fine and meticulous piece of work. I congratulate you no less for
your commentary of Boethius, but I am still not sure whether all of

Keil, Gramm. Lat., III, 451.


2
Servius, Commentaries on the Aeneid, Opera, ed. Thilo, II, 74.
3
, Aeneid, VI. 514.
• Historia Evangelica, I. 664. Juvencus was a fourth-century Christian poet.
S Keil, Gramm. Lat., III, 454.
• Macrobius was a fifth-century scholar, writer, and political figure.
LETTERS 21-22 37

it is contained here, whether it is your own, or whether you have


collated this with another copy.
Now I should like to see you punished forever on account of this, so
that you will never write or tell me anything in an ambiguous style
which you yourself know perfectly well, nor complicate your sentence
by some double meaning like the oracles of Apollo. In fact you have
not said whether the Tusculan Disputations has been copied for us,
nor what has happened to Agius,S nor what books you have found,
nor, and this troubles me a great deal, have you told me whether you
have received any profit from this retreat.
But be that as it may, others too move their armies in your fashion,
and nothing unusual has happened to them except the fact that this man
has received the book through the good offices of Bofonius and Frosm.
and has been admitted into the society with the support of everybody. 9
Best wishes.

] 22 [

Lupus, a most devoted servant in all things, to his most exalted master,
the illustrious King Charles, deemed by the wise as worthy of ruling over
many vast kingdoms and to be addressed in terms of highest respect.
Although unavoidable circumstances draw me away from your
presence temporarily, you and your affairs are, nevertheless, so im-
pressed upon my mind as to be ever before my eyes. And to confess the
truth without the appearance of flattery, I have an affection for you
which is almost inconceivable. Indeed the reason why you should be
loved by all good people is readily apparent. To the extent then of my
ability, capacity, and knowledge, I am loyal to you.
Now I have endeavored to inform Your Majesty of my present needs
through the venerable Louis, who is no less faithful to you than is
proper. I beg that you kindly attend to these matters in accordance
with your God-given wisdom, for which we are all grateful, to the end
that I may now be able at the very beginning to lay such foundations
of service to God and to you as, with the assistance of Divine Grace and
8 This is, no doubt, the same Agius who is mentioned in letter 24 as an extremely
avaricious person, and who became the bishop of Orleans.
9 Lupus is being purposely vague here in humorous imitation of his correspondent
whose ambiguous style of writing he has just criticized. LeviIIain is probably right in
assuming that the book to which Lupus refers is the Regula of St. Benedict, and the
admission into a society is his own appointment as abbot of the monastery of Ferrieres.
Bofonius and Frosm. are unidentified.
38 LETTERS 22-24

your favor, will conform to the devoted efforts of future obedience. Be


assured, moreover, that I am offering up earnest prayers as frequently
as I can for God's mercy that he will give you continued good health,
a bloodless victory, everlasting peace, an abhorrence of evil, possession
of the virtues, and that he will permit you so to reign on earth that you
will not lose the kingdom which is in heaven.

] 23 [

Lupus extends greetings to his very dear Ebroin1 for continuing good
health.
I have informed our friend Louis 2 of my situation, and I consider it
unnecessary to mention it again in this letter, for I want you to read the
letter which I sent to him, as I know you will. I am simply asking that
you will kindly assist me in everything, just as you will also learn in
that letter that I am relying on you.
I am sending you an ivory comb which I ask you to keep and use, so
that when you are combing your hair, remembrance of me will be more
deeply impressed upon your mind.
I hope that you are in good health.

I am not a little surprised at the offense you have taken with regard
to the contents of my letter, for, if it be examined a little more closely,
you will find that it has not only not detracted from your dignity, but
rather enhanced it greatly, for its aim was to obtain, with your kind
permission, that which dire necessity was compelling us to do. Indeed,
any thought of hurting you has been so far removed from my mind that
I most sincerely desire that you will always have position and recognition
corresponding to your purity of life, and that nothing at all will appear
in it to dim Your Holiness' reputation. It was for this reason that I
pointed out to you the excessive greed of your kinsman Agius. 2 Since
1 Ebroin was bishop of Poitiers, abbot of Saint Germain-des-Pres, and archchaplain
of Charles the Bald.
I This is Louis, Chancellor of Charles the Bald, who is mentioned in letter 22, ap-
parently concerning the same matter.

1 Addressed to Jonas, bishop of Orleans.


I Probably the successor of Jonas as bishop of Orleans.
LETTER 24 39

he was boasting of having acted with your pleasure, though he was


constantly restrained by you, I wanted it to appear to those who seek
the truth that he had acted contrary to your will. And although I vainly
withheld complaint for the earlier loss, I did, however, when pressed
by those who had suffered most heavily, complain to our lord the king
concerning that damage which he later caused, and when he replied
that he wanted to see the law obeyed in this instance, I ceased to pursue
the matter further. This I did out of consideration for Your Holiness
on the advice of the very distinguished Heribold 3 and the honorable
Fulc0 4 who preferred that I should sustain the heaviest losses in material
things rather than lose your friendship.
To confess to you in all sincerity, however, what I want you as bishop
to know, there was not enough left for us in your city and in the small
villas which we had outside with which to support our monastic family
and provide hay for the farms. There was, however, a fair amount of
wine and grain there, and some salt. These articles we sold to provide
ourselves with the comforts of clothing and also with a small reserve of
money to finance the campaigns which we are required to support in
this turbulent period of the state. These troubles worry me so much that
the only thought that comes to my mind is this: "Thou art my hiding
place; thou shalt preserve me from trouble. "5 I am indeed distressed
because of the deprivation of the brothers, and especially concerned
too by the cost of the expeditions, and since nearly all the possessions
which belong to us everywhere have been taken away or destroyed, I
can find help nowhere save in the comfort of God and friends.
;'\'[oreover, I hear that certain false reports have been told you con-
cerning our former abbot. 6 That you may no longer give credit to these
stories, I shall explain to Your Holiness as accurately as I can exactly
what was done concerning him. After saying some things about him
which might better have remained unsaid, our lord, the king,? gave
orders that he not be permitted to stay in our monastery. Upon my
return to the monastery I reported this to the abbot as gently as I could.
Men were chosen to escort him, and horses, clothing, and money were
given him for the journey. Since, by order of the king, I was to set out
on a journey on N ovem ber 30, I decided that he must leave the monastery
by December 3, because I was expecting to appear before my lord, the
3 Heribold, bishop of Auxerre.
• Fulco, chorepiscopus of Rheims, 835-843.
5 Psalm xxxii. 7.
6 Odo, abbot of Ferrieres, predecessor of Lupus.
7 Charles the Bald.
40 LETTERS 24-25

king, on that day. Now I had supposed that I had acted, and after he
had formally received me, he asked me what I had done about this
abbot. Believing that the abbot had carried out what we had agreed,
I replied that I had fulfilled his instructions concerning him. I took my
leave then, and when I was approaching the monastery on December 12,
I learned that this monk was still staying there. Being greatly disturbed
about this, for I had said one thing to the king and found the opposite to
be true, I sent a man ahead that night to tell him politely to leave at
daybreak. I announced to him that it was improper for me to postpone
my coming or to find him there in disobedience to the king's order. And,
although he reported that he had decided to depart on the following
day, I replied that I would not enter until he had left, lest I give my
enemies an excuse for criticizing me. So he left the monastery, having
first been given all that I had previously allowed him and a few things
in addition. I brought this matter to the attention of my friends of the
court immediately, and when the time was opportune I revealed it to
the king and explained to him the falsehoods which had arisen from
this. It was their unanimous opinion that I should not have done other-
wise. Let those who have spread different reports concerning this
incident see whether they may have done wrongly. I who have a single
eye in this matter certainly believe, in the words of Holy Writ, that my
body shall be full of light. 8
I hope that you are well and happy and abound in all good things.

] 25 1 [

You could easily imagine, in view of our long friendship,2 how much
I rejoice in your wonderful success, even if I did not write. Perhaps I
may reasonably request Your Excellency not to despise my humble
position, but be disposed to preserve the acquaintanceship and con-
sideration which you extended to me long ago. As for myself, be assured
that I am ready to give you my loyal obedience.
Now, in view of your well known generosity, I request that you order
two of your servants to be trained in gold and silver smithing by your
skilled craftsmen whose reputation is known far and wide. Through
8 Cf. Matthew vi. 22.

Addressed to Louis, abbot of Saint Denis and chancellor of Charles the Bald.
1
This friendship, as Levillainobserves, began when Louis was a monk in the monastery
2
of Ferrieres. Cf. letter 16.
LETTERS 25-26 41

your kindness, they will be ofthe greatest benefit to us and our neighbors.
Now lest the accomplishment of our desires be deferred too long, if we
have earned the privilege of having our request granted, we have already
introduced to this craft one of those we wish to send. Furthermore, see
that the gold which this brother of ours deposited with you is given
back to him, so that we may be able, upon inspection of the work, to
consider what we ought to do.
I hope that you are well and happy and that you are increasing in
righteousness every day.

] 26 [

To the very reverend and renowned Bishop Amulus,l Bishop Guenilo 2


and Count Gerard 3 extend everlasting good wishes.
We would have revealed to you personally by order of our lord the
king, and on his behalf, many important matters, if, as he himself
desired and even made known to you in his letter, and we too wanted
very much, you had been free to meet us at the city of Autun. Since,
however, your emissaries told us your very special reasons for being
unable to do this, we shall try within the narrow confines of a letter to
inform you fully of the things which he told us at great length and in
great detail. He instructed us also to express to you in his own words
that he firmly believes that the King of Kings, who is also the Priest
of Priests, who alone has been able to govern the church which he
redeemed after the ascent of his human self to heaven to dwell forever
with his own people in divine glory, divided his power between the
priests and the bishops for the governing of this same church in such a
way that devout kings should not only themselves carry out the things
which the holy bishops teach, but should see that they are fulfilled.
He desires therefore to pay due reverence to Your Holiness as to one
who, he knows, wishes to keep the worship of God intact, and he
requests in return that you will make the following agreement with him:
whenever he wishes to look out for the interest of the church in a part
of the empire divinely assigned to him on your authority, that you will
always be ready to assist him wholeheartedly.
And lest we weary you too much with a long digression, we report
1 Archbishop of Lyon. 841-852.
• Archbishop of Sens.
3 Since there were several counts at this time by the name of Gerard, it is difficult
to identify this particular person. See Levillain's note.
42 LETTER 26

that the recent disturbance and long unrest in the church at Autun have
caused him as a result of his own generous nature and your promotion
to place in charge of this church a man who is capable of vigorously
repairing both the spiritual and the physical damages which it has
suffered. Now the man he highly recommends for your consideration is
Bernus,4 a relative of his who was tenderly reared by the late illustrious
Emperor Louis and advanced to high honors. He has in his own day
found many occasions to test his suitability for this important post and
he believes that he can, with the help of divine grace, fill it most capably.
In this he has the agreement of his soundest advisers. The king also
asked us to remind you that it is no new or ill-advised procedure to
place bishops from the palace over the most important churches.
Indeed Pepin, from whom our king traces his descent through the
emperors, Charles the Great and Louis the Pious, explained to Zacha-
rias, the Pope at Rome, the needs of his kingdom at a meeting of the
synod which Boniface the Martyr was attending, and he received
approval from the Pope, since the bishops were dead, to correct the
difficulty at that time through the vigorous action of his highest
officials. This was to prevent the possibility of an occurrence through
episcopal incompetence of what has happened in this city of Autun and
is the cause of so much concern to us. The king therefore requests that
he win from you, without loss to your position, the authority which
was granted by the Pope at Rome to his forefathers, whether kings or
emperors, a power which has never to this day been abolished by the
metropolitans ofthe church at Lyon over which, under God, you preside.
If you do not refuse this request, he says that he will cause your ministry
in his kingdom to win the respect which it has always deserved and to
achieve its desired purpose.
To his request we humbly join our own petition to the end that the
thing which seems best to such men may also please you, so that, if you
yield, you may cause not only us but those men too to be your eager
debtors. And in view of your very warm friendship for us, we want you
to inform us by letter as soon as possible what God has prompted you
to do, so that our lord the king, for he is very anxious, may soon learn
from us your good will toward him and render due thanks to God, and
may, before being further distracted by the needs of government, cut
off further damaging delay in the appointment of a bishop and send a
most devoted assistant to you for ordination.
The king requests also that you not be unwilling to ordain Godelsad
• Otherwise unknown.
LETTERS 26-27 43

during the present lenten season. He took him from the palace too and
placed him in charge of the church at Chalon, following, as we have
mentioned above, the custom of the earlier kings his forebears. If,
however, this should seem impossible in the absence of Bishop Teot-
bald,5 we shall provide you with the proper complement of our own
bishops for whatever time you shall decide, so that God may deign to
accomplish through you without delay that which will be beneficial to
the Christian people.

] 27 [

Lupus extends his heartiest greetings to his very reverend father and
distinguished teacher H rabanus. 1
I have not yet been able to express to you in a material way my
thanks, yet he who is the knower of the unseen 2 has always perceived
how thankful I have been. In the future, however, if God extends your
life and reestablishes the peace we long to have, it will not be impossible
to show by deeds what I feel in my heart. Indeed, the monastery of
Ferrieres was entrusted to me on November 22 by the unanimous vote
of my brothers, and our lord Charles, wonderfully kind and considerate,
graciously gave it to me. I therefore beg that you will kindly remember
me and the whole congregation which has been entrusted to me with
your holy prayers, so that, just as you have greatly aided me in my
studies by your teaching, you may thus ease the difficulties of my office
by your constant prayers. I have heard, moreover, that you have laid
down your heavy administrative duties and that you are now devoting
yourself solely to the things of God, that you have indeed completely
given up the duties of your office to our friend Ha tto. 3 I shall be waiting
to hear from you, blessed friend, the details of this and anything else
which you may wish to write.
I hope that you are well and always hold me in your esteem.

, Bishop of Langres.

1 Hrabanus Maurus, abbot of Fulda from 822 to 842; archbishop of Mainz from 847
until his death in 856.
2 Cf. Daniel xiii. 42.
3 Successor of Hrabanus Maurus to the abbacy of Fulda, a position which he held
until his death in 856.
44 LETTER 28

] 28 [

Lupus sends heartiest greetings to his very dear friends, Marcward and
Eigil.l
I received your letter August 6 when I was at the monastery of Fare 2
on way to the General Assembly which our king had set for the 8th day
of the same month. Now because I had only four monks with me and
I was not able to know completely the pleasure of the rest, and since an
extraordinary thing had occurred (which was indeed that G.,3 although
reared in our monastery and having constantly heard divine admonition
and having suffered no punishment, had not at a mature age gone into
solitude, but had abandoned his monastic life and had gone away to
seek a worldly position which he had long considered and had confessed
to many, and he was about to prepare a happy journey for those oflike
mind who were ready to do the same thing), I am making known to
Your Holiness that I shall rejoice very much in his true conversion, if
it happens, and I shall dismiss from my mind whatever wrongs he has
committed against me, if he is penitent. Until I return from the As-
:i>embly, strive diligently to achieve what you set out to do for God,
namely, that he return completely to God and that he not try henceforth
to shift the blame from himself to another. Let him give heed to temper-
ance, let him not renew his conspiracies, let him be neither an instigator
of grumbling nor a participant, let him neither cause nor encourage
seditious acts, but let him remain peaceful himself and permit others to
enjoy peace, and in general, according to the command of God, "let him
eschew evil and do good,"4 and then in our times and in our monastery
he will suffer nothing that will offer him a reasonable excuse for com-
plaint.
Now upon my return, I shall, by the grace of God, endeavor to have
the monks follow your suggestion, and I shall express to Your Holiness
by letter their opinion. We shall also take care to satisfy by a suitable
rescript our lord, the Emperor, to whom we are most devoted because
of his singular and widely acclaimed piety.
1 Succeeded Marcward as abbot of Priim in 853. For the dating of this letter see
Levillain's note.
• Faremoutiers, located in the canton of Rozoy-en-Brie.
3 This person, identified only by his initial letter, is also the subject of the following
two letters. From letter 29 it can be inferred that he was a secretary of the imperial
chancellery. Levillain assumes, therefore, that his name must have been Glorius since,
as he observes, that is the only name beginning with the letter G which appears in the
official register.
• 1 Peter iii. 11.
LETTERS 28-29 45

We hope that Your Holinesses will remember us kindly, and we wish


for you, our most beloved fathers, the very best of health.

] 29 [

To our most excellent lord and glorious Emperor Lothair, Lupus, the
least of abbots, and all the congregation of the monastery of Ferrie-res extend
best wishes for your present happiness and future blessedness.
For you to be giving thought to the acquisition of a heavenly kingdom
while in the midst of ruling over an earthly kingdom gives to those of
us who sincerely love you strong hope for your salvation (for by your
good works you are winning an everlasting reward), nevertheless we are
especially pleased by the fact that we may speak out openly what we
think without the disguise of flattery, because you invest the power of
Your Highness with a mercy which is highly pleasing to God and to men.
If indeed you will persevere in this, you will be numbered among those
to whom the Savior makes this promise: "Blessed are the merciful: for
they shall obtain mercy."l
We your most devoted servants thank Your Majesty particularly for
having used your influence to cause our wayward brother G.2 to turn
aside from his purpose (for we hear that he has been converted), and for
having brought him back again to our fellowship through your wonder-
ful condescension and even intercession, which quite properly has the
force of a command. We must therefore give credit to you next to God,
we for his conversion, he for his salvation. That he should continue in
the office of secretary on resuming the monastic life, as your holy
pronouncement indicated, was indeed neither becoming to you nor
possible for us to accept, for our vows are not very easily observed
within the cloisters of the monastery, much less can they be fulfilled by
anyone in the turmoil of the world, especially if he is not sufficiently
on guard.
May our Lord and Savior long keep you alive and in good health for
the care and peace of the Christian people whom he has redeemed, and
may he crown you with everlasting glory in the life to come.

1 Matthew v. 7.
• Cf. note 3 of preceding letter.
46 LETTER 30

] 30 [

Lupus and all the congregation of the monastery of F errieres extend


wishes for present and future good health to their dearest M arcward and
Eigil.
When I finally returned from the Assembly to the monastery and
reported to the monks the conversion of G.1 which had been brought
about by your diligence, all who were able to do so expressed due thanks
to Your Holiness and they felicitated him in turn for having cast aside
his foolhardiness, which would have been his certain ruin, and for
renewing his determination to obtain salvation.
If he has been converted in his heart, as we hope, let him then re-
turn in peace, for it is cruel of us who offend in many ways not to
exult in those things which cause the angels who are free of all sin
to rejoice. 2 Indeed that story of the prodigal son who was welcomed
back by his merciful father teaches us that we should rejoice when-
ever anyone returns to God. 3 The son's poverty which disappeared
when his dignity was freely restored was not an object of reproach to
this father.
We are sending you a letter written to our lord the emperor to be
read by you, sealed, and then presented with due respect to His Majesty.
This is being done so that you may also see our good intent.
We want Folchric4 and Maurus 5 to return with that brother, so that
they may enjoy with us the pear wine, of which they are especially fond,
for there is fear of a scarcity of wine this year. But to confess the truth,
a shortage of fruits threatens a meager supply even of pear wine, and
a low yield of corn threatens a scarcity of beer. Consequently, we are all
using a safe natural beverage by which health of soul and body is often
acquired, drawn not from a muddy cistern but from a clear well or a
sparkling stream.
We hope that you are well and happy and that you will kindly re-
member us your humble servants in all things.

1 Cf. letters 28 and 29.


• Cf. Luke xv. 10 and James iii. 2.
a Cf. Luke xv. 20.
, Possibly the successor of Prudentius as bishop of Troyes. Cf. letter 119.
• Unidentified.
LETTER 31 47

] 3J1 [

In order that you may reign in peace and happiness I have assembled
with loyal devotion the precepts which you ought to observe.
Be ever grateful to God, your creator and future judge, and thank
him for having delivered you thus far from many evils and for having
given you manifold blessings, and beseech him with daily prayers to
grant you a beginning, advancement, and perseverance in good deeds.
When you were a child you spake as a child, you understood as a child,
but now that you have grown to manhood, according to the apostle,2
in whom the spirit of God clearly spoke, put away childish things, that
is to say, put aside foolish and idle things and pursue what is reasonable
and profitable for your future salvation. Examine carefully and study
in minute detail what things you should do, sharing your deliberations
with those who are completely faithful to God and to yourself, because,
as the Divine Word informs us, "To whom will he be good who is of no
account to himself?"3
And do not subject yourself to anyone to the extent that you will do
everything according to his judgment. Why, indeed, do you lay claim
to the title of king, if you do not know how to rule? To speak with the
good leave of everyone, it is not to your advantage or the people's that
you should make anyone equal to yourself, least of all superior to you,
for God who knows what is in man forewarns: Do not give power to
your sons during your lifetime, for it is better that they should beg
favors of you than you ofthem.4 If this is not to be granted to sons, how
much less should it be granted to others? Who does not know that you
are taking the place of God? Yet God himself says: "M y glory will I not
give to another."5 Do not admit, therefore, advisers, who are commonly
called bailiffs, lest they share with one another your glory and alienate
you from the better people.
In imitation of God,6 be no respecter of persons in your judgments,
but in the same case let the rich, the middle class, and the poor know
that you are the same to all, to the end that the strong will be afraid and
those who do not resist will be encouraged. Never change that which
has once been done except to improve upon it, so that all will admire

1 An exhortation to King Charles the Bald.


o Cf. I Corinthians xiii. II.
a Cf. Ecclesiasticus xiv. 5.
4 Cf. Ecclesiasticus xxxiii. 20-22.
5 Isaiah xlii. 8.
• Cf. Acts x. 34.
48 LETTER 31

your good faith and steadfastness. Avoid levity, acquire mature habits
so that you will be able, good sir, to profit all your subjects.
Shun the association of evil men, for, as you will recall, it has been
written: "Evil communications corrupt good manners. "7 Associate with
good companions, for "with an upright man thou wilt shew thyself
upright; with the pure thou wilt shew thyself pure and with the elect
thou wilt shew thyself elect; with the froward thou wilt shew thyself
froward. "8 And in the writings of this same king and prophet are the
beautiful words: "He that walketh in a perfect way, he shall serve me.
He that worketh deceit shall not dwell within my house: he that telleth
lies shall not tarry in my sight."9
Fear not the mighty which you have yourself made and can humble
whenever you wish. "Put not your trust in princes, nor in the son of
man, in whom there is no help,"IO but place your hope in him "which
made heaven and earth, which keepeth truth for ever."ll
Conceive an honest desire for truth so that no one will knowingly dare
to ask you to perform that which is improper. Think much but do not
tell everything, because, in the words of Holy Writ, "whoso keepeth
his mouth keepeth his soul from troubles,"12 or, according to secular
writings, "tell no one that which you wish to keep secret, for you can not
demand from another a silence which you cannot observe yourself,"13
and, "a word uttered cannot be returned."14
Let all know that the common advantage and the interest of all are
very dear to you, so that all will try to rival you in preferring you to
themselves.
Let no one be allowed to scorn divine laws, nor human laws, provided
they are just, because the impunity of evil-doers always leads to an
increase in crime.
Let the spirit of humility embellish all your works, because it is
written: "In what can earth and ashes take pride? "15 And: "According
to your greatness humble yourself in all things, and you will find favor
with God. "16 And our Redeemer himself admonishes: "Learn of me;
7 1 Corinthians xv. 33.
8 Psalm xviii. 25, 26.
9 Psalm ci. 6, 7.
10 Psalm cxlvi. 1, 2 (Vulg.); cxlvi. 3 (A.V.).
11 Psalm cxlvi. 5, 6 (Vulg.); cxlvi. 6 (A.V.).
11 Proverbs xxi. 23. ,_
18 See Ribbeck, Scaenicae Romanorum Poesis Fragmenta, II, Comicorum Fragmenta,
p.371.
14 Horace, AI'S poetica, V. 390; Cf. Horace, Epistles, I. 18. 71.
16 Ecclesiasticus x.9.
11 Ecclesiasticus iii.20.
LETTERS 31-32 49

for I am meek and lowly in heart: and ye shall find rest unto your
souls."17
Win the favor of God by regular almsgiving, in view of the following:
"Have mercy on your souls by doing that which is pleasing to God,"18
because, as we find in the Holy Word, "Almsgiving delivers the soul
from death and does not let it descend into darkness."19 The Savior,
too, thus commends it: "Give alms and all things are clean unto yoU."20
Glorify God in all things, for he himself declares: "Them that honour
me I will honour, and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed. "21
A king too, an eminent prophet, puts God before himself as follows:
"Not unto us, 0 Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name give glory. "22
If you will diligently give heed to these admonitions, you will please
God and all good people. You will crush and defeat the rebels, having
God, as we believe, fighting on your side, and after a hard temporal
reign you will gain a kingdom which is eternal and truly peaceful.

] 32 [

Lupus sends present and future good wishes to Hugo,l the greatest of
abbots and worthy of the highest respect.
Since I first gained knowledge of you I have long desired, I confess,
to become acquainted with you. In this I have finally succeeded, thanks
to your kindness, and while I frequently think of your outstanding
nobility of character and corresponding wisdom, I confidently put my
fullest trust in you.
For this reason, when that happened to me which I had neither feared
nor, as I think, deserved, the fact that our lord the king took from us
the cell which belonged to our monastery2 and gave it to Count Odulf,
concerning which we have edicts both from the king himself and from
his father, his Royal Highness, Louis, and when, inspired by God and
with the cooperation of the distinguished Adalhard,3 he had restored
17 Matthew xi.29.
18 Ecclesiasticus xxx.24.
19 Tobias iv.ll.
'0 Luke xi.41.
21 I Kings ii.30 (Vulg.); I Samuel ii.30 (A.V.) .
•2 Psalm cxv.1.
1Hugo, abbot of Saint Quentin, Saint Bertin, and Lobbes.
• The cell of Saint Josse. Cf. letter 19.
• An influential person during the reigns of Louis the Pious and Charles the Bald.
He was an uncle of Irmentrude, wife of Charles the Bald. Nithard, a chronicler of this
50 LETTERS 32-33

it to us, as was proper, having been advised by Adalhard himself, I


thought that I should call upon you in preference to anyone else as one
who might discreetly curb the dangerous rapacity of Odulf and kindly
restore that cell to us.
May your generosity, then, which is known far and wide, for the love
of God and in accordance with the royal dispatch, be extended as c;oon
as possible to us in our desperate plight, that your sympathy for us in
our misfortunes may win for you an eternal reward, and the memory
of your kindness may be faithfully observed both by ourselves and our
posterity.

] 33 [

It was proper for the tone of your letter! to be no different from what
it was, for there has been in the past such a warm friendship between us
that there could not remain even a slight suspicion of coolness.
As for the matter which you have secretly disclosed to your humble
servant, God looks upon it with favor, I think, and a full account of it
will be made to you by the one who has brought me the message.
I do not need to exercise skill in thanking you for your generosity in
sending me and the brothers gifts, since you certainly know that just as
we have individually enjoyed your generosity, so we have a mental
image, as it were, of its great personal value. It will now remain for you
to bring to pass by your constant prayers that God will accomplish in
me those things which you have advised; in other words, that he who
has filled you with a deep concern for us may grant to you the joy of
hearing that we have made progress.
Eigil, the faithful interpreter of my affairs, will explain what I want
you to do in regard to Suetonius Tranquillus2 and Josephus. s
Greet all the brothers on behalf of your humble servant, and es-
pecially Gerung, Fulcold, and Ansbold,4 and please ask them to re-
member me kindly.

period, mentions him a number of times in his Histof'iae. See Lauer's ed. and trans. of
Nithard, Histoif'es des fils de Louis de Pieux (Classiques de l'histoire de France au Moyen
Age, Paris, 1926).

1 Written to Marcward, abbot of Priim, perhaps shortly after the appointment of


Lupus to the abbacy of Ferrieres.
I Author of De vita Caesaf'um who lived from about 69 to about 140 A.D.
a Jewish historian of the first century A.D. whose works were written in Greek.
, These were monks in the monastery at Priim, as was also Eigil who is mentioned
in the preceding paragraph. The latter succeeded Marcward as abbot.
LETTERS 34-35 51

] 34 [

Having returned with God's help to our monastery on July 5, I took


care that this letter should be sent to you1 as soon as possible, in which
I express wholehearted thanks to you for your kindness in receiving our
brothers and other men with open arms of affection, and in giving them
motherly care when they were so hard pressed by disaster. 2 Their
account of this pleased me so much that I am scarcely able within the
narrow limits of a letter to express to you my pleasure. Indeed, you not
only treated my brothers with extraordinary affection, but you showed
all our people the greatest generosity, almost more than they could ever
have expected. I therefore desire that the grace of God, whose gift has
made you thus, will be willing to grant me, his humble servant, the
opportunity to repay you in some small way, and that he, who has
established the whole of his teachings on the solid foundation of love,
will give you your full reward.

] 35 1 [

After my escape from almost certain death while on the Aquitanian


campaign2 and my release from the discomforts of imprisonment , having
been saved from these perils by the abounding Grace of God, in whom I
put my complete trust, and through the kindness of his saints, and in
particular a certain Turpio,3 I returned to the monastery in good health
on July 5. On arrival, I was informed by my brothers, Hatto and Ra-
tharius, 4 and by the reading of yourletter, what I actually knew already,
that you were terribly worried about my misfortune. And now I can
just see how extremely happy you must be in knowing that I, whom
you mourned as either imprisoned or dead, am now in the monastery
safe and sound.
I too and all the brothers are filled with the greatest joy because of
your successful return, and we render profound thanks to our Lord God,
1 Odacre, abbot of Cormery and a kinsman of Lupus.
2 Allusion to the battle of AngouH~me on June 14, 844.

1 Written to Marcward, abbot of Priim.


2 Allusion to the campaign of 844 in which Pepin II defeated the forces of Charles
the Bald on June 14, 844. See letters 34 and 45.
3 Count of Angouleme.
, Hatto and Ratharius were undoubtedly monks of Fulda. Since Lupus had spent
some time at this monastery he could properly address them as "my brethren." Cf.
Levillain's note.
52 LETTER 35

not only for having restored Your Excellency to us, but also for provid-
ing protection to the two saints5 by your labors. Indeed we prayed to
God daily for your safe return and constantly prayed also for the trans-
lation of the saints, being easily persuaded that you would be successful
because of your loving devotion to God. In fact we are all praising God
for having given us more than we dared to ask for.
There is left one further step to complete our joy and that is for you
to favor us with your presence. We shall insist that your letter promised
us this although it did not actually say so. But if you do come, you will
not only oblige your humble servants very much, but you will also gain
something yourself. You will surely bring us comfort and the desire to
lead good lives, and you will become acquainted with the brothers who
have taken the places of those who have died since your departure, and
if such be possible, you will win their deeper devotion.
I further request that you send an industrious monk to Saint Boni-
face 6 as your agent to ask Hatt0 7 the abbot to send you the Lives of the
Caesars by Suetonius Tranquillus to be copied. It has been divided by
the monks into two small manuscripts. Will you please either bring this
work to me in person or if, in penance for my sins, I am presently denied
that good fortune, will you have it sent by a most reliable messenger.
The manuscript is certainly nowhere to be found in this vicinity, and we
trust that we shall receive the benefit of your kindness in this matter too.
I wish to send to Your Holiness, for instruction in the German lan-
guage, the son of Guago, a nephew of mine and a relative of yours, and
with him two other fine young men,s so that some day, if God wills, they
may render useful service to our monastery. These three would be
satisfied with only two teachers. Do not neglect to let us know as soon
as you can whether you are willing to fulfill this request.
We had a very light yield of wine last year. We have an abundance
of other things at the present time, and, through the abounding grace of
God, we are enjoying a little peace, except that some seculars who
would like to overrun our monastery are making trouble for us. 9 You
must therefore discharge your debt oflove and pray earnestly that God
will work in the hearts of the princes to accomplish that which is best
for us.

