Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 47, No. 6, FEBRUARY 11, 2012

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UP Assembly Elections: Politics of '
io In the run-up to the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections, both the regional and ^he Blasphemers
national parties are experimenting with their approaches to the voters. BhopaFs Toxic Legacy
CPI(M) in Crisis
Critiquing Report on Un
12 The report of the High Level Expert Group on Universal Health Coverage from 50 years ago
stresses the need to contextualise health within rights and entitles every comment
citizen equal access to publicly-funded services, but there is a lack of clarity UP Assembl
on the second aspect. or 'Belongings'? - Vivek Prahladan
Long on Aspiration, Sh
Health Evidence from the States Report on Universal Health Coverage
16 The despair over general health indicators is so overwhelming that critics -Sujatha Rao
miss out on the emerging positive trends in many hitherto backward sta
-Amarjeet Sinha
Critique Of the Common Ser

18 A study of the Common Service Centre scheme on telecommunication - Rohit Prasad , Rupamanjari Sinha Ray
services in Uttar Pradesh and Meghalaya and suggestions on the optimal Developmental Crisis and
structural design appropriate for the stated objectives. апГХпйпГлерГеГет^

Developmental Crisis and Dialectics of Protest Politics ~RaiuJD™".'.
m, . , i j . ... Unrest in Xinjiang: A Consequence
24 m, There is . a need for a theory that lays , bare the i unbending and j unyield
character of the current system of economic and political power relations and __ Bhavna Singh
at the same time charts the possibilities of reforms.
FROM THE STATES
Unrest in Xinjiang: A Consequence of Asymmetric Growth? uttar Pradesh's Renouncer King

27 Disproportionate development in Xinjiang province in China has encouraged -Badri Narayan
violent opposition to the state and the local residents are infuriated by the boo
immigration brought about by increased economic opportunities. Anide 3?o:
and Kashmir - The (Un)Making of Article
Uttar Pradesh's Renouncer King -RakeshAnkit
31 Rahul Gandhi seems to have successfu

the renouncer king in Uttar Pradesh, but
Congress Party? Making of a Borderland
- Gunnel Cederlo f
Land Dispossession in Jharkhand

39 An investigation of the strategies e
access to land for resource extraction fro
deedless commons in Jh
. _ „ . . ^ Nesar Ahmad
An . Ethnograph
47 Drawing fro
analysis of the r
political system. of the Indian State: An Ethnographic Exploration of Brokers in Bihar- Jeffrey Witsoe
Can We De-Stigmatise Reservations? Can We ^

55 Unlike the dalits, the politics of the Other Backward Classes is not exclusively Д/ЦУ Gudavarthy
caste-centric; it articulates their demands and politics along

region, religion and language.
notes
Cereal Consumption and Per Capita Income Structural Change and Inter-sectoral Linkages:
63 An examination of the relationship between per capita cereal consumption The Case of North-east India
and per capita income shows that consumption varies substantially with -Avijit Debnath , Niranjan Roy
education levels, household size, occupation patterns and urbanisation. discussion

„ . . Counting and Profiling the Missing Labour Force
Structural Change and Inter-sectoral „ Linkages . . -KPKannan, G R
72 An analysis of the trend in sectoral shares in the state domestic product and
inter-sectoral linkages in north-east India between 1981 and 2007. current statistics
Counting and Profiling the Missing Labour Force letters

77 A comment on С Rangarajan, Padma Iyer Kaul, and
the Missing Labour Force?" (epw, 24 September 2011). notes for contributors
Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
ISSN 0012-9976
Ever since the first issue in 1966,
epw has been India's premier journal for Misrepresentation were not originally there in the article
comment on current affairs
of Author's Views that I had submitted to epw.
and research in the social sciences.
It succeeded Economic Weekly (1949-1965), Ajay Kumar
which was launched and shepherded
by Sachin Chaudhuri,
who was also the founder-editor of epw. chayats:
This chayats: A Socio-Historical
is apropos Overview
A Socio-Historical my article "Khap Overview Pan- (epw regrets that in the course of editing the
As editor for thirty-five years (1969-2004)
Krishna Raj
(epw, 28 January 2012). Changes have article the above changes were made. Ed. )
gave epw the reputation it now enjoys. been made in the original article that
EDITOR
defeat the central scheme of the argu- Appeal for Court Protection
С RAMMANOHAR REDDY
ment. Some other errors have also of Soni Sori
DEPUTY EDITOR
crept in:
[This is an open letter to the honourable chief
BERNARD D'MELLO (i) I had described khaps as a gotra-based
justice of India and honourable judges of the
tribal institution of one caste which is
WEB EDITOR Supreme Court of India.]
SUBHASH RAI not a unique feature of the Jat commu-
SENIOR ASSISTANT EDITORS nity alone and which has remained to
LINA MATHIAS
serve the feudal mode of production. As judgesjudges
citizens, of the
of the we look
highest courthighest
of lawtoinyou, court honourable of law in
ANIKET ALAM
SRINIVASAN RAMANI The editor has described khaps as a our land, to protect the rights of those
ASHIMA SOOD
multi-gotra, multi-caste institution which who stand powerless, marginalised by
BHARATI BHARGAVA
is not my position. society due to their class, caste, gender
COPY EDITORS
(ii) On page 62, epw has misrepresented or ethnic origins.
PRABHA PILLAI
JYOTI SHETTY my position by adding that present-day This is especially so in the case of Soni
ASSISTANT EDITOR youth see khaps as "remnants of a feudal Sori, a tribal woman on whom gross
P S LEELA
society" which serve "the interests of sexual torture has been inflicted while in
PRODUCTION rich agrarian sections". This is against police custody in Chhattisgarh. We write
U RAGHUNATHAN
the whole concept presented in the origi- to you with deep dismay at her continued
S LESLINE CORERA
SUNEETHI NAIR
nal article. I had shown with facts that vulnerability despite her repeated pleas
CIRCULATION
the khap panchayat has primarily for protection from various courts, and
GAURAANG PRADHAN manager turned into a tool in the hands of the urge you to give serious attention to the
В S SHARMA
landlord class to exploit and oppress the grave violation of the rights of a tribal
ADVERTISEMENT MANAGER
toiling masses in rural areas. And they woman under-trial, the facts and docu-
KAMAL G FANIBANDA
are still very powerful in rural Haryana ments regarding which are pending
GENERAL MANAGER ft PUBLISHER
despite land reform legislation and the before the Supreme Court in the case
К VIJAYAKUMAR
green revolution. So feudal forces are (writ petition (crl) No 206 of 2011).
EDITORIAL
edit@epw.in not merely remnants as they are made Briefly: Soni Sori is a 35-year-old adi-
CIRCULATION out to be. The pattern of làndownership vasi schoolteacher and warden of a gov-
circulation@epw.in
has not changed significantly in rural ernment-run school for tribal children in
ADVERTISING
areas and no fundamental change has Jabeli, Dantewada till the Chhattisgarh
advt@epw.in
come about in production relations in police forced her to flee from Dantewada
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY
the agrarian society. in early September 2011. She is being
320-321, A TO Z INDUSTRIAL ESTATE
GANPATRAO KADAM MARG, LOWER PAREL (iii) Mahmudpur is situated in Karnal tried as a suspected Maoist supporter in
MUMBAI 4OO OI3
district, and not in Sultanpur district as several cases.
PHONE: (022) 4063 8282
epw has wrongly mentioned on page 62. Soni Sori was arrested in Delhi on 4
FAX: (022) 2493 4515
(iv) epw has added two references to October 2011 after she had exposed sig-
EPW RESEARCH FOUNDATION Punjab in page 62, which were not there nificant evidence of being framed by the
epw Research Foundation, established in 1993, conducts
in the original article. Chhattisgarh police in multiple cases, in-
research on financial and macro-economic issues in India.
(v) In the section titled, "The Way For- cluding the Essar bribery case, to the
DIRECTOR
К KANAGASABAPATHY ward", prefixes, "ideally" and "hope- news magazine, Tehelka (http://tehelka.
С 212, AKURLI INDUSTRIAL ESTATE fully" have been added before "land com/story _main50.asp?filename=Nei5
KANDIVALI (EAST), MUMBAI 4OO 101
PHONES: (022) 2887 3038/41 reform" and that legally recognised ìoiicoverstory).
FAX: (022) 2887 3038 rights, parliamentary and panchayati Fearing retaliation while in custody, Soni
epwrf@vsnl.com
raj institutions have provided opportu- Sori had pleaded before the additional
Printed by К Vijayakumar at Modern Arts and Industries,
nities for individuals to come out of the chief metropolitan magistrate, district
151, A-Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg,
Lower Parel, Mumbai-400013 and traditional khap system. This is also not court, Saket as well as the Delhi High Court
published by him on behalf of Sameeksha "Ihist
my position. that she be held in custody in Delhi and
from 320-321, A-Z Industrial Estate,
Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai-400013. It is unfortunate that the article has sought to face trial outside Chhattisgarh.
Editor: С Rammanohar Reddy.
been edited to present certain views that However, on 7 October 2011, Soni Sori was
4 February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 E32S3 Economic & Political WEEKLY
remanded to the custody of Chhattisgarh pain in her lower abdomen. She hasprotection to the legal and human rights
police, albeit with directions to the Chhat- subsequently informed her lawyer (affi- enshrined in the Constitution of India,
tisgarh police to "follow due process". davit submitted to the Supreme Court) especially for those placed in such
This was Soni Sori's first attempt to that she found several stones inserted in vulnerable conditions.
seek protection. A plea she is still making, her vagina, many of which she managed Uma Chakravarti,
now in your court. to remove herself, but not all. Brinda Karat, Romila Thapar, Madhu Bhaduri,
Imrana Qadeer, Farah Naqvi,
The Delhi High Court too, in its order of The Supreme Court observed that the
Vasanth Kannabiran, Lalita Ramdas,
8 October 2011, ordered the Chhattisgarh injuries against her person did not appearGitha Hariharan, С Sathyamala, Mira Shiva,
police to file by 14 October 2011 a report to be as simple as the State was makingVeena Shatrugna, Jayati Ghosh,
outlining steps taken to keep her safe. them out to be, and ordered an inde- Rohini Hensman, Sandhya Srinivasan,
This was Soni Sori's second attempt to pendent medical examination in nrsVeena Poonacha and 172 other individuals,
and 109 organisations.
seek protection against the police via the Medical College Hospital in Kolkata.
judicial process. The medical report, presented to the
On 10 October 2011, Soni Sori was to Supreme Court on 25 November 2011, Plight of Tea Garden Workers
be produced before the court of the states that two stones were found inserted
magistrate in Dantewada. However, deep inside her vagina and one in her
Soni Sori, who had been in perfect rectum. The mri scan also reveals Thousands north
north Bengal
Bengal of teainaremiserable
are living garden living in workers miserable in
health when she was remanded to the annular tears on her spine. All irrefut-conditions. After visiting a closed tea
custody of Chhattisgarh police in Delhi,able evidence of custodial sexual abuse garden some years back, the present chief
was in such terrible physical pain that and torture. minister, Mamata Baneijee, who was then
she could not even stand up or step out of Yet, on 1 December 2011, the Supreme in opposition, promised that if the Tiina-
the police van and reach the court room.Court ordered that Soni Sori remain in mool Congress came to power, she would
The police claimed "she slipped in thethe custody of the Chhattisgarh state for solve the problems of the tea gardens.
bathroom and had hurt her head". an additional period of 55 days until the Nine starvation deaths have reportedly
That day, Soni Sori did not appear in
next hearing. Given the prior apprehen- taken place in recent weeks at the closed
person before the magistrate, nor did thesion of such violence especially in cases Dheklapara tea garden in the Dooars and
magistrate see her - only a court clerkunder the shadow of the Maoist issue, have drawn public attention to the plight
came to the police van and yet, it is
and in light of the medical examination of tea garden workers. The Dheklapara
report placed before the Court, we are garden has been under a lockout since
wrongly recorded in the order sheet that
she was produced before the magistratedistressed that no immediate action was 2002. Though the lockout was lifted for a
who remanded her to judicial custodyinitiated against responsible police offi- few days in 2006, the owners deserted
for 14 days. cials, nor protection ensured for Soni the garden thereafter and about 1,000
The examining doctors at the Dante- Sori until the next date of hearing. workers lost their livelihoods. It is reported
wada District Hospital and the Govern- After all, it is only the Court that can that 56 workers died of starvation in
ment Medical College in Jagdalpur have insulate a victim of sexual custodial as- the same garden under the Left Front
recorded that "she has a history of un- sault from her oppressors, particularly regime. The present labour minister of
consciousness", that she is "unable to when serious charges have been made West Bengal, Purnendu Bose, has also
stand due to pain in lumbar region; and against the senior police officer. It is only denied that starvation deaths have taken
that she has injuries on her head and the Court that could have ensured that place and has claimed that it is the work-
back, and that black marks were ob- she is not made more vulnerable after she ers' habit of consuming liquor that is re-
served on her toes" - indicating she had has spoken out about this torture, despitesponsible for the deaths.
received electric shocks. threats to her person and family. When the leader of the opposition,
In subsequent statements to relatives, It is only the Court that can send out aSuryakanta Mishra, recently visited Dhek-
her lawyer and a letter addressed to the clear signal that the rights of citizens lapara garden it is reported that the local
Supreme Court itself, Soni Sori has will be protected, and that when the po-residents said, 'The Left Front government
described the custodial torture that she
lice abuses its powers, the judiciary willwas in power for 34 years. The age of the
was subjected to. She has stated that not stand by in silence. It is only the present government is only seven months.
she was "pulled out of her cell at the Court that can ensure that ChhattisgarhWhat is the point in blaming them?"
Dantewada Police Station on the night ofpolice will abide by the rule of law and if It is true that the tea garden workers in
8/9 October 2011 and taken to S P Ankit they violate the rights of citizens, theyWest Bengal did not get justice from the
Garg's room". There she was stripped and too will be held legally accountableLeft Front government. But there is no
given electric shocks and that "stones and and punished. serious effort on the part of the new gov-
batons were inserted into her private parts". We hope that the Supreme Court willernment in power to do something mean-
When she awoke the next morning, ensure that justice is finally done to ingful for them.
she had severe aches all over her body, this tribal under-trial woman and will Arup Kumar Sen
especially her neck and spine, and acuteset a precedent to provide effective
KOLKATA
Economic & Political weekly D3S3 February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 5
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6 February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 DD Economic & Political WEEKLY
== Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
FEBRUARY 11, 2012
The Blasphemers
What lies behind the rise of nationalist and religious censors?
from M F Husain to Taslima Nasreen, from James Laine to Joseph

was busy placating the growing assertiveness of the Sangh Lelyveld, the list is long and growing at an alarming pace.
In was parivar
parivarthein the
busyhopemid-1980s, in placating
of cementing the "Hinduthesupport"
hope when
he hadof the cementing the growing then prime the assertiveness "Hindu minister support" of Rajiv the Gandhi he Sangh had It is not only each religious community which is now extra sen-
received in the 1984 polls after the Sikh killings, he sought to sitive about attacks on its symbols of authority, but there are other
balance the scales by making some concessions to Muslim funda- groups too which imagine themselves to be communities - like
mentalism. He first neutralised the Supreme Court's Shah Bano castes and nations - that have started increasingly getting "hurt"
judgment on maintenance for Muslim divorcees and then imposed by ideas, words and representations. There could be two possible
a ban on the import of Salman Rushdie's novel, The Satanic Verses. reasons for this increase in the frequency with which communities
More than two decades later, the march to power in Uttar Pradesh are feeling aggrieved. It could be either because there is an
(up) of Rajiv Gandhi's son and prime minister aspirant, Rahul increase in the actual number of such "hurtful" activities, or that
Gandhi, is sought to be helped by stoking the same controversy the political costs to these communities of letting such activities
using similar means. go unchallenged have increased. We need to perhaps see this
It should not be forgotten that the Madani family of up, which as a continuation of the same process - of guarding the borders
controls the Darul Uloom Deoband and first made an issue of of the community - which leads to honour killings and caste
Rushdie's presence at the Jaipur Literature Festival (jlf), has violence. But guarding the borders of the community is also
traditionally been close to the Congress Party and that it was the about disciplining the members of the community in line with
senior-most police official in Congress-ruled Rajasthan who con- that community's power relations and structures of oppression.
cocted a mafia/terrorist threat to Rushdie to scare him off. The It should be remembered that when the representatives of
extent of political corruption and the complicity of formally neutral these communities threaten or actually carry out violence against
state institutions in pushing vested political interests is mind- those who supposedly transgress certain norms, they are only
boggling. That the issue was not the security threat to Salman superficially attacking the celebrity transgressor. The real message
Rushdie but rather the political message the Congress wanted to is for the relatively powerless, anonymous member of their own
convey in election-bound up became clear when Rushdie was not community, telling her to desist from questioning the status quo
even allowed to speak via videoconference facilities. and the existing power structures. The real object of the funda-
This episode has been a stark reminder of how the Congress mentalists' threats is not Salman Rushdie or M F Husain or
has regularly used the most dangerous forms of religious funda- Taslima Nasreen; the real targets are the million mutinies which
mentalism in its pursuit of electoral success. It has also thrown an are carried out by the "common people" in their daily lives. This
unkind light on the organisers of the jlf who seem to have decided, is why, as the mullahs and mahants become increasingly irrele-
at each misstep, to barter the writer's right to free speech in vant in politics, there is a proportional increase in their anger
exchange for endorsement from the violent and the powerful. against the blasphemers.
The Salman Rushdie non-event is only one of many examples But if this is true of the religious and other communities of
of the curtailment of the right to freedom of thought and expres- India, it is true about the Indian nation too. The threat of sedition
sion in India in recent times. There has been a pattern of growing charges against Syed Ali Geelani or Arundhati Roy is as much a
intolerance against different opinions and ideas, not only by the threat to those who may, in the daily struggle of their lives, ques-
self-appointed leaders of India's various putative communities, tion the deification of the Indian nation and its mahants and
but also by the State and its functionaries. Whether it is sedition mullahs. Far from any serious sedition, even the manner in
charges being slapped on those who oppose the Indian state's which the Indian state has gone around taking issue with silly
policies, or demands that particular textbooks that "hurt sentiments" jokes on India by foreign television programmes exposes how
be withdrawn, or the banning and even burning of films and fragile and lacking in confidence our state and nation have
books, the attacks are only multiplying. From Syed Ali Shah become. As Tahmima Anam said at the jlf, "Censorship is the
Geelani and Arundhati Roy, to Sanjay Как and А К Ramanujan, State at its most fragile". We could add religion to that as well.
Economic 8c Political WEEKLY ШВЗ FEBRUARY 11, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 6 7
The explosion in the means of communication and informa- in this larger historical process for those who are caught in
tion flows in the recent past has meant that words and meanings its ambush. It is the responsibility of the state to guarantee the
are not as easily amenable to control by states and communities individual her rights. After all, the fundamental rights were
as they were earlier. People are getting perspectives and ideas to drawn up precisely to protect the individual from the excesses
which they had no access in the past, while conversations are be- of the community and state, and that "Freedom is always and
ing built up across borders, both physical as well as ideological, exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently". If we
on which few have control. The charge of blasphemy or sedition do not defend the freedom of expression of those whom we dis-
is perhaps the last line of defence of these imagined communi- like, then we are laying the ground for denial of freedom to our-
ties of religion, caste and nation. However, there is little solace selves as well.
Bhopal's Toxic Legacy
The laws are ineffectual, the facilities are inadequate and hazardous wastes continue to pile up.
village, which is around four km away from the plant, objected and
mentalist, from the ethics committee for the 2012 London went to court. They pointed out that incinerating waste containing
The mentalist, Olympics
Olympicsresignation over Dow
over accepting fromChemicals
acceptingas ofa sponsor
the Meredith
has ethics Dow committee Alexander, Chemicals for a the as British a 2012 sponsor environ- London has chlorinated chemicals and heavy metals would lead to the release
brought the focus back on the issue of culpability and liability for of deadly dioxins in the air. In response to their appeal, the Nagpur
the 1984 Bhopal gas disaster. Dow Chemicals, which bought bench of the Bombay High Court issued a stay order. The latest
Union Carbide, has stubbornly refused to accept its liability for plan is to bring the waste to a facility near Taloja in Navi Mumbai.
the disaster. As a result, not only are the thousands of victims of This is unlikely to work. The waste will have to be transported
the gas tragedy deprived of just compensation, but also thousands 670 km from Bhopal. This will violate rules governing disposal of
of tonnes of toxic waste left behind in the abandoned Carbide hazardous waste that stipulate that such wastes must be dealt
plant in Bhopal continue to remain untreated after 27 years. Fol-
with closer to the source to avoid further hazards during trans-
portation. In any case, the Maharashtra government has already
lowing a ruling by the Jabalpur High Court in 2007, ordering the
Madhya Pradesh Pollution Control Board (mppcb) and the Cen-
indicated that it is not enthusiastic about this prospect.
tral Pollution Control Board (cpcb) to deal with the waste, someThe Bhopal story illustrates the problems that hazardous waste
efforts have been made. But a suitable spot to either bury or burn
disposal throws up. From fixing responsibility to dealing with the
the waste cannot be located. Indeed, the dilemma posed
waste by way of dumping or incinerating, there are problems.
by the hazardous waste pile in the Bhopal plant illustrates the
India does not have an adequate number of Treatment, Storage,
Disposal Facilities (tsdfs). The majority of the 25 plants that
inefficacy of laws and facilities to deal with toxic wastes in India.
exist are located in Gujarat, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. Eight
The fight to deal with this particular toxic pile has been a long
one by the survivors of the Bhopal gas disaster. First, they hadmore
to facilities are reportedly in the pipeline but by the time they
are up and running, we could have a bigger pile of hazardous
prove that the soil in the abandoned plant was poisoned, that
waste waiting to be destroyed in addition to the hundreds of
these poisons had leached into the groundwater and had found
their way into the water supply of the dense human settlements
tonnes that already exist.
around the plant. Then they had to assert that Dow ChemicalsApart from facilities, specific rules have been laid down in the
National Hazardous Waste (Management, Handling and Trans-
should be held liable for cleaning up the plant. After numerous
campaigns and court cases, the Jabalpur High Court finally
boundary Movement) Rules 2008. But rules can be effective only
ordered the waste to be removed and destroyed. if they are implemented. The problem in India, as we know, is that
the best rules are routinely flouted. Environmental laws dealing
Despite the efforts of the central and the state pollution control
boards over the last four years, the toxic pile in the Bhopal plant
with pollution, in particular, are additionally handicapped with
remains untouched and the poisons continue to leach. When
the ineffectual monitoring and implementing machinery in the
the mppcb decided to dispose of the toxics within the state, form
at of state pollution control boards. Rarely has one of these
Pithampur near Indore, its efforts were stymied when people
been effective in preventing the pollution of land, water and air
living near the waste dump realised what was going on. They put
through the discharge of hazardous wastes or industrial effluents.
up a strong resistance and succeeded in deflecting further waste
The Bhopal tragedy had led to the enactment and tightening of
being dumped after the first 40 tonnes had already been buried
numerous environmental laws. It also forced the government
nearby. Then the cpcb stepped in and tried Ankleshwar in
and people to recognise the callous and careless manner in which
Gujarat. There too the plan failed as the incinerator that wasindustries
to using toxic chemicals operate when not closely moni-
be used caught fire and local people there as well raised objections.
tored. The dilemma over the toxic pile in the Bhopal plant must,
The third choice was the incinerator in the Defence Research and once again, make the government address the urgent question of
Development Organisation (drdo) facility around 31 km from
instituting an effective mechanism to handle hazardous waste
Nagpur in Maharashtra. Here again the people of Ruikhairi
before we have many more Bhopals.
° February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 QSS3 Economic 8t Political WEEKLY
EDITORIALS
CPI(M) in Crisis
The cpi(m), it seems, has voluntarily imprisoned itself within the confines of the "bourgeois-landlord" state
with the International Monetary Fund is the world-fountainhead

Political Resolution (dpr) for its 20th Congress to be held of neo-liberalism. And, Deve Gowda, whose party's name flaunts
The Political in April Communist
in April at Resolution
at Kozhikode Kozhikode
has been made public Party
after it(dpr)
was of has India for been its (Marxism's made 20th Congress public [cpi(m)] after to be it Draft held was the "secular" brand, is famous for his coalition governments in
adopted by the party's Central Committee at its meeting in Karnataka, starting with the Congress Party and ending with
Kolkata last month. This is a first and the party should be com- the bjp. These then are a sample of the so-called "non-Congress,
mended for its attempt at transparency. поп-bjp forces" that the cpi(m) allies with.
The cpi(m) proposes to work towards the emergence of a "left Further, while one will, of course, have to wait for the political-
and democratic alternative" to the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata organisational report at the party congress in April, going by the
Party (bjp). Now the Left, in its reckoning, is itself, the Communist dpr approved by the cpi(m)'s Central Committee, there is not even a
Party of India, the All-India Forward Bloc and the Revolutionary faint hint that the government it headed in West Bengal had re-
Socialist Party, but the question as to who are the democratic forces sorted to bloody violence on 14 March 2007 to crush peasant resist-
is predictable. In fact, the draft resolution states that "it may be ance to the grabbing of their land for a special economic zone at
necessary to rally those non-Congress, поп-bjp forces which can Nandigram which was to be developed by the Indonesian Salim
play a role in the defence of democracy, national sovereignty, secu- business group. Was the party acting in the interest of the "basic
larism, federalism and defence of people's livelihood and rights". classes" or in favour of the big bourgeoisie, which has compromised
So the Indian electorate is in for another round of the party des- with imperialism? To be frank, the cpi(m), like any other ruling
perately trying to stitch together alliances with right-wing, regional, class party, relied on the armed police when the interests of the rul-
caste-based outfits, all in the name of keeping "communal forces ing classes came into open conflict with the interests of the ex-
out of power". The party congress will nevertheless witness the ploited masses. The cpi (м) -led Left Front government used armed
prominent display of banners proclaiming "Workers of the World police to repress a popular movement. How can the party then hope
Unite" and the portraits of Marx, Engels and Lenin, with the to lead peasant struggles against land alienation in other parts of
implied claim that the cpi(m) is the legitimate heir of the revolu- the country after what it did at Nandigram? The dpr calls upon its
tionary Marxist-Leninist tradition in India. Sadly though, the dpr members "to expand the influence and base of the party in other
does not even suggest an intention to take the revolutionary road states", but with its credibility in ruins, this sounds utterly hollow.
that was hoped for, way back at its 7th Congress in 1964. What then of the cpi(m) and its dpr? As Hiren Gohain has said
As we perused the dpr of the party, the text did not, for a moment, (epw, 17 September 2011), "the large-scale infiltration of opportunist
even hint that the party considers outfits like Jayalalithaa's All- middle-class elements into [the] party ranks" may have changed
India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (aiadmk), Chandrababu "the class-character of the party", which was responsible for what
Naidu's Telugu Desam Party (tdp), H D Deve Gowda's Janata Party Prabhat Patnaik had earlier (epw, 16 July 2011) called, its "empiri-
(Secular) as "non-Congress, поп-bjp forces which", we need cisation" (straying from the revolutionary road) and, in turn, its
to repeat, "can play a role in defence of democracy, national "alienation from the basic classes". The party justifies its partici-
sovereignty, secularism, federalism and defence of people's liveli- pation in governments before the advent of the "people's demo-
hood and rights". But the reality is that the party allies with such cratic revolution" with the plea that it will implement a "modest
"democratic" outfits. The aiadmk, it may be recalled, even sent programme of giving immediate relief to the people" and "strengthen
kar sevaks in 1992 to assist the Sangh parivar in the demolition of the mass movement" (as per the party's programme), but, in practice,
the Babri Masjid. Its sole leader, Jayalalithaa has, not once, but it has been working with the "big bourgeoisie" and the "bourgeois-
repeatedly made common cause with the bjp. As for Chandrababu landlord" state as part of state governments, and, at the centre,
Naidu and his tdp, also a former partner of the bjp, not long ago debating with that bourgeoisie's political representatives in the
he was, in India, the "poster boy" of the World Bank, who along Congress Party about alternative public policies.
FROM 50 YEARS AGO wall. The first week of August had ended on I found
a it difficult to continue in this
ШМсМ{|
9 Journal of Current economic anb political Affair«
sombre note, despite Titov. For the first speculative
in years Khrushchev had warned the Russian
time vein in India and to appreciate
the sense of mission with which people
tried to lighten my purse at the docks, or
people to be prepared for the worst - a nuclear
VOL XIV, NOS 4, 5 & 6, ANNUAL war. There was
NUMBER, a mood of anxiety
FEBRUARY IÇÒ2 when I looked for a house or went to buy
and unease
'hilsa'.
but no panic, and the prices did not rocket. . . The cost of living seems higher here
LETTER FROM JAPAN
than in Moscow. And now I realise that we
Taken all in all, the Russians are a wonder-
ful people, though they do not read The can
Newdo with a little more modesty, a higher
On Leaving Moscow rate of production, cheaper flats, more
Statesman and The Times Literary Supplement.
Samar Sen
Familiarity with them brings contentreasonable
and prices, less expensive doctors,
sometimes imparts a sense of purpose easier
It was getting cold in August when we packed even transport, less racketeering schools
to those who do not belong.
off from Moscow, a few days before the megaton and less talk - all the things we got used to
bangs, a few days after Titov and the Berlin
But what is this sense of purpose? . . . in Moscow.
Economic & Political weekly ШШ February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 9
reservations to non-dalit and backward
UP Assembly Elections communities or castes.
The bsp has extended the idea of
Politics of 'Belonging' or 'Belongings'? reservations to include upper castes.
The electoral narratives have begun to
crystallise around the issue of reserva-
VIVEK PRAHLADAN tions in the campaign. The bsp, in parti-
cular, is aspiring to extend its approach
The political space in Uttar to castes in general and, in particular, in its
has been restricted to the binary engagement with upper castes. Regional
Pradesh during the run-up to the
The has of identity debateorbeenethnicrestricted
of identity politics onor on ethnic electoral to politics the politics binary on "identitarian" parties, particularly the
assembly elections has been
the one hand and the politics of deve- bsp, with a history of caste mobilisation,
marked by two parallel trends.
lopment on the other - the former as are attempting to include upper caste
The regional parties, in order to(identity) and
the politics of belonging constituencies within this framework.
latter as that of belongings (i roti , kapdaa,
expand their core constituencies, Inversely, the "ethnically-challenged"
makaari). These two genres of political nationalist parties are diversifying their
have been compelled to revise
practice are increasingly getting conflated approach to include explicit appeals to
their electoral strategies inwithin the contest between the regional particular castes and communities within
economic rather than merely (Samajwadi Party-sp,
caste Bahujan Samaj the logic of their economic programmes.
Party-Bsp) and "national" parties (Con-
terms. This trend has disturbed Initiatives such as the Mahatma Gandhi
gress Party and the Bharatiya Janata National Rural Employment Guarantee
and reconfigured the traditional
Party-Bjp). Act, the pending food security bill and
caste categories which in In the emerging electoral narratives the weavers' package for up are those
elections normally form economic
in Uttar Pradesh (up), the idea of reser- which deliver the Congress' message of
vations ason
well as the parties' approach the inclusive welfare state.
constituencies. National parties,
to caste constituencies have become the
the other hand, are reconfiguring The Bihar Strategies
subject of experimental interpretation
their perspectives on relevant
within the framework of party mani- A comparison with the Bihar elections
"identarianism" - caste and festos and election campaigning. How- and the approach of various parties in
ever, there is a critical difference in the that state is in order. In 2010, the ruling
religious politics - through their
approach taken by various parties in Janata Dal (United)'s manifesto, titled
own ideological biases. terms of either "content" and/or "intent". "Development with Justice", laid down
As a newcomer to the quota debate, the case for structuring its electoral
Congress has overcome its ideological campaign by undertaking a social coali-
(content) inhibitions of ethnic constructs tion which included, along with the
(caste, community) and accepted the upper castes, a majority of "Hindu" dalits
principle of reservation for minorities. In as well as the dalit "pasmanda" Muslims.
this policy intent, the presence of minority The jd(u) weaved the identity of dalit
communities is recognised as a "cultural castes into a single novel non-constitu-
fact" and not merely an empirical fact tional category of "mahadalits". The Bihar
of the presence of a universalised com- government has been lobbying with the
munity of welfare scheme subscribers central government to bring in amend-
of the Indian nation state. Ever since ments so as to constitutionally legitimise
this category. The National Advisory
the publication of the Justice Rajinder
Council (nac) has accepted the use of
Sachar Committee's recommendations, the
the term "mahadalit" and proposes
Congress has been tentatively leaning
in favour of reservations for minorities to include it, as recommended by the
as evidenced by such provisions in the
N С Saxena Committee, within the "below
poverty line" category. The jd(u) mani-
Lokpal Bill and in its utterances during
the up election campaign. The bsp and
festo also proposed the setting up of a
sp on the other hand are parties forcommission for the economically weaker
which the
Vivek Prahladan ( yivekprahladan@gmail.com ) idea of reservations has among the upper castes. Lastly, the
is at the Centre for Historical Studies,become the core of their content. This
jd(u) also stated that its aim was to
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
allows these parties to extend the idea of raise the constitutional ceiling of 50%
10 FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 ШХЗ Economic & Political WEEKLY
=-
a party of all castes and yet retain an

their social contingencies anchored in
reservation
ment in
the regional political landscape. A the
explicit undertaking to traditional
new cate-
Onepolitical space is openingwonde gories of caste and reservations. At the
up in up, with
two parallel tendencies. The organic
categorised same time, the national parties, in the
and regional parties, in order to expand
gory face of a declining vote share, are under
(class
their
Mayawati core constituencies, are compelled
pressure to intervene in the regional space i
to
for revise their electoral
theintent in eco- hitherto dominated by regional"p parties.
consider Aspiring to break into the constituencies
nomic terms. This trend in the assembly to
elections has disturbed and reconfiguredof the bsp
(class) as and sp, the bjp has made a "m
the traditional caste categories which, inlateral split between its "nationalist"
BSPelections, could form economicStrate
constitu-content and its intent to establish a
In encies.
up, The bsp decision to give a higherregional
a and "ethnic" authenticity
pro that it
number of seats to the brahmin-Rajputtries to reconcile in its visionele
current document
combine than to dalits underscores the as a "newbhag
jitani Swadeshi paradigm of devel-
(share plausibility of the idea that such regionalopment". The vision document is titled
acco
bsp's offer to extend reservations to ethnic parties cannot intuitively relyHamare Sapnon Ka Uttar Pradesh - "The
upper castes cannot be delinked from upon their core constituencies. As shown Uttar Pradesh of Our Dreams" - and this
in Bihar, the Lok Janshakti Party and thedeliberate ideological vagueness allows
their cultural projects such as the Dalit
Prerna Sthal with the strong Buddhist Rashtriya Janata Dal were unable to sus-the bjp to woo voters from the Other
symbolism attached to such projects. tainably unite the lower caste categoriesBackward Classes while at the same time
These projects are meant to secure an on any cultural basis. The jd(u) washelps it avoid being explicit on caste.
emotional identity for dalits that goesable to break the monolithic cultural The constitution of politics in up has
enclosure
beyond caste and seek to reinterpret this of caste and recast it with the a disproportionate impact on the collec-
language
identity in terms of a pan-Buddhist cul- of "belongings". tive understanding of politics in India
tural community - that is more like an In order to expand its core constituency and the outcome of these elections will
to
ideological rather than a religious com- include the poor among the upper no doubt create a fresh round of intel-
castes, the bsp, as indicated in its alloca- lectual debate on the increasingly
munity with explicit Buddhist practices.
tion of election tickets, has chosen its linked politics of belonging (identity)
Extending quotas to upper castes would
mean for the bsp that reservations forown version of reconstituting itself asand belongings (universal welfare state).
lower castes would cease to be the pre-
eminent political and ideological frame-
work. The bsp is asking a new question
of its core constituency: moving away
from the old question of "What do you EPW 5-Year CD-ROM 2004-08 on a Single Disk
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The digital versions of Economic and Political Weekly for 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007 and 2008
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The regional parties such as the bsp
Circulation Manager,
and sp have since their existence rigor-
Economic and Political Weekly
ously steered clear of ideologies of 320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg,
"nationalism". In that identitarian sense, Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013, India
these are parties with organic links to

Economic & Political wf.f.ki.y
COMMENTARY eeee= =====
and, following, from that, to entitle every

