Arnhem (nl) 2014 – 6 Anatolia in the bronze age.

© Joost Blasweiler student Leiden University-joostblasweiler@planet.nl

Sargon Kings into the Taurus Mountains.

May 2014 from Ivriz walking into the Taurus mountains.

The Taurus mountain range is a great and gaunt area, which has divided human cultures for many
years and in this area the powers of nature are presented in manifest fashion. Their mountain passes
were very important to reach rich kingdoms to enable products and sources, that each needed. Inside
the mountain range many sources of resources and metals ores were hidden. Armies of many kings
like Sargon of Akkade and of Hattusili from the Land of Hatti went through the Taurus and their
narratives and annals described their journeys through the land of the mountain deities. Sargon
conquered the silver mines of the Taurus, which perhaps belonged to the kingdom of Purušhanda.
In several texts Sargon the king of the four quarters of the world crossed a river arm of the Euphrates
and passed the high mountains of the (anti) Taurus mountains, and he defeated the great king of
Purušhanda (Nur-Dagan or Nawar-Taḫe, prof. A. Archi N.A.B.U 2000 no.4, 67, see appendix last page).

1
May 2014 view to the Taurus from the road in Ivriz. All pictures are from the author, when not a name is mentioned.

Taurus Mountains, Turkish Toros Dağlari, mountain range in southern Turkey, a great chain running parallel to the Mediterranean
coast. The system extends along a curve from Lake Egridir in the west to the upper reaches of the Euphrates River in the east. Aladağ
(10,935 feet [3,333 m]) in the Taurus proper and Mount Erciyes in the outlying offshoot of the Nur Mountains are the highest peaks;
many other peaks reach between 10,000 and 12,000 feet (3,000 to 3,700 m). Scattered forests of pine, cedar, oak, and juniper are found
on the slopes up to 8,000 feet (2,500 m). White limestone ridges are common, and in the western Taurus are many enclosed basins
with lakes at elevations averaging 3,200 feet (1,000 m). Except for the large areas of deep-soiled fertile lands in the Cicilian Plain below
Adana, the coastal plains to the south are small, and the entire region is thinly populated and isolated from the interior by mountain
barriers. Of the passageways crossing the mountains, the Cilician Gates (Külek Boğazı) is the most famous, having been used by
caravans and armies since antiquity. Nearby is the only railway line that crosses the Taurus proper, joining Kayseri with Adana.
Mineral deposits, partly exploited, include silver, copper, lignite, zinc, iron, and arsenic (info from www. Britannica.com).

2
The Taurus swings along the south border of the plateau of Anatolia:

The mountain range is a result of the collision between the Anatolian earth’s surface with the
continent of Africa. The bottom of the Tethys Sea disappeared from the pressure of the African
continent under the wall of Eurasia. Liquefied rock jammed above from the mantle of the earth to the
places where the sea bottom has disappeared. This rock has a remarkable green color and is therefore
called ‘greenstone’. The edge of Eurasia could not sustain the pressure of the south and crumbled
into mountains. From the new mountains the rivers transported tons of sand and clay to the
narrowed sea. A grey mixture (greywacke) fed the bottom of the Tethys sea. These sediments were
folded by the incremental pressure of the south and a part shifted over the Anatolian block. In this
way a mountain range arose on the border of Africa and Eurasia : the Taurus mountains (SNP natuur-
reisgids Turkije 1993, 85).

The 4 phases of the rise of the Taurus mountain range.

3
In myths the ancient people made “their view of the world” explicit. Myths always describe a specific
time and location in which the narrative is taken place. Myths are historical narratives according to
the tradition of a specific area or town. These myths changed during the centuries. They are not
theological texts nor fairy tales, but narratives, which hold or have sometimes have connection with
ritual. The supernatural is very important in the life of the people in the ancient, so in their historical
narratives they are telling us about the deeds of the gods and the meaning of their deeds in their daily
life.
Sargon of Akkade was a son of a priestess and therefore she may not have been allowed to have a
child of her own, resulting in her giving her child to the river.
The water-drawer Aqqi rescued the helpless infant Sargon and adopted him according to his birth
myth1. The goddess Ishtar loved him and she became probably his personal god. One can say Sargon
became the servant and the bailiff of Ishtar according to several mythological texts (2008:18). He
became the cupbearer of the King of Kish, and seized power in the kingdom. At the beginning of his
reign Sargon changed most of the traditional political structure3 of Kish. The “old ones” and the
temple priests were deprived of their power, and the king took over the economic domains of the
temples. In the Akkadian language Sargon means “the king is legitimate”. As king he became famous
by his acts and the conquering of a great part of the Near East: “From the Upper sea (the
Mediterranean) to the Lower Sea (the Persian Gulf)”. The myth mentioned : “with copper pickaxes I cut
through mighty mountains, I ascend high mountains“. According to the tradition he conquered the
Cedar woods of Lebanon and the Silver mines in the Taurus mountains. It is interesting that his
deeds were known in Kanesh2 in central Anatolia. In his myth “The king of Battle” (the šar
tamhäri), the Akkadian merchants from Kanesh, invoke “the King of the World” to help them
against the king of Purušhanda, the king of the Lowerland of Anatolia. “ Come down to us ! We face
opposition, and we are not warriors. (The cost of ) provisions for the road, O king , impose (on us),
that which we shall pay, O king” (2008:27). In the myth he decided to go to Purušhanda.
1. Benjamin Studevent-Hickman and Christopher Morgan, Late Traditions concerning Sargon and Naram-Sin, 2008, The Ancient Near
East ed. Mark W. Chavalas, 23 , 27 - 28
2. In the ruins of a house of an Assyrian merchant from Level II (destroyed in 1836 BC), a composition of the
famous texts of King Sargon of Akkade was discovered. The first sentences of this composition are: King Sargon,
king of Akkade, the metropolis, mighty king, who discusses with gods. Divine Adad ( dIM) gave him strength and as
a result I took possession of the land from East to West and on one single day I did battle with seventy cities ( J.G.
Dercksen: Adad is King ! The Sargon text from Kültepe, Jaarbericht Ex Oriente lux 39).
In a myth about his son Manishtusu, this ‘king of the universe’ is fighting to Ansham a mayor power in the land of Elam and to
Sherihum, which lie south of there. He felled the rulers of the 32 cities on the other side of the lower sea and captured their fugitives
as far as the silver mines (where ?). He quarries the black stone of the mountains in the other side of the lower sea and loaded it into
the boats and moored them at the wharf of Akkad (2008 The Ancient Near East ed. Mark W. Chavalas, 19)

