APRIL 28, 2012 Vol XLVII No 17

E con om ic& P oU tica J w E E K L Y

A SAMEEKSHA TRUST PUBLICATION www.epw.in

EDITORIALS His and Hers

■ Growing Military Assertion The government proposes to amend marriage laws to
■ Beef Festival at Osmania introduce greater clarity on the grounds for divorce and
■ Mumbai University: Such a Fall division of the husband's property; but a lack of
COMMENTARY transparency in the process is not helping, page 10
■ His and Hers
■ Nonadanga Eviction
Questioning the Right to the City
■ India's Exports during the Global Crisis
The recent eviction in Nonadanga in Kolkata can only be
■ The 'Corruption' of the HDI
understood in terms of the objectives of the Jawaharlal
■ PaanSingh Tomar and the Nation
Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission, page 13
■ Gunter Grass and the Anti-Semitism Canard

FROM THE STATES

■ Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea Delhi Water Supply Reforms
Reforms in water supply in three areas of Delhi based
BOOK REVIEWS
on public-private partnership models are taking place
■ Behind the Beautiful Forevers
w ithout public consultation, page 32
■ Gandhi in the West

INSIGHT
■ Delhi Water Supply Reforms RBI Aggression
REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
When there are so many downside risks in inflation, the
■ Gendering the Twelfth Plan external sector and fiscal affairs, why has the central
■ Gender Responsive Budgeting in India bank been so aggressive in slashing rates? page 109
■ Financial Incentive Schemes for the Girl Child
■ Addressing Domestic Violence
■ Beyond Feminine Public Altruism REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
The relationship of the women's movement in India to aspects of
SPECIAL ARTICLES
development planning and policy is as old as the movement itself.
■ Administering GST in India This issue of the RWS focuses on questions of policy in the context of
■ Who Is the Community in Community Radio? the Twelfth Plan. Two articles look at gender in the planning process.
■ Forest Policy Discourse in Bangladesh Three others examine issues relating to incentives for the girl child,
health crisis centres for victims of domestic violence and women
MONEY MARKET REVIEW
office-bearers in panchayats. page 40 onwards
■ Inflation Traded In

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 APRIL 2 8 , 2012 17
I VOL XLVII NO
E co n o m ic & P o litica lw E E K L Y
His and Hers E D IT O R IA L S
Growing Military Assertion....................... 7
10 The proposed amendment to marriage laws which will have far-reaching
Beef Festival at Osmania.......................... 8
consequences for a woman’s right to her husband’ s property on the
Such a Fall.......................................... 9
breakdown of a marriage needs critical fine-tuning.
F R O M 50 Y E A R S A G O ........................................... 9
Nonadanga Eviction COM M EN TARY
13 The Nonadanga incident in Kolkata needs to be understood in terms o f what His and Hers— Flavia Agnes ..................... 10
the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission aims to achieve in our Nonadanga Eviction: Questioning the Right to
cities. the City— Swapna Banerjee-Guha ............... 13
India’s Exports at the Time of the Global Crisis
India's Exports at the Time of the Global Crisis — Bishwanath Goldar ............................. 15
15 The superior growth performance o f India’ s exports to the us compared to The ‘Corruption’ of the Human Development
the Chinese exports is due to the difference in the product com position of us Index— D hanm anjiri Sathe ...................... 18
imports from these two countries. Paan Singh Tomar, the Nation and the
Sportsperson—M K Raghavendra ............... 20
Paan Singh Tomar, the Nation and the Sportsperson Gunter Grass and the Anti-Semitism Canard
20 The film Paan Singh Tom ar is used to study sports nationalism and the role — Vinay L a i ....................................... 23
of the State in fostering the nation. FR O M T H E STATES
BJP in Karnataka: Between the Devil and the
Gunter Grass and the Anti-Semitism Canard Deep Blue Sea— Shivasundar .................... 25
23 Israel’
s furious reaction to Gunter Grass’
poem on its atomic pow er status
B O O K R E V IE W S
shows that it all too easily paints any criticism as “
anti-Semitism”
.
Citizens of an ‘
Undercity’— Kalpana Sharma.... 28
Gandhism in the UK and US
Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea
— Usha T hakkar .................................. 29
25 The very factors which the bjp used to gain pow er in Karnataka - caste
manipulation and caste alliances - could lead to its undoing in the state. IN S IG H T
Delhi Water Supply Reforms:
Delhi Water Supply Reforms Public-Private Partnerships or Privatisation?
— Sujith Koonan, Preeti Sam pat ................. 32
32 The manner of implementation of water supply reforms in Delhi is
undermining principles o f transparency, accountability and participation.
R E V IE W O F W O M E N ’
S S T U D IE S
State Policy and the Twelfth Plan through a
Administering Goods and Services Tax in India Gender Lens— J Devika, M ary E John,
84 The best way to operationalise the G oods and Services Tax could be by Kalpana Kannabiran, Sharmila Rege,
placing a single national agency/department in charge. Samita Sen, Padmini Swaminathan ............. 40
Gendering the Twelfth Plan
Who Is the Community in Community Radio? — M rid u l Eapen, Aasha Kapur M e h ta ........... 42
92 There is an insufficient deconstruction of the complexities o f the Gender Responsive Budgeting in India
— Yamini Mishra, Navanita S in h a ...............50
“community”in community radio literature and discussion.
Ladlis and Lakshmis: Financial Incentive
Schemes for the Girl Child — T V Sekher........ 58
Deconstructing Forest Policy Discourse in Bangladesh
Addressing Domestic Violence within Healthcare
100 Understanding the implementation of Bangladesh’
s forest policy.
Settings: The Dilaasa Model — Padma Bhate-
Deosthali, T K Sundari Ravindran, UVindhya ...66
Money Market Review Beyond Feminine Public Altruism
109 The hawkish posture reflected in the r b i ’
s m acroeconom ic review makes the — J Devika, B in ith a V T h a m p i ................ 76
nose-diving and dovish policy action on the repo inexplicable.
S P E C IA L A R T IC L E S
Review of Women's Studies Administering Goods and Services Tax in India
Five papers on policy and w om en in the context o f the Twelfth Plan. — Praveen Kishore ................................84
Who Is the Community in Community Radio?
Gender Responsive Budgeting in India: What Has Gone Wrong? — Savita B a ilu r ...................................92
50 An analysis o f the two government strategies for institutionalising gender The Ghost in the Machine: Deconstructing Forest
Policy Discourse in Bangladesh
responsive budgeting.
—Niaz Ahmed Khan, Barbara Harriss-White.... 100

Financial Incentive Schemes for the Girl Child M O N E Y M A R K ET R E V IE W

58 A desk review of 15 girl child promotion schemes across the states.
Addressing Domestic Violence within Healthcare Settings
66 A critical look at anti-domestic violence intervention programmes at health centres.
Inflation Traded In
— EPW Research F oundation ................... 109
C U R R E N T S T A T IS T IC S ......................................... I l 6
L E T T E R S .............................................................. 4

Women Leaders in Kerala's Urban Bodies S U B S C R IP T IO N RATES A N D

76 A study o f w om en leaders o f urban governance in Kerala. N O T E S F O R C O N T R IB U T O R S ................................. 6

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 LETTERS
E con om ic& P olitica lw E E K L Y
ISSN 0012-9976

Ever since the first issue in 1966,

epw has been India’
s premier journal for Is Caste Losing Ground? English dailies, endogamy is still intact
comment on current affairs
though the mode of spouse search is
and research in the social sciences.
his is with reference to “The Peculiar quite modern. Moreover, the author has
It succeeded Economic Weekly (1949-1965),
which was launched and shepherded
by Sachin Chaudhuri,
who was also the founder-editor of epw.
T Tenacity of Caste”by Andre Beteille
(epw, 31 March 2012). The paper which
ignored the fact that hypergamy is still
relevant and powerful in modern hi-tech
As editor for thirty-five years (1969-2004) marriages also. Most of matrimonial
basically tries to argue that caste as social
Krishna Raj
gave epw the reputation it now enjoys. system is losing ground in India is unable advertisements of the upper caste families
to convince us by offering us evidence for their daughters which speak of “ Caste
EDITOR
C RAM M ANOHAR REDDY about what it is trying to say. The author No Bar”in fact request s c - s t grooms to
has invariably used the term “ evidence”in excuse them irrespective of their educa­
DEPUTY EDITOR
BERNARD D ’
M ELLO the paper but what is actually presented tion and occupation.
WEB EDITOR
is based on a common-sense under­ It is true that the linkage between
SU BH A SH R A I standing of the situation. caste and occupation is witnessing a
SENIOR ASSISTANT EDITORS The three major areas - rules pertain­ considerable decline. But even today an
L IN A M A T H IA S
ing to purity and pollution, rule of endo­ ex-untouchable cannot profitably run a
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S R IN IV A S A N R A M A N I gamy and the interlinkage of caste and tea stall in a village. Meanwhile, nobody
A S H IM A S O O D occupation - that are cited for illustrating from a brahmin caste so far has set up a
B H A R A T I BH A R GA V A
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of the British and the onset of modern tions and large hospitals still come from
P S L EE L A technology has accelerated this process. the lower castes.
PRODUCTION But if we look dispassionately at these Basically the paper is written from
U RAGHUNATHAN developments, we may find an altogether the perspective of “ middle class Indians”
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S U N E E T H I N A IR different picture. The caste sentiment is who are known to deny caste not because
still strong even in the most secular of they are against it but because they oppose
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3 2 0 -321 , A TO Z INDUSTRIAL ESTATE
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my observation, is that the rules of purity tiatives needed for caste to disappear
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f a x : (022) 2887 3038 cases of the lower division staff harass­ of Left Theatre?*
epwrf@vsnl.com
ing their office superior just because of

Printed by K Vijayakumar at Modem Arts and Industries,
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Editor: C Rammanohar Reddy.
I
his lower caste background. wish to produce some arguments on
As far as the rules of endogamy are the article “
Rise and Fall of Calcutta’
s
concerned, the author is partly true. Group Theatre: The End of a Political
If one goes through the matrimonial Dream” b y Parimal Ghosh (epw, 10
advertisements published in the leading March 2012).

A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 Q353 Economic & Political w e e k ly

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Ghosh tries to assert that “ legislature
leftism”ended the “ Calcutta Group Theatre
Movement” . But was it a failure? Or was
it a random exercise of left theatre?
There are a lot of other examples. In the
1980s and 1990s protest play groups of
Calcutta had produced a variety of other
plays - p l t ’s Darao Parthikbar (on the
life and deeds of Madhusudan Dutta),
Annaya Theatre’ s Madhav Malanchi
Kayinya (A Folk Erotica of Bangladesh)
and Nattayan’ s Brishchik are worthy
of mention.
We wish to add Tapaswi 0 Tarangini
and Pratham Partha (plays of Buddhadev
Basu) that were performed by Theatron
and three productions of Agatha Christie’ s Nonadanga area of east Kolkata that
Mousetrap by three separate groups in
the same period.
Theatre is independent of social cross­
currents and vice versa. And if the theatre
of protest has collapsed after “ legislature
leftism” , another form of protest theatre
will emerge.
In the same decades there was a produc­
tion Bandhya Karkhanas Gete by c p t and
Ganabishan on the futile labour policy of
the Left Front. And in recent years there
was a production like Adbhut Adhar by
Sanskriti on the Left Front’ s failure and
Chotto Bakulpurer Yatri by Swapna-
sondhani on the unlawful land-grabbing
programme of the Front.
Sanjib Chatterjee
KOLKATA
Suppression of
Constitutional Rights
(An open letter to Manmohan Singh)
his is to bring to your immediate
T attention of the detention of an emi­
nent and internationally acclaimed scien­
tist Partho Sarothi Ray along with several
other citizens by the Kolkata police.
Partho Sarothi Ray is an established
scientist in the field of molecular biology,
his scientific research findings have been
published in world-class journals includ­
ing Nature. He has also been awarded
the Wellcome Trust/DBT India Alliance
Intermediate Fellowship in 2010 which is
one of the most prestigious honours that
a young life scientist in India can receive.
He is a faculty of Indian Institute of
Science Education and Research Kolkata,
Economic & Political w e e k ly E33S9 A p r i l 28, 2012
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one of the esteemed institutions of higher
learning in India under the Ministry of
Human Resource Development.
You might be aware that recently the
Government of West Bengal undertook a
massive eviction drive of slum-dwellers
with police force without any rehabilita­
tion measures. As a natural protest against
this unjustified police action, there were
peaceful demonstrations by concerned
citizens, for which prior permissions were
arranged by the local police. In spite of
this, the Kolkata police used force to
crack down on the demonstrators. It was
while participating in a peaceful protest
against the eviction of slum-dwellers of
Partho Sarothi Ray was arrested along
with 68 others including several women
and a nine-year-old girl on 8 April 2012.
Of those arrested, seven including Ray,
have been detained in police custody for
several days, and now six of them are in
judicial custody and one in c i d custody.
In order to justify its high-handedness,
the police slapped many dubious cases
against Partho Sarothi Ray and others,
such as Section 353 (assault on public
servant), Section 332 (voluntarily causing
hurt to public servant). Section 141 (unlaw­
ful assembly), Section 143 (punishment),
Section 149 (common objective of disrup­
tion) of the Indian Penal Code. The relation
of these charges with (or lack thereof) the
peaceful demonstrations of 8 April has not
been made clear at all. We are extremely
concerned of the treatment meted out to
Partho Sarothi Ray and others.
Incidentally, the excess of police has
clearly not ended. On 12April 2012 human
rights activists were attacked and later
arrested at a demonstration against the
illegal evictions and the detention of Ray
and others. Furthermore, recent media
reports reveal that on 13 April 2012,
Ambikash Mahapatra, a faculty in chem­
istry department from Jadavpur Univer­
sity was first beaten up mercilessly by
goons for an action which was as innocu­
ous as forwarding an email to his friends
whose content constituted a cartoon
that had already been posted on Face-
book a few weeks earlier. It is frighten­
ing to note that instead of taking action
against the assaulters, the West Bengal
police arrested Mahapatra.
v o l x l v i i n o 17
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LETTERS
This, in our opinion, constitutes a
clear violation of freedom of speech and
all conceivable rights of an individual
due to illegal action by the state police.
The state administration has issued pub­
lic statements in both print and electron­
ic media in support of this barbaric act.
We are extremely perturbed by such
use of State force in cracking down
on human rights activists, and citizens
attempting to raise issues of concern
related to some of the poorest and most
vulnerable people of our country. This
violent suppression of protest appears
also to be an attempt to threaten those
who might raise their voice in dissent.
It would therefore help if you could
personally intervene to resolve these
matters urgently. We fear that this ap­
proach of the state has serious implica­
tions not only for the events occurring in
Kolkata but for the larger democratic
ideals which this country espouses. In
particular, we request that Partho
Sarothi Ray and others be granted bail
immediately. We also urge that all the
dubious charges placed against Partho
Sarothi Ray, Mahapatra and the other
protestors be dropped and an impartial
enquiry by a central agency be conducted
into these matters to prevent any further
violation of human rights.
T A Abhinandan, IISc, Bangalore;
Ayan Banerjee, Narayan Banerjee, USER,
Kolkata, Kirill Bolotin, Vanderbilt University;
Swapan Chakrabarti, Calcutta University;
Noam Chomsky, MIT, USA; Bhanu Das, IAA,
Bangalore; Subhadeep De, NIST, Maryland,
USA; Aparna DuttaGupta, HCU, Hyderabad;
Saikat Ghosh, SNBNCBS, Kolkata;
Vrinda Grover, Human Rights lawyer,
New Delhi; Paul Krapivsky, Boston University,
USA; Ananda Lakshmi, Chennai;
Ludvig Lizana, Umea University, Sweden;
Mayna Majumdar, Editor - Katha, Kolkata;
Sanjoy Majumdar, IIT, Kharagpur;
Harsh Mander, Member, NAC;
Babu Mathew, NLU, Delhi;
Pnina Motzafi-Haller, Ben Gurion University,
Israel; Manas Mukherjee, NUS, Singapore;
Rajendran Narayanan, Cornell University, USA;
Arnab RaiChaudhuri, IISc, Bangalore;
Manju Ray, CSIR-Emeritus Professor,
Bose Institute, Kolkata; Aruna Roy, MKSS;
Shiv Shethi, RRI, Bangalore;
Pragya Shukla, IIT, Kharagpur;
Rahul Siddharthan, IMSc, Chennai;
Vishal Sood, Copenhagen; Kavita Srivastava,
PUCL, Jaipur; Abha Sur, MIT, US
and many others
5
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APRIL 28, 2012 VOL x l v i i n o 17 GEE3 Economic & Political w e e k ly

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 A PRIL 2 8 , 2012
Growing Military Assertion
What has made the country’
s military top brass increasingly more forceful vis-a-vis the civilian authority?
ncreasingly, in recent times, factional feuds within the Indian
I Army and the hand of the Ministry of Defence in these rival­
ries, as also public assertions of the top brass of the armed
forces on policy matters are being played out in the mainstream
media. A front page sensationally headlined story in the Indian
Express (4 April 2012) of unauthorised troop movements near
the capital on 16 January and how this “ spooked”the govern­
ment is certainly an instance of journalistic overplay. The sug­
gestion is that Chief of Army Staff General V K Singh is supposed
to have engineered the troop movements to coincide with the
filing of his affidavit in the Supreme Court that contested the
Ministry of Defence’ s claim that he was born in 1950, and not in
1951 as in the Army’ s personnel records. The general, it seems,
wanted to “ spook”the government for insisting on pensioning
him a year earlier than he thought his retirement was due!
Predictably, Defence Minister A K Antony rubbished the news
report as “ totally baseless” . Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
described it as “ alarmist”and the army chief himself termed it as
“fables of a sick mind” . But the general’
s claim to be younger than
he was shown in the first records, the government’ s bid to retire
him on the basis of these and not later records, the subsequent
allegations about an attempt to bribe him, and many other sordid
details that are now tumbling out may have more to do with strug­
gles in the top echelons of the Indian state over access to riches.
The armed forces have been modernising and technologically
upgrading their arsenal since the late 1990s, and have been
demanding greater allocation of funds from the public exchequer.
In this, they have been aided by the fact that the Congress-led
United Progressive Alliance (upa) government is as obsessed
as its earlier Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic
Alliance counterpart that nothing should be left undone in
preparing them to be able to simultaneously go to war, if neces­
sary, against Pakistan and China. And, one cannot ignore the
destructive involvement of the Army in Kashmir and in parts of
the north-east against sections of our very own people.
In the pursuit of this multiple agenda of destruction and the
creation of waste, the military has come to preside over an ever
larger resource base and its leadership is beginning to feel a
greater sense of its own importance. That in the present setting
the military top brass would be roused and would brace itself to
assert its power vis-^-vis the country’ s civilian leadership was
Economic & Political w e e k ly DDZ53 a p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17
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only to be expected. Indeed, in the matter of publicly voicing
their opposition to any amendments of the Armed Forces
(Special Powers) Act (afspa), the Disturbed Areas Act, or Sec­
tion 197(2) of the Criminal Procedure Code to dilute provisions
providing immunity from prosecution, whether in Kashmir or
the north-east, or to proposals to lift the “disturbed area”tag in
certain districts, the leaders of the Army have been tacitly
encouraged by their civilian-political bosses to do so.
The armed forces leadership has, however, got out of hand in
certain instances. Recall that in the aftermath of Washington’ s
illegal raid in Abbottabad in Pakistan in which United States
military personnel assassinated Osama bin Laden, two of the
top brass of our armed forces boasted that our forces also have
the capability and the competence to undertake such commando
operations in another country to eliminate terrorists. And on a
number of occasions in the past decade successive army chiefs
have publicly spoken about “ winning”a nuclear war against
Pakistan and more recently about a new “ Cold Start”doctrine
for a limited and destructive war with our western neighbour.
The leaders of the armed forces can, however, prove more sensi­
ble and prudent than the political leadership where they per­
ceive that their interests may be harmed. In 2009, the Congress
Party led-upA government wanted the Indian Army’ s Rashtriya
Rifles and the Indian Air Force to take part - along with the
Border Security Force, the Indo-Tibetan Border Police, and
the Central Reserve Police Force - in what came to be called
Operation Green Hunt, the unprecedentedly huge, multi-state,
armed offensive against the Maoists. But the military differed
with the government; it prevailed upon the civilian-political leader­
ship and instead opted to provide logistical support, training in
jungle warfare, and take a leading part in the formulation of the
military strategy of the paramilitary forces.
Yes, money, irrespective of how it is gained, is also at stake,
for India is now the world’ s largest importer of armaments. It
is reported that in the Tatra deal, which is presently being
enquired into by the Central Bureau of Investigation, the public
sector undertaking Bharat Earth Movers (bem l), in true com­
prador style, insisted on purchasing the trucks from the London-
based non-resident Indian Ravinder Rishi’ s firm instead of
contracting with the Czech manufacturer which repeatedly
tried to persuade b e m l to directly deal with it. Be that as it may,
7
EDITORIALS
India’s strategic alliance with the us has instilled in the top
brass of the armed forces a sense of their own significance, and
an ascendancy in the hierarchy of power that they could not
have even dreamed of. The us presently holds more military
exercises with India than with any other power. And, in this
Beef Festival at Osmania
The political battle over what we can eat is a challenge to established politics across the spectrum.
eef, or more generally, the meat of cattle has been a con­
B tentious issue for more than a century, leading at times to
riots, killings, social divisions and political movements.
Much of this has been initiated by groups foregrounding their
“Hindu”identity who have used the protection of the cow to mark
out lines of difference from the “ Other”, primarily Muslims. Indian
politics and academia are by now, thanks to this bloody history,
well conditioned to view public posturing over beef eating as the
preserve of Hindutva politics which furthers a reactionary agenda.
The “ beef festival”organised by some dalit and left student
groups in Osmania University of Hyderabad has been, however,
quite an unprecedented affair. This is perhaps the first time that
an organised voice has been raised in favour of eating beef.
What is striking is that most political formations did not know
how to react to this “ festival”. The secular formations, which do
not want dietary restrictions imposed by law, seem to be divided,
largely between those who have condemned this event for
stirring up communal and caste tensions over a “ trivial”issue
and those who have looked on in indifference at this “ spectacle”.
Outside of the networks of dalit activism there do not seem to
be many takers for what these groups call a movement against
“Food Fascism” . organisers of the Osm ania University b e e f festival is: Who are
The Hindutva forces, of course, reacted with the expected
violence, but their protest was both ill-organised and localised
and indicated that they really did not know how to meet this
ideological and political argument that beef is integral to dalit
food cultures and should be provided in public spaces like uni­
versity hostels and canteens. The cow-related politics of Hindutva
has been primed only to hit at the Muslims, while here the op­
ponents were dalits, whom the Hindutva forces are keen to bring
within their political fold. This explains much of their ideologi­
cal and political disarray on this occasion. That this beef festival
was timed with Ambedkar Jayanti made matters that much
more difficult for the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh family
which would not want to appear hostile to this dalit icon.
A similar food protest was organised by dalits in Karnataka
who cooked and served meat on Ambedkar Jayanti to break a
state law which banned sale and consumption of meat on that
day, forcing the Bharatiya Janata Party government to quietly
withdraw its order. News reports suggest that Osmania Univer­
sity’s beef festival has become something of an exemplar and
plans are now afoot in various parts of the country to organise
such beef and/or meat festivals to highlight “ non-brahmanical”
food traditions.
8 A p r i l 28, 2012
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part of the world, control of the Indian Ocean is what Washing­
ton is focusing upon, and here it is the Indian Navy that is
involved in cooperation with its us counterpart.
Little wonder then that the country’ s military leadership is
now increasingly more assertive vis-a-vis the civilian authority.
This is the first time in the history of modern India that a
political challenge has been thrown, apparently with some
success, to the Hindutva politics around the cow. This move also
throws a spanner in the Hindutva attempts to ally with and
possibly incorporate dalit politics within its folds. Despite the
widening legal proscription on the sale of beef, it remains widely
available though only surreptitiously in most states of India.
Official data itself suggests that beef is among the most com­
monly eaten of non-vegetarian foods. In 2001 out of a total
annual per capita meat consumption of 5.6 kg, beef (cow, buffalo,
veal, etc) accounts for as much as 2.8 kg while lamb, goat, pork and
chicken together make up for the rest. Government data indicates
that Indians on an average probably get more protein from the
consumption of meat and fish than they get from pulses.
It is also important to remember that beef is primarily a food
of the poor, whatever the religious affiliation. And the Muslim
gentry often exhibit biases about beef similar to upper-caste
Hindus. The shrillness and violence of the cow protection move­
ment has been successful in representing the food of the poor
and discriminated as the preferred dish of the Muslim.
The question, then, which has been foregrounded by the
these people who eat all this beef (and meat)? How has Hindu,
or even Indian, food culture been defined as largely vegetarian
and who has decided that beef is against Hindu food culture? It
is the north Indian, Hindu, upper-caste male who has had a free
run for more than a century and a half in defining Indian food and
culture. The beef festival is an assertion by those who have
remained at the cultural/ideological margins of India that they
will not be defined anymore by this so-called mainstream; rather
they will define what constitutes this mainstream.
Until some years ago, the entrants from the margins into the
national mainstream were too few to assert themselves. But the
cumulative effect of the slow, yet steady, rise in literacy, social
as well as physical mobility, the opening up of professions, the
development of the media, the consumerist boom, etc, of the
past few decades are all perhaps leading to a structural trans­
formation of India’ s mainstream. It is not a coincidence that the
beef festival was organised in a university that has been at the
heart of live political battles over caste, region and religious
identity and not in one of the traditional left bastions. This new
politics challenges and confounds not just the Hindutva forces,
but equally the gentrified left-liberal politics of composite
culture and Sarva Dharma Sambhava.
v o l x l v i i n o 17 DDB3 Economic & Political w e e k ly
 EDITORIALS

Such a Fall
Mumbai University, once an iconic institution, has lost its way.

he current glare of public attention on the sorry state of Mumbai University’ s jurisdiction extends from Mumbai to Ratnagiri

T affairs of Mumbai University was inevitable, given the

series of mishaps in the conduct of recent examinations.
These include a paper leak leading to a court petition and re-exam
covering approximately 6.4 lakh students and 654 colleges. By
any standards this is an enormous load and given the university’
infrastructural resources an impossible one to manage efficiently.
s

(for about 85,000 students), errors in allocating centres, delay
in distribution of hall tickets and even failure to print a set
of exam papers. All this highlights the steady decline over the
past two decades of various structures and mechanisms of this
iconic institution. Mumbai University seems to suffer from an
assortment of maladies that include governance issues, political
interference and indifference in equal measure, an impossibly
vast jurisdiction, poor infrastructure and woefully inadequate
teaching and non-teaching staff. Add to these a leadership that
does not have the requisite blend of scholarship and administration
qualities and the recipe for disaster is complete.
The appointment of the present vice chancellor (vc) in 2010
was widely criticised as an act of political favouritism overlooking
his inadequate academic qualifications. However, the education
lobby in the state, dominated by powerful politicians (shikshan
samrats or education emperors as they are known), has for long
manipulated to place amenable appointees in this post. A vc
who is dependent on political-bureaucratic patronage is likely
to find that he/she has to contend with “ recommendations”in
filling significant posts. From here it is a short journey towards
the erosion of governance structures. But the patronage of politi­
cians does not move on to planning for more funds for the insti­
tution, leading to the obvious neglect of higher education in the
state. The university’ s record in teaching and research in the
humanities has been abysmal as is evident in the steady decline of
students awarded PhD degrees. Its deteriorating image has had
the twin effect of keeping away talented faculty and students
not only from the state but also from other parts of the country.
The decline of the university began in the 1990s when an in­
creasing number of colleges seeking affiliation to it were allowed
to introduce professional/vocational courses. As these were not
funded by the government, the colleges could charge higher fees
for the courses. Although the university regulated the fees, it failed
to monitor the quality of education. As a result, the number of
students affiliated to the university increased dramatically as did
the number of examinations that needed to be held. At present,
Apart from increasing the staff strength and using information
technology to aid administrative work, long-term and thoughtful
planning that is an integral part of academic excellence would
have helped to tackle the situation. Instead, the university went
ahead and introduced the credit-based grading system in the
2011-12 academic year adding to the teaching staff’ s workload
and paving the way for dilution in the standards of teaching.
The only salutary outcome of the outcry over the mess in the
university is that several important posts, such as those of the
pro-vice-chancellor, the registrar and the controller of examina­
tion, which had been vacant for the last two years, have finally
been filled. However, the huge backlog in filling vacant posts of
teaching and non-teaching staff remains.
If one example was needed to illustrate the all-time low to which
a university, once held in high regard, can fall, one has to look at
developments last year. Giving in to the demand of a 20-year-old
aspiring politician, the vc banned a book (Rohinton Mistr/s
Such a Long Journey) which had been a part of the Bachelor of
Arts syllabus for years. The protests at this arbitrary ban were
muted and weak, indicating the sway that local politics now has
on Mumbai’ s intellectual life. This too is indicative of the growing
irrelevance of the university to the city after which it is named.
Unlike in the past, Mumbai University has long ceased to be a
vibrant part of the city’ s cultural and intellectual life. This is in
contrast to the great universities in many parts of the world.
While the rot has gone deep and needs an overhaul, there are
a number of measures that are an absolute must to save the
Mumbai University. The removal of the stranglehold of political
patronage over the v c’ s post will ensure that the university gets
the leadership required and also that more significant posts
lower down are held by people who can ensure academic excel­
lence. The Mumbai University’ s 53 postgraduate departments,
mainly the humanities, urgently need more attention and aca­
demic auditing. These steps could be the first towards making
Mumbai University the creator of the “ intelligentsia and epoch-
making forces”that it was once credited to be.

FROM 50 YEARS AGO in an underdeveloped country, is an essen­ in pointing out that the major weaknesses

fhefewomicUMlg
A Journal of Current economic and political Affair*
VOL XIV, NO 17, APRIL 28, 1962
WEEKLY NOTES
Not Hidebound
Progressive businessmen in this country
have been veering round to the view that
economic planning by the State, particularly
tial prerequisite for economic progress. Shri
K C Mahindra, who belongs to this group,
expressed himself on the subject with com­
mendable firmness in his address as Chairman
of Mahindra and Mahindra at the Annual
General Meeting of the Company in Bombay
this week...To support planning by the State
is not, however, to argue that planning in this
country is free from defects...One is justified,
therefore, in drawing attention to the grow­
ing lag between planning and achievement or
that have arisen in the economy have been at
those points at which the Government has
been directly involved - railway develop­
ment, coal production and power generation.
It is clear that the planning technique has
been deficient and supervision over perform­
ance too slack. It is becoming increasingly
evident that the operational machinery of
Government is not able to rise to the occasion
to implement the gigantic task set to it by the
planning organisation...