Long on
citizen of India equal access to publicly A
funded primary, secondary, tertiary,
Short on Detail preventive and curative services, which
will be provided free and will be cash-
Report on Universal Health Coverage
less at the point of service. Hitherto, on
grounds of financial constraints, the
focus of public spending has been on a
SUJATHA RAO select set of services that largely concern
the poor. The implementation of univer-
The recom
sal access to services over the next 10
mission constituted the High Level years is expected to effectively bring down
the Planni
In missionExpert
ExpertGroup
October(hleg)Groupon Universal
constituted 2010 (hleg) the the Planning on High Universal Com- Level household expenditures that account for
High Level
72% of total health spending to 33%;
Health Coverage (инс). The group in its
Access and also increase topublic spending from U
report submitted in late 2011 made sev-
eral recommendations pertaining to
are the current level of 1.2% of gdp to 3%.
signifi
human resources for health, access to While the emphasis on the rights frame-
make expli
drugs, social determinants of health, work is unexceptionable, there is, how-
contextual
governance, financing, and people's par- ever, a lack of clarity on the second as-
rights.
ticipation. A majority of the recommen- pect as explained below. Ho
dations find resonance in earlier expert
with the re
Health Financing
committee reports.
not ask wh
The recommendations made in earlier
The report has suggested that a National
recommen
reports include universal health cover- Health Package be defined by an expert
byage as a right of every citizen (Bhore, previou
group and be made accessible to all citi-
been
1946; constantly raised by civil society); impl
zens irrespective of their ability to pay.
increasing public health spending to 3% The funding of the package is to be by
neither re
of GDP (National Commission on Macro- the government on a capitation basis of
constraint Rs 1,500/ of which 70% is to be ear-
economics and Health - ncmh - 2005,
the
Common Minimum Programme of United nation
marked for primary care. The package
Progressive Alliance (upa) i, 2004); the
levels would nor
be administered by and provided
concept of having a benefit package that
how in government-owned dea
to facilities. How-
is universally available as an entitlement ever, to expand supply-side shortages,
(ncmh 2005); increasing the overall size private facilities could be contracted
of the health workforce to achieve the subject to two conditions: One, that such
World Health Organisation (who) global "contracted-in" facilities would either
norm of 2.3 workers for every 1,000 popu- have to agree to provide only the pack-
lation (ncmh 2005); expanding the essen- age and/or provide 75% of outpatient
tial drug list and capping prices (judg- (op) treatment and 50% of inpatient (ip)
ment of the Supreme Court); assuring ac- treatment with the freedom to charge
cess to water, sanitation and nutrition for the remaining. Two, that negotiation
(National Health Policy - nhp - of 1984 of prices, contracting and its admini-
and 2002); improving health governance stration is to be done directly by the
through decentralisation and making the government or an owned subsidiary and
district the unit for administration (nhp not by a private or commercial insurance
2002 and ncmh 2005); establishing au- agency or third party administrator.
tonomous regulatory bodies for drugs, The first set of issues is that the report
accreditation for quality; dissemination is silent on the implications that such a
of information, etc (ncmh 2005); and
policy may have on prices, availability
community participation (Shrivastava and the response of the private sector
The Committee Report 1975; nhp 1984 and
author which commands the market withis its g
insightful
2002; ncmh 2005). com
deep penetration in the villages of India,
helped in writ
The hleg is, however, significant for providing over 70% of op, 60% of ip
two reasons: One, it has explicitly
Sujatha and
Raocommanding more than 75% of (
a former secre
brought to the fore the need to contextu- human resources and technology. More
Family Welfar
alise health within the rights framework significantly, the private sector is not a
12 February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 1Ш1 Economic & Political WEEKLY
homogeneous entity, it is subject to no after addressing the basic health deter- is silent on how this can be achieved in
laws, and it has varied revenue streams minants of water supply, sanitation and all 600 districts within the next 10 years.
and price structures. What if the private nutrition and after having the public
sector refuses to accept the package, health infrastructure built on strong Human Resources for Health
reduces prices to stay competitive result- foundations. It is not clear if the hleg Operationalising the инс would require
ing in patients preferring the private has examined the feasibility of the gov- a similar review of the recommenda-
sector to facing long queues, rude behav- ernment's ability to increase the share of tions pertaining to human resources and
iour or corruption that are often associated health in total public spending by six drugs. How to motivate a doctor who
with government-run programmes? Inter- times. It is also necessary to know the has paid Rs 2-3 crore as capitation fee for
national experience and the voucher complementary increase on the social his MD to work in a government hospital
scheme in Gujarat show clearly that in determinants of health, without which at government salaries in rural or semi-
such dual systems, the private sector the realisation of health and well-being urban areas; or providing generic drugs
resorts to skimming and dumping high will not be possible. only while ensuring their quality are
risks on to the government. In other Fourth, the distribution of the per capita issues that have plagued policymakers
words, the report does not spell out the amount of Rs 1,500 among the different for long. Naturally then, it follows that
programmatic implications of how the facilities has not been provided to assess all medical education needs to be in the
government might control, contain, en- the soundness of the proposal. More im- public sector, payment systems unlinked
gage or utilise the private sector to achieve portantly, it is not clear whether this per from civil service salary structures to
public health goals. Or is it suggesting capita figure is inclusive of the massive better reflect market prices, drug regula-
the winding up of the private sector in capital expenditures required for up- tion scaled up expeditiously so as to
health except those enterprises which grading and strengthening public ensure availability of high quality generic
provide the National Health Package? health infrastructure, particularly at drugs accompanied with a massive ad-
If so, how? the secondary and tertiary care level. vocacy campaign among patients and
Second, the feasibility of such a model Fifth, with no mention of the private doctors, etc. The report is silent on all
where the government is the single payer practice by government providers, is- these important issues. Instead it has
rests on the government beating the sues related to the conflicts of interest spent considerable energy on calculat-
private sector on price and quality - giving among government care providers when ing the number of personnel required to
it no choice except to conform or perish. they do private practice as consultants achieve the who norm of 23/10,000
But even if the price is low or subsidised, or owners have not been discussed or population, on the urgent need to scale up
in the absence of good quality, benefici- even acknowledged. This will be a majorthe availability of human resources from
aries, particularly those with the ability issue as in most cases government doc-the current level of about 2 million to 4.9
to pay, will prefer to go for private care, tors double up owning or working for million; and on the need to establish 189
forgoing if necessary the subsidy. This private clinics. In fact, the main reason medical colleges, 234 nursing schools
we see happening under the Central for the continued underperformance ofand 600 District Knowledge Centres
Government Health Scheme (cghs), public sector facilities is this duality. to train and retrain a wide variety of
where for all its low cost care, benefici- Finally, the government's ability to human personnel, etc.
aries resort to the private sector rather discharge a wide array of crucial tasks Sadly enough, the fundamental ques-
than go through the hassles of prior per- such as developing standards, accreditingtions related to public employment in
mission from the cghs or standing in hospitals based on quality benchmarks, health have not been addressed. First,
long queues. Quality and people's per- designing the benefit packages, pricing, the reason for the acute shortage of
ception of this quality then becomes the negotiating and contracting providers, human personnel in public hospitals is
critical variable and the report does not minimising fraud, containing cost, re- partly a lack of availability and partly
get into that issue. dressing grievances, regulating provider poor payment systems, weak incentive
Third, assessing with any seriousness, behaviour, ensuring patient satisfaction, structures and poor governance. Bench-
the financial feasibility of the hleg etc, is contingent on it having the requi- marked with the salary structure of civil
recommendation is quite impossible in site skills, capability, flexibility and gov- servants, few want to join government,
the absence of any clarity on what the ernance mechanisms and institutional particularly specialists. Even as there is
content of the benefit package will be structures. Such capabilities and compe- a clamour for more medical colleges and
and at what cost will it be provided. India tencies cannot be just piled on top of ex- an increase in the mbbs seats, against
spends a mere 3% of its total public isting structures by recruiting consult- the sanctioned 35>ooo capacity hardly
spending on health - both Canada and ants on contracts. It requires implanting 25,000 join. Why? Second, there is an
the UK, which have assured systems of a new culture of governance. The critical urgent need for public health reform in
healthcare, spend about 20% of the total issue then is to align the existing govern- terms of human resource (hr) policies
budget. It is important to note that ance and financing structures which are related to recruitment, training, reten-
almost all countries - Brazil, ик, Canada, today incapable of synchronising even tion, and development of avenues for
Thailand - got into the инс debate only their limited responsibilities. The report specialisation and creation of the correct
Economic & Political weekly Ш
À/ Environment, Technology and Development:
/ Critical and Subversive Essays
Essays from the Economic and Political Weekly
Edited By
Rohan D'Souza
Many political battles, policy initiatives, academic debates and our understanding of the world in general have been shaped by the
ideas that have developed around the concepts of environment, technology and development.
How do these concepts influence each other? How have they subverted established ideas and dogmas? How have they developed
over time and what are its varied meaning? This volume brings together writings across disciplines, perspectives and ideologies
that answer these questions, map the main conceptual lines and identify the points where they converge and diverge.
The articles have appeared over the past four decades in the Economic and Political Weekly,
The introduction provides a brief chronological overview of the theoretical underpinnings that led to the emergence of the current
notion of environmental development. The chapters are selected and arranged in a non-linear manner that allows the reader to
get a sense of the wide-ranging debates.
The essays see the progress of technology in its political context and in relation to the social and environmental consequences it
engenders. They show how technology is meshed with politics as is environment with development, and how agriculture is woven
with ecology. The transfer of resources from the marginalised to the empowered groups and the crucial issue of spatial politics
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educate, stimulate and inform the lay reader and specialist alike.
Contributors include
T R Thankappan Achari • Manshi Asher • P A Azeez • Jayanta Bandyopadhyay • Charul Bharwada • Philippe Cullet • Mahasveta Devi
• Sumita Gupta Gangopadhyay • Hiren Gohain • Rahul Gupta • Barbara Harriss-White • L С Jain • Annu Jalais • Ashwin Kumar •
John Kurien • Vinay Mahajan • Arjun Makhijani • Dinesh Mohan • Dipti Mukherji • Chandrika Parmar • К Krishna Prasad
• P P Nikhil Raj • M V Ramana • С H Hanumantha Rao • Amulya Kumar N Reddy • Sunali Rohra • Vandana Shiva • Nigel Singh
• Sudha Srivastava • Geetam Tiwari • G Vijay • Gregor Meerganz von Medeazza • Shiv Visvanathan • Arundhuti Roy Choudhury.
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14 ^
^ FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 Ш
balance of skills and competencies in what other countries in west Asia and they were getting.2 Likewise, to achieve
keeping with our disease burden. Most Africa are doing? a reduction in maternal mortality, the
states are yet to create posts and are evidence shows that instead of equipping
Need for Prioritisation all the 1.75 lakh public health facilities
carrying on with staff contracted on an
annual basis, contributing to attrition The report is well intentioned as itfor
is deliveries, no more than 20-30,000
and interruptions in the delivery of ser- based on the foundational principlesfacilities
of are adequate for the purpose.
vices and hindering efforts to improve democratic governance, namely, the These need to be provided with infra-
skills through training and team build- structure, skilled human resources, drugs,
right to health and people's participa-
ing. Health is not a sector like account- transport and phone facilities on a dif-
tion. Unlike the report of the National
ing where rapid attrition will have no Commission on Macroeconomics and ferential basis. Finally, almost 30% of the
adverse impact. Health which too advocated making existing facilities are located in inacces-
The third key burning issue is the available a benefit package to all citizenssible areas. These have to be closed down.
poor quality of the personnel. The lack (though albeit only covering primary The burden of these examples is that
of dedicated teachers and faculty is the first step is to undertake a mapping
care and secondary care to be delivered
a matter of grave concern. There is through district hospitals and contracted-of health facilities and develop different
enough evidence to show the poor quality in private sector administered by thefinancing models to achieve the goal of
of training of our doctors, nurses and lab universalising access to the benefit pack-
district health authorities through social
technicians. No cognisance of how train- health insurance with the government age of services. This is because, studies and
ing is being imparted to ensure excel- programme data clearly show that while
subsidising the premium up to 30%), the
lence in other countries or the private HLEG severely falls short in providing distance
a (location) is a big barrier to con-
sector has been taken note of. Instead re- blueprint on what, how, at what cost,sumption of services, the mere physical
viving the relatively dead and long for- and with what trade-offs, making it dif-location of a facility is also no guarantee of
access. The need of the hour is for critical
ficult to translate the ideas into opera-
gotten Rural Health and Family Welfare
(rhfw) centres and the dysfunctional tional strategies and make the 12th Planconcepts such as differential planning,
State Institutes of Health and Family the game changer it was hoped to be. It results-based financing, performance-
Welfare (sihfws) have been proposed. would have been advisable if ground based incentives, upgradation of educa-
There is no harm doing so but can they realities had been taken into considera- tional qualifications, training duration,
be made to deliver the expected level of tion, available evidence studied, and skills and competencies through sustained
quality and speed or are there other stakeholder consultations held. It wouldconcurrent and frequent training of para-
options that can help expand the base of have perhaps enabled the hleg to comemedics, etc, to enter the policy dialogue.
the training infrastructure, for example, up with a different approach that would Similarly, ensuring availability of all
by the use of institutions run by ngos, have reflected the wide diversity in
inputs in a synchronised manner and the
faith-based organisations or private foun- the health status, health infrastructuretimely release of funds, bookkeeping,
dations? Besides, somewhere we are miss- and health-seeking behaviour. After all,account maintenance, and auditing and
ing the role of values and inspirational management of contracts require chang-
money is a limited commodity and any
training as opposed to a mechanical planning of systems has to be cost-es in the financial rules of government
one-week, three-month, one-year type effective, avoiding duplication of servicethat are more oriented to accounting
of knowledge-based courses. delivery and the unhealthy competition than financing. The hleg should have
Finally, governance, particularly re- between the public and private sector. studied the financing of the public sys-
lated to the power of transfer, needs tem at the district level which is still
It follows then that targeting and pri-
to be squarely addressed, as repeatedly oritisation of public investment in areasstruggling to effectively and satisfacto-
professionals trained at considerable of need - for both patients and facilities -rily implement the relatively simple cash
cost are invariably posted to facilities transfer scheme under the Janani Sura-
is inevitable in, for example, the delivery
where the skills cannot be utilised. Be- of basic healthcare in tribal areas throughksha Yojana or ensure that every preg-
sides, it is not just a body of doctors or doctors and well-trained paramedics. nant woman, irrespective of place of de-
nurses that is required - instead, what is livery, gets Rs 500 as mandated by the
The recent incident of the suspension of
desperately needed is a host of skills - a gynaecologist in a tribal district ofSupreme Court. The financial misman-
biostatisticians, virologists, epidemio- West Bengal for having cut and stitchedagement as found in Uttar Pradesh could
logists, entomologists, health economists, up the womb of a tribal woman after notbe a great starting point of analysis.
specialists in cardiology, neurosurgery, finding the baby, which resulted in the Finally, the hleg report does not ask
oncology, medicine, paediatrics, clinical woman delivering a dead baby was how a one can resolve the complex tension
psychology, nurse practitioners, public terrible event. But what was worse was between the vertical and the horizontal
health nurses, etc. How do we get them? the fact that the suspension had to beapproach to managing important disease
Where can they be trained? Where is the revoked following a demand by people'scontrol programmes. In thinking about
faculty? Should we allow, in the short representatives on the ground that thebenefit packages, how do we ensure that
run, scarce skills to be imported like infectious disease control programmes
adivasis were now denied even the little
Economic & Political weekly ШШ February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 15
do not get neglected the way they did process would have provided the reformnotes
under National Rural Health Mission agenda and an operational plan that 1 Thi
norm
with very serious consequences for dis-could have been sustained over time. healt
ease control in India? The need now is to have a vision and OP co
Rs 1,
the strategy based on a national dialogue. NCMH
Conclusions Models of different financial options also core
need at CH
Basically, if the hleg had undertaken a to be tested - some are useful in some only
literature review as a starting point, settings,
the others are not. We need to have in HR
time it had could have been utiliseda in highe
strong empirical basis to assess their
treat
examining the reasons why many of suitability
the or otherwise. It is for this reason for sp
not cl
that the ncmh had given 20 years to
recommendations made by previous
2 Per
committees (such as of the ncmh) didachieve
not the goal of health security for all. partm
That time frame still stands. Rhetoric
get implemented. The hleg report neither
recognises the problems, constraints cannot
and substitute for hard work, the type
REFERENCES
that
compulsions of the departments of health was put in to formulate the National
Bhore, Josep
Education Policy in the early 1980s. The
at the national, state and district levels, and Plannin
national strategy needs the endorsement of India, New D
nor offers any solutions on how to deal
Ministry of
with them. Nationwide discussions all
and
the people engaged in the health sector "Report of t
consultations were also not held withonall
a day-to-day basis. Such a process alone economics an
stakeholders from the Accredited Social
will enable the crafting of a sustainable Planning Com
Group Repor
policy framework, preparation of a road
Health Activists (ashas) to the specialists, India", New
map, and have the capacity to overcome
communities and providers, rural and Shrivastava C
the Study G
the opposition of several vested interests
urban, rich and poor, health administra- Support Ma
thata are deeply entrenched in this sector.
tors and civil society groups, etc. Such Family Welf
Health Evidence from the States

critics miss out on some of the emerging
positive trends in many hitherto back-
ward states. Though the nrhm is a cen-
trally sponsored programme, health is a
AMARJEET SINHA state subject and it is the leadership at the
state level that makes all the difference.
The quality o
The Evidence
India's health indicators are con-
the National
There India's cerned.cerned.
is health a They lotThey
to indicators dodo
despairnot
not matchmatch
as are far con- ourour
as The just published Sample Registration
Mission in a n
economic performance over the last two System data from the Registrar General
transformed
decades. Public expenditure on health in of India (rgi) census office places the
system
India as a proportion of the gross domestic infant mortality rate (imr) of the country
consid
product (gdp) continues to be one of the for 2010 at 47, a three-point decline for
from these im
lowest in the world, in spite of an increase the second consecutive year. The imr
have focused
from below 1% to a little over 1% with the declined by a bare three points, from 60
local recruitm
National Rural Health Mission (nrhm). to 57 between 2003 and 2006. Between
to The crib deaths in West Bengal, the misuse 2007 and 2010, the
forge a decline is of 10cr
points.
of nrhm funds in Uttar Pradesh, the poor More interestingly, the rate of decline
system that h
state of maternity homes in the country's in rural areas is almost double that of
accountability
urban areas during this period. The imr
capital among other such similar hap-
penings have righdy resulted in a public decline in hitherto backward states
outcry. The state of the public system, sub- like Bihar, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh,
jected to unprecedented neglect for dec- Chhattisgarh, and Orissa, has been be-
ades, is truly shocking in many parts of tween three to five points per year, a rate
the country. The conduct of government never achieved previously in consecutive
health workers in some health facilities years. States like Tamil Nadu and Gujarat
also does not generate confidence that have also made significant gains during
the public system will deliver
Amarjeet basic this period. It is true that Uttar Pradesh(
Sinha a
is a civil servant wi
health services of a decent quality. The and Assam have lagged behind in the
social sector.
despair is so overwhelming that often the rate of decline over the last two years,
l6 February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 ШВ29 Economic & Political WEEKLY
putting the national level decline at three 39 patients a month at block primary
emergency obstetric care (ешос) for mbbs
instead of four points. Surely, there is a health centres (phcs) in 2005, the state hasdoctors, helped in partially bridging the
change that needs to be taken note of. recorded more than 3,500 patients pergaps in the provision of services. The
thrust on nursing services, local resident
month for the last three to four years. In-
Credit to the Public System criteria in recruitment, and reforms in
stitutional deliveries are up from 1.4 lakhs
Unfortunately, these declines have not got to over 13 lakhs a year. Drugs, diagnosticspublic recruitments, have all contributed
the attention that they deserve. Perhaps and doctors are available round the clock
to the public system becoming functional
this is so because it is the public system that at all the phcs with outsourced arrange-again in many parts of the country. There
has made the difference and a good word is a long way to go but surely a beginning
ments for generators, ambulance, security
for it in the media is rare. The Ministry of and cleanliness. The dead health sub- in crafting a credible system has been
Health and Family Welfare also seems centres and additional phcs have also made. The states are learning from each
reluctant to take credit for this change as been revived with the outpatient depart- other to adopt innovations that have
the NRHM is actually implemented by the ment (opd) services by the auxilliary worked. Today over six states have set up
states. The performance audit of the nrhm nurses and midwives (anms) and the ay- corporations like the Tamil Nadu Servic-
by the comptroller and auditor general urveda, yoga, unani, siddha and home- es Corporation to provide quality generic
(cag) had some good words as well on opathy (ayush) doctors. Surely, the drugs and equipment at reasonable costs.
the work done in the states in this regard. change in the public system is remarka-
Under-Nutrition Efforts
However, the Public Accounts Commit- ble. Bihar now almost equals the nation-
tee (рас) expected speedier implementa- al iMR and its death rate is better than Had reforms in nutrition programmes
tion (even though the additional funds the national average! been speeded up and the Integrated
as projected were never made available Child Development Scheme revamped
Transformation in States to focus attention on the 0-3 year olds,
at that rate!) and a bigger role for Mem-
bers of Parliament (mps) as well. Since the adolescent girls and the pregnant
Every state has its story of transformation
primary health is a subject transferred to of the public system. Tamil Nadu leads women (the three distinct groups among
panchayats by the Constitution, the nrhm's the way with nrhm funds being putwhom to universal intervention is required
framework for implementation provided to
very good use to ensure that the phcs workreduce malnutrition), the decline in
a very active role for the panchayats, imr would have been even more signifi-
round the clock and are fit for quality
civil society, community organisations institutional deliveries. The turnaround is Unfortunately, nutrition does not
cant.
and for community monitoring. lend itself to narrow departmentalism
seen in the cascading decline of maternity
and needs a wider human development
mortality ratio (mmr) and imr there. Very
View from the Field silently, Madhya Pradesh has pushedapproach.
its There is agreement among
institutional deliveries to over 80% and
A person travelling across the length and policy experts in this regard, but the
consequential reforms in programmes
breadth of the country will realise thatChhattisgarh has engaged over 800 rural
the change brought about by the nrhm ismedical assistants (rmas) and 34,000 continued to be on the back-burner, the
mitanin community workers to meet efforts
a very real one. Dirty, dingy and un- the against under-nutrition thus be-
cared for health facilities are receiving human
a coming limited and narrow. Bihar has
resource gaps. Orissa has focused
facelift with the nrhm's untied grants.on strengthening its phcs and district recently set up the Manav Vikas Mission
Nurses and doctors have been recruited hospitals while Rajasthan is now trying(Human Development Mission) as a cabi-
net sub-committee under the chief min-
to guarantee full availability of medicines
on an unprecedented scale for the public
free of cost.
system. Innovations and partnerships for ister, to ensure convergent action for the
emergency transport, diagnostics, drug The efforts at crafting credible public achievement of 14-18 key priorities in
systems under the nrhm began with pro-
availability, human resources for health human development. Perhaps the nation
vision of management, accountancy and
and infrastructure development, are go- needs to learn from this initiative which
data professional at all levels. The thrust

ing on at a significant scale. Professional will surely show results in the years to
managers, accountants, and data profes-on decentralised planning and need-based come. Bihar's Nayee Peedhi Swasthya
provision of human resources and flexi-
sionals are available to the public health- (New Generation Health) Guarantee
ble untied funds to cover gaps, created
care system for the first time and in large programme, an effort to remove health-
numbers. The Janani Suraksha Yojanaconfidence in the failing public systems care deficits for all 0-14 age boys and
(jsy) has brought women to health facili- to start delivering quality services. The 0-18 age girls is also a unique innovation
Accredited Social Health Activist (asha),
ties for institutional deliveries on an un- whose results need to be observed care-
the most visible face of the nrhm, has
precedented scale, taking the national fully over the coming years.
helped in connecting households to
coverage to over 70% from a low of 44%
health facilities and in putting pressure MDGS Are Achievable
just five years ago. It is true, however, that
on the availability of services. Innovative
there are huge quality gaps in many places. I have always maintained that achieving
Nothing exemplifies the transforma- programmes like the 18 week life-saving health millennium development goals
tion as dramatically as Bihar does. Fromanaesthetic skills (lsas) or the 16-week (mdgs) is eminently possible; we have to
Economic & Political weekly
believe in ourselves and in the need to health from a little below to a little abovewhere the answer lies. Health does not
1% GDP, the gains of the nrhm are per-
craft a credible public system. Even if the lend itself to market principles very easily
ceptible. Yes there is a long way to go andand the countervailing presence of the
trend of the last two years in the decline
over 3% public expenditure is required
of iMR is sustained and marginally im- public system of healthcare is necessary
proved over the next five years and a sig-for universal health coverage. A begin-
to ensure quality and reasonable cost in
ning has been made. Let us not focus onlythe private sector. Let us have partner-
nificant effort at fighting malnutrition with
a human development approach adopted
on privatisation and public-private part-
ships with the non-governmental sector
even now, India will surely achieve the
nerships. Let the country focus on craft- but within a framework of publicly-fund-
health mdgs of 30 imr and 100 mmr. By ing
a credible public systems with public ed universal healthcare. That is what the
mere increase of public expenditure on nrhm
accountability in the health sector. That is evidence confirms.
Critique of the Common

of early successes, the Government of India
allocated Rs 22,140 crore ($4.92 billion) in
Service Centre Scheme budgetary allocation in the Tenth Five-

Year Plan (2002-07) for implementation of
e-government. Further, India proposed
the National E-governance Action Plan for
ROHIT PRASAD, RUPAMANJARI SINHA RAY implementation during the period from
2003-07. The Common Service Centres
The Common Service Centre (cscs) were to be:2
scheme aims to establish nearly technology (it) industry in the [T]he front-end delivery points for Govern-
three lakh rural internet kiosks The technology early1990s

early successled 1990s led (it) onof to the industry a consensus information in the on
to a consensus ment, private and social sector services to
the possibility of using India's commer- rural citizens of India. The idea is to develop a
across India. A recent evaluation platform that can enable government, private
cial success in it for development (Arora
and social sector organisations to integrate
study, however, found poor et al 2001, Department of it 2006). This their social and commercial goals for the
consensus was in keeping with the grow-
demand among users and delayed benefit of rural populations in the remotest
ing information and communication corners of the country through a combina-
roll-out of government-totion of it as well as поп-it services.
technology (ict) for development (ictd)
consumer services, causing lossesmovement across the globe (Kuriyan and The csc scheme, approved by the gov-
and attrition among private Ray 2009). The plethora of ictd projects ernment in September 2006 with an out-
around the world have been divided lay of Rs 5,742 crore (roughly $1.28 billion)
operators of the scheme. There is
(Chaudhuri 2011) into four main cate-
over a period of four years, is a strategic
space, therefore, for greater
cornerstone of the National E-Governance
gories: supplying computer hardware,
engineering of public good providing internet access through public
Plan (NeGP). It aims to establish one lakh,
outcomes by tying financial telecentres, using public telecentres now
as expanded to three lakh, rural inter-
incentives to computer delivery points for e-services of various
net kiosks across the country at the rate of
kinds including e-government, and lastly,
one for every six villages (now expanded
education goals.
the use of mobile telephones for deve-
to one for every village panchayat).3
lopment. Between 2006 and 2011, the This is the largest telecentre programme
in the world.
World Bank provided more than $3 billion
of funding for ict projects in over Our study of cscs set up in Uttar
80 countries.1 Pradesh (up) and Meghalaya corroborates
Public telecentres, in particular, have the findings in the literature on telecentres
been in vogue for the better part of 15 years. around the world. Such telecentres are
However questions remain in each of the prone to unviability (Benjamin 2001:
four major areas of study to which the Arora 2005; Kuriyan and Ray 2009), social
literature on telecentres has been devoted: exclusivity (Adomi 2007; Haseloff 2005:
The study was sponsored by the Indian Institute

commercial viability, social inclusiveness, Kumar and Best 2006; Kuriyan et al 2008),
of Management - Ahmedabad Telecom Centreforms of use, and downstream impacts and usage dedicated towards personal
of Excellence. We would like to thank Basix and (Sey and Fellows 2009). In India, early and social needs rather than develop-
Srei Sahaj for their support, and Rajen Gupta ictd projects included those in Kerala ment goals (Menon et al 2006).
for his insightful comments on earlier drafts.
(Akshaya), Madhya Pradesh (Gyandoot), In this commentary., we elaborate upon
Rohit Prasad ( rohit@mdi.ac.in ) and Haryana (Drishtee) and Tamil Nadu (Sus- our findings in the context of cscs in up
Rupamanjari Sinha Ray are faculty at the
tainable Access in Rural India or sari). and Meghalaya and then focus on the opti-
Management Development Institute, Gurgaon.
Enthused by the evidence, some anecdotal, mal structural design of the public-private
о
February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 1ШШ
partnership (2) Digital services
(ppp) scheme.
are those which
scheme mostThe aim was to select states
appropri-
ate for the require the use of
stated digital equipment that
development like would be significantly different in
objectives.
The article the
is organised
pc, photocopier, or camera, but terms
notasof e-business readiness and degree
follows: we
connection to the
start by outlining the details internet. of e-governance implementation
of the com- ppp
scheme used for
(3) Finally "othercscs, describe
services" are thosepared to early adopters, and
thetherefore re-
that the sca or the vle introduces
search methodology and to en-
more
the representative
results,of the country at and
conclude hance their
with a business. These include mi-
discussion large. We
of also wanted
the to select states
optimal
structural crocredit services,
design of retail, andwhere
generalthe in- the development challenge was
scheme.
surance sales. acute, not only in terms of per capita in-
The CSC Scheme dicators, but also in terms of overall size.
Of the total project cost of Rs 5,742 crore,
Under the chosen ppp arrangement, Rs up and Meghalaya make for a good
the1,600 crore is to come from the central
private sector is responsible for setting combination because the business models
and state governments, and the remainder
up and running the cscs. States from adopted by the scas in these two states
are private parties. The financial con-
divided into one or more zones, each tribution of the government is in theare quite different. In Meghalaya the sca,
consisting of around 100 telecentres. form Basix, has adopted an employee model
A of a revenue subsidy that is decided
private entity, the Service Centre Agencyon the basis of bidding. The subsidy where
is the vle is a salaried employee of
meant to tide over the scas for four
(sca), selected at a zonal level, is charged the sca, at least initially. The sca in up,
years, at which point it is expected that Srei Sahaj, has adopted a franchisee model
with a certain pace of roll-out and a min-
e-government services will be operation- by where the vle bears the entire capital
imum number of hours of internet up-
time. The government has prescribed alised
one and the subsidy will no longer be cost, partly in the form of a loan mediated
required. The government allows the
important rule of operation, namely, that by the sca.
the sca operate telecentres through private
vil- parties to pass on the financial In up, two districts from the eastern belt
lage-level entrepreneurs (vles). burden to the vles, and does not monitor were selected: Rae Bareli and Lucknow.
the relationship between the two. Cur-
The governance of the project is done Rae Bareli is an "e-district", whereas
rently,
by a central programme office, run by a vles are employees in some zones Lucknow is not. E-district refers to a district
and
private sector agency Infrastructure franchisees in others. where some online government to con-
The structure of the scheme has parallels sumer services (g2c) like online caste,
Leasing and Financial Services (il&fs),
it the structure adopted in other parts domicile, or age certificates have been
with
under the aegis of the department of
of the world like South Africa (Girardet
(dit). At a state level, designated public introduced on a pilot basis under the NeGP.
2000) and El Salvador (Khelladi 2001).
sector agencies called State Designated Setting up such e-districts was one of the
The establishment of a network of fran-
Agencies (sdas) are in charge. The mini- mission mode projects of the NeGP. There
chised telecentres under the auspices of
mal specification of requirements seems were no e-districts in Meghalaya during
a national or regional operating company the time of our study. West Khasi and West
to be based on the premise that a com-
has some attractive features. It can offer Garo districts were chosen based on their
mercially oriented telecentre will auto-
economies of scale in equipment procure- heterogeneity in terms of development
matically achieve development goals for
the common man. ment and support to franchise owners, for indicators and ease of connectivity.
In general, cscs are equipped with
example, in the form of a start-up package, A sample of 29 vles was chosen, eight
an operating manual, recruitment and from Meghalaya and 21 from up. The
one or two pes, a printer, scanner, photo-
copier, an uninterruptible power source training guidelines, and standard payment breakup between Meghalaya and up is
vehicles such as pre-paid cards. The latter roughly in proportion to the number of
or ups, a net connection (either vsat, fibre
or wireless), and a digital camera. can
Theincrease turnover, as when urban cscs to be set up in the two states. A total
government has promised to provide dwellers
two purchase prepaid cards for rural of 442 respondents were surveyed, at an
complementary inputs for the runningrelatives to facilitate two-way communi- average of just over 15 per vle. The choice
of telecentres: a broadband network cations.
for This model can also ensure of community respondents was con-
connectivity and state data centrescommon
to quality of service standards.ducted through stratified random sam-
pling,
Despite all the benefits of consolidation,
provide the necessary inputs for e-govern- based on whether the respondents
ance services. In most states, the broad- was
however, best practice also recognises the a user or non-user of csc. Overall, a
band network is being built by the gov-need for local entrepreneurs to run thetotal of 260 users and 182 non-users were
sampled. The survey was conducted
csc, identify needs, and bond with the
ernment telecommunications operator
Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited (bsnl). between
community. The Indian scheme adheres to November 2009 and June 2010.
The state data centres are the responsi-
best practice in creating a role for the vles.
bility of the respective state governments.
Findings
Research Method We found that the need for and afforda-
The services offered by telecentres
can be divided into three types: Our field research was conducted in bility of telecentre services are low. Serv-
Meghalaya and up, two states that hadices are priced high, and hence telecentre
(1) Connected services are those that
require internet connectivity. not adopted ictd prior to the csc usage is skewed towards high-income
Economic & Political weekly 13321
Table 1 : Need and Affordability of Services in Meghalaya and UP
train tickets could be booked online sav-
Meghalaya
ing a day's trip to town), genuine lack of
need (for example, not needing e-ticket-
Internet Services: non-entertainment
Job searching
ing because the volume of train travel in
Email
Meghalaya villages is low). Also there is
Internet banking
a lack of overall literacy and digital lit-
Information on ongoing occupation eracy, with overall literacy levels at
E-ticketing train 63.3% and 57.6% in Meghalaya and up
E-ticketing air
respectively as opposed to 90.9% in Kera-
Average non-entertainment
la (Table 2). Information on digital liter-
Internet services: entertainmen
acy is not available.
song downloading
Within up, the perceived need for in-

Ringtone downloading
ternet services is higher in the e-district of

Games
Rae Bareli than in Lucknow, where e-gov-

Average entertainment
ernance services have not been intro-

Combined average: internet services
Digital services duced. This indicates that the demand

Printing for internet services could be triggered
Photocopying
by relevant content and applications.
Photography
Among internet services, the perceived
Computer education
need as well as affordability of entertain-
ment-based services is higher than the
Average digital services
Other services
demand for non-entertainment services,
including email, in both Meghalaya and
Microcredit
Insurance
up. Among those who perceive a need

Average other services
Only those who

forperceived
internet services, the percentage a
fourth columns who
is can afford
a themsub-set
is quite high: 57%
and 31 7, respectively.
*The rest did not answer. in Meghalaya and 45% in up. This indi-
Source: Survey cates that telecentre users belong to the
data.
Tabie 2: Socio-economic Indicators for UP and Meghaiaya high-income category in the village, and
Indicator
that telecentres are not fulfilling their
original intention of providing services
e-readiness#
for the common man.

Per capita income##
Infant mortality per thousand population###
Financial Viability of Telecentres

Literacy####
* There are five categories. L1

Achievers; L6: Least Achievers
Telecentres appear to enjoy considerable
Source: # DIT and National Co
## Central Statistical market power. In Meghalaya,
Office all the
### Office of the Registrar G
cscs are monopolists in the provision of
####Census of India (2001).6
internet services in their area. A quarter
users. The
Yet, of the cscs are the only providers of dig-
perceived need for internet services
despite hig
are not is low in both Meghalayaable and up, butital computer-based
to services like be
typing, c
Data from the auctions used to out- especially so in up. Table 2 indicates thatprinting, and faxing. As expected, the
source telecentre projects indicate a
in terms prices of internet services are as high
of socio-economic indicators, the
winner's curse. The data on the roll-outtwo
of states are similar. and in some cases, higher than in urban
It is possible that the greater propor-areas. In up, the price differential is driv-
telecentres also show the poor health of
the scheme as a whole. tion of agricultural respondents in upen by premium pricing for services dur-
ing load-shedding. The high prices have
leads to the lower need being expressed
Poor Demand: The absence of literacy, resulted in the use of telecentres by the
there. Further, given that most internet
relatively well-off in the village.
digital literacy, local language content and digital content is in English, the lack
and relevant applications are all huge of knowledge of the English script is an However, despite the high prices, our
barriers to the adoption of telecentre additional handicap. In Meghalaya, insurvey indicates that Indian telecentres
services. Respondents were asked if they contrast, the local languages are taughtare struggling to achieve sustainability.
perceived a need for the specific services in the Roman script. The lack of per- Figure 1 (p 21) shows the profitability of
offered by the cscs. Those who perceived need is a result of a combination VLEs in Meghalaya and up.
ceived a need were further asked if the of poor content (for example, a lack of On average, after imputing a salary
services were affordable. Table i sum- jobs posted online), poor awareness ofcost for the vle's time,7 cscs in both Meg-
marises the results. halaya and up are not recovering their
services (for example, not knowing that
20 February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 [3253 Economic & Political WEEKLY
; COMMENTAR?
51 ofin
Figura 1: Economic Profit of an Avorago VLE theUP
162and
VLESMoghalaya
subsidies paid for universal service and
had left, according to that in general subsidies for universal
a report submitted by service have been too high" (Wallsten
die Meghalaya sca, 2009: 376).
Basix, to the dit.10 However, common value auctions,13
The report also shows characterised by a high measure of un-
that only 62 of the certainty, are always susceptible to the
175 cscs rolled out winner's curse, or "post-decision surprises"
are connected to the (Harrison 1984). High uncertainty, relat-
internet ing to the future of a market that is un-
The sca for east- dergoing paradigmatic transformation
operational costs. Operational losses are ern up, Srei Sahaj, was mandated to roll under the joint impacts of government,
lower in the e-districts of up compared out 29,000 cscs, of which it has rolled civil society and entrepreneurial action,
to non-e-districts, in part due to greater out 22,000, with only 15,000 having is inherent in the provision of telecom-
revenues from internet G2c services. internet connectivity.11 munications services in emerging rural
One of the major challenges for tele- markets. In the case of cscs, the uncer-
centres are the high costs, and the unre- Bidding in Telecentre Auctions tainty related to the pace of roll-out of
liability of connectivity. This is due to A look at the bidding data obtained from e-government services, the availability
difficult terrain, high costs of power, and the dit is illuminating.12 All the states of connectivity and power, and the will-
the lack of a business case for connecti- were divided into zones. The maximum ingness of the rural population to adopt
vity service providers. In Meghalaya, the allowable bid in each zone was Rs 7,500. the internet.
terrain makes vsat the only feasible On an average, the number of bidders Auctions in such contexts are care-
option in many cscs, increasing both was three, though it varied from one fully designed with one important fea-
capital and operating expenses. to nine. In around 23% of zones, there ture being the staging of bidding over
The provision of G2c services could was only one qualified bidder. The aver- several rounds. Multiple rounds of bid-
have fuelled demand for the internet. It age winning bid was Rs 1,358.23, but ding are believed to allow market infor-
appears that even though the national the standard deviation was as high as mation to emerge. However multi-round
scheme was expressly designed to sub- Rs 1,423.66. Around 44% of the winning auctions are susceptible to collusion
sidise vles only till G2C services were bid values were either zero or negative. unless there are a sufficiently large
forthcoming, the vles and to some Around 22% of the winning bids were number of bidders (Albano and Spagno-
extent the scas acted under the assump- strictly negative, with the negative lo 2005 Subramanian 2009). When the
tion that G2C services would arrive soon. subsidy ranging from Re 1 to Rs 900. number of bidders is low, as was in the
The heartburn due the lack of G2c services The difference between the first bid case of the cscs, where the average
is particularly severe in up, where the and the second bid ranged from zero to number of bidders was only three, multi-
bidding resulted in a negative subsidy. Rs 9,684, with the average difference round bidding becomes unworkable.
An official stated:8 being Rs 979.51. Thus the winning subsidy The remaining option of a single round
was on average 58% of the second low- sealed bid auction is vulnerable to the
In up there was negative bidding of Rs 10
est subsidy bid, indicating the winner ei- winner's curse.
per csc per month. Around 3,000 units were
set up and therefore a total of Rs 30,000 per ther had unique capabilities or an excess However auctions must not be
month would be the government's income of optimism. The performance of the eschewed, only redesigned. Public pro-
from these revenue subsidies, but the major vles on the ground amply demonstrates duction of basic services is subject to
question arises what is the government do- that it was more of the latter! state failure. At the same time, alloca-
ing with this money?
Having discussed the performance of tion of public service to private parties
After four years of the operation of the telecentres, we turn to a discussion of without an auction is not transparent.
csc scheme there was no sign of the the optimal structural design for the Certain elements of the cost structure,
promised G2c services. According to scheme. The use of reverse auctions in
Meena Chaturvedi, chief executive officer the provision of universal access to tele-
(ceo) of the Srei Sahaj e-village initia- communications services was suggested Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
tive,9 "There is a basic resistance within (Milgrom 1996) to minimise the subsidy available at
the government to give G2c services as it burden and promote competition. It was
will bring transparency into the system". believed that a transparent auction mech- К С Enterprises
3-6-136/6, Street No 17
The poor health of cscs is clearly anism promotes efficiency and ensures a
Himayathnagar
reflected in the high attrition level of high quality of service. Internationally,
Hyderabad 500 029
vles on the one hand, and the poor data on reverse auctions held in Australia, Andhra Pradesh
macro-level performance of the national Chile, Colombia, India, Nepal, and Peru Ph: 66465549
scheme. In Meghalaya, by early 2010, show that "reverse auctions can reduce
Economic & Political weekly Ш
like connectivity, could be removed from government to build 100 telecentreslinked to computer training are still not
the terms of the auction, and provided within a two-year period. These for-profit being provided.
as a fixed subsidy. Further, lofty goals telecentres were to be run as franchises- There is tremendous potential for using
inspired by urban standards must be cum-business-incubators. However, in high-speed internet access to provide
avoided. For example, the extant scheme the initial phase, each telecentre was tobasic services like education and health,
mandates high levels of network uptime. be established and operated directlyas also market information. India is cur-
This is financially burdensome, and under Infocentros' management (Khelladirently in the process of laying a national
unrealistic in the context of present 2001). This was mandated as part ofbroadband network and is aiming to
demand. On the other hand, developing the design of the scheme unlike in India connect every village by 2017. The most
digital readiness such as through compu- where the contract is determined by eachviable way to access these services is
ter training does not find any explicit SCA. Only when the centre achievesthrough cscs equipped with broadband
mention. The result is the commercial profitability, could it be sold to a fran-access, large monitors and the necessary
unviability of telecentres, and an inability chisee. Eventually, 90 telecentres were support staff.
to enthuse the rural population to adopt to be run as private franchises, while 10 lbe groundwork for optimal utilisa-
the new medium. The solution is to were to remain under Infocentros' con- tion includes building the necessary
redesign the telecentre scheme to maketrol, acting as nodes, providing assist- skills in the target population to take ad-
it less risky for the private sector, and to ance and services to the franchisees, vantage of the services. We have seen
tie the private sector to some output that through training, technical support and that these skills are sorely lacking at
would directly increase the ability of themaintenance. present. In our survey six out of 10 vles
rural populace to use computers. It is good to see that the dit has in Meghalaya and 18 out of 20 vles in up
Simultaneously one must protect theworked proactively to reduce risk for theregarded lack of skills among users as an
VLES by moving them into an entrepre- local entrepreneur. In the second phaseimportant bottleneck. Five out of 10 vles
neurial position in a phased manner. In of the scheme, to increase the numberin Meghalaya and 14 out of 20 vles in up
El Salvador, for example, Infocentros, aof telecentres from 1 lakh to 3 lakh, ditregarded lack of awareness as an impor-
non-profit organisation established tohas promised a fixed sum for connecti-tant bottleneck. Interestingly, nine out
promote the information society, bor- vity, and a fixed salary payment for of 10 vles in Meghalaya and 15 out of 20
rowed $10 million interest-free from thethe VLB. However, incentives directlyvles in up felt that they themselves
■■■B USAGE
■■¡Il NEPAL- NATION-STATE THE POLITICS OF
IN THE WILDERNESS BELONGING IN THE
Managing State, Democracy, HIMALAYAS
and Geopolitics Local Attachments
Lok Raj Barai and Boundary Dynamics
Nepal- Nation-state in the Wildentees Edited by Joanna Pfaff
takes a critical look at three important aspects - ■ лх
of modem Nepal: viability of the Nep