4
 Several texts of the “The king of the Battle” are found in the Near East, in Amarna, Assur, Nineveh
and Hattusa from ca. the 14th century BC., which was c.1500 years later than Sargon of Akkade
lived. The text of Kanesh is from the 18th century BC. On the reverse of the tablet of Amarna the
scene of the narrative shift to the court of Nur-Daggal, the ruler of Purušhanda. This great kingdom
was laying beyond the Taurus mountain range, supposedly Ivriz and her beautiful river belonged to
the king of Purušhanda. Nur-Daggal hoped that Sargon would not come to his kingdom.

Christopher Morgan continued in his translation (2008:28): He opens his mouth and speaks [to his
warriors]: “Sargon has not yet come against us. May the riverbank (of the Euprhates ?) and the flooding
detain him, (together) with the mighty mountain. May the reeds become a forest, a thicket, a wood,
binding themselves into knots. His warriors answer him; they declare to Nur-Daggal; “ Which kings,
more recent or long ago, what king came and saw our lands?” Nur-Daggal had not even finished
responding, when Sargon surrounded his city, making the Gate of the Prince 2 iku (c. 120 m) wide.
(He kno)cked it down, He made a breach in the highest points of its wall. He struck down all his
drunken men. [Sarg]on before the gate, approached his throne. Sargon opens his mouth and
[sp]eqaks. He decares to his warriors, “Now as for Nur-Daggal, favorite of Enlil! [ Let him ro]use
himself ! Let him bow himself down. Let me see !”. Some sentences later Nur-Daggal answered
Sargon: “ Perhaps, my lord, your god Zababa, the warrior of the trans-Euphrates, informed you and
brought the troops across for you, What land of all the lands rivals of Akkad ? [What] king rivals you
? Your adversary does not exist. The military campaign is their enemy. The kiln [fire] burns the
hearth of your enemies. They have feared, and I am petrified. Restore to them […] the field and the
pasture land – lors, who are allies, over it.
[…] we will return to his place. Let him carry its fruit –apples, figs, plums, vines [..] pistachios,
olives, sweet pomegranates(?)”.

The Lowerland Purušhanda

5
So the narrative tells us about a fruitful land, and this reminds me of the relief of an Anatolian king
of the 8th century BC. in Ivriz just at the northern edge of the Taurus mountains, which depict King
Warpalawa. The king of Tuwana1 is still worshipped here as the storm-god Tarhunza, who holds ears
of wheat in one hand and bunches of grapes in the other. The god wears a horned helmet, a symbol
of divinity. Furthermore, in the vicinity of the relief at least three other inscribed rock fragments were
found which appear to be parts of other monuments (see appendix).
Volkert Haas 2stated that the ritual of the goddess Maliya was connected with South East Anatolia ,
in particular with the winegrowing in the regions of Kayseri, Taurus and the Upper Euphrates.
Therefore we can assume that in the ancient wine was growing along the northern border of the
Taurus mountain range.

May 2014 Ivriz.

1. King Warpalawa of Tuwana is known from Assyrian sources as Urballa. He was in power at least inbetween 738-710 BC .The three-
line hieroglyphic Luwian inscription in front of the god is translated (by Hawkins) as: "This (is) the great Tarhunza of Warpalawa. For
him let him/them put long(?) Sahana(?)". Three lines behind the king: "This (is) the image of Warpalawa the Hero ..." A third, one-
line inscription is located at the bottom of the rock that was previously covered by the water. It reads: "Tiyamartu, Warpalawa's
belo[ved? ... ] carved it ...". It is probably the inscription of the scribe. A third, one-line inscription is located at the bottom of the rock
that was previously covered by the water. It reads: "Tiyamartu, Warpalawa's belo[ved? ... ] carved it ...".
2. GHR1988:142 In the nuntarriyasha festival the gods of Hatti and the Gods of the Garden are worshipped. It is interesting that in
this festival the Stormgod of Heaven together with the deities Pirwa, Askasepa, Telipinu and the Numen of the Irrigation ditches
received offers. The deity Maliya is known in its rituals as goddess of the Garden and in this ritual the Stormgod DIŠKUR, probably the
Luwian Tarhunta, is connected, too. It is interesting that the ‘Tarhunta of Ivriz’ bears a sickle for the harvest of grain Sickle festivals
for the Stormgods were hold in the Hittite Kingdom (Mustafa Şahin 1999, AS 48, 23).

6
7
Under the relief and through the rock streams water, which is used for the agricultural land behind
the relief . The water rises out of the ground about 120 m before the relief. So the relief has been
made at a special spot of the landscape; a sacral place.