Economic & Political w e e k ly B E 29 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 9

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 COM M ENTARY

His and Hers up creating confusion, chaos and even

FL A V IA A G N E S _____________________________________
At the centre of the controversy
over the government’
s proposal to
amend marriage laws are issues
related to situations when there
is an irretrievable breakdown
of a marriage and to division of
property at the time of divorce.
The ambiguity and lack of
transparency in the proposed
amendment are hardly conducive
to rendering a divorce easy in
the event of a breakdown of a
marriage and may have exactly
the opposite effect. There are
other allied questions regarding
the woman’
s right to the
husband’
s property as well as the
rights of women belonging to the
minorities. The government must
address all these aspects before
enacting the amendment.
Flavia Agnes (fiaviaagnes@gmail.com) is
a women’ s rights lawyer and is with the
Mumbai-based Majlis which provides legal
help to women.
10
greater acrimony in divorce proceed­
ings. Rather than rendering divorces
easy, it might result in achieving the
exact opposite effect. The bill has led to
several erroneous presumptions. At one
he central government’ s decision level it is assumed that women’ s groups
T to introduce amendments to mar­ are seeking the amendment that will
riage laws seems to have stirred make divorces easy and help women to
up a hornets’ nest with every campaign­ walk out of marriages and “ move on” .
ing group expressing discontent or dis­ While doing so they can also walk out
agreement with it. At the centre of the with half of the man’ s hard-earned pro­
controversy are two issues: irretrievable perty. Put this way, the proposition
breakdown of a marriage and division of appears to be blatantly unjust to men.
property at the time of divorce. At the Here we must trace the history of this
periphery are other issues like reducing amendment. In August 2010, the govern­
the waiting period for mutual consent ment brought a bill to Parliament to in­
divorce with the discretion of the judges troduce the provision of an irretrievable
and rights of adopted children to be on breakdown of marriage which was touted
par with biological children in custody as a “ pro-women measure”which would
battles. The last one is non-controversial do away with the need for “ washing dirty
and has never been a contentious issue linen in public”and set women free. But
in matrimonial litigation. In fact, rights due to opposition to it by several wom­
of adopted children are considered on en’ s organisations it was referred to the
par with rights of biological children on Joint Select Committee of Parliament.
every issue, including property inherit­ The “ men’ s rights groups”who de­
ance. Reducing the waiting period in posed before the select committee urged
divorces by mutual consent with the dis­ the government to carry out the amend­
cretion of the presiding judge of the trial ment and also put forward a proposal
court (but not routinely) after ascertain­ that as soon as the divorce proceedings
ing that the consent of the parties is an are initiated, all criminal proceedings
informed consent will also not give rise pending under Section 498A of the Indian
to much controversy. Introducing the Penal Code should be quashed. Some
breakdown theory into our marriage even suggested by citing examples of
laws has been done on a case to case ba­ other countries in this regard, that the
sis by the higher courts. Through this period of separation should be reduced
amendment the trial courts would be from three years to three months. In this
given similar powers. Though slightly case as soon as a complaint of cruelty or
controversial, it fades into inconse­ dowry harassment is filed by the wife,
quence when compared to the govern­ the husband would be at liberty to file a
ment’ s proposal to divide the husband’ s petition for divorce on the ground that
property at the time of divorce. the marriage has broken down irretriev­
ably and wriggle out of both civil and
Lack of Clarity criminal consequences in one stroke.
The amendment’ s ambiguity and lack He could thus set himself free of any
of transparency is disturbing. Since the encumbrances and criminal liabilities,
bill has not been placed in the public leaving his wife and children high and
domain, opinions expressed on it, both dry as a punishment for her outrageous
by experts as well as lay people, appear decision to file a criminal complaint
to be mere hypothesis or knee-jerk reac­ against him and his family!
tions. A bill which hopes to bring in The concern of women’ s groups was
changes of such magnitude as altering that if divorces are made easy, with no
property relationships would need far avenue of resisting it and protecting
greater clarity. Otherwise, it would end women’ s right to shelter (given to them
A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 (BBSS Economic & Political w e e k ly

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under the Protection of Women from
Domestic Violence Act, 2005) or negoti­
ating for maintenance or alimony it
would cause great harm to them. Such a
step would be detrimental to the inter­
ests of non-working homemaker wives
in long-term marriages or to women who
share the double burden of being wage
earners and homemakers. Hence some
of us who appeared before the select
committee urged the government to
introduce the concept of division of matri­
monial property in the event that the
government was determined to introduce
irretrievable breakdown of marriage.
Every country which has introduced the
theory of marriage breakdown has also
simultaneously provided for the division
of matrimonial property. It appears that
the men’ s rights groups in India while
being keen about the partial provision of
making divorces easy were not prepared
for the consequence of the other half
which would make the husband part
with property as is being done in west­
ern countries. Basically a case of having
the cake and eating it too!
In its report submitted to the govern­
ment in March 2011, the select commit­
tee rejected the arguments advanced by
the men’ s rights groups and urged the
government to consider the introduction
of the principle of “ division of matri­
monial property”alongside the provision
of easy divorce. This was a victory of
sorts as it was the first official recom­
mendation which acknowledged mar­
riage as an economic partnership.
Cosmetic Changes
Having accepted the principle in theory,
the government had to put it into effect,
which it failed to do. Instead, it went
ahead and prepared a new bill with cos­
metic changes as it was keen to intro­
duce the breakdown theory of marriage
into the matrimonial laws. The courts
gain an advantage when divorces are
made easy. Bogged down with conten­
tious litigation in urban areas, such a
move would simplify the process and
reduce the workload of the judges as it
would eliminate the trial process which
a fault ground divorce entails. It would
also limit appeals to higher courts. How­
ever, the brunt of this move would be
Economic & Political w e e k ly E3 3 Q
faced by women in long-term marriages,
the non-working homemakers.
In a tradition bound society where mar­
riages continue to be family arrange­
ments and are perceived to be not just
sacred but also provide security and a
status symbol to women, such a move
would spell disaster and doom to a large
number of women and render them
highly insecure, both emotionally and
economically. This is not to deny that
women who are economically independ­
ent and in short-term, childless marriages
would benefit from such a move. But
the legislative intent would have to keep
in mind the best interests of a diverse
class of people and particularly that of
women from disadvantaged sections
and protect their interests. A clause
regarding property division is meant to
restrain the husband from opting for
divorce callously and flippantly.
Such a move also has the potential to
alter the property law in India which at
present functions from the old English
common law principle of separate prop­
erty regime. While superficially the
notion that each person is entitled to
his/her property appears to be a just
and equitable, as we probe deeper into
the ascribed gender roles within mar­
riage, it becomes problematic. Our soci­
ety views men as primary breadwinners
of the family. In order to facilitate this
process, a woman is expected to sacrifice
her career and dedicate herself totally to
the task of caring for him. In this process,
she is also expected to take on the task of
homemaking, childbearing, child rear­
ing and caring for the sick. Even if she is
required or permitted to work, it is mostly
to augment the family income. Her earn­
ings are treated as the family’ s supple­
mentary income. The contribution of the
homemaker spouse has no economic
value. In Arun Kumar Agarwal vs
National Insurance Company ( a i r 2 0 1 0
sc 3 4 2 6 ) the Supreme Court criticised
the 2 0 0 1 Census enumeration which
categorised 3 6 7 million homemakers as
“non-workers”along with beggars, pris­
oners and prostitutes.
When we examine court rulings, the
prescribed gender roles become starkly
clear. For instance, a recent Delhi High
Court ruling has held that the woman’ s urged the legislature to bring in a law to
A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17
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COMMENTARY
refusal to have sex with her husband
upon his demand amounts to cruelty.
This, in an age when several other coun­
tries have introduced the provision of
“marital rape” . Earlier in 2007, the
Supreme Court in Samar Ghosh vs Jaya
Ghosh [(2007) 4 see 511] held that the
woman’ s refusal to cohabit with her hus­
band and refuse sex amounts to cruelty.
In this case, the fact that the woman was
concentrating on her profession and
ignoring her family was held to consti­
tute cruelty. There are other instances
where the courts have ruled that refusal
of the woman to live in a joint family
household and her demand to set up a
separate home with her husband
amounts to cruelty. A woman’ s refusal to
have children or her wanting to abort a
child she had unwittingly conceived
without the husband’ s permission is held
to be cruelty to the husband. So the tra­
ditional gender roles are reinforced by
court rulings. There is no parity be­
tween what constitutes legal cruelty for
the husband and for the wife. The hus­
bands often plead that filing a case of
abuse and harassment under Section
498A constitutes legal cruelty to him. It
is within such skewed power relation­
ships that the husband accumulates
property during the subsistence of the
marriage through the active contribution
of the homemaker wife, and exercises ex­
clusive ownership rights over it. Hence
when a marriage breaks down, most
women are rendered destitute. A wom­
an’ s right is confined to a monthly main­
tenance dole. If the woman happens to
have an independent source of income,
she is denied even this meagre amount.
It appears that the present bill intends
to change this legal order. But this can­
not be done flippantly by adding a
phrase in a section of the existing law,
that the matrimonial court has the
power to divide property at the time of
granting divorce. Currently the courts
do not have the statutory power to
divide property though this concept has
been introduced into our matrimonial
law by invoking principles of English law
in some specific cases. For instance, in
2005, in B PAchalaAnand vs S Appi Red­
dy (2005 3 see 313) the Supreme Court
11
COMMENTARY
protect women’ s interest in matrimonial
property. This judgment referred to the
legal principles regarding the matri­
monial home and property under
English law and approvingly quoted
Denning:
A wife is no longer her husband’
s chattel.
She is beginning to be regarded by the laws
as a partner in all affairs which are their
common concerns. Thus the husband can no
longer turn the wife out o f the matrimonial
home. She has as much right as he, to stay
there even though the house does stand in
his name.
Thereafter, what was required was for
the government to draft a separate bill
on division of matrimonial property and
not surreptitiously bring in a legislation
to introduce irretrievable breakdown of
marriage and the concept of matri­
monial property as just an add-on.
Attitudes regarding property owner­
ship do not change overnight. Even after
introducing the Hindu Succession Act in
1956 giving Hindu women property
rights in their parental property and the
subsequent amendment in 2005 render­
ing women coparceners in the family
property, the notion that men have a
right by birth in their parental property
and women are imposters lingers on. A
recent ruling of the Bombay High Court
has held
When a daughter gets married and leaves
the house of the father to reside with her
husband, she ceases to be a member of the
family of the father and becomes member of
the family of the husband where she has got
certain rights under the law. After marriage
when she goes to the house of the parents,
legally she is only a guest in the house and
does not have legal right to continue there.
She can stay there as long as the parents
permit her.
We cannot invoke principles of
property division evolved in western
countries as these may not suit the
conditions prevalent in India, for
various reasons. Firstly, in most cases
the matrimonial home is not a nuclear
household. It comprises a family home
which is owned by the parents-in-law
or other relatives or it may be the
ancestral home of the family. Secondly,
the prevalence of a large amount of
unaccounted money in our economy
makes determination of wealth a
12
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difficult task at the time of divorce. irresponsible, will the notion of “ joint”
Several h c rulings have held that property in gender neutral terms, cause
income tax returns do not reflect the further injustice to her? Will the courts
true economic status of the person expect such women to give half their
since it is an accepted fact that there is property to the husband to support his
a constant attempt to undervalue irresponsible lifestyle and addictions,
income to evade tax. Added to this is depleting the meagre resources meant
the notion of dowry (and dowry related for the children’ s education? What
violence) which during litigation is about women whose husbands do not
termed as “ stridhan property”to which have any property and yet the woman
the woman has an exclusive claim. and children have a fundamental right
to subsist and survive under the consti­
Critical Questions tutional provision of right to life and lib­
Also there are more critical questions erty? Also do we continue to make laws
such as at what stage is the property only for Hindus leaving behind all the
deemed to be joint property - at the time minority women?
of marriage or at the time of divorce? If These are difficult questions which
the husband transfers his property to his the government must address. We need
relatives or squanders away his money to examine the provision from multiple
what will be left for distribution? Under angles and then chart out a clear course
the Goan law property becomes joint at of action which is not anti-men or anti­
the time of marriage and women are minority, but based on social reality and
deemed to be equal sharers in the hus­ principles of justice and equity. The bill
band’ s property. titled Matrimonial Property (Rights of
If the woman is an equal earning Women upon Marriage) Bill, 2012 which
partner, who has been the primary is lying with the Maharashtra govern­
breadwinner of the family and the ment could be a starting point for
homemaker while the husband has been the discussion.
E conom ic& P oliticalw E E K L Y
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APRIL 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i NO 17 Economic & Political w e e k ly
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Nonadanga Eviction
Q uestioning the Right to the City
SWAPNA BANERJEE-GUHA
The recent eviction in Nonadanga
in Kolkata can only be understood
against the wider backdrop of the
implementation of the Jawaharlal
Nehru National Urban Renewal
Mission, which has been
denying the poor of their right
to the city, whether in Mumbai,
Delhi or Kolkata.
Swapna Banerjee-Guha (sbanerjeeguha@
hotmail.com) is with the School of Social
Sciences, Tata Institute of Social Sciences,
Mumbai.
Economic & Political w e e k ly E3 3 Q
he Nonadanga eviction drive and
T associated police atrocities in
Kolkata have once again brought
to light the exigency of the state machin­
ery in West Bengal to pursue a develop­
ment path that not only does not recog­
nise the right of the poor to the city
but even shows a thorough disregard to
their right to rehabilitation in the event
of development-induced displacement.
The brutality of the eviction is a way of
affirmation by the State that the poor are
absolutely non-essential in the current
city development framework, no matter
what the rehabilitation policy says.
The country’ s National Relief and Re­
habilitation Policy states that before any
development projects are finalised the
state needs to minimise displacement,
promote non-displacing or least-displac­
ing alternatives (as far as possible) or of­
fer adequate rehabilitation measures,
especially to the weaker sections, prior
to displacement, if at all displacement is
unavoidable. The detention of the pro­
testers of the Nonadanga eviction and
their subsequent harassment indicates
the manner in which the state govern­
ment is going to deal with the resistance
to such development schemes. It is inter­
esting to see how systemic the tyrannical
stance of the state is in such cases.
Whether such development projects
are being pursued by the present govern­
ment of West Bengal that vouchsafes its
intentions in the name of maa (mother),
maati (land), martush (people) or by the
previous administration that used to
invoke a specific political philosophy to
speak of their concern for the poor, by
now it is clear that the beneficiaries of
these projects are not the masses or the
poor. The purpose of these projects is to
make the cities more attractive for the
rich and induce more and more corpo­
rate groups to invest. The motive is to
persuade them buy more property,
invest in land and real estate, in the
A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17
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COMMENTARY
information technology (it) and iT-ena-
bled services sector that will further
consolidate the power of the affluent
classes in the cities. Does this make
the cities better and more liveable for
the large majority? No. Ready examples
are Mumbai and Delhi where, since late
1990s, several lakhs of slum-dweller
families have been displaced for mak­
ing way for a number of such develop­
ment projects.
Actually, the victims of such develop­
ment ventures are the poor and the
underprivileged who are the first to be
uprooted and devastated. They are
forced to surrender their right to the city
where they have been living or working
for years, create space for projects that
will make the city more beautiful and
expensive, so that one day they will have
no other option but to move farther to
the distant peripheries with fewer and
fewer prospects of survival. Sometimes
their right to the city is taken away by the
logic of the market, abetted by the state,
sometimes it is taken away by direct
government action that expels them
from their homes, sometimes by illegal
means through violence or contriving
fires. In Mumbai fires in slums in Bandra
(where the land value is very high) are a
recurrent affair. Essentially the Nonad­
anga atrocity and the subsequent state
repression have only served to reiterate
the viewpoint of the state machinery in
India vis-a-vis the prevailing develop­
ment path and associated development
projects. Individuals, groups or demo­
cratic rights organisations questioning
the justifiability of such projects, whether
in the cities, the villages or in the forests,
will continue to be branded as anti­
nationals or terrorists.
Making Kolkata a ‘
World-Class City*
Let us come back to the issue of making
Kolkata “ a world-class city”. Since its
formation, the new West Bengal govern­
ment began announcing its urban vision
of converting Kolkata into a world-class
city, with London as its model. Accord­
ingly, it has been formulating a series of
plans to reconstruct new spaces in the
city for beautification and up-scaling
through numerous projects. Several
parts of the city are getting earmarked
13
COMMENTARY
for smartening; a number of buildings
are being given a face lift; the Ganga
riverfront is being developed as an
expanded space of leisure (modelled on
the Thames riverside in London!); a
number of entry gates are being planned
in different locations; unused tram com­
partments are getting converted into
cafeterias or banquet halls; vigorous
drives have been launched to give a free
hand to real estate for constructing
gigantic commercial and residential com­
plexes in discrete locations, often dis­
placing the poor who have been living
and working in these areas for decades.
Are these projects a novel idea of the
current government of West Bengal or
are they unique to Kolkata? In both cases
the answer is “ no” . The previous West
Bengal government also enthusiastically
introduced similar urban development
programmes, associated with displace­
ment and eviction, following the prescrip­
tion of the Jawaharlal Nehru National
Urban Renewal Mission (jn n u rm ), the
largest post-independence urban plan­
ning initiative in the country. And again,
Kolkata is not the only city where such
beautification drives are seen. One city
after another, in different parts of the
country, has joined the bandwagon, under
the diktat of the jn n u r m . Beautification
of Kolkata is only a part of a larger pro­
gramme framed by a larger ideology, the
imperative stemming from the nexus of
big capital, international financial insti­
tutions and the state machinery.
Revanchist Urban Renewal Mission
To understand it, we have to go back to
1990s. With the introduction of the new
economic policy, Indian cities like many
other cities of the developing world,
entered into a global framework and
started getting reshaped according to the
exigencies of global capital. In 1991, the
Mega City Programme of the central gov­
ernment was launched to revamp the in­
frastructure of large cities. Subsequendy in
1996, the Expert Group on Commerciali­
sation of Infrastructure estimated
a requirement of around Rs 2,50,000
crore as investment in urban infrastruc­
ture for the coming 10 years. This made
the entry of private capital in the urban
development scenario a necessity as it
14
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had already been announced that the
government lacked funds. Accordingly, a
major overhauling of the administrative
and legislative frameworks of the govern­
ment was suggested that facilitated the
involvement of international financial in­
stitutions like the World Bank, the Asian
Development Bank (adb), the United
States Agency for International Develop­
ment (usaid), and the United Kingdom’ s Submission b, entitled Basic Services
Department for International Develop­
ment (dfid) in drafting the urban reforms
mandate for India. Finally in 2005 it took
an official shape in the name of
the JNNURM.
Detailed plans were chalked out to
equip the cities to function as nodes of
global finance and acceptable to the
credit-rating agencies. To achieve the
above, a mandatory decoration of the
cityscape was prescribed, to make them
look beautiful. An aggressive - almost
revanchist - urban development progra­
mme was introduced all over the coun­
try in the form of gigantic infrastructure
and real estate projects targeting a small
section of the elite as the chosen clien­
tele. The think tanks behind this initia­
tive, like the McKinsey Global Institute,
considered the urban poor as the biggest
impediment to the materialisation of such
projects and recommended a drastic
reduction of the slum population in large
cities, proportionately from 60% to 10%
(as in the case of Mumbai) making dis­
placement a fundamental component. A
careful analysis shows that the timing of
the introduction of j n n u r m coincided
with a number of anti-people blueprints
under the new economic policies.
Operational Framework
Let us look at the operational framework
of the j n n u r m in order to contextualise
the increasing vulnerability of the poor
in Nonadanga and other slums in Kolkata
and other cities. The mission is classified
into two parts: Submission a, entitled
Urban Infrastructure and Governance
(uig), accounting for 65% of the initial
total funds of Rs 50,000 crore, admini­
stered by the Ministry of Urban Develop­
ment. All infrastructure and beautifica­
tion projects come under this head. Let
me mention here that in the Eleventh
Plan, public-private partnership (ppp)
A p r i l 28, 2012
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was accepted as the prime alternative to
fund infrastructure projects following
which the infrastructure budget rose
sharply from Rs 260 crore in 2007-08 to
Rs 560 crore in 2011-12. A crucial fact in
this respect is that with the introduction
of jn n u r m , real estate was given an in­
credible boost by allowing 100% foreign
direct investment.
to the Urban Poor (bsup) accounts for the
remaining 35% of the funds, admini­
stered by the Ministry of Urban Employ­
ment and Poverty Alleviation, including
slum improvement and rehabilitation and
access to basic services under its head.
All previous central government schemes
for the urban poor got annulled and
brought under the mission. Needless to
mention, proposals that have been given
priority by the mission are all from
Submission a, incorporating mega infra­
structure projects, gigantic commercial
and residential complexes, shopping malls,
cultural signature projects and urban spec­
tacles. Funds have always been released
for these projects while the Submission b
projects went on to receive stepmotherly
treatment in terms of acceptance and fund
allotment. One must note that one of the
official agendas of the mission has been to
make cities “ slum free”over a period of
time. A drastic shift from provision of basic
services and low-cost housing to market-
driven projects has been underway, the
latter taking the lion’s share of the jn n u r m
budget. The mission has essentially
worked towards intensifying social in­
equality through a grandiose planning
mechanism and has helped cities to grad­
ually get rid of the poor from vital loca­
tions, thereby raising the value of the land.
Excluding the Poor
Against this backdrop, we go back to the
Nonadanga residents. This is the area that
was chosen in 2007 as one of the b s u p
resettlement sites for slum-dwellers who
had been evicted from different parts of
the city for implementing the Submis­
sion A projects of jn n u r m . The resettle­
ment project in Nonadanga has been
officially and jointly run by the Kolkata
Metropolitan Development Authority
(kmda) and the Kolkata Environmental
Improvement Project (keip), the latter
v o l x l v i i n o 17 E3359 Economic & Political w e e k ly
 COMMENTARY

being the owner of the land. The residents
have been eking out a living by working
as informal workers in various organi­
sations, or as domestic workers, rickshaw
pullers, construction workers and similar
other occupations. While they live in
abject poverty, their contribution to the
city’s economy is unquestionable. No
mission funds have come to provide
schools or health centres in the Nonad-
anga Resettlement area. Whether the
funds were released or not utilised is a
different question altogether into which
we are not entering now.
Real Estate Goons
As the area is now on the verge of a com­
mercial boom with the real estate goons
having their eyes on the entire neigh­
bourhood, all of a sudden the residents
(who had been officially relocated here
from their slum colonies and that too un­
der b su p provisions of jn n u rm ) are de­
clared illegal encroachers who, according
to the state machinery, can only deserve
expulsion without any notice. Goons of
the ruling political party who have con­
trol over the area and who once had al­
lowed these people to build their hut­
ments in lieu of “ protection money”
have now joined the government to oust
them. The urban development minister
has ordered expulsion of all illegal en­
croachers. Besides the residents, the sup­
porting protesters too - belonging to
democratic and leftist organisations or
human rights groups - have been treat­
ed in a high-handed manner. Unless
there is a politi motivation such
behaviour cannot be explained. The
arrested activists were denied bail, sent
to jail till 26 April and slapped with false
charges, including sedition or links with
“Maoists” , a standard practice in West
Bengal since the 1970s (from the time of
the Naxalbari uprising) to suppress anti-
state protests by intellectuals, students
and other middle class people.
Essentially, the Nonadanga incident
exposes the true intent of the present
West Bengal government or, for that
matter, of any state government in India
vis-a-vis the urban poor. As I have men­
tioned, it could not have been otherwise
because any government practising the
formulae of jn n u r m with dexterity can
have no other approach. The very pur­
pose of the brazen neo-liberal doctrine
of jn n u r m is promotion of exclusionary
urban development, to make cities “ world
class”and habitable for the rich. And this
brings us to the issue of the basic right
of the people to their cities. Who will
decide that right? Who will define it,
grant it or deny it? Who will exercise it?
The time has come to decide whether
the answers to these questions will come
from assertion at the institutional level
or through social movements with sup­
port from a large cross section of the
people. We need to understand that the
right to the city has to be democratised
through a collective effort. Only such an
undertaking can provide the dispos­
sessed a wider arena of struggle.

In dia’s Exports at the Time Industry, 9 March 2012). The growth

rate in India’s exports in 2011-12 was

o f the Global Crisis higher than the average annual rate of

growth in exports achieved in the
previous 10 years (19.6%).
This excellent export growth per­
BISHWANATH GOLDAR_____________________ formance during 2011 is brought out
not only by the Indian official trade sta­
India’s exports to the European n the light of the current phase tistics, but also by statistics of countries
Union and the United States
during the difficult economic
year of 2011 held their own, while
I of the global financial crisis, which that are major importers of Indian
has its origins in Europe - India’ s products. Let us consider here how
largest trading partner - and which imports of the European Union (eu) grew
has adversely affected the rate of in 2011. Trade data for the e u reveal that
those by China faltered. Was the growth of global trade and the rates of in 2011 there was a marked and almost
Indian export performance real or economic growth in industrialised steady decline in the rate of growth of
countries, the substantial increase in imports, e u imports in January and
a statistical artefact?
exports achieved by India during 2011 February 2011 grew by about 30% per
is commendable. annum (year-on-year basis). The e u im­
s exports (in $) dur­ ports in November and December 2011
The value of India’
ing April to July 2011 were 42% higher grew by only 3% and 0% respectively.
than that in the corresponding period in Imports by e u in the four quarters of
the previous year (rbi Bulletin, February 2011 rose by 26%, 12%, 8% and 4%, res­
2012). In the 11-month period (April 2011 pectively. Overall the growth rate of e u
to February 2012), India’ s exports were imports during 2011 was about 12%,
about $267 billion, which was 21.4% much less than that achieved during
higher than exports in the correspond­ 2010 (about 25%).1
ing period in the previous financial year Several developing countries have
Bishwanath Goldar (bng@iegindia.org) is at (2010-11) (Press release, Department of experienced a marked fall in the growth
the Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi.
Commerce, Ministry of Commerce and of imports by the e u (Figure 1, p 16).

Economic & Political w e e k ly E33S9 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 15

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Figure 1: Growth Rate of EU Imports (2010 and 2011) growth in exports Since official data show that large
India to the us during increases in India exports have taken
Bangladesh July-December 2011. place in 2011 despite the global financial
These include Phil­ crisis, some commentators have found
Vietnam
ippines (growth rate, this news to be “ too good to be true” , and
Argentina
9%), South Africa serious doubts have been raised about
Brazil (6%), Thailand (3%), the reliability of the recent export
Chile
Bangladesh (about statistics. There is a view that the export
1%) and Malaysia (a surge in 2011 is largely explained by
China 2010
fall in exports to the some Indians bringing back to the coun­
I
Malaysia us by about 1%). try illegal money parked overseas by
Philippines Interestingly, the over-invoicing of exports. Also, there
large increase in were newspaper reports questioning the
South Africa
Bangladesh exports dependability of official exports data for
Thailand
to the e u during 2011 specific commodities. According to the
0 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45
did not have a par­
Growth rate, percent
Economic Times (“d g c i s says apparel
Source: Author's computations based on trade statistics available at the website of the allel in the Bangla­ exports rose 30% in Hi, exporters
European Commission (http://ec.europa.eu/trade/statistics, accesses on 29 March 2012).
desh exports to the differ”e t Bureau, 4 November 2011),
China, for instance, saw its imports into us, despite the fact that the former was the d g c i s data show an increase in
the e u fall from 31.9% in 2010 to only facing much greater financial problems apparel exports by about 30% during
3.4% in 2011. Such a marked fall in the than the latter. April-September 2011, but the export­
growth rate of e u imports in 2011 has India is not the only developing coun­ ers in India feel that the number is
been experienced by Malaysia, Philip­ try that has been able to achieve a fast highly exaggerated. According to ano­
pines, South Africa and Thailand. In rate of growth of exports to the us dur­ ther newspaper article (“ Scam behind
sharp contrast, some countries experi­ ing 2011 despite the global financial cri­ Rising Guar Exports?” , Business Line, 21
enced a step up in the growth rate of e u sis. Brazil has performed better than March 2012), the official guar exports
imports during 2011 despite the financial India. The growth (year-on-year basis) figures for 2011 are way ahead of
crisis. These include Bangladesh and of us imports from Brazil during July to domestic guar production, and are
Vietnam. India, along with Brazil and December 2011 was 36% whereas that therefore suspect.
Chile, are a set of countries that experi­ for us imports from India was only Veeramani in his recent article (“Anato­
enced a slowdown in the growth rate of about 20%. The corresponding figure my of India’ s Merchandise Export Growth,
e u imports in 2011, but the rate of for Vietnam was 15%. 1993-94 to 2010-11” , epw, 7 January 2012)
growth in 2011 remained substantial.
In the case of India, the growth rate
came down from 30.6% in 2010 to about
18% in 2011.
1 1 C O M P E T IT IO N C O M M IS S IO N OF IN D IA 0
NATIONAL LEVEL E SSA Y C O M P E T IT IO N •2012
Exports to the US in 2011 on following topics
India’s better-than-average export growth C a te g o r ie s T o p ic s
performance in 2011 is not a story of e u
Benefits of fair Competition in markets Off
alone. This is true also for the us market. Category 'A1 Role of CCI in promoting & sustaining competition
Trade data available at the website of the
us Census Bureau (http://www.census. Category Competition: A potent tool for Economic Development
and Socio- Economic Welfare Off
gov/foreign-trade/balance, accessed on ■B' & C' Competition in markets promotes economic efficiency
6 March 2012) reveal that India has been
able to maintain a relatively fast growth WHO CAN PARTICIPATE ?
in exports to the us in 2011 (as reflected C a tegory E lig ib ilit y
in us import data) in relation to China and
several other developing countries. While
'A' Students of Class 11* & 12*.
China’ s exports to the us (mirror exports, ■B' Undergraduate Students.
reflected in us import data) during July •C' Students pursuing PG/Ph. D including PG Diplomas
to December 2011 grew by only 6% over /M.Phil/CA/CWA/CS/MBA
the previous year, India’ s exports to the
p S T 1 Participants can submit entries by email to cci.essay@gmail.com
us in this period grew by about 20%. Be­
sides China, several other developing I p fix e s j L a te s t by 30>h June, 2012

countries experienced a relatively slow For details visit Commission's website at w w w . c c i. g o v . in

l6 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 13353 Economic & Political w e e k ly