State, prospects and challenges of its liberal
democracy, and strategies for managing the Ш
emerging geopolitical trends. The author
analyses the transformation of Maoiste into а to
systemic party within the liberal-democratic of
set-up and the mutual distrust that developed afterwards. The book further ¿W
explores the state of Nepal's physical location between China
Nepal's own incapacity to manage the geopolitical pul
out of its unique position. The Politics of Belong
The question, "Is democracy viable in Nepal?" provides a thematic outline studi
to the book. Barai argues that though democratic values have triumphed and
in the recent past, democracy itself remains blurred in the absence of diff
institutionalization. Governance, am) CMc Action, Volume 4
2012 « 328 pagei « ? 750 (Hardback)
22
FEBRUARY il, 2012 vol XLVii no б ПВО
lacked the computer skills necessary to 3 Last sites/upload_
acc
230410.pdf
csc-india.o
carry out their job. Therefore computer Girardet, G (2000): "Public Access to Internet
tion/tabid
literacy is an important function the 4 CSO Services", Paper presented at the Telecom
(200
and Internet Summit, 5-9 June, Banjul, The
Domestic P
government needs to enable through Gambia, accessed 18 January 2012:in http://
Prices I
the telecentres. Julywww.itu.int/ITUD/ict/papers/banjul2000/gir-
2010:
ardet.pdf
taavailabil
In Akshaya, a Kerala-based project that
5 Harrison, J R and J G March (1984): "Decision-
Office o
started as an e-literacy initiative, a train- State-wise Per cent Change in Average Making and Post-decision Surprises", Adminis-
Infant Mortality Rates by Residence in India trative Science Quarterly, 29(1): 26-42.
ing charge of Rs 120 per person was fixed
in the Duration of 2006-08 (per thousand of Haseloff, A M (2005): "Cybercafés and Their Poten-
by the government (International Insti- population). tial as Community Development Tools in India",
tute of Information Technology Bangalore Directorate of Economics and Statistics Gov- Journal of Community Informatics, 1(3): 53-65,
ernment of Meghalaya, Three Year Moving accessed 18 January 2012: http://ci-journal.
2005). Of this, Rs 80 was collected from net/index.php/ciej/article/view/226/181
Average of Infant Mortality Rates in Megha-
the village panchayat, and Rs 20 each laya for 2006-07. International Institute of Information Technology
Both accessed July 2010, http://www.mdia- Bangalore (2005): "Information and Communi-
from the block and district panchayats. cations Technologies for Development: A Com-
stat.com/searchresult.aspx
The remaining Rs 20 was to be collected 6 Census 2001, State-wise Literacy Rate in India parative Analysis of Impacts and Costs from In-
dia", Report prepared for DIT and Infosys Tech-
from the recipient of the service. The (in %), accessed July 2010, http://www.indiastat.
nologies, accessed on 29 August 2011, http://
com/demographics/7/literates/i58/stats.aspx
telecentres were tasked with creating www.iiitb.ac.in/upl0ads/C0mplete%20rep0rt.pdf
7 This is the implicit cost of the contribution of
100% digital literacy in their districts Khelladi, Y (2001): "Community Based Content:
the VLE in UP, and an explicit cost for salaried
The Infocentros Telecentre Model", Digital
VLEs in Meghalaya.
in a stipulated period of time. This Dividend Case Study, World Resources Institute,
8 Interview conducted in Lucknow, 22 March 2010.
amounts to a targeted subsidy for e-liter- Washington DC, accessed 18 January 2012:
9 Interview date 5 May 2010. http://yacine.net/pub/InfocentrosFinal.pdf
acy that would incentivise the kiosk op- 10 Unpublished report by Basix, dated 26 May 2010. Kumar, R and M Best (2006): "Social Impact and
erator to provide the intended services 11 Interview with Srei Sahaj sources, as above. Diffusion of Telecentre Use: A Study from the
12 Based on unpublished data by DIT. Sustainable Access in Rural India Project",
for which the kiosk was set up by the 13 Auctions where the value of the object is com- Journal of Community Informatics, 2(3), ac-
government. Hence we recommend that mon across bidders are called common value cessed 18 January 2012: http://ci-journal.net/
auctions. The susceptibility to the winner's index.php/ciej/article/view/328/268
the dit should tie private players to a
curse remains in the case of hybrid auctions, Kuriyan, R, I Ray and К Toyama (2008): "Informa-
certain target with respect to computer where the value is partly common and partly tion and Communication Technologies for Devel-
"private", i e, unique to the bidder. opment: The Bottom of the Pyramid Model in
education and provide a subsidy for each
Practice", The Information Society, 24(2): 93-104.
trained participant. The bidding by op- Kuriyan, R and I Ray (2009): "Outsourcing the
erators could be for the per participant State? Public-Private Partnerships and Infor-
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Economic & Political weekly Q2Q February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 ^3
Developmental Crisis and
in them. An aspect of the development
crisis is, to some extent, a crisis at the
level of ideas. This crisis is the collective
Dialectics of Protest Politics failure among the progressives to rigor-
ously theorise social relations of devel-
Presenting the Absent and Absenting
opment itself with an emancipatory con-
tent and intent. Is the development crisis
the Present due to a democratic deficit, due to an un-
democratic relationship between the
governed and those who govern, a non-
RAJU J DAS transparent relationship between the
state and its (poorer) citizens? Is it due to
There is
remnants no
of feudal-type and caste-based
living in an age of crisis. There is
developmen and patriarchal practices? Is it because of
The living a globala global
crisis infinancial
talk financial
crisis. Weanwere
age is ubiquitous. of crisis. crisis. We There We were are is the profit-driven system operating at the
crisis
told it was over. But it seems another is
of id
national and international scales? Is the
forms of
on the horizon. In poor countries such as development crisis happening because d
needed fro
India, there is an agrarian crisis. Some imperialism is crushing the social and
scholars are even
rigorous masses? If talking about the economic "rights" of the thall
agrarian root of the global crisis. There these are true, how are they intercon-
acknowledg
is a crisis of development. nected? Or, are they? What is the main
(classThe development crisis - connected as explo contradiction underlying the develop-
national
it is to the agrarian crisis - is interesting. ment crisis? At what geographicalan
scale
It means, among other things, that people should the main contradiction be theo-
profit-drive
cannot simply survive as they have in rised: local, regional, national or inter-
gross comm
the past. Many of them are failing to national, or all of these? Is it possible to
spheres of
keep their small asset-base intact, slowly resolve fully the non-main contradictions
culture and
selling their tangible resources (e g, land, without beginning to attack the main
cattle, etc). Simple reproduction
also what is be- contradiction? We are not adequately i
coming difficult. Worse, millions are fail- and dialectically thinking about all this.
democratic
ing to reproduce themselves and their
ourfuture generation atplanet,
the current level (or Protest Politics
as they have in the recent past). Many This sort of intellectual failure is
destiny, ou associ-
be people
the are simply dying premature deaths, ated withstart
a political failure in some cir-
due to hunger or semi-hunger conditions: cles. People - including sections of the
bringing ab
they die due to illnesses caused by material urban youth - want to change things.
changes
deprivation of various forms. Many But this wanting is often, in
more or less,
"semi-conscious" bearers of the system limited to: "protest politics" and the
- including educated people managing campaigns against the Poscos, against
it - often explain starvation-induced this or that case of excess in the system,
illness/death in terms of the absence of this or that unfair policy of the govern-
knowledge (or in terms of incorrect ment, this or that case of corruption. The
knowledge) on the part of the dead: that quality of democracy would be poorer
is, they do not possess the knowledge without these protests. These are neces-
about how to eat and live. Thousands sary. Social theoretically, these suggest,
are just giving up living because theyas Anthony Giddens once remarked, that
cannot carry on living like sub-humans.humans will always resist oppression
Animals in imperialist countries are fedunless they are drunk. But there is little
much better than millions of people inindication that these protests are being
poor countries. Animals earn a lot more
seen, in theory and practice, as parts of a
(subsidies) from the system than mil-system of political-intellectual campaigns
lions of humans in our world. against a common, or the central, target
Raju Ideas do
J not create the current
Das material(i e, use of society's(
resources for
rajulimitless
department
reality in any straightforward, immediate of
private gain). There is also little indication
arts sense. But
and a set of ideas can act like a profes
that the ubiquitous protest politics is
Toronto, Canad
material force, when lots of people believeguided by any notion of radical demands:
24 FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 13X3 Economic & Political WEEKLY
demanding all the things that we need the state). Underlying the contradiction cannot go on a strike or form an inde-
(adequate food, shelter, education, health- mentioned above is a deep hiatus between pendent union). A theory of wage can-
care, culture, democratic accountability, the system's concept of time and that of not rule out wage increase. Even when
political and intellectual freedom, sus- the oppressed. For the system (or, more wage increase happens at a larger scale
tainable environment, etc). These are correctly, the 1% which rules it): things than in a few companies or locally, i e,
the things we need in order to live like have to happen quickly, money has to be even if it happens, say, nationally, we
humans and we need these things now. made quickly, labour reforms will have must understand two things. One is this
What they - paid political-intellectual to be passed quickly which will allow that, as Marx remarks in Capital Volume 1
managers of the system - think should companies to fire employees freely, and (Chapter 25), it "only means, in fact, that
not affect our conception of what we so on. For the 99%, the idea, more or the length and weight of the golden
need. Even secretive violence - or the less, is postponism: that we can wait chain the wage-worker has already
to be fed better; that we can wait to see forged for himself, allow of a relaxation
threat of it - is used by some, as if this
can bring macro social change at local, a completely new world, and that all of the tension of it", that we reproduce
national and global scales and on awe can do now is to ask for some ourselves as slightly better-fed slaves
reforms. Notice also another contradic-
permanent basis. As if it is not true that who help the property owners accumu-
such a change can only happen through tion: between greed of the 1% late and their wealth. The increase in wages
activities of the masses themselves who asceticism of the 99%. The 1% seeks "can
to never reach the point at which it
would threaten the system itself". The
become acutely conscious of the sources make as much money as it can and satisfy
of their vulnerabilities and who do not its most diverse needs for luxuries. And
system sets the limit on how good our
want to live in the old ways any more. the bottom 99%? It has to be satisfied
life can be. As soon as the rise in wages
There is a need for an intransigent with less, with small concessions. interferes with the normal rate of profit-
theory that lays bare the unbending and The postponism of the majority making,
and wages start falling. "The rise of
unyielding character of the current system its asceticism are not unconnected with
wages therefore is confined within lim-
of economic and political power relations how those who seek to speak on behalfits that not only leave intact the founda-
tions of the capitalistic system, but also
and at the same charts the possibilities of the majority and in their interest theo-
of reforms. It must recognise this: con- rise the system, in terms of what issecure
the its reproduction on a progressive
scale". After winning some wage in-
cessions are possible to obtain but seen main contradiction underlying the vari-
crease due to both favourable circum-
in a proper time-space perspective, every ous forms of the crisis of development.
stances of accumulation and a certain
little concession given now and here is Underlying the belief that we can fight
degree of unionisation, American work-
taken back there or in another point in for a change here and there is a deeply
time. The temporal and spatial life of the philosophical inclination towards
ers a
in the auto-industry are now forced
system is much larger than individuals combination of empiricism, presentism to sell themselves for almost half the
and groups indeed. The theory must also and reformism/opportunism: a littlewage
vis- they were used to receive.
recognise that every material concession ible evidence of some concession here, at
A New Theory
is used ideologically to produce consent the present moment, is used to theoreti-
What is needed is a theory that is sys-
in the minds of people to the system, con- cally mean that the system can deliver
temic
sent to the idea that "the system can be significant concessions always: what we and multi-scalar. This theory must
recognise not only what is present (e g,
reformed, so please be patient". Notice see - the system being able to deliver
class exploitation, imperialism, national
the contradiction: the system teaches some concessions, some progressive legis-
and
patience, but it itself is based on an lation - is mistakenly taken by many tosocial oppression, profit-driven eco-
incessant process of money-making. We be what is real, i e, what is fundamen-
logical destruction, gross commercialisa-
are told that we need to sacrifice our tion of all spheres of human life including
tally true about the system. The durabil-
current satisfaction of needs at the altar ity of the system - its naturalisationculture
- is and social relations) ontologically
of the profit-driven market system which enormously helped by this kind of at
think-various levels (i e, levels of structural
mechanisms and empirical events, as
will deliver good things in the future. The ing, which, ontologically, reduces what
system is bathed with a passion, with is real to what appears to be real. Roy Bhaskar has stressed), and only this
"revolutionary" impatience, impatient to Underlying many of the sort of recognition of the present can
campaigns
make as much money (even illegally) in (protest political activities) is this escape from empiricism (the idea that
belief
as less time as possible. There is no cor- in the potential reformability of the what
sys- is visibly seen is real). This theory
responding revolutionary impatience on tem for the good of all in the long must
run. We also recognise what is absent (e g,
the part of the oppressed however. In forget that: when, for example, a wage collective democratic control over our
other words: the system (ruled by the increase is won in one place, it may lives,
come our planet, our bodies, our destiny,
1%) is impatient, but the bottom 99% at the expense of workers elsewhere,ouror culture). The theory must acknow-
does not appear to be (or its impatience it may come at the expense of ledge
worker's explanatorily that what is present
is sought to be disciplined both by "pro- solidarity in situ (a little wage is the
increase main cause of what is absent. The
theory must therefore recognise politically
test politicians" and coercive organs ofcan be granted on the ground that workers
Economic & Political weekly Ш February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6
COMMENTARY EêeÊE
that what is "absent" has to be presented

consider how Wall Street occupiersmoreset upthan they usually are, or they ask
and what is present has to be absented.
public libraries, public healthcare system,
for being regulated a little by the govern-
And this theorisation has to be performed
public eating places, and so on). Intellec-
ment. All this self-abnegation happens
at multiple scales, and most specifically,
tually, progressives can intellectually
purely because of their fear of possible
nationally and internationally, and with a the significance of the fight
assess for
"negation of negation" (expropriation
sensitivity towards the longer timescale
reforms on these (and perhaps other
of the expropriators). This temporary
at which the system's tendencies, the grounds. Politically, they
similar) can
self-denial on the part of the ruling elite
mechanisms, operate. Is there a whole
encourage reforms on these and happens
other because of their anxiety about
lot in between these absenting andsimilar
pre- grounds (and of course, the pursuit
their future, not about ours. In other
senting practices, in the longer term?
of reforms must happen through proper
words, concessions are given by the elite to
Dialectically seen, has the humanity cre-
organisational means to bear the fruits).
keep the system going so that the product
ated a possibility for anything really sig-
But these intellectual and political
oftasks
our work can continue to be taken away
nificant between individualist control
presuppose the following recognition:
from us. Concession-giving is really the
and collective control, between making
the need for the fight for concessions in/ of what it appears to be. It is not
opposite
money for the sake of money (evenfrom
ficti-the system is informed by a proper
giving. It is taking. Everything stands on
tious money) and the satisfaction of of the system itself. To theorise
theory its head in this modern class-divided
democratically-defined human needs?
the system is to unpack its logic of world,
opera- which, as Terry Eagleton has fa-
tion, the mechanisms and tendencies.
The fight for concessions - including mously argued in his Ideology , as has Slavoj
démocratisation of the governmentWe should remember that we live
- is in a has an enormous capacity to create
Zizek,
enormously worthwhile. It is worth it if where wealth is produced
world for
false ideas in our minds. Concessions are a
it increases the fighting power of the
moneymaking, where we will feed our-
small part of the system. The system deter-
poor-majority for the ultimate absenting
selves as long as we feed the system with- sets limit on (in the language of
mines
of the present. Surely, someone who has where we work as long as we
money, live
Raymond Williams) - the manner, the
not eaten for days cannot be expected to as long as we work. In the current
and live form, the magnitude, the timing and
fight against a law that bans abortion
arrangements, our everyday activities as of the concessions. Concessions
spacing
rights or right to form a union. Immediate
a species are not directly geared towards
are not an indicator of the goodness or
the
relief is important. Concessions are satisfaction of our manifold needs
also as
legitimacy of the system. A few benefits
worth fighting for if the process ofhumans.
fight- Therefore, when concessions are from the system do not change
wrung
ing inculcates an awareness among the it is not necessarily because the
given, much
sys-the fundamental character of the
masses that there are strong limits temto
wants to satisfy our needs.system,Much any more than a few pieces of fall-
what is possible to gain within the system
rather it is because the system is aing little
hair make a person bald. Such is the
and if they train the masses the political
fearful of the masses (turning more lawrev-
of quantity and quality in dialectics.
and intellectual skills necessary toolutionary).
fight And there have been fewer and fewer of
Sometimes even the ultra-rich
(and to manage a different future can
world:
ask to be taxed a little, or taxed these
a littlebenefits anyway in the recent past.
REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
October 22, 2011
Subverting Policy, Surviving Poverty: Women and the SGSY in Rural Tamil Nadu - К Kal
Small Loans, Big Dreams: Women and Microcredit in a Globalising Economy - Kumud
Women and Pro-Poor Policies in Rural Tamil Nadu: An Examination of Practices and Responses - J Je
Informed by Gender? Public Policy in Kerala _ Seema Bhaskaran
Addressing Paid Domestic Work: A Public Policy Concern _ Nimushakavi Vasa
Reproductive Rights and Exclusionary Wrongs: Maternity Benefits - Lakshmi Ungarn, Vaidehi Ye
Reinventing Reproduction, Re-conceiving Challenges:
An Examination of Assisted Reproductive Technologies in India - Vrinda Marwah, S

For copies write to:
Economic and Political Weekly,
320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013.
26
FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 ЕШ Economic & Political WEEKLY
relative deprivation amongst the local
Unrest in Xinjiang communities? This article addresses
these queries in an attempt to determine
A Consequence of Asymmetric Growth? the policy dilemmas of the Chinese gov-
ernment and the resultant anomaly in
implementations.
BHAVNA SINGH
Regional Asymmetry
Wang Chunxian, the Communist Party
Asymmet
of China's chief in Xinjiang, claimed that
developme
Recognising
Recognising divide Hans,
Hans, amongst divide
the Chinese
the Chinese the theamongst
government thegovernment
inherent Uyghurs Uyghursethnicand
and the economic growth rate of Xinjiang
identity had reached close to 10.5% in 2010, is
sought to use development as an instru-
bane
ment to deal with violent incidents and of Xi
while the gross domestic product (gdp)
the "three evils" in Xinjiang. Several
China. had reached 5 trillionMan
rmb. Concurrently,
affirmative action plans were devised the per capita disposable incomes of ur-
are a cons
by the Chinese government to provide ban residents in Xinjiang had risen 10%
oriented
benefits for the official minorities in year on year to 13,500 rmb in 2010, s
authoritie
Xinjiang. Most prominent among them while per capita net income of rural resi-
being concessions given in the form of
such dents exceeded 4,600
a str rmb.1 Invest-
tax reductions, better education for the ments had grown tremendously and the
economic
minority children (though mostly in transportation sector witnessed several
state inves
Mandarin), greater access to public offices, remarkable milestones. Nonetheless, 2011
for
right to observe their traditional customs enterp
was also marked by one of the worst
and retain their languages as well as ethnic violence in two of its western most
all problems.
exemption from the one-child policy cities after the Urumqi crisis of 2009.
norm. Massive inflows of capital invest- One of the significant causes for these
ments in this province during the past violent incidents in the western part can
decade attest the ambitious pursuit of be identified as the huge economic dis-
this strategy. parity that exists between the northern
Yet, despite these provisions, economic Tarim basin, a resource-rich region that
development in Xinjiang has been highly attracts large amount of investments, and
asymmetrical and has failed to fulfil the the far south-western region bordering
desperate need for employment genera- central Asia. Most of the development in
tion and maintenance of sociocultural the initial decades of establishment of
autonomy. The benefits of road and rail the People's Republic of China remained
connectivity and infrastructure for edu- restricted to the northern regions of
cation and entrepreneurship have been Xinjiang. The epicentre of economic
monopolised by economically well-off growth in the north is the Tianshan slope
groups while the deprived sections have economic band and within that the "inte-
shown little improvement in their econo- grated U-Chang economy" consisting of

mic statuses. Disproportionate develop- Urumqi, Changji Prefecture, and Wujiaqu
ment has encouraged violent opposition to City. According to data available for
the state and the local residents are infuri- 2008, the northern Tianshan slope eco-
ated by Han immigration brought about nomic band contained 23.1% of Xin-
by increased economic opportunities. jiang's entire population and accounted
The Urumqi crisis in 2009 and the for 54.8% of its overall gdp and 38.2% of
Kashgar and Hotan violence in 2011 its investment, wherein the "integrated
brought out the anger of local residents U-Chang economy" itself had 17.5% of
about the adverse impact of government the population and accounted for 33.5%
policies. In an effort to placate local of Xinjiang's overall gdp and 20.5% of all
inhabitants, the Chinese government investments. This region has huge re-
has yet again unfurled new economic serves of oil, coal and natural gas.2
incentives. But will economic pursuit On the contrary, the three regions of
Bhavna Singh ( bhavna@ipcs.org ) is a research alone help China achieve its strategic Kashgar, Hotan and Kizilsu Kirgiz Auto-
officer with the Institute of Peace and Conflict nomous Prefecture comprise almost 30%
goals in Xinjiang? Or will it continue to
Studies, New Delhi. of Xinjiang's population, but accounted
fuel disturbances driven by feelings of
COMMENTARY EEêeeee
for only 9% and 12% of its gdp and in- Ironically, the low levels of growthlocals have to pay higher pr ices for some
for still conducive for identity/cultural of these products despite their indige-
vestment, respectively. The reason were
preservation and the fast pace of growth nous availability. They constantly fear
this disparity is also that the southern
resulting from massive capital inflow is that the development from rising invest-
region is mostly agricultural and con-
resulting in a mutability of their tradi- ment levels will yet again lead to out-
stricts infrastructure growth. Even the
"western development campaign" envis-tional ways of life. Hence, the resistance flow of benefits into the mainland and
aged by the Chinese government fur- is growing even stronger. The internalXinjiang will become a major power-
thered this imbalance throughout the regional divide is further exacerbated by house for the mainland economy.6
the lopsided integrative strategy at the The problems at policy level also re-
past decade, as the main emphasis was
on maintaining stability rather thannational level, which has resulted inflect misdirected planning. For instance,
violent
promoting industrial development in the incidents. several regions in south Xinjiang which
southern region. This anomaly was could have benefited from stress on agri-
Misperceived or Malfunctioning? cultural upgradation and marketing
corrected only in 2007 after the state
council revamped its policies and pro-Even after 30 years of reform and open- were given a blueprint for industrial
vided concrete capital support. ing up, the development gap between development. This led to deterioration
Economic disparity has further crys-this region and the rest of the nation as a of agriculture itself in these regions,
whole is increasing. Many scholars be- which had been the basis of sustenance
tallised along ethnic cleavages. Such un-
in that Xinjiang's economy is heavilytraditionally. Despite the heavy invest-
dercurrents are most closely evidentlieve
shaped according to the needs of the cen-ment in infrastructure, Xinjiang has
the functioning of the Xinjiang Produc-
tion and Construction Corps (xpcc)/ tral authorities in Beijing. Whenever continued to have an economy of low
bingtuan which has been the main or-there is need for integration, the centralvalue addition as corresponding indus-
government pours in copious amounts oftrial development has not taken place.
gan of the Chinese state dealing with
money and when the national economy
economic development in the region and Thus, it is not merely a case of misper-
gets heated up, there is a restraint on ception by the locals, who might have
is known as the "China Xinjian group"
investment. Ilham Tohti argues thatmisconstrued the government policies
for this particular function. It is believed
to have usurped the best farmlandChina's
in Xinjiang policy is even worse thandue to their preconceived stereotypes.
colonialism as it imports a large number The Twelfth Five-Year Plan of the
Xinjiang and has diverted rivers from
the upper streams to its own advantage.ofItChinese workers into the area.4 Chinese government has yet again
In addition, the wages for the workers placed stress on the need for develop-
controls major portions of trade through
its 11 publicly traded subsidiaries. are abysmally low. The China Statisticalment by "leaps and bounds" for a well-
The ethnic composition within the Yearbook shows that the national rank- off society. To this end, the government
xpcc is highly tilted in favour of the ing of annual average wages of workershad earlier declared Kashgar to be a spe-
Hans who constitute almost 88% of in cities and towns in Xinjiang fell fromcial economic zone (in 2010) and also
the military-cum-economic organisation 6 in 1978 to 23 in 2008. In 2008, the av-intends to set up other economic zones
(according to 2002 statistics). This is inerage wage was 24,687 yuan in Xinjiang, in the western most parts of Xinjiang
stark opposition to the claim of thewhich was 4,542 yuan lower than the where it will allow tax reductions
Chinese state that the xpcc has become national level; the average wage of and help the initial set-up of enterprises
a mosaic of 37 ethnic groups includingworkers in xpcc was 772 yuan, which in the region. But even this re-emphasis
the Han, Uyghur, Kazakh, Hui and Mon- was 10,457 yuan lower than the national will be misdirected if the impleme-
gols over the several years of its exist-level.5 Such low wages have resulted in ntation is not done in sync with the
ence.3 Thus the Hans are able to garnerthe flight of talented personnel andinherent comparative advantage of
most of the benefits through the xpcc asskilled workers from the region. particular regions.
they monopolise decision-making. Most locals also protest that Xinjiang's Playing to the comparative advantage
Besides, there is strong opposition valuable resources like oil, coal, gas and of a region will benefit both the locals
from the grass roots on the issue of lowcotton are being siphoned off to the as well as lead to confidence-building
salaries which, it is claimed, have not more developed Chinese regions andamongst the government and the people.
increased in the last 20 years. Certain cal-
Training Course on Research Methodology in Social Sciences
culations have been made to the effect
(March 13 to 22, 2012)
that many youngsters are earning much M. P. Institute of Social Science Research, UJJAIN (MP) invites applications from young
less than even their forefathers. Another social scientists, University/College teachers, and research scholars to participate in a Ten days
Training Course on Research Methodology in Social Sciences from March 13 to 22, 2012 with the
reason adduced to explain low economic financial assistance from Indian Council of Social Science Research, New Delhi. The objectives
growth is the absence of private enter- of this course are to help participants acquire knowledge and understanding appertaining to the
research methodology in social sciences. Applications are invited on or before 25 February, 2012.
prise. Most businesses are state control-
Lodging, boarding and travel will be arranged by the organisers. Applications may be sent to
led and regulated and there is very little Dr. Yatindra Singh Sisodia, Professor & Course Director, M. P. Institute of Social
scope for individual entrepreneurs, Science Research, 6 Bharatpuri Administrative Zone, UJJAIN (М.Р.) http://www.mpissr.org
E-mail: mpissr@yahoo.co.in; yatindral5@yahoo.com, Phone: 0734-2510978, Cell: 094253-80127
especially from the minority communities.
28 February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 13253 Economic & Political WEEKLY
= COMMENTARY
A precedent for the successful applica- For this one-on-one assistance pro- the perceived impact of economic poli-
gramme, they will be required to takecies but the unwillingness of the min-
tion of this approach is also available in
ority communities to identify with the
out a certain percentage of their fiscal
the Piyalema Town of Pishan County,
Hotan Region, located at the southrevenue to support construction and state. Again, development provides as
development in their counterpart cities.much avenues for consolidation of iden-
border of Taklamakan Desert, where the
Kashgar alone has got support from the
substitution of wheat with pomegranate tities as much as it aids its dissolution.
led to avoidance of drought as well as three strongest city economies including Economic policies are resulting in a
lessening of extremist activities in the Shanghai, Shandong and Guangdong.8floating population and increased Man-
While
region in the 1990s.7 Similarly, the cities the Chinese government can projectdarin speakers as well as a population
falling on the Silk Route can be revived this as a massive effort to integrate thewhich does not identify themselves on
region into the nation's economy andreligious and ethnic basis. But there are
by highlighting their traditional role of
still a substantial amount of people who
acting as the land-bridge between Chinahelp it develop at a faster pace, it is more
and the Eurasian region. likely to be construed by the minoritiesare irked by the overbearing nature of
But so far, these economic opportuni-in Xinjiang as a move towards increas-the state in their personal sphere. And
ties have not been effectively capitaliseding Han influence and a threat to their these people will continue to assert their
traditional culture.
given the insecurities about strengthen- ethnic identities. The need for preserv-
ing the east Turkistan movement in The connection is palpable in the re-ing local customs in the face of a deve-
Xinjiang due to its linkages with thecent Hotan attacks. On 12 April 2011, fivelopment onslaught is not merely a ques-
demonstration projects were held under
central Asian countries and consequent tion of resisting central authority but a
this pairing assistance projects in whichcentral part of retaining their identities.
"splittist" tendencies. This indicates that
economic development alone will notBeijing City provided such assistance to In sum, slogans such as "making people
work effectively until and unless the rich" hints that economic development
Xinjiang: the first stage was the shanty
larger identity issues are addressed. Thetown reconstruction project in Hotanwill remain the priority approach to solv-
City, the anti-seismic house building ing its Xinjiang conundrum. But this will
government needs to devise policies tar-
geting both economic and religious sen-project and a new rural area construc-be a challenging task, if it were not to
tion project in Hotan County, thetake cognisance of the need for simulta-
sitivities of the local people. The identity
neous identity recognition and preserva-
agricultural construction project in Moyu
issues are also becoming more and more
County, the ward building tion of cultural and ethnic mores.
construction
complex since the influx of Hans who
have been staying in these regions over project in Lop County People's Hospital
the last three to four decades and have and the red data processing base con- notes
also constructed a counterargument

struction project in the Fourteenth Agri- 1 "Xin
2010"
cultural Division under the corps. Dur-
claiming that the preferential treatment Janua
meted out to the Uyghurs in this regioning the ceremony for launching those File N
2 Wan
projects, the Beijing delegation gave a
is far too discriminatory for the emigrant
wang
fund of 150 million yuan as a gift for
Hans, who want similar prerogatives to Conne
Numb
be given to them. launching those projects but the dis-
3 "Est
placement of the people from these Xinjia
Development, Identity shanties enraged the locals culminating Histo
gover
and Violence in violent acts in 2011. According to the Offic
In the "National Conference for the official estimates, more than $100 bil- 2003,
http:/
Work Concerning Pairing Assistance tolion have already been pumped into 4 Tem
Xinjiang" held in Beijing in March 2010,Xinjiang's economy. Ethni
2009,
it was declared that 19 provinces and It is also important to recognise the http:
cities inside the country would provideability of development, both economic xinjian
5 Wan
pairing assistance to 82 counties (cities)and technological (as scientific develop-
6 Chin
under 12 prefectures within Xinjiang,ment is a significant part of the state on 8
xinhu
along with 12 divisions under the xpcc,rhetoric), to contain violence by creating
22/c _
to support and improve people's liveli-stakes while also having the capacity to 7 It is
provide rapid tools for proliferation of
hoods. This meant that counterpart prov- the Ea
Howe
inces and cities would make efforts to agendas and ideologies. Thus, this eco-
opmen
help the people of all ethnic groups innomic development might transpire into violen
agains
Xinjiang to solve relevant basic issuesa non-violent silent assimilation, or it 8 PRC
concerning people's livelihoods, such aswill create the platforms where the Healt
Tao W
employment, education, and housing,struggle might even get worse given the
Yuan,
and they will also support the develop-rapid mobilisation through technology. July
What hinders the integration is not only File N
ment of advantageous industries.
/';-=09 )(8* =-0/']
Uttar Pradesh's Renouncer King
Pasi, Dhanuk, Tatwa, Rangrej and so on.
They believe him to be an honest and good
leader and feel that all leaders should be
like him since he comes straight to them
BADRI NARAYAN without the police or politicians mediat-
ing between them. He speaks directly
While with them and shares their joys and
Rahul G
to been in the news in Uttar Pradesh (up)
reach sorrows. out
We were often told that there to
If been forforthere his in is unconventional
his unconventional behaviour ofthe one news political in Uttar leader behaviour Pradesh who (up) has of is no one else to share their lives with
Uttar Pradesh
mingling with the common people, shar- since no other politician comes "down
well-planned
ing meals and interacting with them to their level". Among these villagers a v
stay-overs
without many security guards, it is Rahul person who shares their joys and
in sor-
Gandhi. However, most journalists as rows is their well-wisher, their relative
been derided,
well as scholars whom I spoke to in Delhi and their own kith and kin.
these
and Lucknow insist that Rahul Gandhi's villages
Another Muslim woman whose son had
politics
travels to dalit villages will have a negli- of
recently an
drowned in a river in the Chilh vil-
may
gible effect on the dalit electorate. Maya- be yieldin
lage of Mirzapur told us that Rahul Gandhi
wati too had said that Rahul Gandhi's visited them and shared her sorrow for
the Congress.
nautanki (drama) will be wasted on thenearly 10 minutes, adding that he now has
to make a diff
a home in their hearts forever. When we
dalits. On the other hand, observations
upcoming elec
during my visits to various villages ofvisited another setdement adjacent to the
central and eastern up to study popular
Ravidas temple in Varanasi known as Ravi-
politics and the working of democracydasia basti Kshirgoverdhanpur immedi-
suggest otherwise. It does appear that inately after Rahul Gandhi's visit, we met a
the villages which Rahul Gandhi visited,man belonging to the Ravidasia Chamar
the villagers, across castes, have devel-caste, a solid support base of the Bahujan
oped a visible sense of affiliation withSamaj Party (bsp), who told us that in the
and attraction to him. Interestingly, inpast they were all Congress voters. Later
recent weeks some opinion among jour-the bsp came and they shifted allegiance,
nalists and scholars too has started echo- but now that Rahul Gandhi has once again
ing this indication that there might be acome to them they are renewing their ear-
lier ties with the Congress. Another young
strong emergence of the Congress in up.
What effect it has in the forthcoming man standing nearby remarked that Rahul
elections and how much this emergence Gandhi is a "wonderful leader". He comes
will convert into seats remain doubtful. straight to us and drinks tea in a kulhar
Let me share a few observations from (clay cup) with us. "Is there any other
some of the villages we, a team ofleader today who does this? The others
researchers, visited in up. Two days aftercite security reasons but doesn't Rahul
Rahul Gandhi's visit to Mallipur andGandhi have to fear a security breach? He
Harsingpur villages of Mirzapur,1 wewent straight to the Ravidas temple with-
visited these villages to conduct an impactout informing anyone, stayed there for
analysis. We met an old woman belong-one hour, interacted with the people there
and then went away". An old woman who
ing to a middle caste who told us that
there was once a king who became was
a also present said they might vote
yogi after observing the sorrow of thefor the bsp this time, but they will press
people and wandered from village to the "button" [of the electronic voting
village. In the same manner "Sonia's machine] for Rahul Gandhi in the "Delhi
bitwa" (Rahul Gandhi) is now wander-elections" [Parliamentary polls]. It thus
ing among us like a yogi, she said. Notseems that slowly yet steadily, the forging
of ties with people at the level of the vil-
only was a sense of trust in Rahul Gandhi
visible among
Badri the upper castes of the vil-lage and basti, and sharing their joys
Narayan ( and ba
com ) is
lage, but with
also among those who belongedsorrows seems to be having
the some effect. G
Science
to several lower Institute
and marginalised castes As a part of our study we also did a ran- of
Allahabad.
like the Kurmi, Bharbhuja, Kol, Bansor,
dom study of the Congress rally organised
Economic & Political weekly ЕШШ February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 31
FROM THE STATES ==
chuke
at Trivenipuram, Jhusi, Allahabad hai , ab unhe ek achhi aur nayiimage makeover by repeatedly visiting
on 14
chahiye jo Rahul denge (The influ-villages, eating with the local people,
soch the
November 2011. This was officially
first rally of Congress Party for
ence the
of caste will break this time. Peoplesleeping in night shelters with the home-
up state elections. Our respondents
are fed up of this caste-community stuff.less and dalits, drinking water from hand-
belonged to the upper, backward they want good and new thinkingpumps and is seemingly spontaneous in
Nowand
scheduled castes (ses) as well aswhich
sched-
they will get from Rahul Gandhi).his outreach to the people. There is also
uled tribes (sts). Almost half the We observed that Rahul Gandhi's speechthe image in the folk ballads of a Jogi raja
respondents for our survey were from created some churn even among those(renouncer king) like Sorthi-Birjabhar
the backward castes. Thirty per cent who were identified as strong supporterswho used to roam among people after
belonged to upper castes (brahmins, of other parties. In our surveys we foundsacrificing all his material comforts. Rahul
Bhumihar) and the remaining 20% that even among the Chamars of the Gandhi seems to have successfully man-
belonged to ses and sts. The ses were dalits and Yadavs of the backward castes,aged to tap this folk ethos through his
mainly from the Pasi, Sonkar, Saroj, who are considered the pakke pani ka image makeover. It also appears that
Chamar, Hela, Valmiki subcastes. The vote (committed voters) for the bsp andRahul Gandhi is managing to break the
backward castes were mainly Patel, sp, respectively, some voices of uncer-stranglehold of caste in political mobili-
Kurmi, Bind and Yadav. Our survey tainty about their commitments to thesesation and support. However we have to
revealed that an image of Rahul Gandhi parties have emerged and there is await and see how much this new image
as an honest, dedicated and conscientious growing fondness for Rahul Gandhi andwill garner votes for the Congress Party.
leader is emerging among people of appreciation for the Congress. In partic-
every caste and class. His speech seemed ular, we found that there was a sense of notes
to hit the right note and many of our intimacy which people seem to be devel- 1 The
duo i
backward and sc respondents said that oping with Rahul Gandhi's persona and popu
they feel an intimate relation with him. it would be due to this, among other fac- brahm
Harija
In another survey of rallies of Rahul tors, that a kind of political shift is now 1,000
Gandhi in two reserved constituencies, visible in the backward and ses. The ot
Bharb
Mehnagar2 and Lalganj3 of Azamgarh In the folk consciousness that exists
Villag
district on 10 January 2012, we found among the villagers of up there is a This v
and Pa
that about half the assembled crowd distinct image in the minds of the people respe
were those who had decided to vote for of a king who is a hero and leader. In 500 in
200. T
the Congress and the rest were thosethis image the ideal king is one who Kahar
who were either undecided or were sup-renounces his riches and accepts the 2 Meh
headq
porters of other parties. Among the lat-poverty of his subjects, moves among and Ja
ter, from among our sample, we foundpeople and shares their joys and sorrows. This t
while
that almost 20% were planning to voteKings who live lavishly, even if they do get Khsat
for the Congress after listening to Rahultheir votes, fail to make that emotional 6,000
Kahar
Gandhi's speech. Bhalchandra Yadav (35connect and are unable to touch a moral 3 Lalg
years) a supporter of the Samajwadi Partychord with the rural masses. It appears highw
the Y
(sp) of Lalganj said immediately afterthat Rahul Gandhi has understood this castes
the meeting, Rahul ko sunane ke baadpsyche and is responding to it in his the to
lagta hai ki vote unhi ko de. (After listen-

ing to Rahul, I feel that my vote should Econ
go to the Congress.) It must also be noted
EPW 5
here that we found many people who
The digital
came to the rallies just to have a glimpse on a single
of Rahul Gandhi and to listen to him equipped wi
productive.
speak. Apparently, the Congress general
sections in
secretary has succeeded in creating a With its eas
buzz about himself among the voters. executives i
and public s
While returning from the rally we
Price for 5
heard some people commenting that Individuals
though Rahul Gandhi spoke well, caste fac- Institutions
tors will as always dominate the voting To order th

can also be
pattern in up. But some others contra-
Any queries
dicted this view. A Rajbhar youth Van- Circulat
shraj (30 years) of Srikantpur said Abki Econom
jati ka asar totega. Log Jaat pat se 00b
32 February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 Q353 Economic & Political WEEKLY
Kashmir - Karan Singh - made a procla-
The (Un)Making of Article 370 mation declaring that it "shall insofar as
it is applicable to the state of Jammu and
Kashmir, govern the constitutional rela-
RAKESH ANKIT tionships between this State and the
contemplated Union of India" (p 8). On
26 January 1950, the day India became a
of documents on Article 370, republic, President Rajendra Prasad
AG which of Noorani'
whichs contains
documents containspro-book on "temporary is Article a collection pro- 370,
"temporary
Artide 370: A Constitutional History of Jammu
made his first order under Article 370,
visions" in the Indian Constitution with and Kashmir by A G Noorani (New Delhi: OUP), 2011; extending specific provisions of the new
respect to the state of Jammu and Kash- ppxvi+487,Rs850. Indian Constitution to the state of Jam-
mir. It documents the five-month long mu and Kashmir.
negotiations which preceded the enact- chapter which have been in the public
ment of Article 370 on 17 October 1949 domain for long and they really do no Widening Divergence
and, thereafter, traces the constitutional more than set the scene for the negotia- In the next two years, 1950-52, as the
evolution of the state of Jammu and tions leading to the "framing of constitu- state embarked upon convening its own
Kashmir and its relationship with the tion" for the state and "the subjects in Constituent Assembly to frame its own
Union of India, bringing the story to respect of which the state should accede Constitution, the bone of contention
present day. The collection, as Noorani to the Union of India" (p 4). emerged: Nehru was eager to secure
clarifies in his introduction, is confined These negotiations took place over Kashmir's "closer integration" with India;
to the internal Indian aspects of theMay-October 1949. Sheikh Abdullah, the Sheikh Abdullah was eager to preserve
Kashmir question and does not engage prime minister of Kashmir, met Jawa- its autonomy; and it has remained thus
with plebiscite and secession. harlal Nehru and Vallabhbhai Patel in the till today in the day of Nehru's great-
Noorani is a veteran constitutional Indian capital in May, joined the Consti- grandson and Abdullah's grandson.
tuent Assembly of India along with his Indeed, the high point of Noorani's in-
lawyer and writer. His aim is to show the
hollow reality of "the special status"associate,
of in June and corresponded with troduction is the straightforward way in
N Gopalaswamy Ayyangar who, though which he shows the widening diver-
the state of Jammu and Kashmir and his
method is to trace the steps by which minister for railways, was looking after gence of views between Abdullah and
Article 370 was "eroded" by "consciousthe constitutional negotiations with Nehru before and after their Delhi
Kashmir. An exchange between Ayyangar Agreement of July 1952. The documents
executive acts" to the point where "only
to Abdullah in October 1949 (pp 72-76) in Chapters 3 and 4 pertaining to the
the shell" was left (pp 2-3). His hope isand
"retrieve from the wreckage of Article shows the differences between Patel work of the Jammu and Kashmir Con-
and Abdullah on key matters relating stituent
370, a constitutional settlement which to Assembly and Nehru-Abdullah
satisfies the aspirations of the people the correspondence leading to the Delhi
of power of Indian Parliament to make
Jammu and Kashmir" (p 28). To that Agreement bring to light a period and
laws for Kashmir, application of the pro-
end, he makes his own contribution and visions of the Indian Constitution in re- events which have seldom received com-
lation to Kashmir in matters which di-
presents a draft of the article as the last prehensive treatment. Nehru's desire for
item in the book. rectly are related to the three subjects of "a unilateral finalisation of accession by
defence, foreign affairs and communi- the State's Constituent Assembly to the
Noorani's starting point is, as it has
cations specified in the Instrument of exclusion of Pakistan" was diametrically
been for decades of writing on Partition
Accession and, importantly, the ap- opposite to Abdullah's attempt to seek
and accession, the Cabinet Mission of
1946. Apart from the much dissected pointment, status and continuation of "finality by an agreement on Kashmir
the Abdullah ministry in Kashmir. This between India and Pakistan", spelt Ab-
statement of 16 May 1946, Noorani also
is an important reproduction as it shows dullah's "political suicide" (p 10) and,
produces extracts from the Cabinet Mis-
sion's Memorandum on Indian States, how Ayyangar unilaterally amended eventually, led to the "ruthless and un-
the draft text of the article over Abdul- constitutional" dismissal and later arrest
Treaties and Paramountcy, the Indian
lah's protests, gives Patel's justification of Abdullah on 9 August 1953, all cata-
Independence Act of 1947, the Instru-
ment of Accession of the state of Jammu
for this (p 77), paints Abdullah's anguish logued in Chapters 5 and 6.
and Kashmir to the Indian Dominion andand throws light on an event which The next 20 years were a period of
would later have unfortunate and deep sordid governance in the state. Sheikh
correspondence, proclamations and
white paper surrounding its circum- consequences. Abdullah spent 12 years in four different
stances and immediate aftermath (Octo-A day before the Constituent Assem- spells of arrest, detention and intern-
bly of India adopted the Constitutionment
ber 1947- June 1949). There is nothing of in this period. Jammu and Kashmir
new in the 10 documents of the first India on 26 November 1949, the ruler suffered
of successively under the corrupt
Economic & Political weekly ШШ9 February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 33
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and the it "worse than useless" and "harmful to
replaced by that of the governor who is
appointed by the centre and the state
Kashmir's rights and interests" having
ineffective Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq and
the Congressman Syed Mir Qasim, while assembly barred in 1975 from restoring
"neither legal efficacy nor moral worth"
the pre-1965 position.
(pp 17-18). One may add here the politi-
putting together a Constitution and hold-
ing elections starting from 1957 whichcal consequences as well since the
Failure of the Indian State
mounting disenchantment in the state
were farcical and rigged. Noorani brings
with the gap between the ideals The
together a mountain of material relating of largely violent story of Kashmir in
India's democracy and the realitythe
to the work of the Constituent Assembly of last 20 years has been academically
in Srinagar (Chapter 7) and duly pro- and journalistically best understood
New Delhi's relationship with Srinagar
duces the Constitution of Jammu and through the rise and fall of Srinagar's
was to violently erupt in the late 1980s
Kashmir (Chapter 8). By now, however, and provide the most serious challenge
ambitions - be it in demanding azadi or
the essence of Article 370 had been to India's democratic and secular cre- removing the Armed Forces Special
"wrecked" irrevocably by a seemingly ir- dentials throughout the 1990s. Powers Act (afspa) - and the limitations
reversible process of "erosion" (Chapters Today, the constitutional irony is in-(military and political) and strengths
9-11) in which, apart from the central ex- deed total in the case of Jammu and (economic and diplomatic) of the Indian
ecutive, the Indian judiciary also joined Kashmir. Starting from "a special sta-state. Grievances - in particular elector-
in as shown by the flawed judgments of tus" in 1947, it is now, Noorani shows, inal malpractices and human rights viola-
four cases, cited by Noorani, which gave "a status inferior" to that of the other tions - have accumulated against an un-
a carte blanche to New Delhi to do as it states whether it is in relation to the cen-willing, unable or neglectful New Delhi.
pleased in Jammu and Kashmir (pp 14-16). tre's powers to legislate on matters in
In the course of all the legal and military
Noorani is particularly severe, and the State List, pass executive orders to-
wrangling by the Indian government®,
justifiably so, on the 1975 "accord of po- wards president's rule or command re-the people of Kashmir have repeatedly
litical cooperation" between Indira siduary power in relation to the state.sought to rise up.
Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah. "Based The coveted office of Sadar-i-Riyasat Recent historiography has shown that
(Head of State) was abolished in 1965,the mobilisation and deinstitutionalisation
on a fundamental error of law", he calls
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34 FEBRUARY 11, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 6 Ш Economic & Political WEEKLY
EEE=E BOOK REVIEW
being confronted by Nehru. Noorani

institutions of political representative-
of Kashmiri politics, nature of federal
autonomy in Kashmir and cries of ness itself. also skims over the 1990s and does not
ethno-national separatism point to a bring out the enhanced complexities in
Short on Analysis
failure on the part of an Indian state, the way of any constitutional attempts
which has been absorbed in its secular
Noorani is a prolific and vastly knowl- of this nature in the twin-political devel-
edgeable writer but this book is long on
psyche and security concerns, to har- opments of coalition politics in New Del-
accumulation and short on analysis. As a
monise and reconcile nation-building hi and insurgency in Kashmir.
collection of historical documents (let-
and democracy with the Kashmiri aspi- If, all history - constitutional or cultur-
ters, memos, proclamations and white
rations. There is a need to argue, not al - reflects its period then, as Wm Roger
papers), legal judgments and constitu-
merely academically - as has been done Louis wrote, it is best understood while
- but publicly and in policymaking tional amendments, it is a very useful located within that period. If history is
reference book. This is more so as the
circles, for decentralised state struc- minimally, as Robin W Winks observed,
constitutional arrangement between the
tures from redefined premises of demo- three things - what happened in the past,
state of Jammu and Kashmir and the
cracy, sovereignty, legitimacy, citizen- what people believed happened in the
ship and rights. Union of India has not received as much past and what historians say happened in
popular attention as other aspects of the
Kashmir today is locked externally in the past - then Noorani's Ardele 370
Kashmir conflict. But the book essential-
a fourfold scheme of regional rivalry, (New Delhi: oup 2011) attempts only to
ly reads as a series of extracts from the
global intervention, religious identity address the first aspect. It presents before
and conflict resolution and internally documents, or the entire document, in us a mass of material but leaves it to us to
chronological order. While the docu-

within three levels of relationships: bet- examine it. It approaches a historically
ween Srinagar and New Delhi; between ments are grouped around major mile- contentious subject but leaves us to seek
stones along the 60-year history of
the politicians and the public within patterns in this history. Few aspects of
Article
Kashmir; and interactions between its 370 and, to that extent, struc- modern Indian history have seen greater
tured but also selective, they lack a tex-
different population groups. Every sig- shifts in popular or scholarly perceptions,
nificant event in the new century, betual
it narrative and a political context grown so vehemently in terms of the ton-
which could do better justice to the ma-
the 2008 Amaranth agitation, the sub- nage of writing and have added so many
sequent two summers of discontent, terial. The politics around the historical dimensions as the Kashmir dispute. In a
the 2010 initiative of three interlocutors
production of this trail of documents, certain sense, however, Noorani's work
or the latest attempt by the Omar
that Noorani presents, is absent. There is completes a cycle. The constitutional
a vast set of characters, their attitudes
Abdullah ministry to get the afspa question of accession was the paramount
and relationships and concerns which
revoked, can be understood within these Indian focus when the dispute emerged,
political paradigms. could have been discussed and analysed before getting overtaken by the themes of
so as to better unpack this collection
Given this political backdrop, with identity, security and self-determination.
of documents.
which he barely engages, Noorani be- Noorani brings it back as the central con-
lieves that a revised Article 370, denud-If the aim of the book was not to ana- cern as also providing attention to the
lyse but to merely chronicle the constitu-
ing the president and, therefore, the cen- possible "solution to the wider Kashmir
tral government of the power to alter tional
it, history of Jammu and Kashmir, problem".
will fit the fourfold external aspects there
of are some gaps; most notably the
decade of the 1980s. Noorani quotes from Rakesh Ankit ( rakesh.ankit@gmail.com )
dealing with Pakistan (reduction of the
В К Nehru's Nice Guys Finish Second
Line of Control to irrelevance, demilitari- studied history at Delhi and Oxford.
(New Delhi, 1997) but omits his difficult

sation, self-governance in both India and
Pakistan administered parts of Kashmir governorship (1981-84) of the state, his
EPW Index
and a joint management mechanism) removal
as and replacement by Jagmohan
well as dealing with the renewed callsand the subsequent removal of Farooq An author-title index for EPW has been
Abdullah's
for azadi. A constitutional breakthrough, ministry - an act of political prepared for the years from 1968 to 2010.
short-sightedness on the part of Con-
however, is neither imminent nor is it go- The PDFs of the Index have been uploaded,
gress which many believe to be, along-

ing to be as comprehensive as Noorani year-wise, on the EPW web site. Visitors can
thinks. The "pre-1953 status eroded side

as the farcical election of 1987, the
download the Index for all the years from the
site. (The Index for a few years is yet to be
back as 1963 is probably gone for ever. which broke the camel's back in
straw
prepared and will be uploaded when ready.)
the Srinagar Valley against India. В К
Any new constitutional settlement which
Nehru's papers are at nmml and they re-
enjoys popular support and is negotiated EPW would like to acknowledge the help of
freely between the representatives veal,

on in a particularly stunning sequence the staff of the library of the Indira Gandhi
of five letters he wrote to Indira Gandhi
both sides appears improbable given the Institute for Development Research, Mumbai,
over 1983-84, the enormity of immor- in preparing the index under a project
lack of political will, sincerity of purpose
supported by the RD Tata Trust.
and a spirit of compromise, but, above ality which was being contemplated by
all, the recent challenge to the idea and New Delhi against Srinagar and was
Economic & Political WEEKLY
BOOK REVIEW = EEEEEEEEEEEEEEE^Ê
Mughal privileges conflicted with those