5 Marcward had brought the relics of Saints Chrysanthus and Daria from Rome to
Priim in 844. They were later transferred to Miinstereifel in Rhenish Prussia.
6 The name of the abbey at Fulda.
7 Hatto succeeded Hrabanus Maurus as abbot of Fulda in 842.
8 Cf. letters 58, 65, and 70.
9 Cf. letter 36.
LETTERS 36-37 53

] 36 [

Lupus extends heartiest greetings to the most excellent and distinguished


of all abbots. 1
Considering how busy you are, I shall briefly tell you that the great
Adalhard, just before his departure, solemnly promised me that he was
going to restore to us the cell of Saint J osse, now that an opportunity was
actually presenting itself, and that he would look out for all our interests
so that no harm could come to us at the king's court.
But when I was about to return from Aquitania, having been saved
through the mercy of God, and desired to get a little rest from the terrible
hardships which I had undergone out of loyalty to the king, the report
went out that our monastery had been given to Egilbert.2
In view of our friendship, will you therefore, in your usual way, strive
to help me in both of these matters, especially since you know my
loyalty and service to the king and well understand that a great indig-
nity is being done to me when I am made equal to that Egilbert, not to
mention the fact that he is preferred to me. I would briefly set forth
arguments for you to present in such a matter if far better ones did not
suggest themselves to you from your own intelligence and rich learning.
I hope you are in good health and that you are growing happier and
more successful day by day, being mindful of me, your humble servant.

] 37 1 [

It cannot easily be expressed, my Lord and honorable King Charles, 1


how much I, the least of your servants, desire your success in all things,
both spiritual and secular. I have therefore freely engaged in exhor-
tation, both spoken and written,2 that my zeal might, with the help of
God's grace, contribute to your good fortune. Now again I briefly set
forth that which occurs to me, after much reflection, as extremely
beneficial to you and your kingdom.
The observance of justice not only brings you into favor with God,
but it also strengthens your power on earth. Association with good men
1 Louis, abbot of Saint Denis and chancellor of Charles the Bald.
2 Identity uncertain; mentioned by Lupus only in this letter.

1 Cf. letter 31 for a similar exhortation. Charles the Bald was now about 21 years

of age.
2 An allusion to earlier admonitions, such as those expressed in letter 31.
54 LETTER 37

brings you success and praise as exemplified by the blessed David who
thus sets himself up as one to imitate: "He that walketh in a perfect
way, he shall serve me."3 Separation from evil men too is equally
praiseworthy, as David himself also teaches: "He that worketh deceit
shall not dwell within my house: he that telleth lies shall not tarry in
my sight."4 The fact, moreover, that he who is most faithful should be
the closest friend, is taught us in the following saying: "What plague
can be more effective in doing harm than a false friend."5 In the words,
"A multitude of wise men is the salvation ofthe world,"6 the Holy Word
refers to those by whose counsels the state is able to be safe and peaceful,
with God bringing to pass that which is stated thus: "Peace be within
thy walls."7 Such men indeed realize that "there is no wisdom nor
understanding nor counsel against the Lord,"8 and in giving of counsel
they do not depart from the path ofrighteousness. Moreover, this same
counsel is sent by the Lord himself for useful accomplishments. We are
quite clearly instructed on this subject in another place too where we
read: "Seek counsel always from a wise man."9 Here we understand
the wise man to be a man taught by experience or improved by reading
or elevated above all others by divine inspiration.
Whenever you are about to do something great, keep in mind, I beg,
that wise saying: "You must deliberate before you begin anything, and
when you have deliberated, act quickly,"lO for in so doing you will avoid
hasty action as well as delay which is likely to be harmful. Be pleased to
consider, in respect to your advantage and ours, the use of advisers such
as the Romans, masters of the world, employed, as we read in this one
short sentence: "The Senate was the strong and trusted bulwark of the
state, protected and defended on every side by a mighty wall of silence;
and those who came within its threshold cast aside their love of self and
assumed a love for the state."ll Search, I pray, for men such as those,
men who will put love of the state, that is to say, of all the people, above
their private interests, and with the help of God's mercy those trouble-
some revolts will come to an end.

3 Psalm ci. 6.
• Psalm ci. 7.
5 Cf. Boethius, Consolatio Philosophiae, 111.5.
6 Book of Wisdom vi.26.
7 Psalm cxii. 7.
8 Proverbs xxi.30.
• Tobias iv.19.
10 Cf. Sallust, Catiline, 1.6. The thought is again expressed in different words in letter
46.
11 Valerius Maximus, 11.2.
LETTERS 37-39 55

I have had a very brief summary of the deeds of the emperors12


presented to Your Majesty so that you may readily observe from their
actions what you should imitate or what you should avoid. I especially
commend to your consideration, however, Trajan and Theodosius
because you can most profitably find many things among their deeds to
imitate.
May you long reign in such a manner that God may reign in you
forever.

] 38 [

Lupus the abbot sends greetings in the Lord to his beloved brothers.1
Motivated by greed our enemies have indeed tried many things, but
since the Lord and his saints have protected us with their favors they
have been disappointed in their hopes, and with God helping us they
will never accomplish their desires. I wanted to make this clear to you,
so that you may render due thanks to God and his saints and that your
minds may be set at rest now that we have regained our security.

] 39 [

Lupus sends greetings in the Lord to his very dear H atto. 1


Although the inevitable routine of business does not permit us to
meet, as we ought to have done frequently, nevertheless, we must post-
pone these affairs of ours for a short while and counsel one another, lest
sane advice by which we can, with God's help, assist one another be
further withheld to our mutual disadvantage. Be sure to meet me then
at your Arceias 2 this October on the day you suggested, so that coming
to this midway point we can confer on these pressing matters.
10 Diimmler suggests that this was the Epitome de Caesaribus, attributed to Aurelius
Victor, a fourth-century historian, and not a work written by Lupus himself, as a
marginal note in the MS declares.
1 This letter, addressed to his monks, apparently refers to the Aquitanian campaign
of 844 and to the attempt on the part of his enemies to have Lupus replaced as the
abbot of Ferrii~res by a certain Egilbert (Cf. letter 36).
1 It is difficult to know with certainty whether this Hatto was the abbot of Fulda,
or a monk of that monastery. I believe, with Levillain, that this is Hatto the monk
mentioned in letter 35 along with Ratherius, who, moreover, is undoubtedly the Rath.
of this letter.
• For the probable identification of this place see Levillain's note.
56 LETTERS 39-40

You shall also learn that the abbot Odacre, 3 a relative of mine, on the
insistence of Vivian,4 requests the return of the pound of gold which
you know about. You must not lightly esteem his kindness by displaying
a lack of kindness.
Send this courier back without delay so that I can meet you at the
above-mentioned place at the time indicated.
Just as I was sending the courier away Ratharius 5 arrived and
disclosed to me the plain truth concerning your affairs. Having been
informed, it seemed to me a matter of utmost importance that we hasten
to have our conference, so that, with God's guidance, we may be able
to deal with these difficulties in a simple and intelligent manner. In the
meantime take pains to see how this Ratharius may be reinstated, for
he has, without in any way deserving it, received a terrible insult. The
indignity is a serious one, the fact that he is deprived of his reward for
such a long period of service because of a situation which does not
concern him at all.

] 40 [

Lupus sends greetings in the Lord to the dear abbot and archdeacon
Usuard. 1
You have not forgotten how, in the presence of the dignitaries of your
church, I showed you the constitution of the synod and the decree of
the metropolitan Amulus 2 in regard to the presbyter Godelgarius,3 and
how I frightened you by saying that if you did not obey the command of
our lord the king confirming the orders of the holy synod and metro-
politan, you would suffer the heavy penalty of exile. But because you
have not complied and the presbyter desires to escape a long period of
disaster, I advise you on the authority of the synod and the metro-
politan, as well as of the king, to execute without delay that command of
mine so that you not be forced perhaps to suffer manifold punishment
for a threefold contempt of authority. Furthermore, without offering
any excuse, see that the record of the resources of your monastery, which
you should have sent, is returned to me at Saulieu.
Best wishes.
3 The abbot of Cormery. Cf. letters 34 and 89.
• The count of Tours and abbot of Saint Martin of Tours.
5 See note 1 above.

1 Abbot of the monastery in the diocese of Autun.


• Archbishop of Lyon.
3 Unidentified.
LETTERS 41-42 57

] 41 [

Lupus sends greetings in the Lord to his very dear Prudentius. l


On April 7 Bishop Heribold 2 who had just a short time before returned
from the king brought instructions to me from the king that since he had
himself completed his mission, we should promptly and hastily do the
same so that the king would be able to gain information concerning the
individual monasteries at the general assembly. Now since the time is
drawing near, and we cannot easily meet, especially because there is a
lack of pasture for the horses, and we cannot begin to carry out orde"s
until there is plenty of grass, let us know at once by letter how you are
feeling and what your pleasure is in this matter.
Now to give you my opinion concerning this, I consider it unneces-
sary to return to the monasteries where we have already investigated
conditions, for no improvement has followed, and there are still certain
monasteries left in Orleanais and Senonais, as well as in your province
and mine, which we can visit in the meantime so that the king may learn
through us the improvements which need to be made in these places as
well as in those others. And that his personal orders not be taken lightly
in the case of emissaries, let him make a formal decree if he wishes. For
the consideration which the king had for us (indeed he was the very one
who had sent us) has been made clear by the honor conferred upon us
and by the restoration of religion in the monasteries. I have decided
therefore to submit my personal views to the king on these matters
before we undertake the mission, to obtain an imperial letter of au-
thorization, and then if it meets with God's favor to set out. Will you in
turn write me your opinion so that the two of us may arrive at the best
course of action. But do not forget, no matter how hard we work on this
mission, that neither we nor our men may relax our efforts, but we must
do as others have done when confronted with difficulties similar to those
which have plagued us up to this time.

] 42 [

Most excellent lord my king,l I humbly beg that you will kindly
receive a suggestion from your most devoted servant with understanding
and consider it sympathetically.
1 Bishop of Troyes.
2 Bishop of Auxerre.
t Charles the Bald.
58 LETTERS 42-43

Louis, our deeply religious emperor, Your Highness's father, at the


request of your mother of honored memory, the empress Judith, 2
presented the cell of Saint Josse to the monastery of Ferrieres. He
confirmed this gift with an order that the monks should serve God in
the monastery free from want, that with godly fear they should show
hospitality to pilgrims in that cell, and that they should pray joyfully
to God for the salvation and success of both of them.
At first you kindly consented to their almsgiving and even confirmed
it with a new ruling, but later, persuaded by those who did not fear to
offend God in order to win riches, you were forced to satisfy the desires
of the seculars concerning that cell by a cancellation of that twofold
charity. For this reason the servants of God who pray unceasingly for
you have failed to receive their usual allotment of clothing for the last
three years, and the clothes which they have to wear are nearly all worn
out and ragged. They subsist on vegetables which they buy in the mar-
ket. Very seldom do they enjoy a meal offish and cheese. No longer do
the servants receive their allotment of clothes. All of these things used
to be provided us from that cell; and may God not hold you responsible
for having given up concern for the poor across the sea and elsewhere
and for having neglected to worship him.
As for myself, besides the common plight and unparalleled distress, I
am overwhelmingly dishonored because I have lost what other abbots
have obtained by imperial munificence to strengthen religion, as if the
lowliest and most worthless of all creatures. Having hope, however, of
regaining what I lost by my services (and with God as my witness I do
not hold you to blame), particularly because I have your promise with
regard to it which you cannot lawfully break, I ask that you delay the
fulfillment of our just demands no longer but immediately consider your
interests and our own to the end that you may win God's favor and
cause us, your humble servants, to be more willing to intercede for you
at all times.

] 43 [

Since youl are so richly endowed with divine grace, you think, I am
sure, that you have received as a gift from God the opportunity to help
the good people at the court of the prince, so that what they do not have
t The empress Judith, who had died in 843.

1 Addressed to Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, soon after his promotion to that


office in 845.
LETTER 43 59

in themselves they may possess in you and may give you an opportunity
to have your zeal rewarded. Depending therefore on our friendship I
urge you to strive, while you have time, to make better use of your talent,
so that your goodness may shine forth like the sun upon all and exclude
no one except that person who, in the blindness of his pride, scorns the
light of justice. An excellent education adorns your noble character, a
profession of religion graces your high office. I have written this letter
to Your Highness not in an offensively arrogant spirit but with a desire
to win your friendship so that the nobility of character and wisdom
which unite in you to the fullest extent may be evident to those who
are reluctant to recognize them and who even seek to darken the very
lights of the church.
The loss to our monastery is known to you for, as you are aware, the
king, through no fault of mine, took away the cell which his father had
granted us even by decree because he had learned that our monastic life
could not long survive without the support of increased facilities. In
consequence of this we have been reduced to such a state of poverty that
we have scarcely had enough grain this year to last for two months. Our
servants whose services are indispensable are almost naked and there
is nothing that we can do to help them. Many of our brothers are forced
to hide their nakedness under ragged and torn clothing. As a result of
poverty we are compelled to restrict our hospitality, and since we have
used up the resources which our predecessors accumulated in this
turbulent period of the state, we beseech the king to show us clemency
and we pray the Master of us all to give us endurance.
I am therefore disgusted by this critical situation and I often consider
abandoning the office to which the brothers elected me. I am kept from
such action, however, because of the malicious avarice of the seculars,2
as well as the accusation which would be brought against me for
impatience if I should forsake those brothers in such a time of turmoil.
Since I have indeed served the king with all my strength, yea, even
beyond my strength, and I always pray earnestly for him, not only did
I not deserve that our monastery should be reduced to mediocrity, but
I have been dishonored because he has given the best part of it to a
secular person,3 not to rule but to ruin. Grant that this came about
through my own unworthiness. Why have those saintly men who with
me serve God been treated with contempt? A word of warning from
you should cause him to realize that there are some among us concerning
2 Cf. letter 36 concerning the attempt to replace Lupus as abbot of Ferrit-res.
3 Count Odulf. Cf. letter 32.
60 LETTERS 43-44

whom the Scripture rightly bears witness: "He will fulfill the desire of
them that fear him: he will also hear their cry,"4 and "He that toucheth
you toucheth the apple of my eye."5
What has his secular's Excellency done for him? He did not as a
result subdue some foreign nation for him, did he, or unite this divided
country? But if, without respect to persons, the king had fulfilled the
vow he made to God in the church of Saint Denis, at your suggestion I
believe, or better still, ifhe had first followed the advice which he sought
and received at Ver, God would have caused him to be reigning in peace
now, for as the Holy Scripture says: "There is no wisdom nor under-
standing nor counsel against the Lord."6
I have sent you those canons or chapters as you call them, written at
that time with my own pen. Posterity, I suppose, will judge how fair
they are, and God who examines the heart and mind will not forget my
devotion. 7
In the meantime I beg that you on your part will show me and all
those who are in similar difficulties the steadfastness of Mordecai and
the loyalty of Esther, so that the enemies of God's servants may be
overcome and conquered as the result of your diligence, or rather by
divine power, not for their destruction, as happened in the time which
I mention, but for their everlasting salvation.
We hope that you are well.

] 44 [

Lupus sends heartiest greetings to the distinguished and highly respected


Bishop Guenilo. 1
When I was setting out on a journey to the king and had sent ahead
men to inquire what he wished me to do, he had instructed me to meet
him on the feast day of Saint Martin 2 at the monastery ofthat illustrious
confessor, but since official duties had called him elsewhere, I again
sent messengers to him, and was pleased to obtain with the help of
friends his permission to return. Now the reason why our lord the king
did not reach Saint Martin according to his plan was because, as reported
• Psalm cxlv.19.
6 Cf. Zachariah ii.S.
s Proverbs xxi.30.
• Cf. Psalm vii. 9.

1 Archbishop of Sens.
2 The Feast of St. Martin is commemorated on November II.
LETTERS 44-45 61

by our messengers, the Bretons were having an outbreak of civil strife


worse than usual and had summoned our king to Brittany so that the
faction opposed to N ominoe3 might safely defect to him.
Concerning Pepin 4 of whom you inquired, dear father, nothing definite
was said at the palace. Only a vague rumor was going around that those
who had recently deserted him were about to become reconciled to him.
Some men did indeed arrive from Aquitania and reported that the
Normans had recently carried on a raid between Bordeaux and Saintes,
and that our men, the Christian forces, had engaged them in an infantry
battle, and all except those who were able to save themselves by flight
perished miserably. They testified under oath that Seguin, the duke
of Gascony, had also been arrested and put to death. This proves how
true our Lord's saying is: "Every kingdom divided against itself is
brought to desolation,"5 and it shows what fruit is reserved for those
who embrace a policy of dissension.
We hope that you are well.

] 4S [

Lupus extends present and future good wishes to his very dear Louis,l
the greatest of abbots.
Words cannot express how grieved I was recently by the report,
fortunately untrue, that you and many others had fallen in this national
disaster. 2 To confess the truth, no day could ever have removed this
grief from me except the day on which I shall draw my last breath. But
when I learned the truth, I was filled, as I might well be, with boundless
joy, because that person remained alive with whom, if it were possible
and necessary, "I would gladly share my years,"3 as Horace says. And
so, 0 dearest of all my friends, I render unbounded thanks to almighty
God, because he has saved you for me, and in your safety I myself have
also been saved. 4
Moreover, I have been greatly distressed on account ofthe reverses of
3 The duke of Brittany.
, Pepin II, king of Aquitania.
• Luke xi. I?
1 Chancellor of Charles the Bald and abbot of Saint Denis.
2 Allusion to Charles the Bald's defeat by the Bretons in the battle of Ballon,
November 845.
3 \Vrongly ascribed to Horace. It seems to be a close adaptation of a verse from the
A.nthologia latina, 445.3: "Nostros dividerem annos" (ed. Riese, 1869).
• An apparent play on words: servatus, meaning "saved," suggesting the surname,
'Servatus," which was applied to Lupus.
62 LETTER 45

our lord the king, and I have rejoiced exceedingly in his deliverance,
and like that widow in the gospels who placed two mites in the offering,5
I have sent you a small gift such as I was able to find for you to present
to him. I beg that you kindly see that it meets with his favor, for you
see that this is to my advantage. I told him, moreover, that I had oblig-
ingly sent him everything which I could find, but on account of his
frequent demands for service, not previously made of my predecessors,
and because of the loss of our cell and the unparalleled scarcity of grain,
all the resources of the monastery are now so completely exhausted that
the brothers have been buying their grain for a whole month and will
be long continuing to do so until the time of the new crop. Nor have the
articles which we bought for our common needs been adequate, but we
are in dire circumstances and, to the sorrow of all, we are losing our
meager supply of vessels and other ornaments of our church. Though
you, a man of understanding, have been apprised of this situation, yet
you do not see how far reaching it is and how much harm can be done
to the public welfare. I therefore humbly beg that you will notify the
king of the needs or rather the genuine hardships of myself and the
brothers, and suggest to him that he please remember the vow which
he took this year and that he finally correct that which, to his own great
peril, he did against Saint Peter and us, so that he can have the head of
the apostles as his helper and all of us as his sincere intercessors in his
time of crisis. Nor indeed should he disdain the prayers of the servants
of God, for it is said of every righteous man: "The effectual fervent
prayer of a righteous man availeth much,"6 and the sacred psalm,
referring to the many worshippers of God, proclaims: "He will fulfil the
desire ofthem that fear him: he also will hear their cry."7
And you must diligently admonish him not only concerning the
restoration of our monastery, but also concerning the condition of the
entire church, lest it happen (which may heaven forbid!) that the church
which was united when he received it, be split apart when he is forced to
leave it, bringing tears to us but smiles to his enemies, to his open as
well as hidden enemies. Grant that he not experience that which God
threatens to bring upon those who scorn him: "And it shall be vexation
only to understand the report,"8 nor that which the Apostle says: "It
is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God."9
6 Cf. Mark xii,42; Luke xxi.2.
• James v. 16.
7 Psalm cxlv.19.
8 Isaiah xxviii. 19.
• Hebrews x.31.
LETTERS 45-46 63

I lost everything, as you know, on the recent Aquitanian campaign. lo


Last year I lost ten horses on a mission into Burgundy. Now, as I have
indicated, poverty is pressing. I wish too, ifit pleases God, to teach what
I have learned and what I am constantly learning. I beg that you bring
the above matters, except this last one, to the attention of the king, for
this would be considered of no value to the state, and yet in my judgment
it is the most important of all. If the king wishes to summon me to the
court, tell him, I pray, that I do not have the resources for remaining in
his service eight days, and will not have, until the eagerly awaited new
crops are harvested unless I steal something from the altar or reduce
the brothers to intolerable starvation. Now I do not want you to request
relief for our military personnel, unless you can do so without risk,
although you know yourself how much they need it.
Send a letter of congratulations to the king in the name of his humble
servant, if judging from his mood you think that it will be beneficial, in
other words urge him in some way to do what is right. Otherwise, let it
be enough for you to know what I had in mind.
Let me know by means of this courier of mine what I shall do in
regard to the annual gifts which are still in my possession.
In view of our long years of friendship please do not refuse to accept
this token gift which I am sending to Your Highness with the greatest
embarrassment because I did not have anything else to send.
I hope that you are thinking kindly of me your needy friend, and that
you are enjoying good health and ever increasing success, to the benefit
of all good people.

] 46 [

Most excellent lord,l and very dear friend, if I may be so bold as to


address you thus, I was sorry beyond words when I heard a short time
ago about your misfortune. 2 Indeed I kept thinking to myself that your
high natural abilities, which I hope to see developed with maturity of
age and an increase in wisdom, had been lost to us far too soon. Since
this loss seemed beyond hope of recovery, for false reports persisted,
with my brothers who are joined to me in God's service I gave my full
attention to the task of bringing salvation to your soul, which I gravely
feared was lost through the persuasive influence of certain men who
10 Allusion to the Aquitanian campaign of 844.

1 Addressed to Charles the Bald.


I Allusion to Charles' defeat in the battle of Ballon.
64 LETTER 46

do not have enough fear for God. But since we have been assured of your
salvation and were overjoyed by it, we sincerely exhort Your Royal
Highness to join us in deepest gratitude and thanksgiving to Almighty
God, for he has shown you how much you should love him, and, be it
said with the good leave of all, when human help failed, he saved you
by his power and love and deigned to make manifest to you how much
you should trust in him. Do not then be too unhappy in your reverse,
but rather trust his words oftruth: "Without me ye can do nothing,"3
and "It is not of him that willeth, nor of him that runneth, but of God
that sheweth mercy,"4 and "Whatsoever the Lord pleased, that did he
in heaven, and in earth,"5 and "I will do all my pleasure,"6 and "There
is no king saved by the multitude of an host,"7 and "There is no restraint
to the Lord to save by many or by law,"8 and "Them that honour me
I will honour, and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed."9
And when you have scorned the counsel of worldly men, of whom it is
said: "The Lord bringeth the counsel of the heathen to nought: he
maketh the devices of the people and the counsel of princes of none
effect. The counsel of the Lord standeth for ever,"IO heed the counsel
which it pleases him to give to mortals by the prophet: "Cast thy burden
upon the Lord, and he shall sustain thee,"ll and "He that trusteth in
the Lord, mercy shall compass him about,"12 and "When thou wast
little in thine own sight, wast thou not made the head of the tribes of
Israel?"13 and "Offer unto God thanksgiving; and pay thy vows unto
the Most High; and call upon me in the day of trouble: I will deliver
thee, and thou shalt glorify me."14 Remember, moreover, that Solomon
asked especially for wisdom so that he might rule the people of Israel,
and he reigned over them in the greatest peace for a long time. 15 And
do not despise the exhortations even of those who, though ignorant of
God, have seen what is profitable, not so much for themselves as for us.
In them is found the truth that we should wisely examine what should
be done before we begin anything, and, having found out, do it with
• John xv.S.
, Romans ix.16.
6 Psalm cxxxv.6.
• Isaiah xlvi.10.
7 Psalm xxxiii. 16
8 1 Kings xiv.6 (Vulg.); 1 Samuel xiv.6 (A.V.).
t 1 Kings ii.30 (Vulg.); 1 Samuel ii.30 (A.V.).
1G Psalm xxxiii.10,11.
11 Psalm 1v.22.
12 Psalm xxxii.10.
13 1 Kings xv.17 (Vulg.); 1 Samuel xv.17 (A.V.).
a Psalm 1.14,15.
16 Cf. 3 Kings iii.S-lS (Vulg.); 1 Kings iii.S-lS (A.V.).
LETTERS 46-47 65

dispatch,16 and also the fact that a war must be prepared for long in
advance, in order that it may be quickly wonY
I have briefly made these suggestions to Your Highness so that you
might be guided by divine and human authority and have no question
concerning what you ought to do.
Now may God himself grant you to be as strong in spirit and in body
as I would wish you to be.

] 47 [

Lupus sends best wishes for everlasting salvation to the right eminent
abbot Louis.
I have sent the gifts which were duel in accordance with your in-
structions from the king. Will you be so kind as to see that they are
made acceptable to him.
Having indeed heard that Odulf2 is going to come with the queen 3
to see the king, I ask that you will kindly keep us in mind, in order, of
course, that I may recover at last our cell where hardly anything any
longer remains except the bare ground. The fact is that I lost the cell
through no fault of my own, and our monastery does not have sufficient
resources for maintaining its religious life without it. Indeed it was from
there that wax was obtained for the church; and clothes, fish,cheese,
and vegetables were provided for the brothers and servants. We are
regrettably deprived of all these things (but not, we hope, at the risk
ofdoubleloss4 toourlord!) Warn him, therefore,ofthe danger to himself
and that he must have consideration for both himself and us, as well as
all others who have been similarly mistreated by him, and that he must
not fear to win the favor of God by comforting us whom he did not fear
to offend by bitter oppression. The common belief of the religious people
is that, apart from the final punishment which threatens him, he will
never achieve the success and happiness which he desires until he restores
the church which he divided and heeds the wise and mature judgment
of the good, of those, that is, who fear God.
I hope that you are well.
16Cf. Sallust, Catiline, 1.6. Cf. letter 37, note 10.
17Cf. Publilius Syrus: "Diu apparandum est bellum ut vincas celerius." See Duff,
Minor Latin Poets (Loeb Classical Library, 1934), pp. 34-35.
1 Cf. letter 45.
2 Cf. letters 32, 48, and 58.
3 Irmentrude, wife of Charles the Bald.
4 "Loss," i.e., both in this life and in the life to come.
66 LETTER 48

] 48 [

Lupus extends all good wishes to the most venerable Bishop Hincmar.
Your recent departure from the king kept you from fulfilling my
request,! and I am therefore obliged to mention it again in this letter,
so that I may persuade you at least by my insistence, which exceeds
the bounds of modesty, to help me and others who suffer the same
injustices. We are certainly not complaining because we have been
deprived of an opportunity to accumulate gold and silver and other
precious metals, but rather because we have lost the place from which
we drew a modest living, that is to say, obtained our clothing and regular
supply of food. In consequence, we have to wear clothes which are worn
out and patched, and most of the time we have to ward off starvation
on a diet composed only of herbs and vegetables from the market. For
this reason the sick are complaining, and our guests do not find the
accommodations which they seek and to which they are accustomed.
The present times are disreputable, and God is surely provoked to
vengeance. But as I told you in my earlier letter, seriously and without
flattery, we believe that you have been promoted to your high position
and made a friend of the king for the good of the whole church, and since
we want you to demonstrate this by your deeds, please persuade the
king to correct this terrible mistake and deliver us from this poverty
while, as we are told, Odulf is still with him, for fear our prayers may not
support him as much as our intolerable misery may be a burden to him.
Indeed he can have a splendid opportunity to correct the wrong
which he has done by following your suggestion, namely, to enumerate
to the laymen who were given church property the difficulties which
ensued both for himself and for them and to say that the wrath of God
is not to be appeased unless they give back the things which belong to
him, and that they will not receive power and wisdom unless they
become converted in their hearts, cease from pillaging and, in acknow-
ledgment of their own frailties, submit themselves to the almighty
power of God. If our lord the king does not hastily do this and fears when
there is nothing to fear, 2 I am afraid beyond words that he will very soon
cheer the hearts of his enemies and, in turn, bring a reproach upon us
his real friends.
I hope that you are well and advancing to better things day by day.
In imitation of the ancient writers I would even now have tried to
1 Cf. letter 43.
2 Cf. Psalm xiv.S.
LETTERS 48-49 67

recover our property with a brilliant display of rhetoric, if I had not


discovered through personal experience the futility of such an attempt,
for even if Vergil were to come back to life and employ the full eloquence
of his three works to stir the hearts of certain people, he would not find
any readers today.3

] 49 [

Remember almighty God, I beseech YOU,l who has freely given you
life, fame, comeliness, power, and a reputation for wisdom, and what
is greater than all these, a knowledge of himself. Honor God through his
servants, for you can offer nothing to him, seeing that he possesses all
things. He it is who deems us worthy of his promise: "Blessed are the
merciful: for they shall obtain mercy. "2 Be merciful to us in our extreme
plight, that God himself may for us render you the blessing of his mercies.
It has been about four years 3 since you placed the seventy-two monks
under my care. They came to me of their own free will and choice, and
although they have devoted themselves unceasingly to your welfare
and success while you were involved in various things, they have suffered
a shortage of clothing, vegetables, and fish on account of the confiscation
of their facilities; and the public hospitality, which, according to the
old constitution of the kings, they were supposed to provide, has been
discontinued. The servants of the monastery are suffering cold and
squalor, nor am I able to help them in their distress, for a great number
of them have been brought in from other places and left with me, and
our source of supplies has been taken away.
Indeed it was through the intercession of your glorious mother4 that
your most honorable father, the Emperor Louis, for the healing of his
soul and the salvation of his posterity, had given this subsidiary to our
monastery. But still, even though we possessed it, we did not abound in
dangerous superabundance such as might cause us to lapse into wanton
extravagances, for we could scarcely procure as much from the full
resources of the monastery as the rule allows. But now that we have far
fewer things, we are temperate in spite of ourselves and we are of
necessity cold. Because of our poverty, we are not caring for the children,
3 This concluding sentence seems to be a postscript, following, as it does, the formal
ending immediately before.