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has carefully analysed trends in India’ s the period April to October 2011 grew by
merchandise exports. Among other is­
sues, he has addressed the question
whether the surge in India’ s exports in
2011 was due to over-invoicing. From his
assessment of the situation, he concludes
that “ India’s official export figures are
real, not an artefact of over-invoicing” .
The view that the surge in India’ s reported by the e u and the us. But, there
exports is caused by over-invoicing of
exports has also been questioned in “ Is
the Export Boom Really Black M oney?” , that both sets of figures indicate that
Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar, Eco­
nomic Times, 16 October 2011). One
argument advanced is that the use of
over-invoicing of exports as a means to
bring back illegal money will make such
money subject to tax, and why would
one chose this channel to bring back il­
legal money when there are other chan­
nels in which this tax can be avoided.
Another argument is that in the worsen­
ing global economic situation, foreign
investors have pulled out billions of dol­
lars from India, and this is not the cli­
mate in which black money operators in
India will bring back home huge sums of
illegal money parked abroad. In this
context, it is important to recognise that
India is not the only country which
attained fast growth in exports in 2011.
Will it be right to argue that the fast
growth of e u imports from Bangladesh,
Brazil and Vietnam is genuine, but that
such growth in e u imports from India is
caused by an over-invoicing of exports?
Obviously, those who believe in the “ over­
invoicing theory”as an explanation of
the surge in India’ s exports in 2011 have
a lot to clarify.
Turning now to the issue of possible
errors in the recent official export statis­
tics, it seems it would not be appropriate
to attribute the observed export surge
mostly or entirely to errors in export
data. A high rate of growth in Indian
exports to the us and e u is indicated
both by Indian data as well as imports
data of these countries. According to the
Indian official statistics, India’ s exports
to the e u (in $) grew by about 32% in the
period April to September 2011. The e u
imports data indicate that the imports
from India grew by about 20% in this pe­
riod. The Indian official data indicate
that India’ s exports to the us (in $) in
Economic & Political w e e k ly B323 A p r il 28, 2012
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about 43%. The us imports data indicate
that the growth rate of us imports from
India in this period was about 24%.
There are gaps between the growth
rates in India’s exports to the e u and the
us reported by India and the growth
rates in e u and us imports from India as
may be valid reasons for these gaps.
What is more important is to recognise
India attained a rapid growth in exports
to the e u and the us in 2011 despite the
economic slowdown in these countries.
Impact of Structural Factors
From the point of view of policy, it is
more useful to consider the surge in
India’ s exports as being caused by cer­
tain structural factors, particularly
structural changes taking place in some
of the markets for India’ s exports. One
possibility is that many importers in the
e u and the us who were overly depend­
ent on China as their source of supply
are now diversifying to other countries.2
This would explain the slowdown in
Chinese exports to the e u and us mar­
kets and fast growth in exports of some
developing countries. An important
question that arises here is why the proc­
ess of diversification has benefited some
developing countries such as Brazil and
India and not other developing coun­
tries, particularly Malaysia, Philippines,
South Africa and Thailand.
An analysis of data of us imports from
Brazil, China and India in 2011 (source:
United States International Trade Com­
mission) brings out the effect that struc­
tural factors had on the growth of us
imports from these three countries. The
growth of us imports from China has
been substantially lower than the us im­
ports from Brazil mainly because of the
differences in the product composition
of imports, us imports from China are
dominated by electronics products
(40%), textiles and apparel (11%) and
miscellaneous manufactured products
such as luggage, handbags, furniture,
and toys and games (14%). The growth
rate of us imports of these products cat­
egories in 2011 has been relatively low.
us imports of electronic products grew
v o l x l v i i n o 17
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
= COMMENTARY
by 6%, imports of textiles and apparel
grew by about 9% and imports of mis­
cellaneous manufactured products grew
by about 2%, whereas the overall us
imports grew by 15%.
The items that dominated us imports
from Brazil are energy related products
(29%), minerals and metals (18%), and
agricultural products (15%). The us
imports of these items in 2011 grew at
the rate of 27%, 23% and 19%, respec­
tively. Clearly, the product composition
of imports explains most of the observed
difference in the growth of us imports
from China and Brazil.
A similar explanation can be provided
for the difference between the growth
rates in us imports from India and
China. A relatively fast growth of items
such as chemicals and related products,
energy-related products, and minerals
and metals account for a much larger
share of us imports from India than in
us imports from China. Electronic prod­
ucts, whose imports in the us grew
rather slowly in 2011, formed a much
smaller part of imports from India than
in the imports from China. It is evident
that the superior growth performance of
India’ s exports to the us as compared to
the Chinese exports to the same country
can be explained to a large extent by the
difference in the product composition of
us imports from these two countries.
n o t e s _____________________________________
1 The growth rate of EU imports in 2011 was
significantly lower than that in 2010, but it was
well above the trend growth rate in EU imports
during the period 2001 to 2010 (about 6% per
annum). Therefore, the growth rate in EU im­
ports during 2011 cannot be regarded as low.
2 I thank Mustafizur Rahman of the Centre for
Policy Dialogue, Dhaka for drawing my atten­
tion to this possible cause of surge in India’ s
exports.
Permission for Reproduction of
Articles Published in EPW
No article published in epw or part thereof
should be reproduced in any form without
prior permission of the author(s).
A soft/hard copy of the author(s)'s approval
should be sent to epw.
In cases where the email address of the
author has not been published along with
the articles, epw can be contacted for help.
17
COMMENTARY
The ‘
Corruption’o f the Human
Development Index
D H A N M A N J IR I S A T H E
When student enrolment
figures are inflated so that
private “
grantable”schools
can receive larger financial
allocations from the government,
will that not inflate India’
s respective areas. The avowed objective is, secretary, Government of Maharashtra
Human Development Index?
An examination of surveys in
Maharashtra.
Dhanmanjiri Sathe (dhan.sathe@gmail.com)
teaches at the department of economics,
University of Pune, Pune.
18
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out that the state government had earlier
announced that it would convert around
4,000 non-grantable schools into granta­
ble schools. This, according to the Sakai
report, would have led to an additional
Rs 120 crore burden in 2012 and a Rs 600
crore burden in the next five years. The re­
port added that the government then de­
C
orruption as a phenomenon is veloped cold feet and got into a mode of
important in itself, but it also has finding schools that have an annual loss of
some “ unintended consequences” , students more than 15%. This is because if
one of which we examine in this note. It is the attrition rate is that high, then the gov­
well known that in Maharashtra local pol­ ernment can deny grantable status to such
iticians have been starting schools in their schools. Thus Ratnakar Gaikwad, chief
of course, to bring education to their area initiated a pilot survey in Nanded dis­
and possibly it was genuinely so at some trict during 7-10 September 2011. This
stage. However, over the years there seem survey was conducted by the revenue
to be some other incentives for establishing department and was done under the aegis
these schools. It can be noticed that the of Shrikar Pardesi, collector, Nanded
per student financial allocations by the district. Pardesi had already made a
central and state governments to govern­ mark in unearthing the “ copy scandal”
ment and grantable schools under various in the same district and his commitment
schemes have increased. There is there­ to good education is well known. This
fore a huge amount of financial resources survey was conducted in a more or less
that is involved. foolproof manner, wherein the students
The grantable and government schools were marked by election ink Section 144
have a vested interest in showing high of Indian Penal Code was imposed so
enrolment figures as then the govern­ that no movement of students from one
mental allocations made for mid-day place to another could be done - either
meals, uniforms, and books, which are from within or outside the district, etc.
based on these figures, are also high. This survey showed that around 20%
The difference between the numbers on of the students on the rolls did not exist.
the m uster and the genuin e students is It also found that th ese m issin g students
the number of “ bogus”students. The were fewer in government schools than
allocations made for such bogus students in grantable schools (the schools typi­
are pocketed by the school manage­ cally started by local politicians). These
ments including the teachers, the politi­ results were discussed in a state cabinet
cians, bureaucrats, etc. According to meeting held on 14 September 2011.
Shridhar Loni, a senior journalist with
the Maharashtra Times, it is an “ open State Survey
secret”that enrolment figures on the The cabinet announced a statewide sur­
muster are higher than the real figures. vey which was conducted during 2-5 Octo­
In August 2011, the department of ber 2011 by the revenue department. The
education, Government of Maharashtra government had advertised this survey
had conducted a survey of the enrolment very well. It was made fairly foolproof by
rates for Standards 1 to 12, which seemed going and checking the next day for
to be a routine one. But at the governmen­ those students who had been “ absent”
tal level too there was an acceptance and on the day of the survey, but we cannot
discomfort with respect to the rising say whether it was as well done as the
number of bogus students. This growing Nanded survey. However, it has been
number got converted into more divisions reported that children were brought
in each class and more government and from other places to sit in the classes,
grantable schools - all of which put a larg­ the same names of children were found
er financial burden on the government. A in the muster for different classes, many
Sakai report on 16 October 2011 pointed “ students”looked quite old, etc.
A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 ia»aVi Economic & Political w e e k ly
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Generally speaking, the school man­
agements used various tricks to show
high enrolment figures and hide the
number of bogus students. Then after
the survey was announced, the schools
themselves were supposed to have
lowered the number of students in the
muster itself, so that the bogus student
rate declined. There are still bogus
students on the rolls, but given the fear
of being detected the schools reduced
the extent of inflation in student enrol­
ment. The results of this survey are be­
ing analysed by the state government
and the citizens are waiting for some
action to be taken.
But some idea about the magnitude of
the problem has been reported by the
newspapers. Sakai in its various reports
in October 2011 put the estimates of
bogus students between 6% and 12%;
Maharashtra Times (10 October 2011)
put it slightly less than 6% and Lok
Satta (28 February 2012) put it at 10%.
Bureaucrats in informal discussions
have put the figure at 10%. The annual
magnitude of corruption is estimated to
be around Rs 3,000 crore which is close
to the yearly budget of Pune Municipal
Corporation!
It is worth noting that in the back­
ward districts the percentage of bogus
students is higher than in the more
advanced districts. It could be because
the location of corruption in the ad­
vanced districts has shifted to higher
education (e g, engineering, pharmacy,
dental colleges, etc). In any case, if
the enrolment rates are erroneous in
Maharashtra, there is all the more rea­
son to believe that similar things are
happening in other states. Presumably,
in generally less-corrupt states like Ker­
ala, the percentage of bogus students
may be less and higher, say, in Uttar
Pradesh. Thus it implies that the enrol­
ment rates that we have for India are an
overestimate. By how much, we cannot
say as of now. Looking at the high
weightage of populous and corrupt
states, the overall figure for bogus
students for all India could be higher
than the 10% of Maharashtra. But this
corruption has “unintended consequences”
for estimates of India’
s Human Develop­
ment Index (hdi).
In November 2011, the United Nations
Human Development Report (h dr) 2011
ranked India’ s h d i at 134 among 187 coun­
tries. The h d r assesses the long-term
progress in health, education and income
indicators for various countries. The
methodology for arriving at the h d i has
been changed in 2011 and so this result is
not comparable to the 2010 h d i rank for
India, which was 119th out of 169 coun­
tries. However, the components - i e,
health, education and income - have re­
mained the same. More specifically, for
capturing “ education”both the method­
ologies make use of the enrolment ratios.
For the 2011 h di, the age-specific enrol­
ment ratios for primary, secondary and
post-secondary education are used. Hence,
needless to say, enrolment ratios play a
crucial role in arriving at the h d i and
overstated enrolment ratios would natu­
rally inflate the hdi.
If we were to have “ genuine”enrol­
ment rates, then India’ s h d i and its rank­
ing would be even lower than what it is
now. Hence, this issue needs to be
probed further. The focus of the news
coverage was on corruption due to

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COMMENTARY

bogus students, but the extent of bogus
students also tells us about the error in
enrolment rates and hence the error in
the h d i for India!
Further, as pro rata governmental allo­
cations go on rising in the future as they
are expected to, the temptation to show
more bogus students would also grow
across the board in the states in India. For
example, largely due to the stable number
of school students, the Government of
Kerala has been able to make allocations
for computers in government and grant-
able schools. In a corrupt state, this kind
of a scheme may lead to increased enrol­
ment rates as that much more money is
utilised. So before we pat our backs
because India’ s enrolment rates have
increased, we need to remember that we
are using “corrupted”data and our h d i
may also be “corrupt”.

Paan Singh Tomar, the Nation is not accustomed (he takes his shoes off
in the middle of the race, runs barefoot

and the Sportsperson but still accredits himself honourably)

M K RAGHAVENDRA
The citizens of any country need
various emblems to help imagine
he attains the highpoint of his career by
winning the steeplechase in an interna­
tional military athletic meet. After his
retirement Paan Singh is offered the job
of a coach but back home, his cousin has
The Film usurped his land and the law is unsym­
new biopic of an actual athlete- pathetic. The collector asks those in­

themselves as a nation and sport

has naturally been an important
one. In this essay constructed
around the film Paan Singh
Tomar the author reflects upon
sports nationalism in India and
the State’s role in fostering the
nation, especially with the State
weakening in past two decades.
The essay also examines the
transformation of Indian cricket
and the creation of superstars -
India became a cricketing power
with the World Cup triumph of
1983 but it was only with the
economic liberalisation of the
P V Narasimha Rao era that
cricket gradually became the
nation’
s obsession.
M K Raghavendra (mkragh@bglvsnl.net.in ) is
a film scholar and critic based in Bangalore.
20
A tumed-dacoit, Tigmanshu Dhulia’ s volved to “
Paan Singh Tomar has been bly”but ignores Tomar’
making waves and, considering that the cate his adversary’
resolve their disputes amica­
s plea to confis­
s licensed guns. When
film is subdued and tries hard to be the police inspector is similarly unhelp­
authentic, its success at the box office ful - despite evidence of Paan Singh’ s
bodes well for Indian cinema as a global doings as a national athlete and hero -
cultural artefact. This, however, is not and his nephew and mother are assau­
an appreciation of the film but a free­ lted, he turns dacoit (or “ rebel”as he
wheeling enquiry into what the sport­ would have it) and begins kidnapping
sperson has come to mean to the nation rich men and merchants for ransom.
today with the film serving only as a The story is related in a flashback
pivot for its arguments - since the suc­ motivated by a journalist interviewing
cess of the film suggests widespread Paan Singh and, as implied, this means
acceptance of its viewpoint. that the film is uncritical in its accept­
Paan Singh Tomar was a jawan in the ance of the protagonist’ s account of the
army who held the national record in the events of his own life. The film is per­
steeplechase for over a decade. Subedar haps weakest when it endorses Paan
Tomar hailed from the Chambal valley Singh’ s killing of nine persons - it echoes
and when his conflict with a relative his notion that informers are not “ inno­
could not be resolved and he found the cent”and therefore merit liquidation. A
police more sympathetic to his foe, he question here is whether it can hold an
(like many others) turned dacoit and informer morally guilty without also ad­
began to rob and kidnap for ransom in mitting its inherent antipathy towards
the Chambal belt. After he had brutally the State. More importantly, is it a patri­
gunned down nine people of a village for otic given that anyone who is for the na­
being police informers, the law turned tion should also be against the state and
on him with a vengeance and Tomar was if so, how did it become thus?
killed in an encounter in 1981.
The film more or less sticks to this story The State and the Nation
except that it is caught between being As may be gathered from this brief des­
authentic and carrying a message that is cription of the film ’ s approach, Paan Singh
pertinent to the times. In the film, Paan Tomar traverses familiar ground by con­
Singh (Irfan Khan) becomes an athlete currently eulogising the nation in the ab­
because athletes in the military are enti­ stract and castigating the state. The em­
tled to better rations. After being unsuc­ blem of the nation is partly the military -
cessful in the Tokyo Asian Games be­ which infuses Paan Singh with love for his
cause he wears spiked shoes to which he country - while the state is, by and large,
APRIL 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 raim Economic & Political w e e k ly

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represented by civilian authority in the
shape of the corrupt police. This disre­
spect for the state, it must be explained, is
a contemporary attitude and does not per­
tain to Paan Singh’ s times because much
of the film is set in the 1970s when Hindi
cinema still showed respect for the Indian
state. The key motif in Ganga Jumna
(1961) in which the older brother turns da-
coit to be eventually gunned down by his
policeman younger brother is, in fact, re­
peated in Deewar (1975) when the smug­
gler older brother is similarly killed by his
sibling and Shakti (1982) in which it is the
policeman father who shoots down his
erring son. Since then, however, cinema is
increasingly regarding the state as unwor­
thy of respect.
The underlying implication in the
films of the 1970s1 was that the state
was the custodian of the nation and
acted on its behalf but this sense perhaps
transformed radically after 1991-92.
The economic liberalisation initiated by
P V Narasimha Rao and Manmohan
Singh was intended as a way of cutting
red tape and freeing the economy but,
judging from Hindi cinem a’ s changing
perceptions, this also weakened the
state considerably - perhaps because
regulation and enforcement were con­
fused with each other. It is one thing to
deregulate but another, entirely, to be
lax in enforcing the laws that exist. In
films like Kaminey (2009) policemen act
on their own behalf as if this was the
most natural thing.2 There may be an
element of hyperbole in this portrayal
but the weakening of the state has led to
social Darwinism on an appreciable
scale - a competitive environment in
which anything goes. When the state
deregulated without strengthening it­
self, free enterprise also became strong
enough to weaken the state. Corruption
is perhaps understandable as the ma­
chinery of the state subverted to serve
free enterprise. Even the criminalisation
of politics may owe to this because crime
can be equated with free-for-all enter­
prise and this signals the social accept­
ance of “ entrepreneurs”of this kind.
Deregulation without enforcement, it
can be argued, strengthened the private
sector inordinately, so much so that
when a measure like the Lokpal Bill is
Economic & Political w e e k ly B 2E 3 A p r i l 28, 2012
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tabled, corporate culpability is excluded.
The mainstream media - which is now
corporatised - is naturally acquiescent
perhaps because its primary concerns
pertain to its revenues (from advertis­
ing) which might be jeopardised if it at­
tended to its traditional moral/watchdog
role.3 But the state (with laissez-faire
economists like Manmohan Singh and
Montek Singh Ahluwalia at the helm) is
so afflicted by its own unworthiness that
each time its control shows signs of
weakening in any area, it responds by
removing long-standing structures in­
stead of strengthening them - eg, pro­
posing cash subsidies to the poor instead
of free education and health and gradu­
ally dismantling even the public distribu­
tion system for foodgrains. The progres­
sive withdrawal of the state can only sug­
gest weakness to the public.
It is perhaps because the state has
been systematically weakened by elect­
ed governments in this way that Hindi
cinema has got around to the view (as in
Paan Singh Tomar) that every Indian
relates directly to the nation - instead of
through the state. In Paan Singh’ s dis­
carding of his spiked shoes in the middle
of the 3,000 m steeplechase is the asser­
tion that the private citizen can do what
he will for his country without assist­
ance from the state, which is suspect.
Sport and the Nation
Paan Singh Tomar is made partly as a
vehicle for patriotic sentiments and it
shrewdly enlists two reliable institutions
which have served mainstream Hindi
cinema in this way - the military and
Indian sport. My sense is that unlike the
state, with which citizens interact on a
daily basis, these are institutions whose
inner workings remain opaque and this
may account for why they are respected.
While the military has been a seat of
patriotism ever since the Sino-Indian
war, the sports film had its advent only
with Lagaan (2001). Iqbal (2005) and
Chak De India (2007) followed. While
Lagaan and Iqbal are about cricket, Chak
De India is about wom en’ s hockey but a
shrewd guess is that it was provoked by
India’s humiliating failure in the 2007
Cricket World Cup when the team did
not even get into the last eight. Directly
v o l x l v i i n o 17
COMMENTARY
or indirectly, therefore, cricket appears
to bear much of the weight of the coun­
try’ s patriotic fervour in sport and its
unique position needs to be understood.
Although always popular, cricket did
not become the “ national sport”even
with India’ s Prudential World Cup tri­
umph in 1983. The burden of sports pa­
triotism was, rather, shared more equi­
tably with the other sports. Prakash
Padukone’ s All England Badminton tri­
umph in 1980 and Vijay Amrithraj’ s suc­
cesses in international tennis - when he
was briefly considered alongside Bjorn
Borg and Jimmy Connors - mattered at
least as much Indian cricket’ s successes
overseas. But cricket has a characteristic
not shared by other team sports which
is its capacity to promote individual
careers in a way that others do not. In
most team games, the team/country
must win for the individual sportsman
to be considered successful. A footballer
cannot have a successful career if he is
not frequently on the winning side.
Cricket is perhaps a team game emblem­
atic of private enterprise in that achieve­
ments at the individual level often have
little or no bearing on the outcome of a
game. A cricketer sets a new personal
world record even as his team sinks to a
new low just as a businessman can be­
come the richest man in the world when
his country is failing on every develop­
ment indicator. This means that among
all the team games popular in India,
cricket has the greatest propen sity to
create stars without the team ’ s progress
paralleling that of the stars.
Cricket’s true rise perhaps also began
in India in 1991-92 when television was
opened out to the private sector in a big
way. Television became the site of adver­
tising in which stars play a big part and
since cricket was already producing
stars, it may be conjectured that televi­
sion advertising found cricket useful.
The rise of cricketers as national icons
begins at around the same time. When
stars endorse brands or products, it may
be expected that the brand or product
has invested heavily in them and it
would hurt it for the star to lose stature.
Since cricketers are associated with so
many brands, it may be surmised that
several interests are doing their best to
21
COMMENTARY

ensure that their images do not lose lus­
tre and mythologies have been created
around cricket. Cricket advertising some­
times takes extreme measures to keep
“patriotism”alive and at one point the
game was even being compared to war,
with the ball portrayed as a hurled ex­
plosive. It would seem, therefore, that
the patriotic sentiments evoked by cricket
have been contributed to by mainstream
media through skilful publicity.
Notwithstanding the local passion for
the game Indian cricket dominates the
world only financially. In the recent Asia
Cup tournament which concluded in Dha­
ka, India did not even make it to the final
message might convince the enormous
cricket-loving public of their patriotic
credentials.
Paan Singh Tomar is too tendentious a
film for it to serve as a marker for what
sports patriotism meant in the 1960s.
The real athlete-turned-dacoit did re­
markably well on the track but this does
not mean that he was patriotic: one can
win races without feeling anything
about the nation. While he fought the
police to be eventually gunned down,
there is no evidence that he despised the
Indian state. Being “ anti-state” is an
ideological position which may not be
embraced by all those who break the
that private enterprise can do it just as
well if not better. A factor that needs to
be considered here is whether the nation
should not be a more inclusive one than
that which is now being fostered. An
Indian industrialist becoming the rich­
est man in the world may be a matter of
national “ pride”but will the “ nation”
that feels this pride be as inclusive as it
should be? If the nation is not an inclu­
sive one, then one also wonders if it can
survive in the long term. Will the failing
state, therefore, eventually not destroy
the nation?
n o t e s / r e f e r e n c e s ____________________________________

although an important personal land­
mark was achieved. It would be absurd to
contest Sachin Tendulkar’ s personal
achievements in the game but the patri­
otic sentiments associated with Indian
cricket’s public image are incongruous.
Personal achievements in Indian cricket
are often compared to those of interna­
tional footballers, but a Pele or a Marado­
na helped their countries to dominate the
game.4 If one reflects dispassionately
upon cricket today, the more marketable
versions (T50 and T20) have had the ef­
fect of reducing the level of skill required
and enhancing the component of chance;
in order to keep it popular, the possibility
of domination by a country is even being
undermined. Given such a scenario, one
law. But Paan Singh Tomar does serve to
tell us what patriotism implies to the vo­
cal classes (who love cricket) today: that
one must concurrently love the nation
and spurn the state to be truly patriotic.
Judging from their conduct even the
functionaries of the state/government
may have been gradually persuaded to
this view after 1991-92.
Conclusions
This essay began as an examination of
the film Paan Singh Tomar but the
enquiry led to other things like sports
nationalism and the role of the state in
fostering the nation. Increasingly, it is
being asserted, that the state needs to
play no role in maintaining the nation,
1 Deewar is also widely regarded as working
with the “ mother-as-nation”cliche. For in­
stance, see Ashish Rajadhyaksha and Paul Wil-
lemen, The Encyclopaedia of Indian Cinema
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press), 1995 ,
p 394 . In this film, the mother sanctions the
killing of her older son by her younger son indi­
cating that the nation is with the state in the
latter’ s fight with the rebel although rebellion
itself is caused by social in justice.
2 See M K Raghavendra, “ Social Dystopia or
Entrepreneurial Fantasy: The Significance of
Kaminey” , Economic & Political Weekly,Vol XLIV,
No 38 , 19-25 September 2 00 9 , pp 15-17.
3 Having a corporate entity as a media enterprise
has an immediate consequence which is that,
being answerable to shareholders, profit
becomes the primary motive.
4 See Tendulkar’ s 100 centuries as good as Pele’s
1,281 goals, Press Trust of India, London,
19 March 2012 , http://www.hindustantimes.
com/CricketSectionPage/Chunk-HT-UI-Asia-
Cup2o i 2 -SachinStories/Tendulkar-s-ioo-cen-
turies-as-good-as-as-Pele-s-i-281 -goals/Arti-
c l e i - 8 2 7 6 7 0 . a s p x , a c c e s s e d o n 22 M a r c h 2012.

wonders what cricket patriotism will

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22 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 E3321 Economic & Political w e e k ly

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 COMMENTARY

Gunter Grass and shameful, offensive, shall we say, to the

dignity of every civilised person:

the Anti-Semitism Canard In Iran there is a regime that denies the Hol­
ocaust and calls for the destruction of Israel.
This comparison says very little about Israel
and a great deal about Mr Grass. It is Iran, not
Israel, which poses a threat to world peace.
VINAY LAL It is Iran, not Israel, which threatens to de­
stroy other countries. It is Iran, not Israel,
which supports terror organisations that fire
It is Israel, rather than Gunter unter Grass, some say, has a fond­ missiles on innocent civilians. It is Iran, not

Grass, that has come across

poorly in the recent exchange
following the publication of
G ness for controversy. For many
years, he excoriated his fellow
Germans to come clean about their past
Israel, which supports the massacre that the
Syrian regime is carrying out on its civilians.
It is Iran, not Israel, which stones women,
hangs gay people, and ruthlessly suppresses
and confront the brute facts that might the tens of millions of citizens in its country.
the Grass poem warning about help explain how Germany became the No doubt, the present regime in Iran
the dangers of Israel’
s nuclear seat of the most terrifying machinery of cannot be viewed as other than highly au­
human extermination that the world had thoritarian, though there is no reason to
weapon power. Such responses
ever witnessed. However, not until Grass suppose that the suppression of some
have happened all too often in was nearly 80 years old did he confess freedoms has stifled all dissent, or creati­
the past, and Israel will have to that, as a 17-year-old at end of the war, he vity in art, music, cinema, and literature. It
do more than hide behind those was conscripted into the Waffen-ss, a para­ has not helped Iran that its most public face
military force attached to the Nazi party. is provided by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad,
gigantic scarlet letters that spell
Grass is in the eye of the storm again, succinctly and not inaccurately described
“
anti-Semitism”if it is to confront this time with a poem, published in sev­ in Grass’poem as a “ loudmouth”who
the reality of its own demons. eral European newspapers on 4 April earned undying notoriety in the west when
It is a form of totalitarianism to and rendered in English as “ What Must he described the Holocaust as fiction.
Be Said” , that warns the world that Nevertheless, it is impossible to resist
insist that all criticism of Israel
“Israel’s atomic power endangers an the view that Netanyahu protests too
is itself a form of anti-Semitism. already fragile world peace” . Declaring much. However enormous the misgivings
And it is not anti-Semitism but himself sick of “ the W est’ s hypocrisy” one may have about Iran’ s political regime,
rather a visceral hatred and fear Grass hopes that with his poem Iran has never posed a threat to any other
many may be freed country, nor has it launched an attack on
of Islam which is today by far the from their silence, may demand
another nation. Netanyahu is no less
greater problem in the west. that those responsible for the open danger
we face renounce the use o f force, boorish than Ahmadinejad, and it is idle
may insist that the governments of for him, or indeed for any other Zionist,
both Iran and Israel allow an international
to pretend that Israel has not been the
authority
free and open inspection of perpetrator of untold number of atrocities
the nuclear potential and capability of both. against the Palestinians - choking, numb­
Israel has, in consequence, declared ing, and starving them into submission in a
Gunter Grass persona non grata. A once war of gravely disproportionate resources.
eminently diasporic people, formerly scat­ It is no surprise that the list of accusations
tered to the ends of the earth and living hurled against Iran did not include its
their lives in exile until they could claim real or alleged sponsorship of political as­
Palestine as their homeland, have appar­ sassinations, since Israel is likely without
ently surmised that the banishment of Grass peer in its mastery in this department of
from Israel represents the most fitting pun­ covert politics. But there is something else
ishment for the aged but unrepentant poet. underlying the swashbuckling behaviour
of Netanyahu and his predecessors in
Israel’ s Fury high office: Israel has long thought of
Just what, we must surely ask, was Grass’ s itself as the sole democracy in west Asia,
sin? The fury whipped up in Israel, and ringed by unruly Arabs within and hos­
among Israel’ s supporters in the west, tile states beyond; and if on occasion its
points to several considerations. Israel’ s unmitigated repression of Palestinians has
prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, ex­ evoked a mild rebuke from its allies in
VinayLal (ylal@history.ucla.edu) teaches pressed outrage that Grass should have the west, it has nearly always conducted
history at the University of California, Los had the audacity to compare Israel to Iran. itself in world politics with the assurance
Angeles, the United States.
Netanyahu described the comparison as that it may act with impunity. Iran, on the

Economic 8t Political w e e k ly HESS A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 23

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COMMENTARY

other hand, has for an equally long time genocide of millions of Jews disqualifies him even peace activists defending the Separa­
laboured under its reputation in the west as, from criticising the descendants of those
tion Wall and the military build-up as the
Jews for developing a weapon of last resort
in the vocabulary of our times, a “ rogue” unavoidable condition of their secure ex­
that is the insurance policy against someone
state. The nationalism of countries such as finishing the job his organisation began. istence. The future of Jewish identity
Iran has always seemed to many in the What could be more self-evident? struck Gandhi as “ bleak” : too many Jews
west, even those who style themselves For the likes of Grass, there is, quite self- remained “ locked into the Holocaust ex­
liberals, as “problematic” . The nationali­ evidendy, no atonement, no remorse, only perience” , not merely convinced of the ab­
sation of Iran’ s oil industry in 1951 was the certitude of eternal condemnation. solute exceptionality of the Holocaust but
bound to lead to serious repercussions for Yet the poet had clearly anticipated it all: firm in their view that their victimhood
the then prime minister Mohammad But why have I kept silent till now? gives them unique entitlements. The case of
Mossadegh, who would be removed in a Because I thought my own origins, Israel, Gandhi argued,
tarnished by a stain that can never be removed,
coup two years later. His overthrow, or­ is a very good example of [how] a community
meant I could not expect Israel, a land
chestrated by the us’ Central Investigative can overplay a historic experience to the
to which I am, and always will be, attached,
point that it begins to repulse friends...the
Agency and British military intelligence, to accept this open declaration of the truth.
Jews today not only want the Germans to
brought Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, When critiques of Zionism, or of Israel’ s feel guilty but the whole world must regret
whose gratitude to his benefactors would conduct towards Palestinians, cannot be what happened to the Jews.
amply be on display in the decades ahead, adequately answered, there is always the Fast and furious was the response to
to the helm of power. Since the revolution weapon of last resort, the ultimate weapon Arun Gandhi, and in much less than a
of 1979, which installed the mullahs in with which to tarnish the voice of informed week he had been forced to step down as
power, and the subsequent Iranian hos­ democratic and humanistic criticism: the president of the M K Gandhi Institute for
tage crisis, a rather humbling experience charge of anti-Semitism. “ This general Nonviolence. Though Arun Gandhi can­
for the Americans, Iran has effectively been silence on the facts”- the fact, which Israel not be accused of disguising his Nazi
shunned as a “ pariah state”by the west. is in no position to repudiate, and which past, nothing prevented him from being
Grass’ poem has now uncomfortably brandished with the scarlet letters of
The Branding of Iran brought into the limelight, namely, that anti-Semitism.
The countries in the west which for years Israel’s own nuclear programme remains One cannot downplay the persistence
have rallied behind the United States to without supervision, inspection, or verifi­ of anti-Semitism over the centuries, and
declare Iran a “ rogue”state have, histori­ cation, subject to no constraints except it is similarly instructive to what extent a
cally speaking, treated their Jewish popu­ those which its leaders might impose upon forgery such as the “ Protocol of the Elders
lation much worse than did Iran, which themselves in the light of reason - forced of Zion”continues to resonate among
even today has the largest population of Grass’ hand; and it was not without aware­ those who are convinced that the Jews
Jews outside Israel in west Asia. It is barely ness on his part of how the end of the nar­ are uniquely capable of conspiring to en­
necessary to recall, for example, the bar­ rative was foretold. Writes Grass, sure their domination over the w orld’ s
barism of the French, whether with re­ This general silence on the facts, financial markets and the p ow e r elites in
spect to the Jews or their colonial subjects before which my own silence has bowed, the us and Europe. But it is a form of to­
seems to me a troubling, enforced lie,
in Algeria, Indo-China, and elsewhere. On leading to a likely punishment
talitarianism to insist that all criticism of
the received narrative, however, the anti- the moment it’ s broken: Israel is itself a form of anti-Semitism.
Semitism that was so characteristic a fea­ the verdict “Anti-Semitism”falls easily. Even the Jew might not critique Israel; if
ture of European society is a thing of the To consider just how easily the verdict of he or she does so, the Zionists have a
past; indeed, what generally gives western “ anti-Semitism”falls on the critics of phrase for such a person: a self-hating
civilisation its distinct prominence over Israel, let us recall the opprobrium that Jew. Moreover, it is imperative to recog­
other civilisations is its capacity for atone­ Arun Gandhi, the grandson of Mohandas nise that in the United States and much of
ment and repentance. It is precisely in this Gandhi and the co-founder and then Europe, it is not anti-Semitism but rather
respect that Grass has been found by president of the M K Gandhi Institute for a visceral hatred and fear of Islam which
Netanyahu and other like-minded yahoos Nonviolence at the University of Roches­ is by far the greater problem. In large
to be severely wanting: as Grass had dis­ ter, had to face when he penned a short swathes of respectable European and us
guised his past for over six decades, he is blog for the Washington Post (20 Janu­ society, the open display of xenophobic
said to have been absolutely stripped of ary 2008) entitled, “ Jewish Identity Can’ t behaviour towards Muslims is not bur­
credibility. Writing for Haaretz, long es­ Depend on Violence” . Though Arun Gan­ dened by the fear of censure.
tablished as the voice of Israeli liberals, dhi recognised that Israel was far from be­ It is Israel, rather than Gunter Grass,
Anshel Pfeffer ponders in a piece entitled ing the only purveyor of violence in that that has come across poorly in this recent
“The Moral Blindness of Gunter Grass” part of the world, he nevertheless thought exchange. This has happened all too often
why “ a highly intelligent man, a Nobel lau­ that “ Israel and the Jews”were the “ big­ in the past, and Israel will have to do more
reate no less”, does not understand that gest players”in promoting the “ culture of than hide behind those gigantic scarlet
his membership in an organisation that violence” . On a visit to Tel Aviv in 2004, letters that spell “ anti-Semitism”if it is to
planned and carried out the wholesale Gandhi wrote, he was surprised to hear confront the reality of its own demons.