Making of a
of an upcoming Bord
middle class, and people
drawing a livelihood from flexible and
mobile production systems faced colonial
GUNNEL CEDERLÖF policies aiming to tie them to land and
settled livelihoods.
Becoming a Borderland: The Politics of Space Misra depicts these complex and often
search has seen an efflorescence and Identity in Colonial Northeastern India contradictory transitions in broad
The of search lastofin-depth decade ofhasnorth-east
in-depth studies seen studies of social an of efflorescence science north-east re- by Sanghamitra Misra (Routledge India), 2011; strokes and convincing empirical detail.
Rs695,pp256.
India with a new sensibility of the region In the long-term perspective, she describes
and its specificity as a borderland. From how colonial rule manifested itself in
the perspective of the political and aca- region of regional studies. But disparities Assam through market operations and
demic Indian mainland, the last century stand out and negations seem to define revenue settlements that introduced
and a half has made this region known Zomia best. Most prominently, when notions of absolute property in land. The
for its remoteness, its assumed absence polity and political decision-making is colonial rulers confronted what they
of civility, and violent refusal to accept emphasised, it becomes a "non-state understood to be a situation of scarce
British colonial and Independent Indian space", a space in which to take refuge population and underutilised agrarian
state control. Today, by conceptualising away from exploitative state power. The lands with incentives to increase cultiva-
the historical production of the geopo- relationship between polity and topog- tion. More land came under the plough
litical exception "the North-east" as a raphy has been added to the definition, in the form of settled production by cul-
borderland, Sangamitra Misra draws at- by James С Scott in a rather axiomatic tivators who had faced hardships in the
tention in this book both to the region's way in a separation and conflict between agrarian regions along the Ganges and
dependence on political cores to which it valley states and anarchic hill societies. Brahmaputra and had migrated in large
has been made marginal and to the spe- The insights provided by and the debates numbers to Assam. After discussing 19th
cific character of societies that have
stirred by these scholars provide the century agrarian and revenue history,
been divided by state-produced bounda-
backdrop for the study under review.3 Misra moves to focus on the cultural pro-
ries beyond their control.1 duction of a regional identity in the early
Becoming a Borderland 20th century. She specifically targets the
What Zomia Is Not
Misra frames her study of the historical politicisation of vernacular languages in
development of modern Goalpara in the
Already at the outset, the concept "bor- the political and literary spheres.
Assam Valley and the larger region of
derland" has shared space with another The broad historical narrative thereby
north-east India as one of how it became
geopolitical idea: that of Zomia . Willem forms into a rather linear crescendo, de-
van Schendel had two interrelated rea- a borderland. She argues that Goalpara, scribing increasing colonial state control.
sons for introducing these two conceptu- from having shared cultural and historical Misra opens her concluding discussion
alisations of space into the academic memories with Bhutan, Tibet, Cooch by citing Henri Lefebvre. The citation is
debates on south and south-east Asia in Behar and parts of Bengal and Assam, from his study of space and the way in
2002. Firstly, he drew attention to the was made separate and marginal by 19th which capitalism through the modern
mutual marginalisation of certain regions century colonial policies. From the per- nation state in the late 20th century pro-
for their distance from political heart- spective of the mainland or "heartland" duces certain spatial forms and organises
lands and for simultaneously being at India, east Bengal, Assam and beyond society. The State
the margins of academic regional studies. were also on the fringes of Mughal
... weighs down on society (on all societies)
Secondly, he defined Zomia as a sepa- imperial interests, a marker region and a in full force ... imposing analogous, if not
rate space spanning the mountainous frontier to keep under control. British homologous, measures irrespective of politi-
regions from the Himalayas in central colonial policies followed a similar logic cal ideology ... The state crushes time... This
Asia, across Tibet, south-west China, and the region was administrated by an modern state promotes and imposes itself as
the stable centre ... it flattens the social and
and north-east India to south-east Asia. agent of the north-eastern frontier.
"cultural" spheres.4
From the point of regional studies, Zomia Commercial and territorial interests
is thereby divided between south Asian, generated socio-economic and demo- Scott's argument of the pre-eminent
south-east Asian and east Asian studies, graphic change in the 19th century. Thehigh-modern state, bringing "non-state
or is excluded by all.2 British East India Company (eic) was aspaces and people to heel", formulated in
To a certain extent Zomia is defined dominant but not sole actor in the trans- close proximity to Lefebvre's position, is
by what it is not. Surely, qualities such as
formation. Bengali, Afghani, Armenian,central for Misra's own argument of the
"shared ideas, related lifeways, and
Shan, English, French and other merchantsmaking of a borderland. Such territories
long-standing cultural ties", together
entered to trade in the marketplaces with develop in relation to and as a conse-
with religious, cultural, and language
people from far beyond the river trading quence of heartland" forces. The precolo-
affinities, would suffice to make it posts.
a Interests of old landed elites holdingnial socio-economic webs and cultures
36 February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 I32S3 Economic & Political WEEKLY
ÊEEÊ BOOK REVIEW
are explained to have been erased,The rich documentation from the

plu- manifested in ideological rhetoric and
mid-i86os,
rality and mobility replaced by "spatially brought forth by Misra, policy
of documents. But the elaborations
delimited units of colonialism ... pro-
the and
social economy of the Bijni and Sidli doubts that British officials expres-
foundly altering local social and estates
spatial and their relationship to the
sed in their reports open our possibilities
ar- of Bhutan gives an equally understand colonial local practice (in
kingdom
relationships" (196-97). Thereby her to
multifarious
gument moves towards Lefebvre's sec- image of flexible produc-contrast to, perhaps even negation of
ond proposition about the moderntion from settled and itinerant liveli- policy) in terms of flexibility, compromise,
state,
revolu-They also show the many cus-and change - terms now reserved for in-
that it provokes opposition, wars, hoods.
tomary ways of honouring rights anddigenous polities and actors. Such adapt-
tions, confrontations and turbulence.
duties, dependence and superiority ofability to local and immediate contexts
Complex Realities neighbouring powers. However, the re-may better explain the forcefulness and
sponse
The empirical details, however, stand outof the colonial officials was now strength of colonial rule. The structure of
ex- In the 1860s post-revolt period,imperial power in local and regional set-
different.
in contrast to these general historical
three decades after the eic had lost its lasttings was often mediated more by local
planations by revealing more complex
monopolies, officials did not acknow-circumstance than by ideas of the syn-
realities. Neither capital nor the colonial
state appear to have produced aledge "native custom" in layered sover-optic universal singularity of colonial
single
space in line with Lefebvre's position. or seasonally changing realmspower, perhaps more so in the early than
eignties
of political influence between neigh-late 19th century.
The 19th century colonial documents
capablerulers. At a time when the British Considering the richness of empirical
rather point to a state much less bouring
empire was reaching its peak and thedetail provided by Misra, her elabora-
of commanding the totality of society.
bureaucracy
The formation of the Goalpara border- was reorganised and streng-tion of the "many borderlands" is partic-
by a colonial priorities had changed.ularly important. Goalpara as a region
lands seems to have been shapedthened,
multiplicity of actors, interests and contrast
In per- to the earlier situation of was constrained by its position between
"Company
ceptions that produced competing and Bengal and Assam (apparent not least in
rule", colonial policies were
contested spaces. now coloured by universal ideas of fixedthe conflicts over vernacular language
The strength of Misra's work territorial
is the state-boundaries and what in the 1920s and 1930s). It was "fraught
was seen as universal ideas about singu-by contesting narratives and counter-
solid empirical substance which contrib-
utes with nuances and shades oflar grey.
sovereignties in the synoptic view ofnarratives, ... local politics as well as in
They provide many examples of how the British
co- empire in India. the trajectories of the neighbouring na-
lonial rule changed priorities and insti- tionalisms..." (p 2). Such complexities
A Valuable Work are difficult to host within Lefebvre's
tutional forms over the first century of
territorial control. Francis Hamilton conceptualisation of space. No doubt he
When the empirical documentation is re-
contributes to analyses of space as being
organised according to the time and con-
Buchanan's reports from the first decades
of the 19th century show the Eiďstext
stum- socially produced, but the complexities
in which it was produced, it allows
for the
bling attempts to get to grips with such nuances. The "construction of Goalpara past's may gain insights also
zamindars of the large estates and Goalpara
the was [certainly] linked to the from social-theory geographers who
practices
privileges of the jotedar (cultivators). of the colonial spatial have
imagina- further developed the idea of scale
tion",
The reports of the magistrate of Rang- as Misra writes (86). However in
the relation to space. In contrast to the
colonial
pur district (later the agent to the north- visions apparently changed 1990s
over theoretical studies, scale is now
time.
eastern frontier), David Scott, give no longer treated as ontologically given
The singularity of the colonial mind
fur-
ther evidence to the eic's prioritiesatto
any (local, regional, national, global) but as
in-particular time may have been
stitute order in a situation where they
lacked the means and interest to impose
universal state control. Years of continu- For the Attention of Subscribers and
ous raids had occurred in Rangpur in Subscription Agencies Outside India
the early 19th century. Garos attacked
zamindars who had encroached on GaroIt has come to our notice that a large number of subscriptions to the EPW from outside the
livelihoods in the foothills and plains.

country together with the subscription payments sent to supposed subscription agents in India
The Eie curbed the raids by gettinghave
thenot been forwarded to us.
zamindars under control and blocking

We wish to point out to subscribers and subscription agencies outside India that all foreign
the Garos from marketplaces. However,
subscriptions, together with the appropriate remittances, must be forwarded to us and not to
the Garos were allowed to carry on "do-
unauthorised third parties in India.
mestic affairs" according to their own
custom (Chapter 2). Thus the company
We take no responsibility whatsoever in respect of subscriptions not registered with us.
Manager
officers sought flexible solutions to settle
regional conflicts.
Economic 8t Political weekly
BOOK REVIEW =
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duced of
for a soc
ref
2 Willem
the political
"theing,exc
Geog
in Southe
"exceptional
historic D: Society
used, and
within
3 Ibid; tht
study and Nation in Souththe
of Asia, Anthem South Asia
critically
Studies (London: Anthem), 2005; James С Scot
rors toThe Art of som
historian Not Being Governed: An Anarchis
by КrichHistory
Sivaram of Upland
texSoutheast Asia (New Haven
Yale University Press), 2009.
colonial
colonial sout
4 Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Oxfo
Nagpur and
UK; Cambridge,
rethinki Massachusetts, USA: Blackwell
1991, 23; Scott, The Art of Not Being Governe
the draw
perspec u
An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia
ment at
5 Sallie A Marston,Cal
sophistic "The Social Construction
seen Scale", Progress in Vil
as
valuable Human Geography, 24, No
(2000): 220-21.
whereas Siv
6 К Sivaramakrishnan, Modern Forests: Sta
Gunnel Ce
making of
making and Environmental Change th
in Colonia
is with th
Eastern India (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univer-
tutions
University for
sity Press), 1999.
Books Received
Barnett, William A (2012); Getting It Wrong: How India (New Delhi: Sage Publications); pp IÌ+ 462, Implications for India (New Delhi: Cambridge
Faculty Monetary Statistics Undermine the Fed, Rs 895. University Press); pp x + 256, Rs 795.
the Financial System and the Economy (Massa-
chusetts: The MIT Press); pp xxxi + 322, $35 Kadri, Sadakat (2011); Heaven on Earth: A Journey Patnaik, Utsa, ed. (2011); The Agrarian Question in
(paperback). through Shari'a Law (London: The Bodley Marx and His Successors (Vol II), (New Delhi:
Head); pp xx + 332, £18.99. LeftWord Books); pp 332, Rs 500.
Bayly, С A (2012); Recovering Liberties: Indian
Thought in the Age of Liberalism and Empire Karmakar, К G, G D Banerjee and N P Mohapatra Rademacher, Anne M (2011); Reigning the River:
(New Delhi: Cambridge University Press); (2011); Towards Financial Inclusion in India Urban Ecologies and Political Transformation in
pp ix + 383, Rs 695. (New Delhi: Sage Publications); pp xx + 575, Kathmandu (Durham: Duke University Press);
Rs 995- pp xvii + 244, $22.95 (paperback).
Boorman, Jack T and Andre I Card, ed. (2011); Re-
form of the International Monetary System (New Lakshmi, L R S (2012); The Malabar Muslims: A Dif- Rastogi, Gaurav and Basab Pradhan (2011); Off-
Delhi: Sage Publications); pp xxiv + 358, Rs 1,350. ferent Perspective (New Delhi: Cambridge Uni- shore - How India Got Back on the Global Busi-
versity Press); pp xxviii + 200, Rs 595. ness Map (New Delhi: Portfolio, Penguin
Dasgupta. Sanjukta, Dipankar Sinha and Sudeshna
Group); pp xii + 225, Rs 499.
Chakravarti (2012); Media, Gender and Popular Lewis, David (2012); Bangladesh: Politics, Economy
Culture in India (New Delhi: Sage Publica- and Civil Society (New Delhi: Cambridge Uni- Saha, Biswatosh, Parthasarathi Baneijee and Ram
tions); pp 217, Rs 595. versity Press); pp xi + 233, Rs 395. Kumar Kakani (2011); Strategic Thinking: Explo-
rations Around Conflict and Cooperation (New
Debroy, Bibek and Laveesh Bhandari (2011); Cor- Malik, Pravir (2011); Redesigning the Stock Market:
Delhi: Sage Publications); pp x + 347, Rs 450.
ruption in India: The DNA and RNA (New A Fractual Approach (New Delhi: Sage Publica-
Delhi: Konark Publishers); pp 193, price not tions); pp xvi + 215, Rs 595. Schaik, Sam Van (2012); Tibet: A History (New
indicated.
Delhi: Amarylis); pp xxvi + 412, Rs 695.
Mishra, Veerendra (2011); Community Policing:
Dutt, Ashok K, Vandana Wadhwa, Baleshwar Misnomer or Fact? (New Delhi: Sage Publica- Sinha, Pramath Raj (2011); An Idea Whose Time Has
Thakur and Frank J Costa (2012); Facets of tions); pp xiv + 226, Rs 695. Come: The Story of the Indian School of Business
Social Geography: International and Indian (New Delhi: Penguin Books); pp xvi + 210, Rs 499.
Perspectives (New Delhi: Foundation Books); More, J В P (2011); Origin and Early History of
pp xvii + 647, Rs 1,480. the Muslims of Keralam (700 AD- 1600 AD) Stoddart, Brian (2011); A People's Collector in the
(Calicut: Other Books); pp ix + 258, Rs 360. British Raj: Arthur Galletti (New Delhi: Read-
Hermann, Werner and Johannes F Linn (2011); worthy Publications); pp ix + 316, Rs 1,295.
Central Asia and the Caucasus: At the Cross- Nilsen, Alf Gunvald (2010); Dispossession and
roads of Eurasia in the 21st Century (New Del- Resistance in India: The River and the Rage (New Stoddart, Brian and Auriol Weigold (2011); India and
hi: Sage Publications); pp xx + 232, Rs 850. York: Routledge); pp xii + 231, price not indicated. Australia: Bridging Different World (New Delhi:
Readworthy Publications); pp xv + 232, Rs 999.
Jha, D N, ed. (2011); The Many Careers of DD Ko- Panitch, Leo, Greg Albo and Vivek Chibbei; ed. (2011);
sambi: Critical Essays (New Delhi: LeftWord Socialist Register 2012: The Crisis and the Left (New Tiwana, Balwinder Singh and V Upadhyay, ed.
Books); pp 202, Rs 275. Delhi: LeftWord Books); pp xii + 306, Rs 350. (2011); Recent Development Debates: Economic
Crisis and Identity Politics (Patiala: Punjabi
Jha, Praveen, ed. (2011); Progressive Fiscal Policy in Pant, Harsh V, ed. (2011); The Rise of China: University); pp xi + 378, Rs 400.
38
FEBRUARY il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 ПШ Economic & Political WEEKLY
Land Acquisition
between state, people, resources and capi-
tal? We sought the answer through in-
vestigating land transfers in North
and Dispossession Karanpura collieries in Jharkhand. One
of the authors (Radhika Krishnan) under-
Private Coal Companies in Jharkhand took an exploratory field survey in late
2009. She visited Gumla, Latehar and
Hazaribagh districts. This fieldwork
KUNTALA LAHIRI-DUTT, RADHIKA KRISHNAN, NESAR AHMAD complemented ongoing research by two
of the authors (kld and na) in Hazaribagh
This article Losing Land to Mining
presents an (Ashoka-Piparwar mines) area. To be
objective, various "stakeholders" were
investigation into strategies
resident of Hempur village of interviewed; these included company
employed by privately-owned
When Balumath resident Balumath
Vishnu of Hempur blockblock Ganju, a in village
inlong-time district of
district officials and representatives of the
companies to gain
Latehar1 fellaccess to the
ill with tuberculosis, Jharkhand Pollution Control Board
land
for resource extraction in company
representatives of a coal mining (pcb), a number of key resource persons,
Jharkhand took him to much

where hospital for treatment. and villagers. Secondary data such as
of Vishnu
the
environmental impact assessment (eia)
was then asked to put his thumb impres-
land being put under the shovel is
reports, literature published by the com-
sion on some papers, which he thought
inalienable adivasi or tribal
were related to his medical treatment. land
panies and distributed amongst the vil-
and deedless commons. It Later, it transpired that they were legal lagers, and pamphlets released by non-
concludes that although policy papers sealing the sale of his inherited governmental organisations (ngos) and
land. Back in the village, the representa- activist groups were collected.4 Material
reforms are welcome, cosmetic from pcb and the Jharkhand govern-
tives opened a bank account for Vishnu to
changes in mineral governance deposit the compensation money. While ment were also used. These were supple-
laws are inadequate to protect the such blatant deception of illiterate or mented by a literature review.
semi-literate, tribal/adivasi/indigenous2 The state argues that in today's glo-
interests of the poor. It suggests
or low-caste villagers to give away their balised world, rapid expansion of capital-
an alternative vision, a complete
land may be uncommon, it is not the intensive mining and industry can enhance
overhaul of mineral ownership to only means by which land is being ac- economic growth and improve rural
allow the poor to share the quired in Jharkhand to accommodate people's livelihoods. If globalisation is
revenue benefits. the expansion of captive3 coal mining "locally experienced", as suggested by
for power and steel production. Middle- Randeira (2003: 325), then asking these
men pressure peasant farmers to sell questions can unravel far more than
their land; Puran Ganju of Hempur vil- what is detailed in the statements and
lage was coerced into selling off his land. memorandums of the Government of
Chedi Ganju, also from this village, India. Tribal land acquisition for captive
claimed that he has neither received the coal mining demonstrates the "violence"
receipt for the sale nor the full amount of mining and reveals the formal and
for the land he supposedly has sold. informal tactics deployed by the state
India had legislated the Chhottanagpur and private companies to dispossess the
Tenancy Act (cnta) of 1908 to make poor. This research, although conducted
such land inalienable. Why cannot this in 2009, is still relevant in that it illumi-
and other legislation such as the Panchay- nates the dark backyard of shining India.
ats Extension to Scheduled Areas (pesa) The gaps in the national policy process
Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt ( kuntala.lahiri-dutt@anu .
edu.au ) is fellow, Resource Management in Act prevent acquisition of tribal land for and the implementation of mining-related
Asia Pacific Programme, Crawford School of coal mining and protect their livelihoods? policy are also illuminated. The investi-
Economics and Government, Australian What does such complicity of the state in gation also shows that a solution to "the
National University. Radhika Krishnan
allowing land transfers from poor peas- problem of land acquisition" for infra-
( krishnanradhi@gmailcom ) is a doctoral
candidate at Jawaharlal Nehru University, ants to mining-industrial corporations structural purposes, as suggested by
New Delhi and an independent researcher. suggest about the nature of development some economists, cannot be left to the
Nesar Ahmad ( ahmadnesar@gmailcom ) is a being pursued by India? Lastly, how are market because, at the micro level in
research fellow, Budget Analysis Rajasthan Vishnu, Puran and Chedi's stories connec- rural India, the land market operates
Centre, Jaipur.
ted to the "big picture", the relationship informally.5 Coal is specific within the
Economic & Political weekly ШШ
overall "mining boom" because of the global wave of land grabbing had serious only one solution, that is to expand coal
special status granted historically to it in consequences on the rural poor (as per extraction, and the need arises to force-
postcolonial India.6 Coal was associated the Land Research Action Network's fully overcome any obstacles that might
with nationalism and the working-class obstruct the expansion of coal mines.
2011 report). Even the World Bank (2011)
movement, and has assumed an iconic estimated that over 45 million hectares
A major hurdle is the acquisition of
status as a national asset. The Coal India land for coal mining. When a privately-
of land was bought from farmers in the
owned company acquires mineral-rich
Limited (cil) symbolised "public interest", developing world in 2009, a tenfold rise
and Acts such as the Coal Bearing Areas from the previous decade.8 land, the "eminent domain" principle -
(Acquisition and Development) Act (cbaa) which vests sovereign ownership of all
Resource restructuring in post-liber-
land and natural resources embodied
legislated to circumvent the protective alisation India involves securing land
legislation for tribais. from farmers to allow for commercial
in the state and the notion of "public
Jharkhand is not exceptional; other and industrial uses, including mining.interest" - cannot (and should not) be in-
Indian states have also welcomed mining Coal dependence in overall energy sup-voked (see, for example, Singh 2010 and
corporations to generate revenues. To plies has led to acquisition of coal fromChaudhary 2009). Yet, old legal instru-
assist mining-led growth, they have also overseas as well as the granting of min- ments of colonial vintage such as the Land
acted as land brokers, adopted policies ing blocks to private companies for "cap-Acquisition Act (laa) of 1894 continue to
and changed mining legislation. Jhar- tive" coal mining. Indeed 44 captive coalbe used to procure land from peasants. In
khand is unique in its continued existence blocks in Jharkhand have been allotted
Jharkhand, coal lies under forest tracts
as a resource-periphery7 for India's centre to private companies manufacturingowned (or customarily used) by the trib-
and in its complicated "ethno-national sponge iron, integrated iron and steel,ais, land that is legally inalienable. The
frame" which was the raison d'être for its cement and power.9 Between 2005 and concept of eminent domain allows both
creation in 2000. Stuligross (2008: 83-84) 2009, 34 companies were allotted coal the laa and cbaa to have precedence
considers that tribal people have never mining blocks in 210 villages in the Ka-over any other acts (Guha 2006: 157). The
comprised a majority of the Jharkhand ranpura Valley alone.10 Some of the com-cbaa was passed in 1957 to "establish
population, but Upadhyay (2009) affirms panies involved in captive coal mininggreater public control over the coal min-
that the demand for a separate state of in India have substantial foreign equity11ing industry and its development, provid-
Jharkhand symbolised tribal aspirations and generally they operate open-cuted for the acquisition by the state of un-
of regaining control over land and re- mines that have a significant ecologicalworked land containing coal deposits or
sources. Attachment to land is one of thefootprint and serious social consequencesof rights in or over such land".12 It, thus,
aspects of tribal identity, though it is (Lahiri-Dutt 2007). As long as cil was fully reflects the older "commanding
arguable to what extent. The state has the sole operator in coal extraction, theheights" philosophy. When manipulated
experienced intense struggles over land, company-community-government rela-by private corporations to get the reve-
minerals, forests, agriculture and water; tionship could be dictated by the eminentnue-hungry state governments to procure
resource ownership is contested and its domain principle. But when privately-land for profit-making for shareholders, it
control is linked with power (Jewitt owned corporate entities enter the pic-can be a deadly weapon.
2008). Stuligross (2008: 87) is of the ture, it becomes problematic for the The state's complicity in using this in-
opinion that, even before the current state to justify "public interest". A liber-strument is evident in its pro-industriali-
mining boom, the government had be- alised coal mining industry throws up asation policies, policies that often benefit
come the major land alienator since the dilemma: does the state protect its poorthe richer classes at the cost of the poor
1960s. Consequently, two groups of peo- and weak citizens or does it assist pri- and the environment, but which are
ple supported statehood: those who vate capital and corporations? adopted in the name of improving the lot
wanted to restrict land sale by the indi- To avoid the moral quandary, the stateof the poor.13 More importantly, by virtue
vidual tribal, and those who sought to equates coal with national development,of the cbaa, the mining of coal generally
broaden the property market under the energy security and hence strategic sov-supersedes the community rights (Shar-
supervision of a Jharkhand state. The ereignty. Coal is presented as indispen-ma 2003). Procurement of land, particu-
process of land acquisition for mining sable to meet India's huge energy need,larly tribal land, without free and prior
has neither been straightforward nor which, once met, will light up electricconsent, can have devastating effects on
smooth, whether by cil or privately- bulbs in rural homes and raise literacysmall landholders. When the state acts as
owned companies. levels to assist in the growth of India'sthe facilitator of the land transfer proc-
"soft-power". As for energy security, coal ess, its partiality towards large corpora-
Taking Land for Raking Coal mining even becomes one of the keystions is exposed (Levien 2011: 71). Such a
Throughout the world, interrelated crises to reinforce the sovereignty of India, "land broker" state is different from the
in food, finance, energy and climate and allowing private companies to mineold developmental state (Polanyi 2001
have been spurred by corporate-driven coal at a large scale to quickly expand [1944]). The unholy alliance between
globalisation, neo-liberal policy regimes production becomes imperative. Thestate and 'Vulture capitalism" actually
and natural resource exploitation. The framing of the problem itself invokesembodies a predatory growth (Walker
4° February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 БЕЕЗ Economic & Political WEEKLY
2oii) that enables corporate access to critique of land acquisition process in government and company representa-
land but dispossesses the poor. David Choudhary 2009). tives are wary of meeting angry villagers.
Harvey (2003) places the dialectical rela- Gram sabhas are often poorly informed
tionship between the politics of state and State's Commitment to Industry regarding plans for land acquisition.23
capital accumulation in space and time at The proposed Land Acquisition and Reset- Middlemen who broker the sales deal
the centre of the analytical framework of dement and Rehabilitation (larr) Bill often cheat villagers. Activists are slapped
"capital bondage". Such neo-liberal de- 2011, currently before the Parliament, has with court cases to discourage them from
velopmentalism raises the question of so- provision to acquire land fully or partially organising resistance against forced
cial justice, and questions the very legiti- on behalf of the private companies, only if evictions or forced sale of land. Deepak
macy of the state. prior consent is given by 80% of the popu- Das, a worker of the Karanpura Bachao
As is evident from the official Indus- lation affected by a project. However, it Sangharsh Samiti (kbss) and the Dalit
trial Policy of Jharkhand 200114 the state was found during fieldwork that the Vikas Sangathan (dvs) noted that the
has adopted the role of facilitator in land Jharkhand government informally com- police prevent activists from campaign-
acquisition processes to assist and en- mitted itself to acquire 30% of the total ing near land acquisition sites.
courage the rapid expansion of mining land required by the companies. The com- The example of land acquisition for
by private companies. The ability of cor- panies, however, submit requisitions for Chitarpur Coal and Power (owned by
porate bodies to acquire and control land more land than is actually needed. The the Abhijeet Group of Industries) in Bal-
has been facilitated by a series of strate- government acquires gair majurwa or umath block of Latehar district is a case in
gic amendments to the cnta of 1908 and deedless land20 that has been used for gen- point. At the time of this survey, the com-
the Bihar Tenancy Act15 (Sharan 2009: erations by communities but is not pany had only acquired about 200 acres
84-85). 16 The government intends not to recorded as such. Prem Prakash Soren, an (due to opposition to the project) and on
be a neutral arbitrator in the land acqui- activist with the local ngo Adivasi-Moolvasi which the company has constructed its
sition process; the blueprint of industrial Astitva Raksha Manch (amarm), is work- office - its mining operations had yet to
policy allows it to actively intervene on ing with the villagers in their protest begin. The prices paid for land can vary
behalf of companies. It is contemplating against ArcelorMittal's proposed 12 million widely. Abhijeet Group raised the offer
to set up "land-banks" that would con- tonne "mega" steel plant. Soren claimed as the scale and intensity of protests
tain information on all land available for that villagers have observed the company grew. Again, the purchase process is far
industrial development. In addition, it is representatives quoting contradictory fig- from transparent; the papers of those
ures for the land requirement.21 At the who have sold their land show that the
establishing "private industrial estates"
for prospective entrepreneurs. time of the survey, the government had buyer is one S К Jha, the assistant man-
In the context of coal mining, the par- identified a total of 1,025 acres to meet ager of Chitarpur Coal and Power.24 The
ArcelorMittal's land requirement. Much of court tends to refuse access when acti-
ticipation of the state in the land acquisi-
tion process for private companies is less this is common land; in Kamdera block (in vists tried to use the Right to Information
Gumla district) alone, the commons Act to retrieve sale documents.
straightforward given that coal mining
is theoretically nationalised. The cbaa around 10 villages have been handed over
states that the Act can be invoked only to to the company, amarm claims that this is New Refugees Displaced by Coal
acquire land for coal mining by govern- a blatant contravention of community Mining not only leads to changes in
ment companies17 and similarly, the laa rights clearly mentioned in Khatiyan Part и land-use pattern and the creation of
of 1894 can be invoked only "to obtain of cnta. Similar experiences were echoed "wastelands",25 it also leads to the physi-
land for the erection of dwelling houses in other parts of the state where the gov- cal and occupational displacement of
for workmen employed by the Company ernment is acquiring land for captive coal people. Over a million people have been
or for the provision of amenities directly mining for private companies.22 displaced due to coal mining alone
connected therewith".18 The laa cannot between 1950 and 1995 (Bhusan and
Informal Tactics Hazra 2008: 164), but these figures are
be used by the state to acquire the entire
amount of land required by private com- Land acquisition by private companiesnot
in comprehensive because there are no
panies. The laa is, thus, being invoked official record of mining-induced dis-
Jharkhand has also been characterised
in three major ways. First, land is ac- placement. With more open cut mines,
by the application of state force, and covert
coercion by both company representatives the situation can only get worse.
quired under Part и of the Act 1984
instead of Part vu, paying part of the and state agencies. During our focus-Displacement figures provided in eia
compensation from the government group discussions in Harla and Gondal-reports by the companies are not entirely
exchequer.19 Second, land is acquired by reliable. Villagers claim that actual

para villages in Hazaribagh district and
numbers are more than that declared by
in Hempur village in Latehar, villagers
invoking the emergency clause (Section
17) (Singh 2010). Third, since there is no said that notices of land acquisition the
are companies. Being essentially focused
issued without detailed field surveys,on the environment, the eia reports do
definition of public purpose given in the
Act, the collector can define any indus- not account for secondary/occupational
and sometimes acquisition is done based
trial project as a public purpose (see the displacement or displacement from
on remotely sensed satellite data as both
41
Economic & Political WEEKLY П FEBRUARY 11, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 6
mining-related activities. For instance, those willing to give up their land begin- do they assess the ground-level impact
land requirement for the construction of ning by recognising malikana huk or local of air pollution on surrounding commu-
a dam or waste disposal facilities is not claims of ownership rights over mineral re- nities and vegetation. The cumulative
mentioned. For example, the eia of Chakra sources. The company has offered 500 impacts of water and air pollution are
Opencast Mines project in Latehar, shares per acre; however, these are at a rarely addressed in eias, which are gen-
meant to supply coal to the 2,000 mw fixed price and not at market value.27 The erally insensitive to the multiple impacts
Tori power station, notes that only 211 company is also offering community devel- on local communities. Generally, the
households will be displaced (Table 1). opment projects which include technical eias present technical information that
However, Kalender Ganju, gram pradhan training and allowance, but these are is devoid of the socio-economic and hu-
of Hempur village claims that at least somewhat haphazard. It has also adopted man context in which they exist, thus
12,000 people from five villages will be the (old cil) policy of offering employ- compromising their efficacy.
displaced by the project. ment to one member, depending on their Consultation with the community and
Table 1: Displacement Caused by Land Acquisition (as Declared by Mining Companies) competence,
securing their prior and informed consent to
Company Annual Capacity Land Estimated Displacement each displaced
has been proposed globally (mmsd 2002)
of Coal (in million Requirement in EIA (Number of
family losing as the key to getting a "social licence to
more than two operate" by mining companies. The public
Essar Power Jharkhand (Chakra Opencast)
acres of land hearing (ph) component of eias is the

Neelanchal Ispat Nigam
Chitarpur Coal and Power (Abhijeet Group) 0.68 1 ,378

besides a house Indian version of "Free, Prior and In-
Eastern Mineral Trading Agency
or cash. Many formed Consent" (fpic), but has no legal
NicoJaiswal villagers, how- standing and the Ministry of Environ-
Source:Various EIA
ever, remain
reports
mentsubmitted by
and Forests (moef) is not bound by the
The existing mechanism for estimating sceptical that the company will actually its decision. Moreover, it unrealistically
population displacement is insufficient in meet these promises, and are still unwill- presumes equal power and a level-playing
gauging the social impact of the proposed ing to settle for an uncertain future. Abhi- field between the company and the com-
projects. Even if the companies claim that jeet, for instance, will only employ 350 munities. A ph is seen as a one-off event
the quoted figures include only "legal" people in the mines (as per eia), of which rather than an ongoing interaction, and
project-affected people, excluding the only 55 jobs will be available to "semi- above all villagers do not have the right
landless and those living on gair majurwa skilled" and "unskilled" labour, the only to refuse to sell land and stop a project.
lands, the official assessments of impact types of work available to the local com- In addition, the company is not legally
should document their presence. munities. No compensation is paid for the bound to address any issues brought up
land used for the transportation of coal, at the ph to the satisfaction of those
Compensation, Rehabilitation and the air and noise pollution caused by present. The regulatory mechanism to
and Resettlement truck movements. Villagers do not receive implement eias and ensure the follow-up
compensation for the water pollution action is generally weak and "the regu-
As resistance to coal projects escalates,
"adequate compensation" becomescaused po- by coal washeries or for the loss of lating agencies in India within the
natural water sources.
liticised by companies upscaling their oc [opencast] coal mines are not able
cash offers.26 Following a higher offer by to discharge their responsibilities of
ElAs: Toothless Safeguards
the National Thermal Power Corporation, checking compliance effectively" (Jha-
most private companies with mining Environmental impacts of mining do not Thakur and Fischer 2008: 457). Conse-
block allotments in Badkagaon also necessarily
began remain within the boundaries of quently, the "regulating agencies act as
to offer sums of anywhere between the leasehold area; watersheds and natural policing agents, but the power in the
Such systems, once tampered and local regulation process is tilted towards
Rs i lakh and Rs 5 lakh per acre. drainage
random decisions are dividingstreams the diverted, have far-reaching effects developers" (ibid: 457). These limitations
village communities. In spite of better
over wider areas. The pollution and deple- render the ph process impotent, yet the
offers, many are unwilling to give of water bodies also defy lease bounda- meetings are enthusiastically attended
tionup
ries. The eias assess these impacts only because it remains the only platform
their lands as they realise that a one-off
within
cash payment will not compensate for the leasehold areas. Almost all coal available for project-affected people to
Con- activity (opencast or underground) express their grievances. The resistance
the permanent loss of livelihoods.mining
tinued opposition is also rooted in the breaching the groundwater table. to projects naturally finds a voice at the
involves
perception that payment is not commen-
Though the water consumption of mines is PHS, to avoid which the companies often
surate with the financial revenues from not very high, the overall impact on local try to circumvent or manipulate the ph
marketing the coal. This brings home water regime is immense. Air pollution process in several ways: by changing the
the issue of seeking a more socially-just from mining activity, as well as the storage date of ph without notice (as in case of
means of benefit-sharing. of overburden, is another major issue. Nico Jaiswal) or by deferring it if a large
The Abhijeet Group of Industries had, in The eias do not document possible crowd gathers (as in the case of emta's
2009, proposed to offer company shares to impacts on local water availability nor Badkagaon project) or by changing the
42 February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 Е332Я Economic & Political weekly
INSIGHT
location without notice (as in case of "captives" on their own land as jobs in
needs to be assessed. For this, a thorough
assessment of the loss of livelihood from
Abhijeet Group's ph in Latehar). State machine-driven open-cut mines are few.
complicity is evident in that the pcb
mining should be mandatory. Coal mining by private companies points
holds PHS without widely publicising it to a complex political power game played in
Ethnicity Matters
to avoid the leading activists to partici- the name of energy security. In this game,
pate in them. Official communication Activists offer two key arguments forthe more powerful, enjoying air-condi-
why
many tribais desperately oppose land
from the pcb requires the announcements tioned comfort of first-world lifestyles,
invoke
to be placed in only two newspapers. acquisition: the first set of reasons is the poor for whose "development"
the energy is needed. After proclaiming
rooted in culture, the close relationship
Can Social Impact India's
with land, and the tribal identity and ex- arrival on the world-stage, the pow-
Assessments Deliver? istence being so entwined with landerful
and then allow the peripheries as re-
The National Resettlement and Rehabilita- source-enclaves. The poor are forced to
with a long history, not just of suffering
tion Policy (nrrp) of 2007, as well asand give up their livelihoods and become indeb-
theexploitation, but also of resistance.
The
proposed LARR Bill of 2011, mandate that second set of reasons is rooted ted
in bonded labourers; they may become
the
dependence on land-based resources
all projects must undergo a social impact illegal
for miners, or move to cities as beggars
daily subsistence. One villager in Harlcrowd the urban slums. The rich and
assessment (sia) before it is approved.28 and
powerful then sit in climate change talks
(Hazaribagh) observed: "We have nei-
Although it is better to have at least some
social understanding rather than none ther and
at education, nor political clout. invoke global justice to allow India to
All
all, in absence of a strong, pro-humanwe have is this land. If we give upcontinue
our polluting the global commons.
rights approach in mining legislation land Only

thetoday, then can we hope that our a convoluted logic can equate coal
children
sia turns into a blunt tool. Currently, the would become babus in these
mining by private companies with public
companies
sia is a part of the eia requirement, and is tomorrow?" purpose or "national interest". If globalisa-
usually completed by environmental con- The close relationship with the land tion
is and liberalisation aim to integrate
sultants, as an add-on section. As not com-shared by absentee landlords livingIndia
inwith the global economy then our in-
dustries should follow the sustainability
the cities or shopkeepers and businessmen,
pared to other mining countries, where
detailed ethnographic, cultural and who principles
readily give up their land for cash.
social Fa- proposed by the International
Council
ther Tony Herbert, a missionary teacher
information on the village communities in of Mining and Metals or should
are gathered by sia experts, the sia Hazaribagh for decades, points out keep
thatup to date with contemporary global
when large landowners sell land, enterprises
sections of Indian eias do not offer much the such as the Extractive Indus-
more than names of affected villages,bataidars
the tries Transparency Initiative (eiti). Even
or sharecroppers, who are inevi-
tably
estimated number of displaced people, and dalits, Other Backward then,
Classes doubts remain if these global solu-
tion templates would be useful for land ac-
(obcs) or tribais lose out. Social conflicts
some census data on the socio-economic
quisition as private coal mining in
over land acquisition by Neelanchal Ispat
characteristics of affected villages. Primary
Jharkhand
support this statement; while the dalits not only involves the violation
survey reports giving a meticulous picture
ofup-
and adivasis are opposing the project,
of the possible economic, social, cultural constitutional and legal provisions, it
and emotional impacts on communities per-caste Hindus and Muslims are favour-illuminates the inadequacies of the
also
ing it. The struggle to protect tribalregulatory
are non-existent. The definition of "mine- cus- framework to safeguard the
poor. A cosmetic reform of mining-related
toms and the resistance against land acqui-
affected villagers" is also limited; villages
sition are linked with and feed into,laws,
eachsuch as the ones under consideration,
lying outside of the lease area are generally
although an important task, is not the
other. The desire to preserve tribal culture
excluded even though they often suffer
partly arises from the perception thatpanacea.
from the impacts of the mines (Lahiri-Dutt it is Land grabs for captive coal
and Ahmad 2012). Mere numbers andby
fig- mining occur within a paradigm in which
circumventing traditional tribal customs
the contravention and manipulation of
and practices that celebrate community
ures, however, are not sufficient to assess
ownership
the social impact of a project. To assess the and control of land, the the
statelaw and the regulatory framework
attachment of villagers to land, andalienates
the tribais from their land. This may
is onebe allowed with formal or tacit sup-
port of the state machinery. When compa-
of the reasons why the tribais are hanging
role of land in supporting local livelihoods,
tenaciously on to cnta and pesa. nies face resistance and opposition in the
it is necessary to document land producti-
vity and the manner in which people process of acquiring land, they resort to
Need for a New Paradigm informal strategies and methods which
depend on it, not just the amount of land. If
forest land is being diverted, it isInnot the regulatory framework is unable or
the early days of mineral-based industri-
enough to catalogue the varieties of alisation
trees unwilling to detect and control.
in Jharkhand, local communities
The critical issue is that the existing reg-
and animals present in the forest were(as isnot entirely excluded and at least, as
done in eias). To fully understand themine
im- labourers, some "earned incomes ulatory
in framework takes no account of and
excess makes no provisions to mitigate the social
pact of land-use diversion, the role of the of anything they could have earned
in their villages" (Corbridge 2004: impacts
forest (through firewood and minor forest 185). before and after the mining licence
is granted. Greater awareness of the need
Today, they are not much better than
produce) in supporting local livelihoods
INSIGHT e
to protect environmental integrity present,