1 Addressed to Charles the Bald.


• Matthew v.7.
3 The cell of Saint J osse had been turned over to Odulf in 842.
, The empress Judith.
68 LETTER 49

the old, and the infirm. Although we are in such a tragic condition, we
offer daily prayers for your father and mother and perform for them a
yearly service, as if we possessed that which they gave us, for they did
everything they could and very firmly established their gift. May you
then be touched by love for those who gave you birth. Restore to us
their alms which, with great peril to yourself, are still withheld. Forget
not yourself, for even now you are in need of alms.
The time has come for you to have your conscience quickened with
fear and love for God, for you are now reaching the age of manhood.
Do not further delay, I beseech you, the act of kindness which you
propose to do, for, since you do not know what a day may bring forth,S
you certainly cannot doubt that you, and we too, are proceeding each
day to the judgment of him to whom the following truth is addressed:
"You shall reward every man according to his works."6 "It is a fearful
thing to fall into the hands of the living God, "7 but do not deign to say
that you can escape, for indeed, as the Apostle says: "God is not
mocked. "8 God knows how much power he has conferred upon you, and
he expects only what is just. Do not quake with fear where there is
nothing to fear. 9 Dare rather to do good, if you wish to have a successful
reign in this life and a blessed one in the life to come. Why indeed do
you not calmly dare to correct that which no one can claim to be just?
All good people agree that what we request is just, that it is possible for
the royal power to grant it essential for us, and beneficial, not so much
for ourselves as it is for you. For as a result of this benefit we shall obtain
temporal enjoyment, but you a reward everlasting, and other blessings
besides. Grant then that worthy supplications and humble prayers,
forced from us by desperate need, may win your sympathy. And may
you even now see fit to perform that which you very definitely agreed
to do at the time when I advised you that you should observe the follow-
ing words of David: "I have said. "10 Indeed, it does not befit you, a per-
son of noble rank and high position, who should be a model for all, to
do otherwise, and surely it is not conducive to your own salvation and
the peace of the state. We, for our part, shall not be found slothful in
rendering you due service, and shall diligently seek to win God's favor
for you.

5 Cf. Proverbs xxvii.t.


• Matthew xvi.27.
7 Hebrews x.31.
8 Galatians vi.7.
• Cf. Psalm xiv.S.
10 2 Kings xix.29 (Vulg.); 2 Samuel xix.29 IA.V.).
LETTERS 50-51 69

] 501 [

I have not yet brought your request to the attention of the king,
because I have not had an opportunity. I shall make haste, however,
God willing, to oblige you, observing the usual proprieties.
With best wishes.

] 51[

To his very dear friend Abbot Ratbert, Lupus extends aU good wishes.
I have tried to do without delay what you requested. After pursuing
many lines of reasoning I brought the man to these terms: that not only
would there be no harm done, but even the greatest good, if you show
kindness toward his relative who went away in time of civil strife, but
who would return now that peace has been restored. I confidently
promised him that you would do this and that you would carry out
anything else which he saw fit to command so long as you enjoyed his
favor. I also insisted that he definitely promise not to oppose you in
anything until he had first discussed the matter with me. I finally
concluded my requests by asking him not to yield publicly to the rebels
if they should sometime request his support in their grievances, but to
reserve matters of real importance for your judgment.
I have received certain information so confidential in nature that I
consider it a risk to divulge it by letter, and yet it is so necessary for you
to have that it would be advisable for you to confer with me very soon,
but on pretext of some other important business. Furthermore, if it is
not too much trouble, send N. to me at Silvais (for, if God wills, I shall
be setting out for that place with the king1), so that when I begin to
express my thanks I shall not be lacking fluency of words in my valiant
effort.
But to close this letter in a serious vein, please do not let me rely on
our close friendship to burden you with so many requests for favors,
for I am no more ready now to receive them than some day, if God
grants me life and prosperity, I shall be to give them.

1 Addressed to Ratbert who served as abbot of Corbie from 844 to 851.

1 Charles the Bald.


70 LETTERS 52-53

] 52 [

Lupus sends greetings in the Lord to Ratbert who deserves every good gift.
Having carefully chosen the proper time, and with the support of our
Vulfegisus,1 I reminded the king concerning Ivo: that since he had not
come back to the monastery and was undoubtedly repeating what he
had the habit of doing, you were asking that he not receive the protection
of the king's power, lest it be with danger to himself and others if he
should ever try to return. Certainly it would be unworthy of his sover-
eignty to allow wicked men to enter the monastery, if they were not
repentant, and far worse to grant them protection from punishment.
The king, with his accustomed graciousness, after a few other re-
marks, replied that he would henceforth officially deny this monk the
benefit of his authority, which he still held in contempt, and he said that
it seemed best to him, that the man, lest he come to ruin, be held in
suitable custody before his readmission to the fellowship of the monas-
tery. As for ourselves, however, although he offered what we could
scarcely have hoped to receive at all, and we appreciated it, as was
proper, we strongly insisted that you do not disregard the precepts of
the rule 2 nor wish to go beyond it.
I have not wished to make extravagant claims concerning your
generosity until I find out whether the shipment of fish which is supposed
to be on its way exceeds my feeble powers of description, not only
because of the size, but also, as I imagine, the superb quality

] 53 [

Lupus sends greetings in the Lord to the very reverend metropolitan


Orsmar.l
Ever since I have learned about your reputation, as told me by my
brother who is a very devoted friend of yours, I have been extremely
eager to enjoy by experience what I have had a delightful foretaste of,
thanks to him, and I am most grateful to Your Holiness because you
have not been too proud to vie with me in acts of kindness in receiving
this brother of mine and courteously giving him your official support,
1 A monk from the monastery of Ferrieres who is mentioned again in letter 64.
• The Regula of St. Benedict.

1 Archbishop of Tours from about 837 until 846.


LETTERS 53-54 71

and in extending, moreover, to your humble servant a most cordial


invitation to share your friendship. You will easily understand whether
or not I speak with sincerity of heart if ever by God's grace I shall find
an opportunity to offer proof.
Since we have now learned how much to expect from you, we urge
you, in the meantime, to obtain the Commentaries of Boethius on the
Topica of Cicero which Amulric 2 has in the library at Saint Martin in a
papyrus manuscript, or, as others seem to say more correctly, on paper,3
and that you send it to us with this courier whom we sent to you for this
purpose. If anyone should inquire to whom this manuscript is to be
loaned, we advise you not to mention our names, but tell him that you
wish to send it to certain relatives of yours who are very eager to have it.
Now if we are privileged to receive that volume by your help, we shall
take very good care of it, and we shall return it at an opportune time.
Please let us know about the state of your health and your good
fortune, which pleases us very much, and grant also that we shall not
have written to you in vain.

] 541 [

Since you have an abundance of good reasons for taking action, do


not hesitate, you and those whom you consider loyal, to overturn the
schemes of a traitor who takes advantage of my kindness with unparal-
leled impudence by remaining in our monastery and ceases not to hurt
the one who takes care of him. Clad in dishonor and imbued with
jealousy of which he cannot rid himself, he is trying to drive me out.
And since he is failing to win his coveted victory, he takes an insane
delight in spreading abroad evil reports like one who restlessly attempts
to take away from others that which he knows he will never get for him-
self. But why should you not restrain in every way this person with
invincible and irrefutable arguments, for, according to the Holy
Scriptures, 2 the spirit of God detests him because he confuses the laws
of God with the laws of man3 and sows discord among those who have
become his brothers by nature or by religion?
2 Archbishop of Tours, 850-853.
3 Lupus recognizes two different spellings for an adjective used to describe a type
of book made of papyrus. Since it is quite impossible to reproduce this literally into
another language, I render the words, as does Levillain, by the phrases "of papyrus"
and "of paper." See Diimmler's note on this passage.
1 Addressed to a friend, otherwise unidentified.
2 Proverbs vi.16, 19.
3 Cf. Caesar, De bello civili, 1.6.8.
72 LETTERS 54-56

By no means allow yourself to be tom away from our place by evil-


doers, for, by the help of God, what you fear will not happen and what
you desire will quickly come to pass, and we shall thus be free for study.
Of this I am now fully convinced.
At times our Demosthenes4 does not even have a head of cabbage to
eat, and sometimes only black bread. But he bears it patiently. Having
no hope of securing wine, he has been forced to develop a taste for beer
which he must buy; and in the following respect he even surpasses
Cicero,s for what Cicero experienced while asleep, he experiences while
awake. He is therefore not gaining strength in his lungs, nor does he
take pains to improve the quality of his voice. He is giving less attention
to the practice of rhetoric and is concerned rather with the business of
keeping himself alive.
We certainly believe, however, that the author of all good things will
bring our poverty as well as yours to an end by his abounding riches.

] 551 [

There is nothing for you to fear, for our enemies, both domestic and
foreign, though most harmful to themselves, will not harm me because
God who has commanded and permitted me to put my trust in him will
deign to protect his humble servant. We must therefore laugh at every
effort of those who are tom by unremitting jealousy and writhing in
unbounded covetousness.

] 561 [

Considering the persistence of the struggle and granting my de-


termination to win, will you, a wise judge of our needs, see that the
generous amount of grain which I left with you serves our needs. For
if you will apply yourself diligently to the planting of the crops and the
feeding of the animals, and to genuine hospitality, my particular
concern, I have no doubt that there will be enough left to provide a
comfortable living.
• No doubt, as Levillain suggests, this is none other than Lupus himself.
• Cf. Cicero, De Divinatione, 11.63: "quod vigilans viderit, dormiens videre videatur."
Levillain and Diimmler, however, suggest Valerius Maximus, 1.7.5, as probable source
1 Addressed to same person as the preceding letter.
Addressee unidentified; possibly the same person as the one addressed in letters
1
54 and 55.
LETTER 57 73

] 57 [
Most excellent king,l although I have not yet accomplished a thing
by silence or by speaking and writing, still, since it is the cause of God
I plead, I dare not hold my peace.
In behalf of your salvation and well being, I admonish you and humbly
beg you to deliver yourself from danger and to free me your most
devoted servant from a very heavy burden, just as you have often
promised. Those gifts which your late father, at the request of your
glorious mother, gave to the pilgrims and servants of God for the
redemption of their own souls, the latter, beset by various difficulties
during the last four years, request through me to have returned, for
they cannot all be here.
That you may even know the very words they use, this is what they
are saying: that it is not right that they should suffer hunger and cold
on account of you, since they are obliged to pray unceasingly for your
temporal welfare and eternal salvation. They also claim that you will
never attain the happiness which you desire until you return into favor
with our poor little saint Peter. And you must not suppose that they
are jesting. Our older men earnestly declare that they have discovered
by their own personal experience and were told when boys by their
elders that whoever brought any serious damage upon our monastery,
unless he should quickly repent, would run into great trouble or suffer
the loss of health and life. Do not, therefore, hamper your success in
this way or a similar manner, do not despise the poverty of the servants
of God, nor jeopardize your salvation. Render instead your vows to
God while you can, for you are daily hastening along with us to his
terrible judgment in which each and everyone of us, regardless of rank
or person, will receive what he deserves. This life is brief and uncertain,
and men younger than you die every day. Indeed God himself thus
promises and threatens: "Them that honour me I will honour, and they
that despise me shall be lightly esteemed."2
You have arrived at the age of manhood. Be not afraid to do what is
just, so that your power be strengthened by justice. Consider, 0 lord
my king, as you were wisely exhorted not long ago: you are now a father
and you are still in great difficulty; represent yourself to all the people
as one whom the good will wish and hope to see a prosperous and happy
grandfather, and after you have finished this life, the possessor of the
kingdom of heaven.
1 King Charles the Bald.
2 I Kings ii.30 (Vulg.); I Samuel ii.30 (A.V.).
74 LETTER 58

] 58 [

To Marcward, most distinguished abbot, worthy of our highest affection


and veneration, Lupus extends best wishes for good health and future
salvation.
The arrival of Nithad1 at Servais, to which place the interest of the
monastery had brought me, pleased me very much, for it was possible
by his presence to send you, dear father, this letter, and he informed me
that you were well and that our common son Eigel has, with divine
favor, recovered from a serious illness.
I have indeed enjoyed your kindness and generosity so much that
there is no one to whom I feel more indebted than I do to you. But,
although the evils of the times have not made it possible for me here-
tofore to make known, as I should have, what I desire, trusting in your
good will I make bold to request that you please come to our king,
because you will be able perhaps not only to recover your own pos-
sessions but also assist us a great deal in the recovery of the cell of Saint
Josseo Concerning this cell, he has already made such firm promises to
you, and very often to me, and quite recently to Adalhard, that he will
not be able to find any excuse for further delay if you will only be there.
He will be so alarmed by the critical situation, because he has taken away
from the pilgrims and ourselves, the monks, income left to us by his fa-
ther and mother, and he will also be so obligated by his continued promis-
es that he will at least do at that time what he has long pledged to do.
I reached the court on November 30 and with great expense and
trouble I am staying with the king, for he is persistently delaying the
realization of my hopes, because, as he says, of the absence of Odulf.
The latter is said to be ill, not so critically ill as to profit by this warning,
as we might hope, nor so gravely ill as to die, which, on account of his
very certain damnation, we should regret. Since we are brought some-
what closer together, make haste then after so long a time to comfort
me with your eagerly desired words of encouragement, and by your
support and, with the help of divine grace, free me from the worries
which I can scarcely endure.
Be to our boys, I beg, the same as you have been, both to us and to
everyone in general who affectionately look to you as father. Please
convey the greetings of your humble servant to my very dear Eigel and
all the remaining brothers.
1 Count of Treves; see Levillain's note.
LETTERS 58-60 75

I should never have dared to place upon you a heavy burden at such
a difficult time, especially since I am undeserving, if I had not learned
that our king was inviting you to a conference and even instructed me
too at this time, in case you should arrive at our monastery, to have you
sent on to him. He also suggested that when you go to secure the per-
mission ofthe emperor it might be well for you to let him know, among
other things, that you are plagued with requests from me and my
brothers, who constantly pray for him to do everything possible to
assist in the restoration of our monastery, for you are from our place,
having been drawn away in body only to serve the needs of the church,
and since it is greatly weakened by loss of facilities, and its poverty is
a hindrance to religion.
Best wishes, my very dear lord and father; and will you kindly
remember your Lupus always.

] 59 [

Lupus extends every good wish to the honorable Bishop Hincmar.


The messenger which I sent to you explained the difficulties which
not only the length of time, but its hardships, have brought, and he has
found in you, holy father, nothing else except that which I expected.
We have indeed striven to be the first to serve, and we have not required
as much as we have offered, in providing, that is, a basis for affection.
Make haste therefore to help us, for we have long been troubled by a
lack of all the necessities, so that the desired result of your generosity
may accord with your kind promises. Moreover, we are lodging at a
villa with the ironical name of Viniacus which is located about one mile
southwest of Attigny. I mention this so that you will also consider
carefully our problem of transportation, since we are in need of this too.
Please inform us by sending back with this courier a letter of reply
stating how, when, and how much you will help us, so that in the
meantime we may be able to have our hopes renewed and be looking
ahead to what we must do.

] 60 1 [

I suppose you do not know that our kings are going to hold a confer-
ence at Maastricht in the second week of Lent and that the needs of the
1 Addressed to Marcward.
76 LETTERS 60-61

church will bring me there. Since these needs are pressing, as I have
already expressed to you in another letter,2 I am now in my fourth week
with the king and I have not been away from his court even for a day.
Will you at least then, beloved father, meet me there, so that we may
at last be able to learn from one another by intimate face-to-face
conversations. And furthermore, if you have the opportunity to grant
us something too, as you often do to everyone else, know that we will
receive it gladly. Indeed, parents ought to lay up treasures for their
children,3 as the Holy Spirit, which knows nothowtodeceive,4declares.
I hope that you are well and happy and have kind remembrances
of me.

] 6P [

You are not ignorant of the prolonged effort which I have exerted
in my desire to recover the cell, in which I am still engaged and for which
I shall, if I live, set out by order of the king to the conference which the
kings are going to hold at Maastricht. 2 We do not now have enough
money for such a long sojourn. Because it has not seemed wise to give
up the enterprise while still unfinished until it is perfectly clear what the
final result is going to be, I have therefore considered it not at all
improper to seek help from friends whose good faith has not failed me
in similar circumstances. With the highest hope I have therefore sent
an appeal to Lady Rh. 3 and I want you, in company with our courier,
or if you think better, separately, to explain the reason for my present
plight, and with gentle persuasion prevail upon her to assist me at this
time just as she has always done in the past. Through this courier of
mine persuade her to help me immediately with a generous contribution
to finance the cost of this journey, so that she may have a hand in the
recovery of our monastery, which we are trying to achieve, and if it be
possible, to make me more devoted to her. If you have anything else
given to you, do not hesitate to send it to me for I am in grave difficulty,
and you cannot send anything so valuable or insignificant that we will
not let it be used for our support.

2 Cf. letter 58.


a Cf. 2 Corinthians xii.14.
• Cf. Vergil, Georgics, 11.467.

1 The name of person addressed not given.


2 Cf. preceding letter.
3 Unidentified.
LETTERS 62-63 77

] 62 [
To my beloved brothers.l
If any of you happens to doubt the joy I receive from R.,2 let him
recall the words of Holy Writ, "Extortioners shall not inherit the king-
dom of God,"3 and he can be in doubt no longer. But that this person's
teacher not boast that he has discovered an incontestable proof, let him
learn that in the case of all our villas the work and management belong
to me and me alone, but the true enjoyment of the fruits goes, according
to my disposition of affairs, to the brothers in common. In this way
religion does not lessen the secular power, nor does the secular power
cause any trouble to religion. Meanwhile, look after our horses, so that
they will not be taken away by master or by student, and strive without
respect to me on this score, to take whatever action you can according
to the laws against the violence of the invader, knowing that your
diligence will be all the more pleasing to me the greater it is and the
more brilliantly it is displayed. As for myself who strive for better
things, I shall try to carry out in this matter whatever opportunity, or
rather God, shall permit.
Since, God willing, I am going to go with the king to Maastricht, where
the brothers will meet with him in conference, and since I have high
hopes of recovering the cell and cannot be present with you, in order
that each of you may carryon with me the usual and necessary things,
according to our agreement of last year, let him who is able to take
charge be eager to do so until, on my return, I shall see if anything needs
to be altered. Let the planting be done with the greatest care, and let
large corvees complete the work which our oxen have failed to ac-
complish after their ordinary service.
I hope that you are in good health and that you pray most earnestly
for us.

] 63 [

Our E.l has made known the things which you have done. I am
pleased, and I urge you to remain steadfast in the performance of your
duty just as you have begun. As for that mad man about whom you
1 The monks of Ferrieres.
2 Unidentified.
3 1 Corinthians vi. 10.

1 Person unidentified; the letter is addressed to the presiding officer of the monastery.
78 LETTERS 63-65

wrote, since I have my suspicions of him even when he is penitent, and


we are utterly disgusted with his ingratiating sanctity, rest assured that
I will forcibly reject him, and, if he thrusts himself upon you, persuade
all the others to see that he does not remain longer than three days,
because there is no need for us to look for trouble from the outside.

] 64 [

I was not mistaken in supposing that you1 would do nothing except


what I wanted and what the situation required and that you would curb
with all the power at your command the wickedness of that complete
scoundrel. I congratulate you, therefore, and to Almighty God I give
thanks, if not as he deserves, at least as much as I can express, for
although he has to some extent deprived me of my friends, he has never-
theless recompensed this loss by granting me the devotion of a very
faithful friend. Not only must that shameless foe be feared and avoided,
but those whom I hesitantly put in charge of affairs recently must ever
receive your constant encouragement, so that they will strive to obey
orders and not regard it safe to resist in any way. Our Vul. 2 will perhaps
dispel your fears when he returns. In the meantime do not fear the
ingrates.

] 65 [

To the highly esteemed Father Marcward, Lupus.


Your obliging kindness exceeded my request which touched lightly
upon the needs of the moment. This has therefore been more pleasing
to me than can be imagined by those unacquainted with trouble.
I am very sorry, however, that I am leaving without having seen you,
but my sadness is relieved by the fact that you promise to visit your
humble servant after Easter. I think that you will do so conveniently
and at a time when I will be present if you will visit us in the second week
of May, for the Grand Synod, as it is called, will convene at Attigny on
the fifteenth day after Easter, and our bishops, I am sure, will never
allow me to be absent from it.
As for our cell, I have nothing further to tell you, Holy Father, except
1 Addressed to a friend whose name is not given.
I Perhaps the same monk who is mentioned in letter 52.
LETTERS 65-66 79

that a rich supply of promises creates in us almost daily a wide range of


hopes and the outcome of this, just as of everything else except of evil
things, is uncertain.
Ratlegius, the abbot of the monastery which is called in German
Seligenstadt, will have a part of a certain book copied for me, and he
promises that he will give it to your courier to bring to me. He also
requests that you yourself be so kind as to send him in the second week
after Easter the pictures which the painter Hilper offered in a vow to
the holy martyrs. I am eager that you make haste in this too for the sake
of my request, that when you come to us you may have for us the portion
of that book to which I have referred.
In regard to the boys,l you will do us a great favor if you will kindly
complete that which you have begun with fatherly love.
Moreover, as for my nephew's headache, moderation in his drinking
will probably afford relief if he is found too addicted to it. Otherwise,
he shall be placed under the care of a doctor who believes that he can
heal all illnesses, being ignorant of none.
I love you most devotedly and desire for you the best of health. I
humbly entreat you to assist me especially by your prayers at all times.

] 66 [

In the name of the one and only omnipotent God, I rmentrude 1 the queen,
by the ordinance of God's grace, sends greetings to the venerable Bishop
Pardulus. 2
We hope that the new events, concerning which you have stated that
you cannot give any information beyond what Robert 3 has brought us,
are prospering through God's abounding grace, and we are eager to
hear about them. But as for the day of your ordination, we shall strive
to give solemnity to it by our own prayers and those of our people,
which, we trust, will be profitable to you.
We were pleased, moreover, by the gifts which you sent us and we
shall be glad to undertake the work of making a stole which you assigned
to us, and at your suggestion we shall, with the help of God who created
us and has blessed us so abundantly, seek to avoid the corrupting
influence of idleness. And furthermore, may we be always aided by your
1 Cf. letters 35, 58, and 70.
1 The wife of Charles the Bald.
I Appointed bishop of Laon in 847.
• Identity uncertain. See Levillain's suggestion.
80 LETTERS6~8

fervent prayers, for you will never give us anything which we will not
have anticipated from your proven loyalty.
We wish to seek from your kindly nature this request, that you
humbly pray God's mercy for those who have laid down their lives in
defense of their country and assist their survivors in whatever way
you can.

] 67 [

To his very dear brothers,! Lupus extends greetings in the Lord.


You have seen that I was not eagerly seeking nor overly desirous to
take charge of your monastery, for I quickly realized that my limited
abilities were being strained rather than developed by this two-fold
responsibility; and now you can easily guess that I am gladly surrender-
ing this burden and envying not at all the one who assumes it. As a
matter of fact, those things are painlessly given up which are possessed
without the allurement of pleasure, and, according to the blessed
apostle, "whether in truth or in pretence Christ is preached, I both
rejoice in it and shall rejoice."2
Accordingly, I think you ought to obey him who is put in charge,
and that you should appear at the General Assembly to be held on July 1
on an estate near Paris by the name of Bonneuil, for I think it especially
dangerous at this time to oppose the pronouncements of the king. You
will have no difficulty in finding your humble servant at the assembly,
if he is still alive.
If this letter reaches you a little later than you might have wished,
you must know that yours was delivered to me on June 23 and that my
reply was sent the very next day.
I hope that you will kindly remember me and accept my good wishes
for your health.

] 68 [

To the very reverend and widely celebrated abbot Dido Marcward sends
heartiest greetings. 1
Your outstanding skill in medicine is widely acclaimed, and we have
1 The monks of the monastery of Saint Amand of which Lupus had been chosen
abbot. He declined the office, as this letter indicates.
S Philippians i.IB.

1 This Jetter, written for the abbot Marcward of Priim, is addressed to Dido, abbot
of Saint Pierre-Ie-Vif, in the diocese of Sens.
LETTERS 68-69 81

learned about it chiefly from Brother Nithard. 2 It was from him also
that we learned that you make yourself available to the needy every-
where, and that you bring joy everlasting by the healing of their tem-
poral bodies. Hence, though we are still unknown to you, in view of our
oneness in this religious life, to which we rejoice to note that you are
also deeply devoted, we have had no hesitancy at all to propose an
occasion for you to render us a kindness, for we are ready to repay you
in whatever ways we can for your eagerly anticipated act of generosity.
Now our sons, and we hope that you will consider them yours too,
are suffering from a physical illness which several of our own doctors
have not been able to cure. Trusting, as we do, in the Lord and in your
good will, we place them under your care, that through your treatments
they may be restored to good health and join us in rendering thanks
to the giver of health and to you for your labors. Let them repay you
with the only thing which monks can give, their devotion, but permit
us to perform a service which will be worthy in every respect.
We have not wished to expand our request by the use of many words,
lest we might perhaps seem to be questioning the extent of your good
will whose aim it is to help not only strangers but even enemies. And in
this, as you well know, the command of the Scriptures is demonstrated
according to the prophet.
We hope that you are well and happy.

] 69 [
To his dear Ansbold,l Lupus sends greetings.
I was annoyed, to put it quite bluntly, because you did not wish to
instruct me or to write, although you had such a good opportunity.
Nevertheless, even though you so easily put me out of your thoughts,
and I censure you for this, I shall not imitate you, but in spite of your
disdain for me I shall address you affectionately.
I shall collate the letters of Cicero which you sent me with my own
copy so that, ifit be possible, I may get an accurate copy from the two.
Will you in turn send me Cicero's In Arato with this courier of mine so
that the portions which are lacking in this copy, as pointed out by our
Eigil, may be supplied from the one which I hope to obtain.
I hope that you are well and that you will ever support me with your
prayers.
2 A monk of Priim.
1 Monk, and later abbot, of Priim.
82 LETTERS 70-71

] 70 [

To the abbot M arcward, dearly beloved and justly admired for purity of
life, Lupus extends everlasting good wishes.
We cannot render you the thanks which you deserve, but we must not
for that reason not try to do so in words. For among the many other
favors you have already bestowed upon us you have given our boys an
understanding of your own language,l the need for which is very
important at this time and no one fails to recognize that except the
extremely sluggish person. You have therefore made a contribution
which is not only pleasing to them but of the greatest usefulness to all
of us.
I was pleased to welcome our very dear brother Eigil and all the
others on September 2, but we sent them away sooner than we should
have, in order that they might devote sufficient time to their recovery.
We made them promise, however, to stop here on their return. We are
indeed deeply concerned about their health, both on their own account
and yours.
Finally, we commend to Your Holiness this new courier of ours, for
by the whole manner of his life he fulfills the requirements of his pro-
fession, except that he is still unable to sleep alone, owing, I suppose,
to his fear of the dark.
I hope that you are well and happy and that you always remember
me with paternal affection.

] 71 [

To the eminent Bishop Pardulus,l Lupus extends heartiest greetings.


When I recall that you are a close friend of the king, I am not sur-
prised, for I regard this privilege a tribute to your faithfulness and
wisdom, and far from being envious, I am, on the other hand, very happy
because I believe that the level of the church which is now so low is to
be lifted up through your diligent efforts. Relying, therefore, upon this
close bond of friendship, I exhort you and warn you not to forget the
favor which you have received from God, for, as you well know, you

1 Cf. letters 35, 58, and 65. The language is, of course, German.

1 Bishop of Laon, to whom also letters 66, 72, and 73 are addressed.
• Cf. Matthew xxv. 14-20.
LETTERS 71-72 83

should pay back with interest the talent which you have received from
the Lord. 2
Behold what an excellent opportunity is granted you for making a
profit! The monks of Saint Columbe supported by the privilege granted
the bishops of the past as well as of the present, and equipped with the
edicts of the kings and emperors, both ancient and modern, having
gained some hope of winning their independence, seek the harbor of
royal mercy where they desire to find a safe refuge through your
intercession. Be willing, I pray, to read the documents which they
bring and to get them a sympathetic hearing before the king, and
do not hesitate to point out to him with all your eloquence how profitable
it was considered by those who ruled successfully before him, both for
themselves and their country, whenever they yielded to the demands
of the servants of God.
Bring aid to those in need, comfort those in distress, let the restoration
of freedom to some of the servants of God, at least, be a memorial to
you. I have put this matter before you very briefly out of respect for
your busy life, and I hope that you will fully inform those who desire
this information, for you have a wonderful capacity for doing good.
Kindly remember me and accept my wishes to you for good health
and happiness.

] 72 [

To his very special friend, Bishop Pardulus, Lupus extends greetings


in the Lord.
I was not officially summoned by our lord the king.l That is why I
did not come to the meeting. 2 I have had this very letter sent to you,
so that if I happen to be mentioned, you can show that I remained
behind with good reason. Furthermore, since you have admitted me
into the circle of your friends, I ask that now as well as in the future,
whenever God grants you the opportunity, you will endeavor to keep
me safe by your intercession. As you know, I have not learned how to
strike an enemy nor parry a blow, nor indeed to execute all the other
duties of the infantry and cavalry, but our king does not need soldiers
alone. If a campaign is started, 3 I beg that you, and, if necessary, Hinc-
1 Cf. letter 74.
2 Assembly called by Charles the Bald in 849 at Chartres.
a Allusion to campaign into Aquitania.
84 LETTERS 72-74

mar, tell him to respect my position and assign me duties which will not
be utterly inconsistent with it, since he has little regard for my studies.
If you sincerely love me, you can manage this in such a way that I shall
not only cause no offense, but even win some favor. Thus have I already
found and proved your wisdom.
So, when you have time and the opportunity, assist me and everyone
you can, I beg, being assured that God will, on the one hand, give you a
just reward and that we, on the other hand, will keep fresh the memory
of your deeds of kindness.
Send me back a letter which will please me, and kindly remember me
always. Best wishes.

] 73 [

To his very dear Pardulus,1 Lupus sends heartiest greetings.


In accordance with your decision I have sent a messenger to bring
back from you a letter covering what you decided concerning my recent
letter2 and those matters which you have thought it necessary for me to
know. I therefore ask that you not send him back with empty hands or
too slowly.
I hope that you are well and happy.

] 74 [

To his very dear Rotramnus,l Lupus extends greetings.