24 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 DQB9 Economic & Political w e e k ly

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 FROM THE STATES
BJP in Karnataka
Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea
S H IV A S U N D A R
In Karnataka, the Bharatiya
Janata Party has been essentially
thriving by working through
caste - specifically on the
consolidated support of upper
caste Lingayats - and not on
the basis of a broader Hindutva
ideology. The irony is that the
tenets of Lingayat ideology are
inspired by the liberal humanism
espoused by the 12th century
poet-philosopher-reformer
Basavanna and his followers
and this philosophical position
is in direct antagonism with the
Hindutva ideology. But then
“
Basava Dharma”as practised
and preached by most of the
Lingayat maths in Karnataka
today is in tune with Hindutva.
Shivasundar (shivasundar35@gmail com)
is a journalist based in Bangalore.
Economic & Political w e e k ly
he Bharatiya Janata Party ( b j p )
T finds itself in an ironic situation
in Karnataka today. It is at once
at the zenith of political power and in
a deep organisational morass. In its
32-year history, the party has never
enjoyed so many consecutive electoral
successes as it has done in Karnataka
over the past three years. At the same
time, never have the national leaders of
the “party with a difference”had to face
so many embarrassments on account of
intra-party squabbles, scams and scan­
dals. It is also a paradox of history that
B S Yeddyurappa, the b j p stalwart in
Karnataka, is pushing the party to the
brink. Going by the developments and
the very minimal choices that Yeddy­
urappa has left the party with, the party
at this juncture can only compromise
either with its existence in the state or
with its image.
The crisis in the b j p has nothing to
do with principle and all with an unadul­
terated desire to hang on to power.
Yeddyurappa, who faces more scam
charges than any past chief minister of
Karnataka wants to get back to the chief
m inister’ s seat by threatening the b j p
high command of a possible split in the
party if the gaddi is not given back to him.
He was forced to quit the post following
a serious indictment by the Lokayukta of
a misuse of power to favour and profit
himself and after a series of corruption
cases were filed against him by private
persons. This was at a time when the b j p
was claiming the high moral ground in
its campaign against corruption in the
Congress Party at the national level.
The b j p high command had no choice
but to persuade him (with great diffi­
culty) to quit the post with an assurance
of bringing him back once the charges
were cleared. Thus, Yeddyurappa had to
vacate the post in favour of Sadananda
BBS3 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17
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Gowda, who was his own candidate.
The choice of Sadananda Gowda was
over Shettar, another Lingayat leader.
Now that the High Court of Karnataka
has struck down one case filed against
him by the Lokayukta, Yeddyurappa is
demanding that the high command keep
its promise. But there are still eight
important cases pending against him
and there is the threat of a possible
Central Bureau of Investigation inquiry
hanging over his head in corruption
deals in mining contracts. On the other
hand, the anti-Yeddyurappa faction within
the party and the Rashtriya Swayam-
sevak Sangh (r s s ) loyalists have rallied
behind Sadananda Gowda and have
impressed upon the high command not
to relent until Yeddyurappa is cleared.
Thus, the central leadership is facing a
strange situation of finding it difficult to
choose between a corrupt politician and
a clean image.
The roots of the present crisis lie in the
way the b j p and its ideological benefac­
tor, r s s , compromised with the so-called
“principles”in the political power game
that has unfolded in Karnataka.
The b j p , which had never dreamt of
seizing power on its own in the state,
had nearly occupied the gaddi on its
own during the 2008 assembly elec­
tions, by riding on the sympathy wave in
favour of Yeddyurappa. The earlier 2006
arrangement in the previous assembly
between the Janata Dal (Secular) - j d (s )
- leader H D Kumaraswamy and Yeddy­
urappa of sharing the chief ministership
for 20 months each had been broken by
the latter, creating a sympathy wave in
the form er’ s favour. (Prior to this arrange­
ment, Kumaraswamy had broken his
alliance with the Congress to join hands
with Yeddyurappa.) Yeddyurappa took
the betrayal of the 20-20 formula in the
beginning as a personal one. But soon he
cleverly portrayed it as a betrayal of the
Lingayats - the dominant community in
Karnataka to which he belongs - by the
Vokkaligas, the community to which
Kumaraswamy and his father and former
prime minister H D Deve Gowda belong.
This “ betrayal”was also portrayed as
the continuation of a similar act of
25
FROM THE STATES eeeeezt — et
treason by the equally dominant Vokka-
liga community right from the days of
the unification of Karnataka.
An interesting bit of post-independ­
ence history is that the unification of the
state was resented by many north Kar­
nataka Lingayat leaders because of the
possible domination by the Vokkaligas
who are numerically strong in south Kar­
nataka. In the post-unification period,
there has remained a strong feeling
among Lingayat leaders that the Vokka-
liga and other non-Lingayat leaders of
the Congress have consistently denied
them political positions, including the
chief ministership. Thus, once Kumara-
swamy refused to hand over the chief
ministership to Yeddyurappa at the end
of 20 months of jd ( s) rule, all these fac­
tors were given much play during the
2008 elections. The numerically strong
Lingayats consolidated in favour of the
b j p through Yeddyurappa.
Lingayats and the BJP
In fact, the journey of the Lingayats
towards the b jp and away from the Con­
gress had started right from the days of
the iconic chief minister, Devaraj Urs,
who brought in a radical shift in the
caste configuration in the corridors of
power by promoting the non-Lingayat,
non-Vokkaliga Other Backward Classes
(obcs) le a d e r s in th e le g isla tu r e a n d in
the Congress. He was also instrumental
in bringing in a better, though not radi­
cal, version of land reforms in the state
which challenged the hegemony of
upper caste feudal elements. This had
induced a dynamic in the state which
resulted in feudal upper caste elements
moving away from the Congress.
When the then Janata Party, under
the leadership of Ramakrishna Hegde,
emerged as a political alternative to the
Congress in the state, most of the north
Karnataka Lingayat feudal elements
drifted towards the Janata Party. Even
though A K Subbaiah, the firebrand
crusader against corruption, was the
president of the b jp in the early 1980s (he
was subsequently thrown out of the party
for working against the r s s ideology),
and there were Lingayat leaders like
B B Shivappa and Yeddyurappa, the b jp still
had the image of a brahmin-baniya party.
26
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The Lingayats had supported the
Janata Party and later the Janata Dal
(jd) under Hegde, a brahmin. There was
no strong Lingayat support to the b jp
until very recently, which was reflected
in its electoral performances.
In the 1983 elections, the b jp won 18
out of the 110 seats it contested. In the
1985 and 1989 polls, the party contested
116 and 118 seats, respectively, but man­
aged to win just two and four seats in
the two elections. Later the Janata Dal
split and Deve Gowda became its chief.
Hegde, whom the Lingayats considered
their leader, was expelled from Gowda’
party. The jd (s) in Karnataka, in spite of
having charismatic Lingayat leaders like
J H Patel and M P Prakash, was identified
with Deve Gowda and the Vokkaligas.
And the Lingayats who were hitherto
with H egde’ s Dal shifted their loyalty to
the bjp. The outcome was dramatic. In
1999, the party contested 144 seats and
won 44 seats. Yeddyurappa was elected
state president of the b jp during this
period for the second time, the first was
a short term during 1988. During the
2004 elections the b jp contested in all
the 224 constituencies and won a record
79 seats. Though its vote share was less
than that of the Congress, it emerged as
the single biggest party in the house.
Most of the new members among the 79
b j p m l a s were from the north Karna­
taka belt and were Lingayats.
Thus, Yeddyurappa had already
carved his own constituency within the
party by 2004 by nurturing and consoli­
dating the Lingayat vote bank. After
coming to power in 2008, he started
mobilising the “ blessings”of pontiffs of
Lingayat maths. To this end, he even
pumped more than Rs 300 crore directly
from the state exchequer into the insti­
tutions run by the maths, under the
budget head of “ Social and Cultural
Expenses” . The Lingayat maths in Kar­
nataka wield strong social, cultural and
economic power in the community, in
particular, and in society at large. They
run hospitals, education institutes, pro­
vide employment and control day-to-day
social life of the community in a signifi­
cant way. Thus, enlisting this social base
to wield political power was another
strategy employed by Yeddyurappa to
A p r il 28, 2012
ensure the com m unity’ s support. When
he was ousted from the chief ministerial
post and jailed on corruption charges,
many senior pontiffs queued up to meet
and “ bless”him.
Thus, the success of b jp in Karnataka
owes largely to the Lingayat voters in
the state. One speculation is that the b jp
could garner 80 to 85% of the Lingayat
votes, and, naturally, Yeddyurappa claims
credit for this. It is because of this social
support base behind him that the ex­
chief minister is forcing the high com­
mand to overlook corruption cases and
s put him back in the chief m inister’ s
gaddi. Even when he was in prison on
corruption charges, in an open mark of
rebellion he dissuaded his loyalists from
attending the anti-corruption jatha of
L KAdvani in Bangalore.
Hindutva or Basava Dharma?
In Karnataka the Hindutva party has
been essentially thriving on the consoli­
dated support of upper caste Lingayats
and not on the basis of a broader Hin­
dutva ideology. But the irony is that the
tenets of Lingayat ideology are inspired
by the liberal humanism espoused
by the 12th century poet-philosopher-
reformer Basavanna and his followers.
This philosophical position is in direct
antagonism with the Hindutva ideology.
But the “ Basava Dharma”that is prac­
tised and preached by most of the
Lingayat maths in Karnataka today is
in tune with Hindutva. Nevertheless,
given the choice between the b jp and
Yeddyurappa, most of the maths have
given the hint that they would choose
Yeddyurappa.
When Sadananda Gowda, blessed by
the high command, refused to play the
mythical Bharata and return the throne
to Yeddyurappa when he came back
from his forced political vanavasa, the
Lingayat leaders and m la s in the party
openly defied the party and assembled
in a resort to declare their allegiance to
Yeddyurappa rather than the party.
There were about 65 m la s in the resort
with him, most of whom were either
Lingayats or the “ migrant” leaders
brought into the b jp through the infa­
mous “ Operation Kamala”that had been
devised by him. On the other hand,
v o l x l v i i n o 17 (BBSS Economic & Political w e e k ly
 FROM THE STATES

Vokkaliga leaders like R Ashok (home
minister) and D B Changre Gowda (an
erstwhile Congress leader who is now a
Yeddyurappa loyalist), disassociated them­
selves from this group. Other Vokkaliga
leaders in the party sided with Sadan-
anda Gowda in a clear exhibition of a
divide on caste lines. While Linagayat
religious leaders openly condemned the
b j p high command and threatened
grave consequences in the next elections
if the party did not return the chief min­
isterial post to Yeddyurappa, Vokkaliga
religious leaders and organisations, on
their part, spoke of dire consequences if
Vokkaliga Sadananda Gowda was sacri­
ficed for Yeddyurappa!
These fissures on caste lines in the party
are going to cost the b j p dear even if the
present crisis is tided over. These devel­
opments have raised fundamental ques­
tions about the feasibility or sustainability
of b jp in Karnataka as a Hindutva-based
national party which claims to rise above
caste considerations.
Operation Kamala
The Operation Kamala strategy of
Yeddyurappa, which then had the full
blessings of the r s s and the high com­
mand, is also taking its toll. Yeddyurappa’
s
government in 2008 which could win
only 110 seats (three short of a simple
majority) resorted not only to buying the
support of independents but also made
several elected m l a s from the jd (s) and
Congress resign and join the bjp. This
was a unique strategy followed by the
b jp in Karnataka after the anti-defec­
tion bill became law. In the bye-elections
to the Election Commission's own
admission, it was Karnataka’ s poll which
was most corrupt during the 2008 elec­
tions in the country. In Bellary constituency
alone, from where the Reddy brothers
hail, Rs 47 crore (during the 2008 assem­
bly elections) and Rs 27 crore (during
the 2009 parliamentary elections) were
confiscated. The business partner of Gali
Janardhan Reddy (the former tourism
minister), Sriramulu belongs to the
Valmiki caste which has a significant
numerical strength in central districts of
the state. During the 2008 elections, this
additional vote base also helped the
b jp to win not less than 30 to 40 seats.
The caste alliance of Lingayat-Valmiki-
Madigaas (the last being a prominent
dalit caste wooed by the b jp with the
assurance of internal reservations) has
also worked for the b j p till now. But now
that the Reddy brothers along with
Sriramulu have drifted away from the
b jp and formed their own party, the b jp
is facing serious problems.
Thus, a host of factors which the b jp
used in the name of seizing power - like
the sympathy, caste and money factors
and the politics of caste alliance - have
Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
REVIEW OF RURAL AFFAIRS
January 28,2012
Agrarian Transition and Emerging Challenges
in Asian Agriculture: A Critical Assessment
Institutional and Policy Aspects of Punjab Agriculture:
become detrimental to the unity of the
b j p and its very existence as a powerful
party in Karnataka.
This has already begun to have
an impact. In the recent Udupi-
Chikkamagalur bye-election, the Con­
gress wrested the seat from the bjp. This
defeat is significant because unlike in
north Karnataka, this constituency in
coastal Karnataka has always been an
ideological vote base for the bjp. The
Congress won with a convincing and
hefty margin of 48,000 votes.
In Karnataka, scam-tainted Yeddyur­
appa’ s hunger for power has provided
fodder for a series of s m s jokes and
spoofs. But the caste polarisation that this
kind of politics has brought in has made it
impossible for the b jp high command to
take any decisive action. This will con­
tinue to haunt the party for a long time to
come, even if he is reinstated as chief
minister in the event of the Supreme
Court ruling against a c b i inquiry.
The tragedy of Karnataka is that there
is no viable opposition of comparatively
better value which would take the bene­
fit of the opportunity, and convincingly
and politically defeat the bjp.
- P K Viswanathan, Gopal B Thapa,
Jayant K Routray, Mokbul M Ahmad

that followed, b jp spent crores to get the A Smallholder Perspective - Sukhpal Singh
defectors re-elected which again had the Khap Panchayats: A Socio-Historical Overview - Ajay Kumar
sanction of the high command and the Rural Water Access: Governance and Contestation
r s s . For this reason too, the claims of in a Semi-Arid Watershed in Udaipur, Rajasthan - N C Narayanan, Lalitha Kamath
both the r s s and the b jp to the moral Panchayat Finances and the Need for Devolutions
high ground sound hollow.
from the State Government - Anand Sahasranaman
Lastly, apart from sympathy and the
Temporary and Seasonal Migration:
Lingayat card that helped b j p ’ s winning
Regional Pattern, Characteristics and Associated Factors - Kunal Keshri, R B Bhagat
performance in 2008, the black money
of the “ Reddy brothers” , earned from the
For copies write to:
plunder iron ore resources of the state,
Circulation Manager,
was also used lavishly for not only the
Economic and Political Weekly,
elections of 2008 but also for the 11
320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg,
bye-polls after Operation Kamala, re-
Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013.
elections and local body elections in
email: circulation@epw.in
which the b jp was victorious. According

Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY B 2Q A p r il 2 8 , 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 27

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Citizens of an ‘
Undercity’
K ALPA NA S H A R M A
nequality has become almost a cliche
I in Indian cities. Fancy high-rise buil­
dings juxtaposed next to ugly slums,
some people defecating in the open
along railway tracks even as others rush
by in their bm w s, luxury goods and junk
food being sold in glitzy malls even as
children and adults rummage through
huge garbage piles looking for food. We
have seen all this. There are movies
made about this. Yet, is there something
more to say, or another way of saying it?
Is there a way that journalists can tell
the story of the mismatch between glit­
tering globalisation and the inability of
millions to survive until the next day?
Katherine Boo, the Pulitzer Prize winner
staff writer of The New Yorker, has chosen
narrative non-fiction to tell, what to many
who live in a city like Mumbai is an obvious
story. She tells us of the inequality and
the injustice but through the lives of
individuals we will never know so inti­
mately. She translates their hopes and
their dreams into words that flesh them
out not as caricatures but as citizens of
the “ undercity”that those who live in
the “overcity”will never really know.
Writing with a Difference
To tell this story, Katherine Boo has chosen
to study in close detail notjust any slum in a
city that has been sometimes called Slumbai,
and not just any group of slum-dwellers.
She has chosen Annawadi, located next
to the city’ s gleaming international air­
port and surrounding five star hotels.
And her gaze is fixed on the people at the
very bottom of the scale of those who are
already at the bottom - waste pickers, or
“scavengers”as she chooses to call them.
Perhaps to chip away at the false sheen
of the constant and sweeping genera­
lisations that accompany talk of globali­
sation and making Mumbai a “ global,
financial capital” , it is precisely this kind
of close, uncomfortable, detailed view
that is needed to bring home the other
28
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B O O K R E V IE W
Behind the Beautiful Forevers: Life, Death and
Hope in a Mumbai Undercity by Katherine Boo
(New Delhi: Penguin Books), 2012; pp 254, Rs 499.
side of the story, one that exposes the
falseness of this dominant rhetoric. And
it is not just the detailed gaze of the
writer. But also the fact that she has suc­
ceeded in constructing her research into
a narrative that reads like fiction, but is
firmly rooted in well-researched facts. It
is this that makes the book different. It is
this that makes even the sceptical reader,
one who might feel she already knows
this story, realise that knowing facts and
feeling for the people caught in the mid­
dle of the cauldron that is urban poverty
are two very different things.
Journalism is a strange craft. You are
taught to note detail. You are taught not
to take anything for granted. You are
taught to double-check everything. Yet,
so often journalists begin to believe they
already know the story. As a result, they
skip over detail, finding it either uninter­
esting or tedious. They fail to listen care­
fully, thereby missing out important
nuances in what people say. And when
speaking to the poor in particular, this
sense of knowing everything becomes
even stronger, leading to paraphrasing
what they “ hear”the poor saying with­
out actually taking the trouble to convey
exactly what has been said. Often it
takes an outsider, someone who does not
take anything for granted, like Katherine
Boo, to make you realise that what you
thought you knew you really did not.
Story o f Annawadi
The book is the story of Abdul, the waste
dealer, Sunil, the waste picker, Asha,
the woman with a political gleam in her
eye, and an assortment of other equally
fascinating characters who populate
Annawadi, a place where out of 3,000
A p r i l 28, 2012
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
people, only six have permanent jobs
and where “ old India collided with new
India and made new India late” .
Through the absorbing although often
tragic stories of these individuals. Boo
has constructed the tale of a globalising
city, where those who live off its discards
are themselves discarded. Yet, it is also a
story of enterprise as much as tragedy, of
corruption that eats the poor and power
that corrupts even the poor, of dreams
that are never fulfilled and of night­
mares that occur with frightening regu­
larity. It is a story that haunts you long
after you reach the last page.
The author undertook four years of
dogged, persistent research before she
wrote this book. She observed and fol­
lowed the characters in her book, noted
where and how they worked, where they
lived, their fights their friendships. But she
also used the Right to Information Act to
get information. She scoured govern­
ment documents to understand, to sub­
stantiate what she heard. She followed
the highest standards of a researcher and
a reporter. And then she used her felici­
tous pen to produce a book about which
very little is wrong.
Through Abdul’ s story you learn about
the waste trade. The author conveys how
the criminal justice system is weighed
against the poor, the role of politics in
their lives, how caste and community
matter and yet do not when everyone is
fighting for survival and how in the new
India there is little or no place for those
without material assets.
Too Many Elements?
As you read on, you wonder how a
blonde, blue-eyed, rather frail American
woman could enter the minds of the
denizens of Annawadi. Boo gives a little
bit of an explanation at the end, but in
her understated style. In fact, this book
is a tribute to the power of the under­
statement. When the reality is what it is
for boys like Abdul, you have no need to
overstate. It is dramatic enough in its
bare facts. Indeed, everyday in slums
like Annawadi is filled with drama -
most of it played out in the open as there
is no place to hide.
v o l x l v i i n o 17 [3223 Economic & Political w e e k ly

If there is anything one can criticise
about the book it is the author’ s efforts to
bring in too many elements. She tries, for
instance, through the life of Asha to bring
in farmers’ suicides in Vidarbha and rural-
urban migration. She brings in some gen­
eral observations about India’ s economic
policy in an effort to give context to the
story. Yet given the power of the rest of
the narrative, this was possibly not needed.
Gandhism in the UK and US
USHA THAKKAR
he quest for truth by non-violent
T
means, opposition against exploi­
tation and inequality in all forms,
efforts for development of all in society
and striving for the full civic engage­
ment of citizens are Gandhian princi­
ples that never fail to attract the atten­
tion of scholars and activists. Many like
Lanza del Vasto, Martin Luther King Jr,
Nelson Mandela and Aung San Suu Kyi
acknowledge Gandhi as their inspiration.
Many involved in the struggles against
colonialism and exploitation all over
the world evoke his name.
Transnational Gandhism
Though Gandhi himself did not approve
of “Gandhism” , it has survived in myriad
forms reflected in the expressions and
work of millions ranging from Nobel Prize
winners to ordinary persons across cul­
tures and countries. As Scalmer points
out, the transnational career of Gandhism
is a history not just of individuals and
nations, but also of connections, cam­
paigns and international flows. Scholars
like Leonard A Gordon, Sudarshan Kapur,
Thomas Weber, and Dennis Dalton have
worked on some aspects. However a
major, comparative and long-term study
of “ transnational Gandhism” has not
been done so far. And this is precisely
what Scalmer successfully has done in
this book.
This book explores the questions
regarding Gandhi and the west in a parti­
cular context. The summer of satya-
graha (more often called “ the first New
Economic & Political w e e k ly (3323 A p r il 28, 2012
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For Indian readers, the use of the term
“scavenger”would also probably jar as it
has a specific connotation. Yet, you soon
realise that the author is referring to
people we call ragpickers or waste-col­
lectors. You soon forget the terminology
as you follow Sunil as he searches for
anything he can sell, is willing to perch
precariously on a ledge to collect a few
discarded aluminium cans and who
Gandhi in the West: The Mahatma and the
Rise of Radical Protest by Sean Scalmer (NewDelhi:
Cambridge University Press), 2011; pp v i+ 24 8 (hardcover),
Rs 795.
Left” ) stretched only from the late 1950s
to the mid-1960s. The movements for
civil rights in the us and the anti­
nuclear campaign in the u k during the
1960s were important factors that re­
shaped western politics. The author traces
their history to an earlier generation’ s Western press coverage of Gandhi is like a
struggles to understand and emulate
Gandhi’ s ideas and activities. The author
is aware that it is not possible to make an
in-depth study of Gandhi’ s global influ­
ence in a single volume. So he wisely
limits it to the history of Gandhism in the
u k and the us and justifies this selection
on the grounds of engagement, connec­
tion, influence and comparability. The
u k was the colonial power Gandhi protes­
ted against; and the us was among the
first to recognise his significance while
the engagement of African-Americans
was important in the subsequent career
of Gandhism. The historical connections
between these two powers as well as with
India are important. Campaigns with a
Gandhian tinge emerged in both societies
- initially Am erica’ s civil rights move­
ment and, later, a British campaign
against nuclear weapons. The similari­
ties and differences between the two also
allow for comparison. It is interesting to
note that in Britain, non-conformist and
mostly middle class Christians were
Gandhi’ s keenest supporters, while in
v o l x l v i i n o 17
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BOOK REVIEW
tells his friend Abdul, “ Always I was
thinking how to try to make my life
nicer, more okay, and nothing got better.
So now I’ m going to try to do it the other
way. No thinking how to make anything
better, just stopping my mind, then who
knows? Maybe then something good
could happen.”
Email: kalpanasharma@epw.in
the us, the communities organised
around the African-American church
were significant to the extension of the
Gandhian way.
This volume is a result of careful
research and brings together a huge
amount of rich and useful material on
Gandhi in the west that includes jour­
nalistic and literary writings, books,
memoirs, photographs and political com­
ments. It draws from a wide variety of
sources. Based on the study of article
accounts registered in the relevant data­
bases for newspaper coverage in the New
York Times, Chicago Daily Tribune, and
The Times, the author shows the high
points of such coverage. To quote him.
mountain shelf: a sudden and small peak
in the early 1920s; a deep valley; a tower­
ing summit over 1929-32, perhaps double
the size of its nearest neighbours; an incom­
plete fall; a plateau; and then a smaller peak
in the early 1940s, lasting until Gandhi’ s
death in 1948. Each peak relates to a period
of popular struggle for Swaraj: the ‘ non-
cooperation’movement from 1919, the Salt
Satyagraha from 1930, and the ‘ Quit India’
campaign launched in 1942 (p 44).
Image of Gandhi in the West
The book begins with the initial image
of Gandhi as formulated in the u k and
us. Gandhi is shown by the media as a
person with an ugly face, emaciated
frame, protruding ears and with an
“effeminate”quality - a subject who is a
cartoonist’s delight. His display of his
body, the diet and fasts, the squatting
and loincloth are subjects of criticism
and ridicule. He is fitted in within a well
developed racial hierarchy; his lustrous
eyes and unusual personality also make
some see him as a particular kind of
Oriental: spiritual, child-like, feminine
and poor. It is interesting to note that
29
BOOK REVIEW

Gandhi’ s body has been studied by
scholars like Alter (2000), and his dress
by Tarlo (1996). The west took a long
time to understand and respond to Gan­
dhi’s political ideas and activities. The
news about Gandhi that reached the
west was slow, piecemeal, and often dis­
torted. For decades he was depicted by
the newspapers there as a kind of agita­
tor. He was also interpreted as a naive
fool or a person challenging authority
in a deliberate and even intimidating
manner. Gandhi’ s friends in the west
attempted to reply by questioning the
misleading headlines, and by writing
and lecturing in Britain and the us.
More importantly, Gandhi himself acted
as a competent journalist and writer.
Correspondents like Webb Miller
and William Shirer, Negley Farson,
E Ashmead-Bartlett, and Robert Ber-
nays covered Gandhi and his move­
ments. Webb M iller’ s evocative accounts
of the satyagrahis being beaten ap­
peared in more than 1,300 newspapers
around the world. Time named him
Man of the Year in 1930 and as shown
by the author the New York Times pub­
lished more than 500 articles that refer­
enced the Mahatma that year (p 27).
Writers have found him to be an inter­
esting subject. The first biography of
Gandhi M K Gandhi: An Indian Patriot in
South Africa was written by Joseph
K Doke in 1909. Romain Rolland publi­
shed the first major biography Mahatma
Gandhi: The Man Who Became One with
the Universal Being in 1924. Gandhi him­
self wrote The Story of My Experiments
with Truth. The list of other notable writ­
ers on Gandhi and his work includes
John Haynes Holmes, Millie Polak,
Muriel Lester, Reginald Reynolds and
Louis Fischer. Early influential books in
the west on his political programmes are
Richard G regg’ s Power of Non-violence
(1934) and Krishnalal Shridharani’ s War
without Violence (1939).
Satyagraha in the West
Gandhi owed to both the traditions -
Hindu as well as the western. The location
of Gandhi within Hindu traditions and
his concerns regarding western philo­
sophy have been deftly analysed by
Bhikhu Parekh (1995). Vinay Lai (2009)
has explored important issues related to
Gandhi and the west. It was only after
several decades of intellectual exploration
that the westerners began to experiment
with satyagraha. It was not easy for them
to understand Gandhi’ s terminology of
words like satyagraha; he was develop­
ing new concepts and new words. The lit­
eral meaning of the term satyagraha and
expressions like “ passive resistance”and
“non-resistance”proved to be inadequate
to convey the meaning of satyagraha. The
need for a far more complicated quest for
intercultural communication and under­
standing was consequently felt.
Gandhians in the west started their
experiments in the middle of the 20th
century. In Britain they lay down on
footpaths and squatted at military gates.
At the close of 1951, Hugh Brock, stalwart
of the Peace Pledge Union and editor of its
mouthpiece Peace News, had announced

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(d) Comparative Studies in History (including Historiography and Philosophy of History);
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(g) Fundamental Concepts and Problems of Natural and Life Sciences;
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30 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 E3353 Economic & Political w e e k ly