has this dispossession has been exac-
right to refuse a project. Unless they have
erbated and assumed more blatant forms
ushered in the requirement of environ- this key right, no situation could be truly
mental clearance although compliancewith
to state assistance. Therefore, modifica-
"win-win". The proposed larr Bill 2011
regulations remains arguable.29 With tions
re- or "legal reforms" of mining are makes
not it mandatory to take the consent of
gard to the society, however, the laws imag-
enough; to reshape the economic develop-
the affected population only in this case of
ment of India's mineral belts, there island
ine a citizenry that is equal in every respect, an being acquired for private companies
all citizens playing on a level field but ma-
urgent need to think about radical and fun-
and for public-private partnership projects.
terial and cultural impacts are not partdamental
of changes in ownership. When the government acquires land for its
the sustainability agenda. They are seen as own projects or private companies are
Moratorium?
amorphous and claims by social research- buying land from farmers for their projects,
ers are deemed as unsophisticated, unsci-These gross injustices by corporatised en-
the need for taking consent has not been
entific and unfounded statements. In terprises
the exemplified in this articledeemed
have necessary. Currently, it is neces-
circumstances, one's identity is poised bet-
led to some activists calling for a moratori-
sary to "consult" the gram sabha before in-
ween that of an anti-mining activist and
uma on mining. It is impractical to want to
itiating a development project in the Fifth
pro-mining sycophant. Such generalisa-stop one of the most ancient human Scheduled Areas, under the pesa Act. We
tions lead to the production of a setendeavours
of which formed the backbone of it should be amended to make it
think
simplistic policy instruments such as human
the civilisation. We need to develop a
mandatory to take the "consent" of the gram
gamut of short-, medium- and long-term
new mineral extractive paradigm, onesabha.
that This requirement should not be re-
recommendations offered by one of the
does not inflict deep wounds on nature
stricted only to the Fifth Scheduled Areas
World Bank visiting teams in 2007. and people, and one that is neither state
but be extended for the entire country.
It is not enough to reform the laws - corporate-dependent. Towards this,
nor A micro-level understanding of the
such as those currently under way30 in we the propose an overhaul of mineralflow re- of money into and changing power
absence of the state's capacity to act as source
an governance before farther miningrelations within the community and fami-
arbiter in relation to the rights and inter-
leases are granted. For this, possible alter-
lies would be essential to optimise the
ests at stake. Decision-making with regard
natives to the ownership by the state level
of allof royalties and consequent benefits
to the acquisition of land needs to be minerals
the and the use of these resources by
and/or continuing impacts on the com-
result of negotiation. Such a "negotiated
corporate entities need to be explored.
munities. Civil society organisations
justice" regime might greatly improve min-
This is not impossible; India has examples
could manage the scheme with regular
ing governance compared to current prod-of community-led management in other inspections from the central government
ucts of adjudication or administrative deci- andtoin consultation with the states.
areas of natural resources. People's right
sion-making, or purely private individual
land and its resources is being recognised,
decision-making. These negotiations to enshrined
se- in laws and applied through
NOTES
cure social justice enshrine a liberal ideaparticipatory

of management. 1 Land in Hempur village is being acquired for a
self-determination that is embodied in power plant, not for mining. Though our sur-
To ensure poor communities full bene-
vey was about coal mining, Vishnu Ganju's ex-
fpic/ph (Szablowski 2010: 112-13). Com-
fits from the resources of their land so that
perience illustrates the coercive practices used
their livelihoods are transformed for
munities have not enjoyed personal auton- to acquire land.
the
2 Subsequently, the terms "tribais", "adivasi"
omy to the extent that might make fpic a
better, royalties should be paid to a tribal and
or indigenous communities will be used
useful instrument. Mining companies
local council on the amount of resources
interchangeably.
3 "Captive" implies mining of coal meant for an
know that the poor cannot have the same extracted. Those directly affected by min-
associated power station or steel-making, instead
bargaining powei; and dissuade civil society of the coal being sold in the market. In 1996, the
ing would receive a proportion of the roy-
MOC issued a notification allowing mining of coal
organisations from participation in phs. alties, while the remainder would go for to captive use for the production of cement.
Those investing their capital and the com-
benefit a lot of people who used the 4 Reports and other documents consulted: EIA
land
munities that are mine-affected are on and reports submitted by Essar Power Jharkhand
units resources, sharecroppers or those
(nd), Neelanchal Ispat Nigam (nd), Chitarpur
equal bargaining positions, working with
who lived in the surrounding area. Coal and Power (nd), Eastern Mineral Trading
biased state machinery. Although their Agency (nd) and Nico Jaiswal (nd); pamphlet,
The proposed Draft Mines and Minerals
Karanpura Bachao Sangharsh Samiti (nd); bro-
introduction is needed, one must remem-
(Development and Regulation) Bill 2011
chure, Abhijeet Group (nd), news articles from
ber that neither the addition of sia, nor Prabhat Khobar, Hindi newspaper published
provides for sharing 26% of the profitfrom
of Ranchi (various dates).
continuous engagement processes can coal and lignite mining and amounts equal
5 Morris and Pandey (2009: 27) point out to the
fully address the gross imbalance of power. need for a complete overhaul of the statutes,
to the royalty in case of other major miner-
organisational structures and processes to de-
We propose an overhaul of mineral gov-
als mined.31 Instead of an easy one-stop velop a titling system that can ensure the secu-
ernance in India. The state claims that rity of tenure to land and property.
shop,32 developing this elaborate frame-
6 Coal is one of the major minerals as per the
sovereign ownership of all mineral work
re- would require an extended time for Mines and Minerals Development and Regulation
sources is a result of the colonial past. It Act (MMDR, originally passed in 1957, amended
agreement-making and consent-seeking
in 1988 and 2003), allowing only large-scale
was during the colonial times that the processes.
dis- No mining project should operators
go to cany out its mining. A new amend-
possession of the poor located in resource ment to MMDR has been proposed that aims to
ahead without the consent of tribais and
offer 26% of profits to local communities.
peripheries began. In the neo-liberal
poor landowners; they should have 7the
Conventional texts describe Jharkhand as a
44
February li, 2012 vol XLvii no 6 QX3
"museum of mineral resources" and indeed it the crucial decision-making unit under panchay- Guha, A (200
has been the major producer of a large number ati raj system and gives them important powers dustrial Pro
of minerals. Jharkhand accounts for 29% of In- for consultation in the matter of land acquisition The Economi
dia's coal reserves and contains the largest and development projects in the area. But, the India (Delhi:
number of collieries in the country, accounting Jharkhand Panchayati Raj Act has diluted PESA Harvey, Dav
for 21% of Indian coal production in 2004-05 in this regard. (Oxford: Oxf
(Bhushan and Hazra 2008: 159). 24 We were unable to procure documented proof Jewitt, Sarah
8 Deininger et al (2011). See http://siteresources. of informal practices elsewhere, wherein land Conflicts", As
worldbank.org/IKIARD/Resources/ESW_Sept7_ is sold not to the company but to an individual Jha-Thakur,
final final.pdf, viewed on 20 December 2011. representing the company. "Are Open-ca
9 "Details of Coal Blocks which Stand Allotted", 25 Grazing grounds and pastures routinely appear the Indian En
see the website of MOC, available online at as "wastelands" in official records. In reality, the ment Plannin
http://www.c0al.nic.in/caplist070709a.pdf so-called wastelands are common property re- Lahiri-Dutt,
(viewed on 18 January 2010). sources (CPRs), serving as the livelihood-base in Eastern I
10 According to information provided in a pam- for millions of poor and marginalised. Limits of Ju
phlet issued by the Karanpura Bachao Sang- 26 To begin with, as the residents of the villages in XLII (49), 8 D
harsh Samiti, available online at http:// www. the to-be-affected area report, the NTPC of- Lahiri-Dutt,
firstpeoplesfirst.in/jmacc-alliance.php (viewed fered Rs 1.25 lakh per acre. Over the years, this "Considering
on 11 November 2010). has increased to Rs 10 lakh per acre - the most ments" in Fr
11 Privately-owned Indian companies setting up generous offer till date in the area. ves (ed.), Ne
or operating power projects as well as coal or 27 According to a brochure issued by the company, sessments: C
lignite mines for captive consumption are al- each share can be sold three years later at the vances (Chel
lowed FDI of up to 100%. One hundred per cent rate of Rs 200 per share. Levien, M (20
FDI is also allowed for setting up coal process- 28 The National Rehabilitation and Resettlement nomic & Politic
ing plants subject to some conditions (Singh Policy itself has lost authority amongst the MMSD (2002)
and Kalirajan 2003: 145). NGOs; a pamphlet issued by KBSS claims that of Mining M
12 P 1. Full Act downloadable from http://coal. the policy is practically an "investment and dement Projec
nic.in/cba-act.pdf, viewed on 8 December 2011. struction" ( nivesh and vinash ) policy. The poli- org/pdfs/8
13 Such as energy security of the country. Indeed cy has also been criticised by others for its fail- January 2011
about 40% of India's population do not have ure of fully addressing the concerns of the dis- Morris, Seba
access to electricity as defined. placed and affected populations. See, for in- Markets in I
14 Available on http://jharkhandindustry.gov.in/ stance, a critique of the policy by the Asian India Infras
industry:policy.html. Centre for Human Rights (2007). Critical Resou
15 This Act applies to Jharkhand as well. The in- 29 See the recent study released by the Centre for Delhi: Oxford
Science and Environment that shows how
dustrial policy of Jharkhand refers to the Polanyi, Karl
amendment in the Bihar Tenancy Act. easily environmental clearances are given in tion: The Poli
India to divert forestland to non-forest uses (Boston: Bea
16 CNTA was passed in 1908 to protect and recog-
nise tribal rights over land. In 1996, mining http://www.cseindia.org/userfiles/Overview. Randeira, Sh
and industrial purposes were included in Sec- pdf (viewed on 20 December 2011). Environmenta
tion 49 of the CNTA as reasons for which land 30 See http://www.prsindia.org/uploads/media/ Cunning State
could be transferred. minesamendmentpdf for the new Mining Bill and Sharan, Ram
http://rural.nic.in/sites/downloads/general/ tion of Trib
17 Page 4 of the Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition and
LS%2oVersion%2oof3/o2oLARR%2o%2oBill.pdf
Development) Act, 1957, available from http:// Sundar (ed.),
for the amendments in LAA and R&R Bill.
coal.nic.in/cba-act.pdf viewed on 8 December 2011. es, Identity,
18 Part VII, Section 41, p 12 of the Land Acquisition 31 Draft MMDR is available at http://pib.nic.iiyar- Delhi: Oxford
Act, 1894. Available from http://dolr.nic.in/hy- chieve/0thers/20ii/sep/d20ii093002.pdf, (viewed Sharma, M (2
on 20 December 2011). See sections 43 and 56.
perlink/acq.htm, viewed on 9 December 2011. Coal India R&
19 Under the LAA the land can be acquired under 32 This is one of the favourite jargons of econo- mahal Openc
either Part II or Part VII. Part II is used when mists at the World Bank to allow easy flow of with focus o
land is acquired by the government or the pub- capital investment. Rahabilitatio
lic sector undertakings. Compensation is paid port Submitt
from government fund. Part VII makes provi- tional Open U
sions for acquisition for the companies for which REFERENCESSingh, Kanha
a memorandum of understanding is signed be- Asian Decade
Centre for ofHuE
tween the company and the state government Failed Mining Reha
National Secto
and compensation is paid by the company. ment Singh,
Policy, Ram a
2007", (
20 Gair majurwa land is a relic from the colonial sition
achrweb.0rg/Review/ Act" in
land revenue surveys of the Chhotanagpur re- Bhushan, available
Chandra on
and
gion. Literally it is "land without deed", i e, "Mining incom/opinion
the Sates: J
land that does not have legal papers to prove misuse-of-la
gal" in Rich Lands, Po
individual's ownership on it. Such lands gener- 69449o8.cms
Mining Possible? State
ally include pastures, wasteland, roads and Sixth Stuligross,
Citizens' ReportD
ponds, which have often been used or cultivat- Science andtion, and Au
Environm
ed for generations and are hence owned de Pacific Viewp
facto, or are well-utilised community lands.
Choudhary, Tarun (2
main: Szablowski,
Process and ItsD
21 According to Soren and Royan Kerkatta of Prior, and In
structure Report 200
AMARM, the company has sometimes quoted much Industry Sec
source for Infrastruct
higher figures - up to 12,000 hectares of land. a Negotiated
75-76, also available
22 For instance, in the case of Nico Jaiswal's Moitra nal of Develo
iitk.ac.in/3inetw0rk/
Coal Mining Project in Badkagaon block in Haz- Upadhyay, C
IIR_2oo9_Final_July
aribagh, the government has invoked Section 17 Identity: Poli
of the LAA in order to acquire land. Section 17 of
Corbridge, Stuart (200
The in
Scheduled Nandini
Tribes S a
the LAA (sometimes known as the Emergency Resources, Ide
tem in India's Jhark
Clause) vests "Special Powers" to the state in Delhi: Oxford
Jewitt and S Kumar (e
case of "urgency". According to it, if the collector
ment, Walker,
Development Katha
so directs, the state can take possession of any the Ground
land needed for "public purpose". Once ac- Oxford University Pre
ly Agrarian
published in JournaCri
quired, such land is completely in the control of Intensificati
the government, "free from all encumbrances". Deininger, Klaus and D
Peasant Stud
23 Gram sabha is literally a "village gathering" of Lindsay, Andrew Nort
cedes World
Stickler Bank
(2011): R
which all legal adults are members and can take
Farmland:Challenges
Can It o
Yield
part in collective decisions pertaining to the
Benefits, ton DC,
WashingtonWorD
village. The PESA Act recognises gram sabhas as
EPW Research Foundation (a unit of sameeksha trust)
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46 FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 ШС9 Economic & Political WEEKLY
Everyday Corruption and the Political Mediation
of the Indian State
An Ethnographic Exploration of Brokers in Bihar
JEFFREY WITSOE
This analys
today is more important than addressing corruption in
political "br
For today publicpublic
India'slifeis life
that more expanding,to bethatpervasive
most perceive important most perceive urban than middle to addressing be class, pervasive perhaps corruption and no debili- issue in
and debili-
state instit
tating. It could even be said that for this post-liberalisation
complex
generation, corruption, and the fight against corruption, has cau
become the predominant theme of the second decade of the
Drawing fr
21st century. On the one hand, rapid economic growth is creat-
Bihar since
ing unprecedented opportunities for generating illicit income,
both village
reflected in the sheer scale of recent corruption scandals. But,
system.
on the other hand, this popular obsession with corruption may Thi
also reflect changing popular conceptions of the state. As an-
institutiona
thropologists have noted, the emergence of the theme of cor-
public deba
ruption can reflect a widening popular embrace of the idea of
administrat
an uncorrupt, rule-bound state that can be contrasted with the
sociopolitic
realities of how the Indian state actually operates (Gupta 1995;
in Parry 2000: 27-55). The spread of this concept - what Philip
basic sta
Abrams (1988: 58-69) termed the "state idea" - has resulted
from a decline in the importance and prestige for the middle
class of a public sector that often requires bribes to attain
employment and key postings, and from which corruption is a
major source of income. In contrast, people with private sector
jobs receive much less personal benefit from corrupt practices,
and unlike landed elites, no longer need influence over local
state institutions in order to protect their interests.
This could also be interpreted as a reaction against the post-
Mandal lower-caste political upsurge and the caste-based reser-
vations that has changed the social profile of many of the
people benefiting from corruption (Witsoe 2011: 73-85) - there
was a lot less noise about corruption when a majority of the
politicians and bureaucrats who benefited were from upper
caste, landed families and from the predominantly upper
caste, urban middle class. This is perhaps why politicians
are often seen as the source of corruption in the middle class
popular imagination.
An earlier
But what exactly is the role of politics and politicians in the ver
"Frontline Fun
everyday functioning of the Indian state and how does this re-
Advanced Stud
late to what is commonly called "corruption". This article will
to thank all th
examine the role of politically-connected brokers in mediating
Beatrice Jaure
many people's access to state institutions and in shaping every-
Krishnamurthy
I would also lik
day administration - what I term the political mediation of the
versations
Indian state. I focus on brokers as a window into political on t
mediation because they are the visible face of this process - it

Jeffrey Witso
anthropology,
can be much harder, for instance, to see behind-the-scenes
SPECIAL ARTICLE
control of the local the national