Since I did not wish, without being summoned, to attend the as-
sembly2 on my own accord, I sent a letter to the venerable bishop
Hincmar3 desiring among other things to commend to him the case of
our Hilmerad. 4 I am giving you here a passage from that letter so that
you can show Hilmerad how I wish to promote his cause. "Hilmerad,"
I said, "commissioned by the king as bishop of Amiens, has been closely
associated with me. Let my strong influence with you be to his ad-
1 See letter 71, note l.
B Allusion to preceding letter.

1 Rotramnus, or Ratramnus, a monk of Corbie, author of religious treatises. See


Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 1,412-417.
I Cf. letter 72.
S Archbishop of Rheims.
4 Bishop of Amiens.
LETTERS 74-76 85

vantage, I pray. Although he may happen to be lacking somewhat in


learning, he can indeed be useful, for he will follow your advice, and if
he cannot fully learn the divine institutions, he can, nevertheless, do
those things which will cause him and his followers to become worthy
of eternal salvation." This was what I wrote to him.
I beg that you will ever remain on terms of friendship with me,
knowing that I will never shirk my duty to you. With best wishes for
your health.

] 7S [

To the very reverend bishop Reginfrid, l Lupus sends greetings in the Lord.
On the point of our departure for Rome we learn that we shall pass
not far from your city, where we hope to experience in reality your acts
of kindness which we anticipate in thought, and particularly in respect
to Italian money which we lack completely and which, as we have
learned from all those we have asked, is the only currency that will be
of use to us there. You will also, if God is willing, give us an opportunity
to see you, so as to crown with due graciousness your kind act of service.
I am not able, of course, to give you a definite date for our arrival. I
suspect however that it will be in late summer or early autumn.
I hope that you are well.

] 76 [
To the venerable V.,l Lupus.
An unexpected yet pleasant opportunity to see you has presented
itself to me, for I have learned that a road is open all the way to Rome,
whither I am bound, from the city which is under your care and pro-
tection. Lay aside, then, all other matters and let us enjoy a real friendly
conversation and talk about our present needs and future security. I
consider it superfluous, however, to ask your assistance in those things
which necessity demands, for I must not underestimate your wisdom
but trust implicitly your generosity. Hasten then to grant us an ac-
quaintance with the country in which you live and a love for the land
in which we were born. I shall certainly be passing through your city,
I imagine, the last of summer or at least the first of autumn, God willing.
I hope that you are well and happy.
1 Unidentified.
1 Unidentified.
86 LETTERS 77-78

] 77 [

To his very dear and beloved Father Marcward,l Lupus extends heartiest
greetings.
I am setting out to Rome to pray and to take care of certain ecclesi-
astical matters which, upon my return, God willing, I shall explain to
you, dear Father. And since in the accomplishment of my mission I
shall need the acquaintance of the Pope, 2 not easily obtainable without
the medium of gifts, I fly to you as into the arms of a father, nay a moth-
er, begging that you will be willing to help me in this matter just as you
have never failed me before in time of need. Please send me, with these
two couriers, ifitis at all possible, two blue robes and two linen garments
which in German are called glitza, of which, I understand, he is very
fond. If you find it difficult to send all of these, a mere half will by no
means seem little to us. Indeed we are so imbued with secular learning
that we ask for more in the hope of getting less. And that you not suspect
that we have exhausted our mental resources, we shall consider ourselves
well provided, if you will make easier our journey by giving us a horse,
a trotter or some other sturdy steed. I shall, of course, bear no hard
feelings if I obtain nothing at all, if, after this letter has been shared
with our common son, Eigil, you shall both refrain from laughing.
I hope that you are well and happy, and that you remember me with
affection.

] 78 [

To his lord, the honorable king Charles, sincere greetings from his loyal
Lupus.
Recently, in the city of Bourges,l you asked me my opinion about
predestination, free will, and redemption of the blood of Christ, and I
briefly made known to Your Majesty what I had learned in the Divine
Scriptures and had found in the best authorities. And since certain
individuals hold a different view and they think that I am irreverent
and unfaithful in respect to God, I shall take God himself as the guide
of my mind and pen, in whom I have put my complete trust since
reaching the age of understanding, and I shall answer with brevity,
1 Abbot of Priim.
• Pope Leo IV. See letter 100 for a reference to this mission.

1 Charles the Bald was in the city of Bourges in December 849 and January 850.
LETTER 78 87

frankness, and clarity the above questions which many glibly discuss
with audacity, few really understand. I must indeed not detain you
with a long discussion, neither deceive you in any way, nor dwell on
obscurities, since I am well aware of your involvements in affairs of
state and lowe to you, next to God, complete loyalty.
God created Adam a righteous man, as Holy Writ teaches, and in
him he originally created all of us righteous. This father of the human
race abandoning his natural righteousness, though not perforce, sinned
so greatly that he not only destroyed himself, but also condemned all
his children of both sexes. God then made the nature of man supremely
good, but man himself basely corrupted it through his own fault. In
short, as Saint Ambrose says,2 "Adam was, and in him we have all been;
Adam perished, and in him all have perished." Let us then praise God's
handiwork and let us understand that our guilt deserves nothing else
except punishment. Yet God to whom the past, the present, and the
future are alike the present - for he is himself that which is, and nothing
is added nor taken away from his knowledge - although knowing that
the whole mass of the human race must be corrupted by sin in Adam,
did not withold the blessing of his creation, intending to make good use
even of the bad, but before the foundation of the world selected those
whom he might free by his grace from deserved punishment, as the
apostle says: "According as he hath chosen us in him before the foun-
dation ofthe world."3 The rest, however, on whom he did not mercifully
bestow his grace, he has, with righteous judgment, left in the condem-
nation which they had deserved through sin, and thus, as the apostle
teaches, "he hath mercy on whom he will have mercy, and whom he
will he hardeneth."4 He has mercy on those whom he adopts by his
grace, he hardens those whom he does not soften by this same grace,
but he abandons them by a judgment, which, though hidden from us, is
nevertheless just.
Those then to whom God is merciful have been predestined for glory,
according to these words of the apostle: "Whom he did foreknow, he
also did predestinate," and they are called vessels unto honor. 5 These
are indebted to God for all they are and have, for they were made
through his goodness when they did not exist; they were saved by his
kindness when they were lost. Those, on the other hand, whom he
hardens, that is to say, does not soften, who are left in the condemnation
• Exposition on the Gospel of Luke, VII.234 (C.G.E.L., XXXII, pt.4, 387).
• Ephesians i.4.
, Romans ix.18.
5 Romans viii.29; cf. Romans ix.21.
88 LETTER 78

which originally or by their actions they have deserved, are said to be


vessels unto dishonor, perfected or suited for destruction. Their creation
is a gift of God, their punishment is the result of their own sins. Saint
Augustine, in many books, and in that one which he wrote last,6 does
not hesitate to say that these are predestined for punishment, not
meaning that the fate of those who will perish is inevitable, but that the
abandonment of the forsaken is unalterable. For he read concerning
God: "He shutteth up a man and there can be no opening,"S and like-
wise, "Consider the works of God, for no one can correct whom he has
despised,"s and also, "I gave them up unto their own hearts' lust: and
they walked in their own counsels."9 I also believe that he was directed
to this interpretation very largely by the testimony concerning God,
who has accomplished those things which are going to be, and to whom
it is said, "Thou renderest to every man according to his work."I0 This
he will surely do to all except those whom he has made blessed by the
remission of their transgressions and the covering of their sins. l l These,
exulting in the grace of God, in highest praise, can say: "He hath not
dealt with us after our sins; norrewarded us according to our iniquities. "12
Jerome and Gregory agree with Augustine, using different words, but
Bede and Isidore employ the same wording. The proof of this, I can
easily provide, if it please Your Highness, from the authors themselves.
As for free will, the first man surely lost it by rejecting the good, but
retained it by choosing the bad. As indeed a man can destroy himself,
if he so desire, by abstaining from food, but cannot restore himself to
life when once dead, thus man has been able by voluntary sin to lose
the advantage of free will in the good, but cannot regain it, even if he
should wish to, by his own strength. There will then be no free will for
him in the good unless by the free gift of divine grace. The Lord Jesus
who knew, as is written, what was in man, presents this helpful expla-
nation: "without me ye can do nothing."13 meaning nothing good, of
course. He can certainly not be the author and co-worker of evil, who,
as John the Baptist says, "is the Lamb of God, which taketh away the
sins ofthe world,"14 sins, that is, which have been committed and those

6 Enchil'idion. c (Migne. P.L .• XL.279).


7 Job xii.l4.
8 Ecclesiastes vii.l4 (Vulg.); vii.13 (A.V.).
9 Psalm lxxxi. 12.
10 Psalm Ixii.l2.
11 Psalm xxxii.l.
11 Psalm cill.1 O.
18 John xv.S.
U John i.29.
LETTER 78 89

which may not be committed. Again the Lord says on another occasion:
"If the Son shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed."15
Saint Cyprian, the glorious martyr and eloquent teacher, in con-
sidering carefully the words of the apostle, "what hast thou that thou
didst not receive? Now if thou didst receive it, why dost thou glory, as
if thou hadst not received it? "16 decided that we should glory in nothing,
since nothing belongs to us. Moreover, good pleasure too is provided by
the Lord, as the apostle again points out: "It is God which worketh in
you both to will" that is, the work of good pleasure, on which account
he adds: "and to do his good pleasure."17 That good reasoning itself is
also from God is made clear to us by the teacher to the gentiles when he
says: "Not that we are sufficient of ourselves to think any thing as
of ourselves; but our sufficiency is of God."18 The grace of god precedes
us, for which reason it is written: "The God of my mercy shall prevent
me,"19 so that we may will the good and undertake it. The grace of God
follows us, as it is written, "And thy mercy shall follow me,"20 lest we
will and undertake in vain.
These things belong primarily to God, as is clear from the preceding
testimonies, and they consequently belong to us too, because they are
done willingly by us, as it has been written: "Lord, thou wilt ordain
peace for us: for thou also hast wrought all our works in US."21 The
guilt of sin is indeed dissolved in baptism, but the conflict with sin re-
mains for the strengthening of our faith, so that we are always in need
of God's help for the suppression of the vices and the acquisition of the
virtues. This is something that every devout soldier of God is inwardly
conscious of, and the apostle too, after he had already pledged his
allegiance to Christ, thus humbly confesses: "I delight in the law of God
after the inward man: but I see another law in my members, warring
against the law of my mind, and bringing me into captivity to the law
of sin which is in my members. "22 On the subj ect of free will there has
thus been agreement among all those who have properly understood the
Holy Scriptures.
Finally, concerning those whom the Lord has redeemed with his

15 John viii.36.
16 1 Corinthians iv.7; cf. Cyprian, Ad Quirinum, 111.4 (Migne, P.L., IV, 754).
17 Philippians ii.13.
18 2 Corinthians iii.5.
19 Psalm !ix. 10; "prevent," in the Authorized Version is an archaic meaning for
"precede."
20 Psalm xxiii.6.
21 Isaiah xxvi. 12.
22 Romans vii.22, 23.
90 LETTER 78

blood, inference is drawn from reading of the Gospels. In Matthew the


Lord says: "Drink ye all of it; for this is my blood of the new testament,
which is shed for the remission of sins. "23 In Mark: "This is my blood of
the new testament, which is shed for many."24 Indeed also in Luke:
"This cup is the new testament in my blood, which is shed for yoU."25
Now two of the Gospels have "for many," one says "for you" (because
the disciples are considered many), none says "for all." And that I may
not be thought careless in my inquiry, Saint Jerome, in explaining the
following passage of the Gospel: "even as the Son of man came not to be
ministered unto, but to minister, and to give his life a ransom for man y, "26
has this to say: "When he took the form of a servant to shed his blood for
the world, he did not say that he was giving his life as a ransom for all,
but for many, that is to say, for those who are willing to believe."27 By
this exposition, in which he conforms to the orthodox belief, he has
shown that only the faithful are to be understood, either those who will
remain in grace, or those without it who will turn away from their sin.
In the same manner Saint Augustine, explaining to the people the
meaning of the verse of the Gospel which reads: "Ye believe not,
because ye are not of my sheep,"28 says: "Why did he tell them 'ye are
not of my sheep?' Because he saw that they were predestined for ever-
lasting destruction, not bought by his blood for life eternal."29
Who, except those who are unashamed to appear without sight,
would dare to contradict such brilliant scholars as these, who base
their teachings on the Gospels? Yet, be it said with all due respect and
honor to such an eminent man, John, the bishop of Constantinople, not
seeing that this interpretation finds its source in the Gospels, says, when
explaining the apostle's words that he by the grace of God tasted death
for every man 30 : "Not for the faithful alone did he die, but for all the
world and indeed everybody. But what if not all believe? He has ful-
filled his mission. "31 But he has not shown by any divine authority why
he believed this. And if anyone has shown Your Exalted Highness, or
will do so, a certain Faustus who has written several long treatises on
these matters, do not be persuaded by him, since he is in error, for when

.3 Matthew xxvi.27, 28 .
• 4 Mark xiv.24 .
• 5 Luke xxii.20.
so Matthew xx.28 .
.. Commentaries on the Gospel of St. Matthew, 111.20 (Migne, P.L., XXVI, 150).
28 John x.26.
29 Treatise on the Gospel of St. John, XLVIII. 10 (Migne, P.L., XXXV, 1742).
3. Hebrews ii.9.
31 On the Letter to the Hebrews, 4th homily (Migne, P.G., LXIII, 39-40).
LETTERS 78-79 91

the learned pope Gelasius, with the help of seventy of his most learned
bishops, was deciding what writers should or should not be accepted,
after commending Augustine and highly praising Jerome, he rejected
the writings of this Faustus with the comment: "The apocryphal
opuscules of Faustus of the French city of Riez."32
This belief which I have expressed on the above questions, has been
held by the strongest defenders of the Catholic church, and I, the least
of all, hold it and ungrudgingly present it to all who wish. I do not
inflict it upon the unwilling, being conscious of my limitations. Nor do
I, as some would seem to imply, foolishly desire to win recognition, being
eager, that is, to show my vanity, for I am strongly deterred by the
following statement from the Lord concerning the scribes and pharisees:
"All their works they do for to be seen of men,"33 and also by this one
concerning hypocrites: "Verily I say unto you, they have their re-
ward,"34 but with a view to the establishment oftruth I present without
debate to questioners what I, inspired by God, have discovered in the
divine authorities and in the best writers who accept their opinions.
If now I have satisfied your highly esteemed intellectual curiosity,
I am pleased; but if not, either now or whenever our God grants you the
peace which you desire, call a meeting of some of the better scholars
on other ecclesiastical matters also, and a more minute study by several
will be able to reveal whether my views are right or wrong.
I hope and pray that God will give you a long and successful reign;
that he will permit you to reign with him forever.

] 79 [

To the very reverend Bishop Hincmar,l Lupus sends everlasting greetings


in the Lord.
In my long and careful study concerning predestination, on the
probable meaning of which we inquire and deliberate in the peace
wherein we have been called by God,2 lest, though these words of the
apostle, "whom he did foreknow, he also did predestinate,"3 may be
32 This appears in a list of books proscribed by the Roman Council under the leader-
ship of Saint Gelasius who was pope from 492 to 496. See Migne, P.L., LIX, 157-180).
33 Matthew xxiii.5.
a< Matthew vi.2.

1 Archbishop of Rheims.
2 Cf. Lupus of Ferrieres, De tribus quaestionibus, Migne, P.L., CXIX, 623.
3 Romans viii.29.
92 LETTER 79

clear, yet the following: "vessels of wrath perfected" or "prepared" or


"suited for destruction,"4 and elsewhere that divinely inspired word,
"no man knoweth whether he is worthy of love or hate,"S and again,
"consider the works of God, that no one can correct one whom He has
despised,"6 and like verses found at various places throughout the
Scriptures, may not have a worthy solution, the following explanation
seems closest to the truth: that predestination is, for the good, in the
belief of the learned Augustine, a provision of grace, but for the wicked,
according to our understanding, a separation from grace. Concerning
the wicked, this same authority whose soundness is attested, believes
as follows: "Those whom God does not wish to help, he does not help,
and he has predestined something else concerning them,"7 yet in such
a way that the Creator is found to be entirely impartial in the case of
both, not only when, by his mercy, he bestows grace upon the good, but
also when, by a judgment which is just but concealed, he does not grant
the same grace to the wicked.
In Adam, then, we were all created righteous, and we received freedom
of the will without the intervention of any obstacle. However, by the
voluntary sinning of Adam, "in whom," as the apostle bears witness,
"all have sinned,"s all of us with him, both men and women, since we
are his descendants, have lost our exalted position and, as we have
merited, have incurred the penalty of sin, that is to say, lust and death,
not only ofthe soul, but also ofthe body. For this reason we are not born
as Adam was created by God, but were originally sinners and condemned
to pay the penalty of our sin. Of these, the one was caused by the
voluntary guilt of our first parent, the other by the fearful sternness
of the most righteous judge who punishes sin. Since then we are all in
common under condemnation, God "has mercy on whom he will have
mercy, and whom he will he hardeneth,"9 that is to say, he leaves them
in their own hardness: he shows mercy through his abounding goodness,
he hardens with no injustice. He therefore predestines those whom he
hardens, not by forcing them to undergo punishment, but by not
restraining them from the sin which deserves punishment, just as he

• Romans ix.22.
• Ecclesiastes ix.l. I have rendered the verse more literally than the Authorized
Version, which reads: "No man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is before
them."
6 Ecclesiastes vii.14. The Authorized Version is: "Consider the work of Gud; for who
can make that straight, which he hath made crooked."
1 On the Gift of Perseverance, XI.25 (Migne, P.L., XLV.I007).
8 Romans v.12.
9 Cf. Romans ix.IS.
LETTER 79 93

hardened the heart of Pharaoh, not by forcing him to sin, but by not
softening his heart by grace and not calling him away from sin.lO We
can therefore rightly say that those are led into temptation who are
not heard as they pray, "Lead us not into temptation"ll not because
God himself leads them into temptation of evil, for surely, as is shown
elsewhere, "he is not a tempter of evil,"12 but in a certain manner of
speaking, he is said to lead men into temptation whenever he permits
them to be led into temptation, having deprived them of his judgment,
and does not by his grace lead them out of temptation.
Let no one suppose, however, that a fatal necessity hangs over either
the righteous or the unrighteous in the reality of predestination, for,
in the case of both, the freedom of the will excludes the notion of
necessity, since the elect who receive from God the power to will and to
accomplish,13 act freely to achieve thereby an everlasting reward; and
the wicked, on the other hand, being deserted by this same God, act not
unwillingly, but of their own free will, to deserve thereby everlasting
punishment.
Yet who but the dullest, to speak quite mildly, would claim the
presence of necessity where he sees the rule of free will, whether it be
aided by mercy or abandoned by divine justice? The will of the good is
thus commended by the Holy Scriptures: "Blessed is the man that
feareth the Lord, that delighteth greatly in his commandments."14 The
will of the wicked, on the other hand, the Scriptures describe as follows:
"He hath left off to be wise, and to do good. He deviseth mischief upon
his bed; he setteth himself in a way that is not good; he abhorreth not
evil."15 The unrighteous man, therefore, has been permitted to do
whatever he chooses, so that, since God brings good out of evil, it might
become clear what the difference is between the man who serves him
and the man who does not serve him, and the saved might come to
realize how grateful and thankful they should be to God because,
although having the same reason for condemnation, they might see in
the case of the condemned man what they had escaped from by the
grace of their Deliverer.
This assertion on free will is not less true even in the case of recently
born children. For, if they die, having received the sacrament of bap-

10 Cf. Exodus ix.12.


11 Matthew vi. 13.
12 James i.13.
13 Cf. Philippians ii.13.
U Psalm cxii. I.
16 Psalm xxxvi.3, 4.
94 LETTERS 79-80

tism, they are saved by God's will, but if they die having been cheated
of this grace by the judgment of this same God, they are damned as a
result of the hereditary sin committed willingly by the father.
I have explained to you in simple terms my own opinion; will you, in
turn, please make known to me any different view which you may hold.
I have sent a similar letter to our friend Pardulus. 16
I hope that you are well and happy.

] 80 1 [

If I were not afraid that you, in your belief that no one can persuade
me to turn away from acts of kindness, might not find this same kind-
ness, even now I would be maintaining a deep silence and not respond
to the questions on which you have sought advice. I have, you will
observe, two reasons: the one that I may not reduce or destroy your
opportunity for improvement of mind during your leisure time, and
the other, out of respect for those who, I have long known, have question-
ed you on this same matter, that I may show that I do not by self-esteem
consider my own limited ability superior to the excellence of others.
But even though you have conversed and corresponded with them, you
desire to learn what my views on these subjects are. Since there is little
if any blame for having different views on these questions, so long as
they are not contrary to the faith, I shall not hesitate to explain what
the very blessed and learned Augustine seems to have meant in that
passage which you have presented for clarification.
As for the first question, indeed, which he left unanswered because it
could scarcely, if at all, be explained by examples or proofs from the
Holy Scriptures, let us dismiss it entirely. The question, you know, was
whether the eyes ofthe flesh will have anything similar to mental vision
in that crowning day of the resurrection which all the faithful desire. If we
could even suppose by a stretch ofthe imagination that we could catch an

16 Bishop of Laon; letters 66, 71, 72, and 73 are addressed to him.

1 Lupus is addressing Gottschalk, son of the Saxon count Berno, who was born in
the early part of the ninth century. He was presented by his father to the monastery
at Fulda as an oblate and later forced to become a monk. He devoted himself ardently
to a study of St. Augustine's works and developed, according to his critics, a heretical
doctrine on predestination. He was imprisoned in the monastery of Hautvilliers where
he died in 866 or 867. Most of his writings were burned, but there are extant two short
treatises in defense of his doctrine on predestination, a few fragments, and a collection
of poems.
LETTER 80 95

image of those things which were beyond the mind of that great author,
it would be a matter of the utmost folly. Yet nothing will be taken away
from our happiness in that resurrection if the divine perfection is
invisible to the eyes of the flesh, for we know that we suffer no loss of
intelligence in this life if we cannot touch with the hand the reasoning
faculty which, since it is without body, we observe by the keenness of
the mind. Nor will our natural body suffer any indignity if the spirit is
granted a far greater excellence, which from the very time of our birth
has been so superior that, even though it has sometimes been tainted
by sin, the image of God has nevertheless always remained in it, and the
flesh, having been reduced into one and the same person, has been
governed by it.
Let us now consider carefully the second question discussed by this
same distinguished authority, and discover the meaning of his words.
He says, "Or what is easier to understand, God will be recognized and
visible to us in such a way that he will be seen by the spirit in each of us,
he will be seen by one person in another, he will be seen in himself, he
will be seen in the new heaven and the new earth, and in every created
thing which will then exist."2 I do not see at this point what uncertainty
these words cause. Indeed, this famous writer, since he is most perceptive
to the divine authority, explains quite fully how God is going to be all
in all. He says that when the elect have been lifted by God's grace to
equality with the angels, and the mist of former ignorance has passed
away, he will manifest himself completely and will bless them forever
with the ineffable vision of himself, and he will gratify them by such
knowledge of his presence that no one's spirit can doubt that God is in
us, in all the rest of the saints, and even in each and every other creature.
He will thus glorify the rational merely by the knowledge of himself, but
the non-rational, on the other hand, that is to say, heaven and earth, he
will control by his omnipresence. In this way he will be present for the
rational through the knowledge of his presence, for the non-rational,
through his presence alone. Moreover, when this presence is brought to
the knowledge of the elect far more clearly than in this life, their happi-
ness will be enlarged in proportion to the increase of their knowledge.
For now he rules both heaven and earth by his presence, and his saying,
"I fill heaven and earth,"3 is truly spoken.
But to understand how he is wholly in heaven and wholly on earth
is beyond the reach of our mental vision "as long as the body, which is
a The City of God, XXII.29.6 (Migne, P.L., XLI. 801).
• Jeremiah xxiii.24.
96 LETTER SO

corruptible, encumbers the soul"4 so as to be unable to perform freely


its natural function. But when the body is set free, not only from the
vexation of entire corruption, but even the suggestion of it, its nature
will only be glorified, not changed, for he who has not permitted us to
go astray in this says: "Handle me, and see; for a spirit hath not flesh
and bones, as ye see me have."s And, when the body has such harmony
with the spirit, with which it is now in conflict, that it will henceforth
neither wish nor be able to sin with it, this same spirit, while it then
truly clings to its God and is made one with him, will deserve to behold
him who dwells within it and like creatures, the ruler indeed of all other
things. This is the vision in which the saints will find a serene happiness
and a happy serenity, and, to see it, the truth requires that the eyes,
not of the body but of the heart, that is, the mind, be purified: "Blessed
are the pure in heart, for they shall see God."6
In this world, moreover, faith begins this kind of purification; in the
world beyond, love completes it. For until such a time as we can lovingly
say to God, "Whom have I in heaven but thee? And there is none upon
earth that I desire beside thee,"7 that is to say, so long as we put the
hope of our blessedness in the power of some celestial creature or in the
allurements of wordly excellence, and not in God, our creator, we allow
a thick cataract to cover our eyes. But when by saving grace those
things begin to be unclean which before badly deceived our mind by
false beliefs or attracted by their illusive charm, little by little the mercy
of God causes the mist to disappear, our sight is restored and made
keener day by day through the healing power of divine precepts until
the weight of mortal life is cast aside and we are brought into the sight
of him on whom all attention had been directed.
To the words quoted above, on the meaning of which I have spoken
at some length, not as I wished, but as I could (for it is a subject beyond
comprehension), the same distinguished authority added: "and through
bodies in every body, whithersoever the eyes of the spiritual body with
their penetrating gaze shall be directed."s No one with even a slight
knowledge of secular literature doubts that something has to be supplied
here from the context, to read: "and that he will be seen in the spirit
through bodies in every body." The view indeed that God can be seen
by the eyes of the flesh without their having obtained some faculty of
4 Book of Wisdom ix.IS.
o Luke xxiv.39.
• Matthew v.S.
• Psalm Ixxiii.25.
8 The City of God, XXII.29.6 (Migne, P.L., 801).
LETTER 80 97

the mind, Saint Augustine himself very clearly rejected. But it could
more plausibly be asked what he meant by the expression "through
bodies in every body," had he not previously explained the same thing
by the use of an analogy. In short, he put it thus: "Each person, indeed,
by an inner sense and not by the eyes of the body, knows his own life
(his own spirit, no doubt) by which he now lives in the body, quickens
these earthly members, and makes them living. The lives of others, on
the other hand, being invisible, he sees with his physical eyes. For how
do we discern living bodies from non-living bodies unless we see at the
same time their bodies and their lives, which are invisible to us except
by physical sight?"9 Since indeed it is inferred from this very clear
statement of his that God is to be seen through bodies (that is through
the eyes of the body) in every body, which also the eyes have beheld,
he must be seen, not in his substance, a privilege reserved for the spirit,
but in the definite manifestation of his ruling presence. Thus it is that
when we observe \vith our bodily senses the lives of others in the body,
we do not see the invisible lives, but at the same time we can have no
doubt from the quickening power that they are present. And the eyes
will suffer no dishonor if, as I have shown above, they can see God only
in the bodies to which they have directed their attention, since it is the
spirit which perceives his presence everywhere, just as now they do not
suffer any dishonor in being restricted to the limitations of their peculiar
function, although the sense of hearing catches every pleasant sound.
This exposition ofthe chapter which I have given will free your mind
of all the difficult problems which you presented. It will also make clear
to you, among other things, that since the eyes have no likeness to the
mind, God will not be visible in any body whatsoever, either strictly
speaking or in a figurative way, for the worthy will gain possession of
him through the knowledge of the spirit. The fact, however, that Divine
Majesty will rule its creation so openly that not even the eyes of the
body can fail to see, is easily noticed by every thinking person as an
indication of nothing more or less than that which is being accomplished.
Indeed, circumstantial evidence considered apart from rank superstition
will bring the cautious and informed reader to this conclusion. So
convinced am I of this myselfthat I believe that if Saint Augustine were
to return to life, he would be not a little surprised to find that anyone
had thought differently.
Hence, I beg you, dear brother, in my constant effort to discharge,
though never completely, my debt of love, not to concern yourself
9 Ibid., XXII.29.S (Migne, P.L., 800).
98 LETTERS 80-81

longer with such matters, lest, if you become more engrossed in them
than you should, you may have too little time for examining or teaching
more important subjects. Why indeed should we strive so hard to learn
that which it is perhaps not yet expedient for us to know? Surely, it is
a mind divinely inspired which says to God: "Eye doth not see, 0 God,
without thee, what thou hast prepared for those who wait upon thee."lo
And do we desire to have a complete understanding of that ineffable
vision while our souls are still weighed down by a sordid accumulation
of sins? Let us meanwhile survey the vast field of sacred writings and
devote ourselves fully and thoroughly to their study, and let us ever seek
the face of the Lord in humility and love "since they that seek the Lord
shall not want any good thing."ll When we regard our condition and
"do not inquire into the things which are too deep for us nor search
into the more difficult things,"12 it will be an indication of his mercy to
lift us to the higher and mightier things, to show himself to the purified
eyes of our minds by which, as he has revealed, he can be seen. But
whether, after the resurrection, he will give to our eyes a quality like
that of the mind or not, let us leave to his discretion, for by his judgment
these questions, as well as countless others, are safely kept from us
during our mortal life.
Somebody has picked up the notebook which you asked to have back.
Concerning the words, moreover, which you wished me to explain, I have
postponed a reply because I did not at once find a complete explanation
for all of them ; furthermore, I have been prevented from studying them
on account of the enormous amount of work which has been steadily
accumulating. Moreover, I am not unmindful of the fact that exact
meanings of Greek words might better be sought from the Greeks.
If ever you decide to write your humble servant a letter, I certainly
request that you not fill it with extravagant language or false praises,
but rather that you pray the Lord that he make me ever eager for his
praise, but that he delay my enjoyment of his praise until the time
comes when everyone will receive praise from him.