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 BOOK REVIEW

plans for a non-violent struggle in the
uk, named “ Operation Gandhi” , appealing
to the British people’ s conscience. The
Aldermaston anti-nuclear marches with
tens of thousands could not be ignored.
Am erica’ s non-violent pioneers began
their journey almost a decade or so
earlier than their British comrades. In
Chicago, members of the new Congress
of Racial Equality (co re) , schooled in
the Fellowship of Reconciliation, pledged
themselves to eliminate all racial segre­
gation and discrimination, and called
their method interracial and direct non­
violent action. The movement for African-
American civil rights gained strength. A
boycott of segregated buses in Mont­
gomery, Albana began in December 1955,
when 50,000 residents united under the
leadership of Martin Luther King Jr from
February i960, a “ sit-in” movement
spread from Greensboro, North Carolina
and within a month, mass protests had
jumped the borders of seven states.
Discontinuities, Continuities
and Legacy
As the westerners made efforts to apply
Gandhism, they realised that the situa­
tion required adaptation. This required
new terms and forms and performances,
leading to a rethinking and even reshap­
ing of the Mahatma’ s techniques. Slowly
the scene changed. The author shows ef­
fectively that the character of non-vio­
lent performance was altered in three
important ways: size, tactics, and suffer­
ing. The new protests became larger
than their precursors. It was realised
growing number of friends. Increasingly,
media attention, the elicitation of pub­
licity and pressure became important.
Gradually the simple events of peaceful
protest and sacrifice were relegated to
the middle pages of the newspaper and
television also lost interest.
The author succinctly observes that
though the Mahatma himself was dis­
placed from the public mind, his influ­
ence lingered in three important ways.
First, Gandhism survived in the activity
of veteran experimenters, a few of whom
became advisers in the new era of mass
action. Second, it was reproduced by the
presence of non-violent institutions, many
newly formed that sponsored protests,
and trained participants. Third, it can be
traced through the choreography of the
protests themselves. The assumptions
were the same as expressed by Gandhi
and later translated by Richard Gregg:
offering of a direct appeal, willingness
to suffer, necessity of non-violence and
the belief that love would convert. The
author perceptively observes that though
the mass protests of the 1960s were
bigger and more exhilarating, and less
identifiably Gandhian than their pre­
cursors, they did not mark a complete
break with what had gone before. On
the contrary, the continuities with earli­
er years were personal, organisational
and performative (p 178). And as he
says, “ For the historian looking back
from a longer distance, however, the
continuities impress much more than
the departures”(p 204).
Gandhi presents a radically different
paradigm through his movements and
inspires introspection as well as action,
often questioning prevalent axioms and
practices. His alternatives have not lost
their constructive elements. The author
traces some history of Gandhism as it
was received in the west. In his own
words, his aim is “ recuperative, but also
political”. Through revisiting the past, it
becomes possible to gather resources for
the present. And, in chronicling the
complicated and transnational history of
“satyagraha, we might learn not simply
how to understand the world, but per­
haps also the means to change it (p 8).
The ways of understanding the world
are not easy; the means to change are
even more difficult. However, the efforts
have to continue and in that context,
this book about a rather unexplored part
of history is helpful.
Usha Thakkar (ushathakkar@yahoo.com) is
with the Institute of Research on Gandhian
Thought and Rural Development, Mani Bhavan
Gandhi Sangrahalaya, Mumbai.
REFERENCES
Emma, Tarlo (1996 ): Clothing Matters: Dress and
Identity in India (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press).
Joseph, S Alter (2000 ): Gandhi's Body: Sex, Diet,
and the Politics of Nationalism (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press).
Parekh, Bhikhu (1995): Gandhi's Political Philo­
sophy: A Critical Examination (Delhi: Ajanta
Publications), 1st Indian edition.
Vinay, Lai (2009 ): Gandhi's West, the West's Gandhi,
New Literary History, Vol 4 0 , No 2 , Spring,
281-313-

Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
that greater numbers were more
effective. The character and spirit of
non-violent protests were also subject to
change. Increasingly, activists appro­
INDIA AND THE ILO
ached non-violence as a tactic or a tech­ March 5,2011
nique, not as a complete philosophy. India and the ILO in Historical Perspective - Sabyasachi Bhattacharya,

The demonstrations of the early 1960s J Krishnamurty, Gerry Rodgers

were marked by shouting, foul language India, the ILO and the Quest for Social Justice since 1919 - Gerry Rodgers
and threats; these were very different Indian Officials in the ILO, 1919-c 1947 - J Krishnamurty
from the earlier ways of erect bearings, Employment in Development: Connection
silent passage and respectable dress. between Indian Strategy and ILO Policy Agenda - TS Papola

The place and importance of voluntary Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work: India and the ILO - Kamala Sankaran

suffering also changed. Now it was not in For copies write to:
the hope of conversion but for com­ Circulation Manager,
manding the attention of the mass media. Economic and Political Weekly,
Non-violent acts offered a chance to 320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013.
email: circulation@epw.in
expose an enemy, and thereby to win a

Economic & Political w e e k ly E3323 a p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 31

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INSIGHT
Delhi Water Supply Reforms
Public-Private Partnerships
or Privatisation?
SUJITH KOONAN, PREETI SAMPAT_________
The manner of implementation of
water supply reforms in three
areas of Delhi based on the
public-private partnership model
has been a quiet and secret affair
without proactive consultations
with the people of the project
areas. This account of the Delhi
reforms examines the documents
of one of the three ppps and asks
questions about the manner in
which the projects are unfolding,
the roles of the Delhi Jal Board
and private entities as envisaged
in the pp ps, as well as the overall
implications for the right to water.
Sujith Koonan (sujithkoonan@gmail.com ) is a
law researcher working on water and
sanitation issues. Preeti Sampat (preeti.
sampat@gmail.com) is a doctoral candidate at
the City University of New York, the United
States, working on community rights over
resources.
32
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ramatic reforms are being quietly
D introduced in water supply ser­
vices in Delhi. The reforms focus
on increasing the “ efficiency”and “ fi­
nancial sustainability”of the water sup­
ply utility by reducing non-revenue wa­
ter (nrw) and involving the private sec­
tor in various activities. The Delhi Jal
Board (djb), the agency responsible for
water supply in Delhi, is implementing
three pilot projects on a public-private
partnership (ppp) basis and has intro­
duced a number of reforms including
outsourcing of meter reading and bill­
ing, privatisation of tanker water supply
and the appointment of three special
magistrates to deal with cases of “ unau­
thorised”use of water.
The attempt to involve private compa­
nies in water supply is not new in Delhi.
The d j b had commissioned the “ Delhi
Water Supply and Sewerage Project Prep­
aration Study”in 2002 to Price Water­
house Coopers (pwc) with the assistance
of the World Bank. Vibrant campaign acti­
vity by citizen groups and d j b employees
exposed the strong-arm tactics of the
World Bank in ensuring the award of the
consultancy contract to pw c; serious flaws
in the design and cost of the project pro­
posed by p w c; and the proposal to hire pri­
vate management consultants for ostensi­
bly improving service delivery efficiency,
thereby raising water tariffs across the
city. While the exposure of the details of
the project led to a massive uproar that
eventually resulted in a shelving of the
project in 2005, what the d jb is now imple­
menting in the form of ppps has a lot of
overlap in the objectives and intent of the
shelved project of 2005 (for more details on
the 2005 project see Parivartan (2005)).
The outsourcing of the responsibility
of water supply to private companies is,
A p r i l 28, 2012
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
of course, not unique to Delhi, ppps in
water supply and sanitation have been
promoted by the central government
and various state governments and have
been implemented in other urban cen­
tres in the country like Hubli-Dharwad
(Karnataka) and Nagpur (Maharash­
tra). The recently released Draft Nation­
al Water Policy 2012 also envisages the
minimisation of the government’ s role in
water services and promotes the in­
volvement of private parties through the
ppp model, encouraging the commer­
cialisation of water services ( g o i 2012).
At the same time, however, the funda­
mental right to water1 is a part of the
right to life under the Constitution of
India. Though the fundamental right to
water is not explicitly recognised under
the Constitution, it is made part of the
fundamental right to life by the Supreme
Court of India and various high court
judgments.2 At the international level,
the human right to water is recognised
under a number of binding as well as
non-binding instruments such as Con­
vention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination against Women 1979
and United Nations General Assembly
Resolution on the Human Right to Water
and Sanitation 2010 (for a more detailed
account of national and international in­
struments for the right to water relevant
to India see Cullet and Koonan (2011)).
It is in this context that the implica­
tions of the reforms introduced in the
water supply services in Delhi need to be
examined. What follows is a critical
account of the implementation of ppps in
Delhi. We examine in detail the docu­
ments for one of the three ppps - the
Malviya Nagar ppp - and believe that the
issues and concerns emerging in its im­
plementation are likely to be applicable
to the other two ppps underway (and
any others likely to be taken up in the
future by the djb). We raise key ques­
tions regarding the ppps, including the
manner in which the projects are un­
folding, the roles of the d j b and private
entities as envisaged in the ppps and the
overall implications for the right to
water, and hence the right to life for all
people in Delhi.3 Our analysis is based
v o l x l v i i n o 17 E3323 Economic & Political w e e k ly
 INSIGHT

on information collected from the d j b
through right to information (r t i ) appli­
cations, web searches and meetings with
concerned d j b officials. This has been a
process of discovery and learning for us
and we have retained many technical
terms in an attempt to demystify them.
PPP Pilot Projects
In January 2011, media reports regard­
ing the privatisation of water supply in
Delhi by the d j b began to appear.
Intrigued by the newspaper reports, the
authors along with some others filed r t i
applications with the d j b for details on
any privatisation projects undertaken by
the d j b and were informed in a reply
dated 13 July 2011 (r t i document availa­
ble with the authors):
There is no such proposal for privatisation of
water supply in Delhi. There are three pro­
posals] under preparation with the name of
Public-Private Partnership (p p p ) to improve
service delivery and achieve 2 4 x 7 water
supply system on Public-Private Partnership
(ppp) basis.
an “ efficiency improvement plan for For the p p p consultancies, tenders
[the] existing water supply infrastruc­were invited from firms with relevant
ture”with “ expertise, i e, prior involvement in simi­
reduction in water losses”
and by “ lar projects elsewhere in the country. Of
improving [the] energy effi­
ciency of the system” the three p p p s , in Malviya Nagar, d r a
, the d j b claims it
has undertaken the p p p pilot projectsConsultancy Services has been awarded
“ to improve and revamp the existing the consultancy for “ Reduction of n r w /
water supply system” u f w [unaccounted for water] with Im­
.4 Given existing
“ losses” provement in Level of Service to the Wa­
, the d j b notes that any incre­
mental addition to water availability ter Consumers and Improvement of Un­
would amount to “ interrupted Water Supply under the
filling a leaking
bucket”and such increments through command area of g r & b p s , 5 Malviya
big dam projects are expensive and Nagar” ; in Vasant Vihar Jalakam Solu­
time-consuming propositions. Thus the tions has been awarded the consultancy
need for the reduction of water losses for “p p p Project for reduction in n r w and
Improvement in Service Standards to
(i e, n r w ) is emphasised along with im­
proved management of distribution. The ensure uninterrupted Water Supply in
Vasant Vihar”
d j b maintains that private sector entities ; while in Nangloi a consult­
ant is yet to be appointed for “
will deliver these priorities efficiently Improve­
ment
and is hence entering into p p p s such that and Revamping of Existing Water
Supply, Transmission and Distribution
the assets are owned by the d j b , while
Network under the Command area of
operation and maintenance (o & m ) is the
responsibility of private entities. Nangloi Water Treatment Plant, Delhi” .
The titles of these consultancy contracts
The detailed project report (d r a and
again underline the overwhelming con­
s t c 2011: 115-16) prepared by the con­

sensus regarding the concerns o f the d j b

sultants for the Malviya Nagar p p p ex­
The r t i reply gave the details of the plains that “ real losses”in water supply
for entering into these p p p s : (a) reduction
three pilot p p p s as follows: occur because of a number of reasons: in n r w , and (b) improvement of uninter­
(i) Vasant Vihar and adjoining area - rupted water supply.6
Leaks at raw water transmission, Evapora­
water distribution system. tion losses, Water treatment losses, Leaks/ The Malviya Nagar consultancy con­
(ii) Malviya Nagar u g r (Underground seepage of reservoirs, Overflow of reservoirs, tract was for Rs 285 lakh. The objec­
Reservoir) and its command area. Leakages of distribution mains, Leakages tives of the contract are telling in their
(iii) Nangloi (Water Treatment Plant). from valves and air valves, Leakages from detailed and long-term scope: to esta­
service connections up to meter, and Leak­
To the query “ Are these projects blish baseline conditions through a
ages in consumer premises after the meter.
wholly or partly in continuation with detailed study including an evaluation
the Delhi Water Supply and Sewerage It adds that “ apparent losses”of water of the present water supply system with
P roject 2005? If yes, please provide supply also occur because of “ violations” respect to underground reservoirs,
details of these continuing components of the water supply service rules and may transmission and distribution network;
or features,”we got the reply: “ No such involve “ illegal”connections to the net­ bulk and consumer metering; creating
information is available” . work, “ illegal reconnections”after dis­ a consumer database for all categories;
connection for non-payment and tamper­ identification of unauthorised use and
Rationale for PPP ing with metres. The p p p s are thus de­ 100% measuring through good metres.
The d j b estimates the current popula­ signed with the expectation of reducing The contract also covers formulating a
tion of Delhi at 190 lakh, expected to the n r w in Delhi from the current 65% to system improvement plan; building
rise to 230 lakh by 2021. The city is 15% in five to eight years! The d j b notes and calibration of a network model
spread over 1,484 sq km and rapidly that “ enormous”investment is required with techno-economic investigations;
urbanising. The present water supply in for this which is not likely to be raised by rehabilitation work; reducing n r w
the city managed by the d j b is 810 mil­ the public sector alone and requires the from the existing over 60% to 15% in
lion gallons per day (m g d ) and it caters involvement of the private sector. The five to eight years; feasibility study for
to a population of 160 lakh. While 30 extent of private sector involvement the p p p s and the preparation of a de­
lakh of the population are without for­ through the p p p s in the case of Malviya tailed project report (d p r ) in the Jawa-
mal water supply services, the d j b notes Nagar covers the following activities: harlal Nehru National Urban Renewal
that a large quantum of water is “ lost” (1) project feasibility studies; (2) project en­ Mission (j n n u r m ) format; getting nec­
due to various reasons and the share gineering design; (3) specialised survey; essary approvals at the state and central
of n r w stands at 65% of the city’ s (4) construction works; (5) supervision levels; assistance in pre-bid meetings,
entire water supply. Having prepared consultant; and (6) quality assurance. clarifications, tendering, evaluation and
Economic & Political weekly OSES Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 33

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INSIGHT

award process of the tender with a second phase with the submission of the service level (24x7 water supply) and
transition period framework; stake­ d p r by the consultant, while the Nangloi this requires reforms in three areas:
holder participation in planning and p p p is still in a nascent stage. The bid­

implementation for proper disclosure ding process for the Malviya Nagar p p p (1) Supply-side Management: Ensuring
and consultation with all stakeholders; project is now ongoing and likely to be the adequacy of supply and the repair
developing a legal structure for the per­ finalised by the middle of 2012. and rehabilitation of infrastructure to
formance management and regulatory reduce water leakage.
structure; and project management con­ Proposed PPP in Malviya Nagar
sultancy with performance assessment. The p p p covers an area of 14 sq km com­ (2) Demand-side Management: Impo­
prising 26 medium to large colonies (ex­ sition of water charges as per consump­
Table 1: Project Population Details
SNo Name of Colony Population cluding Indira Gandhi National Open tion; efficient metre reading and billing
1 M alviya N agar 27,454* University (i g n o u )). According to the system; proactive connection policy for
2 Saket 40 ,9 9 7 household survey conducted by the con­ unconnected population; and preven­
3 Shivalik 6,164 sultant, the present population of the tion of unauthorised consumption.
4 G eetanjali 2,721 project area is 3,82,353. The number of
5 Sarvodaya Enclave 6,521 registered water connections in the (3) Managerial Reforms: p p p imple­
6 N avjeeven Vihar 1,690
project area is 32,148. The project envis­ mentation through long-term perform­
7 MMTC STC C olon y 5,169
ages the construction of the Malaviya ance based contracts.
8 P a n chsheel Park 3,257
Nagar Underground Reservoir and There are thus three core activities to
9 Sw am i N agar 1,107
booster pumping station which is to be carried out in a period of 12 years:
10 Sadhna Enclave 1,744
eventually receive filtered water supply (1) Rehabilitation of the existing infra­
11 Sarvpriyavihar 5 ,6 8 0

12 Sheikh Sarai Phase-1 8,851

from Sonia Vihar treatment plant structure which includes replacement
13 Sheikh Sarai Phase-ll 6,922 through the Greater Kailash south reser­ and upgradation of pipes, metres, etc;
14 Khirkhi V illage+K hirki voir which is the main feeder. A second (2) Expansion of water supply network;
E x ten sion + DDA Flats 43,567 source of water is from the Greater and
15 H auzR ani 15,626
Kailash main reservoir via Vasant Vihar. (3) o & m of the water supply network.
16 B egam p u r 6,543
Table 1 gives the details of the colony- The first two core activities are to be
17 Chirag Delhi 16,394
wise project population. completed in the first two years of the
18 Savitri N agar 7,940
As of now the coverage of water supply project and the third activity will carry
19 Kalu Sarai (including Vijay Mandal) 3,975
in the project area according to the d p r ison for the rest of the project period, i e,
20 Pushp Vihar 35,908

21 Lado Sarai 17,425

84% and the per capita supply of water is 10 years. Thus, the core activities of the
22 Katwaria Sarai 17,966 286 litres per day. The continuity of supply project are divided over 2+10 years.
23 Q utub Institutional Area 5,395 is three to eight hours with the extent of While the d p r claims that no d j b em­
24 A dhichini 1,699 n rw at 65-70%. Key targets to be ployees will be transferred to the opera­
25 Saiyad-ul-Ajab Inc 79,066 achieved through the project are shown tor for the project activities, a d j b offi­
Paryavaran C olon y in Table 2. The efficiency of collection of cial we met was of the opinion that 50%
26 Nab Sarai in clu din g Harijan Basti 12,572
water charges is 81%. of the project staff will be transferred
Total residential p op u la tion 3,82,353
* IGNOU excluded. * Resident.
from the d j b to the operator (d r a and
Source: Data abstructed from consumer demand survey What Are the Project Activities? s t c 2011:148)!
report.
The d p r (ibid: 65) argues that a “
holistic” Another point of interest is that the d p r
The work of the consultant is divided approach is needed for removing system proposes the division of the project area
into three phases: deficiencies and achieving the desired indicated earlier into three hydraulic
Phase - i: Consultancy services for pre­
Table 2: Malviya Nagar PPP Targets
paration and approval of d p r as per Particulars Present Status Target TargetYear
J N N U R M toolkit. C o v e ra ge 2014
84% 100%
Phase - n: Preparation of bid document Per capita su p p ly o f w ater (Ipcd) 286 150* 2021
and evaluation criteria for implementa­ C ontinuity o f su p p ly 3-8 hrs 24 hrs 2014
tion of project through p p p options upto Extent o f m eterin g o f w a ter co n n e ctio n s 41% 100 2014
execution of contract agreement with Extent o f n on -rev en u e w ater 65-70% 15% 2021
transaction adviser. Q uality o f w ater N ot m e e tin g 100% 2016
Phase - h i : Project management consul­ E fficiency in co lle ctio n o f w ater-related ch a rges 81% 95% 2021
O pera tin g c o st recovery in w a ter su p p ly serv ices 30.96% 100% 2016
tancy for construction/rehabilitation and
E fficiency in c olle ction o f w ater-related ch a rges 81% 95% 2021
monitoring during o & m for specified * The DPR explains that the existing supply of 286 Ipcd for 84% of the population includes the present extent of NRW at
period (d r a and s t c 2011: 65). 65-70% and is therefore inefficient. Since one primary objective of the project is to reduce NRW to 15% within the project
period, the projected supply of 150 Ipcd for 100% population by 2021 reflects the reduced NRW and improved water
The Malviya Nagar and Vasant Vihar supply. 150 Ipcd is the benchmark of the Ministry of Urban Development (DRA and STC 2011:149).
ppp consultancies have moved to the Source: Compiled by authors from the consultant's DPR (DRA and STC 2011).

34 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 EBSS9 Economic & Political w e e k ly

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 INSIGHT
zones. The Zone in area comprising Par- (3) Operator: (a ) o & m , (b ) m a n a g e ­ clearances from Municipal Corporation of
yavaran Colony, Freedom Fighter Colo­ m ent o f th e p r o je c t, and (c ) p a rtia l Delhi ( m c d ) are required for this and d j b
ny, Western Avenue Colony, part of in v e s tm e n ts . is better equipped to handle this risk.
Indira Enclave and part of Saduljab vil­ The estimated project cost has two basic
lage are not covered under the existing (4) Monitoring Committee: Hundred components: the bill on quantity ( b o q )
metered water supply network of the per cent controlled by the d j b and com­ and the road restoration costs. This divi­
d j b (ibid: 95). The population in these posed of officials, elected represen­ sion is made since it is likely that the
areas excluding i g n o u roughly comes to tatives and residence welfare associa­ m c d will be expected to carry out the

91,500 - nearly a quarter of the project
areas population. We assume that these
colonies are likely to have standposts or
other sources such as tube wells that
supply water to the residents in these
colonies. The d p r strangely notes that
piped water demand for this area shall
arise only after 2015. Assuming that the
project begins in 2012, the first two core
activities, i e, rehabilitation and expan­
sion, will be over by 2014. As a result, it
emerges that the Zone 111 colonies are
not covered in the network expansion
core activity of the project at all. The
d p r makes no mention of how or when
tions: (a) call for external assistance
whenever required (tariff rebasing, audit­
ing, monitoring, etc); (b) monitor the key
performance indicators; (c) monitor the
operator’ s technical and financial per­
formance and legal and contractual obli­
gations; (d) approve the rebasing of tar­
iff as per contract; (e) make decisions
regarding new projects; and (f) minor
dispute resolution.
Apart from these, private contractors
can be hired for undertaking activities
such as rehabilitation, expansion, me­
tering, billing, etc.
road restoration as the task comes under
its jurisdiction. The operator’ s fee is not
calculated as part of this project cost as
it is considered an operating expense for
the d j b and is thus reflected in its in­
come and expenditure statement.
Cost Recovery and Operator’ s Remu­
neration: The revenue of the project ac­
cruing to the d j b is a product of the
water tariff and the volume of water
billed. The collected revenue will
increase as the volume of water billed in­
creases over the project years ( d r a and
s t c 2011:132). The remuneration of the

piped water will reach these colonies.
On the other hand, what is remarkable is
that all public standposts are to be re­
moved as part of the rehabilitation ac­
tivities. While it is not absolutely clear
whether the standposts and other exist­
ing sources of water will be removed
from Zone hi areas, if they are removed
to establish the extent of piped water
demand, this would imply that the Zone
hi areas will be left with no provision of
water for the entire project period!
Who Are the Actors Involved in
the Project and What Are Their
Roles?
There are four main actors involved
in the p p p project and their roles are:
What Is the Financial
Arrangement of the Project?
The total estimated cost of the project is
Rs 143.04 crore, out of which Rs 77.84
crore is for rehabilitation, upgradation
and expansion activities which are to be
carried out in first two years of the project
by the operator. An amount of Rs 65.20
crore is for road restoration activities
which will be carried out by the d j b .
Table 3 gives the detailed break-up of
the project cost. The d p r explains that
the road restoration has been excluded
from the ambit of the operator since the
Table 3: Estimated Project Cost
Sr Name of Particulars Unit
No
operator is to be deducted from the rev­
enue collected with the assumption that
the operator will earn an internal rate of
return ( i r r ) of 15% from his investment.
The operator will be paid for 25 m l d
during the rehabilitation period of two
years even if the volume billed and col­
lected is less. Thereafter, the operator
will be paid according to the actual vol­
ume billed and revenue collected (ibid).
The fee of the operator is calculated
according to each cubic metres unit (m3)
of water supplied. In case of any supply
not paid by the consumers as a result of
Rehabilitation Expansion Total
and Upgradation
Qty Cost in Qty Cost in Qty Cost in
Crore Crore Crore

1 R ep la cem en t and u p gra d a tion o f pip elin e RMT 97,938 20.39 23,097 4.2 1,21,035 24.59
2 R ep la cem en t o f ex istin g h o u se service
(1) DJB: (a) Decide the level of subsidy c o n n e ctio n N os 34,000 24.08 7,200 4.67 41,200 28.75
versus tariff; (b) establish the tariff 3 Valves and sp ecia ls 5.51 3.031 8.55
structure; (c) secure availability of re­ 4 Trench less M 800 2.22 200 0.57 1,000 2.79
quired water at the underground reser­ 5 Repair w ork s N os 0.62 0 0.62
voir; (d) pay energy bills to energy pro­ 6 E lectro m a g n e tic m etre N os 0.78 0.35 1.13
viders; (e) manage existing projects; 7 D ev elo p in g billing so ftw a re N os 1 0.2 0 1 0.2
(f) repay own loans and liabilities; and 8 A u tom ation N os 1 2 0 1 2
(g) pay subsidies (if any). 9 C on stru ction o f o ffic e and CFC cen tre N os 1 1.05 0 1 1.05
10 Civil w ork s 2.24 0 1.12 0 3.36
11 O th er w ork s 0.69 0 0.36 0 1.05
(2) Consultant: Project management
12 Cutting o f bitum in ous road and cem en t road cu m 52,228 2.77 20,247 0.981 3.76
consultancy for construction/rehabili-
Total BOQ (in Rs) 62.56 15.28 77.84
tation and monitoring during o & m for 13 R estoration and cu ttin g o f b itu m in ou s road sq m 3,70,624 52.02 84,014 13.18 65.2
specified period (15 months)7 after the Total p ro ject c o st 114.58 28.46 143.04
project begins. Source: DRA and STC (2011:131).

Economic & Political w e e k ly 13259 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 35

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subsidy, the water will be billed and it investment risk. Along with the assured lakh drawn up by the djb for the con­
will be the responsibility of the d j b to fees of the operator, in fact, it turns the tract. On 16 April 2010 the executive
pay the fees to the operator for such water “ reward for risk”argument for profits engineer ( e e ) referred d r a Consultants
supplied. As there will no unbilled and un­ for private investment on its head, where for award of the consultancy, noting that
metered water supply, the operator will be the reward seems to be tied to the in­ it quoted
free from any commercial risk of non-pay­ vestment itself, rather than a result of the lowest rate for Rs 2.85 crore against de­
ment by the consumers or because of any any risk undertaken! partmental justification of Rs 3.35 crore. No
such work has been done in this division in
“ free water”policies of the d j b .
the past. Since the rates of d r a Consultants
A d j b official claimed that the water Issues and Concerns are lower than the justification, hence,
tariff will not be increased to cover the The proposed p p p raises several issues “...for acceptance pi” (sic) (r t i document
operator’ s fee. This indicates that the and concerns of importance to the people available with the authors).

existing tariff structure of the d j b is al­ of Delhi and the Indian public at large. On 28 April 2010 the e e , assistant en­
ready high enough to bear the operator’ s gineer (a e ) and superintendent engi­
fee. However, these are moot points. Hiring Private Consultants: The d j b neer (s e ) further recommended accord­
Since 2009 the water tariffs have been claims that this is the first time it is en­ ing post facto approval to estimate and
raised annually: (a) Residential from Rs 5 gaging in such a consultancy project. approve of award of the work to d r a
to Rs 7.19 per m3, (b) Mixed from Rs 5 While this is untrue given the award of Consultants noting:
to Rs 14.32 per m3, (c) Commercial from the previous consultancy to p w c in Estimated cost of the work is Rs 283 lacs
Rs 34 to Rs 41.76 per m3, (d) Government 2002, the need for a private consultant against the suggestive cost of Rs 335 lacs,
institutions from Rs 33 to Rs 41.76 per m3. to design the reforms needed in Delhi’ s which have been seen by planning with the
comment that the rates are on purely tenta­
The total increase amounts to from water supply itself is questionable, espe­
tive basis and there is no authenticity of
Rs 19.17 to Rs 26.26 for 32,148 connec­ cially at considerable public cost. It is in­ rates taken, so it cannot be checked by plan­
tions. The d j b revenue increased from deed worth asking why the many uni­ ning. ...Sub technical committee examined
2009-10 to 2010-11 is from Rs 6.812 crore versities and research centres in the the case on 2 6 .04.10 and decided to recom ­
mend the case for award in favour of
to Rs 13.632 crore (ibid). capital region, including the esteemed
M/s d r a Consultants Pvt Ltd and also for ad­
Indian Institute of Technology, were not ministrative approval of the estimate. Techni­
Sources o f Finance: While the sources deemed worthy of offering expertise for cal committee in its meeting held on 27 .04.10
of finance for the project have not been improvements in the delivery of a ser­ also decided to recommend the case for award
finalised, the d p r indicates the follow­ vice so vital to the right to life for all. of work to L-i bidder and post facto adminis­
trative approval of the estimate (ibid).
ing break-up (ibid: 131): (1) Government The award of the consultancy con­
of India: Rs 71. 52 lakh (50%), (2) State: tract to d r a consultants also raises To the observation made by the
Rs 28.61 lakh (20%), (3) d j b : Rs 30%. accountability concerns. The budget ap­ finance division that the suggestive cost
(a) Bank loan: Rs 21.46 lakh (15%) proval of the consultancy contract is an “ has not been checked by the planning
(b) p p p : Rs 21.46 lakh (15%) interesting example in this regard. File- department on the ground that rates are
As per the information received from notings8 obtained through r t i reveal purely on tentative basis and there is no
a concerned d j b official, one source of that there was no approval by the plan­ authenticity of rates taken” , the reply on
finance could be j n n u r m . Given that the ning division for the estimate of Rs 335 6 May 2010 signed by the e e , a e and s e
suggested component of funding from
the Government of India for the project
is 50% and the d p r has been submitted
INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL AND
in the format prescribed under j n n u r m ,
ECONOMIC CHANGE
Dr. V.K.R.V. Rao Road, Nagarabhavi, Bangalore 560 072
this further corroborates the likelihood
of j n n u r m as a major source of funding. Applications are invited for the following posts:
While we are not experts in the area, Cadre No. of Posts Cateaorv Centre
common sense indicates that the private Assistant Professor One BC CESP
sector investment in the project ex­ Assistant Professor One PH CESP
plained in the break-up mentioned earli­ Assistant Professor One BC CESP
er as “p p p ”is only 15% of the total project Assistant Professor One UR CSSCD
cost (Rs 21.46 lakh). Given that a major Assistant Professor One SC CEENR
justification for the p p p is the investment Assistant Professor One UR CHRD
by the private party/operator for the
Detailed advertisement and the prescribed application form can be
scale of improvement of services sought
downloaded from www.isec.ac.in. The last date for receiving applications
(see section Rationale for p p p s men­
with reference to the above advertisement is May 18,2012
tioned earlier), the sum of Rs 21.46 lakh
Note: UR: Unreserved; BC: Backward Classes; PH: Physically Handicapped;
in an overall project of Rs 143.04 crore
SC: Scheduled Caste s/d R E G IS TR A R
seems too paltry for any significant
36 APRIL 2 8 , 201 2 VOL XLVII NO 17 Economic & Political w e e k ly