Member of the political leader
Legislative Asse
I argue that taking brokers seriously
ministration changes
formulate t
prog
which we think about the Indian
that state and reveals
are hopelessly undermiso
complex causes of corruption in Indian
levels and public
by a stark life.
cultura
levels of administration.
1 Understanding Brokerage
I suggest that we view th
I argue that we need to examine
above political
holistically - mediation
the brok
at two distinct, although interrelated, of
"vernacularisation" levels.
the InT
related to the influenceker
of politicians
as the frontin the
line everyda
distrib
ing of state institutions. Instead
broker of
as key merely
for infl
generatin
functioning of the state through
- and this islegislation
what I am or pol
trying
tion that is then
implemented by an impartial
political mediation b
of the In
elected representatives may
that an directly influence
interaction t
with sta
functioning of the state
thefor two political
larger reasons - to distri
system an
age to supporters and to
If generate campaign
we consider finance
brokers to be
wealth). Ranchan Chandra's
change(2004) work
the ways in on "ethn
which th
for instance, argues that
does India is a "patronage
this mean de
for understa
democracy in which the
Thestate
roleenjoys a monopoly
of brokers in link
economic resources and elected
power representatives
means hav
that we canno
able discretion in the tion
distribution
for state of these resou
patronage. It
seek to elect representatives who deal
not really can provide them
with broker
to state resources such as government jobs, acces
link, a market, between po
ment credit, and other development
individual resources,
voters re
- brokers,
"black market", wherein state resources are barter
form, vanish from view. So
Robert Wade (1985: 287-328), in his the
institutions, classic studysy
political o
in the irrigation department in
tral to my "a statePolitical
analysis. in sou
describes a "transfer-model
ing theof corruption",
state", "wit
about patronag
linkage between top-level and bottom-level
preneurial corr
politicians taking
between administrative and
cate political
state corruption"
resources t
at thei
gests is ultimately driven
theseby the need
things), butto genera
also abou
finance. But while the subordination within
role of politicians local
is the s
elem
received the most popular attention
In the - the
following so-called
sections, I
tion of the state"
1 suggest that
kers in focusing
block -in this fa
and village-le
tion produces
skewed a
perspective.
trict in Bihar, a place wher
Anthropologists have interpreted
search the10
for nearly role of br
years. I
India and elsewhere - as reflecting
while the ways
living full-time in
in Raj
boundaries between lation
"state"
ofand "society"
5,086 are
(according
blurredwithin everyday state
2002 andpractice (Fuller and
2003 (returning f
Gupta 1995: 375-402). 2010
There are
and numerous
2011), from ethno
inter
counts describing what F G Bailey
brokers, (i960) terme
local politicians, g
ker", whom he described
over the years and of
as a new class indiv
from su
the skills and knowledge necessary
three nearby to allow village
villages in 20
act with a newly independent Indian
necessarily state.
drawn fromSubsequ
one
graphic studies described the development of this
regions in terms of the lega
kers and their importance
ance,in reproducing
postcolonial the loca
political hi
of landowning castes (Gupta
power 1998; Jeffrey
relations 2002:
and the deg2
viewed "from below", then, brokers are an essentia
tion in local governance, am
ways in which many people
sults inexperience
differing the state.
patterns o
this demands that we suspend our notion
and complex of the fo
interactions
ries between state and there
society,
is allowing us to exam
no substitute for
works that cut across formal institutional boundar
Bihar likely represents a so
The point lowerancethat
level state institutions
through brokers, feware
within structures of local power, that, as Kaviraj
in varying degrees across In (1
"the Indian state has feet of vernacular clay" -
of brokerage, I turn to howhas
used to explain the repeated
specific failures of top-dow
government schem
development since over time.
independence. According to this
48
February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 QQC3 Economic & Political WEEKLY
2 The Uses of Brokers therefore, could be seen as bridging a gap between the state
and the village.3
While doing fieldwork in Bhojpur district, I constantly encoun-
tered individuals whose livelihoods seemed to depend on What
gov- Sanjay did not say was that these brokers were also
ernmental activities, but who did not hold any officialrequired
post. for him to collect his "commission". The standard
commissions of most state functionaries were publicly known
Most of these people were easily identifiable by their distinc-
and as
tive white khadi kurta pyajamas, identifying them as netas, generally accepted as an inevitable cost of doing business
with government. Brokers were the ones who handled most
local political leaders. When I asked these people questions
payments in order to protect those with official positions, and
about their occupation, they would usually describe them-
they
selves as netas or as thekedars (contractors) although I am hereserved as the go-between with various officials and politi-
cians
describing thekedars who hold no formal contract. Other peo-who may not be on good terms but who had to cooperate
in order to efficiently divert funds. Brokers, therefore, allow
ple would sometimes refer to them as vichawlia (middle-men)
work ,to be done without legal responsibility - the broker does
or would occasionally use the more derogatory term dalai
not have
usually translated as "broker". I use the term broker to refer to any written proof of having been involved so it is dif-
this class of mediators in the broadest sense, referring to any- to pursue legal action against him. And especially, if a
ficult
bdo
one who facilitates, or controls, other people's access to is required to make a payment to superiors in order to re-
state
ceive a posting, they have little choice but to recoup this "in-
institutions. Brokers were almost always visible in government
offices in the district headquarters and were ubiquitous vestment"
in the (with interest, of course). In order to do this they
inevitably
block offices. In fact, many brokers acted as if they were block have to work with a whole range of actors ( mukhias ,
employees, and had they not been wearing distinctive dress,block
it staff, engineers, and, of course, brokers) who also de-
would have been easy to mistake them as such. Brokersmand werepayment. So for every rupee that travels "upwards",
also present in almost every police station that I visited,possibly
and a hundreds are diverted as the system of brokerage is
man who described himself as the "representative" ofset in motion.
Lalu
Prasad Yadav - the de facto chief minister at the time -Sanjay
was also did not mention that working with the right set
of brokers allowed him to maintain the support of the powerful
even present on the occasions when I met with the Director
General of Police in his office in Patna. local MLA who, being a minister in the state government, could
effortlessly
In Rajnagar, brokers and netas seemed to be everywhere. As arrange for him to be transferred to a far less desir-
able posting. Brokers allowed political control over develop-
one villager put it, "In this village even children are politicians
( bache log bhi neta hai). There is only politics here, nothingworks and could be thought of as integrating day-to-day
ment
state activities with the political system. I was frequently re-
else" (Witsoe 2011). When many, if not most people, interacted
minded
with state institutions, it was not with bureaucrats located in of the importance of the mla in relation to the bdo by
government offices but with brokers and local leaders. Nirangan,
The who was previously an important broker in Rajnagar
and whom
block office is located outside the village, and block staff enter I got to know quite well. Nirangan had been close to
the
the village as outsiders. The broker, in contrast, lives next mla and managed much of the development works in the
village but later fell out of favour with him. Although he still
door, and is embedded in local histories, local power relations
and social networks. In short, brokers are central to the had
every-a close relationship with the bdo, he often complained to
day functioning of the Indian state. me that he could no longer get work; his political influence and
This was made clear to me one winter night, when finances
I was were clearly diminishing and he complained that he
sitting by candlelight and drinking tea with, Sanjay, acould
blocknot even afford a motorcycle (a fitting symbol of being a
successful
development officer (bdo) in his official residence behind the broker since it not only reflects wealth but facilitates
physical mobility). He would often point to a gold watch on his
block offices a few miles from where I was living in Rajnagar.
wrist, saying "this is from before, now I get nothing".
The bdo is the most important official in the block offices
Brokers also enable a projection of personal power that al-
which serve as the local nexus for many government depart-
lows actors to avoid work considered demeaning, without a
ments. Sanjay was complaining, as he often did, about the un-
delegation
principled brokers with whom he had to constantly interact. I of authority that could compromise their power.
For
asked Sanjay why, if he feels this way, he works through instance, by working through brokers mukhias can effec-
bro-
tively be in many places at the same time, thereby maintaining
kers - why even deal with this entire cast of often unsavory
status by not being seen running around convincing labourers
characters? He insisted that he could not do his job without
to work
them. Sanjay claimed that he did not have adequate staff to and negotiating with low level government workers.4
Sanjay did not mention that he may have felt compelled to
cover the population that he was expected to serve - at that
dealinwith brokers because many, but not all, had links to crimi-
time, there were severe staff shortages in most block offices
nal
Bihar and the ubiquity of brokers reflected a basic lack of networks. In Rajnagar and surrounding villages, for in-
state
capacity at lower levels. Perhaps more importantly, Sanjay many brokers had links with a group known locally as
stance,
did not have the connections required to manoeuvre within the "sand mafia" that controlled the mining of sand from the
Sone River, a group within which the mla was an important
the often politically - charged context of the village. Accord-
player, as was a feared brother of the chief minister. Being
ing to Sanjay, brokers were necessary for the block adminis-
tration to function effectively within the village, andconnected
they to the sand mafia allowed brokers to exert both
political pressure and a very real threat of violence (there had not just a siphoning off of funds meant for the poor, but the
been a number of murders related to this group in previous exclusion of many of the poorest households who lacked the
years). Other brokers had links with another ml a whose liquidity necessary for the advance payment. In addition, peo-
brother was the biggest arms dealer in this region and who ple considered to be enemies of the mukhia were often auto-
maintained a very well-armed criminal gang. This not only matically excluded and allies of the mukhia were given prefer-
helped them in dealing with bureaucrats, but also with villag- ential treatment. Brokers enabled all concerned actors to ex-
ers - if someone promised the delivery of votes, or a percent- tract commissions - percentages were given to the block staff
age of a future payment from a government scheme, these and the mukhia based on more or less fixed rates - and shaped
criminal connections facilitated the collection process. It is the distribution of an important resource according to local
important to emphasise the ways in which brokers connected political considerations even though it was an officially non-
diverse spheres - state institutions, village realities, higher- discretionary transfer. In the process, the impartiality, auton-
level politicians and criminal networks. omy and effectiveness of the state in achieving its stated out-
comes were all compromised.
3 Examples of Brokerage nrega is a very different case than iay, even if brokers were
The role of brokers differs considerably depending on what even more ubiquitous. Like in iay, brokers ensured that the
schemes and state institutions are involved. For instance, I scheme operated according to local political realities. For in-
found little influence of brokers in the collection of old-age stance, Mitilesh, a broker whom I interviewed at length about
pension payments, although many villagers alleged that ini- his activities, was from a landed family and represented his
tially getting registered for the scheme was often based on po- family's interests. This meant employing labourers with whom
litical considerations, with supporters of the mukhia being he had long-standing relationships, reinforcing very old pat-
privileged (especially those who were undeserving). In many terns of patronage and control. Also as with iay, brokers in
cases, brokers can been seen as compensating for many poor nrega enabled everyone to take their cut, in this case from
people's lack of literacy and awareness about their entitle- routine overestimating of work and overbilling of days (with
ments. A broker who helped someone get registered and open labourers often willing to cooperate for a trivial amount of the
a bank account for an old-age pension in return for a reasona- proceeds). But a survey that I conducted of nrega in four pan-
ble "commission" to cover related expenses and time spent chayats in 2011 revealed that brokers were basically running
could reasonably be seen as performing a necessary social the scheme. It was brokers who recruited and managed the la-
function. But I also came across cases where the poor were not bourers, dealt with the engineers (who reportedly refused to
even aware of the amount that they were entitled to under a even do an accurate estimate without receiving payment) and
given scheme, with brokers pocketing as much as half of the block staff, and also often worked to appease potentially trou-
entitlement. And even in schemes where brokers play a central blesome landowners who repeatedly told me that they saw
role, such as the Indira Awaas Yojana (iay) that provides basic nrega as a threat to their agricultural operations.
housing for people categorised as below the poverty line and Brokers also often compensated for inefficiencies in the
the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (nrega) that scheme's implementation. Mitilesh, for instance, told me that at
entitles every household to 100 days of manual labour at the the time of the interview he had given Rs 70,000 to labourers
minimum wage, this role varies considerably.5 who otherwise may have had to wait months to receive pay-
The role of brokers in the iay, where almost all of the more ment (even though payment is technically mandated within two
than 100 people interviewed in 2010 reported accessing funds weeks). While walking with him in the village, my survey team
only after paying an upfront bribe to a broker, was purely op- frequently witnessed labourers approach him for payment while
pressive and extractive. The process of selecting beneficiaries he skilfully managed their demands but still remained careful to
of iay was formulated by the rural development department in maintain the relationship. In fact, when I asked Mitilesh what
order to remove the discretion of lower level officials, with the he considered to be the major constraint on nrega expenditure
belief that the end of discretion would eliminate corruption. (of which Bihar has the lowest among states), he bluntly stated:
Names of beneficiaries were to be chosen in order starting "there are not enough contractors", nrega brokers had to be
from the lowest score on the list of households below the pov- trusted allies of the mukhia (or else the mukhia would be
erty line (although this list is far from accurate), the names unwilling to delegate so much power to them), had to have
painted on the sides of schools and bank accounts opened for experience working with the block staff and bank manager, had
each beneficiary wherein funds would be directly deposited. to be able to recruit and manage labourers, while also "managing"
But interviews revealed that nearly every beneficiary had been landowners, and had to have the liquidity and drive to "invest"
approached by a broker who demanded an upfront payment of in a potentially rewarding but also somewhat risky enterprise.
around Rs 5,000 in order to "open the bank account". People People with such a specialised skill set were in short supply.
who could not, or chose not, to pay the broker were skipped Given the complexities of implementing nrega, and the reali-
under a false pretense (on the grounds that they had already ties of weak state capacity at the local level, without brokers, the
received iay, even if they had not, or a false claim that they project would likely not have functioned at all.
were living outside the state) or their bank accounts were These cases reveal that corruption is not monolithic - there
never opened or never received the full funds. The effect was
are diverse causes and very different types of corruption, just
50
February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 Q253
SPECIAL ARTICLE
as the role of brokers varies. While providing education to theeither by having a relative working in government (for instance,
poor is surely an important tool in reducing many forms ofa high court judge from a Rajput estate in the neighbouring
brokerage, it is important to note that in the cases of nrega and village), or through the services of brokers. Prior to the 1990s,
IAY examined above an educated beneficiary was as dependent brokers, usually only one or two from a village, were mostly
as anyone else on brokers if they wanted to participate.6 But members of the locally dominant landlord caste. While they
as these case studies suggest, it would be much easier to were from a single caste, they served as the broker for the
remove the influence of brokers from iay - where their role entire village, reinforcing patronage links between landlords
was primarily extractive - than from nrega, where brokersand their tenants and labourers. At the same time, these brokers
compensated from a lack of state capacity and mediated were members of the Congress Party, a party that claimed to
contradictory political alliances. represent the nation, and especially the lower caste poor, even
While this section and the preceding one drew from field-as its own political structure perpetuated the dominance of a
work conducted at different times in order to examine keysmall minority of upper caste elites. Congress one-party rule
aspects of brokerage, patterns of brokerage change over time.was replicated, then, at the village level with one caste of
In fact, an entire political history could be told by examining dominant landlords effectively mediating access to the state,
the changing role of brokers, and the ways in which thisand with development resources flowing according to long
reflects transformations in the relationships between stateestablished patron-client relations in the village. This political
institutions and the structuring of local power. I now turn tomediation allowed patron-client relations to persist despite
a necessarily brief sketch of such a history by examining the the commercialisation of agricultural labour markets in the
role of political mediation in different time periods from thewake of the green revolution. This also allowed landowning
vantage point of Rajnagar. Instead of focusing on the role ofcastes to maintain their dominance, not only despite Indira
brokers in a particular programme or institution, I want to sketchGandhi's populism, but through control of the very welfare
a broad, and necessarily simplified, history in an attempt toschemes that were meant to end rural poverty. In the process,
examine some of the longer term changes in political media-of course, the Congress was also able to maintain its political
tion, and their overall impact on the village. dominance, cementing an alliance between upper castes and
the rural poor that kept the status quo largely intact.
4 Histories of Brokerage Gradual changes within the agrarian economy, however, set
In Rajnagar's colonial past, Rajput tola , the residential area ofthe stage for later political transformation in Bihar and other
the Rajput zamindars, occupied the political, social and ritualareas of north India. Much of the land that former zamindars
centre of the village. Rajput zamindars enjoyed revenue-col-were forced to relinquish came into the hands of their former
lection rights over most of Rajnagar as well as sizeable land intenants, many of whom came from Other Backward Classes
nearby villages - despite their relatively small numbers - (овс) backgrounds, especially Yadav, Kurmi and Koeri castes.
around 15% - they exercised complete dominance. When colo- In Rajnagar a class of Yadav medium-sized farmers emerged.
nial officials visited Rajnagar, they stayed in Rajput tola, rein-From the mid-1970s in Rajnagar, these people participated in
forcing the perception of the landlord as "the state". The figure the emergence of an alternate centre of power that was associ-
of the broker can, in some ways, be seen as reflecting a contin-ated with the movement developed by Jayprakash Narayan
uation of this earlier history rule through intermediaries - it is (jp movement), (although it was marginalised after the return
important to remember that corruption, and the illegitimacy to power of the Congress in 1980). In 1977, Rajnagar elected its
of political mediation, only became meaningful concepts onfirst dalit mukhia, who served to cement an alliance between
paper with independence and the abolition of the zamindariRajput landlords (who supported him) and poor labourers
system. Before this, the state was explicitly politically-medi- from his section of the village. But although there was now a
ated. In this sense, political mediation can be thought of asdalit mukhia, the two brokers with whom he worked were
being a distinctly postcolonial phenomenon, reflecting the factboth Rajput members of the Congress Party, allowing a con-
that the basic architecture of the Indian state was largely put tinuation of landlord influence over state institutions in the
in place through the colonial project, based on a "limited Raj" face of apparent political change.
(Yang 1989) and alliances between the state and local elites.
And it was often the same families who had acted as interme-5 The Village after Mandai
diaries within the zamindari system who became brokers ofBy the mid-1990s, овс politicians dominated the state assem-
the postcolonial developmental state.7 This reminds us thatblies in north India, especially in the two most populous north
the Indian state has always been - to various degrees - politi-Indian states, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar (Jaffrelot 2003; Hassan
cally mediated and thinking in terms of the "politicisation" of2000). The increasing number of mlas from the овс back-
the state after independence requires invoking a "state idea"grounds was accompanied by the formation of state govern-
that has always been more idea than reality. ments in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh led by regional parties
In Rajnagar and surrounding villages, once the zamindari claiming to represent "backward caste" interests. Such a party,
system began to decline in the 1930s, and even more so after the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)-led by Lalu Prasad Yadav, was
its formal abolition, connections with bureaucrats and the the governing party in Bihar from 1990 until 2005. In the
police were crucial to the maintenance of caste dominance, space of just a decade from 1985 to 1995 the number of овс
Economic & Political weekly Ш Ш February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 51
candidates elected to the assembly more than doubled to 50%, to subsidised credit from cooperative banks (most of which be-
while the number of upper caste candidates more than halved came effectively insolvent), cut-off from sources of patronage
to 17%, indicating a profound transformation of political repre- and "commissions" that they had long enjoyed through the
sentation in the state. How did this play out at the village level? control of development funds and, above all, deprived of the
During this period, a "démocratisation" of political media- connections with politicians and the police (the later seriously
tion occurred in Rajnagar and surrounding villages. Every vil- weakened) that had enabled them to effectively control labour,
lage now had numerous brokers - there were five village-wide protect standing crops from theft and enforce exploitative
brokers in Rajnagar - and dozens of smaller brokers represent- sharecropping arrangements. In addition, many lower caste
ing the interests of caste communities from various areas of villagers now had their own connections to a new class of
the village. In effect, the transition at the national level from lower caste brokers, as well as to the criminal networks with
one-party rule to a coalition politics with a dizzying array of which these brokers were affiliated. Not only did the Rajput
regional and caste-based parties was replicated at the village landlords lose many of their sources of influence outside the
level with a shift from one or two brokers who served the village, but lower castes gained their own. The result was that
interests of both the dominant caste and the Congress Party tothe Rajput ex-zamindars were marginalised from the political
a proliferation of brokers. and even economic life of the village, replaced by the emer-
The changes in power that occurred during RJD-rule did notgence of multiple power centres with the most populous caste
occur so much from lower castes "capturing" state institutions,in Rajnagar, Yadavs, emerging as a new dominant caste.
but from a systematic weakening of institutions wherein upper This increase in the number of brokers resulted in many
castes exercised influence, such as the bureaucracy and policepeople feeling an increase of voice and participation in local
(Mathew and Moore 2011). The more integrated caste net-administration. Many lower caste people felt that, for the first
works of the Congress period, when bureaucrats, politicians,time, their vote mattered. And while corruption became more
landed elites and brokers all tended to be from upper castevisible as more people were now participating, this was a
backgrounds were to a large extent dismantled, resulting in anreaction to much older forms of corruption that had long al-
often stark disjuncture between an overwhelmingly lower lowed dominant groups to disproportionately benefit from
caste political class and a bureaucracy that still remained governmental institutions, reflecting what could be termed a
largely upper caste. The rjd responded by dramatically in- "démocratisation" of corruption.
creasing politicians' and brokers' influence within state institu-
tions - greatly empowering this political class who claimed to 6 Limitations of Political Mediation
represent the lower caste majority. Political mediation, which as a Means of Empowerment
had long enabled state institutions to reinforce upper casteWhile it is important to recognise that democratising political
dominance, was actually intensified, now used as a tool to dis-mediation of the state did facilitate dramatic transfers of
place this dominance. power with wide-ranging effects, it is equally vital to keep in
This had a dramatic impact. Under RJD-rule, the Rajputmind the limitations of this project. This democratic empower-
ex-zamindars in Rajnagar found themselves without accessment was dependant on political leaders whose functioning
REVIEW OF RURAL AFFAIRS
January 28, 2012
Agrarian Transition and Emerging Challenges in Asian Agriculture: - P KViswanathan, Gopal В Thapa,
A Critical Assessment Jayant К Routray, Mokbul M Ahmad
Institutional and Policy Aspects of Punjab Agriculture: A Smallholder Per
Khap Panchayats: A Socio-Historical Overview -Ajay Kumar
Rural Water Access: Governance and Contestation in a Semi-Arid
Watershed in Udaipur, Rajasthan -NC Narayanan , Lalitha Kamath
Panchayat Finances and the Need for Devolutions from the State Government - Anand Sahasranaman
Temporary and Seasonal Migration: Regional Pattern,
Characteristics and Associated Factors - Kunal Keshri, R В Bhagat
For copies write to: Circulation Manager,
Economic and Political Weekly,
email: circulation@epw.in
FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 ШВ53 Economic & Political WEEKLY
was markedly undemocratic. It created a new class of politi- later every respondent reported receiving regular rations.
cians and brokers, more numerous and from different caste While this may not apply to the entire state - Bihar still ranks
backgrounds than their predecessors, but who continued to at the bottom of pds performance - there does appear to be
effectively mediate ordinary people's access to government. some improvement (Khera 2011: 44-45)- Nitish Kumar told me
The empowerment of lower castes in Bihar during this period that "food security" was one of his three priorities for his sec-
was a "mediated empowerment", an empowerment dependant ond term, something he had emphasised repeatedly during
on the authority of this new class of brokers. With a criminally- his campaign.8 This shift required appointing a competent
connected political class empowered, and the police force seri- minister who was willing to take on powerful interests -
ously weakened, it is not surprising that criminality exploded especially, the village-level dealers (although the fact that
- including a large kidnapping for ransom industry. In addi- many had received their licence under the previous govern-
tion, the weakening of state institutions devastated public edu- ment made this easier) - in the hope of consolidating a more
cation and health, with long-term human capital costs. important constituency among the poor.9
Perhaps most importantly, within a context of weakened But the need to rely on upper caste electoral support is re-
state institutions and the increased importance of brokers and flected in Nitish Kumar's continued alliance with the Bharatiya
political networks, Yadavs and other populous and politically Janata Party, which in Bihar is above all a party representing
organised castes enjoyed a distinct advantage and many lower the upper castes. Continuing the legacy of Mandai, Nitish Ku-
castes groups were left behind. This was especially the case for mar utilised reservations at the panchayat level for Annexure
castes officially classified as "Annexure One" within Bihar's One castes as a tool for political change and to consolidate this
unique system of reservations (which divides the овс category new political force. But brokers - who catalysed change during
into two annexes). In Rajnagar, for instance, while there were the period of Lalu Prasad Yadav - once again became an obsta-
many Yadav brokers and brokers from most other populous, cle. For instance, a mukhia elected under the Annexure One
politically organised castes (Koeris, Paswan, Chamar, Rajput), reservation in a village next to Rajnagar was forced to work
there were no Annexure One brokers at all - they were forced through Rajput brokers, reducing his status considerably, and
to depend on others for political mediation. this could be seen as reflecting the contradictions within the
In the November 2005 assembly elections, Annexure One nda - the fact that Nitish still has to rely on upper caste support
castes consolidated their votes for the first time in alliance and that of other dominant groups. For instance, when I asked
with lower caste Muslims (the first time the Muslim vote had a member of Nitish Kumar's inner circle why the chief minister
split) and upper castes trying to regain lost influence and did not use his considerable political capital to eliminate the
voted for the opposition National Democratic Alliance (nda) mla's ability to influence block-level postings, he responded:
led by Nitish Kumar who was contesting on a pro-development "he has to give them (mlas) something".
platform. Nitish Kumar won a decisive victory, ending the long In addition, as the material presented above makes clear,
period of RJD rule. This was followed by an even bigger win in eliminating the influence of larger level politicians is not suffi-
2010. According to my survey, there was a corresponding dra- cient to end brokerage and corruption. In fact, with the politi-
matic shift of votes in Rajnagar. This represented a movement cal class weakened, it is possible that administration becomes
of political power "downward" to non-dominant groups, al- less accountable, now not even concerned with distributing
though with a return of upper castes in the passenger seat. political patronage. And the realities of local power and of
Most of the supporters of the new government, being non- panchayat politics continue. So while brokers as a class were
dominant castes, demanded neither a return to Congress-era weakened, they certainly did not disappear.
patronage, nor a proliferation of brokers since geographically Returning to the block offices near Rajnagar in the summer
dispersed castes will never be in a position to benefit from of 2010, it looked at first as though no brokers were present at
political mediation, but an end to political mediation alto- all, until I began to recognise that many of the same people
gether. And this did result in a state government that quickly who had operated there before had simply exchanged their
weakened the political class and strengthened the bureaucracy, khadi for slacks or jeans. My old friend Nirangan was also back
issuing circulars for bureaucrats and police to ignore requests in business and had just purchased a new motorcycle.
by politicians, even from the ruling party.
7 Conclusions
The central feature of Nitish Kumar's political project - the
unprecedented emergence of non-dominant castes as a political Examining the changing role of brokers provides a perspective
force - did progressively weaken political mediation to some on the Indian state "from the margins" - revealing the complex
extent. In 2011, for instance, a survey examining the reform of relationships between state institutions, the political system,
iAY by the department of rural development that I conducted informal networks and the structuring of power relations within
in Rajnagar and surrounding villages found that, at least for local sites. The broker, whose everyday activities tie these diverse
that year, brokers had been largely cut out of the system. In the spheres together, is therefore, crucial for understanding the
public distribution system (pds), the discretion of the power- ways in which most people experience the Indian state. One
ful dealers and corrupt officials was similarly curtailed. While result of the political mediation of the state is that, as Chatterjee
in 2010, 75% of the poor reported receiving subsidised (2004: 38) starkly puts it, "most of the inhabitants of India are
foodgrains for at best one or two months per year, just a year only tenuously and only then ambiguously and contextually,
Economic & Political weekly ШВЕ1
SPECIAL ARTICLE ==
rights-bearing citizens in the sense imagined byRajput dominance, later becoming a key site supporting Nitis
the constitu-
tion". Liberal citizenship requires impartial andKumar's development agenda and the growing politic
autonomous
state institutions, a bureaucracy that treats the people of
strength with
non-dominant castes. This history shows that th
functioning
whom it interacts as essentially generic, interchangeable of state institutions has to be viewed within th
indi-
viduals - what the anthropologist Michael Hertzfeld (1993)
context of regionally-articulated processes of démocratisation
termed the "social production of indifference". For instance,
Political the strengthening of state institutions that is oc
medi-
ation, however, undermines both the impartiality and the
curring au-
in Bihar today is only possible because the networks o
patronage
tonomy of the state. Not only are resources distributed that had long placed state institutions under th
accord-
control
ing to political calculations, the strength of social of upper
networks or caste landed elites had been progressively
weakened
the ability to pay, but access to state institutions is mediated by
by three decades of lower caste politics. These
changes
local power. A villager approaches the state through would not be easily seen in the functioning of th
the land-
lord, mediated by the dominant caste, or, conversely, through
block itself, but was very visible when examining brokers.
a politician who may be part of a political struggle against
The the
prevalence of political mediation results in a state that
while
landlord. In either case, the state is approached in being
a way seemingly impervious to fundamental institu-
that is
tional reform, can also be surprisingly responsive to demo
shaped by local power, not individual citizenship.
The history of brokerage examined above also reveals
cratic the But the above analysis also makes clear that
change.
ways in which democratic change can alter the experience the
long as local dominance remains pervasive, the capacity of lo
state within everyday village life. The role of the local block
cal public institutions is so limited and the resources of th
averagetumul-
offices within village life in Rajnagar has gone through citizen scarce, political mediation will continue t
tuous change that has had little to do with formal institutional
exist. Eliminating corruption, therefore, would require no
reform. From a bastion of the Rajput ex-zamindars and the
only institutional reform "from above", but massive inves
Congress Party, the block became an institutionments
subordinated
in basic state capacity combined with wide-reaching
to the political project of the rjd which effectively ended
sociopolitical transformations.
notes originally used to refer to intermediary revenue (ed.), Transforming India : Social and Political
1 collectors for zamindars (Yang
For 1989: 161).
obvious Dynamics of Democracy (Oxford: Oxford Uni- r
8 Interview with Nitish Kumar at his official resi- versity Press).
of my research
viduals dence in Patna, 9 August 2011. have
Hertzfeld, Michael (1993)". The Social Production of be
2 9 This is a strategy that is effectiveness has been
Corbridge Indifference: Exploring the Symbolic Roots of et
how demonstrated in a number of states, especially
different Western Democracy (Chicago: University of c
ation Chhattisgarh. See Khera (2011) and Dreze (2010).
impact Chicago Press). o
scheme in villag
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003): India's Silent Revolu-
West Bengal tion: The Rise of the Low Castes in North Indian- w
3 It is
REFERENCES in Politics this (Delhi: Permanent Black). se
a new Abrams, generatio Philip
Jeffrey, (1988):
Craig (2002): "Caste, Class, and Clientelism:
who of would Studying A Political Economy of the Everydaycert
Corruption State"
of brokers - as
Sociology, 1(1). in Rural North India", Economic Geography,
Rajasthan 78(1). and M
Bailey, F G (i960): Tribe , Caste and Nation: A Study
4 In an ironic ex
of Political Activity and Political Change in Khera, Reetika (2011): "Revival of the Public Distri-
the rural develo
list of
Highland Orissa (Manchester: IAY
Manchester Uni- bution System: Evidence
benef and Explanations",
versity Press). Economic & Political Weekly, 46.
I needed for rese
in Chandra, Kanchan (2004): Why Ethnic Parties to
2011 Kaviraj, Sudipta (1988): "A Critique
elimi of the Passive
the Succeed: Patronage and Ethnic Headcounts in
BDO Revolution", Economic & Political Weekly, 23:lon
(no
liver India (Cambridge:it!
Cambridge University Press). When(45-47). I
said Chatterjee,
this Partha (2004): The Politics of the Gov- Krishna,
was Anirudh (2002): Active Social Capital: do
erned : Reflections on Popular Politics in Most
ordinates gainin
Tracing the Roots of Development and Democracy
retariat of the World (New York: Columbia University which
(New York: Columbia University Press).
Press).
authority. Mathew, Santhosh and Mick But Moore (2011): "State t
of aCorbridge, lack
Stuart, Glyn Williams, Manoj Srivastava of
Incapacity by Design: Understanding thereso
Bihar
one who
and René Véron (2005): Seeing the State: Gov- could
Story," Working Paper No 366, Institute of b
short notice
ernance and Governmentality in India (Cam- Development Studies. wit
5 In bridge: Cambridge
addition,University Press). Parry, Jonathan (2000): "The 'Crisis of Corruption'
to be the
Dreze, Jean (2010): "The Task of Making the PDS case
and 'The Idea of India': A Worm's Eye View" in
gramme Work", The Hindu , 8 July.
in Utt
Italo Pardo (ed.), The Morals of Legitimacy:
grammes with l
Fuller, Christopher and Veronique Benei (2001): Between Agency and System (Oxford: Berghahn
brokers may pla
The Everyday State and Society in Modern India Books).
ple to go through
of course). (London: Hurst and Company). Philip Oldenburg (1987): "Middlemen in Third
6 Krishna (2002) similarly shows that mediators Gupta, Akhil (1995): "Blurred Boundaries: The World Corruption: Implications of an Indian
remained essential even with unprecedented Discourse of Corruption, the Culture of Politics, Case", World Politics, 39 (4).
levels of basic education. But it may well be the and the Imagined State", American Ethnologist, Wade, Robert (1985): "The System of Administra-
case that a more educated population alters 22(2). tive and Political Corruption: Canal Irrigation
patterns of mediation, perhaps explaining why - (1998): Postcolonial Developments: Agriculture in South India", Journal of Development Studies,
he sees brokers to be a far more positive force in the Making of Modern India (Durham, NC: 18(3).
in his survey villages than they were in Rajna- Duke University Press). Yang, Anand A (1989): The Limited Raj: Agrarian
gar and surrounding villagers. Hasan, Zoya (2000): "Representation and Redistri- Relations in Colonial India, Saran District,
7 In fact, the term thekedar (contractor) - the bution: The New Lower Caste Politics of North 1793-1920 (Berkeley: University of California
most common self-referent for brokers - was India" in Frankel, Hasan, Bhargava and Arora Press).
February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 шш Economic & Political weekly
Can We De-Stigmatise Reservations in India?
AJAY GUDAVARTHY
The "politic
have ervations
set in India has been to increasingly produce a int
The ervations largelargesingularly
numbernumber
of social ingroups
Indiathatdebilitating of social
suffer various formshas groups been limitation to that increasingly suffer of the various system produce of forms res- a
dynamics th
of public humiliation, resentment and insult. The purpose of
political
reservations to provide the disadvantaged social groups a dis
into head start inthe
realising their potential remains arrested and pu
minimal, due to their inability to overcome the stigma that is
the very ter
attached to such policies. Amartya Sen argues that "substantive
reservation
freedoms" include the idea of "human dignity" that refers,
The OBC
along with access to resources, health, education, equity of op- dis
portunities, also to the participation in the life of the commu-
policy; obcs
nity and the freedom to speak without fear. They should all
community
finally contribute towards "giving individuals greater control
regionalism
over his/her environment and thereby increase their freedom".
the very
Sen considers both a "sense of self" and the capacity "to ap- gr
pear in public without shame" as relevant to the "capability to
political pro
function", and hence as falling within the scope of an account of
pursued in
justice and development (Sen 1998). The processes of stigmati-
sation that are socially and politically constructed replace the
"sense of self" with a stigmatised self and public shame. For
instance, scheduled castes (ses) have often been referred to as
schaddu or as sarkar ke damad (sons-in-law of the government) to
both demean them and also to remind them that what they are
getting is a form of "charity and not parity" (Guru 2009: 18). The
other form that is often used by the upper caste students in pro-
testing against reservation is to sweep the streets, polishing shoes
in the streets, and holding placards that read "murder of merit".
Both polishing shoes and sweeping the streets signify a reminder
that earlier dalits (ses) pursued these functions and therefore
were socially accorded a lower social status and to convey to the
fellow upper caste students that government policy of reserva-
tion will eventually push them towards these menial jobs.
The policies of affirmative action seem to create an inherent
conflict between the processes of redistribution and the de-
mands for recognition. While it is a fact that the policies of
reservation have created new opportunities for the specific
disadvantaged social groups, these however have come at a
cost of causing the more intangible injury of misrecognition.
Thispaper is p
The result is to mark the most disadvantaged class as inherently deficient
South Asia", fu
with
and insatiable, as always needing more and more. In time such a class
Goldsmit
can come to appear privileged, the receipt of special treatment and unders-
Kathmandu; an
erved largesse. Thus, an approach aimed at redressing injustices of dis-
University, Ne
tribution can end up creating injustices of recognition (Fraser 2008: 31).
grant received
StudiesAs Fraser puts it, stigmatisation is a modefor of "adding the car
his assistance d
insult of misrecognition to the injury of deprivation". We could
Ajay Gudavarth
rephrase this, in the context of the brahminical social order
Political Studie
in India, as "mobility without dignity". It was precisely to
Economic & Political weekly ДДИ February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 55
overcome this kind of a deadlock or negation that В R Ambed- is critical of Ambedkar for his insistence and emphasis on the
kar while tirelessly struggling for the material amelioration role of the elites. He believes that "Ambedkar's approach
of the ses also cautioned them against reducing it merely to suffered from a strong statist and elitist bias" and the state
reservation, as the larger agenda was that of regaining honour could not play a transformative role "unless it was led by a
and dignity and reclaim the title deeds of their humanity that Westernised elite, of whom Ambedkar saw himself as one"
had been taken away by their masters. He argued: (Parekh 2009: 22).
You should realise what our objective is. It is not fighting for a few jobs The alternative strategy of Ambedkar to regain recognition
here and there or for a few concessions. It is the highest cause that we and self-confidence was by way of abandoning Hindu religion
have cherished in our heart, that is, to see that we are recognised as when he famously said "I will certainly not die as a Hindu" and
the governing community (quoted from Parekh 2009: 10).
therefore sought "liberation from Hinduism and not reform
It was in order to regain or reclaim dignity that Ambedkar of Hinduism". On 14 October 1956, Ambedkar converted to
made a series of experiments that even looked, at times, mutually Buddhism in a ceremony in Nagpur. One of the reasons he pre-
exclusive. Ambedkar on the one hand wished to use the power ferred Buddhism over other religions was that it provided a
of caste as community to overcome the caste system, on the "theory of social action" through a cultural template. It was, in
other he argued for its annihilation by abandoning the caste sta- a sense, a transference of his earlier conviction of building
tus through conversion. By way of using the caste identity recognition and dignity through struggles, as "the fundamental
Ambedkar argued that the "depressed classes" need to realise purpose of dhamma is the recognition and removal of suffer-
that they are the majority and can easily get political power, pro- ing through human action" (Vidhu Verma 2010: 60). However,
vided they succeed in forging political unity. Ambedkar argued: even conversion has not helped realise the kind of recognition
...the scheduled castes and the backward classes form the majority of that Ambedkar was looking for. Ambedkarite Buddhists are
the population of the country. There is no reason why they should not associated primarily with the Mahar subcaste and it has there-
rule the country. All that is necessary is to organise for the purpose of fore failed to eradicate caste identities and varied forms of
capturing political power which is your own (cited from Rodrigues 1990).
humiliation associated with it.2 Further, the conversion strategy
got inextricably interlinked with the debate on reservations.
Ambedkar's Argument for Reservations Both neo-Buddhists and dalit Christians have been demand-
With this in mind, he argued, as part of the Poona Pact, for ing the extension of reservations to them as they belong to the
separate representation "either through separate electorates" sc and scheduled tribe (st) communities, which has made
(in the absence of adult suffrage) or through "joint electorates them further susceptible to the popular prejudice that though
by adult suffrage" (Pantham 2009: 189). 1 Finally, it was decided they are liberated from casteism, they continue to seek bene-
that reserved seats was a better option in order to empower the fits accrued due to caste identities. In fact, in a strange but
depressed classes without making them politically untoucha- pertinent case dalit Buddhists registered as the Buddhist Soci-
ble. It was also in this spirit that Ambedkar later argued for ety of India, complained of social stigma and filed a case seek-
reservation, for those coming from the ses, in jobs (especially ing the scrapping of reservation benefits to dalit Buddhists
bureaucracy) and institutions of higher education. He believed under the Constitution, with specific reference to the Presi-
that the new elites (born out of reservation in both represent- dential Order of 1990 extending reservation to dalit Bud-
ative bodies and jobs) from the ses would represent and play dhists. The Supreme Court of India however struck down and
a positive role by way of both lending confidence to their fel- dismissed the petition ( Hindustan Times , "Being Dalit Not a
low downtrodden and also struggle on their behalf to extend Boon for Buddhists", 7 January 2010).
all the benefits that they themselves managed to get. Through The other kind of failure of the strategy of conversion as
such a strategy Ambedkar felt both a sense of agency through "politics of recognition" has been the objection raised more
struggle and thereby dignity, as well as economic benefits can recently by some of the dalit leaders, such as Thol. Thirumavalavan
be assured to the dalits.
of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi in Tamil Nadu, that
The new born elite would be the social force that would be conversion is in fact reducing dalits to a numerical minority
representative of his belief that "out of hard and relentless strug- among the population. He argues that maintaining a numeri-
gle that one derives strength, self-respect, self-confidence and cal high is an absolute necessity, if dalits have to get political
recognition". However, Ambedkar was also amongst the first power, which is in turn indispensable to their emancipation.
to realise the failure and criticised the limits of such "politics Conversion, therefore, negates the other significant strategy of
of presence" when he expressed his disappointment that "the getting representation and thus political power as stressed by
educated few have proved to be a worthless lot, with no sym- Ambedkar and needs to be abandoned as a useful strategy in
pathies for their downtrodden brethren" they were busy contemporary electoral-representative democracies. Without
"fighting among themselves for leadership and power" (cited political power and the "strategic use" of numerical strength,
from Parekh 2009: 28). Further, the new elite themselves re- dalits once again will become dependent on caste-Hindus
mained stigmatised, and failed to move beyond the socially without agency and capacity for decision-making, entailing
imposed frames, as they were perceived to be enjoying undue and enabling practices of misrecognition. Thus, they believe
benefits, and lacked the merit and efficiency to handle the that certain strategies, in this case, of overcoming misrecogni-
positions they occupied. In fact, Bhikhu Parekh alluding to this tion have adverse impact on representation, spinning off
50
FEBRUARY il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 E32S3 Economic & Political WEEKLY
complex and conflicting dynamics between recognition, redis- India began to witness political movements of the subcastes
tribution and representation. within the ses. For instance, Andhra Pradesh is witnessing the
It is imperative to note that both the strategies suggested by growing conflict between the Malas and Madigas (Rao 2009).
Ambedkar get negated as they get inextricably entangled While the obcs constitute close to 50% of the population (accord-
with the processes of legal codification, and thereby become ing to most estimates), they are not a cohesive social group
susceptible and subjected to vulgar objectification. While either on the basis of objective criteria or in terms of subjective
the former strategy of reservation settles to produce a self- perceptions. Internally differentiated and heterogeneous groups
enclosed elite that plays an insignificant role in dignifying the can neither be socially mapped around stable cultural practices
rest, the later idea of conversion gets inflected into producing nor can they be attributed with certain economic status that will
caste identities even outside of Hinduism. In other words, the in turn make it possible to value their "moral worth" (Sayers
modern state's discourse of reservations based on codification 2005). This difficulty in not being able to culturally codify and
- transition from fuzzy to enumerated communities - arrests socially enumerate them disallows both the process of being
the mobility necessary for transformation (Kaviraj 1999; Dirks externally (objectively) objectified and internally (subjectively)
2001). As Patchen Markell suggests, the "grammar of recogni- reified. An escape from these processes makes social groups too
tion" itself becomes a way of classifying procedures by states, opaque to be stigmatised, even if they are availing the benefits
"rendering their populations cognisable and manageable" of reservations. Instead the public domain is gradually witness-
(cited from Feldman 2002: 418). This politics of recognition ing an assertion, without an accompanying sense of shame, by
brings about the classical recognition-redistribution dilemma those demanding and enjoying the benefits of reservations.
entailing either displacing demands of redistribution or reify- obcs can be mapped into three different categories around
ing cultural identities and reinforcing dominant modes of mis- the axis of social status, income and educational qualifications.
recognition (Fraser 2008). The politics of reservations, there- The upwardly mobile backward classes have both economic
fore, needs a new methodology as much as a new social force (land, and property) and political power. The middle level
that can successfully avoid both the problem of displacement backward classes are the dominant castes - the peasant castes
and that of reification in order to overcome stigma. - in the rural areas that are slowly and gradually improving
It is in this context that we need to explore the impact and their educational status. Finally, the most backward classes
the possibility of de-stigmatising the discourse on reservations, (mbcs) or extremely backward classes are the service castes
with the inclusion of the "Other Backward Classes" (obcs) that are largely landless, belonging to low income groups and
within its ambit. It is no longer sufficient to attempt to liber- are precariously perched between the other obcs and the dalits
ate groups through reservation without liberating the dis- (Pai unpublished). Within this tripartite division these castes/
course of reservation itself. For this, it is imperative to have classes can be further differentiated around varied axis includ-
new social forces that can substantially "resignify" (Butler ing that of region, for instance, between the north and the
2000) the meanings and practice of pursuing protective dis- south. For instance, with regard to the mbcs, while in the north
crimination, through a self-perception and self-confidence they are mostly poor and landless, in the southern state of
that is not a result of reservations but is preordained or prior Tamil Nadu
to availing such benefits. This pre-given self-confidence can the Vanniyars for example, designated as mbcs are an assertive, eco-
then change the terms of discourse through an assertion nomically better-off and upwardly mobile caste who have formed their
against externally imposed unjust reading of reservation as a own political party, the Pattali Makal Katchi (pmk). The Karunanidhi
government designated them the Vanniyars as mbcs in 1989 and
charity, or an undue privilege. This paper will argue that the
provided them 20% of the total 49% reservations in educational insti-
"second democratic upsurge" that India is witnessing with
tutions and government employment... (ibid).3
obcs as the new democratic social force will construct a new
social/political space, by way of liberating all social groups The backward classes in the south due to the anti-brahmin
that have been the beneficiaries of affirmative action from movements in the early 20th century gained reservations from
suffering humiliation and public shame and by de-stigmatis- the colonial government in both higher education and employ-
ing the discourse of reservations itself. ment. The bulk of them therefore not only hold professional jobs
but are also well versed in English, and enjoy urban lifestyles.
OBCs as the New Democratic Force Similarly, in the north the debate is increasingly shifting
from
obcs, in comparison to the ses, are sociologically distinct in inter-caste discrimination to intra-caste differentiation
and discrimination. The Hukum Singh Committee report in
terms of being internally heterogeneous and culturally, socially
Uttar Pradesh, constituted in 2001, pointed that there are 79
and economically differentiated. Unlike the dalits, the mobili-
subcastes within the obcs. The backward caste category con-
sation of the obcs was always self-conscious of internal differ-
entiation. The dalit movement, on the contrary, began as sisteda of just one caste - Yadav (also called Ahir/Gwala/Yadu-
cohesive movement of various subcastes that were, though cul-vashiya); more backward castes (mrbcs) included 8 subcastes
turally different and hierarchised, were economically similar- Sonar/Sunar/Swarnkar, Jat, Kurmi/Chanau/Patel/Patanwar/
and Ambedkar could successfully unite them without subcaste Kurmi-Mali/Kurmi-Sainthwar, Giri, Gujjar, Gosain, Lodh/
Lodha/Lodhi/Lot/Lodh-Rajput,
conflicts ever taking precedence over the larger conflict with Kamboj; and finally the mbcs)
included 70 sub-castes (AK Verma 2010: 12).4
caste-Hindus and Hinduism itself. It was only in the 1990s that
On the one hand across economic status the subcastes got Rajputs are mostly organised in Delhi to confirm their status as
differentiated, while on the other the various jatis have backward. It is a telling fact that backward class movement
emerged as "large conglomerates of what were earlier small
clamoured for the 'Kshatriya' status which was denied to them by
and varied subcastes"
forward castes... Today, it is no longer interested in assessing the
These two contrary trends, one, the differentiation and undermining 'Khastriya' status rather the All-India Federation for Backward Classes
of the inherited forms of constitution of castes and, the other, that as well as its varied local forms, have as their chief concerns: access to
of the process of internal unification have had a simultaneous run state resources, representation in decision-making spheres of the
(Alam 2008: 9). government... (Yadav 2002: 4500).
This simultaneous move towards fusion and fission between Demands from such dominant groups are gradually making
various caste groups makes it difficult to either map or identify reservations a more generalised feature of the Indian polity,
them with certain essentialised traits; instead it takes a more rather than being identified with any specific caste, commu-
pragmatic turn. In the course of my interviews with a cross nity or classes. This in turn makes it very difficult for the so-
section of students, and professionals coming from the various called forward or upper castes to denounce or stigmatise the
subcastes identified as the obcs, one of the key feature was the discourse of reservations. Instead, this debate has headed in
pragmatic and purely legal approach to the issue of reserva- the direction of "reverse social osmosis" seeking reservation
tions.5 Backwardness, unlike untouchability, does not produce for the poor among the upper castes (А К Verma 2010: 13).6 It
a victim-subject and whose subjective perception is not has also enabled to seek a renewed justification for the reser-
constructed either with self-contempt or a stigmatised victim- vations to the ses and sts. In course of my interviews all the
hood. It seems to instead produce a citizen capable of speaking respondents argued that it is justified to give reservations to
and asserting the language of rights, legal and constitutional the dalits, and some of them expressed the view that though
entitlements, and pointing towards the limitations of planning for obcs it should be time-bound and follow the criterion of
and public policy in the past. In other words, a pragmatic creamy layer exclusion but for dalits at least for some time
political-language has replaced an essentially cultural-moral more it should be given unconditionally. More than altruism,
idiom, in which the dalit movement continues to locate itself, what these views reflect is the realisation that without fully
for asserting the need for reservations. The pragmatic ap- justifying the reservations for the dalits, obcs cannot demand
proach, in this case, represents both a certain distance from reservations for themselves. This pragmatic approach has
the identity standpoint one is speaking from and also a self- reinforced, and will further entrench, the idea that reserva-
conscious understanding of one's caste-identity and the forced tions are a justified means of achieving social justice, and not a
backwardness without any accompanying anxiety about sop for a few.
being stigmatised. In the case of the obcs, for instance like that of Yadavs, it is
interesting to observe that they use various ways to generate
Interviews
their own sense of self-confidence. Lucia Michelutti argues
that in course of her fieldwork she discovered that even rich
For instance, Ravi Kiran is a Yadav from a village near Visakha-
patnam in Andhra Pradesh. His father is barely literate Yadav and businessmen in Delhi kept buffaloes and cows in their
sells clothes on a bicycle. He himself got educated in a munici-
farmhouses and they proudly declared that in spite of being
pal school till fifth standard and then shifted to a public school
rich they cannot forget their "origins and traditional skills".
education in the English medium. He recollected that the edu-
The Yadavs are proud not only of their genealogical link with Krishna
cation in his public school was expensive, and he used to wear
the cow-herder but also of the animals that they rear. In India the spe-
torn shoes, and vividly remembered being punished for not cies of animal a caste domesticates has a bearing on its social status,
and since the cow is at the top of the animal hierarchy, the Yadavs
paying fees on time. It is interesting to observe that suffering
consequently think that they must have a high ritual status (Michelutti
poverty of this nature has resulted in a resolve to achieve so-
2007: 651).
cial and economic mobility, and not in self-contempt and vic-
timhood. The traits of victim-subject, in contrast, distinctly
Yadav political organisations such as the All India Yadav
frame the making of dalit subjectivity. When asked about Mahasabha (aiym) portrays Krishna as the "leader of social jus-
availing the provision for reservation in education and jobs he and construct a distinct "ethno-historical imaginary" that
tice"
clearly articulated that: also emphasises the need for a "muscular ideology" that re-
minds
I will claim. It's given constitutionally. I do not have the fear that if the state that they are no pushovers. The physicality of
everyone knows I am an овс. I cannot be discriminated... It's a right. I
their politics working with "gang solidarity" represents the
should not be discriminated on caste grounds... It's illegal.
performance dimension of their own version of self-respect.
To carry the argument further, another distinct dimension
Many in the course of my interviews expressed views that Ya-
that is impacting (read dignifying) the discourse of reservation is have low intellect, are violent and "not good in studies
davs
the fact that groups that are dominant and enjoy politicalbut
andfit for physical activities". These perceptions might influ-
economic power are themselves wanting to be part of the ence
re- the Yadavs to realise the importance of education but fail
served category. For example, some from the upwardly mobiletoJat
dislodge their self-confidence of who they are.
community have argued "If Khatis, Charans, Sunars, and Darzis Michelutti argues that Yadav caste rhetoric constructs
are declared as backward, why not us" (Datta 1999: 2630).
"Yadav essences" that includes the idea that every Yadav has
58
February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 Q353 Economic & Political WEEKLY
"a predisposition for politics" and "they say that in every bitter subcaste conflicts within the dalits. The Madigas in And-
Yadav there is a Mulayam" (ibid: 647)7 It is this predisposed hra Pradesh, under the leadership of the Madiga Reservation
self-confidence that they induce into the discourse on reser- Porata Samithi (mrps), at one stage even argued that Malas
vations. Reservations are merely a tool to achieve what is the were more "ruthless oppressors" than even the brahmins.
predisposed talent of the community, and does not define In a sense, reservations almost had a counterproductive ef-
their essence. The discourse on reservations becomes vernac-
fect in overcoming caste hierarchies and accompanying preju-
ularised - "the process through which ideas and practices dices. Even those who moved ahead within their castes did not
of democracy become embedded in particular cultural and wish to be identified with their communities. This process far
social practices and in turn become entrenched in the con- from adding to confidence has in fact enabled a process of stig-
sciousness of ordinary people" (ibid: 653). It is the internal matisation where the popular belief was that the elites of these
practices that define and inform the spirit of reservations communities were rank opportunists and abandoned their
rather than other way round. fellow-sufferers once they benefited from reservations. The
upper caste often used this to delegitimise the very idea of res-
Resignifying Reservations ervations being useful to no one except those few who directly
Reservations for the obcs in spite of following the quota system benefited from it. In other words, it was argued that there was
are fast transforming the way they are perceived in the popular no rub-off effect socially which was often offered as a justifica-
imagination in the public domain. This, in part, is also due to the tion for reservations.
new modalities through which they are being implemented. It is in this context that the creamy layer exclusion in a sub-
Since caste was not the only criterion and overcoming tle way resignifies reservations as meant to neither create self-
backwardness was the purpose, the debate and the accompa- enclosed elites nor be dependent on elites to induce confidence
nying clauses in implementing the овс reservations were dif- in others. Elite-induced confidence makes it possible that the
ferent from that about the dalits. These criteria in themselves very modality of pursuing reservations is based only on a
have had an impact in de-stigmatising the provision of reser- "need based approach" and is therefore a temporary measure
vations. One of the central issues was the inclusion of the to correct an imbalance rather than a permanent feature. Even
Ambedkar had argued that the reservations for the ses and
creamy layer exclusion criteria in implementing the овс res-
sts need to be time-bound and restricted to a period of 10
ervations. The Justice R N Prasad Committee set up in 1993 to
decide on the definition of creamy layer termed it as years, though he had restricted this criterion to the case of res-
when a person was able to shed off the attributes of educational and socialervations in political representation. Time-bound reservations
seem to be necessary to achieve both redistribution and recog-
backwardness and has secured employment or has engaged himself in
some high status profession or trade (rn Committee Report, 1993). 8 nition. The Supreme Court, in fact, was of the opinion that
reservations should not be in perpetuity but should be
Apart from the balancing act of making sure that most de-
periodically revised. The earlier anxiety, in the case of dalits,
serving individuals within the obcs benefited from reserva-
was that this was the only instrument available to them to pro-
tions, the criterion of creamy layer exclusion had its own posi-
tive impact in overcoming misrecognition due to reservations.vide opportunities, given both their economic plight as well as
The conventional argument against creamy layer exclusionthe overwhelming prejudice against them. However, in the
in reservations has been that case of the obcs it seems that given the ability of these groups
by disqualifying those most likely to succeed in elite institutions,to articulate their grievances openly, the time-bound criterion
creamy layer exclusion undermines the very purpose of the proposed will offer them the opportunity to counter and negate those
law (Deshpande 2008). who either use it to discredit reservations as such or those who
stigmatise groups that benefit from such advantages.
The other more culture-centric critique of creamy layer was
that the elites in each community have "given confidence to It is interesting to observe that all the interviewees from
both the lower mbcs and the upwardly mobile obcs supported the
the others to aspire for higher positions in life rather than
idea of creamy layer exclusion. Amit Yadav, whose father is a
come in the way of their advancement, were matters of no rel-
evance to this process of deductive reasoning" (Balagopal class-iv railway employee in Asansol, was of the opinion that
"reservations are only to get jobs... what is important is educa-
2009: 17). This line of reasoning however does not sufficiently
tion", therefore once you have the required income there is
interrogate whether and how creamy layer exclusion itself will
add to the confidence of those availing reservations, and invery
a little need for reservations and the creamy layer criterion
should be applied. Similarly, Rajesh, who belongs to the Pasi
manner distinct from the way an elite-induced confidence works.
(fishermen) community and hails from Sahibgunj, a small town
Ambedkar himself realised the role of elites in providing oth-
in Jharkhand supported the creamy layer exclusion criterion,
ers in their community with the confidence to move upwards;
however this dependence on elites has lead to new classesin spite of belonging to the Economically Backward Caste (ebc).
within each community, and in turn to a process where theHe also observed that "more information about state policies and
distance between the elites and non-elites was so marked thatproper implementation will lead to less conflict. . . and more
the elites identified more with the affluent classes/castes ratherwill agree with the creamy layer criterion". It could be ob-
than with their own communities. It is due to these reasons thatserved that in order to get state benefits these young students
states such as Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra have witnessed
did not wish to compromise on their dignity.
Economic & Political weekly ВШЭ February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 59
SPECIAL ARTICLE ÊEEE eeeeeeeeeeee=
The debate on community or caste that is intrinsically

reservations is also meritorious or disa-
being su
formed in the bled. Along with
manner inthis, however,
which they argued that thereidea
the are o
propriated by many examinations
these new inclaimants
which obcs are the toppers, and
of qualifyreser
to the the dalits.
case
in open of
competition. In
Santoshthe
Kumar, from dalits,
Madhubani districtfor v
ervations in Bihar, got
merit who is a Gupta
and and from the Baniya community
dichotomised in
argued that
compartments. They even within obcs there
mostly is stiff competition
argued and in
that th
is bogus and a fraudulent-construct
spite of reservations it is not easy to get through. He took pride of t
did not provide that those
any who qualify through reservations
alternative are also therefore
basis for it
that pronounced meritorious. Amit Yadav argued
judgments in that if you take a headcount
support of
believed that though this
you will find that "maximumis number aof drain
intelligent people on t
efficiency of the come from the овс communities".
system, it Thiswas kind of an appropria-
necessar
tion and linking social
provisions for certain of merit, competition and reservations goes
groups that
beyond a dichotomised approach that allows
quately avail the opportunities for public sham-
provided by
ety alike. While ing of those
this has belonging
a topublic
the reserved categories. Along with
reasoning
has in a subtle this, the Central Educational
manner Institutions (Reservations and
reinforced the d
against groups Admissions) Billof
availing 2006, that introduces reservations for the
reservations. Th
the way courts pronounced
obcs in central universities, provided
judgments
for a unique provision of on r
accused for increasing
violating seats for the
the general category students.
chastity of The earlier
the vi
they further reinforced the
argument of illegitimately cuttingdominant
into the seats did not hold at noti
lack of control and all,
agency
and it also proves theof
point that
women
groups other than theon
upper thei
ing a castes have in
"victim-subject" a legitimate
needclaim on theof
resourcesprotection
of the nation.
In fact, with regard to caste, this mode
courts OBCsand Politics
have furthered was borrowed from
constituent assembly,
Along with while
the new modalities,
making
овс politics are, unlike
provis
dalits,
It was argued that

not exclusively caste-centric.
departures
Along with caste they are articu-
from merit selec
group quotas would lating theirpublic
harm demands and politics
intereston the lines in
of region,
an eff
and good religion and
government... the language. This mode of pursuing politics
Constituent Assembacross
such special provisions shall
multiple be
axis and not justsubjected to
caste alone also makes it the
difficult to 'm
and efficiency' of the administration (Sahoo 200
essentialise and objectify them. They are active in articulating
One such caveat was to
various issues exclude
that are those
of significance in the high politics of thepr
quire higher skills and
centre specialisation
and the state, in t
which in turn has a moderating impact
interests". For instance, Ananthasayanam
on their caste-politics in general and the demand for reserva- A
the constituent assembly
tions in particular. that "with regar
which require enormous
Rajini Kothari argued skill and
that extending capacit
reservations to the
rulescannot be relaxed, because
obcs is part of "a great secular upsurge", aspublic
it brings together int
erwise" (Constituent
"not only allAssembly Debates
the lower castes but also the poor or 'backward' of
Volume IX, 30 July to while
other religions, 18 September
at the same time it prevents Hindus from194
bated as to what acting as be
will a solid bloc"
the (Kumar 1992: 299). As Kothari
impact of argues,
this
reservations and nor was
"Caste, indeed, is the it deliberated,
great seculariser in a society being pulled ev
day courts, as to how apart by convoluted
we could religions bent impart
upon tearing apart thethe
dividuals coming social from fabric" (Kothari 1990). The fact that there are obcs among ba
disadvantaged
almost assumed that itas the
Hindus as well was not
Muslims bringing possible
them together within t
cialisation, but for what apparent reason
the ambit of the same state policy, has its positive impact of
without a debate. The courts in a convoluted manner rein- foregrounding backwardness and economic or class-centric
issues. However, along with this, some scholars have also
forced the idea of merit and efficiency of the dominant caste
groups and dalits themselves rejected any viable or alternative
argued to the contrary that this lumping together of backward
notion of merit. Both these factors entrenched the hegemony
castes and religious minorities has resulted in the growth of
of the dominant castes and dalits effectively remained outsid-
communalism and Hindu identity politics. For instance, Ornit
ers to public institutions, and thereby silently suffered humili-
Shani has argued, in the context of Gujarat that,
ation, rejection and indignation. In spite of an inter-Hindu caste reservations conflict and prevailing
class tensions among them, an all-Hindu consolidation against Muslims
Re-Appropriating Merit emerged.. Their general impoverishment in the city [of Ahmedabad]
made it difficult to explain why and how the rhetoric about their peril
As against the dalit discourse, the obcs seem to have re-appropri-
to the Hindu majority became persuasive. Moreover, upper caste
ate the discourse on merit. They have a pragmatic approach
groups who led the anti-reservation struggle and the communal insti-
to the idea of merit. Most of the interviewees accepted that gation started gaining support from some groups among the Dalits
merit is essentially linked to the opportunities and there is no
who did not obviously benefit from their agenda (Shani 2007: 132).
February 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 QSS3 Economic & Political WEEKLY
Regionalism Act 1963, on the material issue of entry into the union public
овс communities have also gained access to political and eco- services, it was agreed that all the languages listed in the
nomic power, not merely through caste-centric politics but also Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India, that is, "all the
through the politics of region, obcs have been a strong force major regional languages as well as Hindi and English, could
behind the phenomenon of formation of regional parties be used as a media of examination" (ibid: 166). With the obcs
across the country and spearheaded the collapse of the "Con- coming into public institutions in a big number following the
gress-system". For instance, in Andhra Pradesh, the backward new reservation of 27%, they are re-articulating the issue of
classes were the mainstay of regional parties such as the use of Hindi for the purposes of employment and also education.
Telugu Desam Party (tdp). The bulk of the interviewees were not only from small
towns, and first-generation graduates but also mostly edu-
In January 1983, the state saw the eclipse of the Congress(I) govern-
ment headed by Kotla Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy and coming into power of cated in Hindi medium till their graduation. Again, somewhat
tdp... In the political charade ntr proved to be cleverer. He established in contrast to the dalit politics, they have a more pragmatic
himself as the unchallenged champion of the bcs by enhancing вс res- approach to the issue of language. They, on the one hand,
ervations to 40% (Shatrugna 1994: 2398). refuse to attach any stigma for having studied in Hindi
More recently in Andhra Pradesh, the struggle for a separate medium and, on the other, recognise the need to know English
state of Telangana had its roots along with other issues, in the for the purpose of jobs and being in tune with global require-
loss of livelihood of traditional service castes. In various dis- ments. Here again the dalit movement has argued that Eng-
tricts the Joint Action Committees (jac) formed to mobilise lish is a mode of "emancipation" for the dalits and the only
people and organise protest rallies were represented by the secular language. Dalit activists such as Chandrabhan Prasad
various caste groups. In some districts, as scholars have ob- in fact went to the extent of building a temple for the "goddess
served "seventy per cent of these groups are backward of English" in Uttar Pradesh, as a mark of gratitude and cele-
castes..." (Kannabiran et al 2010: 79). The obcs have been in bration of Thomas Macaulay's birthday ( The Wall Street Journal,
the forefront of not only the demand for share in the resources "A Dalit Temple to 'Goddess English'", 30 April 2010). Others,
but also to legitimise the social recognition of their culture in such as, Kancha Illiah (2011) have argued that:
the struggle for a new state. English education is the key for adopting the modernist approach
The movement for Telangana... has become a movement with unique suitable to the globalised India. The upper castes have handled the
characteristics. Masses belonging to all walks of life have come out to contradiction between English and their native quite carefully. But
the streets with their cultural symbols. We can see dalit-Bahujans when it comes to teaching English to the lower castes they have been
beating drums and dholaks, the Other Backward Classes (obcs) with proposing a theory that English will destroy the 'culture of the soil'.
their ploughshares and bullock carts, shepherds with their flock, toddy
tappers with their moku (rope assembly used to climb palm trees) and These arguments again were vulnerable to the assertions
muttadu (the belt they wear to keep their hatchet) and stone-breakers that dalits continued to suffer from a colonial hangover and
with their own iron artefacts (ibid). were victims of western hegemony. It could also be argued
Similarly, the obcs are active in the demand for smaller that such strategies of emulation are the renewed form that
states such as Bundelkhand that includes six districts in Uttar "Sanskritisation" has taken in modern times.
Pradesh, and seven districts in Madhya Pradesh. It is an овс In contrast, for instance, Nishad Vaibhav, from Champaran
dominant region with obcs constituting more than 50% of the in Bihar, graduated in Hindi medium and argued that Hindi
population and the issues of backwardness are being articu- "should be allowed", and nonchalantly said that "teachers help
lated along the lines of regionalism by the овс organisations to study in English. . .but I write in Hindi and do not see a problem
and not caste alone, with unusually active support from the in this" during the course of this author's interview. One of the
Government of Uttar Pradesh itself headed by Mayawati. modes of assertion of the obcs, and of making their presence
felt in public institutions such as universities has been by de-
Linguistic Assertion manding that teaching and study material be made available
obcs have also been foregrounding the question of language to them in Hindi, as it is officially recognised and is the public
that was put on the backburner for sometime now in Indian responsibility of the authorities. In fact, Mulayam Singh Yadav,
politics. After Independence the question of official language made a strong pitch for education in mother tongue as against
included primarily the status of English. Similarly, English to give an edge to the lower castes/classes in India.9
the second major issue then arose concerning which one or more of This agenda has been at odds with that of the dalit politics.
the major languages of India should be adopted as the official lan- Reflecting on this, Chandrabhan Prasad has observed that,
guage of the country (Brass 1990: 162).
When a couple of years back, we launched English as the goddess,
Hindi was considered as a possible option since it was some prominent obcs intellectuals were upset with me. I later realised
spoken by the largest number of people in the country, how- that 'remove English' was the first major political movement the obcs
had launched in the North India. I also understand that, the Dravidian
ever the non-Hindi speaking states objected as it would
movement accorded excessive importance to Tamil language and saw
give those in the north an undue advantage as it would be the
English with contempt (Prasad 2008).
language for holding exams for employment in public serv-
ices, and also the fact that non-Hindi languages are equally The issue of Hindi overlaps again with the conflict between
national. Revisiting this issue as part of the Official Language a small - mostly upper caste - English-speaking elite and the
Economic & Political weekly Dû February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6
vast majority who are well-versed in various Indian lan- terms and dynamics that need to be factored as indispensable
guages. However, public institutions would now come under to any process of démocratisation. These are bound to be in
a new stress and need to recognise that merely providing res- conflict with received forms - read dominant - upper caste
ervations to the OBCs is not sufficient but they will have to discourse of articulating issues of democracy, equality and
make space for other related curricular issues. This could be dignity. The politics of obcs have now brought into the public
read as asserting space within the institutions and also ques- domain issues that are likely to change the very terms of dis-
tioning the elite-bias through which they have been operating course in which the debate on reservations was pursued for
so far. In other words, though the Official Language Act pro- the last three decades. Overcoming the stigma of reservations
vided a provision for the use of all major Indian languages, is most likely to impact not merely the obcs and other benefici-
there were no resources or necessary back-up provided to aries of such affirmative policies but is in fact set to influence
actualise these provisions. the very grounds on which public institutions, policy and politi-
To conclude, it needs to be recognised that the "politics of cal processes have, so far, been perceived and pursued in
recognition" that obcs have set into motion has its own set of Indian politics.
NOTES
Thackeray of the Maharashtra Navnirman Pantham, Thomas (2009): "'Against Untouchability':
Sena (MNS). The Discourses of Gandhi and Ambedkar" in
i The British prime minister announced the
"communal award" wherein he granted both Gopal Guru (ed.), Humiliation: Claims and Context
separate electorates and reserved seats to the (New Delhi: Oxford University Press), 179-209.
REFERENCES Parekh, Bhikhu (2009): "Logic of Humiliation" in
Depressed Classes in 1932.
2 Though it does not mean that this strategy has Gopal Guru (ed.), 23-41.
Alam, Javed (2008): "Emerging Class Formation
been given up by the dalit movement, as re- the Oppressed Castes and Its
among Prasad, Chandrabhan
Political Im- (2008): "OBCs Emancipa-
cently as in 2006, 20 lakh people converted to tor", The Pioneer, 13 April.
plications", Social Scientist, November-Decem-
Buddhism, in order to celebrate the 50thber,
yearVol 36, Nos 11-12; 5-19. Rao, Chinna (2009): Dividing Dalits (Jaipur: Rawat).
of Ambedkaťs Deeksha (Verma 2010: 61). RN Committee Report (1993): Expert Committee,
Balagopal, К (2010): "Ideology and Adjudication",
3 Even around occupation the MBCs could be
Economic Government of India, headed by Justice Ram
& Political Weekly, December.
differentiated between the specialised service Nandan Prasad (Retd), 10 March (to determine
Brass, Paul (1990): The Politics of India since Inde-
castes such as the lohar and sonar and the arti- the criteria for identification of the socially ad-
pendence (Cambridge: Cambridge University
sanal service castes such as the Julaha, and
Press). vanced persons/sections - "Creamy Layer").
Kumbhar. Rodrigues, Valerian (1990): Essential Writings of
Butler, Judith (2000): "Subjection, Resistance, Re-
4 There was an attempt in Uttar Pradesh to sub- Ambedkar (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
signification" in W Brogan and J Risser (ed.),
divide the reservation in accordance with the Sahoo, Niranjan (2009): Reservation Policy and Its
American Continental Philosophy, 335-51
recommendations of the Hukum Singh (Bloomington: Com- Indiana University Press). Implementation across Domains in India (New
mittee, through an Amendment to the Delhi: Academic Foundation).
Datta,Uttar
Nonica (1999): "Backward Caste Movement
Pradesh Public Service Act. However, the Su- Sayers, Andrew (2005): The Moral Significance of
Gains Ground", Economic & Political Weekly,
preme Court in its order dated 14 December 11-17 September, 2630-31. Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
2001 and 21 January 2002 stayed the imple- Sen, Amartya (1998): Development as Freedom
Deshpande, Satish (2008): "Changing Social Com-
mentation of the provisions of the Amended position", Seminar, 587, July. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Act (А К Verma 2010: 12). Shani, Omit (2007): Communalism, Caste and Hin-
Dirks, Nicholas (2001): Castes of Mind (Princeton:
5 Fieldwork included intensive interviews with du Nationalism : The Violence in Gujarat (Cam-
Princeton University Press).
about 50 students and professionals from the bridge: Cambridge University Press).
Feldman, С Leonard (2002): "Redistribution, Rec-
ОВС communities for a period of one year be- Shatrugna, M (1994): "All Kapus as BCs: Reducing
ognition, and the State: The Irreducibility of
tween January to December 2010. The first Reservation to a Farce", Economic & Political
the Political Dimension of Injustice", Political
round was carried out in Delhi, and the second Weekly, Vol 29, No 37, 10 September, 2397-2400.
Theory, Vol 30, No 3, June, 410-40.
round was conducted in Hyderabad. The inter- Verma, А К (2010): "Subalterns in Uttar Pradesh",
Fraser, Nancy (2008): "From Redistribution to Rec-
views included questions about family back- Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 15, No 48,
ground (parent's educational qualifications, ognition? Dilemmas of Justice in a 'Post-Social-
27 November, 11-14.
and income) candidate's educational bac ist' Age" in Kevin Olson (ed.), Adding Insult to
Injury, 9-42 (London: Verso). Verma, Vidhu (2010): "Reinterpetating Buddhism:
ground, experience regarding movement from Ambedkar on the Politics of Social Action",
Guru, Gopal, ed. (2009): Humiliation: Claims and
his/her village to the city and urban lifestyle; Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 15, No 49,
views on reservations - both for the SC/STs Context (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
4 December, 56-66.
and the OBCs; on the issue of creamy layer andIlliah, Kancha (2011): "Dalits and English", Deccan
Yadav, Nomita (2002): "Other Backward Classes:
merit; intra-OBC division, and perceptions Herald, 2 May.
about the relation with other dominant castesKannabiran, Kalpana et al (2010): "On the Telan- Then and Now", Economic & Political Weekly,
2-15 November, Vol 37, Nos 44 and 45, 4495-
and the dalits. Names and case history of those gana Trail", Economic & Political Weekly, 27 4500.
cited are given in this article without any March, Vol 15, No 13; 69-83 2010.
change. Prior permission of the candidates hasKaviraj, Sudipta (1999): "On the Construction of
been taken. Colonial Power: Structure, Discourse, Hege-
6 Reservations for the poor among the upper mony" in Kaviraj (ed.), Politics in India (New Permission for Reproduction of
castes was suggested by the Mayawati govern- Delhi: Oxford University Press). Articles Published in EPW
ment in UP. Kothari, Rajni (1990): "Caste and Politics: The
7 Mulayam Singh Yadav who was the former Great Secular Upsurge", Times of India, 28 Sep- No article published in epw or part thereof
chief minister of Uttar Pradesh and presently tember.
heads the Samajwadi Party (SP), was a wres- Kumar, Dharma (1992): "The Affirmative Action should be reproduced in any form without
tler before he came into active politics. Debate in India", Asian Survey, Vol 32, No 3, prior permission of the author(s).
8 Rupees 1 lakh of annual income was decided March, 290-302.
I as the ceiling to decide who fall within the Michelutti, Lucia (2007): "The Vernacularisation of A soft/hard copy of the author(s)'s approval
creamy layer criterion. It was later increased to Democracy: Political Participation and Popular should be sent to epw.
Rs 2.5 lakh in 2004, and currently it is fixed at Politics in North India", Journal of the Royal
Rs 4.5 lakh. Anthropological Institute, 13; 639-56. In cases where the email address of the
9 Mulayam also made statements against use Pai, Sudha (2009): "Understanding 'Backwardness' author has not been published along with
of computers, which he later retracted. This for Affirmative Action: The Most Backward
agenda against English also is, ironically, Castes/Classes in Uttar Pradesh", unpublished the articles, epw can be contacted for help.
similar to the agenda of leaders such as Raj paper.
62
February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 QB59 Economic & Political WEEKLY
Cereal Consumption and Per Capita Income in India
CHRISTIAN OLDIGES
1 Introduction
This paper examines the relationship between per capita
cereal consumption and per capita income in India using
ured against monthly per capita consumption expenditure
the India Human Development Survey 2004-05. It turns
In ured (mpce).
(mpce).India,
Basedagainst
on National
per Based
SamplecapitaSurvey
monthly
(nss) ondata,National
the cereal per consumption capita Sample consumption Survey (pccc) (nss) is expenditure often data, meas- the
out that per capita cereal consumption remains
relationship between the twomuch
is a little puzzling: in any given
the same at different levels of per capita year,income, though
pccc is positively related to mpce across households, but
over time, pccc has been declining in spite of a sustained rise
it does vary substantially with education levels, household
in mpce.1 In other words, there is a contrast between cross-
size, occupation patterns and urbanisation.sectionThe
and time series datarecent
on the relation between pccc and
decline of cereal consumption overtime may reflect
mpce. The positive relation between the two in cross-section
data also contrasts
changes in these non-income factors. While cereal to some extent with international cross-sec-
tion patterns: across countries, pccc is lower at higher levels of
consumption seems unrelated to per capita income, it is
per capita expenditure.
positively related to per capita expenditure. Possible
This paper extends the evidence by examining the relation-
interpretations of this contrast are briefly discussed.
ship between pccc and per capita income (pci) in a given year.
Household surveys like the nss collect consumption expendi-
ture data but no income data. The India Human Development
Survey (ihds), however, collected both income and consump-
tion expenditure data in 2004-05, enabling us to look at both
income and expenditure elasticities of pccc in 2004-05.2
Our main finding is that pccc remains much the same at
different levels of pci (within rural or urban areas). In rural
areas, for instance, pccc hovers around 12 kg per month
across all income groups. This pattern contrasts sharply with
positive income elasticities of demand for other food items
such as milk, vegetables and fruits. Instead of being corre-
lated with income, pccc is substantially affected by educa-
tional levels, household size and occupation patterns. After
controlling for pci, mpce and other socio-economic variables,
pccc also varies across states and may therefore be influ-
enced by regional food habits and local preferences.
This does not mean that there is a contradiction between
nss and ihds data. Indeed, the positive relationship between
pccc and mpce is also visible in the ihds data and is very simi-
lar to the corresponding relationship in nss data. The real con-
trast therefore is not between nss and ihds data but between
expenditure-based and income-based Engel curves.
Recent research on changes in food consumption behaviour
in India has been concerned with the decline of pccc over the
last few decades. In this context, the decline of pccc has been
attributed to a diversification of diets (Dyson and Hanchate 2000),
a higher availability of urban goods in rural areas (Kumar et al
I am very grateful to Jean Drèze for guidance and innumerable
2007), rising relativeLeah
suggestions. I also want to thank Carsten Bormann, Vanita prices of cereals vis-à-vis
Falcao, other food
Aashish Gupta, Reetika Khera and Stefan Klonner foritemsvery
(Mittal 2007) andhelpful
improved transport infrastructure
advice, and Allahabad University for logistic support.
(Rao 2000). Overall, researchers tend to argue that the decline
in pccc is related to development
Christian Oldiges ( C.Oldiges@uni-heidelberg.de ) is pursuing a and increases in mpce
PhD inwhich
Development Economics at Heidelberg University, Germany.
enable households to move away from cereals towards a more
Economic & Political weekly Ш February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6
SPECIAL ARTICLE = =
diversified diet (Ku