] 8I[

Landramn, metropolitan bishop 0 fTours, Dodo, bishop of Angers, Aldric,


bishop of Le Mans, Guenilo, metropolitan bishop ofSens, Heribold, bishop
10 Cf. Isaiah lxivA.
11 Cf. Psalm xxxiv.lO.
11 Cf. Ecclesiasticus iii.22.
LETTER 81 99

of Auxerre, Prudentius of Troyes, Agius of Orleans, Ercanrad of Paris,


Huebert of :Meaux, Helias of Chartres, Herimann of Nevers, Hincmar,
metropolitan bishop of Rheims, Immo of Noyon, Pardulus of Laon, Rhot-
had of Soissons, Hilmerad of Amiens, Erpoin of Senlis, Ermenfrid of
Beauvais, Paul, metropolitan bishop of Rouen, Saxbod, bishop of Seez,
Freculf of Lisieux, Balfrid of Bayeux, to Nominoe,l governor of Brittany,
greetings in our Lord Jesus Christ.
For a long time God, by his mysterious but righteous judgment, has
permitted you to be the ruler of your people, yet the kind of person you
have proved to be in this administration is attested by your own
conscience and by the bitter complaints of the various churches and
the hardships of noblemen and lowborn, of rich and poor, of widows and
orphans, whom you have ruined by your damnable greed and dreadful
cruelty. But, since you have not given up the name of Christian alto-
gether, and we the members of the apostolic succession are under
obligation to all men, to exhort the doers of good deeds to persevere and
to summon by divine authority the evil-doers to repentance, we are
deeply distressed by your transgressions and with paternal and priestly
concern we wish to rescue you from your destruction.
Through your greed the land of Christians has been devastated, the
temples of God have been in part destroyed and in part burned along
with the bones of the saints and their remaining relics; the possessions
of the churches, which were the votive offerings of the faithful, the
redemption of souls, the patrimony of the poor, have been unlawfully
diverted to your uses, the inherited estates of the nobles have been
confiscated, and a great number of people have been killed or reduced
to slavery, ruthless pillaging has been carried on, adultery and violence
to young girls have been committed far and wide, duly appointed
bishops have been driven from their sees; and, to speak more gently,
since we do not wish to call them thieves and robbers, hirelings were
brought in to take their place, the diocese formerly belonging to our
patron, Saint Martin, (and you cannot deny that you were a party to it)
has been ravaged; and finally, all the ecclesiastical orders have been
thrown into confusion. We mention all this with untold feelings of
sadness and pity.
These crimes were quite enough to bring you to damnation, but to
your accumulation of evil deeds you have added foolhardiness, and you
have injured all Christendom by scorning the representative of Saint
1 Cf. letter 44.
100 LETTER 81

Peter, Pope Leo, whom God has made supreme in all the world. When
indeed you had demanded that he should write your name in his book
and beseech the mercy of God in your behalf, and he sent you a letter
promising to do so if you would faithfully listen to his admonitions, not
only did you do none of the things which he commanded, but you even
refused to accept his letter and were afraid to heed his good advice,
because you were unwilling to stop your wickedness. In him, then, you
have offended the apostles, of whom Peter was the first; you have
offended the bishops who now reign in heaven with God and shine forth
on earth by their miracles; you have also offended us who, though not
having their position of honor, yet by grace divine possess the same
office.
Recently, too, you took Lambert, whom the church with motherly
devotion had partially reinstated, on condition, to be sure, that he
should reform and renounce completely his wickedness, and you made
him your accomplice, or rather the one responsible for harassment of the
Christian people. Indeed, that lover of peace, our lord the king, even
at your suggestion, had removed him from your territory and had in-
vested him with other offices, and now in his attempt to rebel, you have
received him, as it were, into your arms and do not cease to give him
encouragement so that he may succeed in his evil designs. Have your
books brought to you (in them you will hear God threatening: "Shouldest
thou help the ungodly, and love them that hate the Lord?"2) and you
will find that not only the doers of evil, but also those who plot with the
doers of evil are worthy of death.
Nor are you ignorant ofthe fact that when the Franks became sover-
eign there were certain lands which they claimed for themselves and
certain lands which they granted, on petition, to the Bretons. Why then
do you despise the law of God which commands: "Remove not the land-
mark which thy fathers have set?"3 Why do you try to lay unjust claim
to the land of the Franks and do not fear this: "Cursed be he that
removeth his neighbor's landmark? "4 Oh! what are you going to do on
the great judgment day when you must give a reckoning of your years,
months, hours, and moments? And it will be here quickly! It is indeed
true that a young man can die suddenly, but an old man cannot live
long. s Before your existence there was a long period oftime; how much

I2 Chronicles xix.2.
3 cr.
Proverbs xxii.28.
• Deuteronomy xxvii. 17.
, cr. letter 3, note 3.
LETTER 81 101

there will be after you is determined by God. Do not exchange for this
fleeting span of life an eternity of wretchedness.
If you do not cease your encroachments upon the rights of others,
your acts of aggression against all people, your alliances with evil men,
and accept the admonition of the apostolic See and of us who are united,
neither your faith, nor your supposedly good works will benefit you,
for the Savior says: "Not everyone that saith unto me, Lord, Lord,
shall enter into the kingdom of heaven, but he that doeth the will of
my Father which is in heaven."6 Consider what he deserves who shall
offend one of these little ones,' and you can conclude what great dam-
nation you will suffer in having brought grievous affliction upon a vast
majority of the Christian people, if you do not repent.
We admonish you, beseech you, implore you, in our desire for your
salvation, that you put an end to your evil deeds, that you return to
God, whose judgment none of us can escape. Bring forth fruits, meet for
repentance,S that is, inasmuch as you have greatly sinned, greatly
increase your good works, not only that you may escape torment in hell
with the devil and sinners, but that you may even rejoice with God and
his elect in heaven. This too we promise you, if you will return to God
that we wish to intercede with him for your sins, and we shall attempt
to secure for you and your posterity the favor of our spiritual leader.
We know that you have received much criticism for having rejected
the letter of the apostolic See, thinking that it contained some things
which were damaging to you. But, because the venerable Pope saw fit
to send us a copy of it, we assure you that it contains nothing that could
cause you trouble, and we are therefore prepared, if you desire, to send
to you for the second time an emissary of the apostolic See with the
letter which all the world respects. But if you will not receive him, we
who have warned you, will be free of blame. If, on the other hand, you
do receive him and listen to him, you will have the favor of God and
Saint Peter, and you will be joined to us in the faith and helped by our
intercession. But if you disregard our kind admonition, rest assured
that you will find no place in heaven, and soon there will be for you no
place on earth, for if you purposely cut yourself off from association
with us and the Pope, you will be punished with excommunication and
have a place (may God forbid!) in hell.
We also announce through your office to Lambert's men and to all

6 Matthew vii. 21.


7 Cf. Matthew xviii.6.
8 Matthew iii.B.
102 LETTERS 81-83

the people of your country that if they make common cause with him
and loin his rebellion, they will be condemned to excommunication,
delivered over to Satan, and perish without end. Those who are turning
back, however, we are receiving and we hope that they will remain in
Christian peace; and in their behalf we are ready to appeal, as much as
we can, to the mercy of our lord the king.

] 82 [

To Louis,! most excellent abbot and beloved friend of all good people,
Lupus extends heartiest greetings.
By order of the king I am sending a messenger to the palace, and I
have instructed him to meet with you so that I may quickly and accu-
rately learn through you what I need to do. Will you then kindly put in
a letter the things I need to know so that when I have been informed,
I may see that they are carried out.
I should like to make this one urgent request, that you not hesitate
to let me know whether the negotiations being carried on with the
Bretons, in secret, I am told, are thought likely to meet with success.
I want to know because the spirits even of the brave strongly oppose a
perilous and fruitless enterprise, attempted in vain, and it is a well known
fact and expressed in literature that the unwilling should never be
forced into war.
Regarding the recovery of our cell,2 if you find an opportunity,
quickly aid us just as you have in all things, to the end that your zeal
may cause the king to be cleansed of grievous sin, and that we may
finally escape from excessive poverty.
My constant wish is for your well-being.

] 83 [

To the very reverend and distinguished Father Marcward, Lupus sends


everlasting greetings.
I have just returned from the most magnificent festivities! - the
expedition, that is, into Brittany, and having barely regained my
1 Louis, abbot of Saint Denis and Chancellor of Charles the Bald.
S The cell of Saint Josseo
1 The tone, of course, is bitterly sarcastic.
LETTERS 83-84 103

breath, I desire to learn through this courier the true nature of your
success, so that while I am seething from my own difficulties, I may at
least take consolation in your good fortune. When my lord the king,
who received his education from you, was delivering me of these burden-
some delights, he asked me to send you his personal greetings, and you
can guess how gladly I do so. Please on behalf of me your humble servant
greet our very dear son Eigil, common, that is, to us both, and after him
Ansbold and all the remaining brothers.
As soon as you have an opportunity, be sure to send me cups suitable
for Communion, very rich in design and quality, woodenware at least,
for when I see the costly ones which you have presented to others, I
almost fall ill with envy.
I hope that you are well and happy.

] 84 [

To king Ethelwulf, l who, for the glory and honor of God, deserves high
praise, Lupus, least of all the servants of God, abbot of the monastery of
Saint] osse, extends best wishes for success in this present life and for
everlasting blessedness.
Since we know the good reputation of your administration, and have
heard how God has granted you strength to oppose the enemies of
Christ, we pray that Almighty God who has given you that strength will
make you invincible against all the enemies of the Christian faith, for
it is God who by his power, incomprehensible, but just, ever governs
all things. Nevertheless, since a long distance separates your humble
servant from Your Excellency, I desire to become known to you by my
services, especially after learning of your zeal in the worship of God
from Felix who used to be your secretary. Instruct me then in whatever
you think I can do, and you will find me ready to serve you in all things.
But, to give you an incentive for earning the favor of God, we are
presenting you an opportunity to compete first, and it will surely
provide you hope in your present life and a reward in the life to come.
We are endeavoring to cover with lead the church of our monastery
which is inland and is called Ferrieres as well as Bethlehem by its
founder. This church is dedicated to the glory of God and in honor of
Saint Peter and the rest of the apostles. We beg that you will kindly
1 The king of England, 836-857.
104 LETTERS 84-85

share with us in this work. Help us therefore to complete this task for
the honor of God, with a view not to our own merit but to a spiritual
reward, because we who intercede for you without receiving your gifts
will be more active if only we shall receive a contribution which will
benefit both you and ourselves for the healing of the soul. Moreover, we
shall be ready, just as we have indicated before, to do your bidding in
every way possible.
May almighty God grant that you and your posterity may long rule
over your country for the advancement and preservation of his faith,
and may he cause you to be heirs of eternal bliss.

] 85 [

To his dearly beloved friend Felix,l Lupus, abbot of the monastery of


Ferrieres and Saint fosse, greetings.
Several years have passed since, by the gift of God's grace, we first
met at the monastery of Fare,2 and no opportunity has presented itself
since that time for us to have, as I wished, an intimate talk. Nevertheless,
our deep affection has not grown cold in either one of us, and I therefore
pray that I may have the benefit of your good services in gaining the
request which I have made to your esteemed Ethelwulf.
Recalling, as I do, how generous you declared him to be, and having
decided to install a lead roof on the church of Saint Peter, first of the
apostles, which is at the monastery of Ferrieres, I am requesting by
letter that he kindly contribute as much to this project as God inspires
him to give, to prolong the life of the building and to increase his own
blessings. Now if, by God's abounding mercy and with your active
cooperation, I shall succeed in this, it will be your concern in return to
bring the benefit of his munificence to the city of Etaples. 3
As for us, on the other hand, just as I said in my letter to the king, we
are always ready to pray for him and to execute with dispatch whatever
possible thing he bids us do.
I hope that you are well and happy.

1 The chancellor of king Ethelwulf of England.


B Faremoutiers, located in the canton of Rozoy-en-Brie.
a Chief city of the canton of Pas-de-Calais, near the cell of Saint J osseo
LETTERS 86-87 105

] 86 [

To the very reverend and venerable Guigmund, bishop of the church at


York, and to all who serve the Lord God under his direction, Lupus, the
abbot, and all the congregation of the monastery of F errieres, send greetings
in the Lord.
Because of increasing disturbances of various kinds, much time has
elapsed since our society, which our predecessors founded on the
authority of the Lord, has shown any signs of charity other than the
offering of prayers. But now that a spirit of peace is manifest and the
cell of Saint ] osse has been restored, l from which place I am even
writing this letter, we have endeavored, as we should, to be the first to
rival you in good offices and to challenge you to a renewal or a decla-
ration of friendship. First of all, we humbly beg that you will be willing
to remember us in your prayers, both public and private. Secondly, we
wish that we may have the desire to do for one another whatever we
shall decide, through an exchange of letters, is pleasing and within the
limits of our resources. Hasten, therefore, to let us know your pleasure
that we may be prepared at once to oblige you, and that our Lord God
may be glorified and pleased with the fruit of our affection.
I hope that you are well and happy, dearest fathers.

] 87 [

To the venerable abbot Altsig,l Lupus, of the monastery of Bethlehem or


Ferrieres, eternal salvation in the Lord.
Now that our God, in his infinite mercy, has eased the ravaging force
of dissension which heretofore has brought terrible devastation to all
the Gauls and Germany, at the very beginning of peace I have en-
deavored, in a letter addressed to the very Reverend Bishop Guigmund, 2
to renew the bond which once existed between your church and ours.
Since indeed I have learned that you have a burning desire for know-
ledge, which I too am eager to possess, I shall follow either the words of

1 See Levillain's note on the dating of this letter and the restoration of the cell of
Saint J osseo

1 Abbot of York.
2 Cf. preceding letter.
3 Cicero, De senectute, III. 7.
106 LETTERS 87-88

Cicero, "birds of a feather flock together,"3 or those of Holy Writ,


"every animal loves his counterpart, so every man,"4 and extend my
friendship to you in this letter and ask for yours in turn, so that we may
strive to be of mutual assistance to one another, not only in our prayers,
but in every other conceivable way.
And that you may be the first to accomplish that which I promise to
do, I earnestly beg you to send me the Quaestiones of Saint Jerome
which, according to Cassiodorus,5 he carefully prepared on the old and
the new testaments; also, your Bede's Quaestiones similarly compiled
on both testaments; likewise, Jerome's Libri Explanationum in Hiere-
miam, all but thf' first six books,6 which we have ourselves; and finally,
Quintilian's Institutiones Oratoriae, in twelve books. Send these by your
most trustworthy couriers to me at the cell of Saint J osse, which has
finally been restored to us. They will be turned over to Lantramn, who
is well known to you, to be copied there and returned to you as soon as
possible. Now if you cannot send all of them, do not hesitate to send at
least a few, and for your act of kindness you will receive a reward from
God, and from us, moreover, anything you ask in repayment for all
your efforts, provided it is possible.
I wish you good health and beg that you will delight us as soon as
circumstances permit with a favorable reply.

] 88 [

To the Very Reverend Father Marcward, Lupus extends greetings in the


Lord.
If we clearly recognize that, because of original sin, we have been
made exiles through God's supremely righteous vengeance, we shall
not be surprised when adversities come to us. We have indeed been
driven out of the land of joy and cast into the valley of tears.1 We ought
rather to revere and devoutly praise the unspeakable mercy of God
which does not desert us even in wrath, but generally moderates our
sorrows with things which are pleasant so that we will not sink into the

• Cf. Ecclesiasticus xiii. 19 .


5 Cassiodorus, De institutione divinarum litterarum, Ch. I.
S jerome's Commentaries on Jeremiah, as they have come down to us, are in only
six books covering the first thirty-two chapters of the Book of Jeremiah (Migne, P.L.,
XXIV, 679-900).

1 Cf. Psalm lxxxiv.6.


LETTER 88 107

pit of despondency, overcome by grief. There is need then to blame


certain people for their rashness, who, though accustomed to the
continuous benefits of divine grace, increase their sins by complaining
when they are touched by a few disadvantages, while they should have
realized their indebtedness without being reminded.
One can believe, however, that there are some among the faithful so
remarkably outstanding in the saintliness which they have received
from God that their sins are not healed by their adversities as much as
their righteousness is increased, for it was not to the blessed Job alone
that God bestowed this gift when he placed him in the greatest suffering
to serve as a model for his servants. God, who was victorious in him,
is victorious in many, and he promises to be with them even unto the
end of the world. 2 If no trouble ever disturbs the happiness of a man,
how stupid he is, unless he conceives fear from this that he, along with
the rich man dressed in purple robes, may sometime listen to the follow-
ing words: "Thou in thy lifetime receivedst thy good things. "3 And why
should not the following truth frighten him: "They spend their days in
wealth, and in a moment go down to the grave? "4 But why should not
he who can repeat with accurate memory: "God scourges every son
whom he receiveth," if visited with illness, if worried by excessive want,
if troubled by a diminution or loss of property, be moved to express
thanks to his Holy Father whose concern for him assumes that he is
worthy of his correction, a privilege which God has ordained himself.
The sweetness of the life to come would be less eagerly sought if the
bitterness of the present life were not often experienced. Many are
pleased with this life, just as it is; but surely more would be pleased if
continuous prosperity fulfilled the wishes of everyone. Who then can
fail to see that we are somehow moved by the incomprehensible love of
God during the wearisome changes of this life to attain the changeless-
ness of the other life. The Lord Jesus who with the Father and Holy
Spirit will be our blessedness thus informs by his own example those who
heeded his teachings on how to bear adversities: "as my Father hath
sent me, even so send I yoU."5 This he said lest they should lose hope,
when shaken by many misfortunes, for they would recall that the
dearly beloved Son of the Father had experienced the same things.
Without trying to conceal what was facing them, he said: "In the world
ye shall have tribulation: but be of good cheer; I have overcome the
2 Cf. Matthew xxviii.20.
3 Luke xvi. 25.
4 Job xxi.13.
6 John xx.21.
108 LETTERS 88-89

world,"6 in order, of course, that they might know that in him who was
almighty they would have the power to overcome.
The holy apostle, in whom God's spirit clearly spoke, looking at his
own times and looking forward to ours, says: "Those who wish to live
in Christ shall suffer persecution."7 Now we understand that this
persecution is brought upon the religious either by unclean spirits or
by wicked men. Whether, however, God is tempting us or permitting
us to be tempted, lest we surrender with womanly fear, he encourages
us elsewhere in the following words: "God is faithful, who will not suffer
you to be tempted above that ye are able; but will with the temptation
also make a way to escape, that ye may be able to bear it."8 Let us not
argue then that there has come upon us that which is unable to be
endured, since he who proposes the contest gives us the strength to win,
if with confidence we call upon him.
Let us therefore at all times praise him who tempts us with success
and chastises us with adversity, and let there always be praise on our
lips that we may even now soberly consider the fact that we shall
become, as a gift from him, blessed forever and forever.
These thoughts on consolation, briefly put to avoid monotony, I
wished to send Your Holiness. They will be helpful to you, I believe,
because they have been sought from the fountain of love and have
issued forth from that fountain.
I hope that you will remember me kindly and that you are well and
happy.

] 89 [

To the very excellent abbot Hilduin,l Lupus extends temporal greetings


and the hope of eternal salvation.
Recalling our life together when you were a young man and I was at
the threshold of youth, and thinking that your high and exalted char-
acter can in no way be altered by the smiles of fortune, as in those days
we talked as friend to friend, so now I write to you candidly. Almighty
God, as most people believe, has honored you above all others in
lavishing upon you his gifts because of your upright life, and he will
• John xvi.33.
7 2 Timothy iii. 12.
8 1 Corinthians x.13.

1 Abbot of Saint Martin of Tours, of Saint Germain-des-Pres, and Archchaplain of


Charles the Bald.
LETTERS 89-90 109

undoubtedly require much from him to whom he has conferred so much,


for he says: "Him that honors me I will honor, and they that despise
me shall be lightly esteemed. "2 Do not, then, be disturbed by the message
which I shall bring you.
Honor with fear and love him who honored you so highly, and since
good things are provided you in this world, strive unceasingly to please
him who gave them to you; and let not the transitory happiness of the
world deceive you to whom the eternal blessedness of heaven is promised.
Exercise justice everywhere you can and show mercy to as many as you
can, for you do not know how long God who has given you the oppor-
tunity to do good is going to permit you to continue. Here is his word:
"Watch, for ye know neither the day nor the hour."3
We, who have a particularly high regard for you and trust that we
will gain through you some support, believe that you will hold your
position for a considerable time, if you will sincerely submit yourself to
the giver of all good things. Until I am privileged to see you, unweariedly
read this letter over and over again, or consider it, so that, as we exult in
your excellence, we may more assuredly rejoice in your integrity.
I also beg that you will receive with honor and treat kindly my kins-
man, the abbot of your cell, which is known as eormery, for God, as we
believe, is pleased with him; and all good people, as is evident, are
pleased with him because of his integrity. I further ask, and I think this
will suffice, that you kindly look after him at all times and in all ways,
as befits your nobility of character, high degree oflearning, and increased
reputation, and as those who know him well desire.
Good health to you in this world, and salvation in the Lord.

] 90 [

To Hilduin,l master of ecclesiastics, a man of great reputation, position,


and restraint, Lupus extends good wishes for success both now and in the
days to come.
It is not surprising that Your Highness supposed we could safely
guard your treasure, especially because the location of our monastery
has been unknown to you. For, if you had been acquainted with it, you

2 1 Kings ii.30 (Vulg.); 1 Samuel ii.30 (A.V.).


3 Matthew xxv.13.

1 Cf. preceding letter.


110 LETTERS 90-91

certainly would not have sent us the treasure to be kept for long, no,
not even for a mere three days. Although this place of ours seems
difficult of access to marauders-no longer is any place, no matter how
far away or hard to reach, distant to them (a deserving reward for our
sinful ways), nevertheless, the rapacity of thieves is actually encour-
aged by the weakness of our monastery and a lack of men capable of
resisting them. Moreover, protected by the forest, they are able to
rush out unopposed by defenses or a force of men, and then returning
into the adjoining forest, to scatter out so as to get safely away with
the money and to leave their pursuers behind in a futile search. Your
own men have recently discovered that this is so, and Ivo who has been
with us here for a long time can bear witness to it.
Give us, therefore, the benefit of that wisdom for which you are so
deservedly praised, that our fears may be allayed and your own best
interests promoted. Provide that this risk, which could be costly, be
shifted elsewhere so that, if what we fear should happen, you will not
be tortured when it is too late by regrets nor we, on the other hand,
receive blame which is not deserved.
I hope that Your Eminence is well and happy.

] 91 [

To the very reverend bishop Ercanrad,l bishops Guenilo,2 H.,3 and


Agius,4 and all the synod assembled in the name of God at Moret,5 extend
wishes for eternal salvation.
We thank Your Holiness for having sent your vicar, although a
little late, to consider with us some important problems and to give
us needed encouragement for solving them. Your personal presence,
however, would have carried much the greater influence among all the
ordinary people, since you have a higher position. Because then, in
punishment for our sins, the times are very turbulent and in the course
of so many years iniquity has been abounding and there has been no
opportunity to hold an assembly, and since God has so melted the

1 Bishop of Paris.
I Archbishop of Sens.
a This bishop cannot be identified with certainty since there were several bishops
among the correspondents of Lupus whose names begin with the letter H.
C Bishop of Orleans.
6 Date of this synod uncertain. Levillain argues for 849 or 850.
LETTERS 92-93 111

heart of the king6 that he has given us some opportunity to improve


ourselves, but our brief span of life is not permitted to be prolonged
in its course, we must not be slothful in promoting the cause of our
God, nor shrink, except for some impelling reason, from the per-
formance of the task which we, however unworthy, have undertaken,
for, as the Scripture says, "man looketh on the outward appearance,
but the Lord looketh on the heart,'" and he will reward, as is stated
elsewhere with utmost truth, "every man according to his works."s If
only we might spend something more, so that when he returns he might
increase the coveted reward!9

] 92 [

To the very reverend fathers and brothers, Guenilo, metropolitan bishop


of the see at Sens, and all its clergy, and the prelates of the remaining
churches which are on the rolls of the diocese of that see, and to all the
servants of God in them, the clergy of the mother church of Paris and the
brothers of the monasteries of Saint Denis, Saint Germain, Saint Genevieve,
F osses, and everyone from the several other monasteries, send best wishes
both for the present and for the future.
Since news of the recent death of our venerable pastor Ercanrad has
spread far and wide, it could not have been kept from you, Reverend
Father, and you well know that we are in deep mourning on account
of our father's passing and gravely concerned about the choice of his
successor. Since indeed our Lord Jesus promises especially to be with
his religious leaders, we shall not long permit ourselves to be without
a bishop, by whose instruction we may be instructed for our salvation,
by whose example we may be molded, and by whose blessings we may
be strengthened in the name of the Lord.
Since the Lord is the author of all good things, we most firmly
believe that we have not been deprived of his care, for by his mercy
he has lightened our troubles, and by his own kindness he has antici-
pated our desires. Indeed, that very one who holds in his hand the
heart of the king, 1 has inspired, as we fully believe, our glorious king
• Cf. Job xxiii.lb.
, Cf. I Kings xvi.7 (Vulg.); I Samuel xvi.7.
8 Matthew xvi.27.
• Cf. Luke x.3S.

1 Cf. Proverbs xxi. I.


112 LETTERS 92-93

Charles to put us under the rule of a man proved by him in many tests
as completely loyal to him in things human and divine. Enjoying
therefore God's mercy toward us, and realizing our king's sympathetic
understanding, we have unanimously selected Aeneas 2 whose recom-
mendations we have sent ahead to you. We desire to have Aeneas as
father, Aeneas as our priest.
Although, indeed, our most excellent king stands so high in wisdom
and honesty that his sole judgment concerning this man could suffice,
nevertheless, being aware of human nature and deeply concerned for
the future, we have personally looked into the character and manners
of courtiers, and as many of us as have been able to know this man
whom we desire to have as bishop, number him without question
among those persons who are serious, of proven worth, and dedicated
to a life of holiness.
Do not permit us then, holy fathers, to agonize over a delay on the
part of divine or royal favor, but, since we are deeply concerned,
desiring, and entreating, let a light be quickly placed on the candle-
stick, so that the people of God may see the light of truth and by
following faithfully in the footsteps of their bishop prepare themselves
for eternal blessedness.
By our signatures we have striven to show our unanimous endorse-
ment of Aeneas so that by your assistance, God willing, he may become
our bishop. In recognition of our unanimous decision, will you fulfill
our desire with the greatest dispatch.

] 93 [

Guenilo, metropolitan bishop of the holy see of Sens, Heribold, bishop


of Auxerre, Agius, bishop of Orleans, Prudentius, bishop of Troyes,
Herimann, bishop of Nevers, Frotbald, bishop of Chartres, Hildegarius,
bishop of Meaux, to the clergy of the mother church of Paris and to all
those in the various monasteries under her who serve God, greetings.
We have been distressed not a little by the death of our most
revered fellow bishop Ercanrad and share with you this sorrow, but
being reminded of God's supremely just nature, we have finally
received comfort since we know from your letter, which follows a
reasonable course, that you, acting under the Good Shepherd, who is

• Secretary of the royal chancellery before his election as bishop of Paris.


LETTERS 93-94 113

supremely good, are seeking to find without delay a vicar for him, in
the flesh of course, and an associate for our ministry. We believe that
God has indeed provided a good end of life for him whose inception
into office is, as we see, so unopposed. And yet he who is soon to
become our colleague has long been known and loved for his good
character. Who indeed has set foot in the palace and not noticed the
work of Aeneas! and observed his devotion to religious matters?
We therefore gladly follow your selection in this matter, favored,
as it is by God, and we heartily agree that he who is to serve God's
people should be promoted to the office of bishop. Let him, therefore,
who has been well pleasing for his services to God, be your pastor, and
following his sound teaching and imitating his holy works, gladly hasten
toward the pastures of the kingdom of heaven. We all heartily support
his ordination and pray that you will enjoy the power of his ministry
in peace.

When we are overtaken by countless woes, we should learn the cause


of them, and having learned, escape by the help of God's mercy. The
reason for prosperity and for adversity is clearly revealed in these
words from the Holy Spirit: "Righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin
is a reproach to any people."2 The sin which makes us miserable is, it
seems, the fact that we, though Christians by faith, make void our
profession of faith by our deeds; and since we prefer temporal happiness
to eternal blessedness, we lose the latter unless we repent, and we do
not attain the former, such as it is, which could be ours, if we were
willing to be upright. Accordingly, since the vengeance of God begins
in this life, which is temporal, and unless we are converted, continues
on into the next life, which is endless, and since temporal blessings
often accompany the good here, while eternal blessings crown them in
the world beyond, let us all, both prelates and laity, put aside excuses,
and since each and everyone of us is conscious wherein he is most
offensive to God, let us all in common listen obediently to God as he
thus admonishes us: "Bring it again to mind, 0 ye transgressors"3;
1 Cf. preceding letter.
1 A letter of admonition believed to have been addressed by Guenilo, bishop of Sens,
to his parishes, according to an ordinance passed at Quierzy-sur-Oise on February 14,
857.
• Proverbs xiv.34.
• Isaiah xlvi.8.
114 LETTER 94

and again: "Wash you, make you clean; put away the evil of your
doings from before mine eyes; cease to do evil; learn to do well,"4 so
that we may reach the protected haven of mercy after a safe voyage
on the' vessel of repentance. For we shall thus be able not only to
escape from present evils, but also to have hope of future blessings.
Let us cease to yearn for the mere pleasures of the flesh; let us
finally think to gain spiritual blessings; and that we may control our
desires and observe some restraint, let us remind ourselves of the swift
passing away of those we have seen in places of honor and let us not
forget that we are daily following them. Indeed we are hastening
uninterruptedly toward death. Let us return to those ways which
made this kingdom great and strong. Let there be no factional strife,
no conspiracies among us who call upon God the Father, to whom the
bishops say: "Peace be unto you," and for whom all the priests in
unison pray: "Graciously grant unto us peace in our day," and: "May
the peace of the Lord be with you always," and to whom God deems
it proper to promise: "Blessed are the peacemakers: for they shall be
called the children of God". 5 Let not this threat of his seem contempti-
ble to you: "Woe to that man by whom the offense cometh,"6 lest
perchance (may God forbid!) "it shall be a vexation only to understand
the report,"7 and when placed in tormentS we may realize by bitter
experience what now we do not believe or pretend not to know.
Let us renounce altogether pillaging and plundering, for they are
utterly opposed to the Christian way of life and keep wretched men
from the kingdom of God. The apostle indeed speaks out against these
in the following words: "Nor thieves shall inherit the kingdom of
God."9 Out of fear and love for God let us give up personal gain, let
us earnestly and unitedly look out for the good of the community and
state, so that as we strive to provide tranquillity for the faithful, we
may regain strength to resist the unfaithful and obtain from him who
is omnipotent the blessings of each peace, that is to say, the peace
which we can have now and that other perfect peace which will be given
to the elect alone. But let none of us forget that saying which has been
tested and held by all the wisest men down to our present age that
"through concord small states increase, but through discord the largest

, Isaiah i.16, 17.


• Matthew v.9.
• Matthew xviii. 7.
7 Isaiah xxviii.19.
8 Cf. Luke xvi.23.
• I Corinthians vi. 10.
LETTERS 94-95 115

ones fall,"10 lest it happen that we, while desiring to hold on too
securely to our own possessions or to gain too luckily the possessions
of our forefathers, may, through the righteous judgment of God,
involve ourselves in the ruin of our kingdom which we are causing by
our dissensions, and draw ourselves into the destruction of soul and
body.