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noted that the suggestive cost has been
accepted by the chief engineer (south) as
also the sub-technical committee and
the technical committee and that this is
consultancy work and this type of work
has not been done so far in the division.
On the basis of this reply, the award was
recommended for further approval of
the chief executive officer of d j b and
concurrence of finance at the appropri­
ate level - member (finance) of the d j b .
Finance finally concurred with the
observation that:
This consultancy work almost is touching Rs 3
crore. Project is concurred subject to:
(i) Benchmarks to be achieved during con­
sultancy work be clearly defined.
(ii) sl a ’
s [Service Level Agreements] for
each benchmark may also be specified while
signing the agreement... (ibid).
It seems inappropriate that the sug­
gestive estimate of nearly Rs 3 crore was
approved by the d j b without adequate
checks, on the claim that such work has
not been carried out by the division be­
fore. Why was the estimate and hence
the lowest bid against it approved by
level after level of concerned authorities
in the d j b ? At the very least this indi­
cates an irresponsible and unjustifiable
hurry in the implementation of the
project undertaken for public good with
public money. The dispensation of public
money clearly needs much more vigilant
processes and checks built into estimate
approvals. They indicate systemic ineffi­
ciencies that might be causing additional
revenue loss to the d j b !
Improved Water Supply for Whom?
The proposed p p p project aims to pro­
vide improved water supply to the pro­
ject area round the clock (24x7). How­
ever, this does not mean that everyone
living in the project area will get water
for 24 hours a day. The project area has
been divided into three zones and Zone 111
areas (Paryavaran Colony, Freedom
Fighter Colony, Western Avenue Colony)
are not covered under the existing water
supply network. The d p r does not talk
about the improvement of water supply
in these areas. Instead, the d p r con­
cludes that “
piped water demand for this
zone will arise only after 2015” . How­
ever, there is no clear procedure for
Economic & Political w e e k ly (3223 A p r i l 28, 2012
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assessment of this demand in 2015. As
we noted earlier, with the removal of
public standposts, their situation would
only be further exacerbated. If the period
of the o & m contract is taken as 12 years
starting in 2012 (the bidding process is
already underway), the operator’ s man­
date would not cover provision of water
to these areas. The d j b is yet to decide
on whether it will undertake expansion
of the existing network. Through our
discussion with a d j b official we are given
to believe that there is no such plan for
expansion and the focus of the p p p is
solely to contain leakages and improve
existing supply. Therefore, it is clear that
the people living in these areas will not
get any benefit of the “ improved water
supply”promised by the Malviya Nagar
p p p project at least in the next 12-13
years, defeating the objective of secur­
ing access to water for the poor.
Removal of Public Standposts: Removal
of all public standposts has been suggest­
ed as one of the strategies to improve the
water supply infrastructure. The ration­
ale for this action is the “
finding”that:
waste water from public stand-post generally
discharged into roadside drains or discharge
directly in nearby (sic) are creating stagnation
of water. The filthy waters stagnate in the area
giving rise to unsightly appearance, foul smell
and breeding of culex mosquitoes (which are
the vectors for filariasis), pollution of ground-
water, due to back-siphonage (which may lead
to increased incidence of faecal - oral diseases
such as diarrhoeas, enteric fevers and viral
hepatitis) (d r a and s t c 2011: 118).
While the concerns regarding “ un­
sightly appearance” , public health and
environmental quality are worth appre­
ciating, the adverse implications of the
removal of public standposts also need
to be considered. Public standposts are
the source of free water for the poor and
the homeless. It is an extremely unreal­
istic expectation that the poor and the
homeless will get water from an “ im­
proved piped network” that will bill
them for water provided. As of now
there are no indications of free or even
subsidised water supply for any segment
of Delhi’ s population. The removal of
public standposts thus means the denial
of water to the poor, the homeless and
pavement dwellers. In other words, the
removal of public standposts seems a
v o l x l v i i n o 17
INSIGHT
strategy to exert pressure on all residents
to connect to piped water supply so that
the d j b can generate more revenue. This
would be of particular interest to the pri­
vate operator because the remuneration
of the private operator depends upon the
revenue generated from the project area.
In this predominantly revenue-oriented
reform approach, public standposts are
seen as a source and reason of revenue
loss and public health and environmental
concerns are cited to justify the removal
of such “ loss-making”facilities.
We would like to clarify that we are
not against individual piped water sup­
ply per se and recognise that most peo­
ple would readily sign up for such con­
nections. However, public stand-posts
serve an important purpose in providing
access to water for the poor and the
homeless. Any improvement in water
services including the provisioning of in­
dividual piped water connections should
be based on the principle that safe and
adequate water is a right for all and the
government' must secure it for all with­
out the commodification of this precious
resource. Any decisions on the best man­
ner of securing this right must conform
to the principles of the right to water, the
right to life and the right to decentral­
ised democratic decision-making.
Public Participation
It is recognised in the d p r that at present
there is limited confidence in the techni­
cal feasibility and financial viability of
implementing 24/7 water supply in Delhi
amongst stakeholders because of lack of
communication (d r a and s t c 2011: 14).
Therefore, as a next step, it is recom­
mended that the project shall be imple­
mented with the involvement of all
stakeholders through effective commu­
nication strategies in pilot zones. The
project considers it the duty of the con­
sultant to convince the stakeholders
with effective communication. In a pre­
bid consultation meeting for the consul­
tancy contract held on 24 February 2010,
the d j b replied to a query about it as:
the consultant will ensure proper media and
press interface, track the development in
press and media regarding the project, posi­
tively influence the public opinion and bring
consensus on the project through proper
37
INSIGHT

structural communication and media man­
agement plan. The consultant will execute
all the components of communication and
media management plan, assist employer in
handling press conference, r t i , etc. The con­
sultant should develop proactive public cam­
paign for success of the project (r t i docu­
ment available with the authors).
This reveals some fundamental flaws
that go against the spirit of democratic
decision-making as envisaged under the
74th constitutional amendment. It estab­
lishes that the d j b and the Delhi govern­
ment have not consulted the public be­
fore introducing such drastic reforms in
water supply and are in fact depending
on a private consultant to “ convince”the
public instead of the d j b proactively
consulting the people of Delhi regarding
the changes needed to improve and
ensure access to water for all.
While the consultant’ s d p r elaborates
the methodology of a 100% household
survey to determine the population of the
project area, there is no mention of any
“public campaign”to convince the resi­
dents of the project area of the need for
the p p p . This transfer of accountability to
a private entity is as unacceptable as the
lack of public consultations prior to
undertaking the p p p . Interestingly, the
objective of improving “customer services”
to the urban poor finds no mention in the
details of the initial consultancy Terms
of Reference studied by us but found its
way in the project summaries and the
d p r ; we wonder if the point was added
as an afterthought and question how
these concerns have been determined as
a priority area by the d j b . What was the
involvement of the citizens of Delhi,
specifically the “ urban poor customers”
in determining the “ improvements”for
a service as vital as water supply?
Commercialisation of Water?
d jb documents repeatedly use the term
“consumers” , not “ residents” , or even
“citizens”, underlining the emphasis on
water as a revenue generating economic
good rather than a fundamental right.
The Malviya Nagar p p p project accord­
ingly aims to improve the levels of serv­
ice to “
water consumers” . Thus, the objec­
tive of the p p p project is to redefine the
relationship between the d j b and citizens
to make it a relationship between a
“service provider”and “ consumers” . The
overwhelming objective of the p p p s is
the reduction in n r w , a term that again
emphasises water as an economic good,
rather than a right. This commodifica­
tion of a resource so vital to life reflects a
dangerous trend that will potentially re­
sult in denial of access to water for those
who cannot afford it. At the very least it
shifts the focus from the obligation of
the government to ensure water for all
to an overseer of an “ efficient revenue­
generating service delivery to consum­
ers”through p p p s .
The idea of treating people as con­
sumers in the case of water supply is
inappropriate ethically as well as legally.
Ethically, water arises from nature and
is essential to life; it is inappropriate to
convert it into a “good”or “ service”to be
exchanged for money. It is unethical to
restrict access to this gift of nature
essential for survival of all living beings
to those who can pay for it or “ possess”it
as owners of land. From a legal point of
view, the linking access to water to eco­
nomic capacity of an individual is con­
trary to the concept of the fundamental

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right to water. As noted earlier, the fun­
damental right to water is part of the
fundamental right to life as recognised
by various legal instruments nationally
and internationally. It is the duty of the
government to take all possible measures
and use all available resources to ensure
the implementation of this fundamental
right without any discrimination. This
ideal of non-discrimination would be
the first to be violated by the implemen­
tation of a consumer-oriented water
service delivery mechanism.
As a result of ineffective action to­
wards securing the right to water, sev­
eral residents living in the so-called
“unauthorised”colonies of the city are
at the mercy of private water mafias
and/or the local political elite. This
means that there is no check on the
quality, quantity and frequency of water
to these residents. Rather than mitigat­
ing these serious issues of access, the
creation of a revenue-oriented service
delivery mechanism for water would
allow the Delhi government to shrug its
hands off provision of water to these
colonies altogether. Indeed, the remov­
al of public stand-posts is a critical step
in this direction as most poor colonies,
whether under “ authorised”or “ unau­
thorised”status, depend on a combina­
tion of these stand-posts and private
suppliers. A field visit conducted by one
of the authors in August 2010 in Hubli-
Dharwad, Karnataka revealed that the
removal of public stand-posts was part
of the implementation of the 24x7 wa­
ter supply project in the city. This has
forced the residents to either pay for
every drop of water including for live­
stock or rely on any other source of wa­
ter which is not charged (for details on
the 24x7 project in Hubli-Dharwad see
Sangameswaran et al 2008)!
The argument that a private operator
would not be bothered about the status
of the colony and would be interested in
expanding revenue generation through
an expanded “ market”is a moot point:
(a) Expansion of services to these areas
is only envisaged after the pilot project
is over; (b) if revenue generation is the
overarching concern, the water would
be supplied first to those who can afford
to pay for as much as they need, given
Economic & Political weekly E3353 a p r il
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that there is no minimal criteria of sup­
ply to all; and (c) evidence from across
the world whether in Bolivia or Italy,
where such initiatives have been under­
taken through private participation re­
veal that tariffs rose exorbitantly and the
poorest were the hardest hit for access to
water leading to popular uprisings that
eventually wrested control over water
supply from the private sector to public
or collective control (see Prasad 2006;
Lobina 2000; Dwivedi et al 2007; Wolfw
2011). These experiences are extremely
pertinent to the Indian context and
their lessons must be taken into account
while formulating policy and imple­
menting projects for the fundamental
right to water.
The water supply reforms in Delhi are
significant and far-reaching in their scope
and are being undertaken without any
public debate, discussion and inputs. The
implementation of the ppps has been a
quiet and secret affair without proactive
consultations with the people of the
project areas they claim to benefit. The
manner of implementation of the reforms
and ppps are undermining the democratic
principles of transparency, accountability
and people’ s participation in decision­
making in an area as vital as the funda­
mental right to water. This right is also
repeatedly recognised by the higher judi­
ciary in India and by a number of interna­
tional instruments. The ppps do not ad­
dress the availability, quantity and quality
issues with water supply for all the peo­
ple of the project areas and instead focus
on “ improving”water supply round the
clock (24x7). The removal of public
stand-posts further threatens to under­
mine the fundamental right to water for
the poor and the homeless in the project
areas and the obligation of the govern­
ment to provide water for all. The gener­
ation of revenue through water is being
made the foremost reform priority in the
name of “ efficiency”, leading to the com­
mercialisation of this vital resource. The
critical issues and concerns that emerge
from the ongoing ppp initiatives need to
be analysed, debated and discussed widely
with all the people of Delhi. Appropriate
changes that secure the fundamental
right to water for all through decentral­
ised and democratic decision-making
28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
INSIGHT
methods need to be introduced within
the binding framework of the govern­
ment’s obligation to provide water for all.
NOTES
1 The term fundamental right to water in the
constitutional context denotes the inalienable
right of every individual to water and imposes
obligations upon the government to take all
possible measures to secure it.
2 See Subhash Kumar vs State of Bihar 1991; Ha­
mid Khan vs State of Madhya Pradesh 1997;
Vishala Kochi Kudivella Samrakshana Samiti vs
State of Kerala 20 06 .
3 The term “ people”includes all residents and
those who come to Delhi for work or for other
purposes but do not reside in Delhi.
4 A master plan for Delhi’ s water supply is also
under preparation by Japan International Co­
operation Agency (JICA) which addresses non­
revenue losses; inadequate distribution sys­
tem; loss of water in transit; inadequate infra­
structure; and the supply of large quantity of
non-revenue water.
5 Ground reservoir and booster pumping station,
respectively.
6 The controversial 2005 water privatisation ini­
tiative undertaken by the DJB with a World
Bank loan also claimed as its principal objec­
tives the “24/ 7”provision of water, efficiency
and reduction of NRW.
7 This is separate from the role of the monitoring
committee.
8 These are handwritten comments, observa­
tions and criticisms by various concerned offi­
cials pertaining to approvals and decisions in
any government file.
REFERENCES
Cullet, P and S Koonan, ed. (2011): Water Law in
India: An Introduction to Legal Instruments
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
DRA and STC (2011): “ Reduction of NRW/UFW
with Improvement in Level of Service to the
Water Consumers and Improvement of Un­
interrupted Water Supply under the Command
Area of GR&BPS” , Malviya Nagar - Detailed
Project Report, August 2011.
Dwivedi, G, S Dharmadhikari and Rehmat (2007 ):
Water: Private, Limited: Issues in Privatisation,
Corporatisation and Commercialisation of Wa­
ter Sector in India (Badwani: Manthan Adhyay-
an Kendra).
Gol (2012): Draft National Water Policy, Ministry of
Water Resources, Government of India, New
Delhi.
Lobina, Emanuele (2000 ): Cochabamba- Water
War (London: PSIRU).
Parivartan (2005 ): 24/ 7 ? An Analysis of the Pro­
posed Restructure of the Delhi Water Supply
(Delhi: Parivartan).
Prasad, Naren (2006 ): “ Privatisation Results: Pri­
vate Sector Participation (PSP) in Water Serv­
ices after 15 Years” , Development Policy Review,
24 (6): 6 6 9 -92 .
Sangameswaran, P, M Roopa and C D’ Rozario
(2008 ): “ 24/7, ‘ Privatisation’and Water Re­
form: Insights from Hubli-Dharwad” , Economic
& Political Weekly, 4 3 /1 4 : 6 0 -67 .
United Nations General Assembly Resolution on
the Human Right to Water and Sanitation,
2010 , UN Doc No A/RES/64 /292 .
Wolfw (2011): “ Italy’s Public Says ‘ No’ to Water Pri­
vatisation” , 13 June (http://waterculture.word-
press.com/2011/06 /13/italys-public-says-no-
to-water-privatisation/).
39
REVIEW OF W OM ENS STUDIES
State Policy and the Twelfth Plan
through a Gender Lens
J DEVIKA, MARY E JOHN, KALPANA KANNABIRAN, SHARMILA REGE, SAMITA SEN, PADMINI SWAMINATHAN
T
he advisory group of the Review of Women’ s Studies
(rw s) is grateful to the editorial team at the e p w for
having been requested to assist the journal in bringing
out this review issue twice a year. Over the years, the r w s has
evolved into one of the most significant spaces for showcasing
new scholarship in the field of women’ s studies, thanks to the
extraordinary efforts and leadership of Maithreyi Krishnaraj.
We would like to take this opportunity, therefore, to record
our appreciation and admiration for her pioneering role in
encouraging new and established scholars to publish their
work in the epw , and so deepen existing research and thinking
on gender related issues. We hope to carry Maithreyi
Krishnaraj’ s efforts forward, for which we look to her support,
together with the assistance of the e p w and the wider commu­
nity of scholars.
This issue of the r w s focuses on questions of policy in the
context of the upcoming Twelfth Plan. The relationship of the
women’ s movement in India to the State and more specifically
to aspects of development planning and policy is as old as the
movement itself, and has had a multilayered history. Making
demands on the state and its machinery in order to overcome
processes that marginalise women has taken many forms,
and there have b e e n significant ch an ges in orien tation over
the last decades. One might point to the truly remarkable
report Women’ s Role in a Planned Economy produced in 1941
for the future nation state which “ disappeared”with inde­
pendence; the subsequent adoption of a social welfare
approach to women in the First Five-Year Plan; and the find­
ings and critiques of the Towards Equality Report by the Com­
mittee on the Status of Women in India in 1975, followed by
the first serious efforts at policy review with the lifting of the
Emergency after 1977. It is not possible to go into the details
of the different pressures that sections of the women’ s move­
ment have placed on the state planning process in the inter­
vening decades and the kinds of outcomes that ensued, such
as the special chapter on women and development in
the Sixth Plan (1980-85), and the later use of terms such as
“women’ s empowerment” . methods of doing so.
As the first article in this collection (“Gendering the Twelfth
Plan: A Feminist Perspective” ) demonstrates clearly, the situa­
tion on the eve of the Twelfth Plan (2012-17) could not be more
challenging. The current context is one where there has been
some acknowledgement of the need to move away from an
isolated focus on women to a more integrated approach.
Given the unprecedentedly high growth rates that the Indian
40
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All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
economy witnessed during the Eleventh Plan and the Plan’ s
explicit claim to “ inclusive growth” , the question addressed
in the article is where a gender perspective is to be found, and
what needs to be done further to provide one. The express
task is to engender planning across all sectors, agriculture
and manufacturing, rural and urban development, transport
and infrastructure, health and education, among others. The
article argues not only that inclusion must be explicitly em­
bedded within the growth process, but the many advantages
of doing so.
The second article “ Gender Responsive Budgeting in India:
What Has Gone Wrong?”explores the very instrument that the
Indian state has now adopted in order to achieve integration or
“gender mainstreaming” , namely, gender responsive budget­
ing. Since 2005, in some contrast to an earlier “ Women’ s Com­
ponent Plan”approach, gender budgeting has been institution­
alised in India following the example of a growing number
of countries. Meant to be a tool that tracks how much of the
state’s budget addresses gender disparities and how pro­
grammes and schemes can promote gender equality, the
article exposes the problems that currently beset the adoption
of this approach by the government and what must be done
to change it.
The third article (“Ladlis and Lakshmis: Financial Incentive
Schemes for the Girl Child” ) examines a set of schemes that
have been recently promoted by several states in the country in
an effort to combat the declining child sex ratio. With various
names such as Dhanlaxmi, Ladli, Bed Hai Anmol, and so on, a
number of Conditional Cash Transfer ( cct) schemes have been
deployed with the goal of reducing the burden of an unwanted
girl by providing cash payments to poor families with a daughter.
The article describes the nature of the schemes, and points out
problems with the many conditionalities that accompany it,
including population control norms that demand of most families
that they have just one or at the most two girls (no boys) followed
by sterilisation. The study raises some fundamental questions
about the very purpose that is sought to be achieved and the
A very different intervention is the subject of the next
article on the Dilaasa Model, which deals with domestic
EPW is grateful to the Editorial Advisory Group for the Review
of W omen’s Studies for putting together this issue. The members
of the group are J Devika, Mary E John, Kalpana Kannabiran,
Sharmila Rege, Padmini Swaminathan and Lina Mathias (EPW).
APRIL 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 iwuvi Economic & Political weekly

violence. Using a case study approach, the article (“ Addressing
Domestic Violence within Healthcare Settings: The Dilaasa
Model” ) looks at how and whether women who have suffered
from domestic violence can be helped in a public health
context. Crisis centres established in two public hospitals
in Mumbai and the experience of women survivors of
domestic violence who came there for help are drawn upon
to make a case that there is a need to upscale such a model
into a policy.
The final paper in this issue of the r w s (“
Beyond Feminine
Public Altruism: Women Leaders in Kerala’ s Urban Bodies” )
moves into the realm of a less well known and certainly less
well studied dimension of development planning, namely,
urban local governance. In the context of Kerala and its poli­
cies of decentralisation within which women’ s participation
has been foregrounded, the article discusses the ambiguous
location of urban local politics between the realms of state
politics and local (rural) decentralisation, and how this
affects the trajectories of women representatives who strive
for a political future. In particular, the constraints of urban
governance are being increasingly redefined by neo-liberal
development policies of urban management, which in turn
shape the kinds of women who are being elected and the
power that they wield.
REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
Opening Up Dimensions o f Public Policy
In different yet related ways, each of the articles opens up
dimensions of public policy in the contemporary moment, one
which has been transformed by the neo-liberal turn that
the Indian state has chosen to take. But this is also a moment
in which the state has made several claims about being more
gender aware - such as those to engender the entire planning
process; to institutionalise gender sensitive budgeting across
all the ministries; to better target girls born into poor fami­
lies; to respond to domestic violence in a public health set­
ting; and to expand the presence of women via reservations
within local bodies. The question therefore is what a critical
gender lens can make visible, from the most macroeconomic
of spaces to the most micro-level experiences of everyday life.
J Devika (devika@cds.ac.in) is at the Centre for Development Studies,
Thiruvananthapuram, Mary E John (maryejohni@gmail.com) is at
the Centre for Women’ s Development Studies, New Delhi,
Kalpana Kannabiran (kalpana.kannabiran@gmail.com) is at the
Council for Social Development, Hyderabad, Sharmila Rege
(sharmilarege@hotmail.com) is at the Savitribai Phule Centre for Women’
s
Studies, Pune University, Samita Sen (samitasen@yahoo.co.uk) is at the
School of Women’ s Studies, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, and Padmini
Swaminathan (padmini.swaminathan@tiss.edu) is at the Tata Institute
of Social Sciences, Hyderabad.

EPW Research Foundation (a u n it o f sa m e e k sh a t r u s t )

w w w . e p w r f . i n w w w . e p w r f i t s . i n
India Time Series
A few months ago EPWRF introduced an online database service christened as ‘ India Time Series’ , www.epwrfits.in. The project
envisaged dissemination o f data in fifteen modules displaying time series on a wide range o f macroeconomic and financial sector variables
in a manner convenient for research and analytical work. This is targeted to benefit particularly students, research scholars, professionals
and the academic community, both in India and abroad.
This online service is a part o f the project funded by the University Grants Commission (UGC) and executed by the Tata Institute o f
Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai and the Economic and P o litic a l Weekly (EPW).
Time series data sets have been structured under various modules.
Modules released so far Following modules will be added soon
1) Financial Markets 1) National Accounts Statistics
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 REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
Gendering the Twelfth Plan
A Feminist Perspective
M R ID U L E A P E N , A A S H A K A P U R M E H T A
A gendered analysis of the Approach Paper to the
Twelfth Five-Year Plan suggests that women must be
recognised as growth agents in India's political economy
across all sectors. The gendering o f public policy must
move into macroeconomic space. While "inclusion" is
listed as an objective, there is lack of clarity on the
mechanisms for including the excluded, and for
measuring and monitoring inclusiveness over the plan
period. From a gender point of view, the generation of
livelihoods and employment should be the central
driving force for growth, and the resources generated
should support social policies that universalise
education, health and social security.
This paper is based on inputs provided by Nirmala Banerjee, Ritu
Dewan, Devaki Jain, Renana Jhabwala, Jayati Ghosh, Indira Hirway,
Mary John, Maithreyi Krishnaraj, Santosh Mehrotra, Yamini Mishra
and her team, Ratna Sudarshan and Padmini Swaminathan. Support
provided by UN Women is gratefully acknowledged.
Mridul Eapen (mridul@cds.ac.in) is honorary fellow at the Centre
for Development Studies, Thiruvananthapuram. Aasha Kapur Mehta
(aashakapurmehta @gmail.com) is at the Indian Institute of Public
Administration, New Delhi.
42
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D
uring the preparation of the Eleventh Five-Year Plan of
2007-12, the Planning Commission set up a Working
Group of Feminist Economists to review the sectoral
chapters of the Eleventh Plan through a gender lens. Engaging
with the draft chapters, the group established the primacy of
women and their work in India’ s growth achievement. It argued
that planning processes and methods exhibited an inadequate
awareness of these facts. The value of this initiative was that it
advocated moving beyond a special focus in the chapter on
“Women and Child”to looking at women as growth agents in
India’ s political economy, across all sectors. Thus, the major
shift of this initiative was to move the gendering of public policy
into macroeconomic space (Planning Commission 2010).
The Planning Commission has reconstituted the Working
Group of Feminist Economists for the Twelfth Five-Year Plan.
This paper draws on an earlier gendered analysis of the ideas in
the Approach Paper to the Twelfth Plan (henceforth Planning
Commission 2011). While the wheels of the planning process
have been moving steadily forward, we believe that the direc­
tions proposed in the approach paper continue to shape planning.
The strategies for growth proposed in the Twelfth Plan appear
to be formulated with little consideration for the needs and roles
of large sections of the population of the country and especially
those of poor women (Planning Commission 2011). This paper
aims to highlight some of these glaring gaps in the overall
design of the proposed plan and to suggest ways of making eco­
nomic growth during the Twelfth Plan more truly inclusive.
Inclusive Growth Is Elusive
Despite several decades of struggle by women’ s groups to make
policy gender-sensitive, the approach to the Twelfth Plan
exhibits insufficient awareness of the specific problems of
women, their unpaid labour and their distinctive economic
contribution to the nation’ s economy. The overall theme for
planning is achieving “ faster, sustainable and more inclusive
growth”(Planning Commission 2011). The thrust is on increas­
ing the rate of growth of gross domestic product (gdp) or the
rate of expansion of the total volume of output of goods and
services in the economy, especially at a time when there has
been a drop, relative to past rates of growth. The approach
paper notes that inclusiveness is a multi-dimensional pheno­
menon. Inclusive growth should result in the lower incidence
of poverty, broad-based and significant improvements in health
outcomes, universal access for children to schooling, increased
access to higher education and improved standards of education
A p r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 DBQ Economic & Political w e e k ly

overall, including skill development, better opportunities for
both wage employment and livelihoods, and improvements in
the provision of basic amenities. Particular attention should be
paid to the needs of the scheduled caste (sc), scheduled tribe (s t )
and Other Backward Class (o b c ) populations, women and chil­
dren as also minorities and other excluded groups (Planning
Commission 2011).
However, there is lack of clarity regarding how inclusion will
occur. What are the mechanisms for including the excluded?
How will inclusiveness be measured? How will inclusiveness
be continuously monitored over the plan period? There is no
magic bullet solution to ensure inclusion. We know that the
goal leads to greater complexity, both in programme design
and appraisal. The critical questions outlined above must be
addressed. For without a road map for achieving inclusion, this
objective will not be achieved in the Twelfth Plan.
Inclusive growth was envisaged in the Eleventh Plan too,
but there is little evidence to show that the fast growth rate of
the economy during the plan period led to significant achieve­
ment of inclusion. There is a shying away from providing a
report card on why the Eleventh Plan that promised so much
by way of “ more inclusive growth”of excluded/marginalised
groups including women failed in these objectives. Inclusive­
ness through planned development has remained elusive.
Economic growth is a precondition for inclusive growth.
However, the nature and composition of growth have to be
conducive to inclusion. Growth has to include the poor, espe­
cially women, ethnic groups and other disadvantaged groups,
as well as deprived regions, not as beneficiaries alone but as
partners in the process. In other words, inclusion needs to be
embedded in the growth process. It therefore has to explicitly
address the constraints faced by the excluded and the mar­
ginalised and provide opportunities for them to be partners
in growth.
Some of the major components of inclusive growth would be
the following:
•Em ploym ent and Livelihoods: “
L ivelihood”
-led grow th should
be at the centre of inclusive growth. This requires correcting
the existing trend of jobless growth that has excluded women
and disadvantaged socio-economic groups from the growth
process, providing capabilities that are linked to productive
employment opportunities, increasing the productivity and
more intensive use of factors of production owned by groups
that are poor; and directing investment flows and infrastruc­
ture development to spatially disadvantaged locations where
the excluded are concentrated.
•Agriculture and Allied Sectors: The Twelfth Plan seeks to
achieve a 4% or higher agricultural growth. The role of women
farmers will be critical in achieving this goal since the femini-
sation of agriculture is growing. Research and development to
increase yields of coarse cereals, pulses, oilseeds and vegeta­
bles must be encouraged as this would encourage production
of crops that are nutritious and provide food security.
•Macroeconomic Environment: Monetary, fiscal and interna­
tional trade-related policies are closely intertwined with wom­
en’s multiple roles in the economy. They must take cognisance
Economic & Political w e e k ly DOBS A p r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
of their gendered impact, for example, in terms of women’ s
poor access to credit.
•Environment and Sustainable Development: Displacement
and environmental degradation in the name of rapid growth
should be prevented, so as to prioritise livelihoods of poor
women and men over more profits to those who are rich.
•Rights-based Approaches to the Delivery of Services: This
requires granting basic rights and designing policies as well as
mechanisms to see that these rights are actually enforced.
•Health and Education: The need is to take responsibility for
ensuring access to health and education, not by shifting state
responsibility to public-private partnerships (p p p s ), but as a
universal right; and
•Designing public spending in a way that the above goals are
achieved.
If inclusion is the goal, then employment generation of high
quality must be the central goal of planning and the pivot of
the Twelfth Plan. A fundamental concern is that the underly­
ing assumption in the plan continues to be that output growth
in itself will generate the required employment, despite all evi­
dence to the contrary (Kohli 2006). In the current plan period,
the problem has intensified as revealed by the latest data from
the National Sample Survey Office (n s so). Annual compound
growth in employment of all kinds (by principal activity) of
persons aged 15+, fell to 0.82% between 2004-05 and 2009-10,
from 2.7% in the previous period. What is most alarming is the
fall in total female employment in absolute terms during this
period, mostly because of a substantial reduction in self-
employment (Chandrasekhar and Ghosh 2012).
Explosive Issues
Unemployment and discrimination on grounds of caste, com­
munity and gender are becoming increasingly explosive politi­
cal and social issues (Kannan and Ravindran 2011). Spatially
too, the distribution of benefits from economic growth since
the early 1990s has followed an identifiable pattern. Per capita
income adjusted for inflation fell between 1993 and 2005 in
villages located more than five kilometres from the nearest
town where half of India’ s population resides. The steepest
decline was experienced by the lowest income groups. This
debilitating effect must be countered by better physical and
social infrastructure (Krishna and Bajpai 2011).
The problem is particularly critical for women who have been
losing jobs during the Eleventh Plan period and have found few
new work opportunities except in domestic and personal services,
apart from teaching in urban areas. The need to rethink the
growth strategy is absolutely urgent because a large population of
young people - the much-discussed demographic dividend - is set
to enter the labour market during the next few years, an increas­
ing proportion of whom have accessed education, including
higher education. Among them, young women are going to face
greater difficulties in finding work. The few fresh work
opportunities that have opened up for women have been in
occupations that the educated young among them are unlikely to
find palatable. Exclusion from the process of development can
have serious implications for the future of India’
s democracy.
43
REVIEWOF WOMEN S STUDIES — - - — v
All policy measures, as well as incentives to boost economic
growth therefore need to be tethered to or enabled by increasing
employment, based on the recognition that shifting to an
employment-oriented macroeconomic strategy can have many
direct and indirect positive effects. Three elements of this
approach require reinforcement: enabling small producers to
become more viable and competitive, encouraging quality
employment with adequate remuneration in social sectors,
and preventing displacement, loss of livelihoods and environ­
mental degradation in the name of rapid growth. Each of these
has strong gender dimensions. Growth and rapid growth are
critical but they must be translated into a better quality of life
for all of India’ s citizens - women and men as aggregate
groups, as well as subgroups of women and men disaggregated
by class, caste, tribe, age, ability, religion, region, and so on.
Achieving Growth with Inclusion
In the vision of the planners, the primary focus tends to be on
increments to g d p , independent of its distribution. However,
g d p can hide the composition of output and the means used
for achieving that output, i e, the strategy for growth. Maximi­
sing returns is the goal of economic behaviour according to
conventional rationality but the reality in developing econo­
mies is that households, poor groups and women exert effort
to maximise not returns but the well-being of the group to
which they regard themselves as accountable.
Women regard the well-being of the family as their man­
date. Given the lack of adequate productive resources like cap­
ital, technology and support systems like credit and favoura­
ble laws that recognise their vulnerabilities, women’ s labour,
both outside and inside the household incurs higher costs and
receives poorer returns. There are many attempts to estimate
the enormous unpaid labour of women that sustains the
household. Such estimates of extended g d p should be pre­
sented together with g d p data.
In the view of the planners, inclusion is to be achieved
through the distribution of the gains through flagship pro­
grammes and handouts to the needy. In other words, if gains
from growth do not trickle down to all as expected, equity
among citizens is to be ensured through special policies that ca­
ter to the needs of vulnerable sections. Perhaps this is why the
approach paper is not overly concerned about the failure of the
economy to generate additional employment during the Elev­
enth Plan period.
In our view, however, the primary purpose of the state
undertaking planned growth is not just to assist those who
are already in the mainstream of the economy but also to cor­
rect historical inequities and address factors constraining
participation in the growth process. Including all sections of
the population in the process of development implies the fol­
lowing three aspects:
(1) All sections of people in the labour force must be included
as productive workers and contribute to the process of
development.
(2) All of them should get an equitable share in the benefits of
development.
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(3) The contributions and needs of those who have been
neglected should get due recognition.
This paper aims to view all three objectives through a gen­
dered lens and identify gaps in the design of the plan for differ­
ent sectors in that light. It also gives concrete suggestions
about the possible actions that will not only be equitable but
also efficient in promoting faster growth.
Inclusion for Workers
For inclusive growth, it is essential that all potential workers
find remunerative employment in the mainstream. That is to
say, generating productive work has to be an integral part of
the plan model. It is now officially acknowledged, in particular
by the National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorga­
nised Sector (n c e u s 2007: 4) that economic “ development”
has seen not just the growth of the informal sector and the
numbers of those employed informally, but also the “ informa­
lisation of the formal sector” .
Further, there is remarkable consistency in the manner in
which larger numbers of women and their “ work”either become
invisible in data systems or get captured in categories that fall
outside the purview of protective legislation (n c e u s 2007: 59).
The organised or formal economy supposedly enjoys the protec­
tion of labour laws with some modicum of social security, but
even this apparent protection is elusive, n c e u s (2009) estimated
the effectiveness of the coverage of important labour laws for
1999-2000. Among other things, this exercise revealed that the
effectiveness of coverage for the Maternity Benefit Act, 1961,
was only 16%. The International Labour Organisation’ s (i l o s )
recently concluded evaluation of maternity benefit schemes in
India carried this exercise further and revealed the manner in
which eligible women workers were denied maternity benefits
statutorily due to them (Lingam and Krishnaraj 2010).
Outcomes of the Eleventh Plan’ s efforts are especially worrying
because, while national product grew at an unprecedentedly
fast rate, overall employment was virtually stagnant; it grew at
a rate less than a third of that during the previous plan period. In
the case of women, the rate of growth of employment was actu­
ally negative. Claiming that the rate was low not because of a
demand constraint but due to a supply constraint in the labour
market can only be temporary solace; those young people who
had stayed away from the labour market during the Eleventh
Plan period for better education will be joining the labour force
during the Twelfth Plan period with even greater expectations
regarding the quality and quantity of employment.
In any case, the fact that growth under the accepted plan
model was not hindered by the withdrawal from the labour
market of large numbers of young men and women only goes
to prove the argument that the Eleventh Plan model had not
been conceived with the idea of seeking ways to include large
numbers of new sections of people in meaningful work.
One often-missed positive effect of an employment-oriented
macroeconomic strategy is the possibility of using social policy
and social expenditure to generate more employment, which not
only improves quality of life but also has very strong multiplier
effects. Increased public spending on health, sanitation, education
A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 CDE3 Economic & Political w e e k ly