The streams flows under the relief, although it was renovated some years ago, the water gate has to be very old (lichens).

The stream rises out from a spring about 120 m before the relief rock. Behind the relief the stream is canalized for the farmers.

relief side back side

(the rock is just 6 meters wide, the Ivriz Creek streams through the rock)
8
One can easily walk from the Ivris relief into the Taurus mountains. Approximately two hours of walking to the
south, there have to appear another relief of king Warpalawa.

www. Hittite Monuments reports : “Further up in the mountain at Ambar Deresi, there is a second relief which
appears to be a replication of the İvriz relief. It is approximately the same size, less detailed and probably was never
finished. In contrast with the İvriz relief this one has no inscription.
Photo © The Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology Classroom, Ivriz II :

9
Hans G. Güterbock tells us about the Hittite texts of the King of the Battle on clay tablets of the 14th
century BC found in Hattusa. Sargon is written here with his Hittite name Šarru-gi (GI is also kīnu in
Hittite), so probably expressed as Šarrukinas. The name of the king of Purušhanda is written in Hittite
Nurdaḫḫi. The narrative is similar with the texts of Amarna and Assur. Also in this text Šarrukinas is
listening to the goddess Ishtar1, he is offering a bull and seven sheep to the sacral river Aranzah2 and
two rams to the bridge, before he crosses the river with his army. In a dream king Nurdaḫḫi of
Purušhanda is warned and appeased by the words of deity Enlil: “Šarrukinas the hero king will fight
you, (but) you have gotten the weapons of the gods!”. Volkert Haas suggested 2 that it is an option
that the Hittite text does not mention an attack of Sargon of Akkade but Šarrukīn = Sargon I of
Assur, during the Old Assyrian trade period of Anatolia. Because in another Hittite text Aranzah is
similar with the Tigris. So Haas argued, that when Šarrukīn has to cross the Tigris, it is more likely
that he did not came from Akkad , southern Mesopotamia, but from Assur (2006, Die Hethitische Literartur,
69). Haas also tells us also about another mighty king Sargon of the New kingdom of Assur, who
ruled around 1000 BC. This king described in a similar way the dangerous journey through
mountains in his 8th campaign “Between Nikippa and Upâ – High mountains, covered with trees all
over, whose chaos inside and their access
1. Volkert Haas (2006-70) mentioned that in an small Babylonian fragment is written that Šarrukīn visit the temple of Istahr (E 2 –ul-
maš), in which he might had a dream vision before his dangerous expedition.
2 Aranzah was translated by Forrer as the classical Arsania (= the Muard) the name of a source river of the Euphrates. Güterbock
stated that a synonym list indicates that Aranzah is similar with the Tigris. It is interesting that Hattusili I in his annals mentioned that
Šarrukinas (Šarrukīn according to prof. Haas, het stated that kīnu means strong, true and faithful ) crossed the river Mala (an affluent
of the Euphrates, in Akkadian Purrattu). So Güterbock stated that it is more likely that Šarrukinas crossed the Euphrates.

10
May 2014 into the Taurus Mounatins near Ivriz.

are terrible, and shadow is layed out like in a Cidar wood, and they who went on their roads, they are
not seeing the hallo of the sun – I marched through”.

The King of the Battle as a source of History.

It is often written that the narrative of the battle would be just literature and would not represent a
form of history. For instance Christopher Morgan who has made a very attractive translation and
explanation of the narrative of the King of the Battle1, wrote:“The king of the Battle does not
represent history in any modern sense of the world. This legend places Sargon of Akkade in a setting
most appropriate centuries later, the Old Assyrian period in which organized Assyrian merchants
activity in Anatolia thrived. Furthermore, at this time Purušhanda seems to have been a most
influential city. This is not to imply that Purušhanda was not influential in an earlier period, or that
were not precursors to the type of merchants activity so thoroughly documented in the Cappadocian
Texts. To the contrary, both were certainly the case. Nevertheless, the student of history must view
the claims of the King of Battle Legend with skepticism “. The situation became even more complex
when one takes into account that the setting of King of Battle more accurately reflects the period of
Sargon I of Assyria. Though the legend clearly understands its protagonist as Sargon of Akkade (eg.
lines 17, 20’), it is possible that a campaign of Sargon I of Assyria (or some other king) has been
11
attributed to the earlier and more famous ruler. It is also possible that legend has no basis at all in
any historical campaign: King of Battle may be a literary creation crafted to prod irresolute monarch
to action, an anachronistic tale serving as a reminder that a great king responds decisively in times of
crisis. In fact a number of important literary themes appear in the legend.

In my opinion this statement, which appears to be an example of how an old narrative, legend, and
myth is often judged, open up questions of how these sources have been treated.

First of all, historians have always to examine all sources, not only old sources, but also modern
history narratives, statements, axiom’s. The basic attitude is not to approach information in any way,
shape, of form with a preconceived idea, such as skepticism. It is essential that the source is
approached with an open mind. That the information is properly read and observed without our
modern judgments, or at least one has to try to look in this way. An open mind, as open as possible,
is necessary, because otherwise we may easily miss information of the ancient. Our modern world
with their axioms and terms are so different with the ancient, that we can easily make mistakes which
gives us an erroneous view of what the ancient writers either meant, or were actually trying to say.
When we are sure that we understand the information and forms of the source or object, then we can
begin to look critically at the source and ask questions such as: 'where is it from, who is saying what,
what were the traditions, what did similar sources saying. What is known from archaeological and
anthropological research, what have other historians or linguists found ? So the statement that the
student of history must view the claims of the King of Battle Legend with skepticism is in my
opinion not an adequate approach in the science of history.