] 95 1 [

The letter which Your Highness recently sent to me filled me with


misgivings. For that reason, I thought I should withhold a reply until
I learned the exact truth. Now that our common brother has explained
your letter and given me a true account of your condition, I am briefly
answering your letter to express the hope that you will be restored to
health very soon.
If, in consideration of our birth which has brought us into the
closest bond of kinship, or of our long friendship which has closely
linked us together in a most unusual way (the first is due to chance,
the other to choice), you have decided to extend to me genuine
kindness, or I should rather say, because you have decided to do so,
the great distance that lies between us, concerning which you have
complained, will not be able to hinder you. Indeed, we have an oppor-
tunity to see each other frequently, and if anything prevents it, we are
certainly permitted to write letters and thus informally make known
to one another our intentions, if it suits Your Highness to consent to
this.
Now I am sending you, as a favor, a manuscript of Saint Jerome's
annotations on the prophets, which I have not yet read myself. Be sure
to see that it is promptly copied, or read, and returned to us. I thought
that I should thus warn you, lest perhaps there might be a delay in
this, which would be of no advantage to you, while constantly engaged
in many undertakings, but a disadvantage to us. I could only wish
that your high and God-given intelligence might, as far as possible, be
directed away from public affairs and applied to a search into the
mysteries of wisdom, human and divine. You would certainly benefit
in a manner worthy of your noble character and distinguished position.
10 Cf. Sallust, Jugurtha, X,6.

1 Addressed to Heribold, bishop of Auxerre. If this letter was actually from Lupus
to Heribold, it would indicate that Lupus was a brother of the bishop. See Levillain
for a discussion of the problems involved.
116 LETTERS 95-96

I should not want you to imagine from what I have said that I pose
as an expert in this field or consider myself comparable to you in
anything at all, least of all superior. But just as I congratulate you on
the honors fittingly bestowed upon you, so also I desire to learn of
your advancement in intellectual pursuits, which are most exalting.
Gaius Julius Caesar is not a historiographer of the Romans. Only
his Commentaries on the Gallic War, of which word has reached you,
is extant,2 and so far as I have learned he has nothing else which
relates to history. Indeed, the rest of Caesar's accomplishments, after
he had assumed the burdensome task of ruling almost the entire world,
his secretary Hirtius undertook to hand down in a series of commen-
taries. I shall therefore see that those commentaries of Julius Caesar
are sent to you just as soon as I am able to get them.
I hope that you are well and happy.

] 96 [

In the name of the one and almighty God, and by his grace, I, queen
Irmentrude,l send greetings to the venerable Bishop Heribold. 2
Since an extended illness does not permit me to have a pleasant
conversation with you, I am writing to you, while away, what I should
prefer to tell you in person. Your brother, having been stripped of his
offices on account of the men who served him, is extremely disturbed,
and he has sought my kind assistance, confident that my help, next
to that of God, will free him from this horrible disgrace. I desire to
help him as God grants me the opportunity. But, that he may be able
to wait in the palace for the result of my good will, I urge that you
kindly ease his distress by bestowing upon him all necessary things.
Since, indeed, your generous spirit usually ministers to the needs of
strangers, it can also, and not without hope of divine reward, be of
service to a poverty-stricken brother. I could easily prove this by
passages from the Holy Scriptures, if I did not believe that they
readily occur to you themselves, and if I did not take into consideration
your personality and my own. Pay then your debt to religion and

o Lupus seems to have been unaware of Caesar's De bello civili. Cf., however, letter
54, note 3, for a parallel reference to Caesar's work.

1 The wife of Charles the Bald.


o Bishop of Auxerre.
LETTERS 97-98 117

befriend your relative. Ever remember me in your prayers and accept


my good wishes for your health.

] 97 [

To the very excellent Bishop Heribold,l from Lupus.


One of your monks, whose name is John, is staying with us in our
monastery, having been for some necessary reason invited by one of
our brothers, but later kept by me, because, on the one hand, he is
useful to us and, because, on the other hand, there is poverty, as we
have heard, in his monastery. Discovering that you have instructed
the brothers round about to assemble there, I am addressing this letter
to Your Highness to ask you to allow this monk to remain with us a
little while longer and to urge you as strongly as I dare, though humbly,
to look out for the welfare of that place according to your innate
generosity and your official responsibility, lest the penury of the
brothers may perhaps not only obscure your own blessings, but may
even provoke the displeasure of our God, to whose Judgment we are
daily hastening, and speed his unalterable vengeance.
Indeed you are wise enough to see, without being reminded, how
much precaution there must be in handling the affairs of the church
and the care of souls. Take thought therefore both for yourself and for
those brothers, that God may be glorified on account of your kindness
and their alleviation, for he will quickly bestow upon all individuals
whatever they deserve.
Best wishes for your health, my dearest sir, and kindly remember
me, especially in your holy prayers.

] 98 [

To the very reverend prelates of Italy and Gaul, and to all the rest of
God's faithful servants, Guenilo, metropolitan bishop of Sens sends
greetings in the Lord.
Whenever, for a just cause, we address Your Holiness, the love
which "is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost which is given

1 Cf. preceding letter.


118 LETTERS 98-99

unto US"1 encourages us to do so, especially since an increase of love


proceeds from a service freely given. The monks of our province and
diocese, of the monastery which is called Ferrieres or Bethlehem,
Aldulf and Acaric by name, 2 having been ordained to the priesthood,
have decided, under the inspiration of God, we believe, to set out for
Rome to pray, and now that they have received permission from us
and their abbot, our very dear friend Lupus, they are carrying out
their plan. We commend them in the usual manner to your fatherly
care and because they have undertaken this difficult journey for the
sake of an eternal reward, we beg that they may find in you, both on
their way there and back, that comfort which the devout receive from
the religious. Indeed you will have a share in their reward if you will
kindly help them in their labor.
We hope that you are well and happy.

] 99 [

To the most venerable bishops of Italy and Gaul and to all other esteemed
members of the Christian faith, Lupus, abbot of the monastery which is
called Bethelehem or Ferrieres, situated in the diocese of the city of Sens
over which the very reverend Guenilo presides, extends best wishes both for
the present and the future.
Although the world is heading for destruction, I have no doubt that
there burns in the hearts of the elect that love which is rightly called
in the Holy Scriptures "the broad commandment."l For that reason
I do not blush to ask a favor of people whom I have not benefited nor
even know by sight. Through this love, which is the most characteristic
quality of the good, God causes us to dwell in his house with one mind 2
and teaches us that the greatest gain is to exchange transient joys for
everlasting blessings. I am therefore informing you, Holy Fathers,
that two priests, whose names are Aldulf and Acaric, having received
my permission and that of the aforementioned bishop, have decided
to set out from our monastery for Rome in order to pray and to satisfy
their desires. Therefore, I beg that you will kindly assist them both on
1 Romans v.S.
a Names which appear again in letters 99 and 100.

1 Cf. Psalm cxix.96.


a Cf. Psalm Ixviii.6.
LETTERS 99-100 119

their way there and back, for they have not been able to take along
enough provisions for so long a journey, and we believe that you will
share in their reward if they find that you are working with them for
the glory of God.

] 100 [

To his Highest Lordship, Pope Benedict,l singularly revered by all


Christians in all the world, I, Lupus, least of abbots, of the monastery in
Gaul which is called Bethlehem or Ferrieres, extend best wishes for present
success and future blessedness.
In the time of your predecessor, the late Pope Leo,2 I was on a mis-
sion to Rome, over which you, by the will of God, now preside. I
was kindly received and cared for by the late Pope and now that the
report has reached me that you are not less religious than he, and
since a careful appraisal of your character has given me good reason
to believe that you not only share Saint Peter's power but have in-
herited that humility which he revealed in his conversation with Cor-
nelius,a I have humbly ventured by this letter to bring myself to the
attention of Your Highness and to entrust myself and all my brother
monks to Your Excellency that, through your holy prayers, we may
be privileged to obtain from God comfort in this present life and
salvation for all in the life to come.
Besides, we especially commend to your kindly care our brothers
and fellow priests, Aldulf and Acaric,4 who, of their own free will,
have undertaken, for the glory of God, a pilgrimage, and although they
have encountered many difficulties, they have at last finally reached
the memorials of the blessed apostles and the rest of the saints.
Please give them proper care and teach them diligently in the customs
of the church which are variously observed in different places so that
they may bring to us and to all others who devoutly seek such infor-
mation instruction from Rome, for in all matters bearing on religion
or honorable conduct diversity leads to uncertainty. That all the best
things may shine forth, we believe it necessary that we go back in a
spirit of eager inquiry to that place where our faith had its beginning
and whence it spread.
1 Pope Benedict III. 855-858.
2 Pope Leo IV, 847-855.
3 Acts x.26.
• Cf. letters 98 and 99.
120 LETTERS 100-101

Since parents ought to lay up treasures for their children, as the


teacher of the gentiles declares, 5 and since we desire to be your most
obedient children, we therefore ask that you send to us with these two
brothers a manuscript of venerable antiquity which contains the com-
mentaries of Saint Jerome on Jeremiah, starting with the seventh
book and continuing to the end. If we get it, you can rest assured that
we will promptly return it to Your Holiness just as soon as we get it
copied. It is true that none of the commentary beyond the sixth
book has been able to be found anywhere in our part of the country,
and we hope by your help to restore whatever we, your humble
servants, lack. We are also in search of Cicero's De Oratore and the
twelve books of Quintilian's Institutiones Oratoriae which are con-
tained in one rather small volume. We have parts of each of these
authors, but we desire to obtain by your help their entire works. We
are equally anxious to obtain the commentary of Donatus on Terence.
If you will generously oblige us, we shall, God being willing, faith-
fully see to it that these works, including that manuscript of Saint
Jerome, will all be returned to you.
May Divine Mercy be pleased to preserve Your Holiness for a long
time to the benefit of the entire church.

] 101 [

Lupus sends greetings in the Lord to his very dear Reg.!


We are certainly eager, as we should be, to have you come, which
your letter has already specifically promised, but we urge you to
exercise the greatest caution and choose a road that is safe, especially
because revolution has broken out in the country of our king Charles,
plundering is rife, and nothing happens with greater certainty and
frequency than wholesale pillaging .You must therefore seek a cortege
large and strong enough to keep off robber gangs or, if it becomes
necessary, to drive them out.
Please bring along the Catiline and Jugurtha of Sallust, the Verrine
orations, and any other books which, to your knowledge, we either
have in a faulty text or do not have at all, so that, thanks to you,

• Cf. 2 Corinthians xii. 14.

1 Complete spelling of name unknown. See letter II, note 1.


LETTERS 101-103 121

our texts may be emended and those which we do not have and are
not likely to have except from you, may be acquired, for we shall
receive them the more gladly, the less hope we have of getting them.
I hope that you are well and happy.

] 102 [

We are reporting to you, kind father,l the fact that there is in our
diocese, in the town called Nevers, a certain person who holds the
office of bishop, whose name is Herimann. 2 Although he has been
frequently admonished, and we have waited a long time for him to
regain his health, he is incompetent to perform the duties of that
office because he is of unsound mind. Now Pope Melchiades,3 we are
told, ruled that no bishop should ever be deposed without the consent
of the Pope at Rome. We therefore kindly request you to send us
his decisions in complete form, as you have them, so that we may be
supported by what he says on this subject and follow the procedure
either of the scholarly Saint Gregory in the case of the bishop of
Rimini who was suffering a like disorder,4 or of Saint Gelasius 5 who
declares that a man of unsound mind should be deposed. Although
we are in no doubt concerning these cases, we seek and await your
judgment, so that we shall never be charged with precipitate action,
nor ever desert the path of truth and justice, but be guided by your
wise counsel.

] 103 [

[The first part of the text is corrupt, and I have therefore made no
attempt to reconstruct and translate. It is clear, however, that the
letter is addressed to the Very Reverend Guenilo, archbishop of Sens.]
Although I expressed to you my thanks at the last assembly, 1
1 The edition of Desdevises du Dezert has the following heading: Ad Nicolaum
papam, ex parte Guenilonis et suffraganeorum eius, "To Pope Nicolas, on behalf of
Guenilo and his suffragans."
2 Herimann, who is listed with many other bishops in letter 81. He was removed
from office in 853, but soon reinstated.
3 Pope from 311 to 314.
, Gregory the Great, Epistles, III. 24 and 25.
5 Gelasias, Epistle to Rusticus and Fortunatus (Migne, P.L., LIX, 150).

1 The assembly, it would seem, which took action on the problem described in the
preceding letter.
122 LETTERS 103-105

supposing that the dispute was entirely settled, I want you to know
that nothing has been determined yet, but according to the desire of
those who do not blush but even seek to win unjustly, your priest has
gained an advantage because of the delay which he requested, while
to our priest there now remains vain hope, which he scorns. Will you
than, a man of great wisdom, who have learned from the Gospels not
to pass judgment on individuals and have been taught that old
precept, "In righteousness shalt thou judge thy neighbor,"3 be firm
and make haste, as you have begun, to bring about a righteous
judgment, lest (may heaven forbid!) those who have undertaken the
defense of greed may take advantage of your noble spirit. Indeed you
have yourself contrived for them a new delay for the overthrow of
our church and you are still tirelessly urging them not to yield to the
truth and to break up the unanimous feeling of love.
I also ask, at the urgent request of the priest Gerohald, that you
will kindly ordain in his church his kinsman, the deacon Lau.,4 for
he is often unable to fulfill his priestly duties on account of faulty
VISIon.
[Text is again corrupt near the end of the letter.]
I hope that you are well and happy.

] 104 [

To the very reverend Bishop Guenilo, Lupus sends greetings in the Lord.
[The text is very corrupt. Lupus seems to be requesting a copy of
Livy and to be inquiring concerning certain ecclesiastical matters.]

] 105 [

To his dear Bertold, l Lupus sends greetings.


I am surprised that we happened not to see one another at the
assembly which we held recently, in spite of the fact that I wanted to
see you and had mentioned this to your bishop. In addition to other
I Cf. Matthew vii.I.
a Leviticus xix.IS.
, The identities of the priest and his kinsman are unknown.

1 Unidentified.
LETTERS 105-106 123

matters which we might have discussed in person, I had intended to


ask you, as I do now, to send us twenty trees from your woods at
Marnay and to lend us a number of experienced carpenters so that
they may join our men and build us a boat better than we can find
for sale. Reply through this courier then, letting us know what you
decide to allow us.

] 106 [

To his very dear Odo, most illustrious of abbots,! Lupus extends


heartiest greetings.
I am touched by your many large manifestations of generosity, and
if I should attempt to express in words the thanks which I feel in
my heart, I should exceed the limits not only of a letter but even a
volume. From your high position you have not looked down upon
your humble servant, you have relieved my poverty with your great
riches, and although I am far from being your equal and do not dare
to hope for any such equality, you have made me equal to you by
your loyal friendship. Enjoying the sweet benefits of this friendship,
I do not cease, though lacking in ability, to put forth every effort to
express at least the feelings that are in my heart.
Certainly, of all the friends which divine mercy has bestowed upon
me since my early youth, I most assuredly regard you the first, and
I do not think that I am obliged to anyone else as much as I am to
you for the respect and the extraordinary kindness you extend to
me, so much indeed that when I reflect upon these things I cannot
refrain from blushing, and I wearily discover just one single source of
consolation, the fact that divine grace which elevated me to such a
noble companionship, undeserving as I was, will not let me blush
forever. Please do not think that I am trying to deceive you by
flattery, for these things which I am only lightly touching upon are of
such seriousness to me that I should find it difficult to express them
properly in a special eulogy.
Now I could only wish that the report were false which has gone
out that some of your men have been seriously wounded in a battle
against the barbarians,2 and that among them is our very dear G.,3

1 Abbot of Corbie.
2 The Normans.
3 Unidentified.
124 LETTERS 106-107

whose wounds will probably prove fatal. I am very deeply saddened


by this and pray constantly on their behalf with my brothers, and I
am anxious for you to inform me quickly by letter concerning their
condition.
I am deeply concerned for you too, when I remember that you
often rush out heedlessly into the midst of danger unarmed, incited
by youthful prowess and a desire to win. In a spirit of loving devotion
I therefore urge you to be satisfied with administrative duties alone,
the only course of life which is suited to you, and to leave to pro-
fessional soldiers the use of instruments of battle. Indeed that man is
exceedingly valuable who by his wise advice provides good counsel
for himself and others. Spare yourself then for your monastery, spare
yourself for your friends, spare yourself for all the good people, and
do not allow yourself to be the cause of grief to me and many others.
We have put off the purchase of iron because it would have been very
difficult to do at this time on account of the harvest, but we are ready
to welcome you on the ship which we are building, provided you are
not unwilling to pay the fare.
Send us, as we agreed, the brothers who are to allot us a portion of
your trees, by September the first, if you find it inconvenient to do so
earlier than that. Let them also bring the works of the ill-fated Faus-
tus,4 and faithfully take back to you answers to all the questions
which you asked.
I have sent along with the courier, whom you have now become
acquainted with, the peaches which I promised to send you. If, as I
fear, he eats them or complains that they were stolen from him, insist
that he at least hand over to you the seeds, unless he has eaten them
too, so that you may sometime also enjoy those delicious peaches.

] 107 [

To his very dear Odo l Lupus extends wishes /01' everlasting salvation.
If I could surmise that the letter recently delivered to me was
actually written by you and no one else, I might perhaps have found
an appropriate reply. As it is, however, I am restrained by my un-

• Faustus, bishop of Riez, condemned by Pope Gelasius I for his unorthodox teach-
ings. Cf. Letter 78, note 32; also the following letter.

1 Cf. letter 106.


LETTER 107 125

certainty, and I search anxiously for words and phrases which I can
use so as not to exceed what you would regard as proper, for I must
always give special consideration to your personal integrity. Who
indeed would think me worth tolerating, if I should accuse you of
suspected ill will, since, besides owing you a debt of gratitude, I owe
you so much, indeed everything? For if I knew that someone else
was the author, I would hold back my anger and demand to know
how in the world this person would advise me to show any interest in
good faith, who so brazenly composed that puzzling letter, written,
as it were, with the pen dipped in the ink of truth. Indeed I have
never spoken more truthfully to a man about human affairs, I have
revealed nothing more frankly to a friend, I have withheld nothing
with greater resolve. In other things I freely employ jesting for pur-
poses of diversion or amusement, but in my acknowledgment of
friendship, in consideration of so great and divine a gift, I embrace
only serious matters. I might therefore favor some bright remark
about the number of peaches, if virginal sublimity might be praised
in such a way as not to detract from the lowly estate of matrimony.2
In short, the son of a virgin not only did not condemn marriage, but
he even honored its beginning, the wedding that is, by his first miracle.
Virginal purity then is exceedingly desirable, but the marriage bond
is not despised, even by God himself.
How clever of you to refuse to go on ship with me because of the
fare you would have to pay!3 But if, as I think is going to happen,
you become the victim of dire necessity, watch lest you be shame-
lessly compelled to seek the favor of him whom you so rudely scorn,
and be justifiably refused.
But, to become serious, I am pleased that the barbarians were
soundly defeated and put to death through your, or rather God's
might, and I am happy beyond words because you and your people
have been saved from danger; and I am no less happy that you,
partly by warnings and partly by experience, finally realize that you
must not heedlessly and frequently put fortune to the test. We shall
not cease to pour out our prayers for G.4 and the rest who have re-
ceived wounds in defense of their country until joyful tidings comes
from you that they have been restored to health.
• The apparent incongruity of thought in this sentence has been noted by some. In
view of the mock seriousness in much of this letter, it is reasonable to suppose that
Lupus is also being facetious here.
S Cf. preceding letter.
, Unidentified.
126 LETTERS 107-108

I have requested that Faustus be sent, not the one with whom
Augustine debated, but the one mentioned by Gelasias in his decrees. 5
I have not taken the trouble to purchase wine for you, chiefly
because you despaired of being able to send for it during the dissension
among our own people and the invasions of the barbarians. Since,
however, you have recently been most insistent, I shall try, even
though our vintage is less than anticipated, to make good the shortage
of the harvest by work, if you like the plan which my messenger will
explain to you. Now when I have sent you what I promised, you will
see with what appropriateness I observe the apostle's tolerant ad-
monition which the addicts of wine follow in self-defense: "Use a
little wine."6 For under the restraints of necessity, you will note that
only in the light of the amount of wine which I sent you can we under-
stand the meaning of moderation.
Although I close my letter in a monitory tone, I hope that you are
well and happy.

] 108 [

To the very illustrious bishop Hincmar, Lupus extends greetings for


lasting good health.
I have been afraid to send you Bede's Collectanea on the apostle
taken from the works of Augustine, chiefly because the book is so
large that it cannot be concealed on one's person nor very easily
contained in a bag. And even if one or the other were possible, one
would have to fear an attack of robbers, who would certainly be
attracted by the beauty of the book; and it would therefore probably
be lost to both you and me. I intend, therefore, if God wills, to put it
safely into your hands myself as soon as we are permitted to meet
somewhere in safety.
As for the pine nuts, I have had as many sent to you as the courier
could carry, that is to say, ten. Let your rescript, of which I have
been deprived by secretarial delay, as you have written, be received
by this courier of mine who has been sent for this purpose and at
your suggestion, so that I may be instructed and delighted by reading it.
I hope that you remember me kindly and that you are well and
happy.
• Cf. preceding letter.
• 1 Timothy v. 23.
LETTERS 109-110 127

] 109 [

To Herard,l the very reverend bishop of the church at Tours, Lupus


and the entire congregation of the monastery of Bethlehem extend heartiest
greetings in the Lord.
In having considered us worthy of a letter you have, in a heavenly
manner, joined us, your humble servants, to you in close bonds of
friendship. Indeed, as the apostle writes, "Love is of God,"2 and this
is especially evident in those who are united by sincere friendship.
Would then that we could offer you some spiritual blessing by our
prayers or some temporal gift of willing obedience. Surely we would
faithfully show our good will to you. This is the spirit we are showing
in the case of our very dear brother T.,3 for, at your request, we are
giving him up so that he may govern the monks in the cell of Roclena. 4
You can easily judge how much we value him from the service which
he has most diligently performed. Moreover, we beg Your Holiness to
show him every kindness and allow him to find in you the affection
of a father so that amidst the bitter vexations of the world he will
ever be refreshed by the sweetness of your spirit.

] 1 IO [

To the very excellent duke Gerhard l and his illustrious wife Bertha,2
Lupus extends greetings both for the present and for the future.
The splendid report of your righteousness has always brought joy
to all good people, but now it has become more fully recognized by
everybody, for God has given his sanction to that righteousness of
yours by awarding you success which will profit all Christians. Praises
to him, thanksgiving to him, highest honors to him, under whose
authority you destroyed some of our most troublesome enemies and
routed others. Since indeed you have freely bestowed upon us what

1 Archbishop of Tours.
2 I John iv.7.
8 Identity unknown.
• Location unknown.

1 Duke of Provence who won a victory for Charles the Bald over the Normans in
860.
• Daughter of Hugo, count of Sens.
128 LETTERS 110-111

first you kindly promised but later granted, we shall try to be even
more grateful.
Now in regard to the specific question which you raised, rest assured
that Ado,s a monk and pupil of mine, has never fled from our mo-
nastery, but at the request of the late Marcward, abbot of Prtim (or
Proneam), he was sent there for good reasons and remained with him
for a considerable length of time where he avoided the snares of certain
jealous men, and then, that he might devote himself to study and
rest, he resided in the city of Lyon. Upon the urgent request, moreover,
of the very reverend bishops, Remigius of Lyon 4 and Hebbo of Gre-
noble,5 and on their commendations of this brother's way of life, al-
though previously he had been given my verbal permission, he also
received an official statement from me, his presentation of which will
clearly indicate my opinion of him. I am most certain that he also
has an ecclesiastical letter from our venerable bishop Guenilo, and if
he has a call of God, there is nothing to prevent official confirmation
of his election. He lived an exemplary life with us. The church needs
him very much; he has a gift for teaching. He is supported by letters
from his monastery and bishop. He has a noble ancestry. In the
judgment of the aforesaid bishops with whom he lives, he is staunch
in his devotion to the holy monastic life. What more remains except
to accomplish that which God has inspired his prelates to recommend?
And yet why be surprised if I have at times spoken a little harshly
concerning him? That has been the fault of his enemies who shame-
lessly circulated false reports. That which I now express in this letter
is a judgment based on what I clearly saw earlier and discovered later.
I hope that you are well and happy.

] III [

To Louis,l most distinguished of abbots, Lupus extends present and


future good wishes.
I do not doubt that God's abounding grace has caused you, my
distinguished sir, to honor my humble position and consider me
3 Elected archbishop of Vienne in 860.
, Archbishop of Lyon.
• Bishop of Grenoble.

1 Louis, abbot of Saint Denis, Chancellor of Charles the Bald.


LETTERS 111-112 129

worthy to be placed somewhere among your friends. On many other


occasions indeed with your help has divine mercy delivered me from
difficult situations, and very recently when a very troublesome and
prolonged assignment was imposed upon me. Since I believe and con-
fess that I am incapable of responding to the countless deeds of kind-
ness which I constantly receive from you, I therefore ask the help of
almighty God by whose gift you have shown so much kindness to me
and to all those who are in need of help.
My men, moreover, exhausted by frequent campaigns, on hearing
of our lord the king's departure for Brittany expressed the hope that
the previously announced assembly might be postponed and asked
me to find out from you when and where I should join you. Will you
then most obligingly consider our difficulties, and kindly notify us by
letter how long we can safely remain after the date has been set for
the assembly, so that we will not miss the meeting and may gain
some time by following your advice. Do not hesitate to let us know
also whether our freighter can steer its course through the Seine
without fear of pirates and continue on through its tributary, the
Oise, to Creil.
Above all things, let your humble servant rejoice with the good
news of your safety, remembering him kindly, and may you ever
remain in good health.

] 112 [

To Louis, most distinguished of abbots, Lupus extends heartiest


greetings.
I am obliged to you for your repeated, or rather continuous, acts
of kindness, and I am sorry that I cannot repay my thanks by deeds.
I have therefore recently tried to do this by writing, and you have
most generously respected my modest efforts. The only thing then
which I can do is to be frank; you have obligated your humble servant
too much. Your great kindness to me and all the others will be repaid,
I believe, by him alone who is the source of kindness. We who need
your help second only to that of God enhance your eternal rewards
by our constant requests.
On my journey I learned that our lord the king had not returned
to you even at the time when he had decided. Because my men are
demanding a delay, I therefore appeal to you, as is my custom, for
130 LETTERS 112-114

advice. Guide me in this matter, I beg, and tell me what I should do,
so that I can escape from offending, on the one hand, and be of
assistance, on the other hand, according to my limited resources, if
our men, inspired by God, take effective measures in pushing back
or crushing the barbarians.
Best wishes for your continued good health.

] 1131 [

... our monastery has suffered losses in the untimely deaths of


several students who were already well advanced in their studies.
Now if we could compensate for these losses, as we very much wish
to do, by giving instruction to those who are already advanced and
desire to continue, or to those who in countless ways have already
shown promise of advancement, I should certainly believe that I
deserve well of the author of all good for such a fruitful labor.
In order therefore that this boy in whom you are justly interested
may participate in our training program, let him be brought to us on
June 28 by our dear Remigius,2 provided that he has a letter of
permission from his bishop, and we shall try, with the help of divine
grace, to help him too, just as the others.

] 114 [

To dear Bishop Arduic,1 Lupus and his brethren extend everlasting


good wishes.
We are depending upon your very kind promises and we regret that
time is passing idly away while we can do nothing else except await
the attacks of marauders. In order then that your desire may be
speedily realized and our danger dispelled, we earnestly beg that you,
in order to win a heavenly reward, will kindly go some place where it
will be easy for my brothers and me to come, so that we may explain
to you our plight and you reveal to us your desire, and thus we may
be able to come to a complete understanding. Make clear, moreover,

1 The first part of this letter, addressed to the brothers of Saint Germain, is lost.
• In letter 115 Lupus speaks of him as one of his relations.

1 Archbishop of Besanvon.
LETTERS 114-115 131

the day of the month as well as the place, so that there will be no
doubt or confusion.
We hope that you are well and happy.

] 115 [

To the holy fathers in the monastery of Saint Germain,! noble soldiers


in the service of God, Lupus and the congregation of Ferrieres with
which he is associated, extend warmest greetings in the Lord.
True love has indeed always waxed strong in those who dwell in
our monasteries, but never has it so clearly shown its strength as it
has in our own time, and if it had resulted in anything unusual among
us, it would seem that we should suppress it for fear that someone
might think that we are bringing a reproach upon those who fail to
remember a kindness. In regard to you, we are certainly free to tell
the truth for an increase of divine praise. And since we more faith-
fully describe what we have experienced than what we have heard, I
have decided to begin with myself, to prove my proposition.
\i\Then our renowned king Charles had come to Auxerre last autumn,
and his retinue had taken possession of nearly all the neighboring
monasteries, we thought that we, being in need of lodging, should
turn to you rather than to anyone else. We were not disappointed in
our hopes, but courteously received, and while our service to the king
kept us from fully enjoying your companionship, still, at whatever
hour we were able to slip away, we never felt that we were inflicting a
burden upon you. Now that we have satisfied Your Holiness by
sending our dear kinsman Remigius 2 and beloved pupil Fridilo to
explain that the king's commands, which we could not ignore, kept
us from doing what we wished, we did not even have an opportunity
before our departure to render thanks in a formal meeting, for our
inability to postpone our mission did not allow further delay. For
this reason we asked these dear brothers to be our agents in this
matter until God grants us the privilege of accomplishing it ourselves.
To add to what we have mentioned above, through fear of the
violence of robbers you have had the ornaments of our church hidden
nor have you been found unwilling to do this.

1 Cf. letter 113.


2 Cf. letter 113.
132 LETTERS 115-116

When our beloved brother S. 3 considered all this and recalled the
many deeds of kindness conferred not only on himself but also many
of our other monks, and when, as we feared, the destruction of our
monastery was near at hand, threatened by our own mistakes as well
as by the neighboring bands of robbers, he chose you, not that he
might be a stranger in your midst, but that he might be admitted into
your community and dwell with you rather than with us. But others
too have made this request, desiring, though scattered about, to dwell
in monasteries rather than in a village with a larger number of their
own brethren. Whether God, therefore, in his mercy, has put aside
for all time the overthrow of our monastery, or for some hidden
reason has postponed it for a while, is uncertain, nevertheless, this
brother has persisted in his request to achieve his goal, and, with
your consent, may he attain it so that he not be required to search
further if he should be faced by a similar plight. And we beg that you
will take good care of him while he is with you, for he has long shared
in my labors and because of his integrity and industry he has always
pleased everybody and been considered an altogether useful person.
We have, moreover, utmost confidence in your holiness, and have
dared to send you, dear father, at your request, brother Bernegaud,4
who is still a young monk, to be subject to your authority and
strengthened further in his monastic life by the examples and pre-
cepts of his superiors.
We trust that you will kindly remember your humble servant and
remain well and happy.