and other essential public services should be associated with the
provision of regular and high quality jobs in these sectors, rather
than the current exploitation of underpaid para-professionals
who increasingly carry the burden of service delivery.
Including Women in Developmental Activities: Equally im­
portant is the fact that if women did withdraw from the labour
force during the last plan period, it was because the terms on
which work was available to them, whether self-employment
or piece-rate work, were too poor to be worth their effort. It is
not that they did not need the work; after all, during the same
period, large numbers of rural women undertook to migrate
singly or commute daily to seek work mainly in the unorgan­
ised urban domestic service. The three million increase in
urban domestic service between 2000 and 2005 indicates not
so much women’ s reluctance to work, as the deteriorating
quality of alternative job opportunities available to them.
Currently the single largest public policy measure for pro­
moting women’ s economic activities is to provide microcredit
for promoting self-employment among them. However,
numerous studies have shown that:
(1) The capital provided to women’ s groups for generating self-
employment can at best create part-time, supplementary work.
(2) Without the help of a dedicated non-governmental organisa­
tion (n go), it is difficult for poor women to design and execute
viable new enterprises.
(3) Women usually end up putting the money in family activi­
ties controlled by men or using it to expand existing poor qual­
ity enterprises.
(4) In many instances, expanding existing businesses have driven
down piece rates for the work that women had been doing.
(5) By focusing almost exclusively on microfinance, the state
transfers its responsibility of providing employment to women
by insisting that they undertake their own economic empow­
erment through “ assisted”self-employment.
Hence, livelihood missions like the large National Rural
Livelihoods Mission (n rlm ) launched in 2011 that do not take
account of the macroeconomic context and demand for goods
and services are unlikely to be successful. The n r lm ’ s focus on
creating producer (self-help) groups will be effective only if it
involves improved access to inputs, credit, marketing and tech­
nology. It is important that (1) incentives such as those offered
to corporates in downswings should be offered to a greater ex­
tent for small producers; (2) there should be enhanced access
to institutional credit - not microfinance - to small producers
of goods and services, especially women who are normally
excluded; (3) efforts should be made for technology upgrada-
tion in microenterprises, including training programmes and
subsidies oriented towards this; and (4) the National Skill
Development Mission may be involved in this initiative.
A livelihood is more than the immediate means of earning a
living; it comprises people, their capabilities and the means of
living, including food, income and tangible assets. Tangible
assets are resources and stores and intangible assets are claims
and access. A livelihood is environmentally sustainable when
it maintains or enhances the local and global access upon
Economic & Political w e e k ly 133^ a p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17
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1 REVIEWOF WOMEN SSTUDIES
which livelihoods depend and confers net benefits on other
livelihoods. A livelihood is socially sustainable if it can cope
with or recover from stress and shocks and provide for future
generations (Chambers and Convey 1991).
There is an urgent need for policymakers to take cognisance
of the roles women have traditionally played in many vital
sectors of the economy. Improving their productivity in those
occupations will not only be equitable but will also lead to a
more efficient use of national resources.
Agriculture and Allied Activities: One of women’
s key roles is
in the farm sector where their share of the workforce has been
increasing as men move to non-farm activities. Particularly in
rain-fed areas and in arid hilly terrain, they are being put in
charge of small and marginal farms as virtual cultivators. This
is precisely the one sector where planners will have to focus
their policies immediately if they are to achieve their plan
target of 4% per annum growth in primary production, because
currently over three-quarters of all cultivable land falls in this
category. Neglecting women’ s role in oilseed cultivation in such
areas, for example, has meant that India’ s productivity in this
crop category is perhaps the world’ s lowest. The country annu­
ally incurs a huge bill for imports of edible oilseeds.
The use of land and water has become commerce-oriented.
Mining (legal and illegal) in Andhra Pradesh and in some dis­
tricts in Karnataka has devastated entire landscapes, polluted
water bodies and robbed people of their traditional liveli­
hoods. The gendered impacts of displacement via infrastruc­
tural development need special attention.
As cultivators become confined mainly to small or marginal
plots, since paid work in agricultural labour is becoming
increasingly scarce for women, it has been difficult to increase
women’ s productivity. This difficulty can be overcome by encou­
raging rural self-help groups to lease in land and pool their
plots to apply better inputs, and by providing them with train­
ing in innovative women-friendly technologies. Training in im­
proved farming techniques, especially for women, is required if
agricultural productivity is to be increased. Unless we boost
productivity in this sector, neither reduction in poverty nor in­
dustrial progress is feasible. Adequate capital investment, credit,
technology and market outlets are required to re-energise this
sector. Its role in ensuring food security and relieving women of
the stress of household provisioning cannot be overemphasised.
The comment in the approach paper to the effect that “ [t]he
issue of food security is perhaps the easiest one to resolve”and
that the decline in net sown area is only 0.6% of the total sown
area (Planning Commission 2011: 50) has inherent contradic­
tions. The gradual fall in the net sown area is a major concern.
New technologies are also required in farm-based activities
like dairy, poultry, sericulture and so on, where the conditions
in which women work are poor. Moreover, the younger, better
educated generation of workers (women included) may not in
the future be willing to undertake such arduous work. Micro­
level studies have captured the rural population’ s urge to get
away from a farm sector that has been rendered unviable over
the years. Not only are relations of production in this sector the
45
REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES eeeeeeeeee
most oppressive, the designation of work in this sector is non­
modem and therefore a poor indicator of “ development” . This
likelihood too has not escaped the notice of the Planning
Commission. It notes that (2011: 6):
much larger numbers of educated youth will be joining the labour
force in increasing numbers during the Twelfth Plan and in the years
beyond. The clear implication of this is that the pace of job/livelihood
creation must be greatly accelerated.
However, the poor performance of the economy in terms of
employment generation in the recent quinquennium casts
serious doubts on the possibility of increasing the pace sub­
stantially in the coming five years.
Manufacturing: The manufacturing sector currently poses
the most serious problem for the Indian economy; despite fast
growth in production during the last five years, its contribu­
tion to the national economy still remains relatively small and
it has failed to generate additional decent employment. For
women especially, manufacturing employment actually
shrank in this period. These trends are contrary to the world­
wide pattern of economic development.
While mentioning the need for generating employment in
manufacturing, the approach paper does not explore the
sector’s potential, besides making the rather brave assumption
that an additional 100 million decent jobs will be created by
2025. Rather, it then focuses only on ways of enhancing the
sector’s contribution to the g d p and neglects all other concerns.
How such a massive number of jobs are to be created remains
an unknown, given that economic growth in the 15years up to
2010 generated not even a small fraction of this figure. What
makes the projection particularly brave is that manufacturing
employment actually declined in the period 2004-05 to
2009-10, even though manufacturing output grew at an annual
com pou n d rate o f m ore than 8% over that period.
The main reason for the sector’ s malaise is the decline of the
traditional household sector where large numbers of workers
had been employed in decentralised units throughout the
country. These units have been producing varied goods for
both local and global markets, many with very high skill con­
tent, and contributed significantly to our foreign exchange
earnings. It is difficult to see how the planners can fulfil their
target of tripling manufacturing employment over the next 10
years without reviving these units.
With the availability of computerised technologies, manu­
facturing can once again be decentralised as has happened in
many globally important industries. In India, too, growth of
production during recent years has chiefly been in small and
medium units. Planners are aware that these units’flexibility
and capacity to absorb new skills has given them an edge in
growth over the factory sector. However, although traditional
workers are also known for a capacity for rapid adjustments,
they do not find mention in the approach paper. Worse still,
the document has completely ignored women workers - per­
haps in the misplaced belief that they are incapable of absorb­
ing modern skills. But traditionally, the sector has always been
the largest venue of employment for women after farm work;
46
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their skills often have high marketability and the work can be
decentralised to suit women with limited mobility.
Planners too appreciate the need to promote decentralised
growth of the manufacturing sector; for this, they have proposed
setting up several new clusters of small units, but the way they
propose to do this is insensitive to the urgency of the problem.
Developing new areas and putting in the necessary infrastruc­
ture for building such clusters cannot but be a long drawn out
process. And experience from the past has shown that opening
industries in green areas has seldom provided jobs to needy local
workers. We need an alternative strategy that uses existing skills
and workers but combines them with fresh entrepreneurial inputs,
new tools and techniques and better market information. Such
solutions have been successfully tried elsewhere (for example, the
Third Italy model or China’s town and village industries) and one
fails to see why planners have not tried to explore these in India.
Transport: Women’
s inclusion in developmental activities rests
critically on their mobility. Transport needs to be viewed not
merely as a support for rapid growth, but also as an agent for
change and development, for increasing physical and societal mo­
bility, especially for women. It also needs to be noted that women
frequently use public transport while travelling with children. Fre­
quent plying of buses, safe stoppage of buses while boarding
and alighting, as well as the safety and availability of public trans­
port will create an enabling environment for women’ s mobility.
Looking at the transport sector through a gender lens reveals
several differences that need to be addressed. These relate to the
intensity of transport usage, trip purpose, trip patterns, distance,
frequency of travel and mode of transport. Women-specific needs
include transportation especially of primary products as head­
load, access to local markets, inter- and intra-village roads/paths,
pedestrian sidewalk use and security. Other issues that need
attention are personal security risks at parking lots, buses, bus
stops, airports, highways, etc, that affect women’ s travel pat­
terns, design improvements to meet women’ s specific mobility
needs (lower height of entry steps, straps, etc, in buses and
trains; installation of handrails, ramps, etc), demarcated serv­
ices such as ladies special buses/trains, and most importantly,
clean toilets with restrooms at major and mofussil bus stations.
Equitable Share in the Benefits o f Development
Inclusive growth implies that the gains of development are
shared between all citizens in ways that are just. That is to say,
the state takes positive action to compensate the traditional dis­
advantages of the weak, the deprived and the vulnerable so that
each citizen attains a minimal level of capabilities necessary for
survival and functioning. India’ s record in this regard is far from
satisfactory; inequalities on grounds of religion, caste and ethni­
city are rampant and these get compounded once again for women
of all groups on grounds of gender. An unacceptably large section
of the population, among whom women form the majority, still
continues to suffer from hunger, ill-health and ignorance.
Education: Access to education and skill training exemplifies
these failures. Despite the constitutional provision of a right to
Ap r il 28, 2012 vol XLVii n o 17 DECS Economic & Political weekly

education and the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan campaign, there are
still persistent gaps and discrimination in access to education
on grounds of religion, caste, ethnicity and gender. Regrettably,
this time too, policymakers do not appear to have any vision for
redressing that situation. Too much of early childhood education
is being left largely to underpaid female teachers who, in spite
of being state employees, are denied workers’ rights.
The planners make no mention of action on the recommenda­
tions made by the various commissions and committees set up
during the Eleventh Plan, which is when significantiy the big push
for education was announced. There is an intention to bring in the
private for-profit model into educational institutions. The empha­
sis on the p p p model for all levels of education must be backed up
with evidence and justification to show how it has been success­
ful either in extending facilities to the deprived or in generally
improving the quality of education. This is especially true of train­
ing in skills. Access to skills has become a prerogative of those who
can pay exorbitant fees. Women are deprived on several grounds
since families have reservations regarding spending large amo­
unts on a daughter’ s education. And if the family budget is con­
strained, then the choice automatically is in favour of the son.
There is also no reason to believe that the p p p model will
cater to the urgent need for skill training and upgrading among
numerous workers in the unorganised sector who, as men­
tioned before, can find no markets for their traditional skills
unless these are coupled with modern inputs and some entre­
preneurial skill. To universalise access to these skills at all levels
and to all social groups, the state needs to promote flexible
vocational school education as well as enterprise-level training
that is sensitive to local opportunities and traditional skills.
The Twelfth Plan must pick up the challenge of ensuring that
all children, including differently abled children, are able to
enjoy equal access to education and educational institutions.
Health: The most glaring form of gender discrimination is in
the health sector, where it is visibly manifested in the low
female-male sex ratio, the high levels of and sex differentials in
morbidity and mortality as well as differential access to treat­
ment and care. The zero-to-six child sex ratio has continued to
decline from 927 to 914 as per the provisional results of Census
2011. Differentials in morbidity and mortality and differential
access to treatment and care for women are causes for concern.
Juxtaposed against the high communicable and non-commu­
nicable disease burden is the low public sector provisioning for
health and the unmet commitments on provision of access to care.
Public expenditure on healthcare in India is among the
lowest in the world, both as a proportion of total expenditure
on healthcare and as a percentage of g d p . Government expend­
iture on healthcare in India constitutes only 19.67% of total
expenditure while 71.13% is spent by households themselves
(Ministry of Health and Family Welfare 2009). In contrast,
government expenditure on healthcare is 87% of total health-
related expenditure in the United Kingdom (u k ), 80% in
France, 64% in Thailand and 46% in Sri Lanka (ibid). Clearly,
public expenditure on healthcare in India is among the lowest
in the world.
Economic & Political WEEKLY fZXKi APRIL 28, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 17
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
The Eleventh Plan fell severely short of raising the share of
public expenditure on health from less than 1% of g d p in 2006-07,
to 2-3% of g d p . The likely achievement will be only 1.4% of g d p .
The approach paper suggests that total health expenditure will
be increased to 2.5% of g d p by the end of the Twelfth Plan,
but there is no basis for determining whether this is adequate.
Nor is there a road map for achieving this number.
There is need for recognition of the critical care work provided
by women, that saves the public health system both time and
cost. The primary burden of caregiving within the home falls on
women. This needs to be recognised and support provided to
alleviate the difficulties, drudgery and depression that surround
provision of care. Macroeconomic policy takes the “ reproductive”
economy where women undertake most of the work for granted,
and assume that it will adjust to changes induced by macroeco­
nomic variables. While the approach paper notes that the bur­
den of financing healthcare falls excessively on households in the
form of out-of-pocket expenses, the solution suggested is publicly-
financed healthcare services through high quality, district-level
plans for health services, funded primarily by the states. This will
be a non-starter as several states will not have the required funds.
While ill-health affects both men and women, the problems
get compounded for women due to higher morbidity in both
rural and urban areas, lack of access to and control over
resources, restrictions on mobility, unrecognised care work bur­
den, high levels of anaemia and greater fear of stigma.
Additionally, women are victims of domestic and other forms of
violence. This is a public health issue but public provisioning for
implementing the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence
Act 2005 that has been passed falls far short of needs. In addi­
tion to reducing maternal mortality and providing reproductive
healthcare, the focus of health provisioning for women has to be
on planning for women’ s survival and health throughout the life
cycle. This requires that data on disease burden and health­
seeking behaviour be presented separately for males and fe­
males. Data show that reported morbidity is higher among
women than men. However, disease-wise information is spo­
radic. Strategies are needed for identification of specific barriers
to access to healthcare and removal of these constraints.
Shortfalls in essential infrastructure, nurses, doctors, and other
staff and drugs must be corrected and access to primary health
centres (p h c s ), community health centres (c h c s ) and medical
care be provided based on population and area norms. Access to
healthcare cannot depend on the vagaries of public-private or pub­
lic donor partnerships. The state must take responsibility for acc­
ess to quality healthcare - preventive, promotive and curative -
for all, with special responsibility for vulnerable groups. However,
the “ vulnerable”cannot be determined by ownership of a below
poverty line (b p l ) card, since that will lead to errors of exclusion.
Contributions and Claims o f the Voiceless
As in any democracy, in India too, the claims and needs of the
vocal and the powerful tend to get a priority over those of the
weak and the voiceless. But in planned development, policymak­
ers are expected to take note of the private costs undergone and
contributions made by these others in the process of development.
47
REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES = = =
Plans for state action are supposed to be modelled in ways that
provide for the needs of the voiceless and duly compensate them.
Energy Sector: Women of poor households contribute in many
ways to the welfare of their families and usually at great cost to
themselves. For this, they get little acknowledgement or com­
pensation, whether from the family or from society. One major
service performed by most rural Indian women for their fami­
lies, as well as for the country, is to provide for the daily energy
needs of the vast majority of households, by collecting non­
commercial materials and processing these into fuel for cooking.
The n s s o report on Household Consumption Expenditure
(66th round 2009-10) shows that 87% of rural households and
25.1% of urban households use firewood and wood chips, while
41% of rural and 7.8% of urban households use dung cakes.
These are collected by women and there is an opportunity cost
to the associated drudgery and time required for these tasks. If
the objective of the Twelfth Plan is “ inclusion” , this would re­
quire that the lifeline energy needs of poor women everyday be
met, through reducing the drudgery associated with collection
of firewood, and/or preventing the pollution and health haz­
ards associated with using it for cooking the food that feeds the
household. This issue deserves the attention of planners.
Also missing from the discussion is the importance of meet­
ing the energy requirements of small and marginal farms and
microenterprises that enable the survival of a large majority of
men and women as well as contribute to gdp. The supply of
energy to vulnerable households is linked not only to improve­
ment in quality of life and drudgery reduction, but also to live­
lihood generation and increased contribution to gdp.
The concern in the approach paper is with ensuring that the
energy requirements of the major contributors to the g d p -
industry, transport, agriculture, etc, are met so that these sectors
do not constrain the achievement of the 9% targeted g d p
growth rate. In achieving these goals, it seeks firstly to keep a
check on the import bill for fossil fuels through increased energy
efficiency of these (mainly imported) fuels, thus reducing the
energy elasticity of various activities in the growth scenario.
Second, it seeks to achieve growth in production while control­
ling carbon emissions from energy-producing activities.
Despite the Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana (rggvy),
a large number of habitations are still uncovered and a very large
population has no connectivity. While there is recognition of the
need for universalisation of access to power, it is crucial that there be
a commitment to achieving this during the Twelfth Plan and provi­
sion of a road map on how this objective will be attained.
For inclusion, when there are shortages and outages, supply must
be rationalised so that small farms get priority supply at stipulated
times and agriculture is not adversely affected. Similarly, the spatial
distribution of available energy supply should be equitable and not
skewed in favour of more developed areas and rich households.
This must be followed through once again with a concrete road map.
The basic purpose of planning is to correct or compensate for the
imbalance between private and public costs; but in this case, plan­
ners show no awareness of the fact that women are saving on costs
to the nation at great private costs to themselves and their health.
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Urban Sector: Similarly, more and more women, with or
without families, are seeking livelihoods in urban areas. Earn­
ings in those occupations have become vital for the survival of
these families. While urban growth may create livelihood
opportunities, this will not automatically translate into inclu­
sion. Much of the work that is created is casual and the wages
paid are irregular and exploitative. From urban policymakers,
however, there is little acknowledgement of women's strug­
gles and the constant uncertainty they face regarding their job
opportunities and their claims on urban facilities.
Urban livelihoods are overlooked or undermined by policies,
regulations, and practices of municipalities and urban planners
and are eroded by urban renewal schemes. The provisioning of
basic water and sanitation are basic needs and should be delin­
ked from land tenure and the above poverty line ( a p l) / b p l dis­
tinction. Their needs too find no place in plans for the nation.
There is a strong gender dimension to safe water and sanitation:
•There are effects on women’ s and girls’health, physical secu­
rity and exposure to violence, unpaid labour (because of the
need to care for sick household members). Sanitation signifi­
cantly improves health and nutrition outcomes especially for
women and girls.
•Lack of urban sewerage is a major problem. The vast majority
of cities and towns do not have even partial sewerage net­
works, and in big cities like Bangalore and Hyderabad, half of
all households do not have access to sewerage connections.
There has been an increase in the number of census towns
with no such infrastructure or municipal arrangements.
Governance: The approach document harbours much faith in
institutional reforms. How will these reforms be conducted
and who will do them? Governance could include institutional
arrangements, managerial capabilities, legal and political
frameworks for delivery of justice, as well as rational conver­
gence of development delivery. While there is a general under­
standing that there are impediments to the effective delivery
of policies and programmes, such as the “ silo”system (i e, cen­
tral ministerial control over schemes), and a focus on profes­
sional managerial skills, there is no reference to the impor­
tance of the panchayati raj institutions as well as the munici­
palities or their role in providing that convergence.
Removing Biases
In recent years, several developments have taken place that
can help to remove the various biases that are still very much a
part of our governance system. One of them is the machinery
set in motion to decentralise governance authority through
panchayats, district councils and municipal bodies, with reser­
vation of seats for various disadvantaged groups including
women. There is hope that the plans and policies executed
thus could correct inequities in the system. However, planners
are yet to devolve sufficient powers to these bodies to make
any impact. Too much authority is still centralised at the top.
Central schemes decide on the one design for programmes
that are to be applied everywhere. This has foiled any hope of
giving women a voice in future development plans.
Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 EEC9 Economic & Political weekly

For women, in particular, with concerns cutting across sectors,
an intersectionality framework must necessarily be included
whereby the perspectives, interests and voices of women from the
most disadvantaged groups are foregrounded. The role of gov­
ernance, in particular local governance, where women can play
an active role in developmental planning, given their high politi­
cal presence (now over 50%), is critical in this convergence.
Women’ s participation as elected representatives in local bodies,
evolved over the last 15 years, has been noteworthy. Hence the
strengthening of these agencies’ roles and powers, especially for
implementing “ inclusive”programmes at the grass-roots level
would be enabling for women-led governance.
Needless to state, it is the combined effect of these inclusive
programmes that can ameliorate so much of rural deprivation
for women who perform some of these tasks in the unpaid
“care economy” . While the approach paper recognises that the
Total Sanitation Commission (tsc) without water is meaning­
less, that the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act ( m g n r e g a ) without its demand-driven agenda
would not improve outcomes, and that (for artisanal families)
linking m g n r e g a with the National Rural Livelihood Mission
is desirable, it makes little effort in working out a mechanism
to ensure such convergence.
With the district now being identified as the first building
block for planning and devolution of untied funds and flagship
schemes, a district plan which includes gendered analysis of the
district’
s economy, postulates a goal of food and livelihood se­
curity and allocates funds accordingly is crucial. In short, gov­
ernance should mean that with political democracy, women are
enabled to build economic democracy.
The Indian government has in principle also accepted the
tool of gender-just budgeting for monitoring and evaluating
public expenditure for reducing gender-based biases. This can
also be applied to plan schemes and their execution in order to
assess the orientation and progress of the plan from a gendered
lens. However, gender-responsive budgeting (grb ) should go
beyond a number-crunching game of estimating the flow of
budgetary resources to women, “ to engage with the overall de­
termination of macroeconomic policy and the degree to which
there is adequate support for social investment and provision
of public goods”(Elson 2011:17).
Strengthening the gender perspective in developmental
planning through sustained review, monitoring, evaluation
REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
and therefore improvement is not possible without more
frequent and better quality gender-disaggregated data on
- Employment conditions (paid and unpaid work)
- Migration
- Health access and outcomes
- Education, skills and training
- Access to food and nutrition outcomes
- Use of public facilities
- Control over private and public assets
-Access to credit
-Access to land
- Access to and impact of flagship schemes
- Fiscal and monetary gender-disaggregated data.
Conclusions
From a gender point of view, what is required is that the genera­
tion of livelihoods and employment be the central driving force
for growth and that resources generated through growth of g d p
feed the social policies that universalise education, health, social
security, social welfare, culture and sports (see, for instance,
Sarmiento 2011). This will involve a different approach than
currently taken in the Twelfth Plan document. It is hoped that
during the Twelfth Plan,
•Livelihood-led growth will be at the centre of inclusive
growth. This requires correcting for the existing trend of the
poor quality employment generated by growth that in no way
benefits women and many other groups; enabling small pro­
ducers, in agriculture and non-agriculture, to become more
viable and competitive; preventing displacement, loss of
livelihoods and environmental degradation in the name of
rapid growth.
•If inclusion is the goal, then employment generation of high
quality, and not primarily underpaid work in the social sector,
must be the central goal of planning.
•Shifting to a livelihood-led growth strategy or an employment-
oriented macroeconomic strategy can have many direct and
indirect positive effects through strong multiplier effects, even
for other policy measures.
•Adequate public provisioning for healthcare must also be a pri­
ority in view of the high communicable and non-communicable
disease burden, the massive burden on households of out-of-
pocket expenses for financing healthcare and the unmet com­
mitments regarding equitable access to healthcare.