Second the statement: “The king of the Battle does not represent history in any modern sense of the
world”. A historian would say in my opinion: “Of course, not any text of the ancient represents a
analysis or narrative which conforms with our modern standards”
A historian is aware or has to be aware that in the ancient other terms, other axioms ruled “the
thinking” and behavior of men. Even terms as history, literature, myth, religion did not exist in the
ancient or had quite another impact than our modern version. In particular “to make a modern
historical narrative “does not fit in the “worlds of the ancient”. Moreover, it would be quite
interesting to read a historical narrative of 200 years ago or even from the “fifties” of the last century.
It allows us to see how easy it becomes to say: that part is fantasy, and some parts are almost fairy
tales, like the views about the features of races. Even modern sources like journals, administration
documents, declarations of governments and ministers or from high administrators contain

12
deceptions, imaginations, fantasies , mistakes or explanations, what the public or mighty groups “like
to hear” etc.
So when a historian looks to “the king of the Battle” I think he (or she) should not became confused
by weird “facts”, “terms”, actions of deities etc. in the text. He would not react by stating: “this can
absolutely not been used in an historical analyze”. I do not understand how one can judge that a
narrative should not be used to infiltrate history, however, thinks with a mindset that allows it to fit
into our modern-day term literature, and fitting into our axioms of how we use literature.
Of course the traditions of the ancient scriber and the origin of the scribe are important, but how
many men were reading for example in Anatolia in the Bronze age? And how many were listening,
when the texts were spoken out loud?

Third : the assertion that Sargon could not be the Sargon of Akkade in the King of the Battle.
First of all we have to establish that the many versions of the King of the Battle are used in many
parts of the Near East. Also, that the text of the narratives are found in a time period of at least 700
years in Anatolia (Kanesh level II karum till the 12th century New Hittite Kingdom). We have not
found one indication expressed by this men which indicates that the narrative did not concern Sargon
of Akkade. With all the numerous texts relating to the King of the Battle, it shows that many people
and cultures thought that of the narrative of Sargon of Akkade was plausible. And probably also
attractive or useable. In the text of Armana is mentioned that Sargon crossed the Aranzah river,
which is similar with the Tigris. However in the annals of king Hattusili I a crossing of Sargon over
the Euphrates is known. The term ‘annals’ did not exist in that time period. So we actually have first
to establish what kind of text “an annal” was for the “Hittite” king, the Tabarna, and probably the
steward of the Stormgod and the Sun- goddess of Arinna. And were the texts of the clay tablet
spoken aloud “at the hearth fires of the royal clan during the cold winters in Hattusa” ? or was it
written in particular for the deities of the land of Hatti and was it above it all preserved in the House
of the stormgod and the House of the Sun goddess as a kind of responsibility or service to the gods of
Hatti, the owners of the land ?
It appeared that Hattusili I and his royal clan knew the narrative of “King of the Battle” and probably
other narratives or legends about Sargon if Akkade, like his battle with the troops of Ḫaḫaḫa :“No
one had crossed the Mala river. I the Great King crossed it on foot, and my army crossed it on foot
behind me. Sargon (Sarrugina) crossed it. [He] fought the troops of Ḫaḫaḫa, but [he] did not
anything to Ḫaḫaḫa. He did not burn it down; smoke was not visible to the storm god of Heaven”.

13
Why should Hattusili I accept or prefer that his deeds were compared with a such a normal king as
Sargon I of Assur ? Sargon of Akkade was the king who appealed strongly to the people of the Near
East during more than a millennium, such as an Alexander the Great did in the “modern times”.
Why should it be impossible that Sargon of Akkade crossed the Tigris, when he marched to Anatolia
or Purušhanda, even if this made an long detour ? Sargon of Akkade had many “jobs” to do in his
great kingdom, perhaps he liked to go at first to Assur or Subartu. Perhaps Sargon wanted to spare
the people or king of a land for a tour of his massive army in their land. The paths from Assur to
Anatolia and v.v. are used from the ancient. What do we know from the season and the weather
conditions in the narrative? Had the Euphrates a very high level when Sargon was starting his
campaign ?

The scribe of Hattusili I wrote in his Akkadian text the crossing of the Euphrates = the Puratta river
by Sargon of Akkade, according to Volkert Haas (2006:40). In the Hittite text the Mala river is
mentioned, probably a tributary of the Euphrates2. However in both texts a march of the army of
Sargon of Akkade to Purušhanda after the crossing of the Euphrates have not been described.
So it is possible that Hattusili referred to another war of Sargon of Akkade3.
1. Christopher Morgan 2008 , Late Traditions concerning Sargon and Naram-Sin, The Ancient Near East ed. Mark W. Chavalas, 26.
2. Gary Beckman 2008, Hittite Historical Text I, The Ancient Near East ed. Mark W. Chavalas 221 and 250- note 58 . Gernot Wilhelm
mentioned an oracle text in which Hattusili crossed the Pura/una (the Orontes or Afrīn) in Syrian after an victorious battle, probably
the city Hassu ( in his book The Hurrians 1989- 22).
3. Gojko Barjomovic 2011, 105 : Argon of Akkade fought Hahhum in connection with his crossing of the Euphrates in the 24 th c. BC,
and the city was included on the list of Naram-Sin’s antagonists in the ‘Great Revolt’ .