] 116 [

To the very reverend abbot Ansbold1 and all his monks, Lupus and all
the members of the monastery of Ferrieres extend greetings in the Lord.
We are pleased that you have overcome the greatest difficulties
and have finally been restored by divine grace to your own monastery.
We are pleased also because you accept, with loving devotion and
expressions of joy, our good wishes to you, although we could wish
far greater and better things for you.
You were sad to hear about some of our difficulties and grieved to
3 Unidentified.
• Cf. letter 118.

1 Succeeded Eigil as abbot of Priim in 860.


LETTERS 116-118 133

see some of them, but since the Lord our God is diminishing or com-
pletely removing them, we desire to be helpful and most sincerely
agreeable to you and yours when you find it convenient to come to us.
Indeed, the recovery of your property in the west will serve to in-
crease and enrich our longstanding friendship, for we will be kept in-
formed of what is happening at each monastery as a result of your
trips there and back through our place.
We hope that you will kindly remember us and remain well and
happy.

] 117 [

To his very dear Ansbold,l Lupus extends wishes for unfailing good
health.
We were called away by a serious national emergency,2 as you have
discovered, and we were therefore unable, as we both wished, when
you were returning, to comfort one another by friendly discourse. It
will rest, however, upon the grace of God to compensate us sometime
for that loss. Meanwhile, we are well pleased by the sincere love
which we have for one another.
We received, moreover, a letter recently which showed the date of
your return to the monastery. It was read at a chapter meeting and
deservedly praised by everyone, after which we sent back what we
thought was an appropriate reply. But when we saw this new letter,
we realized that you had not yet received that other one. We believe,
however, that you have it by this time, that is to say, the seventh
day of March, and we do not consider it necessary therefore to repeat
what was contained in it.
Convey our warmest greetings to all the brethren and urge them
to please pray for us, their most devoted friends.
We hope that you are very well.

] 118 [

To the very reverend Bishop Guenilo,1 Lupus extends present and


future good wishes.
1 Abbot of Priim.
2 An allusion, perhaps, to the campaign of Charles the Bald in the autumn of 861.
Cf. letter 115.
1 Archbishop of Sens.
134 LETTER 118

It is not astonishing that a metropolitan bishop2 has so long deceived


you by his falsehood when a wicked slave deceived David for a while
by a likely tale. 3 That slave was fined half the estate which he had
been given; surely the bishop must fear that he will lose all the pro-
mises of heaven, for in the words of the wise Solomon the spirit of
God detests the man "that soweth discord among brethren."4 Both
this and all the things which the undiscerning look upon with disgust
and skepticism as being of little importance will most certainly have a
share in the final judgment when all things will be so vividly recalled
to memory that the authors of evil will not attempt to clear them-
selves of the charges, or rather the proofs, neither can any rational
creature then have any doubt concerning the things which the righteous
Creator has set forth for everyone to understand. Unless this man of
falsehood, whom you supposed to be telling the truth, gives a satis-
factory explanation at that time, you will see him trembling to no
avail.
How indeed could I become so depraved that I should want a
person removed from office whose consecration I had accepted as
divinely inspired? I confidently call to witness Him whose judgment
we both shall experience that after you became prelate and deigned
to admit me into your circle of friends, I have always wanted you to
grow in saintliness and to rise to a position of honor. And if, while I
was prospering, some evil (perish the thought!) fell upon you, I was
ready to help you with all my strength and to show in every con-
ceivable way that I was your devoted friend. And if I found that I
had been unfaithful, I did not try to conceal so great a wrong by
denying it, but I openly confessed and sought your pardon. Indeed, is
there anyone, even though he seldom reads the Holy Scriptures,
who will not often be freely reminded of this verse? "Whoso diggeth
a pit for his neighbor shall fall therein."5 May God now show you the
truth of this, even as he will reveal it to you in the future, when all
doubt is removed, and may he grant that I who am entirely innocent
in this matter win your undying friendship, to the advantage of us
both.
As I had discovered from another source, and you were so kind as
to inform me, if God wills, our lord the king will be in our neighbor-
hood. After his departure, I desire, if it pleases you, that you come,
• Metropolitan bishop of Tours.
3 Cf. 2 Kings xvi. 1-4, xix. 26-30 (Vulg.); 2 Samuel xvi. 1-4, xix. 26-30.
• Proverbs vi. 19.
• Cf. Proverbs xxvi.27 and Ecclesiastes x.S.
LETTERS 118-119 135

as soon as it can be arranged, to a place convenient for us both, that


we may renew through the grace of the Holy Spirit the friendship
which the malign influence of an evil spirit has disturbed for some
time. I shall also be able to report then what the monks of Saint
Germain have decided concerning brother Bernegaud6 and what we,
without damage to ourselves, can do for our fugitive, the person who
has recently been troubling you with appeals for mercy.
I hope that you are ever mindful of your humble servant and that
you are well and happy.

] 119 [

To the very reverend Bishop Folcric,l Lupus extends temporal and


eternal good wishes.
I t has pleased me to give expression to the abounding grace bestowed
upon you by divine gift, for the glory of Him who gave it, for the
condemnation of avarice, and for the commendation of invincible
love. When a fierce pagan band of pirates had disembarked on an
island of the Seine that lies just below the town of Melun, only recently
burned by others, and we considered that unless we had the help of
God's mercy their nearness would be extremely dangerous to us, as
indeed it was, we neither had the courage to remain in the monastery
nor did we find any place where we could go while faced with such a
dangerous situation.
Meanwhile, when you came to visit me and found me very ill, 2 and
all of us very frightened, you did not waste time in idle deliberations
but immediately set us at ease, and, in anticipation of our request,
offered us your estate at Aix, your main possession, where we might in
greater safety avoid the immediate danger without being deprived
entirely of the opportunity to maintain our monastic life. Further-
more, with almost unbelievable good will, you showed that you were
ready to befriend us in the most lavish manner.
Inasmuch then as you were divinely inspired to bestow upon us this
unparalleled sympathy, especially at such a critical time, what were
we to do? We have at least tried, as was proper, to render thanks to
God and to you, but being at our wit's end we have been unable
6 Cf. Letter 115.

1 Bishop of Troyes, and, conceivably, the Folchric of letter 30.


2 Cf. letter 120.
136 LETTER 119

adequately to conceive in our minds, much less express by word of


mouth, our thanks. We were therefore astonished and surprised that
anyone, in these days when iniquity is abounding and love of many
people grows cold, 3 should be found willing to suffer a loss and reduc-
tion of his own personal property in order to help the indigent. This
was surely not to shut up the bowels of compassion from brothers in
need,4 this was a sympathetic deed of a bishop, this was in short a
fulfillment of love.
Indeed, the abounding mercy of our God which lovingly covers our
many grievous faults, has rendered powerless the threats of robbers
who, after ravaging far and wide the most famous monasteries, were
boasting that they would also attack the commercial city of Chappes;
and his mercy has kept them from us (and such may he do for all the
Christians!), and at this time we shall not be tom away from our
monastery and forced to wander about. Inasmuch then as we have
enjoyed the kindness you have bestowed upon us, we all desire that
you will be fully rewarded by God for so much good when he begins to
glorify his elect and to render grace for grace. Your humble servant,
moreover, is obliged to you for your almost unheard of generosity and
will never be ungrateful to you, but only too ready to obey you in
whatever ways he can.
Now, let the property at Aix, during the time of your pontificate,
which I pray will be long, be set apart as a place of refuge for us in
case a similar difficulty arises. Let the buildings be maintained, let
the garden too be more carefully kept, as you have rightly decided to
do; let the appropriate fields be planted with vines, let bins of grain
be piled high by honest toil so that you may have enough to supply
adequately your own needs for the year and to provide charity to
those who seek your help, and if, as we fear, in punishment for our
sins, dire need brings us there, that the austerity of our hiding place
may be lessened by these resources.
But why do you ask what we wish in return for the favors you have
received from us? Do you not see what meager service we have ren-
dered you in comparison to the great kindness you have bestowed
upon us? And you must not suppose that we are practicing the same
sort of clever deception to win greater favors. We are expressing our
exact thoughts without hidden meanings.
You have learned that although our monastery is called Bethlehem,
a cr. Matthew xxiv. 12.
, cr. 1 John iii.17.
LETTERS 119-120 137

which means "the house of bread,"5 we will soon be without bread


unless we have the benefit of your kindness as well as that of other
friends. Being mindful, therefore, of your promise, you can feed us
free of charge for one-half month as your clients, but you cannot
support us without interest on a loan, as it were. And that you may
not accuse us of brashness, or rather stupidity, remember that we do
not condemn the art of rhetoric, which teaches us to ask for more
than we expect to gain.
We hope that you are well and happy and that you are continuing
to bring great honor to your high position by a noble character and
a saintly life.

] 120 [

To the very reverend Bishop Guenilo,l Lupus extends best wishes both
for the present and the future.
I should have gladly heeded the letter which I received from Your
Holiness,2 if ill health had not interfered with my desires. Indeed,
when I was making good recovery this year from my long and stubborn
illness,3 I suddenly developed a cold which blocked my respiratory
tract and made breathing almost impossible. I have therefore lost a
great amount of blood and become very weak. Because of this I do
not dare to go anywhere until, by rest and the use of medicine, or
rather by the grace of God, I regain some of my strength.
Nevertheless, I agree with you in all things, and I shall beg and
exhort my brothers to do likewise, in order that God may inspire you
to assist all Christians in general, so that the sin of injustice which has
now rendered us miserable may not bring you to eternal damnation.
In the days of your pontificate, crime has broken out so widely and
without any punishment for open violations that neither God, nor
king, nor bishop is feared. Why do you delay? Why do you still
wait? By your diligence and authority God will restore the world to
justice; or this increase of evil, after untold violence, will destroy
nearly all the innocent, only a few of whom are left. You see that, in
the words of the blessed Isaiah, "he that departeth from evil maketh
5 Cf. Isidore, Etymologies, XV, 1.23.
1 Archbishop of Sens.
2 This seems to refer, as Levillain suggests, to a letter which Guenilo wrote to Lupus
in reply to his request for a conference.
3 Cf. letter 118.
138 LETTERS 120-122

himself a prey."4 And no one is protected against the violence of


robbers except the person who surpasses them in strength or has
joined their ranks.
I hope that you are well and happy, and will always kindly re-
member your humble servant.

] 121 [

To his especially close friend Bishop Odo,l Lupus extends heartiest


greetings.
Having been greatly aided by your many acts of kindness, I now
turn to you fully confident that I shall enjoy those further benefits
which you have announced through my couriers that you will provide.
But, since you have not sent me a horse, and I do not have a good
trotter, I shall, if God wills, come to you by boat. Since you have
taken me under your care by your own free will and without charge,
will you very kindly see that I shall not be shaken to pieces by a
hard-riding horse.
I have no doubt that you will provide, just as you have kindly in-
dicated, a place in your vicinity where we can pitch our tents and
find suitable pasturage for our horses along with yours.
Our courier2 will fill the poor man's place at your monastery until
our arrival, which I think will be on June 1, God willing, and if he is
given permission, he will keep the scraps from being wasted, and he
will also dry the cups, so that they will not be tarnished by the
moisture.

] 122 [

To his very dear Aeneas,l Lupus extends wishes for everlasting sal-
vation.
Our king has a very deep interest in education, just as you have,
and I have expressed to him, among other things, my strong desire
to reestablish the liberal arts by CUltivating the study of them again

, Isaiah lix.1S.
1 Former abbot of Corbie, and, at this time, bishop of Beauvais.
• Cf. letter 106 in which a courier, perhaps this very one, has been sent to Odo with
peaches.
1 Bishop of Paris. Cf. letters 92 and 93.
LETTERS 122-123 139

and by teaching others, if it meets with the favor of God, the author
of all good things, and if he himself who is soon to enjoy leisure will
kindly allow me to have a share in this rewarding enterprise. This
proposal of mine he greeted with apparent delight and an expression
of cordiality, and he promised to lend his support that I might be
able to carry it out. I thought that you should know about this im-
mediately, so that, when the time comes, you will not be lacking in
words to urge him on to the accomplishment of this very important
project.
Upon my return to the monastery, I received the sad news that
your Hildegarius,2 my niece's husband, had died. Speaking on behalf
of myself and the members of his family on both sides, who claim
that I have much influence with you, I address this letter to Your
Holiness and beg that you will kindly befriend his son, for whom the
father himself appealed to you for assistance. I especially urge that
you very carefully select a tutor for him, equal to you in moral
character and one who will insist on military obedience. If I shall
accomplish this, the widow and other relatives of the deceased will
eagerly accord you all due respect and veneration, and God, recognizing
all your other good deeds as well, will admit you into the company of
those to whom he makes this promise: "Blessed are the merciful, for
they shall obtain mercy."3
I hope that you are well and happy.

] 123 [

To his dear friend Vulfad,l Lupus extends all good wishes.


The report has spread that the king's plan of arrival has been
changed. Will you therefore explain to me by a personal letter why
he has made this change, when he will finally come, and where he will
be staying in the meantime, so that with God's help I can then decide
what I must do. I make this request because messages relayed by
couriers are not reliable for they are often noticeably marred by false-
hoods.
Best wishes.
• Otherwise unknown.
3 Matthew v.7.
1 Successively cleric of Rheims, abbot of Rebais, abbot of Saint Medard, and,
finally, archbishop of Bourges.
140 LETTERS 124-125

] 124 [

To his honored lordship, most excellent king Charles, Lupus, a


loyal subject, extends greetings.
When I was departing from Your Majesty, you bade me send you
at the approach of lent something which would provide you some
fruit for edification. I have therefore sent you, wise king, a sermon
of Saint Augustinel in which he condemns the practice of taking an
oath and shows what a deadly sin perjury is. I believe it will be very
helpful to you if certain men, admonished by you, will cease their
constant swearing and not consider lightly an oath which they have
lawfully sworn.
I do not speak in order to win favor by flattery, but with a desire
to bring about the salvation of those who invoke with us our Father
in heaven. Those who have solemnly pledged their faith to you under
oath immediately bring upon themselves the death of their souls, if
they have any mental reservation at all, and those who are unwilling
to be peacemakers cannot be the children of God. Will you therefore
earnestly admonish them of their danger and urge them to accept
correction from the sound doctrine of so great a teacher.
I have, moreover, sent Your Highness the gems which our jeweler
had recently acquired in order to cut and polish. If their beauty and
luster meet with your approval, I shall compliment the artisan.
I hope and pray that you will ever lead a good life and, through
the kindness of God, long enjoy good fortune.

] 125 [

Lupus the abbot extends greetings to his Leotald. l


I was not unaware that you had in mind that which you expressed
in your letter, for nearly all the ways by which a kindred spirit com-
monly reacts to a kindness are known to me and often come to my
attention.
Now as to those matters about which you asked to be informed,
know that, thanks to God, I am at present in good health and that
1 Sermon 180. De verbis apostoli.
1 Identity uncertain.
LETTERS 125-127 141

there is, so far as I know, no opposition to my administration, for I


always desire to temper it with justice. Be of good cheer, therefore,
and more earnestly pray for our common welfare during this holy
season.
Pater patratus is the name of a priestly order,2 I think, for the
person who held this office won so much esteem from the citizens
that he was said to have been made their father. Through him were
done those things which you read about in Servius: that they would
first try to frighten by religious awe their enemies whom they were
striving to defeat by force.

] 126 [

Lupus the abbot extends greetings to his Leotald. 1


The operations of our enemies, which you have again wanted me to
make known to you by letter, have been so numerous, so clever, and
so violent, that if I were to explain them fully, they would require a
complete book. The result is that I have spared my scribe this time,
though certainly not to deny you and my several friends a recital of
God's goodness, but because it seemed to me that it might better
be postponed to another time. I have not, however, kept secret the
outcome for which all my supporters and I must feel very grateful
to God and render him our thanks.
If Guichard, with a desire to learn the truth, asks for my work,2
I do not think he should be refused, but you must be very cautious
that he not, by pretending a desire for learning, cleverly seek an
opportunity to do harm.
Best wishes!
] 127 [

To the very reverend Bishop Guenilo,1 Lupus extends greetings.


This priest whose name is Erlegaud,2 from Saint Peter's church
2 Pater patmtus, the fetial priest in antiquity who ratified treaties with religious
rites. Cf. Servius, Ad Verg. A., 9.53; 10.14; 12.206.

1 Probably the same person who is addressed in preceding letter.


2 Neither the person nor the work can be identified.

1 Archbishop of Sens.
2 Unidentified.
142 LETTERS 127-128

and our own, complains that he is being falsely accused and is in


danger of losing his position. We therefore ask that you will kindly
assist him, dear Father, in a just and reasonable manner, so that he
will not be ensnared by a few evil men who, no doubt, forgetting the
fear of God, persist in their efforts to ruin an innocent man. Will you
therefore employ your wisdom to his benefit as well as to theirs, that
he, if innocent, may be freed, and that they who attempt to sin
against their neighbor may not find an opportunity.
Until, with the inspiration of God, you settle this matter and the
synod meets, we beg, if it be possible and it seem good to Your Holi-
ness, that you allow him freedom to carryon the duties of his office,
lest he be unable, as his enemies would wish, to find witnesses to clear
himself of the charges.
We hope that you are well.

] 128 [

To all those who are faithful to Almighty God, Guenilo, metropolitan


bishop of Sens, extends greetings.
A certain monk of our diocese by the name of Dolivald, l a member
of the monastery which is called Ferrieres, has undertaken, under the
inspiration of God, we believe (for he is very religious), a difficult pil-
grimage, to invoke God's mercy for himself, his brother monks, and
ourselves, at the shrines of the blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, and
of the rest of the saints, and obtain through their intercessions that
which he could not achieve by his own. We commend him to your
loving care, requesting that you receive him for the love of God,
entertain him, and send him away, both on his way there and on his
return, just as a servant of God. It is indeed proper that in whatever
place he shall find his religion, that is the Christian, he will also re-
cognize there his own country and that you will also cause him to be
a friend among all your other friends who are going to welcome you
into the eternal tabernacles.

1 Mentioned again in the following letter.


LETTERS 129-130 143

] 129 [

To his very reverend lords and valiant Christians, Lupus, abbot of the
monastery of Gaul which is called Bethlehem or Ferrieres, sends heartiest
greetings.
A monk of ours whose name is Dolivald,1 a man of high integrity
and of commendable devotion, inspired, as we fully believe, by the
spirit of God, is setting out to Rome with the blessing of our venerable
metropolitan bishop Guenilo and of ourselves that he may pray to God
and the holy apostles, Peter and Paul, in his own behalf and ours. The
greater the task he has assumed, the more surely does he believe that
he will be heard. We testify to his nobility of character and we com-
mend him to Your Holiness, asking that you will not hesitate to
bestow upon him whatever is due to all good men in time of need,
for although he is without learning, he shows in his actions the com-
mandments of God which he has not read in a book, and he quickly
wins not only the affection but also the respect of all with whom he is
associated. We therefore beg that you will kindly entertain him, both
going and returning, so that you may have sure hope of an eternal
reward from Him whom he sincerely worships.

] 1301 [

Now that iniquity abounds and the love of many has waxed cold 2
and we see many rejoicing when they have done wrong and exulting
in the worst crimes, when the state is being dissipated by our sins and
the folly of the wicked continues with impunity and fear of the laws
is put aside, we ought to be filled with the greatest joy if someone at
least be found to think of the future and to hold in righteous contempt
the fleeting world, and, with the help of God's grace, to aspire to the
height of perfection.
Since two of our priests, whose names are Ardegarius and Baldric,
seem to me to be striving for this goal, I have sent to Your Reverence
one of them, accompanied by a soldier for protection on the way (for
the other has been unavoidably detained), so that you might learn

1 Cf. letter 128.

1 Addressed to Guenilo. archbishop of Sens.


• Cf. Matthew xxiv. 12.
144 LETTER 130

from him the desire of them both and receive a more trustworthy
account of their earlier career and present devotion than from our
messenger. But you have very wisely forbidden them to leave their
churches in order to follow more freely and strictly the rule of Saint
Benedict, although perhaps we, your humble servants, may persuade
you that it can be done without offense.
Although I have never heard of this matter being called into question
nor found it in any authoritative text, I shall nevertheless give Your
Excellency my honest opinion. When the rich man boasted that he had
observed the legal teachings and boldly asked what he yet lacked, our
Lord Jesus said to him: "Go and sell that thou hast,"3 et cetera. He
thereby indicated that voluntary poverty would be profitable if it
were fulfilled, as he shows elsewhere: "Learn of me; for I am meek
and lowly in heart,'" et cetera. Now this can be accomplished nowhere
better nor with greater protection than in a monastery where (and
this is the most difficult thing) individual freedom of the will, for the
love of God, is so restricted that every action of those in submission
must conform to the will of the superior. And yet there have been
some of our people who, through the abounding grace of God, have
bravely avoided human companionship and who, in obedience to that
commandment of the Lord, have gone far into the desert and devoted
almost a lifetime to the service of God. Let this perfection, then,
which God has proposed even for his laity, not be denied to his priests.
But someone may say: what will those people do who have been
placed canonically under the care of those priests? Certainly He who
calls them to the accomplishment of that which we sing in the Psalm,
"Be still, and know that I am God,"5 will provide other priests to
govern their lives. But, it may be said, as it is not permitted for a
marriage union to be dissolved except for fornication,S thus is it
wrong to put aside the pastoral charge, when once it has been under-
taken, so long as it can be for the good of the flock. We agree with
this, except perhaps that He who has established the marriage union
may dissolve it himself, and He who has made the rule may, in order
to reserve for himself greater freedom, order the abandonment of it
by a secret inspiration. Indeed, He who commanded, "What God
hath joined together, let not man put asunder,"? because He is God,
• Matthew xix.21.
, Matthew xi.29.
• Psalm xlvi.IO.
a Cf. Matthew xix.9.
7 Matthew xix.6.
LETTER 130 145

has dissolved marriages whenever it pleased him, so that we are well


acquainted with good persons of both sexes who, having severed their
marital relations, have served the Lord separately in holy places. But
why should I say more about priests, for scarcely a monastery of
monks can be found where some of them have not retired to avoid
the tumult of the world? If we should attempt to prove that they did
wrongly, we would find ourselves overwhelmed by their exemplary
lives, for they surpass us in saintliness and exceed us perhaps in wis-
dom too. Surely it was not written in vain: "The fear of the Lord,
that is wisdom; and to depart from evil is understanding."8
To say nothing concerning marriages which have been dissolved
through love of God, and there are many examples, we have indeed
the case of Sigulf,9 a former priest and distinguished abbot of the
monastery of Ferrieres, which I unworthily serve, who had li\'C::d a
praiseworthy life under canonical government until his old age, and
then voluntarily divested himself of power and adopted our religious
life, that is to say, the monastic, and until the day of his death he
allowed himself to be subjected to the discipliI'.e of his o'vYn pupil who
had been appointed abbot of that place by the Emperor Louis in
accordance with his own desire and with the consent of the brothers.
Moreover, your predecessor the late Aldric,lO ,,,ho was taken frem us
when abbot and made bishop of the church at Sens by order of the
same emperor and with the tremendous suppert of the good people,
had definitely decided to give up his duties as bishop and return to us,
at which time he exchanged this life for what \\'e believe is a better
one.
Who, except a fool, would say that these men ignored the laws of
the church? Indeed they were returTling to the fundamental principles
of the Christian faith which was handed down to llS by Saint Luke
who pointed out that the early Christians had all things in common
at that time when they had given all the money which they had
received from the sale of their lands and all their other possessions
to the apostles to be distributed according as each one had I'.ecd, and
were fully dedicated to God alone and had one heart and mind in the
Lord. l1 And I do not find that priests were excluded from this holy
company, for this same evangelist, foreseeing our need to be in-

8 Job xxviii.28.
9 A1cuin's successor as abbot of Ferrieres.
10 Succeeded Adalbert as abbot of Ferrieres, and appointed archbishop of Sens in 829.
11 Cf. Acts iv.32-3S.
146 LETTER 130

structed in this, says: "A great company of the priests were obedient
to the faith. "12
Though we indeed fall ever so far short of the perfection of such
holy men, we do, nevertheless, follow in the footsteps of the apostles
and retain, as it were, certain patterns set by them. At the same
time none of us claims anything for himself nor is permitted to distract
his mind with worldly cares, but we are constrained by the strictures
of the rule, to which we have voluntarily submitted, to observe the
ordinance of prayer and abstinence. And you must not be surprised,
but show the compassion of a bishop, if you have found that many of
the monks have deviated deplorably from their vows, since, on the
one hand, human nature is prone to evil, and, on the other, our enemy
is ever eager to sow tares among the good seeds. 13
But, in my opinion and that of many others, there is no order
within the holy church where a faithful soul can serve God more
definitely than when he desires to observe fully the discipline of the
monastic life. But that we not seem to exalt ourselves, may I say
that the blessed Gregory, who was such an illustrious authority in the
church, commends our father Benedict in the following words: "He
wrote for his monks a rule that was extraordinarily perceptive and
lucid" in style. 14 Now Saint Benedict15 shows that priests can and
ought to be received into a monastery when he grants them admission,
difficult though it be, and gives them the power to retain their office
by order of the abbot, which he would in no way do, if only those
guilty of sin were to be admitted. The latter we do indeed receive
sometimes, but with great reluctance and only when they are very
penitent," for the Son of man is come to seek and to save that which
was 10st."16 Inasmuch then as Saint Gregory approves the rule of
our father Benedict, and the same rule, moreover, provides that
priests, together with the office, may be admitted, unless they possess
a contentious spirit, there is absolutely no doubt that priests have
been taken into the monastery ever since the founding of our order
and that they have been men of blameless character.
Will you therefore, Holy Father, kindly give this matter your very
serious consideration and not hesitate to open the door of freedom to
the priests who desire to rise from a good life to a better one, lest you
12 Acts vi.7.
13 Cf. Matthew xiii.24-30.
14 Gregory the Great, Dialogues, II, 36.
15 St. Benedict, Regula, LX.
16 Cf. Luke xix. 10 and Matthew xviii. I I.
LETTERS 130-131 147

may seem (as we hope will not be true) to deny advancements provided
by heaven to our order which the most distinguished and most ex-
cellent bishops not only did not censure, but even, as was right,
highly praised and strongly encouraged. Indeed, the view to be found
in the sacred canons does not, in so far as we have been able to discern,
weaken in any way our own opinion which we have had strengthened
both by divine authority and by famous examples.
We would especially pray Your Excellency not to be offended by
our admonition. That it has been made not with the purpose of
parading my erudition, but to perform a service of love, is quite
apparent, I think, from the importance of the subject and the gentle-
ness of my style.

] 13P [

Our brothers who were sent to you brought back the report that
you were greatly shocked by the death of that man who was forced
to yield up his life while he was pillaging along with other outlaws.
You know very well that we were not privy to this affair. When your
venerable son and our good friend Stephen told us of this, not as it
was, but as it had been falsely related to him, we sent our prior, who is
experienced in such matters and most conscientious, as befits his age
and noble character, to judge and to settle the case with your agent,
according to that wisdom which he had acquired in the world. Since,
however, the person who sought justice was unwilling to cooperate,
the matter was unable to reach a settlement.
I have therefore had this letter sent to Your Highness in the hope
that it might calm the anger in your heart provoked neither by
carelessness nor by stubbornness on my part. You in your exalted
position should never use your power to favor individuals but just
causes, neither should you give heed to our low estate but to divine
majesty of which we, though unworthy, are the servants, and you
should hold in reverence Saint Peter and not threaten us nor inflict any
evil upon us who seek justice, even as we are also ready to return it.
We also give your Highness this advise: that you not forsake the
protection of Saint Peter nor despise our longstanding friendship on
account of your defense of wicked men, but considering the words,
1 Addressed to a certain Hugo, probably the Count of Sens. See Levillain's note for
views of other scholars.
148 LETTERS 131-132

"he that trusteth in the Lord, mercy shall compass him about,"2 and,
"everyone that humbleth himself shall be exalted,"3 please settle the
dispute which has thus arisen, in order that you will not allow us to
be disappointed nor permit your people to escape punishment for
wrongdoing, lest it happen (may heaven forbid) that God will pour
out his vengeance upon you on account of your sympathy for the
wicked.
We hope that you are well and that in all matters you are acting
in accordance with your high position and learning.

] 1321 [

Although we dwell in our respective places far across the country


from one another, nevertheless, since love for him who through faith
causes those of one mind to dwell in a house of the church 2 joins us
together in a common religion, it is fitting that what we write to one
another, as occasion demands, be expressed in a spirit of brotherly
respect.
Now your brother, having gone far astray, came to us and frankly
admitted the nature of his transgression. I see no reason for explaining
it all in a letter, for his deeds and words will become known without
any difficulty to those who wish to know about it. Since I sympathize
with him in his misfortune and rejoice in his conversion, I have
decided in all humility to send Your Holiness this letter, in which I
beg that you will please not punish him for his transgression. Indeed
he is paying such a full price for his indiscretion that his personal
enemies, if he happens to have any, can gloat over the insults which
came to him on such a long, difficult, and fruitless journey. For he
was duped by desperadoes and carried away almost to the uttermost
parts of Gaul, and after they had stripped him of all his possessions,
he then returned to us in deep disgrace, as you see.
Will you, therefore, in response to my request, graciously pardon
his guilt and. since he is penitent, quickly open up to him your arms
of love.

• Psalm xxxii.10.
• Luke xviii.l4.