community, h
tion piled
appears by
to Desa
jar w
to MPCE across
Much ofhous
the
be -
expectedpccc,
to mpce t
lead
The findings
pccc, of th
defined
reading preceding
of the 30
evide
of the in
mainkg) as "tot
determi
on bajra,
factors such maize,
as ed b
The and
decline wheat
of pccca
these factors
Monthlyinclud
pccc
activity levels.
set as The
the sum
at a The nss defines
given mpce "for the household as the total con-
point of t
measurement errors
sumer expenditure over all items divided by its size and ex-
in pressed on a per month (30 activity
earnings, days) basis" (nsso 2006: 5). In the
The remainder
nss, household consumer expenditure pertains to "theof total of t
Section 2 introduces
the monetary values of consumption of various groups of items,
cussesthe data.
namely, (1) food, In
paan (betel leaves), tobacco, intoxicants and Se
veysarefuel andused
light, (2) clothing and footwear, toand (3) miscellane- ex
mpce in ousrural areas.
goods and services and durable articles" (ibid: 4).3
The ihds, on the other hand, measures
income-based mpce on a mixed
Engel
relationships are
recall period. Questions regarding consumption expenditure re
Section 6"werepresents
modelled on the short form of the National Sample a s
urban India
Survey" and data collection(all data
used "a mixed recall period with
rural areas,
data for commonly usedunless
items restricted to the preceding st
30 days" (Desai et al 2010).
2 NSS and IHDS
In contrast, income data were collected for the preceding
The main source of nss data used in this paper is Report
year. No
"The ihds measure of income is summed across over 50
508 ("Household Consumer Expenditure Survey") based on components including wages and salaries, net farm
separate
the nss 61st round, conducted across the country between July
income, family business net income, property, and pension in-
2004 and June 2005. Data were collected from a samplecomes".ofTotal household income measured by the ihds pertains
79,298 rural and 45,346 urban households spread over 7,999
to the entire year. In this paper, pci refers to annual per capita
villages and 4,602 urban blocks, respectively (nsso 2006).
income Inas calculated from ihds data, expressed in rupees per
comparison, the ihds sample consists of only 27,010 rural
monthand
(for comparability with mpce).
13,126 urban households, covering "all states and union terri-
tories of India (with the exception of Andaman and 3 Per Capita Cereal Consumption and Expenditure
Nicobar
and Lakshadweep)". Furthermore, "of the 612 districts in India
in 2001, 382 are included in ihds" and "the sample is3.1 Evidence from NSS
spread
across 1,503 villages and 971 urban blocks" (Desai et al 2010). with nss data, Table 2 illustrates pccc trends over the
Starting
Table 1: Comparison of IHDS Data with Other Sources (in %) last decades. While in the early 1970s monthly pccc was as high
as 15 kg or so, by 2007-08
Table 2: Per Capita Cereal Consumption
in Rural India (1970-2008; kg/month)
SC population
it had declined by more

Yêãr PÕC Year PCCC
than 20% to less than 12
ST population
1970-71 15.35 Ť989-90 14.00

Literacy rate, age 7 and above
Knowledge of AIDS
kg. The decline has been 1972-73 15.26 1990-91 14.06
Households with electricity steady over the years from 1973-74 15.09 1991-92 13.50
Sources: Desai et al (2010, Table
1977-78 15.25 1993-94 13.40 AI.3
the late 1970s onwards.
1983 14.80 1999-2000 12.72
The National Sample
However, the decline in Su
1986-87 14.28 2004-05 12.11
ing out pccc has not been homo-
surveys over the
1987-88 14.47 2007-08 11.76
data collection
geneous across levels of Source:organisa
Various NSS reports available at http://mosp
hand, is mpce. Table
the 3 gives pccc gov.in
first survey
From Table 1, which compares ihds data Table 3: PCCC for Each MPCE Class (Rural India, 1993-2005; kg/month)
with data from the Census 2001, the nss
and the third National Family Health Survey 1993-94
(nfhs-3, conducted in 2005-06), ihds ap- 1999-2000
pears to be reasonably consistent with 2004-05
% change 1993-2005 2.1 -3.7 -5.8 -7.4 -9.2 -8.8 -9.8 -10.4 -11.4 -12.8 -14.8 -14.4
other sources. The selected indicators are
Source: NSS Report No 508. The column headings give the percentile range of the relevant MPCE class, from the poorest
meant to capture diverse fields related to 5% to the top 5%.
64
February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 щ
figures across 12 mpce classes for the three "thick rounds" of earlier between pccc and mpc
the Nss between 1993-94 and 2004-05. The largest decline in change in pccc across income
pccc occurred among the top mpce classes, with pccc is 12.29 kg per month, just
reductions of up to 15%. In fact, the higher the mpce class, the for the top quartile.
larger is the percentage decline. Figure 1 plots Engel curves
Comparison of Engel Cu
based on Table 3. The basic pattern is a clockwise "swing" 4.1
contrast discussed in th
over time, with larger pccc declines for higher mpce classes. The
seen
Figure
(more 1
clearly) :
by lookin
P
Engel curves of per capita ce
curves, estimated by non-para
are plotted together in Figure
Engel curve has a positive slop
then gradually flattening. In
curve is more or less flat.
Figure 2: PCI-Based and MPCE-Based Enge
50
•f 40
Another pattern which emerges, to be compared with the E
income approach later on, is the relation between pccc and I

| 30
mpce at a point of time, i e, in a given year. One finds that pccc 10
£2
a>
increases across the 12 mpce classes (Figure 1 and Table 3),
я 20
hence a positive relationship in every year. a MPCE-based^^^ ^

To sum up, two key findings emerge from nss data. First, there ¿10 -
is a positive and monotonie relationship between mpce and pccc

across households; in other words, better-off households (in terms 0 i i - i i - r-
0 500 1,000 1,500 2,000
of mpce) consume more cereals than poorer households. Sec- Per capita income/per capita ex
ond, over the last decades of rising mpce levels, pccc has de- Kernel = epanechnikov, degree = 0, band
Source: Author's calculation from IHDS d
clined, particularly (but not only) among higher mpce classes. per capita income scale. The diagram is
which include 90% of the observations.
3.2 Evidence from NSS and IHDS This pattern (a flat pci-ba
It is now possible to compare the nss 2004-05 findings with trasts sharply with positiv
milk, vegetables and fruit
iHDS data for the same year. As Table 4 indicates, both surveys
show a clear pattern of rising pccc with higher expenditure rises with per capita incom
levels. The relationship be-
Table 4: PCCC for MPCE Classes (Rural (in quantity terms) does n
tween pccc and mpce is quiteIndia, 2004-05; kg/month) households tend to purcha
similar in both surveys, with,
if anything, a somewhat
0-5 4.2 Interpretation
5-10
higher expenditure elasticity10-20 The question why the tw
of pccc in the iHDS data. based) yield such differen
20-30
One may recall that the ihd
30-40
4 Per Capita Cereal 40-50
basis, whereas expenditure
Consumption and Income 50-60 period. It is a common pr
As mentioned earlier, the ihds60-70 tions to collect expenditur
data set includes the per capita70-80 simple reason that total hous
income, which provides a 80-90 In rural India individuals
unique opportunity to analyse
90-95
tions or permanent jobs. T
cereal consumption from an-Source:
95-100 cannot be traced back to on
NSS Report No 508 and author's
other angle. In this section, calculations be data.
from IHDS derived from several s
ihds data are used to compare Table 5: PCCC for Because of the
PCI Classes (Rural India, diversity o
expenditure-based with in- 2004-05; kg/month) flow of income, it is diffic
come-based variations in pccc. Bottom decile
as monthly consumption ex
Table 5 presents a broad-
Bottom quartile
In light of this, analysing
Second quartile
brush picture of the pccc-pci pci may seem implausible.
Third quartile
relationship. Clearly, there is no be virtually random, the
Top quartile
positive relationship betweenFull simply reflect measuremen

sample
pccc and pci, as observed Source: Author's that the

calculations from ihds' pci variable i
IHDS data.
, 65
Economic
it correlates very well, in the expected manner, with other Since nss data suggest a positive relation between pccc and
socio-economic variables such as education, occupation, and mpce, one would expect dalit and adivasi households to
so on. This would not be the case if pci were just "noise". consume less cereals than the more affluent castes. Table 6,
pccc and MPCE, too, are exposed to measurement errors, however, suggests that
Table 6: Per Capita Cereal Consumption
and further, pccc measurement errors and mpce measurement and Monthly Par Capita Incorna by Casta/
there are, in fact, no signifi-
Religious Group (Rural India, 2004-05; kg/
errors are likely to be correlated, because mpce is the sum of cant differences in pccc
month)
cereal expenditure and other expenditure. According to Dea- across castes and religious Caste/ Religion
ton and Subramaniam (1996), each item of consumption "is groups. This is in line with High caste
certainly measured with some error" and since mpce is the the absence of any rela- OBC
sum of many different items, including cereals, mpce is also tionship between pccc Dalit
Adivasi
measured with error. While calculating the Engel curve for and pci (and with the pro-
Muslim
pccc with respect to mpce, spurious correlation occurs as "the posed interpretations of
Other
error of measurement is positively correlated with the compos- this pattern, discussed in OBC is Other Backwar
Source: Author's calcu
ite error term in the regression, itself partly determined by the the preceding section).
Tabla 7: Par Capita
measurement error in (cereals)". As the lowest expenditure It is another story, how- and Per finiti liiflHiMihv^"1"*^ ftwim
classes spend up to 35% on cereals (nss Report No 508), this ever, when one considers (Rural India, 2004-05)
bias can be substantial, possibly reflected in the positive slope occupation groups with Occupation
of the PCCC-MPCE curve. their respective activity Cultivation
The different slopes of the two Engel curves (мрсЕ-based and

Agriculture
levels and energy require-
ments. Table 7 shows
Non-agri labour
pci-based) can also be plausibly related to the fact that con-
Profession/pension 11.95 1,084
sumption expenditure is measured on a monthly basis while in- average pccc and pci Salaried
come is measured on a yearly basis. Expenditure being month- for different occupation Artisan
based may entail that pccc with respect to mpce is exposed to groups, and suggests that Other
the monthly fluctuations of expenditure. For instance, fluctua- those with occupations in- Business
tions can occur with seasonality. In harvest seasons, there is volving manual labour Petty trade
more work for agricultural labourers than in slack seasons. Be- consume more cereals Total
Source: Author's calcu
sides more income at their disposal individuals are likely to have than salaried or sedentary
Occupations ("main so
higher energy requirements in those seasons, resulting in higher workers (Figure 3). Thatranked in descending o
cereal consumption. This, in turn, leads to a positive slope for activity levels can play
the MPCE-based Engel curve. tion has been discusse
Monthly expenditure is also exposed to fluctuations arising (1996) and Deaton and
from short-term adjustments in consumption. Certain months sible enough that cere
may require a tightening of the belt due to unforeseen events ries for workers engag
like crop failure, death or sickness, etc. Especially poor house- high calorie requiremen
holds who are not able to fall back on savings may then be Figura 3: Par Capita Cereal Consumption and Par Capita Incorna by Occupation
(Rural India, 2004-05)
forced to substantially adjust their consumption patterns. As
other items of the household budget, e g, school fees, transport
expenses or house rent may be difficult to adjust, alterations in
cereal consumption maybe the outcome. These could be reflected
in a short-term response of pccc to mpce even if there is no
relation between pccc and per capita income on a yearly basis.
To illustrate the point, consider two identical agricultural
labour households who are surveyed in different months, say
one in the peak season and the other in the lean season. Even
though their yearly income would be identical (by assump-
tion), total consumption expenditure and pccc would be re-
ported as low for the household interviewed in the lean season
and high for the other one. Hence, a positive relation between Geographic differenc
pccc and mpce would emerge. trated in Figure 4 (p 67
ferences it appears at f
4.3 Other Observations
pccc levels than richer
This section supplements the preceding analysis withFor
brief example, Bihar wi
observations on the relationship between pccc and various
of 16.08 kg contrasts w
socio-economic indicators. as high and pccc (8.24
Dalit (or scheduled caste) and adivasi (or scheduled ship,
tribe) however, is wea
communities are among the most deprived in rural Pradesh
India. with relativ
FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 DBS Economic & Political WEEKLY
Figure 4: Statewise Means
Table of
8: Definitions and Mean Values PCCC
of Variables (Rural India, 2004-05)
Variable Definition Mean
PCCC
PCI
MPCE
Household size Total number of persons in a household
Child-person ratio Individuals below age 21 per person

Education F
Education M
High Caste
ОВС
Dalit
Adivasi
Muslim
Other
BPL
Antyodaya
Cultivation
Agriculture
Non-agri labour Dummy for non-agricultural labour as main income sourc

Artisan Dummy for artisan as main income source
Petty Trade
Business
Salaried
Profession/pension Dummy for profess
Other
Source: Author's calculations from I

Jharkhand with low levels of pci and pccc. It seems that the
interstate patterns may be as much a matter of geography and and even significant in s
food habits as a matter of development or per capita income. ification: the sign of the
"switch" from positive to
5 Regression Analysis list of independent var
how the relation betwee
5.1 Framework negative). This is an int
So far we have looked at the relationship between pccc "significant"
and relationsh
between two
pci (or mpce) in a bivariate framework. In this section, differ- variables
fiddling with the
ent socio-economic, demographic and geographic indicators regres
are included as independent variables in a simple linear ally
re- independent of eac
coefficient is close to zer
gression model. The Ordinary Least Squares (ols) estimation
is based on the following equation: In the regressions with
coefficient for mpce is a
y¡ = ßo + ß'i Xi + £i>
this positive correlation
where y . (the dependent variable) is pccc for householdanalysis,
i, ß' an elasticity of
on
is a vector of coefficients, and Xt is a vector of independent pccc is quite small wh
Several other indicators
variables including pci and/or mpce as well as indicators for
demography (household size and child-adult ratio), education pccc. Except for the coef
ration
(years of schooling), occupation, caste or religious group, ration card type, the res
much in magnitude and s
card type and location (state). The definition and mean value
of each variable is given in Table 8. Regressions are run three
both regressions are exp
with state dummies (regressions (1M3) in Table 9A, p 68)mainly
and because state du
without state-dummies (regressions (4H6)), and control mies for are important to co
pci and mpce separately as well as simultaneously. habits, preferences and
therefore, pertains to re
5.2 Main Findings The independent variab
tors:
Table 9A presents the main findings of the six regressions, con- child-person ratio
firming several of the earlier observations. the child-person ratio is
As expected, the coefficient of pci is very close to zero expect
(and since children con
of
this is a robust result). In most of the regressions presented in household size is also
level of per capita incom
Table 9A, this close-to-zero coefficient happens to be positive,
Economic & Political WEBKLY
Table 9A: OLS Regressions, Rural India (Dependent Variable: PCCC) healthier diets, while it
Independent Variables
higher paid and less ener

This, in turn, enables in
PCI
higher quality cereals and

MPCE
HH size
Caste/religious group d
Child-person ratio -0.033** -0.030** -0.030** -0.027** -0.024** -0.024** adivasi, Muslim, and oth
Education F amine possible communit
Education M coefficient is positive and
Caste/religious group (default: high caste) vantaged communities -
OBC
could possibly be due to hi
Dalit
energy requirements or t
Adivasi
fied diets. While activity l
Muslim
controlled for by includin

Other
Ration card type (default: APL/ valid some

blank) aspects of activity (e
BPL not be reflected in these
Antyodaya and may be correlated with
Occupation (default: cultivation)
The dummy variable for
Agriculture
veals that Antyodaya card
Non-agri labour -0.867** -0.717** -0.718** -1.021** -0.892** -0.892**
1.3 kg more cereals than
Artisan
Petty trade
default category (above
Business
ration card). This suggest
Salaried -0.675** -0.892** -0.879** -0.60Г* -0.868** -0.835** of pei or MPCE, having
Profession/pension -1.100** -1.272** -1.267** -0.842** -1.050** -1 .035** boosts cereal consumption
Non-agri labour -0.867** -0.717** -0.718** -1.021** -0.892** -0.892** since Antyodaya cardho
Constant PDs cereals at very cheap
R2 0.208 0.235 0.235 0.084 0.109 0.11
One would anticipate a s
JF
cardholders. However, the
Prob > F 0.000 0.0000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000
ambiguous. In regression
Observations
Author's calculations from IHDS data. ** dummies,
significant the
at 1% level. * coefficien
significant at 5
ficant. It is
Table 9B: Coefficients of State Dummies (Default State: Himachal Prad
in regressions
States
Bihar
negative sign.
Jammu and Kashmir
consume few
Uttar Pradesh
tion is re-exam
Madhya Pradesh -0.323 0.381 0.381 Coefficients f
West Bengal -0.326 0.409 0.41 relatively low
Chhattisgarh
and business)
Rajasthan
with income c
Orissa
employed in
employed as cu
Uttarakhand
Assam
with the idea

Karnataka
determinant
Andhra Pradesh
Punjab
The state dum
Maharashtra
Pradesh (hp) a
Jharkhand (and significa
Haryana income, pccc i
Gujarat not apply to n
Tamil Nadu
kg lower than
Kerala
lower in the so
** significant at 1 %,* significant at 5%
Tamil Nadu) a
cereal consumption
The is l
coefficie
well-known relationship,
across states e
discussed in Deaton and
difference be
Turning tomonth.
education,
It ye
wo
related with cereal
state consu
differen
years of education help
(Radhakrishna
68
FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 QSBS Economic & Political WEEKLY
= SPECIAL ARTÌCLl
Bihar should consume 6 kg more cereals per month Table 10A: OLS Regressions, Urban India (Dependent Variable: PCCC)
than individuals in neighbouring Jharkhand,

Independent Variables
when income and other socio-economic indica- PCI 0.000** 0.000** 0.000** 0.000*
tors are controlled for, seems puzzling. MPCE
Here, an important qualification regarding ihds H H size
data is due. Referring to Table Ai in the Appendix, Child-person ratio -0.027** -0.026** -0.026** -0.
it is evident that ihds data do not necessarily Education F -0.069** -0.074** -0.076** -0.082** -0.088** -0.089**
Education M -0.027** -0.034** -0.035** -0.028** -0.036** -0.038**
match Nss statewise estimates for the same year.
Caste/religious group (default: high vaste)
While the differences are within a range of 10%
OBC
for most states, much larger differences apply Dalit 0.561** 0.600** 0.606** 0.503** 0.545** 0.552**
for a few states like Bihar. The ihds estimate of Adivasi 0.491* 0.546* 0.547* 0.857** 0.931** 0.927**
pccc for Bihar as 16.08 kg, while the nss esti- Muslim 0.185 0.208 0.213 0.316** 0.329** 0.335**
mate is 13.16 kg, which is more in line with the Other
mean of neighbouring states.7 Compared with the Ration card type (default: APL/ valid
nss, the ihds overestimates pccc in Bihar by 23% В PL
and underestimates pccc in Jharkhand by 20%. Antyodaya
Occupation (def
This could explain some of the state-related regres-
Cultivation
sion results and the "mystery" of pccc in Bihar be- Agriculture 0.455* 0.542* 0.555* 0.265 0.355 0.372
ing so different from pccc in Jharkhand.8 Ranking Non-agri labour 0.045 0.083
the coefficients of the state dummies by size Artisan -0.083 -0.039 -0.023 0.234 0.272 0.288*
(as in Table 9B) it appears that less developed Petty trade
states like Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Business 0.607** 0.546** 0.564** 0.896** 0.826** 0.844**
Pradesh have higher pccc than more advanced Others 0.455* 0.542* 0.555* 0.265 0.355 0.372
states like those of the southern and western Constant 13.190** 12.558** 12.513** 11.990** 11.573** 11.516**
R2
regions (as well as Punjab and Haryana). That
Prob > F
pccc declines with development is often attrib-
uted to better infrastructure and denser rural
F
Observations
connectivity which allows a variety of goods to Author's calculations f

reach local - and otherwise remote-markets as
Table 10B: Continuation of Table 10A: Coefficients of State Dummies
well. Taking infrastru
(Default State: Himachal Pradesh)
Rao (2000) argues that States
mechanised transporta Jammu and Kashmir
clining Bihar 2.250**

need for 2.456** physic
2.446**
of urban Assam 1.585* 1.889** individ
goods" 1.881**
make use of Orissa the opport
Table 10: Proportion
Punjab of BPL a
Cardholders (Rural India, 2004-05;%) 5.3 BPL Puzzle Madhya Pradesh
State
Turning to the bpl puzzle, Chhattisgarh
Andhra Pradesh
one may recall that the Uttar Pradesh
Karnataka
coefficient of the bpl Jharkhand
Orissa
Tamil Nadu
dummy is negative (and Rajasthan
Gujarat significant) in the regres- Karnataka
Jharkhand sions without state dum- Andhra Pradesh
mies. This might come as

West Bengal
Chhattisgarh
a surprise as one would

Uttarakhand
Maharashtra
Kerala Haryana
expect the coefficient to

Bihar Maharashtra
be positive, or at least not

Uttarakhand Gujarat
Jammu and Kashmir
negative, after control- Kerala -1.802** -1.524* -1.526*
Madhya Pradesh
ling for income and ex- Tamil Nadu -2.020** -1.804** -1.807**
West Bengal penditure. After all, bplAuthor's calculations from IHDS data. ** significant at 1% level. * significant
States are ranked in descending order of column (1).
Assam families receive subsi-
Rajasthan dised cereals through the In order to clarify the bpl puzzle, one should first n
Uttar Pradesh
pds and may therefore be the negative coefficient is relatively small in magnitud
Haryana
expected to consume the difference in pccc between bpl and the default
Himachal Pradesh
more (or at least an equal (APL/non-cardholder) is only about 400gm a month.
Punjab
Source: amount)
Author's of cereals.
calculation analysis
from has
IHDSrevealed
data.that pccc in certain states like B
£■ 69
Economic & Polit
detailed
Figure 5: PCI-Based and MPCE-Based Engel Curves (Urban India, results
2004-05) are not presented. Briefly, the urban counter-
part of Figure 2 is given in Figure 5, and the counterparts of
Tables 9A and 9B are given in Tables 10A and 10B (p 69). Most
of the earlier results apply in urban areas as well. In particular:
(1) pei has no influence at all on pccc (more or less constant
around 9-10 kg, across income classes). Similar to the observation
for rural areas, pccc rises with mpce, but at a decreasing rate.
(2) Demography and education affect pccc in urban areas,
too. For instance, the child-person ratio and female education
are negatively correlated with pccc in every regression. As
before, pccc is also negatively correlated with household size.
(3) There is some evidence of higher cereal consumption in oc-
cupations that involve higher activity levels and energy require-
ments. However, the pattern is not as strong as for rural areas.
Having said this, there are one or two notable differences.
Jammu and Kashmir is relatively high, and that pccc in the For instance, in urban areas the slope of the мрсЕ-based Engel
southern states (among others like Gujarat) is predominantly curve is positive only at very low levels of mpce, in contrast
low. Now, as Table 10 (p6ç) indicates it is precisely the latter ones with rural areas, where the positive slope persists until much
which have the highest shares of bpl cardholders. Therefore, higher in the mpce scale (Figure 2). In urban areas, income
one can think of the bpl dummy absorbing the state effects oth- volatility and fluctuations in expenditures are likely to be less,
erwise captured by state dummies. When state dummies are which may be one reason for a flatter мрсЕ-based Engel curve.
controlled for, it does not come into effect (the bpl coefficient
is insignificant). Taking into account that the highest bpl card 7 Concluding Remarks
distributions are found in states with low pccc, one can compre- The main findings of this paper have already been summa-
hend the negative relation between bpl and pccc. Whether this rised in the introduction. Briefly, we found that pccc in India
correlation is due to state differences in the availability of is unrelated to pci. Instead, it is influenced by factors such as
markets, trade or eating habits needs to be proven. It is clear, education, occupation, region, demography and food habits.
however, that one cannot use the bpl dummy of regressions As mentioned in the introduction, our findings help to resolve
(4) to (6) to measure the effectiveness of the pds. earlier puzzles of food intake data in India, particularly the
To sum up the regression analysis, income does not seem to decline of cereal consumption over time.
play a significant role in determining pccc. Instead, demo- A few concluding clarifications and qualifications are due.
graphic variables, education, caste/religious background, and First, the findings are derived from a single data set (the ihds)
activity levels appear to be more influential. and require corroboration from independent sources.
Second, it stands to reason that at very low levels of income,
6 Urban India
there must be a positive relationship between cereal con-
Most of the discussion so far pertains to rural areas. A similar
sumption and per capita income. Destitute households often
analysis was carried out for urban areas, and the main findings
skip meals or go hungry - nothing in this paper disputes this
are broadly similar. For lack of space, and to avoid repetition,
well-established fact. However, it appears that the proportion
RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP
January 7, 2012
Plural Societies and Imperatives of Change: Interrogating Religion and Development in South Asia - Surinder S Jodhka
Religions, Democracy and Governance: Spaces for the Marginalised in Contemporary India - Gurpreet Mahajan, Surinder S Jodhka
Religious Transnationalism and Development Initiatives: The Dera Sachkhand Bailan - Gurharpal Singh
Social Constructions of Religiosity and Corruption - Vinod Pavarala, Kanchan К Malik
Buddhist Engagements with Social Justice: A Comparison between Tibetan Exiled
Buddhists in Dharamsala and Dalit Buddhists of Pune - Zara Bhatewara, Tamsin Bradley
In the Name of Development: Mapping 'Faith-Based Organisations' in Maharashtra - Surinder S Jodhka, Ptadyumna Bora
Welfare Work and Politics of Jama'at-i-lslami in Pakistan and Bangladesh - MasoodaBano
For copies write to:
Economic and Political Wotkly,
7° FEBRUARY 11, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 6 ШЕ9 Economic & Political WBBKLY
of households in that category is too small for this positive re- Fourth, non-cereal food expenditure also increases with per
lationship to "show" in the non-parametric regressions re- capita income, quite sharply in the case of items such as fruits
ported here. This is consistent with (tentative) nss data on and meat. Richer people do eat better!
the extent of hunger in rural India, suggesting, for instance, The main message from ihds data is that it is by diversifying
that about 2.5% households did not have "two square meals a their diets, not by eating more cereals, that richer people eat
day throughout the year" in 2004-05.9 better - both in terms of quantity (e g, calorie intake) and in
Third, unlike cereal consumption, cereal expenditure does terms of quality (e g, intake of animal protein, vitamins, min-
increase with per capita income. Richer people do not increase erals, and so on). This is perhaps obvious, or at least consistent
per capita cereal consumption, but they do buy higher quality, with casual observation. But it is not the message that has
more expensive cereals. come from nss data over the years.
notes Deaton, Angus and Shankar Subramaniam Mittal,

(1996): Surabhi (2007): "What Affects Changes in
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Kumar Mitali Sen, Abusaleh Shariffet 2020 - A Comment",
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man development in India based on IHDS data, Dyson, Tim and Amresh Hanchate (2000): "India's toring Bureau, National Institute of Nutrition,
see Desai et al (2010). The National Nutrition Demographic and Food Prospects", Economic Hyderabad.
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GOI (2001): Census 2001, Government of India,
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Patnaik, Utsa (2010a): "A Critical Look at Some
3 Since in the NSS report "the discussion of the NFHS (2007): National Family Health Survey 2005-06
basic results of the survey uses data collected Propositions on Consumption and Poverty",
(NFHS-з): India (Mumbai: International Insti-
with "last 30 days" as reference period for all tute for Population Sciences). Economic & Political Weekly, 6 February.
items of consumption as has been the usual - (2010b):
Kumar, Praduman, Mruthyunjaya and Madan M "On Some Fatal Fallacies", Economic &
practice in the quinquennial rounds" (NSSO Political Weekly, 20 November.
Dey (2007): "Long-term Changes in Indian Food
2006: 5), the uniform reference period also
Radhakrishna, R, С H Hanumantha Rao, С Ravi
Basket and Nutrition", Economic & Political
applies here, whenever we refer to NSS data.
Weekly , 1 September. and В Sambi Reddy (2004): "Chronic Poverty
4 The Epanechnikov Kernel function is used to and Malnutrition in 1990s", Economic & Politi-
calculate the Engel curves with the STATA Kumar, T Krishna, Sushanta Mallick and Jayarama
Holla (2009): "Estimating Consumption Dep- cal Weekly, 39(28), 10 July.
"lpoly" command.
rivation in India Using Survey Data: A Rao, С H Hanumantha (2000): "Declining Demand
State-
5 Deaton and Paxson (1998) show evidence
for Foodgrains in Rural India: Causes and
Level Rural-Urban Analysis Before and During
across developed and developing countries that
Implications", Economic & Political Weekly, 35(4),
Reform Period", Journal of Development Studies,
per capita cereal consumption declines with
45: 4, 441-70. 22 January.
household size, keeping per capita expenditure
constant.
Appendix Table Al: PCCC, MPCE and PCI in Major States (Rural India, 2004-05)
6 Occupation dummies are included in the re- States
gressions, but they leave much room for occu-

pational choices within these broad categories.
7 Similarly, the differences for the states of Jam- Andhra Pradesh
mu and Kashmir, Jharkhand, Kerala, Karnata-

ka and Orissa are larger than 10%.
Assam
8 See also Desai et al (2010): "...we caution the Bihar

reader about over interpreting IHDS estimates for
statewise or other smaller samples. The IHDS
Chhattisgarh
sample sizes are large enough to investigate the Gujarat
general patterns that determine human develop- Haryana 10.06 10.66 -5.62 1,041 863
ment outcomes, but if readers desire a precise

point estimate of the level of some particular Himachal Pradesh 13.05 12.06
indicator for a sub-sample of the Indian popu- Jammu and Kashmir
lation, they are better referred to sources such

as the NSS or the Census". Jharkhand
9 See Deaton and Drèze (2009) for further details. Karnataka

Kerala 8.58 9.53 -9.95 1,130 1,013 11.53 1,551
REFERENCES Madhya Pradesh
Deaton, Angus and Jean Drèze (2009): "Food and Maharashtra 10.96 10.50 4.38
Nutrition in India: Facts and Interpretations",

Orissa
Economic & Political Weekly, Vol XLIV, No 7,
14 February. Punjab 10.67
- (2010a): "Nutrition, Poverty and Calorie Fun-

damentalism: Response to Utsa Patnaik",
Rajasthan 12.34 12.69
Economic & Political Weekly, 3 April. Tamil Nadu
- (2010b): "From Calorie Fundamentalism to

Uttar Pradesh
Cereal Accounting", Economic & Political Weekly,
20 November. Uttarakhand 11.58 11.88 -2.54
Deaton, Angus and Christina Paxson (1998):

West"Econo-
Bengal 12.96 13.19 -1.67^ 628 562 ^-^2
mies of Scale, Household Size, and the Demand
for Food", Journal of Political
India 12.13 12.12 0.12 719 559 28.62 646
Economy, Vol 106,
No 5, October, 897-930. Source: NSS report Nr 508 and author's calculations from IHDS data.
Structural Change and
agricultural sector stimulates the in-
dustrial sector output to the extent of
Inter-sectoral Linkages
0.5%. That study, however, claimed that
the consumption linkages are much
more powerful than the production
The Case of North-east India linkages between sectors. The paper by
Bhattacharya and Mitra (1997) provid-
ed empirical evidence in support of a
AVIJIT DEBNATH, NIRANJAN positive linkage among the broad sec-
ROY
tors. It established that many services