14
It is also an option that Sargon of Akkade not only crossed the Tigris, but also the Euphrates on his
march to Purušhanda ! In the old Assyrian texts the Euphrates forms the border of Anatolia. There
are indications that Hahhum held a position as the gateway between Syria and the Anatolian Plateau
(Barjamovic 2011:105). The OA sources show that Hahhum was a common stop on the trip to
Kanesh (2011:91) . We know that Akkadian merchants of Kanesh asked for help to Argon of Akkade
in the myth and that the text indicate that the way to Purušhanda was not well known. Supposedly
some merchants of Kanesh were going with this campaign of Sargon.

Part of a map trade routes in the OA period to Purušhanda and Kanesh (2008 K. Veenhof, Mesopotamia)

An implicit suggestion follows from the narrative itself for the “Tigris problem”. In the narrative the
king of Purušhanda is saying: “Sargon has not yet come against us. May the riverbank and the
flooding detain him, (together) with the mighty mountain. So apparently the king had expected that
Sargon would come (earlier), he mentioned that the river may have been inundated with a water
rising and flooding making it too fast and deep for Sargon to cross. It is intriguing that once the
listeners to the myth would have known to which river and to which mountain was pointed.
Supposedly the text described the Euphrates or the Seyhan and the Taurus mountains. We can
expect that Purušhanda had sent scouts to the passes of the Taurus and to the south east borders of
Cappadocia. It has emphatically is described that the king of Purušhanda was washed over. The
narrative tells us that Sargon of Akkade outsmarted Nur-Daggal in Purušhanda and that none of his
servants or scouts was apparently able to warn him of the coming attack.
15
When there was a detour then the narrative tells us perhaps that the army of Sargon of Akkade made
a fallacious march to Assur or Subartu and that they might have used the donkey paths from Assur
to cross the Anti Taurus. Gojko Barjamovic (2011:81) stated: ”Traffic moving from east to west is for a
large part guided by the possible crossings of the Euphrates. These crossing points of the Euphrates
have changed continually through time. An alternative route to the Central plateau of Anatolia led
through Mardin over the mountains to the north of that city and connected to Malatya and to
Kanesh”.” This northern route was one of the three main routes to cross the (anti) Taurus”.

In the land of Kanesh along the red river one can easily go to the land of Purušhanda. In wars the
fastest route is not always the best road.

So in conclusion, there is no trace of proof existing that it was another king Sargon, for instance from
the kingdom of Assur instead of Akkade, who was imagined as the one from the King of the Battle.

Fifth : This legend places Sargon of Akkade in a setting most appropriate centuries later, the Old
Assyrian period in which organized Assyrian merchants activity in Anatolia thrived.
This statement look reasonable, however it was already known many decades ago that before the
Assyrian merchants settled themselves in Kanesh, this city had trade connections which had existed
for hundreds of years from archaeological results. Recently Fikiri Kulakoğlu, the archaeologist of
Kanesh has found hundreds of bullae from North Mesopotamian cities in levels before the OA time
period. We are allowed to expect that in the 3rd Millennium Kanesh and the Great Kingdoms of
Purušhanda has merchants activity to Mesopotamia and v.v.1. The obsidian trade from Cappadocia to

16
the Levant seems of more than 12.000 years old. What does the “King of the Battle” mentioned :
Akkadian merchants of probably Kanesh, who are seeking support against the king of Purušhanda.
So in my opinion there is no proof that the legend placed Sargon of Akkade in the Old Assyrian time
period. I will not exclude it, but there is no proof at all, because the described scenario of the
narrative in the time period of Sargon of Akkade is also possible. So according to the words of the
ancient texts, men of the Bronze age described the time period of Sargon of Akkade. It is likely that
they believed these narratives and we have to establish it is their heritage. The Hittite myth of Sargon
of Akkade, which described the conquering of Purušhanda, reveals that in even in the 13th century
BC Sargon of Akkade remained an impressive figure in Anatolia.

1. The trade of Anatolia with north Syria is very old for instance trade of Anatolian obsidian glass to the Levant is from c. 10.000 BC.
From Amurru (“Western Country”) in North Syria is their export of dark pack-asses known to Assur and Babylon ( Julius Lewy 1961
HUCA 32, 73-74). For instance the geographic term KUR ša imêrêsu (the mountain of its Donkeys) is connected with the kingdom of
Amurru and a Babylonian term “asses from Amurrum” is known.

Sixth : the statement “It is also possible that the legend has no basis at all in any historical campaign:
the King of Battle may be a literary creation crafted to prod irresolute monarch to action, an
anachronistic tale serving as a reminder that a great king responds decisively in times of crisis. In fact
a number of important literary themes appear in the legend”.

Unfortunately this statement has almost not an underpinning. I think that the King of the Battle is a
myth1. The start of the damaged text reveals probably a statement about Ishtar and throughout the
narrative several gods are active and influenced the results of the battle. Belief and ritual are
dynamical and belong to particular locations in a historical setting. Such as traditions and their
narratives are, so the myths are changing also. In myths, we are told how the gods, the lower deities,
and the demons, were acting. The supernatural element was extremely important in the lives of the
people in the ancient world, so it was only natural that in their historical narratives they are relating
to us the deeds of the gods, and the meaning of their deeds in their daily life. It is known that myths
had normally a history of oral narrative. We can establish that Sargon of Akkade was apparently a
very impressive historical figure.
Why would a literary creation have been necessary or useful to prod irresolute monarchs?2 And
could such a motive be a reason to make so many clay tablets of the King of the Battle during such a
long period and in such many lands? How does the “literary creation” fit in the culture and societies
of the Bronze ages? Was the narrative of the King of the Battle not used to remember the past ? or