1 Person addressed unknown.


• Cf. Psalm lxviii.6.
LETTER 133 149

] 1331 [

You are constantly pressing me with requests, dearest one, to


write something which can at least be entertaining, if not beneficial
to you, in honor of our very long and distinguished friendship. I might
perhaps have done this acceptably if you had provided a subject at
the time when you made your request. Since you promise, however, to
be pleased with anything, so long as I write, I have not wished to
exert myself in the search for a subject, much less in the careful
refinement of style. Thus, whatever comes to my mind without an
effort and at the moment, I shall write down.
I am highly pleased that certain persons are very eagerly applying
themselves to learning, which is having a revival in our part of the
country, but I am concerned not a little by the fact that some of our
people are interested in only one part of it, and scornfully reject the
other part. Yet, as everybody knows, there is nothing in it which can
justifiably or deservedly be rejected. It is therefore apparent that we
contradict ourselves when we propose to acquire wisdom unwisely.
Many of us, it is true, seek from it elegance of speech, and you will
find only a few whose purpose it is to learn from it nobility of character,
which is far more profitable. We thus try to avoid slips of the tongue
and we seek to purify our speech, but we attach little importance to
the imperfections of our lives and we increase their number.
But since, as the Holy Scriptures teach,2 all wisdom is from the
Lord God, we shall certainly find it if we search for it in the appro-
priate manner. Now the following is taken from divine authority:
"Son," it says, "thou hast desired wisdom; keep my commandments,
and the Lord will give it thee."3 One also finds there this greatest and
loveliest definition of wisdom: "The fear of the Lord, that is wisdom;
and to depart from evil is understanding."4 But as for those who live
sinfully and desire to speak correctly and avoid incorrect speech
rather than evil habits, we are thus instructed: "All the labour of
man is for his mouth, and yet the appetite is not filled."5 Indeed it is
certainly right that he who gives first place to erudition and not to
saintliness shall be excluded by a deadly hunger from the banquet
table of wisdom. If, therefore, we strive vigilantly to improve our
1 Addressed to Ebrard, a relative of Lupus.
2 Cf. Proverbs ii.6; Cf. also James i.S.
3 Cf. Ecclesiastus i.33.
4 Job xxviii.28.
b Ecclesiastes vi. 7.
150 LETTER 133

speech, we should take all the more pains to seek honor and justice.
But since there are various schools of philosophers, each with its
own degree of perfection, and not one of them prevents another from
introducing its members into the sacred precincts of philosophy, but
they are all united in a certain sense by an inharmonious harmony,
it is evident that the diversity of standards of conduct by which the
peaceloving people of God are inseparately separated, so to speak, is
no hindrance for living the good life. The shrine of our mother church,
too, is open to receive those who reverently come by various roads,
for each order has its own standard of perfection, although this, in its
final analysis, is of greater certainty according as the divine exceeds
the human.
I therefore appeal to your nobility of character, no matter how
much higher you stand above all others in the Christian faith, that
you maintain a respect for them and, with the help of God, advance
from day to day in the Christian life, showing yourself to be a man of
integrity. And if you can pass from the good to the better, and rise
from the bottom to the top, I should like to persuade you to put forth
every effort to serve your Creator more diligently and thus receive
from him a more glorious crown. "Cast thy burden upon the Lord,"6
that you may obtain from him strength, everlastingly abundant and
abundantly everlasting.
Above all things ever keep in mind the following: that God himself
created you, that he saved you when you were lost, that he so fre-
quently, so abundantly, and finally so profitably enriched you with
his benefits that you have had reasons to praise him, and even while
you thank him for blessings received, you become more worthy to re-
ceive greater ones and acquire, through humility, perseverance in
good deeds, which is a gift imperishable.
Certainly, I should not want you to neglect entirely the liberal
arts, while you are engaged in these studies, but seek a knowledge
of them from Him who gives abundantly to all and does not chide,
and it will surely be given to you according to the measure of your
faith. 7
Best wishes for your health, my very dear and beloved friend; may
you live long and grow in grace each day, and think kindly of me
always.

• Cf. Psalm Iv.22.


7 Cf. James i.S and Romans xii.3.
CHRONOLOGICAL AND NUMERICAL TABLES

Numbering of Letters according Dating of Letters according to


to various editions Levillain
Diimmler Desdevises Present Edition
du Dezert (Levillain)
1 I 1 829-830
2 II 2 January-March, 836
3 III 3 March or April, 836
4 IV 4 April, 836
5 V 5 May, 836
Appendix 1 6 836
41 VI 7 October-December, 836
20 VII 8 April 30, 837
34 X 9 May-September, 837
36 VIII 10 May-September, 837
6 XII 11 September 22, 837
7 XIII 12 January-June, 838
Appendix 2 13 839
23 XVII 14 840
24 XIX 15 July or August, 840
25 XVIII 16 July or August, 840
28 XIV 17 August 11, 840
26 XV 18 August-November, 840
11 XVI 19 840
27 XXIII 20 June-November, 840
8 IX 21 840-841
38 XXIV 22 840-841
39 XXVI 23 840-841
21 XXII 24 840-841
22 XXV 25 840-841
81 XXXIX 26 February, 842
40 XXI 27 June or July, 842
105 CIl 28 August, 843
108 CIV 29 August or September, 843
109 CIII 30 August or September, 843
64 XLI 31 About 843
88 XXX 32 Early 844
10 XX 33 840-844
90 XXXII 34 July, 844
91 XXXIII 35 July, 844
92 XXXV 36 844
93 LXXIV 37 844
65 XXXVII 38 844
86 XXXIV 39 October, 844
80 XXXVIII 40 Autumn of 844
63 XXXI 41 April, 845
71 XLVI 42 845
42 XLVII 43 About August or September, 845
31 XLII 44 November, 845
32 XLIII 45 November or December, 845
152 CHRONOLOGICAL AND NUMERICAL TABLES

33 XLIV 46 November or December, 845


43 XLIX 47 December, 845
44 L 48 845-846
45 LI 49 October-November, 846
58 LVII 50 November, 846
57 LVI 51 November, 846
56 LVIII 52 November, 846
16 XXVII 53 840-846
46 LXII 54 November or December, 846
41 LXI 55 November or December, 846
48 LX 56 846-847
53 LII 57 846-847
55 LV 58 846-847
49 LIV 59 February, 847
59 LXVI 60 February, 847
50 LIII 61 February, 847
51 LIX 62 February, 847
52 LXIII 63 February, 847
54 LXIV 64 February or March, 847
60 LXVII 65 March, 847
89 LXXI 66 847
18 CVIII 67 June 24,847
72 LXX 68 August, 847
69 LXIX 69 September, 847
70 LXVIII 70 September, 847
12 LXXII 71 Prior to December 5, 847
78 LXXIX 72 June, 849
77 LXXX 73 849
79 LXXXI 74 June or July, 849
66 LXXXIV 75 Summer, 849
67 LXXXIII 76 Summer, 849
68 LXXXII 77 Summer, 849
Appendix 3 LXXXVIII 78 December, 849 or January, 850
Appendix 4 LXXXIX 79 December, 849 or January, 850
30 LXXIII 80 Later than April, 849-prior to
end of March, 850
84 LXXXV 81 July or August, 850
83 XLVIII 82 Between Summer, 846, and
September, 851
85 XCVI 83 August 23-November 6, 851
13 LXXVII 84 852
14 LXXVIII 85 852
61 LXXV 86 852
62 LXXVI 87 852
94 CI 88 ?-853
97 XCVII 89 Later than April 18-prior to
July, 854
110 C 90 About June, 854
115 XC 91 December, 844-March 7, 856
98 CXVI 92 After March 7, 856
99 CXVII 93 After March 7, 856
100 CXIX 94 February, 857, after the 14th
37 XXVIII 95 828-857
CHRONOLOGICAL AND NUMERICAL TABLES 153

95 CV 96 842-857
19 CVI 97 840---857
101 CIX 98 855, after September-858, before
April 7
102 CX 99 855-858
103 CXI 100 855-858
104 XLV 101 856-858
Appendix 5 CXX 102 June, 858
73 XCII 103 June or July, 858
74 XCIII 104 858
75 XCI 105 June or July, 858
111 XCVIII 106 About August, 10 859
112 XCIX 107 Last of September or first of
October, 859
76 LXXXVI 108 845-859, perhaps 858
118 CVIl 109 856-862, perhaps 859
122 CXXV 110 859-860, perhaps 860
113 XCIV 111 859-862, perhaps 861
114 XCV 112 859-862, probably June, 861
115 XC 113 June 861, before the 28th
120 CXXIII 114 861-862
116 CXXI 115 January or February, 862
117 CXXIV 116 Last of February, 862
123 CXXVI 117 March 7, 862
124 CXXII 118 About March, 862
125 CXXVII 119 About March, 862
126 CXXX 120 March or April, 862
127 CXXVIII 121 862, before June 1st
119 CXVIII 122 856-862
121 CXXIX 123 856-862
96 LXXXVII 124 841-862
15 XL 125 841-862, Lenten season
9 XXXVI 126 840-862
82 CXV 127 840-862
106 CXII 128 840---862
107 CXln 129 840-862
29 CXIV 130 837-862
87 XXIX 131 837-862
17 LXV 132 ?-862
35 XI 133 ?-862
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Amann, E., "Loup Servat, abbe de Ferrieres," Dictionnaire de TMologie Catholi-


que, IX, i (1926), 963-967.
Beeson, Charles Henry, Lupus of Ferrieres, Scribe and Text Critic, Mediaeval
Academy of America, Publication No.4. (Cambridge, Mass., 1930).
Duckett, Eleanor Shipley, Carolingian Portraits; a Study in the Ninth Century
(Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1962), 161-201.
Levillain, Leon, "De quelques lettres de Loup de Ferrieres," Moyen Age (1921),
193-217.
"Etude sur les Lettres de Loup de Ferrieres," Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des
chartes, LXII (1901), 445-505; LXIII (1902),69-118,289-330,538-586.
"Une nouvelle edition des Lettres de Loup de Ferrieres," Bibliotheque de
l'Ecole des chartes, LXIV (1903), 259-283.
Levison, Wilhelm, "Eine Predigt des Lupus von Ferrieres," Rheinischer und
friinkischer Fruhzeit (1948), 557ff.
Lupus of Ferrieres, Beati Servati Lupi Opera, ed. Etienne Baluze (Paris, 1664;
2nd ed., Antwerp, 1710).
Opera, Migne's Patrologia Latina, CXIX.
Lettres de Servat Loup, Abbe de Ferrieres, ed. G. Desdevises du Dezert,
Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, fasc. 77 (Paris, E. Bouillon et
E. Vieweg, 1888).
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maniae Historica, Epistolae, VI.
Vita Wigberti abbatis Friteslariensis, ed. O. Holder-Egger, Monumenta
Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, XV.
Vita Maximini episcopi Trevirensis, ed. B. Krusch, Monumenta Germaniae
Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum, III.
Loup de Ferrieres, Correspondance, ed. and trans. Leon Levillain (Paris,
H. Champion, vol. I, 1927, vol. II, 1935).
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xxiv-xxix.
Manitius, Max, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters (Munich,
C. H. Beck, 1911), I, 483-490.
-. "Lupus von Ferrieres, ein Humanist des 9. Jahrhunderts," Rheinisches
Museum, XLVIII (1893), 313-320.
Marckwald, E., Beitriige zu Servatus Lupus, Abt von Ferrieres (Strasbourg, 1894).
Nicolas, B., Etudes sur les lettres de Servat-Loup, Abbe de Ferrieres (Thesis,
Clermont-Ferrand, 1861).
Regenos, Graydon W., The Latinity of the Epistolae of Lupus of Ferrieres (diss.
University of Chicago, 1936).
- . "The Letters of Lupus of Ferrieres," Classical Bulletin, XXV, 5 (March,
1949), 55-57.
Rocheterie, Man, de la, "Un abbe au IX- siec1e. Etude sur Loup de Ferrieres,"
Memoires de l'Academie Sainte-Croix d'Orteans, I (1872), 369-466.
Snijders, Cherubine, Het Latijn der brieven van Lupus van Ferrieres, middeleeuws
humanist (diss. Amsterdam, Pordon & Zoon, 1943).
Sprotte, Franz, Biographie des Abtes Servatus Lupus von Ferrieres nach den
Quellen des neunten Jahrhunderts (Regensburg, 1880).
von Severus, Emmanuel, "Lupus von Ferrieres," Beitriige zur Geschichte des
alten Monchtums und des Benediktinerordens, XXI (1940).
INDEX

Acaric, monk of Ferrieres, 118, 119 .-\ugustine, Saint,S, 91, 94, 95, 126;
Adelbert, abbot of Ferrieres, 145 confessions, 12; City of God, 15, 95-
Adalgaud, 28, 29, 35 97; Enchiridion, 88; Treatise on the
Adalhard, 49, 53, 74 Gospel of John, 90; On the Gift of
Adam, 87, 92 Perseverance, 92; De verbis apostoli,
Ado, monk of Ferrieres, 128 140
Aeneas, Trojan hero, 27 Aurelius Victor, allusion to his Epito-
Aeneas, bishop of Paris, 112, 113, 138 me de Caesaribus, 55
Agius, 37, 38; bishop of Orleans, 99, Autun, bishop of, 33; city of, 41, 42;
110, 112 church of, 42; diocese of, 56
Agnes, Saint, 18 Auxerre, 1, 39, 57, 99, 112, 115, 116,
Aix, estate at, 135, 136 131
A1cuin, Carolingian poet, 22 Avallon,33
Alcuin, abbot of Ferrieres, 34, 145
Aldric, bishop of Le JUans, 98 Baldric, priest of Ferrieres, 143
Aldric, abbot of Ferrieres and later Balfrid, bishop of Bayeux, 99
metropolitan bishop of Sens, 2, 20, Ballon, battle of, 61, 63
145 Bayeux, 99
Aldulf, monk of Ferrieres, 118, 119 Beauvais, 99, 138
Altsig, abbot of York, 105 Bede, 88; Quaestiones, 106; Collectanea,
Altuin, a monk at a monastery in Ger- 126
many, 21, 24, 27 Benedict, III, Pope, 119
Ambrose, Saint, 18, 87 Benedict, Saint, regula, 37, 70, 144, 146
Amiens, bishop of, 84, 99 Bemegaud, monk of Ferrieres, 132,135
Amulric, archbishop of Tours, 71 Berno, Saxon count, father of Gott-
Amulus, archbishop of Lyon, 41, 56 schalk, 94
Angers, bishop of, 98 Bemus, relative of Charles the Bald, 42
Angouleme, site of battle, 33, 51 Bertcaud, royal scribe, 17
Ansbold, monk of Priim, later abbot, Bertha, wife of Gerhard, 127
50, 81, 103, 132, 133 Bertold, 122
Anthologia Latina, quotation from, 61 Besans:on, archbishop of, 130
Apollo, oracles of, 37 Bethlehem, the monastery of Ferrieres,
Aquitania, campaign of, 31, 33, 51, 53, 103, 105, 118, 119, 127, 136, 143
55, 61, 63, 83 Bodo, fellow-countryman of Lupus,28
Aratus, Cicero's in Arato, 81 Boethius, De institutione arithmetica,
Arceias, meeting place of Lupus and 16; Commentaries on the Topicae of
Hatto,55 Cicero, 36, 71; Consolatio Philoso-
Ardegarius, priest of Ferrieres, 143 phiae, 54
Arduic, archbishop of Besans:on, 130 Bofonius, unidentified, 37
Attigny, 75, 78 Boniface, the martyr, feast of, 15;
Aubert, count of Avallon, 33 present at synod, 42
Aud., unidentified, 30 Bonneuil, place of General Assembly, 80
156 INDEX

Bordeaux, near site of Norman raid, 61 Creil, 129


Bourges, where Lupus and Charles the Cyprian, saint and martyr,S, 89
Bald conferred, 86; Archbishop of,
139 Daria, Saint, relics of, 52
Bretons, engaged in civil strife, 61; de- David, King, 9, 10, 12, 54, 68, 134
feated Charles the Bald in battle of Demosthenes, pseudonymn for Lupus
Ballon, 61 ; allowed lands by Franks, of Ferrieres, 72
100; secret negotiations with, 102 Dido, abbot of Saint Pierre-Ie-Vif, skill-
Brittany, King Charles summoned ed in medicine, 80
there, 61; governor of, 99; expedi- Dido, legendary character in Vergil, 26
tion into, 102; Charles the Bald's Dodo, bishop of Angers, 98
departure for, 129 Doliwald, monk of Ferrieres, 142, 143
Bun, abbot of monastery of Hersfeld, Donatus, Latin grammarian, 16; Com-
18 mentary on Terence, 120
Burgundy, military losses in, 63 E., unidentified, 77
Ebr., unidentified, 30
Caesar (G. Julius Caesar), portents at Ebrard, a kinsman of Lupus, 149
death of, 23; De bello civili, 71, 116; Ebroin, bishop of Poitiers, 38
Commentaries on the Gallic Wars, 116 Egilbert, 53, 55
Caper, Latin grammarian, 22 Eigel, monk of Priim and later abbot,
Cassiodorus, De institutione divinarum finally archbishop ofSens, 44, 46, 50,
litterarum, 106 74,81,82,86, 103, 132
Catullus, Latin poet, 16 Einhard, biographer of Charlemagne,
Chalon, 43 1. 2, 4, 6, 14,22; dedicates to Lupus
Chappes, threatened by attack of his On the Adoration of the Cross, 13
robbers, 136 Emma, wife of Einhard, 4
Charlemagne, son of Pepin, 42; fost- Ercanrad, bishop of Paris, 99, 110, Ill,
ers revival of learning, 1; gives cell 112
of Saint J osse to Alcuin, 34 Erlegaud, unidentified, 141
Charles the Bald, 31, 32,33,37,38,39, Ermenfrid, bishop of Beauvais, 99
40, 43, 47, 49, 51, 53, 57, 61, 63, 65, Erpoin, bishop of Senlis, 99
67, 73, 79, 83, 86, 102, 108, 112, 116, Esther, cousin of Mordecai, 60
120, 127, 128, 131, 133, 140 Ethelwulf, king of England, 103, 104
Chartres, place of assembly, 83; bishop Etaples, 104
of, 99, 112 Eusebius, Historiae Ecclesiasticae, 12
Chrysanthus, Saint, relics of, 52
Cicero (M. Tullius Cicero), 24, 25; Tus- Fare (Faremoutiers), monastery, 44,
culan Disputations, 2, 37; De oratore, 104
3, 120; commentary on books of, 3; Faustus, bishop of Riez, 90-91,124,126
De Rhetorica, 3; De senectute, 6, 105- Felix, chancellor of King Ethelwulf,
6; Topicae, 71; De divinatione, 72; 103, 104
Letters, 81; in Arato, 81; Verrines, Ferrieres, monastery, 2, 31, 32, 34, 37,
120 39, 40, 43, 45, 46, 50, 55, 58, 59, 70,
Claudius, bishop of Turin, 35 77, 103, 104, 105, 118, 119, 131, 132,
Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, 22 142, 143, 145
Clermont, site of military command,33 Folchric, 46, 135
Constantinople, bishop of, 90 Folcric, bishop of Troyes, 135
Corbie, abbot of, 69, 123, 138; monk Fosses, monastery, 111
of,84 Franks, 100
Cormery, abbot of, 51, 56; cell of Saint Freculf, bishop of Lisieux, 99
Martin of Tours, 109 Fridilo, pupil of Lupus, 131
Cornelius, Roman centurion in con- Fritzlar, place of Saint Wigbert's
versation with Saint Peter, 119 death, 18
INDEX 157

Frosm., unidentified, 37 Hersfeld, abbot of, 18


Frotbald, bishop of Chartres, 112 Hildegarius, bishop of Meaux, 112
Fulco, chorepiscopus of Rheims, 39 Hildegarius, kinsman of Lupus, 139
Fulcold, monk of Priim, 50 Hilduin, abbot of Saint Martin of
Fulda, monastery, 2, 43, 51, 52, 55, 94 Tours, 108, 109
Hilmerad, bishop of Amiens, 84, 99
G., probably Glorius, a monk and sec- Hilper, a painter, 79
retary of the imperial chancellery, Hincmar, metropolitan bishop of
44,45,46 Rheims, 58, 66, 75, 83, 84, 91, 99,
G., monk of Corbie, 123, 125 126
Gascony, duke of, 61 Hirtius, secretary of Julius Caesar, 116
Gaul,2, 105, 117, 118, 119, 143, 148 Horace, Latin poet, 1,48,61
Gelasius, pope, 91, 121, 124, 126 Hrabanus Maurus, abbot of Fulda, 2,
Gellius, Aulus, author of Noctes Atticae, 15, 17, 43, 52
3, 17 Hucbert, bishop of Meaux, 99
Gerard, prince and friend of King Pe- Hugo, abbot, 49
pin, 33 Hugo, probably duke of Sens, 33,
Gerard, count, 41 127, 147
Gerhard, duke of Provence, 127
German language, 19, 20, 52, 82, 86 Immo, bishop of Noyon, 19, 99
Germanus, Saint, 1 Irmentrude, wife of Charles the Bald,
Germany, 18, 20, 24, 105 49, 65, 79, 116
Gerohald, priest, 122 Isaiah, the prophet, 137-8
Gerung, monk of Priim, 50 Isidore, 88; Etymologies, 137
Glorius, see under G. Isis, her use of the sistrum, 22
Godelgarius, 56 Israel, 64
Godelsad, appointed bishop of Chalon, Italy, IS, 117, 118
42 Ivo, 70, 110
Gottschalk, 94
Gregory, pope, 88, 121, 146 Jerome, Saint,S, 88, 91; Commentaries
Grenoble, 128 on Jeremiah, 3, 106, 120; Life of St.
Guago, kinsman of Lupus, 52 Paul the Hermit, 18; On Saint
Guenilo, archbishop of Sens, 41, 60, 98, Matthew, 90; Questions on the Old
110, Ill, 112, 113, 117, 118, 121, 122, and New Testaments, 106; On the
128, 133, 137, 141, 142, 143 prophets, liS
Guichard, 141 Jerusalem, 23
Guigmund, bishop of York, 105 Job, II, 107
Gunbold,33 John the Baptist, 88
John, bishop of Constantinople, 90
H., bishop, 110 John, monk of Auxerre, 117
Hatto, monk, later abbot of Fulda, 43, Jonas, bishop of Orleans, 33, 35, 38
52 Josephus, Jewish historian, 23, 50
Hatto, monk of Fulda, 51, 55 Judith, wife of Louis the Pious, 28, 58,
Hautvilliers, monastery in which Gott- 67
schalk was imprisoned, 94 Justinus, epitomist of Pompeius Tro-
Hebbo, bishop of Grenoble, 128 gus, 23
Helias, bishop of Chartres, 99 Juvencus, Latin poet, 36
Herard, bishop of Tours, 127
Herennius, book to, 3 Lambert, count, 100, 101
Heribold, bishop of Auxerre, 39, 57, Landramn, metropolitan bishop of
98,112, liS, 116, 117 Tours, 98
Heric of Auxerre, 1 Langres, bishop of, 43
Herimann, bishop of Nevers, 99, 112, 121 Lantramn, 106
158 INDEX

Laon, bishop of, 79, 82, 94, 99 44,46, 50, 51, 52, 74, 75, 78, 80, 82,
Latin language, 19 86, 102, 106, 128
Lau, deacon, 122 Mark, the evangelist, 90
Le Mans, bishop of, 99 Marnay, 123
Leo, constellation of, 23 Martial, Latin poet, 22, 23
Leo IV, pope, 86,100,119 Martin, Saint, his feast day, 60; patron
Leotald, unidentified, 140, 141 of diocese, 99
Limoges, site of military command, 33 Mary, the Virgin, patron of Ferrieres,
Lisieux, bishop of, 99 35
Livy, Roman historian, 18, 27, 122 Matthew, the evangelist, 90
Lobbes, abbot of, 49 Maurus, unidentified, 46
Lothair I, emperor, 33, 34, 45 Maximin, Saint, his life by Lupus, 30
Louis, abbot of Saint Denis and chan- Meaux, 99, 112
cellor of Charles the Bald, 31, 32, 33, Melchiades, pope, 121
37,38,40,53,61,65, 102, 128, 129 Melun, 135
Louis the Pious, emperor, 11, 28, 42, Mithridates, king of Pontus, 23
49, 58, 67, 73, 145 Modoin, bishop of Autun, military
Luke, the evangelist, 90, 146 command of, 33
Lupus, monk and later abbot of Fer- Mordecai, cousin of Esther, 60
rieres, his love oflearning, 1; sent by Moret, 110
Aldric to Fulda, 2; copyist, 3; return Mtinstereifel, 53
from Fulda, 14, 15; illnesses, 21, 31,
116, 135, 137; his father and mother, N., probably a monk at Corbie, 69
24; his kindred: Odacre, 51, 56, 109; Nevers, bishop of, 99, 112, 121
Guago, 52; Heribold, 115; Remigius, Nicholas I, pope, 121
131; Hildegarius, 139; fellow-coun- Nichomachus, mathematician, 16
tryman of Bodo, 28; received by Nile, its rise and fall, 22
Louis the Pious and Queen Judith, Nithad, count of Treves, 74
28; made abbot of Ferrieres, 37, 39- Nithard, historian, 49-50
40, 43; journies to court, confer- Nithard, monk of Prtim, 81
ences with king, assemblies, 39-40, N ominoe, governor of Brittan y, 61, 99
44, 60, 69, 74, 75, 76, 77, 122, 129, Normans, 61, 123, 127
131; escape from battle and im- N oyon, bishop of, 19, 99
prisonment, 51; return from Aqui-
tania, 53; attempted removal from Odacre, abbot of Cormery, a kinsman
abbacy, 55, 59; mission to monaste- of Lupus, 51, 56, 109
ries, 57; mission into Burgundy, 63; Odo, abbot ofCorbie, 123, 124; bishop
declines abbacy of Saint Amand, 80; of Beauvais, 138
journey to Rome, 85, 86, 119; jour- Odo, abbot of Ferrieres, 31, 32, 33, 34,
ney to Beauvais, 138; his writings: 39
Life of Saint Wigbert, 18; Life of Odulf, count, 49, 50, 59, 65, 66, 67, 74
Saint M aximim, 30; Canons of the Oise, navigation on, 129
synod of Ver, 60; De tribus quaestio- Orleanais, 57
nibus, 91 Orleans, 22, 33, 35, 37, 38, 99, 110, 112
Lyon, 41, 42, 56, 128 Orsmar, archbishop of Tours, 70

Maastricht, conference at, 75, 76, 77 Pardulus, bishop of Laon, 79, 82, 83,
Macrobius, 36 84, 94, 99
Mainz, 21, 34, 43 Paris, 80, 99, 110, 111, 112, 138
Mantua, poet of (Vergil), 23 Pas-de-Calais, canton of which Etaples
Marcellinus, Saint, relics brought to is chief city, 104
Rome, 4 pater patratus, fetial priest in ancient
Marcward, abbot of Prom, 15,28, 34, Rome, 141
INDEX 159

Paul, the Apostle, 9, 20, 35, 47, 62, 68, Robert, 79


142, 143 Rodena, cell of, 127
Paul, the hermit, 18 Romans, 54
Paul, metropolitan bishop of Rouen, Rome, 4, 42, 52, 85, 86, 118, 119, 121,
99 143
Pepin, the Short, king of the Franks, 42 Rotramnus, monk of Corbie, 84
Pepin I, king of Aquitania, 33 Rouen, bishop of, 99
Pepin II, king of Aquitania, 51, 61 Rozoy-en-Brie, canton in which mon-
Peter, Saint, patron of Ferrieres, 4, 35, astery of Faremoutiers was located,
62, 73, 99-100, 101, 103, 104, 119, 44, 104
141, 142, 143, 147 Rufinus, his translation of the Histaria
Pharaoh,93 Ecclesiasticae of Eusebius, 12
Poi tiers, bishop of, 38
Pompeius Trogus, Augustan historian, S., monk of Ferrieres, 132
23 Saint Alban, monastery, 21
Priscian, Latin grammarian, 25-26, 36 Saint Amand, monastery, 80
Probus, priest of J\Iainz, 24, 27 Saint Bertin, abbot of, 49
Provence, duke of, 127 Saint Boniface, abbey at Fulda, 52
Prudentius, .-\urelius, Latin poet, 22 Saint Columbe, monks of, 83
Prudentius, bishop of Troyes, 46, 57, Saint Denis, monastery, 40, 53, 60, 61,
99, 112 102, 111, 128
Pri.im, 15, 44, 50, 51, 52, 80, 81, 86, Saintes, near site of Norman raid, 61
128, 132, 133 Saint Genevieve, monastery, 111
Prussia, 52 Saint Germain-des-Pres, 38, 108, 130,
Publilius Syrus, minor Latin poet, 65 131, 135
Pygmalion, Dido's brother, 26 Saint Germain, monastery, 111
Saint J osse, cell of Ferrieres, 34, 49,
Quierzy-sur-Oise, 33, 113 53, 58, 59, 62, 67-68, 74, 77, 78-79,
Quintilian, J nstitutiones Oratoriae, 106, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106
120 Saint Martin, monastery at Tours, 33,
56, 60, 108; its library, 71
R, unidentified, 77 Saint Maximin, monastery, 30
Ratbert, abbot of Corbie, 69, 70 Saint Medarcl, monastery, 139
Ratherius, monk of Fulda, 51, 55, 56 Saint Pierre-Ie-Vif, monastery, 80
Ratlegius, abbot of Seligenstadt, 79 Saint Quentin, monastery, 49
Rebais, abbot of, 139 Sallust, Roman historian, 18; Catiline,
Reg., unidentified, 120 54, 65, 120; Jugurtha, 115, 120
Reginb., 28, 29 Saulieu, 56
Reginfrid, bishop, 85 Saxbod, bishop of Seez, 99
Reinold, count, in command of army Seez, bishop of, 99
division, 33 Sequin, duke of Gascony, 61
Remigius, archbishop of Lyon, 128 Seine, 129, 135
Remigius, kinsman of Lupus, 130, 131 Seligenstadt, 79
Rh., a lady appealed to for financial Senlis, bishop of, 99
assistance, 76 Senonais, 57
Rhabanus Maurus, see under Hraba- Sens, 2, 20, 33, 41, 60, 80, 98, 110, 111,
nus Maurus 112,113,117,118,121,127,133,
Rheims, 39, 58, 84, 91, 99, 139 137, 141, 142, 143, 145, 147
Rhine, 2, 21, 28 Septuagint, 10
Rhothad, bishop of Soissons, 99 Servais, 69, 74
Rhuoding, 34 Servatus, surname of Lupus, 61
Riez, bishop of, 124 Servius, Latin grammarian, 17, 26, 36,
Rimini, bishop of, 121 141
160 INDEX

Sichaeus or Sicharbas, 26 U suard, abbot, 56


Sichard, abbot, 34
Sigulf, abbot of Ferrieres, 145 V., unidentified, 85
Silvais, see under Servais Valerius Maximus, Latin author, 54,72
Sistrum, instrument used in worship Ver, 60
of Isis, 22-23 Vergil, Latin poet, 24, 67; Aeneid, 22-
Soissons, bishop of, 99 23,26, 27, 36, 141; Georgics, 23, 76;
Solomon, king of Israel, 10, 64, 134 Ecloques, 10
Spica, star in the constellation of Vir- Victorius, mathematician, 16
go, 23 Vienne, archbishop of, 128
Stephen, son of Hugo, 147 Viniacus, place near Attigny, 75
Suetonius Tranquillus, Roman histor- Virgo, constellation, 23
ian, De vita Caesarum, 50, 52 Vivian, count of Tours and abbot of
Saint Martin of Tours, 56
Vul., 78
T., monk of Ferrieres, 127 Vulfad, abbot, 139
Teotbald, bishop of Langres, 43 Vulfegisus, monk of Ferrieres, 70
Terence, Roman writer of comedies,
120 W., unidentified, 35
Theodosius, Roman emperor, 55 \Valdo, abbot of Saint Maximin of
Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, a poet, Treves and later bishop, 30
22 Wigbert, Saint, his life by Lupus, 18,
Tours, 33, 56, 70, 71, 98, 127, 134 19
Trajan, Roman emperor, 55
Treves, 30, 74 York, bishop of, 105; abbot of, 105
Troyes, 46, 57, 99, 112, 135
Turin, bishop of, 35 Zacharias, abbot, 31
Turpio, count of Angouleme, 51 Zacharias, pope, 42

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