1 Introduction
This article analyses the
activities are significantly associated tre
sectoral shares in state
with the agricultural dome
and industrial sec-
product important for growth acceler-

and tors and this helps in overall employ-
inter-sectoral
Whether important ationationororagriculture industry
industry should be for growth should is acceler- more be ment generation.
linkages in north-east India
considered as the engine of growth and Hansda (2001) in a study analyses the
the period 1981 inter-sectoral
to linkages
how the tertiary sector is linked up with
2007. as emanating from
Th
causality
the other two sectors hastest
always been reveals that
the input-output transactions tables for th
exists bidirectional
the subject of research. This article is an causality
1993-94, both at the aggregated level of
among attempt to analyse the trend in sectoral
the 10 constructed national
sectoral output accounts cate- o
shares in state domestic product (sdp)
north-eastern gories and the most disaggregated
states, atlevelleas
and inter-sectoral linkages in north-east of 115 activities. His study reveals that
the short run. In the long run
India (nei)1 - a region which is isolated while services and agriculture do not seem
there exists a unidirectional
from mainland India not only in terms of to share much interdependence, industry
causality
geographic consideration,running
but also in is observedfrom
to be the most services- the
agricultural
terms of academic discussion. This region, sector and
intensive. Sustained indu
services-growth,
sector to
barring Assam in a services
few cases, hardly finds sector.
Hansda (2001) claimed, requires a grow-
any place in most regional level or state ing industry too. Banga and Goldar
level studies that explore the dynamics of (2004) in order to assess the contribu-
economic growth in India. Understand- tion of the services sector to industrial
ing inter-sectoral linkages could shed growth estimated a capital, labour, energy,
important insights on the transition materials and services (klems) produc-
process, and such information should tion function for the Indian manufac-
assist policymakers identify the optimal turing sector for the period 1980-81 to
policies to accelerate economic growth 1999-2000. Empirically, it has been found
in the region. that the contribution of services to out-
Section 2 deals with the empirical put growth increased substantially to 2.07
literature on sectoral interlinkage in percentage points per annum during the
India. Section 3 is devoted to the discus- 1990s from a meagre 0.06 percentage
sion of the methodology followed and points per annum during the 1980s.
data used in the present study. Section 4 Sastry et al (2003) in a study maintained
presents the results. Finally, in Section 5, that due to modernisation of agriculture
we summarise the study and offer con- the dependence of agriculture on the
cluding remarks. industry for inputs has grown. As for the
services sector, this study shows a move-
2 Interlinkage among Sectors: ment of production linkages from the
A Snapshot of Indian Economy late 1960s to the early 1990s moderately
A number of researchers have studied in favour of agriculture, and sharply in
sectoral interlinkages in the Indian favour of the services sector. On de-
economy. In one of the earliest studies mand linkages, the study asserts that a
on the subject, Rangarajan (1982) found fall in agricultural income reduces the
Avijit a strong degree(1
Debnath of association between demand for agricultural machinery and
debnath_avi@yahoo.co
Niranjan Roy (
the agriculturalroy_niranjan@yahoo.com
and industrial sectors. other industrial products, resulting in a
with the department of economics, As
In particular, it has been observed fall of aggregate demand and vice versa.
University, Silchar.
that an addition of 1% growth in the Further, a fall in aggregate demand
FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 ШШ Economic & Political WEEKLY
either in agriculture or services sector In order to test forAs one would expect, there
possible is a con-
linkages
is likely to cause serious production siderable variation
among variables, the standard econo- in the performance
constraints in the industrial sector, metric tool of theof Granger
individual states in respect of sectoral
causality
thereby affecting both demand and test (Granger 1969) has
growth. been
It is seen generally
from Table 1 that dur-
production linkages. used in the literature. This test states
ing the entire study period four of the
Bathla (2003) carried out a compre- that if past values of a variable (y) sig- north-east states, viz, Arunachal Pradesh,
hensive econometric analysis of the inter- nificantly contribute to forecast the Meghalaya, Nagaland and Sikkim have
sectoral linkages in the Indian economy future value of another variable (x) then grown at a rate higher than all-India
for the period 1950-51 to 2000-01. This y is said to Granger cause x. Conversely, standards in respect of agricultural sdp.
study does not find any significant relation- if past values of x statistically improve Within the ner, Nagaland has been
ship between the primary and secondary the prediction of y ; then we can con- diagnosed as the top-growing state fol-
sectors, while the primary sector was clude that x Granger causes y (ibid). lowed by Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh,
found to have a unidirectional causation This paper also uses the tool of the Meghalaya, Tripura, Manipur and Assam.
with the "trade, hotels, restaurants, com- Granger causality test to examine inter- In respect of the industrial sector, all of
munication services" and "financing, in- sectoral linkage. the north-east states except Assam have
surance, real estate and business services" Data used in this paper are collected grown at a rate higher than the all-India
sectors. Further, the secondary sector was from the Handbook of Statistics on Indi- standards. Within ner, Nagaland has
found to have a bidirectional causality both an Economy by the Reserve Bank of been identified as the top-growing state
with "trade, hotels, restaurants, communi- India (rbi 2009). All data are annual in terms of income-generation from the
cation" and "financing-insurance-real es- figures covering the 1980-81 - 2006-07 industrial sector followed by Arunachal
tate and business" services. Under the co- period and variables that are measured Pradesh and Tripura, whereas Assam
integration framework, strong evidence of are at constant 1999-2000 prices.2 The secured the bottom place in this list. The
existence of long-run equilibrium relation- sdp data have been classified into three growth pattern of services sector sdp is in
parts: agricultural sdp, industrial sdp Table 1: Growth Pattern of SDP by Major
ship was found among the primary, sec-
from 1981-2007 (At constant 1999-2000 prices
ondary and the specialised services sectors. and sdp originating from the services in % per annum)
All these studies have made useful sector. The agricultural sector consists States
contributions to understand the associa- of agriculture and allied activities, fish- Arunachal Pradesh
tions between different sectors in the ery and forestry. The industrial sector Assam
economy. However, there is a significant includes mining and quarrying, manu- Manipur
Meghalaya
gap in the literature because the inter- facturing, construction, and electricity,
Nagaland
sectoral linkage studies were mainly gas and water supply. The services sec- Sikkim
concentrated on the national economy. tor comprises the rest of the sub-sectors. Tripura 3.04 11.08 8.24
The studies at the state or region level Seven states of the north-eastern region North-east region (NER) 2.31
have not received comparable attention. (ner), viz, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, All India
Source: Calculated by authors.
Since India is a nation characterised by Meghalaya, Nagaland, Manipur, Sikkim
and Tripura have been selected for the the final column of T
heterogeneous regions, what is true for
the nation may not be true for a subregion. study. Mizoram has been excluded from of the north-east sta
In an attempt to fill this gap in the litera- the study due to lack of database for the Pradesh, Sikkim and T
ture, this study focuses on the interrelated variables. at a rate higher than
sectoral linkages that characterise the ards during the study
economic dynamics of north-east India. 4 Empirical Analysis and Results ner, Sikkim has been
top-growing state in
3 Methodology and Data Sources 4.1 Growth of SDP Components generation from serv
The trend in the sectoral share of sdp Before we analyse the trend in sectoral Tripura and Arunach
has been analysed by estimating the fol- shares and interlinkage among the major as Assam secured the
lowing simple regression equation: sectors of the north-east states, let us this list. This analysis
have a broad idea about the growth Assam is the "king" o
y = a+ßT ...(1) of her contribution to
pattern of sdp components in these
where, y stands foreconomies. To calculateof
the share the growth
the of formance in respect of
ith
sdp components
sector in sdp, T stands for in differenttrend,
time states, the among
a the poorest in
simple one period
and ß are the coefficients of growth
the rate model.
formula3
has value
been used.of
The annual average 4.2 Structural Changes
A significant positive coefficient
in the State Economies
growth rate for the
of time, ß, for a particular entire period
sector has
indi-
been calculated
cates a positive trend of by the sum of In order to analyse structural changes in
dividingsector,
that
the state economies of ner, the sdp data is
while a significant the annual growth
negative rate by 27
value of(total
the
number of years in the
coefficient would mean a negative trend. study). divided into three major sectors, viz, the
Economic & Political weekly ES3S3
Table 2: The Estimated OLS Result of Changing linkages among the major sectors of the and Wu (1999). Table 4 shows the resul
Share of Sectors
state economies. For this purpose, the of panel co-integration tests under th
Dependant Variable Agriculture Industry
States
standard econometric tool of the Granger null hypothesis of no co-integration.
Arunachal -0.007*** -0.001** 0.005*** causality test (Granger 1969) has been Table 4: Johansen Fisher Panel Co-integration Tes
Pradesh (-24.65) (-3.21) (18.69)
used. One important precondition for Hypothesised No of Maxirr um Eigenvalue P-Valu
Assam -0.007*** -0.00Г* 0.005***
conducting the Granger causality test is to
Co-integrating Equation(s): HO
Manipur -0.005*** 0.003 0.002*** examine the time series properties of the None (r = 0)
variables in study. Because if the vector

At mosti (r<1)
Y indicates the numb

Meghalaya -0.007*** 0.005*** 0.003*** auto regressive equation used to conduct
the Granger causality test is estimated The results ind
Nagaland 0.002* 0.004** -0.013***
with data that are non-stationary,5 the thesis of the ze
Sikkim -0.012*** 0.001* 0.010*** results would not be reliable. To be spe- rejected using
cific, the t-statistics of the estimated co- implies that th
Tripura -0.014*** 0.005*** 0.007*** efficients will be unreliable since the un- with at least o
(*), (**)and (***)
derlying time series would have theoret-
indicate significant at 10%, Given
5% and 1%the
level. evi
Student's tests are in parentheses.
ically infinite variance (Granger 1986). To the long-run r
agricultural, industrial
investigate stationary propertyand
of time services
ables sector
can be e
and then the series, the test for a of
output single unit
eachroot has of these sectors
SRV = 1531.54
has been regressed on time using Equa-
been conducted using Phillips-Perron
tion (i). The (pp)
values of
panel unit root tests. time
We chose this coefficients
In the co-inte
for the different sectors
method because the pp-test has greater in each of the
positive sign
north-east power than the
states areAugmented Dickey and
presented in Table 2.
indicates that
From Table Fuller
2, (adf)
we observe
test (Banerjee et al 1993). that
sectorthe co-
were to
efficients of Another
time advantage
are of the pp tests over
highly significant
put of in
service
almost all the adf test
the is that the pp tests are
regressions, 1.11suggesting
units. The
the presence robust
of to general forms of heteroske- cient
significant trendsofinInd
the in
sectoral share. The coefficient of time
dasticity in the error term ut (Phillips dustrial is
secto
negative for and
thePerron 1988). Besides, unlike the unit,
agricultural sector in all
output o
the states, except
adf technique, thein Nagaland,
user does and
not have crease byit is
1.12 u
statistically to specify a lag length for the test
significant. On re- the contrary,
The long-run
the gression
coefficient of in the pp technique.
time forTable 3 services
variablesis posi-
mer
tive, except presents
in the Nagaland, and it is also and
results of pp panel unit root association
statistically tests with lag length
highly chosen by down- from
significant. This co-integ
implies
that the share of(t- the
ward search test on the primary
longest lag). say sector
what haswoul
fallen sharply in
The null almost
hypothesis all
of a unit root is the states
not sector if and
outpu
that rejected for any ofsector
of the tertiary the three variableshas
in we
risen, except
cannot say
for Nagalandlevels.
whereHowever, each of
thethe series is sectorsector's
primary that cau
share has increased andto
found to be stationary in fist difference. the tertiaryor
change,
sector's share has
Therefore, fallen
all the variables over
are integrated the
order study
to exami
period. The of order one.
coefficient of time
we for the
have in-
to co
dustrial sector turns
Table 3: Panel out
Unit Root Test Results to tests
(Phillips-Perron) be positive
amongfor th
five states. For Arunachal Pradesh and Series
first-differenc
Assam, the sign has been found to be AGRit 3.91 58.77*** variables the G
negative. For Manipur, the coefficient ŠŘV^ 0.06 79.48*** be conducted i
though positive but not significant. These ¡¡ÑÍ' Õ88 79.29*** model (vecm
*Reject null hypothesis of non-stationary at 1% significant
results indicate that the share of the in- level. @ indicates with drift and trend, and #Thus,
indicates with to analy
dustrial sector has remained mosdy stable drift only. The residual spectrum has been adjustments
estimated by the b
Bartlet kernel method with Newey-West bandwidth
or increased (marginally) in almost all propose
selection. AGR-agricultural SDP, SRV-services sector SDP, follow
states, except in Arunachal Pradesh and and IND - industrial sector SDP.
error correctio
Assam where the share of the industrial Since all the series are integrated of the
sector has fallen. AAGRi,t=«1+1|]ßii,AAGRjt_1+SyiJASRVit_1
same order - integration of order 1 (I (1))
- the series can be further tested for the
4.3 Interlinkages +1|5UAINDU-i+ÊCTt-. + e,.i,t -(S)
existence of long-run relationships among
Having observed the pattern of structural them using the co-integration technique.
ASRV¡ =a2+ Ì ß2 ,AAGR¡ t_,+| y2 ^SRV, >t_,
change among the north-east economies
We apply the Johansen-type panel co-
of India, we should now explore the integration test as developed +|1S2,iAINDu_1+X2ECTt_1+e2il
by Maddala ...(4)
February il, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 Q353 Economic & Political WEEKLY
NOTES
Table 5: Granger Causality Test Result» under Panel VECM
Dependent
Variables I AASR,., ASRV„_, AINDIW CoeffldentofECT

+|53,iAINDi,t-i+Ê CT^+вз^ ...(5) (1)
where index i refers to the state (i = 1,..., AAGR,t
7), t to the time period (t = 1,..., T) and I ASRVit
to the lag.8 £l i>t, e2Xt and e3 i t are sup- AINDit
Numbers in parenthe
posed to be white-noise errors. Я2, A2and *** = 1 %. The optim
residual autocorrelati
X3 are coefficients for the error-correction Source: Estimated by
terms. These coefficients are expected
to capture the adjustments of Aagrí(, no ins to
Granger S
c
AsRvit, and ÁiNDit towards long-run native estimat
that th
equilibrium. In our case, Equation (3) is In (-0.14)
Table 5 o
beg
used to test causation from services sector run annual
Granger a
SDP, and industrial sdp to agricultural of
suggest the
that d
th
SDP. If all the 7^=0, change in srv does ral integrat
growth link
not Granger cause change in agr. And if east its
India.equil
Foc
all the 61 } =0 then it implies that change tural time,
sdp sr
equ
in Ind does not Granger cause change in share in
of the n
serv
agr. Similarly, Equation (4) is used to test to "Granger c
5 Conclusions
causality from the industrial sector sdp, share of the
and agricultural sdp to services sector at i% Our findings point to a large degree of
significa
sdp. Change in agr does not Granger past interdependence in sectoral growth. The
informat
cause change in srv ; if all the ß2 l = 0> forecast for
causality test reveals that there exists a A
and if all the ô2 l = 0 then it will imply the bidirectional causality among the sec-
services s
that change in ind does not Granger that Asrv
toral output of north-eastern states atare
least
fore, in we
the short run. In the long run, there
obser
cause change in srv. Finally, if all the ß3 l
exists
tional a unidirectional
causal causality running
and all the y3 I are equal to zero in Equa-
tion (5), then neither change in agr nor and from the agricultural and industrial sec-
services s
tors to the services sector.
tractive outco The nature
change in srv would Granger cause
change in ind. of relationship between
Granger services and
caus
The VECM approach, besides showing industry, and between
(Aind), and services and agri-al
the direction of Granger causality among causeculture are both positive. This study
Aagr.
the variables, enables one to distinguish salitycertainlyexisted
reveals that the income of state
between "short-run" and "long-run" economies in north-east India largely
industrial out
Granger causality. The former is gener- null depends
hypoth on the income-generating from
the services sector, and the income
Granger cau growth
ally referred to as the Channel 1 source
of causation and can be evaluated by level. of services
We sector, in turn,can
depends on
testing whether the estimated coeffi- that growth of agriculture and industry.
Aind doeDe-
cients on lagged values are jointly statis- at spite the continuous
io% level fall in the share of o
tically significant. This can be done us- bidirectiona
agricultural sector in sdp, this sector has
ing the F test. For convenience, we inter- vices not lost its importance in overall economic an
sector
pret this short-run Granger causality as growth there
Thus, of state economies in this region. e
weak causality. On the other hand, long- ity Similarly, the contribution of the the
among indus-
run Granger causality is generally re- trial sector though
eastern relatively poor, it has
states
ferred to as the Channel 2 source of cau- Based on
a significant the
positive impact on services
sation and can be evaluated by testing sector income. Therefore, for fostering
correction ter
whether the coefficient of the error-cor- that rapid, sustained and broad-based
the error growth
rection term in each equation [that is, Xi tionsin north-east
(3) India, the agricultural
and and
=0 ; 12 = 0] is statistically different industrial sector remain the key

suggests thapriority
from zero by a t-test. The empirical re- react for

togovernmental the
policies. co
sults of causality through these channels fore, these va
are shown in Table 5. We report three long run. notes How
term 1
in Th
Equat
causality tests relating to zero restric-
eigh
tion of relevant variables in the vecm Therefore,
Man th
Sikk
long-run caus
where the null hypothesis is that there is
and with a population of 39 million as per form plays an important role in the interpreta- Reforms", In
the 2001 Census. The region is surrounded tion of the estimated coefficients, therefore, we cussion Pape
by Bangladesh, Bhutan, China (Tibet) and conducted a formal test (BOX-COX transforma- Growth, Delh
Myanmar. tion test) to decide between those two specifi- Granger, С W
2 The RBI publications on SDP and its sectoral cations. Our test shows that the model in liner
tions by Eco
distribution do not provide data at uniform form is significantly better than the model in tral Methods"
constant price figures. In order to have a con- double logarithmic form. Therefore, we specify - (1986): "De
sistent set of data on SDP and its sectoral break- the model in linear form. For detail on this
integrated Ec
up at 1999-2000 constant prices, the usual pro- issue see Asteriou (2006) p-176-177. of Economics
cedure of linking the indices by changing the 8 The lag lengths are determined so that e1 ¡ t, e2 . t Greene, W H
base of constant prices is followed. ande3 i t are serially uncorrected. Delhi: Pearso
3 In order to calculate the growth rate of a
Hansda, S (20
variable (Y) in period t over period t-i,
Growth: An I
following simple method has been applied:
REFERENCES Economy", R
Asteriou, DPapers,
(2006): Vol 22
Appli
Approach Maddala,
using G
Eviews S
Here gt_x t is the percentage growth/change in Palgrave Study of
Macmillan). Un
Banerjee, New
A, J Simple
Dolado, JT
variable Y from period t-i to t.
(1993): and Statistics
Co-Integration,
4 Assam contributes around 70% of total SDP of
NER during the period 1981-2007. the Phillips, Anal
Econometric PCB
Data: Advanced
Unit Texts
Root ininT
5 A time series is said to be stationary if its mean
and variance are constant over time and the Oxford Vol 75,
University PP ЗЗ
Pres
value of the covariance between the two-time Banga, R Rangarajan,
and В N Gold С
periods depends only on the distance or gap Services toIndustrial
Output GrowP
between the two-time periods and not the ac- Indian Report
Manufacturing:No 3
tual time at which the covariance is computed. ICRIER Working
search Paper
Institu
6 Time series variables are said to be co-integrated cil for Research
RBI on Inte
(2009): "H
if each of the series taken individually is non- lations, New Delhi.
Economy", R
stationary with integration of order one, i e, I (1), Bhattacharya,
4 В В and
February 2
while the linear combination of the series are Composition of Employ
Sastry, D V
stationary with integration of order zero, i e, I (0). A Cross-Country
N К Analy
Unnikri
7 In literature, some authors specify this model cal Weekly and
, 21 Growth:
March, V
in double logarithmic form, while others specify Bathla, S (2003): "Inter-
Economy", Eco
in liner form. Since the choice of functional in India: Implications
Vol 38, pp fo
23
SAMEEKSHA TR
China after
The breathtakingly rapid economi
abysmal, especially that of the mi

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domestic economy? What of the c
A collection of essays from the Ec
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A ruminative memoir by one who saw much happen, and not happen, at a time when everything seem
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^ February il, 2012 vol XLvii no 6 DBS Economic & Political weekly
Counting and Profiling
(2011: 24). However, С Ranagarajan, the
chairman of the Prime Minister's Eco-
the Missing Labour Force

nomic Advisory Council, has offered a
positive view when he says:
There is a high probability that some low
paying jobs in the unorganised sector do not
have takers as the option to study, improve
К P KANNAN, G RAVEENDRAN
skills and employability is now available
with the youth. Large numbers of women are
This comment on "Where
withdrawing from the labour force to attend
tion on an annual basis on such a
to domestic duties. This may be a result of
Missing Labour Force?" (e
In tion crucial the on absence macroeconomic
crucial macroeconomic an annual of reliable basis variable data on such collec-as
variable as a improved incomes and a similar pheno-
24 September 2011) attem
employment, the publication of the re-menon as above may be at work impacting
answersultsfour the workforce numbers (2011: 70).
questions: (1
of the quinquennial survey by the
is National Sample Survey Office (nsso) If this, indeed,
the
magnitude of is the reason, then it
the d
in the for 2009-10
labour was received with great
raises
force an important question
andas to why w
anticipation. The overall result has
the decline is more among rural women
segment of the population
engaged in such low earning activities as
been disappointing for the simple rea-
been affected most
son that there has been hardly anyself-employment and casualdurin
labour and
two increase
surveys, in total workers despite an
not
2004-05 among others. and
annual gross domestic product (gdp)Given the seriousness of the employ-
2009-10? (2) What propor
growth of over 8% and a populationment question in India, we attempt to an-
of the decline can be attr
swer the following questions in this note:
growth of 1.74% adding 98.12 million peo-
to an increase in
(1) What is theenrolmen
magnitude of the decline
ple between 2004-05 and 2009-10. Some
for education? in labour
have called it "a dramatic collapse of em- (3) force and who
Whathave been affected is
ployment" (Chandrasekhar
economic status most duringof
and Ghosh the two surveythose
periods, viz,
2004-05 and 2009-10? (2) What propor-
2011) that seems to have spread from
dropped out of the labour
formal or secure employment totion of this decline can be attributed to
for reasons other the
informal or insecure employment. How- increase in than
enrolment for education? ed
(4) What
ever, such ais the
situation should (3) What
have led to is the economic status of those
extent of
who dropped out of the labour force for
an increase in unemployment rate which
in the workforce, of whic
reasons other than education? (4) What
has not happened. Instead, there has
status and from which sec
is the extent of decline in the workforce
been a decline in the labour force parti-
the economy?
cipate rate (lfpr) that includes the and of what labour status and from
employed and the unemployed. which sectors of the economy?
The main ex post facto reason given
Magnitude of the Decline
for this decline in lfpr has been the in-
In general, the nss surveys provide un-
crease in enrolment of young people for
derestimates of population. The level of
education that has been duly noted by of-
ficial documents (Planning Commission underestimation varies from round to
2011: 9-10) as well as by scholars (e g,round. For example, the level of under-
Chandrasekhar and Ghosh 2011; Choud- estimation in 61st round was 12% for men
hury 2011 and Rangarajan et al 2011). and 9.6% for women, while it increased
But all of them agree that the increase to
in 13.9% for men and 14.2% for women
this category does not fully match the in 2009-10. It is, therefore, necessary to
decline in the labour force. Moreover,adjust the survey estimates to conform
the decline has been identified to be to population projections so as to have
among women, especially in the rural any valid comparisons between any two
The authors thank J Krishnamurty
areas. Choudhury (2011) has proposed rounds. In this exercise, it has been done
Rodgers for their comments on an
and Ajaya that "the decline in thefor
Naik lfpr of women, at the level of the four population
research seg-
assista
KP Kannan irrespective age, might be because of ments - rural male, rural female, urban
( ofkannankp123@gmail.c
earlier a decline inthe
with overall employment
Centre oppor- male and urbanfor
female - in Develop
each of the
Studies, tunities" and that "social orthodoxy may states. The estimates of population,
Thiruvananthapuram and
G Raveendran (pushing
have played a role in gravi19@hotmail.co
out women labour force, workforce and unemployed
the Central Statistical Office.
rather than men from the labour force" and the corresponding rates thus derived
Economic & Political weekly 0DS3 February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 77
DISCUSSION
Tablt 1: Comparativi Estimates of Population, Labour Foret and Workforce (in million) applying the participation rates of
Category
2004-05 in different age groups. The

differences between this projected and
Population
Labour force
actual estimated labour force are given
Workforce in Table 2. Although the phenomenon
Unemployed of demographic transition in India,
LFPR
albeit slow, resulting in an upward shift
WPR
in the age cohort of the population and
improved educational attainments are
UR
LFPR = Labour
the basis of po likely to increase the participation
Tablo 2: Aga Groupwise Projected and Actual Labour Force and Differences in 2009-10 (in million)
rates, we have assumed constant rates
Age Group
as a first approximation. Table 2 reveals
that there was a desirable reduction of 3.7
0-14
million children in the labour force. It
15-19
20-24
consisted of 1.66 million male and 2.04
female children.
25-29
30-34 The answer to the first question, there-

35-39 fore, is that assuming the same lfpr for
40-44 2009-10 as in 2004-05, the reduction in
45-49
labour force (15 years and above) was
50-54
51.65 million consisting of 12.81 million
55-59
men and 38.83 women. In the case of men,
60-64
65+
the reduction was solely in the younger
Total age groups and in those aged 60 years
15+
and above. The reduction in the case of
25+ women was across all the age groups but
Table 3: Age Groupwise Projected and Actual

the maximum reduction was in the age
Number of Persons Attend
and Differences in 2009-10 (in million) group of 30 to 34. In fact, 72% of the
Age Group
women who dropped out of the labour

force were in the age group of 25 years and
0-14
15-19
above compared to a marginal increase
20-24
in entry into the labour force for men.
25-29
Decline Due to Education
30-34
35-39 There has been a consistent increase in

40-44 the percentage of people attending
45-49 educational institutions and a conse-
50-54
quent reduction in the labour force par-
55-59
ticipation rates of those in the younger
60-64
age groups. In order to factor this phe-
65+
nomenon in the reduction of the labour
Total
15+
force, we projected the number of people
likely to have been attending the edu-
from the data decline
are given
of about in labour
2.9% in the female Table i. Allin 2009-10 by ap-
cational institutions
the results presented here
force, while there are
was an average estimates
growth plying the attendance rates of 2004-05.
based on the unit level data. Labour rate of 1.9% in female population between The projected numbers along with the
force and workforce data refer to the2004-05 and 2009-10. In the case of men, actual estimates and differences are
Usual Principal and Subsidiary Status.the labour force growth rate was 1.5% as given in Table 3. As expected, there were
The estimates reveal an absolute re- compared to the male population growth 16.29 million additional children, con-
duction of 20.94 million women in labour rate of 1.6%. These estimates do not take sisting of 6.84 million boys and 9.45 mil-
force and 20.05 million in workforce into account the expected increase in lion girls attending educational institu-
during 2009-10 as compared to 2004-05, labour force, if the participation rates of tions in 2009-10. The net addition in the
although the share of women in the pop- 2004-05 continued till 2009-10. For our other age groups was 23.20 million over
ulation improved from 48.1% in 2004-05 purposes of measurement, we therefore, and above the projected number of per-
to 48.4% in 2009-10. In other words, work out the decline by estimating the sons attending educational institutions.
there was an average annual rate of projected labour force in 2009-10 by It consisted of 12.75 million men and
7 FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 ШШ Economic & Political WEEKLY
=== DISCUSSION
10.46 million women. Thus, five decilesthe

among accounted for 17.04 million ought to have been in the
12.81 million men who went out of (61%) of the missing women labour are compelled to confine
labour force, 12.75 million were in the force in the age group 25 and above. the four walls of their dw
educational institutions. The next three deciles accounted for poor living conditions.
The answer to the second question, 7.27 million (26%) and the last two The answer to the thir
therefore, runs as follows. All the men deciles accounted for 3.85 million therefore, is that an overw
who dropped out of the labour force (13%) of the missing female labour portion of women who d
have been accounted for by the additional force. It also needs to be noted that 83% the labour force were fro
enrolment for education. Of the 38.83 of the missing women labour force is in belonging to economically
million women who dropped out of the rural areas. holds. To the extent that a
labour force only 27% is accounted for by In order to find the current status of the tion belonged to the hig
the additional enrolment for education. missing labour force the same analysis groups, the withdrawal o
Therefore, the status of the remain- was repeated for those categorised as could be interpreted as ari
ing 28.38 million women has to be ex- attended domestic duties only (Code 92) improvement in the econo
amined focusing on those aged 25 years and attended domestic duties and was
and above. The labour force in 2009-10 also engaged in free collection of goods, Impact on Women
The reduction in labour fo
by assuming the participation rates of sewing, tailoring, weaving, etc (Code 93).
2004-05 in the age group of 25+ was The results are given in Table 5. While almost equivalent reduct
projected and the difference between there was a shortage of 28.16 million force. However, the reduct
the projected and estimated labour women aged 25 years and above, the form across different in
force in different monthly per capita additional women in the categories of and activity statuses. Assu
consumption expenditure (mpce) Code 92 and Code 93 were 29.19 million. same wpr for 2009-10 as t
deciles was estimated. The results are In almost all the lower deciles, except the differences between
estimated men workers
given in Table 4. There was an aggre- the first one, there were additions of small
gate shortage of 28.16 million women numbers. However, in the last two industry groups are prese
in the labour force which is almost deciles, there were shortages as com- (p 80) and the same for wo
equal to the net shortage after adjust- pared to missing women. It is thus clear in Table 7 (p 80). In the ca
15 and above, there was a
ing for educational impact. The first that those 28.16 million women, who
of 13.07 million workers.
Table 4: Differences between the Projected and Estimated Labour Force Aged 25+ by MPCE Deciles Group in
2009-10 (in million)
duction of 17.75 million w
MPCE Decile agriculture followed by 4.6
ers in manufacturing and
0-10 0.10 2.37 2.48 0.06 0.93 0.99 0-17 3.31 3.47
trade. However, the const
10-20 -0.22 2.37 2.15 0.11 0.60 0.71 -0.10 2.97 2.86
20-30 -0.29 Ï29 ÍÕÕ -0.09 0.69 0.60 -0.38 3.98 3.60 employed 11.57 additiona
of them casual labour. The
30-40
40-50 0.00 2.72 2.72 0.11 0.47 0.58 0.11 3.19 3.30 primarily in the categories
50-60 worker, unpaid family wor
60-70 -0.02 2.10 2.08 0.22 0.36 0.58 0.21 2.45 2.66 and regular wage paid em
70-80 ever, there was a net add
80-90 workers over and above
90-100 0.22 1.29 1.51 0.18 0.20 0.37 0.40 1.48 1.88
workers to the tune of 1
Total
the construction sector,
casual
Table 5: Difference between the Projected and Estimated labour
Persons was 11.09
in Activity Statusmi
92
Deciles Group in 2009-10 (in million)
that men were pushed ou

MPCE Deciles
agricultural and manufact

to casual labour in constru
10-20 In the case of women, th
20-30 reduction of 36.35 million
30-40
culture and 4.59 million in
40-50
The reduction was prima
50-60 0.02 -2.53 -2.51 -0.02 -0.30 -0.32 -0.01 -2.82 -2.83
of unpaid family worker
60-70
workers, regular wage p
70-80
80-90
and casual workers altho
90-100
an increase in the casual l
Total works in construction an
Activity Status 92 = attended domestic duties only; Activity Status 93 = attended domestic d
The former seems to be th
of goods (vegetables, roots, firewood, etc), sewing, tailoring, weaving, etc, for household us
79
Economic & Political weekly WEt February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6
DISCUSSION = =
Table 6: due to education. For women only 27%

Differences
could be accounted
IndustryGroup for Own
due to additional
enrolment for education. Of the remain-
Agriculture
Mining
ing women, 83% belonged to rural areas.
Manufacturing
By examining the decline in workforce,
Electricity
we find 53 million of which 44% has been
Construction due to additional enrolment for education.
Trade
The remaining are all women who seem
Hotels
to have gone back to domestic activities

Transport
with or without engaging in non-monetary

Finance
work but economically important chores.

Real estate
Given the fact that most of those who

Administration
Education
have gone out of the labour force are
Health
women from rural areas and overwhelm-
Community
ingly belonging to poorer households,
Household
raises an important question of work and
Total
welfare. The fact that the nregs seems to
Table 7: Differences In Projected and Actual Workforce of Women Aged 15 Years and Above (in million) have made only a marginal impact, the
Industry Own Account Worker Employer Unpaid Family RegularWage Casual Labour in Casual Labour Total
question of gainful employment for poor
Agriculture
women in general, and rural women in
Mining
particular, continues to be quite relevant
Manufacturing in a fast growing India. In any case, our
Electricity
exercise does not support the hypothesis
Construction that the withdrawal of women could be
Trade
due to improved economic conditions.
This news of an economy wide "jobless
Hotels
Transport
growth" might have come as a shocker to

Finance
Real estate
the policymakers, especially those in the
Administration
Planning Commission. Instead of "shoot-
Education ing the messenger" (epw 2011), the results
Health
should have been subjected to a cool-
Community
headed and detailed examination as much
for a realistic understanding as for pon-
Household
Total
dering over its implications. Of course, the

Table 8: Accounting
Nss 66th round has called the bluff of
loss of employment forthe as c
in 2009-10 (in Million)
ual labour in agriculture
Planning Commission's claim to create 50
A Decline inrural areas
Labour also
million additional
Force affected
jobs during the Elev- t
1 Decline in labour force women,enth Plan; at the same time, it
pushing has also
them b
2 Decline due to education to the household. This
brought before the country some much is o
3 Decline due to other than (2) needed welcomeexplanation
"economic" news of accelerated en-
4 Share of those in (3) belonging to
this the result of social rolment of girls and boys for education as
rural area (%)
В Decline in orthodoxy? We are not sure.well as an increase

Workforce in an otherwise star-
1 Decline in workforce Men in self-employment invation wages of the mass of casual labour.
2 Decline due to education agriculture and related acti-
3 Net decline after deducting (2)
vities seem to have soughtREFERENCES
4 Addition to activity status 92 and 93
work as casual labour in Chandrasekhar, С P and J Ghosh (2011): "Latest
5 Residual Employment Trends from the NSSO", Business
the expanding construction Line , 12 July.
National Rural Employment Guarantee sector. Since much of this construction took
Choudhury, S (2011): "Employment in India: What
Does the Latest Data Show?" Economic & Polit-
Scheme (nregs). place in urban areas this could have led to ical Weekly , 6 August , Vol XLVI, No 32.
The scenario seems to be a case wheremigration of such men from rural areas. EPW (2011): "Don't Shoot the Messenger", editorial,
Economic & Political Weekly, 9 July, Vol XLVI,
men lost some of their self-employment No 28.
Summing-up
activities leading to a greater number of Planning Commission (2011): Faster , Sustainable
We sum up our exercise in Table 8. While and More Inclusive Growth: An Approach to the
women losing their status as unpaid family
Twelfth Five-Year Plan (New Delhi: Planning
labour since many self-employment acti- the labour force declined by 51.65 mil- Commission, Government of India), April.
vities of men in rural areas are assisted Rangarajan, C, Padma Iyer Kaul and Seema (2011):
lion, 45% of it has been due to additional
"Where Is the Missing Labour Force?", Economic
by women as unpaid family labour. The
enrolment for education. For men, it is all & Political Weekly, 24 September, Vol XLVI, No 39.
80
February li, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 Q2S3 Economic & Political WEEKLY
= EPW Research Foundation
There was a significant acceleration in the growth of gross bank credit from 16.7% in 2009-10 to 20.8% in 2010-11. But growth in priority sector credit decelerated sharply from 17.1% to 13.5% during the same
period, bringing down its share oftotal credit from 35.4% to 33.2%. The growth in gross bankcredit slowed from 9.2%during April-November 2010to 5.9% in the same period of 2011;thegrowth of credit to priority
sector declined sharply from 5.2% to 1 .2% and credit to agriculture and allied activities worsened from a negative growth of (-) 1 .0% to (-) 4.0%.
Macroeconomic Indicators
. . „ . „ . Variation (in %): Point-to-Point
. Index . Numbers „ . of Wholesale Prices „ .
(BaseYear2004-05 ' = 100)л Weights January 14 Over Over 12 Months Fiscal Year So Far
'
Primary Articles 20.1 199.1 0.8
Food Articles 14.3 191.4 0.6
Non-Food Articles 4.3 179.9 1.3
Fuel & Power
Manufactured Products* 65.0
Food Products* 10.0 152.9 0.7
Food Index (computed)* 24.3 175.3 -1.8
All Commodities (point to point basis)* 100.0
All Commodities (monthly average basis)*
* Data pertain to the month of December 2011 as weekly release of data discontinued wef 24 Oct 2009. AThe date of first release of data based on 2004-05 series wef 14 September 2010.
Cost of Living Indices Latest Over Over 12 Months Fiscal Year So Far
Industrial Workers (IW) (2001=100)
Agricultural Labourers (AL) (1986-87=100)
Note: Superscript numeral denotes month to which figure relates, e g, superscript 1 1 stands for November and 12 stands for December.
Money and Banking (Rscrore) 13 December Over Month Over Year Fiscal Year So Far
Money Supply Щ 7192570 141526(2.0) 983640(15.8) 693080(10.7) 606240(10.8) 896817(16.0) 807920(16.8) 776930(19.3)
Currency with Public 1000600
Deposits Money with Banks 6189830 128548(2.1) 875540(16.5)
of which: Demand Deposits 669910
Time Deposits 5519920 97667(1.8) 849750(18.2)
Net Bank Credit to Government
Bank Credit to Commercial Sector
Net Foreign Exchange Assets
Banking Sector's Net Non-Monetary Liabilities 1288930
of which: RBI 569710 -42950(-7.0) 214780(60.5)
Reserve Money (20 January 2012) 1451660 -5725(-0.4) 164280(12.8)
Net RBI Credit to Centre 530640
Scheduled Commercial Banks (1 3 December 201 1 )
Aggregate Deposits 5798700 126108(2.2) 851730(17.2)
Demand 599190
Time 5199510 86853(1.7) 822550(18.8) 633250(13.9) 529750(13.8) 719048(18.7) 536191 (16.2) 638395(23.9)
Investments (for SLR purposes) 1689620 10769(0.6) 227890(15.6) 188010(12.5) 76980(5.6) 116867(8.4) 2
BankCredit 4354480 87497(2.1) 633720(17.0) 412390(10.5) 475970(14.7) 697294(21.5) 469239(1
Non-Food Credit 4268080 84003(2.0) 611280(16.7)
Commercial Investments 173490
Total Bank Assistance to Commi Sector
Note: Government Balances as on 31 March 2011 are after closure of accounts.
Index Numbers of Industrial Production November*
(Base 2004-05=100)
General Index 100.00 167.4(5.9) 165.3(3.8) 159.2(8.4) 165.4(8.2) 152.9(5.3) 145.2(2.5) 141.7(15.5) 122.6(12.9)
Mining and Quarrying
Manufacturing 75.527 177.8(6.6) 175.5(4.1) 168.6(9.0) 175.6(8.9) 161.3(4.8) 153.8(2.5) 150.1(18.4) 126.8(15.0)
Electricity 10316 145.6(14.6) 148.4(9.5) 135.5(4.5) 138.0(5.6) 130.8(6.1) 123.3(2.8) 120.0(6.4) 112.8(7.3)
* Indices for the month are Quick Estimates
Fiscal Year So Far 2010-11
Capital Market
BSE Sensitive Index
BSE-100 (1983-84=100) 8982(-8.0) 8126 9758(13.0) 7805 10262 8540 11141 10096(8.6) 9300(88.2) 4943(-40.0)
BSE-200 (1989-90=100) 2099(-9.4) 1895 2316(13.2) 1824 2427 2034 2753 2379(8.1) 2200(92.9) 1140(-41.0)
S&P CNX Nifty (3 Nov 1995=1000) 5205(-7.1) 4751 5604(15.5) 4544 5912 4807 6312 5834(11.1) 5249(73.8) 3021 (-36.2)
Skindia GDR Index (2 Jan 1995=1000) 235K-22.8) 1978 3044(19.6) 1875 3441 2477 3479 3151(9.3) 2883(134.2) 1153(-56.2)
Net Fll Investment in (US $ Mn Equities) - period end 103394(2.0)
t ^ л November* Fiscal Year So Far
Foreign t ^ Trade л
Exports:
US$ mn 22322 192694(33.2) 144660(30.7) 245868(37.5) 17875K-3.5) 185295(13.6) 163132(2
Imports: Rscrore 182689 1435305(32.2) 1085781(26.3) 1596869(17.1) 1363736(-0.8) 1374434(35.8) 1
US$mn 35922 309530(30.2) 237664(32.7) 350695(21.6) 288373(-5.0) 303696(20.7) 251654
Non-POL US $ mn (* Provisional figures)
Balance ofTrade: Rscrore -69169
* Provisional figures.
Foreign Exchange Reserves (excluding
gold but including revaluation effects) 20Jan 21Jan 31 Mar
Rscrore
US$mn 263932 274677 278899 -6172 -10745 -14967 14986 19208 18264 -57821 107324 46816
Figures in brackets are percentage variations over the specified or over the comparable period of the previous year. (-) not relevant.
[Comprehensive current economic statistics with regular weekly updates, as also the thematic notes and Special Statistics series, are available on our website: http://www.epwrf.in].
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82 FEBRUARY 11, 2012 vol XLVii no 6 СБСЗ Economic & Political WEEKLY
Recovering Liberties: Indian Thought in the Age of Liberalism India Since 1 950: Society, Politics, Economy and Culture
and Empire Christophe Jaffrebt (ed.)
CA Bayly
Щ-Щ the great Indian liberal tradition stretching of contemporary India as much on the
Д from Rammohan Roy in the 1820s, through political, diplomatic, economic, as on the social
ВкЛШ Dadabhai Naoroji n the 18 0s, to G. K. and artistic front. The non-alignment of the
^ BflB| Gokhale in the 190 s. This powerful new study 1950s brought it close to US R, but the 21st
Н Е р shows how the ideas of constitutional and later century ushered in an Indo-American
¡ЯнШИв! 'communitarian* liberals influenced but were convergence. The New Economic Policy of
also rej cted by their op onents and suc es ors, 19 1 saw the states of federal India as erting
Вцрщр ВкЛШ Д ¡ЯнШИв! Н Е р Щ-Щ ^ BflB| also shows One from the 'communitarian* Gokhale including Dadabhai rej cted great of Rammohan how the in Indian Nehru, Naoroji worlds the the by ideas 190 s. their liberals Roy liberal eading Gandhi, in op onents of This constitutional in the influenced tradition the historians powerful 18 0s, Indian 1820s, and suc es ors, new stretching to socialists, examines but and through G. study were later K. India of political, and century convergence. themselves, 1950s 19 1 contemporary artistic Since saw brought diplomatic, ushered the 1950 while front. The states it tracks close liberalization The New India in of economic, to die federal non-alignment an Economic US R, as dynamic Indo-American much India as gave but on trajectory Policy the as erting rise the on of social 21st to the the of a
radical democrats and proponents of Hindu new middle class.
nationalism. C. A. Bayly throws fresh light on 't is impossible to understand India as a
the nature and limitations of European separate entity from its cultural diversity,
political thought and re-examines the origins of Hence, cultural overtures underpin all aspects
Indian democracy. discussed in the book.
9781 107025097 1 HB I ? 695 978819065101 1 1 HB I Foundation Boob I Yatra Books I ? 995
Shi'a Islam in Colonial India: Religion, Community and Bangladesh: Politics, Economy and C
Sectarianism David Lewis
Justin Jones
Focusing on the influential Shi'a minority of I I The story of Bangladesh, told through the
Lucknow and the United Provinces, a region pages of this concise and readable book, is a
that was largely under Shi'a rule until 1856, truly remarkable one. By delving into its past,
this book traces the history of Indian Shi'ism ЩЯЩЛ ДИД^И ^ through an analysis of die economic,
through the colonial period toward political and social changes that have taken
^B^^Kg^^B^B independence in 1947. Drawing on a range of ЯвВиЙЦ^^^^^^Н place over the last twenty years, the book
new sources, including religious writing, explains how Bangladesh is becoming of
polemical literature and clerical biography, it increasing interest to the international
assesses seminal developments including the community as a portal into some of the key
growth of Shi a religious activism, madrasa issues of our age: the way globalisation affects
education, missionary activity, ritual the worlds poorer countries, the long-term
innovation and the politicization of the Shi'a effects of the international development
ÎBBBBB^^^B community. ШЯЯШ^^^^^ШЁШЯЛ industry, the potential risks to people and
environment from climate change and the
political challenges facing modern Muslim-
9781107026971 I HB К 795 9781107678460 1 PB К 395 majority nations.
Vortex of Conflict: U.S. Policy Toward Afghanistan, Pakistan, Timepass: Youth, Class, and the Politics of Wa
and Iraq Craig Jeffrey
Dan Caldwell
Vortex of Conflict: U.S. Policy Toward B^^^

Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq is the f
accessible, one-volume resource for any
who wishes to understand why and how the undertaken in response to pervasive
U.S. became involved in the two wars -in Iraq underemployment. It highlights the
and Afghanistan -and in the affairs of Pakistan importance of waiting as a social experience
concurrently. Beginning with a description of and basis for political mobilization, die micro-
the history of die two conflicts within the politics of class power in north India, and the
context of U.S. policies toward Afghanistan, socio-economic strategies of lower middle
Iraq, and Pákistán, the author outlines and classes. The book also explores how this north
analyzes the major issues ofthe two wars. Indian story relates to practices of waiting
occurring in multiple other contexts, making
the book of interest to scholars and students of
globalization, youth studies, and class across
9788175969278 I HB I ? 995 9788175969261 1 HB 1 * 795 the social sciences.
/';-=09 )(8* =-0/']

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Critique Of the Common Ser

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from M F Husain to Taslima Nasreen, from James Laine to Joseph

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with the International Monetary Fund is the world-fountainhead

Economic & Political weekly ШШ February 11, 2012 vol xlvii no 6 9

a party of all castes and yet retain an

the language of "belongings", i e, an eco- gateway at epw.in

these are parties with organic links to

and, following, from that, to entitle every

Readings on the Economy, Polity and Society

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Health Evidence from the States

data professional at all levels. The thrust

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Service Centre Scheme budgetary allocation in the Tenth Five-

three lakh rural internet kiosks The technology early1990s

The study was sponsored by the Indian Institute

Within up, the perceived need for in-

ternet services is higher in the e-district of

Rae Bareli than in Lucknow, where e-gov-

ernance services have not been intro-

Digital services duced. This indicates that the demand

up. Among those who perceive a need

Only those who

for the common man.

Infant mortality per thousand population###

Financial Viability of Telecentres

* There are five categories. L1

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of modem Nepal: viability of the Nep

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that what is "absent" has to be presented

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shown little improvement in their econo- grated U-Chang economy" consisting of

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also constructed a counterargument

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lagta hai ki vote unhi ko de. (After listen-

tors will as always dominate the voting To order th

34 FEBRUARY 11, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 6 Ш Economic & Political WEEKLY

being confronted by Nehru. Noorani

chronological order. While the docu-