17
to explain the deeds of the gods ? and was it not attractive to tell the narrative at the hearth fire in
the palaces during the winters of Anatolia or on campaigns?
It is known that the scribes of the Bronze age were trained in scribe schools in which traditions and
styles developed, it is likely that they influenced the written narrative of the myths. Do not all the
written myths, or the most, contain literary themes ?
There are several Hittite texts which show that texts of the clay tablets could be read out loud as a
historical document. Professor Houwink ten Cate pointed to the remarkable letter of Hattusili III to
the young king Kadasmanenlil II of Babylon striking text (1986 De Hethieten, NINO Leiden, 15) : “And in
those days was my brother (Kadasmanenlil II) still young and I (Hattusili III). I assume that then
the clay tablets were not spoken out to you. Now the scribes from the past do not live anymore. The
(your) clay-tablets are not remained at all, so it is not possible to read out loud to you”. From the
“testament of Hattusili” it is known that the king said to Mursili I his young heir: “The Great king
Labarna then turned to Mursili, his (adopted) son: I have given you my words. Let they read this
tablet in your presence every month, so that you will print my words and my wisdom in your heart”
(Petra Goedegebuure 2008, The Bilingual testament of Hattusili I, The Ancient Near East ed. Mark W. Chavalas, 227).

One can establish that in the Bronze age the terms myth and “literary creation” are not used, so these
terms were probably not known. What we see are written narratives in which gods had an active role
and in which historical events are told in a manner so that it was remained or remembered by people,
mixed with writers traditions and their literary themes.
Even when we ascertain that the King of the Battle would only be “a literal creation”, it is still an
important source for historians to examine in which historical actions are described in these
narratives of people of the Near East. The description of the King of the Battle as a “literal creation”
does not release us from our responsibility to examine this historical source.
1 The people in the ancient made “their view of the world” explicit in myths. Myths always decribe a specific time and location in
which the narrative has taken place. Myths are historical narratives according to the tradition of a specific area or town. These myths
changed during the centuries. They are not theological texts, but narratives and sometimes they are connected with rituals. Almost all
the etiological narratives, in which the Hellenes are telling us where they came from or who they originally were, are myths, in which
of course the gods, the lower deities and the demons are acting. The super nature is very important in the life of the people in the
ancient, so in their historical narratives they are telling us about the deeds of the gods and the meaning of their deeds in their daily life.
Fairy tales do not occur in a particular time, they do not start in a historical year, mostly they start with “once upon a time”. Fairy
tales have normally a general meaning or sense, they contain often een secular message. The persons in fairy tales are mostly not
historical figures, mostly the names of the participants are of unknown people or beings.

18
2. In the ruins of a house of an Assyrian merchant from Level II (destroyed in 1836 BC), there contained a composition of the famous
texts of King Sargon of Akkade, the conqueror of the ‘Upper and Lower Land’. Jan Gerrit Dercksen made a new translation of the
remaining text composition from Kanesh and he proved that the text is an important source for the history of the memory of and the
cult to Sargon in the Near East .The first sentences of the text: King Sargon, king of Akkade, the metropolis, mighty king, who
discusses with gods. Divine Adad (dIM) gave him strength and as a result I took possession of the land from East to West and on one
single day I did battle with seventy cities ( J.G. Dercksen: Adad is King ! The Sargon text from Kültepe, Jaarbericht Ex Oriente lux 39).

Hattusili I through the Taurus.

The annals of the 5th year of king Hattusili I, in ca. 1645 BC, tell us about the many campaigns of
the Kingdom of Hatti to conquer parts of the rich Kingdom of Yamkhad beyond the Taurus
mountains. At first it was necessary to conquer some “Hurrian” city-states1 near or in the Taurus
mountains to get a well starting point to attack cities as Zaruna (near Alahha), Hassuwa, Hahha and
Zippasna. In the Hittite Puhānu text (CTH16) the journey of Hattusili I with his army through the
Mountains range is almost certainly described1. Many translations and explanations are made from
this text fragment by several scholars. The translation of Volkert Haas (2006:49) in English2 is :
[behind] them he appeared as bull; however his horns are little dem{olished] 2. I am asking […];
“why are his horns demolished?” As follows he (aswers): “When I was fighting […] , the mountains
were hindering us. (however) this bull was[strong] and when he arrived, lift every mountain, re
[mov]ed it and we defeated the Sea.

Wikipedia -map, from: Moyen Orient 1600 aC.svg

According to Haas the text mentions that the Stormgod is acting as the mythical controller of the sea
or is acting as an etiological god in the form of a bull. Others see the bull here as a metaphor for the
king himself . This problem regarding translation 3 is repeated in another paragraph ( §7) of the text,
when is written dUTU-us. The last Sumerogram is normally translated as the Sun-goddess, but some
see here a title for Hittite kings “My Sun”. However this title is normally written as dUTUsi .

19
Because in the ancient one believed that the gods were responsible for the wars and that the humans
were fighting because gods wanted these wars, as well as the great impact of the power of the bull on
the mountains, it is more likely that a stormgod 4 and the sun-goddess are both described and not a
king. Oǧuz Soysal and Amir Gilan5 pointed that probably a statue of an stormgod was used to get
through the Taurus Mountains
1. Volkert Haas 2006, Die hethitische Literatur, 47.
2. Other translations translate often that the hors are bent.
3. Stefano de Martino 2003, More on the So-Called “puhanu Chronicle”, Hittite studies in honor of Harry A. Hoffner, 26.
4. Amir Gilan 2004, Der Pahanu Text, AoF 31, 278. Haleb = Aleppo.
5. Idem, CTH 4 mentioned a bull of silver from Zalpa, two bulls of silver from Hassu(wa) and a bull of silver from Hahhum. It is
known that the Hittite army conquered a Stormgod (statute) from Haleb .

About 4 passes are known through the Taurus; the most comfortable pass which is of use throughout
the year is the Gezbelpass1 (1960 m); about 120 km shorter than the more western Cilician Gates,
which is also the more difficult to go. Near the Gezbelpass and the village Hanyeri one can see a
relief where the Mountain King Sarruma (REX MONS DEUSSARMA), pictured as a bull stands with his
forelegs on a the shoulders of the mountain god with hieroglyph name ENSIS and before them
stands prince Kuwalanamuwa2, the same prince is mentioned in Imamkulu and in Akpinar. Entirely
on the right-hand is written the name of prince Tarhuntabyammi 3 .

Volkert Haas described 3 the mighty mountain king-deity, who was worshipped in this area and in
particular beyond the Anti-Taurus mountains. The centrum of his cult was in Kummanni on the

20
upper river Saros ca. 200 km SE from Kanesh and the White volcano. Kizzuwatna included ancient
Cilicia and extended along the two rivers Ceyhan and Şeyhan (Old Greek: Pyramos and Saros) and up into
Cappadocia. The city is the religious center and the most sacred area of the Kingdom of Kizzuwatna
and a temple of Hepat was situated here. The city was still famous in Roman times under the name
of Comana Cappadocia. According to Wilhelm (1989:23) Kummanni acquired considerable cultural
significance by adopting Hurrian cults of various origin, which were transmitted to the royal clan of
Hattusa, in particular during the New Kingdom time period. Strabo wrote that in the Roman Period
inside the area, there was a temple dedicated to Ma, the great mother goddess.

1. The pass between the mountains Bey Daǧi (3054 m)and Alayhdaĝ (2436 m).
2. Horst Ehringhaus 2005, Götter Herrscher Inschriften, 79.
3. Volkert Haas 1982, Hethitische Berggötter, 79 - 82.

When the Hittite king Šuppiluliuma deployed his son in Halpa as his vice-king, he appointed him as
the high-priest of Sarruma. Probably at the same time in oath-rituals of military commanders
Sarruma and the Moon-god Umbu (a North-Syrian name of the Moon) was used to destroy men,
who would break an oath. In the pantheon of Hattusa Sarruma became a member of the inner part
of Stormgod Tessub as his bull calf 1.

21
The cult of the Mountain king remained closely united with his originally destination. Queen
Puduḫepa praised Sarruma, who is risen in her dream. He asking her to establish 12 altars in the
mountains to feed him. The queen answered : “ When you Mountain [ Sarruma], My Lord, the
king (Hattusili III) will kept in live for me, ……… (Haas 1982:81).
1. Volkert Haas 1982, Hethitische Berggötter, 81 : first is offering the bull calf Sarruma, then the bulls Seri and Hurri, afterwards the
mountains Nami and Hazzi.

The close connection of Sarruma with the mother goddess Hebat originates from his original
location, in particular of the North Syrian realm, where the great goddess and the mountain god are
a sacral couple. In the pantheon of Hattusa of the late New Kingdom Hebat and Tessub formed a
couple and Sarruma is the bull calf of Tessub.
Gernot Wilhelm (1989, The Hurrians, 21) described the campaigns of Hattusili I after the king had
consolidated his supremacy in the Cappadocia area : “After the capture and destruction of the towns
of Zaruna not far from Allakh, Hattusili pushed forward to the mouantains of Adalur to attack the
troops of the town Haššu who were reinforced by a contingent from Halab”. “After a victorious battle
he crossed the Pura/una river and captured Haššu”.
The deities of the town: the weather god of Amaruk , the weather god of Hallab, Allatum, Adalar,
Lilluri and Hepat were transported along with their cult object in to the temple of the sun goddess of
Arinna or alternatively to the temple of her daughter Mezulla. Some of these deities, although they
are not genuine Hurrian gods, are typical of the west Hurrian pantheon (Wilhelm 1989:22).
In Haššu, the prince of Hurma was installed as the Hittite deputy. According to Wilhelm the overall
aim of Hittite control in northern Syria could only be achieved in tandem with the conquest of
Halab, its “nerve centre”. This town , one of the most important oriental metropolises during the
Mari period and as such heir to the geographical trading potential of nearby Ebla, was in Hittite eyes
the seat of a “Great Kingship”, and its capture was looked upon as a divine mandate. Mursili II, a
grandson of Hattusili I, and the adopted heir, would finally conquered Halab, after Hattusili had
died.

22
Warpalawa II king at the Taurus in the 8th c. BC.

When we return to the relief of Ivriz, then Trevor Bryce1 is able to give quite a bit of information
regarding king Warpalawa (II ?): he ruled between circa 740-705 BC his titles are King, Hero and
Ruler of Tuwana. Tuwana was one of largest neo-Hittite kingdom of the southern Tabal Region. Her
capital was probably Kemerhisar ( Classical Tyanan) and at one time Nahitiya (site Niğide) .
Warpalawa II was very likely the longest-reigning of the Tabalian kings. He paid tribute to the
Assyrian king Tiglathpileser III, he had a longstanding attachment to Assyria, however he also had
some form of contact with the Phrygians. The Assyrian governor of Que, Ashur-sharru-usur,
reported to King Sargon II that Warpalawa (Assyrian name Urballa) sought contact with him in the
company of an envoy from Phrygia. Ashur-sharru-usur has his suspicious about his loyality, he
wrote in ca. 710 BC: “ Urpala’a [ may slip away] from the king, my lord, on account of the fact that
the Atunnaeans and Istuandeans came and took the cities of Bit-Paruta away from him”. There are
some Old Phrygian inscriptions found in Tuwana in basalt slabs (“Black Stones”).
Bryce pointed to the fact that Warpalawa’s kingdom included at least one sub-kingdom, governed by
a certain Tarhunaza, who accorded himself as ruler, but acknowledged Warpalawa as his overlord.
Tarhunaza refers in his inscription (Bulgarmaden, see below) to the services he carried out for
Warpalawa and the benefits he received from him. The inscription was found in situ on a outcrop of
rock in the Taurus range near the Cilician Gates. This was presumable the place which Tarhunaza
refers as Mt. Muti. Bryce stated also: “Warpalawa was also one of three rulers who supported the
northern king Wasusarma in his encounter with eight enemy kings near the city Parzuta.

1. Trevor Bryce 2012, The World of the Neo-Hittite Kingdoms, 148-152.

2. Belkis Dinçol 1994 new archaeological and Epigraphical finds from Ivriz, Tel Aviv 21, 118.

23
A part of a colossal statue of king Warpalawa was found in 1986, about 75 meters upstream from the
İvriz relief. It has hieroglyphic Luwian inscription on the back and the right sides, but the left side has
a Phoenician inscription.
Belkis Dinçol2 wondered rightly: How can we explain the existence of such a bilinguis in the territory
of the kingdom of Tuwana, are the Hittite traditions at least partly preserved ? Could there have been
direct commercial or cultural relationship between the Phoenicians and the kingdom of Tuwana ? Or,
was this a result of the influence of Karateppe, which was located not too far away ?
Around the Ivriz monument and at other villages several other statues and inscriptions were found
(see appendix), which were all related to “our” king Warpalawa. In 1972 a small relief was found near
the bridge about 100 m from the Ivriz relief (see below). Because no inscription was found it’s hard
to indicate which function this inscription had. Lionel Bier has suggested a very attractive option for
the setting with her small relief. The man leading an animal to an offering place while walking at its
side is a motif of varied date and provenance in Ancient Near eastern art, It seems that the small
relief marked a spot at which actual sacrifices and libations were performed and that the recipient
deity was present not in the picture, but in person, so to speak. This type of relief with the source of
a stream makes it likely that at this place the offering was made to a female spring deity.

Lionel Bier, A second Hittite relief at Ivriz, JNES vol.35 no.2 April 1976, 115-126.

24
Appendix :
Info and pictures from Hittite Monumets.com :

The name of the king also appears in Bor and Bulgarmaden monuments.
A possible translation of the Bor inscription by J. D. Hawkins: I am Warpalawa, Tuwana's king, the Ruler, the
Hero, [Muwa]ha[rani, the Ruler's] son. I myself planted this vineyard,and this Tarhunza of the Vineyard I set up.
For me he will walk well,and here in which year he will come well for me,to me there shall be 100 measures of ...
... 100 measures of wine. The year in which I became king in that year the enemies beneath my feet he put, did
Tarhunza. ... and to me may he grant long days, may Tarhunza!

The Bulgarmaden rock inscription is located on a rock cliff near the Madenköy village (also known as Bolkar
Maden, Bulgarmaden) of Adana, south of the road between Ulukışla and Çiftehan. The location is about 20 km
northwest of the Clician Gates (Gülek Pass on the Taurus mountains) and about 30 km east of İvriz. The
hieroglyphic Luwian inscription is about 400 meters above the road and covers an area of 1.5 meter by 1.3 meter. It
mentions the name of the ruler Tarhunaza who is apparently a vassal of King Warpalawa of Tuwana (see İvriz and
Bor). The text indicates that Tarhunaza received the Mount Muti (possibly Bolkar Mountain) as a gift from
Warpalawa, and Tarhunaza thanks him and the gods. He also advices future rulers to make offerings, and adds a
protective curse against anybody who damages the inscription. It is dated to the second half of the 8th century BCE.

In 1986, about 75 meter upstream from the İvriz relief, a partial stele and a colossal statue head was discovered
during the construction of an irrigation channel. Only the bottom part of the stele survives and has a relief on one
side and a hieroglyphic Luwian inscription on the back and the right sides. The left side has a Phoenician
inscription. This text also mentions King Warpalawa. They are currently in Ereğli Museum. A third relief was

25
discovered by villagers only in 1972, about 25-30 meters up the creek from the İvriz relief, about 10 meters above
the way. It is very flatly carved relief, only about a centimeter in depth, and shows a man(?) wearing a short skirt,
leading an animal to the right. They are following another person who wears a long tunic. The upper part of the
person in front with the long garment is missing because of the broken rock. The animal can be a horse, a dog, but
more possibly a bull since it is thought that this is a sacrificial scene. The flat, shelf like carved rock with some
carved steps on the side may suggest a ritual location. Stylistically the relief points to an older period than the large
Ivriz relief. This relief has been moved to Ereğli Museum.

Ivriz I, II and III.

© The Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology Classroom > Archaeologies of Place Rock reliefs, caves, springs and quarries :

26
© The Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology Classroom, Ivriz II :

View of the Ivriz valley with the rock relief of Warpalawa at the tip of the linear rock outcrop bisecting the valley

photo Ivriz II from Hittite monumants.com

27
The landscape in the mountains of Ivriz can be well used for herding, and sometimes it is possible to
see gate-holes for locks to keep in cattle or sheep. One can observe with some imagination defense
places for humans to hide themselves.

28
 may 2014 Ivriz into the mountains.

I like to thank Debbie Turkilsen (student University New England, Sydney) for the improvements of the English text.

29
Belkis Dinçol 1994 new archaeological and Epigraphical finds from Ivriz, Tel Aviv 21, 118.

30
31