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Chandrasekhar, C P and Jayati Ghosh (2012): “ The
Latest Employment Trends from the NSSO” ,
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Chambers, R and G Convey (1991): “ Sustainable Ru­
ral Livelihoods: Practical Concepts for the Twen­
ty First Century”, Institute of Development Stud­
ies Discussion Paper 296 , University of Sussex.
Elson, Diane (2011): “ Economics for a Post-crisis
World: Putting Social Justice First”in Devaki
Jain and Diane Elson (ed.), Harvesting
Feminist Knowledge for Public Policy: Rebuild­
ing Progress (New Delhi: IDRC and Sage
Publications).
Kannan, K P and G Ravindran (2011): “ India’s Com­
mon People: The Regional Profile” , Economic &
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Kohli, Atul (2006 ): “ India’ s Growth by High
Inequality and Capital Intensity” , Economic &
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Krishna, Anirudh and Devendra Bajpai (2011): “ Lin­
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Growth in Rural India, 1993 -2005 ” , Economic &
Political Weekly, 4 6 (38 ): 44 -51*
Lingam, Lakshmi and Maithreyi Krishnaraj (2010):
“Maternity Protection in India: A National
Assessment” , Study Commissioned by the Min­
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of India and ILO, New Delhi.
Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (2009 ):
“National Health Accounts India, 2004 -05 ” , A Gendered Case Study on Women’
Government of India, New Delhi.
NCEUS (2007 ): “ Report on Conditions of Work and
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Sector” , NCEUS, New Delhi.
- (2009 ): “ The Challenge of Employment in
India: An Informal Economy Perspective” ,
NCEUS, New Delhi.
Planning Commission (2010): “ Engendering Public
Policy: A Report on the Work of the Working
Group of Feminist Economists during the
Preparation of the Eleventh Five-Year Plan,
2007 -12” , Government of India, New Delhi.
- (2011): “ Faster, Sustainable and More Inclusive
Growth: An Approach to the Twelfth Five-Year
Plan” , Government of India, New Delhi.
Sarmiento, Marta Nunez (2011): “ Cuban Develop­
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 REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
Gender Responsive Budgeting in India
What Has Gone Wrong?
YAMINI MISHRA, NAVANITA SINHA
The manner in which the Indian initiative on gender
responsive budgeting has panned out appears to be a
classic case o f putting the cart before the horse. This
article analyses the tw o prime strategies adopted by the
Government o f India for institutionalising grb, namely,
the "Gender Budget Statement" and Gender Budgeting
Cells to highlight w hat has gone wrong, and what needs
to be fixed. The authors also draw on experiences from
other countries, to argue that g r b in India needs a
completely different rhythm if it has to translate into
better outcomes for the women of our country. With the
formulation of the Twelfth Plan under way, the m oment
is opportune to push for groundbreaking changes in the
policy discourse on grb.
The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the official
position o f UN Women.
Yamini Mishra (yaminlmishra@unwomen.org ) and Navanita Sinha
Cnavanita.sinha@unwomen.org) are with the United Nations Women
South Asia Sub-Regional Office.
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G
lobally gender responsive budgeting (grb) has come to
light as an important tool in the ongoing struggle to
make budgets and policies more gender responsive.
From just one country in the mid-1980s1to over 90 countries
now, the last two decades have witnessed an overwhelming
endorsement of g r b as a valuable tool for engendering budgets
and policies all over the world.
In India too, g r b has drawn significant attention from
policymakers. Both the Tenth and the Eleventh Five-Year Plans
made explicit mention of how g r b should be used.2 With the
Approach Paper for the Twelfth Plan in the public domain, a lot
of effort will now be invested in formulating the Twelfth Plan.
Various steering committees, working groups and sub-groups have
been constituted by the Planning Commission to draft recom­
mendations for the Plan. The moment is thus opportune to reflect
on groundbreaking changes that we want from the Twelfth Plan.
This article focuses on the experience of g r b in India - what has
gone wrong and what needs to be fixed in the Twelfth Plan.
Trajectory o f Gender Responsive Budgeting
While much groundwork had been done in the years preced­
ing its introduction in 2004-05,3it was arguably the report of
the expert group of classification of government expenditure,
which became instrumental in laying out the road map for
g r b . 4 One of the terms of reference ( to r s ) of the expert group
was to look into and suggest ways to integrate g r b in the
budgetary processes of the Government of India with plausible
institutional mechanisms. The expert group submitted its
report in July 2004 and broadly prescribed the norms
under which the ministries/departments would report their
gender budget.
Following this, the Ministry of Women and Child Develop­
ment (m w cd) adopted “ Budgeting for Gender Equity”as a mis­
sion statement in 2004-05. A Strategic Framework of Activities
to implement this mission was also framed and disseminated to
all departments and ministries of the Government of India (goi).
That same year, the Ministry of Finance initiated the process of
creating an institutional mechanism for mainstreaming gender
by mandating the setting up of gender budgeting cells ( gb cs)
in all ministries/departments. These g b c s were envisaged as
focal points for mainstreaming gender through g r b . The year
2005-06 was a landmark one for g r b in India, with the intro­
duction of the gender budget statement (gbs) in the union
budget, to reflect the quantum of budgetary allocations for
programmes/schemes that substantially benefit women.5
A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 E3322 Economic & Political w e e k ly
 REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
Although the Indian government’ s experience of g r b is empowerment (we) and gender equality (ge). However, a case
widely used as a reference point for other g r b initiatives, there for whether there is need for higher public spending can only
seems to be a visible gap between what was envisioned and be made if one knows how much is allocated. Therefore, to
what has been achieved under the rubric of g r b . In fact, the even begin assessing the adequacy or inadequacy of public
government’ s own road map for gender budgeting as envisioned spending on women, we need to first know how much the gov­
by the Ashok Lahiri Committee was far more comprehensive.6 ernment spends on women. This is where a quantitative for­
With the preparation of the g b s , our energies seem to have mat of the g b s becomes significant. At the very least, it helps
stagnated at step 1, and unfortunately no concerted efforts have us answer the most fundamental question of estimating how
been made to deepen g r b work beyond this stage. Further­ much the government spends on women.
more, commentators have also drawn attention to several Prior to the introduction of the g b s , there was no way of even
weaknesses in the way in which g r b is being done, particularly estimating how much of the government’ s total expenditure
the manner in which the g b s is prepared and the functioning of was flowing to women. Now, with the production of the g b s as
the g b c s . We will discuss these in detail below. part of the union budget documents, an institutionalised effort
Having reflected on both the policy endorsements as well as is being made to answer this basic question.
on the gaps in implementation, one is left wondering whether Despite certain limitations, the g b s has helped women’ s
these policy pronouncements have led to any tangible gains rights activists and civil society organisations place the call for
for the women of our country. Have budgets or policies of any better funding/provisioning for women’ s rights on a much
select ministry/department of the union or state government stronger ground. Without the g b s, it would have been extremely
become more gender responsive? Have any of these efforts difficult to estimate how much of the government’ s funds
translated into more gender responsive outlays and outcomes? flow to women - given the complex reality of the bureaucratic
Although cognisant of the fact that translating policy com­ machinery. At a preliminary level itself, this would entail not
mitments into tangible gains is invariably a long-drawn pro­ just looking at expenditure benefiting women through schemes
cess, can we construe the gap between what has been achieved exclusively meant for them but also scrutinising composite
and what could have been achieved by g r b in India, as essen­ expenditure schemes for their impact on women, as well as
tially only one of time lag? Or does g r b require a different assessing the difference between actual expenditure (ae), budget
rhythm all together if we want tangible outcomes? In this estimates (be) and revised estimates (re), among others.
paper, we argue in favour of the latter. We develop our critique By comparing the allocations of a particular department/
at two levels - first, we analyse the prime strategies adopted by ministry reflected in the g b s with its total outlay, one can assess
the government for institutionalising g r b , namely, the g b s and the priority given to gender equality/women’ s empowerment
g b c s ; and second, we build on experiences from other countries in that department/ministry. A high percentage does signify a
to map out certain alternative pathways for g r b in India. higher priority to w e / g e and vice versa. From an advocacy
point of view, thus low priority as reflected in the g b s can pro­
Gender Budget Statement vide the trigger for demanding higher allocation for critical
If one looks at the larger choice set of g r b tools available, the interventions in different sectors.
g b s is the only tool that has been institutionalised in India. Contrast this with a format wherein each ministry/department
The g b s performs the arduous yet important task of trying to submits bulky reports on how their schemes promote w e / g e .
assess what percentage of the total expenditure of the budget For instance, in the late 1980s the women’ s budget statements
flows to women. As an accountability tool, it showcases the produced by the Australian federal governments were about
programmes/schemes and corresponding budgetary outlays 300 pages long and included a detailed narrative from each
of line ministries/departments with respect to their endeavour ministry on what their budget meant for women. However, the
to advance and promote gender equality commitments. length of these documents became a major deterrent for those
The “ Gender Budgeting Statement”(Statement 20, Expen­ using them. Subsequently, the government had to issue a
diture Budget, Volume 1) has a purely quantitative format. shorter version of the statement to widen its outreach. As seen
Currently, 33 demands for grants out of a total of 106 disaggre­ in the Australian example, an extremely detailed document
gate their allocations by sex and report in the g b s . The state­ may limit the utility of the g b s as an accountability tool, for
ment comprises two parts: part a, which details schemes in key stakeholders such as media, parliamentarians or even citi­
which 100% allocations are for women; and part b, which zens. At the very least thus a “ one-number”format highlights
reflects schemes where allocations for women constitute at the priority for w e / g e in a simple user-friendly manner.
least 30% of the provisions. Furthermore, by asking line ministries to disaggregate allo­
The Indian g b s has been studied in great detail and both its cations by sex, a thinking process is being initiated or a “ cons­
strengths and weaknesses highlighted. In the next section we dis­ ciousness” , so to say, is being created of at least beginning to
cuss some of the advantages and disadvantages of the current g b s . assess and hence reflect on the impact of allocations of a
particular ministry on women.
Inaccurate Reporting or Design Flaw? While the current g b s has its fair share of advantages, there
Women’ s rights activists and lobby groups have persistently are several gaps as well. Several commentators have drawn
pressed for committed resources to promote the goals of women’ s attention to the limited scope of the exercise - from the low

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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
levels of allocations for women as revealed in the gbs, to the
number of ministries’ demands for grants covered in the scope
of the gbs, as well as the various methodological inaccuracies
that mar the current g b s (Das and Mishra 2006a, 2006b;
Jhamb and Mishra 2007). Despite several attempts at refine­
ment and restructuring to ensure accurate reporting, the g b s
remains fraught with huge methodological errors. Some of the
main anomalies are listed below:
(a) Schemes are reported in part a of the statement even
though it is clear that 100% of the beneficiaries are not women.
For instance, the Indira Awas Yojana continues to figure in
part a, despite the fact that all of its allocations do not benefit
women. In 2008-09, for instance, of the 20.94 lakh houses
constructed, only 17.16 lakh houses were allotted to women,
the remaining being jointly allotted to men and women from
the same household (Government of India 2010a).
(b) Schemes reported in part b frequently claim that 100% of
the allocations are for women, as opposed to reflecting the
percentage that actually flows to women. For example, most
schemes of the Ministry of Minority Affairs, Ministry of Earth
Sciences and Ministry of Labour and Employment report 100%
of their allocations in part b, whereas they are clearly not
meant exclusively for women.
(c) Schemes reported in part b, where the reported percentage
is less than 100% but there is no clarity on how the ministry
estimated the percentage flowing to women. For instance,
under the department of higher education, the budget line
“National Council for Promotion of Urdu Language”shows
approximately 33% of its total allocations under the gbs. What
was the basis of arriving at this figure? Take another example,
under the same department, the Central Hindi Directorate
shows approximately 31% of its allocations in the g b s (figures
not adjusted for the north-east component). Again, there is no
clarity on the assumptions made to arrive at this number.
These are but a few examples of glaring methodological
inaccuracies in the gb s, and it is critical that all necessary steps
be taken to correct them. Equally important is the need to monitor
the gbs. Presently no such monitoring or audit mechanism of the
g b s is in place in India. Therefore, there is no way to ascertain
whether what has been promised in the g b s is actually being
fulfilled or not. This needs to be supplemented by a closer look
at the format of the gbs, which remains purely quantitative.
What are the possibilities and limits of this approach? In the
following section, we discuss some of these challenges.
(a) Limits in Disaggregating Allocations by Sex of the
Beneficiary: The current format of the Indian g b s disaggre­
gates allocations by the sex of the beneficiary. In other words,
it breaks down the allocations in terms of whom it falls on - men
or women. The fundamental question that the g b s therefore
answers is - what percentage of allocations is meant for women?
Disaggregating allocation by sex of the beneficiary is critical
to assess targeted expenditure towards women, especially in a
country like India, where allocations for the promotion of w e/ g e
remain extremely low. This is perhaps best illustrated by the
fact that the largest proportion of the Ministry of Women and
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Child Development budget (approximately 80 % of the total
outlay in union budget 2011-12 b e ) is meant for the Integrated
Child Development Services (icds), a child-focused programme.7
However there are certain limits to this approach. The first
major problem with the current g b s pertains to the practice
of disaggregating allocations by the sex of the beneficiary. For
instance, under part A of the g b s for 2011-12 is the item “ Wash­
ing Drying/Women’ s Laundry”(demand no 54 - Police, itbp).
This expenditure was (or will probably be) incurred on women
police officers and is thus reflected in the gb s. Similarly, the
line item “ Engaging women employees on a contract basis”
(demand no 52, Ministry of Home Affairs), women employees
were (or will be) engaged on a contract basis and hence the
money allocated for them is reflected in the gbs.
In both these examples, while the allocation reflected is meant
for women, the question that escapes scrutiny is whether these
allocations, in any way seek to redress gender imbalances. For
instance in the second example, the women employed on a con­
tract basis could actually be worse off in terms of the employment
contract than their corresponding women or men counterparts
in permanent jobs for similar work. Does this expenditure then
promote wom en’ s empowerment or gender equality in any way?
In contrast, consider for instance, a hypothetical expendi­
ture: a training programme organised for the gender sensitisa­
tion for male police officers. This expenditure clearly falls on
men. Therefore, if one were to go strictly by the logic of our
current gbs, it probably will not feature in the gbs. But looked
closely, the expenditure in this case, is clearly meant to address
a critical gender concern - the need to make service delivery
more gender responsive. Such expenditure is therefore more
likely to promote gender equality than expenditure incurred
on laundry of women officers’ uniforms. Yet our current format
does not leave any space to ask these questions.
What these examples demonstrate clearly is that it is not enough
to focus on disaggregating expenditure by the sex of the benefi­
ciary but that a broader perspective is needed, one that is inter­
ested in the objective of the expenditure. Various g r b proponents
have proposed categorisations reflecting the latter. The most fa­
mous perhaps is Rhonda Sharp’ s three-way categorisation of
expenditure where expenditure is divided into the following:
(a) gender-targeted expenditure; (b) equal opportunity expendi­
ture for civil servants; and (c) mainstream expenditure (the
rest) considered in terms of its gendered impact (Sharp 2003).
Another categorisation has been proposed by Nirmala
Banerjee. In her pioneering work Gender and Fiscal Policies:
The Case of West Bengal she proposes sub-categorising expen­
ditures on public schemes for women in the following manner
(Banerjee and Roy 2004):
(a) Relief policies, which are not aimed at solving any peren­
nial or structural problems (e g, widows).
(b) Gender reinforcing assistance, which supports women
but strictly for their needs in accepted gender roles (e g, pro­
grammes that address wom en’ s reproductive functions).
(c) Empowering schemes, which focus on removing gender-
based disadvantages of women (e g, schemes such as creches
to allow women to work and extra toilets for girls in schools).
A p r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 QQ53 Economic & Political weekly

She argues that many programmes targeted specifically to
women serve to reinforce traditional roles, and spending on
them should not be counted as equality promoting expenditure.
But if our overall aim is to harness the state’s help in achieving true
equality between men and women, we need to push for policies
that not merely assist women to fulfil their traditional roles, but also
to promote them in roles that will change existing gender positions
(Banerjee 2 0 0 3 : 16).
Though the format used is purely quantitative, the Nepalese
g b s too presents an interesting alternative. It uses an interest­
ing mix of disaggregating expenditure by both - its incidence
(on men and women) as well as its objective. The indicators
used in this case are (with an equal weight of 20% each):
(a) wom en’ s capacity development; (b) wom en’ s participation
in programme formulation and implementation; (c) benefit
incidence of public expenditures on women; (d) support to
women’ s employment and income generation; (e) positive impact
on wom en’ s time use and care work.
We argue that an objective-based disaggregation is a much
more useful way of disaggregating public expenditure. It is
clearly more informative about the direction public policy
ought to take to be more gender responsive.
There is a further consideration as well. Classifying alloca­
tions and expenditure by sex can be relevant only for specific
ministries - those that are “ divisible”(i e, where beneficiaries
can be counted). For ministries where beneficiaries cannot be
easily counted, one is bound to get stuck in a hair splitting
exercise of how to arrive at the proportion flowing to women.
Perhaps this is one reason why the number of ministries
reporting in the g b s has stagnated over the years.
A similar problem has been experienced with regard to the
implementation of the Scheduled Caste Sub Plan (scsp) and
Tribal Sub Plan (tsp).8 The Narendra Jadhav Task Force, set up
by the Planning Commission in 2010 to review and re-examine
the s c s p and t s p guidelines suggested several progressive steps
for better implementation of s c s p and tsp. However it also made
it non-obligatory for 43 ministries/departments to implement
s c s p and tsp. The reason for this exemption is that there was
not enough scope in these ministries/departments to create
exclusive schemes for development of s c s and s t s (Government
of India 2010b) and therefore it was difficult for these to report
expenditure in the s c s p and tsp. These ministries/depart­
ments include those largely engaged in policymaking without
any significant beneficiary-oriented schemes; engaged in basic
scientific research; implementing large infrastructure projects,
whose benefits to s c s are difficult to quantify, etc.
The important point to note here is that so long as one insists
on disaggregating expenditures based on the identity of the bene­
ficiary (whether based on gender or caste) and not on the objec­
tive of the expenditure, it is most likely that several so-called
“ indivisible”ministries/departments will remain off the hook.9
This is also why the only question that has occupied the
mind space of most officials is unfortunately, “ how do we dis­
aggregate allocations for our ministry” ? Instead, the more
fundamental question that needs to be asked is this: “ how can
the policies and budgets of different ministries and departments
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
be made more gender responsive” ? Unfortunately, this is not
at the centre of current g r b discourse in India.
There is a further limitation as well, with significant impli­
cations about how we conceive of gender and its relationship
to other forms of disadvantage. By having a format that insists
on a binary disaggregation between men and women, there is
a direct reinforcement of homogeneous conceptions of mascu-
linity/femininity, and by extension an implicit invisibilisation
of alternative sexual identities such as bisexual, transgender
and intersex within public policy. Furthermore, the question of
intersectionalities across other categories of discrimination or
exclusion is not raised.
(b) Limits in Relation to Policymaking: The second major
problem with this format of the g b s is that it neither serves as a
tool that informs policymaking nor does it enable policymakers
to assess the additional steps needed to make policies/schemes
gender responsive.
Gender relations are complex, and any exercise which seeks
to capture these complex relations through a number is evi­
dently problematic. At times, what may be required to address
key gender gaps may be resource-intensive (such as construct­
ing separate toilets for girls in schools), but at times they may
require certain modifications to operational guidelines, such
as creating a sexual harassment committee. The current for­
mat provides no fillip to officials to take small but critical steps
towards engendering programmes, such as setting up creches,
providing maternity leave, flexi-timings, etc.
Therefore, the second major limitation of a purely quantita­
tive format is this: while it helps us answer the question as to
how much is supposedly being allocated and spent on women,
it does not directly facilitate gender responsive planning and
budgeting. Thus, it would be more useful if the g b s began with
(a) identifying the pressing gender gaps in a particular sector/
scheme, followed by (b) what steps the ministry/department
will take, in the particular year, to address the gap and (c) then
identifying the budgetary resources needed to address these
pressing gender gaps and ensure that the requisite funds are
made available and spent well. Unfortunately, because the cur­
rent format reduces g r b to an allocation exercise, and, more­
over, takes the form of something that is done as an after­
thought, it is not in a position to inform policymaking.
Take the example of the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (ssa). The
department of school education and literacy has entered 48 to
53% of the s s a funds in the g b s which follows the pattern of
enrolment ratios of girls and boys. Evidently, the reporting of
s s a in the g b s is based on a mechanical division of the total
spending on boys versus girls by simply reproducing the pro­
portions of the respective enrolment ratios. For the g b s to be
used as a tool to engender policymaking, the process should
instead commence with identifying the additional activity
which the ministry would undertake in that particular year to
make a programme like s s a more gender responsive, and then
follow it up with a more precise estimation of the resources
required for its implementation. While this would surely have
to include divisible items such as toilets for girls, girls’hostels,
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and even a sufficient number of women teachers at all levels
of the school system, as much emphasis must go towards
engendering the curriculum, teacher training materials, etc.
As discussed, both the purely quantitative and qualitative
formats of the g b s have their own limitations and strengths.
We argue that a format of the g b s that uses a mix of both qual­
itative and quantitative methodologies - winnowing out the
most fundamental limitations of each of these approaches and
capitalising on their strengths - can address these gaps.
Countries such as Indonesia have experimented with formats
that have such an appropriate mix. Although qualitative
formats also differ with regard to the scope and depth of the
exercise, most are drawn from the five-step framework10of g r b ,
one of the important contributions made by Debbie Budlender
to the field (Budlender et al 2002). Here a gender analysis or
identification of the gender problem that a particular line
ministry is trying to address becomes part of the g b s. In Table 1,
two such templates are provided.
Table 1: Format of the GBS in Pakistan (Punjab Province) and Indonesia
Format for Pakistan's GBS (Punjab Province) Format for Indonesia's GBS
• P rogra m m e n am e • N am e o f m inistry
• S u b - p ro gra m m e n a m e (w here relevant) • A ctivity
• G en d er issu es • O u tpu t
• Planned activities • O b jectiv e
• B u d get for previou s and current • Situation analysis
financial year
• Inputs (including ta rgets and actual • A ction Plan
p ro g re ss on groun d)
• O u tpu ts (including ta rge ts and actual • B u d g et alloca tion for activity
p ro g re ss on groun d) • O u tpu t
• Overall a ch iev em e n ts • Im p a ct/ resu lt o f activity o u tp u t
With sectoral ministries being asked to report in the g b s with­
out an institutionalised process of either a gender analysis of the
situation or gender analysis of policies, we are essentially starting
with step-three of Budlender’ s five-step framework. The starting
point of any good g r b initiative has to be a strong gender analysis
of the situation or the issue that one is trying to address. Unfor­
tunately the current format does not provide any space for this.
In Cambodia, for instance, till date, 26 line ministries have
created gender mainstreaming action groups (gm ags). The g m a g s
are responsible for formulating a Gender Mainstreaming Action
Programme (gm ap) - a document in which the line ministry
identifies the key gender gaps within the sector and delineates
priority action points to address them ( n g o - c e d a w and c a m b o
2011). g m a p s thus offer an opportunity to integrate gender con­
cerns in the line ministries plans and budget (Wong and Lay
2010). Although there are gaps in the capacities of these g m a gs,
what needs to be underscored here is that the starting point for
the ministries is preparing the g m a p and then implementing it.
g r b comes in later as a tool to ensure that there is adequate
funding to address the gender gaps. A 2007 review noted that
“an impressive amount of high quality work has gone into the
development of these plans which can provide a model to be fol­
lowed by other countries”(as quoted in Wong and Lay: 18).
(c) Engaging with Other GRB Tools: As mentioned earlier,
although other g r b tools have been used sporadically, g b s is
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the only tool which has been institutionalised. Valuable though
the g b s is, it is important to reiterate that it is just one of the
g r b tools. The g b s by its very design is best suited for certain
ministries, particularly those engaged in service delivery. For
other ministries, it is critical to engage with other tools.
It is important to look at the entire choice-set of g r b tools
available and accordingly reflect on which tool is most appro­
priate to meet the larger objective of making policies and
programmes of different ministries/departments more gender
responsive. For instance, gender disaggregated revenue analysis
(in which one tries to assess how men and women are affected
differently by the kind of revenues raised by government) is a
tool that revenue-generating ministries (and only they) can use.
A gender-disaggregated analysis of the impact of budget on
time use, which analyses the impact of government resource
allocation on the amount and the way time is spent by men/boys
and women/girls, for instance is a tool that the Ministry of
Statistics (m os) may be best suited to use, although it should
inform policymaking by other line ministries as well. Given that
the central statistical offices (usually located within the m os) are
the key in-country institutions that have the capacity to conduct
regular, comprehensive time-use surveys, the m o s can become
an extremely significant actor in g r b as well.
Globally too, the g b s is one of the most popular tools but there
is a need to reflect more carefully on which tool is most appropri­
ate in keeping with the specificities of the context and the sector.
There are a few examples from the south Asian region itself,
where governments have taken the lead in institutionalising
other tools. In Pakistan, for instance, the g r b initiative was
introduced in 2005 at the federal level and in two pilot districts
of the province of Punjab and the implementation strategy
developed highlighted the priority areas and provided a road
map to be followed, g r b tools used were - gender aware policy
appraisals, conducted for the education, health and population
welfare sectors which became part of the gender-related inputs
for the sector review reports of the government; gender - aware
beneficiary assessment survey, undertaken in the two districts
of Punjab province; a nationwide time use survey, which
revealed the macroeconomic implications of the unpaid care
work of the family; and in 2006, a pilot gender budget state­
ment was prepared for the education, health and population
welfare sectors in Punjab (Budlender and Mahbub 2007;
Government of Pakistan and u n d p 2008). In Bangladesh, on
the other hand, the government allocated funds for undertak­
ing gender disaggregated beneficiary assessment.
Gender Budget Cells
As mentioned earlier, in India the second major step taken by
the g o i to institutionalise g r b was the formation of g b c s in
various ministries/departments. While the idea emerged from
the recommendation of the Ashok Lahiri Committee, it was a
charter issued by the Ministry of Finance (mof) on 8 March 2007
which finally mandated the formation of g b c s . As per the gender
budget charter, g b c s were to be set up with the objective of:
...influencing and effecting a change in the Ministry’
s policies, pro­
grammes in a way that could tackle gender imbalances, promote
Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 B359 Economic & Political weekly

gender equality and development and ensure that public resources
through the Ministry budget are allocated and managed accordingly.
(Government of India 2 0 0 7 3 :6 4 ).
Much attention was paid to the composition of the g b c s as
well. As per the charter:
...the Gender Budget Cell should comprise a cohesive group of senior/
middle level officers from the Plan, Policy, Coordination, Budget and Ac­
counts Division of the Ministry concerned. This group should be headed
by an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary. The functions and
working of the g b Cell may be reviewed at least once a quarter at the
level of Secretary/Additional Secretary of the Department (ibid: 65 ).
The functions listed were also a good start. Amongst others,
three important tasks assigned to the g b c s were:
(1) Identifying a minimum of three and maximum of six larg­
est programmes (in terms of budget allocation) implemented
by the ministry to analyse gender issues addressed by them.
(2) Conducting/commissioning performance audit (at the field
level wherever possible) for reviewing the actual physical/
financial targets of the programme, the constraints if any, in
implementation, the need for strengthening delivery systems,
infrastructure/capacity building, etc.
(3) Organising meetings/discussions/consultations with g b c s
of related departments within the ministry, field level organi-
sations/civil society groups/NGos working in the sector for ex­
changing ideas and getting feedback on the efficacy of sectoral
policies and programmes.
The Eleventh Plan also noted that efforts will continue to
create gender budgeting cells in all ministries and departments
(Government of India 2007b). Going by the number of g b c s
formed within various ministries and departments (56 as of
2011), one would tend to assume that considerable work has
been done on this front.
Unfortunately, however, the g b c s have not been able to exe­
cute the tasks assigned to them. Despite a commitment in the
Eleventh Plan that “ data from these cells will be collated on a
regular basis and made available in the public domain”(ibid:
200), not much is known about the functioning of these cells.
Within policy circles, there seems to be a latent feeling that
these cells have been largely ineffective and remained mostly on
paper. What is even more disturbing is that no comprehensive
review of these g b c s has been conducted by the government,
so far. Our critique of the g b c s is not only based on the specifics
of the Indian experience, but also draws on the experiences of
similar gender architectures/machineries in other countries -
to highlight what has worked, and what has not.
(a) Low Priority Given to the Gender Agenda: It must be
acknowledged that the non-functioning of g b c s is a non-problem
unique to India alone. The gender architecture/machineries
( g r b architecture is a sub-component of the larger gender archi­
tecture) in many countries face similar challenges and constraints
that have had an adverse impact on their working. One such fun­
damental problem is that despite being articulated as a priority
in policy circles, the gender agenda continues to be relegated to an
“additional charge”status, and oftentimes falls into the lap of over­
worked officials who are unable to give it attention, even if they
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
consider gender to be a priority. This de-prioritisation of the
gender agenda manifests itself in two peculiar syndromes.
The first is what we call the “ too high up or too low down”
syndrome and relates to the position of officials responsible for
the gender agenda within a hierarchical bureaucratic order. In
many countries the prime responsibility rests with officials who
are too senior in the hierarchy and are therefore unable to dedi­
cate the time required for pushing the gender agenda. In the
Maldives, for instance, the gender focal points are at the level
of deputy ministers (Government of Maldives 2009). While
these officials are senior enough and carry the weight to push the
gender agenda, they are often so busy with other commitments
that gender issues do not get the time and attention they deserve.
On the other hand, in countries where a relatively junior official
is responsible for this, it is seen that on account of his/her low
placement within the hierarchy he/she is unable to garner
the buy-in required from higher officials to push the gender
agenda within sectoral ministries. For example in Cambodia,
the gender focal points are usually deputy director level offi­
cials, although some ministries have deputed undersecretar­
ies, heads of office or advisors for the job. While there is no one
way out, it is important to ensure buy in at the highest levels of
decision-making. Without the commitment of the senior-most
in the hierarchy, ministries where gender is not the primary
concern will not address/take on gender concerns with any
seriousness. Once this commitment at the senior-most level is
built, the details of the intervention can be worked out and
implemented by dedicated staff lower down in hierarchy.
The second is the “ individual versus group”syndrome. Many
countries have appointed gender focal points in line ministries/
departments. These gender focal points are mostly individual-
driven. Though they benefit from the energy or commitment
that the individual brings in, there is a major weakness in this
arrangement as well. Oftentimes, when they are transferred or
shifted, the work has to be initiated all over again. In contradis­
tinction, some countries have set up gender mainstreaming
groups or cells within ministries/departments. While these
structures have the advantage of not being individual centred,
it is often a challenge to get a group together in line ministries,
whose priorities lie elsewhere than with gender-related con­
cerns. Therefore, in this tussle between individuals and groups,
unfortunately efforts to strengthen g r b get diluted. The under­
lying problem is that in most countries the focus has not been
on developing the necessary institutional capabilities - but
remained largely individual centric, and have therefore failed
to bring about transformations at the level of institutions and
systems. Since a lot of energy has been invested in conducting
g r b trainings and capacity building exercises in several coun­
tries including India, it would be valuable at this stage to take
stock of all these efforts towards capacity building in g r b . For
g r b to move forward now, it is important thus to reflect in a
strategic way on whose capacities need to be built, what kinds of
capacities need to be built and what is the best way of doing so.
(b) Lack of a Coordinating/Monitoring Mechanism: Since
grb by its very definition entails cross-sectoral work and
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requires coordination between various sectoral ministries,
some institutional mechanism to facilitate the process is
required. Different countries have experimented with differ­
ent structures - some have set up committees and task forces,
others have set up cells within line ministries and/or a secre­
tariat to coordinate, among others.
Unfortunately in India, g r b efforts have been severely impeded
due to the absence of such a coordinating mechanism for har­
monising the work of g b c s across line ministries.11Based on the
experiences of other countries, it can be argued that a basic
minimum in terms of an institutional mechanism is required to
make g r b a success. Some of these criteria are outlined below:
(a) It is imperative that the g r b machinery involved in the sec­
toral ministries (not just in the Ministry of Women and Child
Development and the Ministry of Finance) is robust and func­
tional. This is critical because it is the sectoral ministries
which need to use g r b as a tool to make their policies and
budgets more gender responsive.
An interesting example is Cambodia, where the Ministry of
Women’ s Affairs convenes a technical working group on gen­
der every six weeks which brings together all the gender focal
points from various ministries and departments (Kingdom of
Cambodia and United Nations, Cambodia 2010).
It must be mentioned here that the need for a similar mecha­
nism was highlighted in India by the Ashok Lahiri Committee,
which recommended an Interdepartmental Steering Commit­
tee (isc) on gender budgeting in addition to g b c s in individual
departments/ministries, for identifying and sharing “ the
issues of gender budgeting which cut across departments,
for instance, the issues of budgetary allocations related to
domestic violence, microfinance, homelessness, etc”(Govern­
ment of India 2004:12).
(b) Since g r b is about budgets, the g r b architecture must also
find legitimate space in the budget making cycle of the country.
This is one of the most critical weaknesses of the g r b
architecture (or the gender architecture that g r b uses) in
many countries. In India, for instance, the m o f issues circu­
lars, gender budget statements are produced by the sectoral
ministries, but there is no space for the g r b machinery within
the formal budget making process.
A rare model which the Philippines uses includes the National
Commission on the Role of Filipino Women ( n c r fw ) (which
has taken the lead in g r b in Philippines)12in all budget discus­
sions conducted by the m o f for sectoral ministries (Encinas-
Franco et al 2010). To put it in context, since 1998 all agencies
have been required to formulate gender and development
(gad) plans and submit these to the n c r f w for approval. The
n c r f w management committee members sit in on the techni­
cal budget hearings conducted by the department for budget
management and also sit in on Congress meetings where agency
officials defend their budgets (Budlender et al 2002).
The presence of the g r b machinery in the formal budget
negotiations between the m o f and the sectoral ministers is criti­
cal for the following two reasons. First, this will help ascertain
the extent to which sectoral ministries have been able to fulfil
their commitments for g r b (whether in the g b s or elsewhere)
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and second, it will assist the sectoral ministries in identifying
ways in which their policies and budgets can be made more
gender responsive. Creating such a space for the g r b machin­
ery within the formal budgetary process would be pivotal for
realising the objective of making budgetary outlays and out­
comes gender responsive.
(c) It is important for certain ministries to act as key drivers for
g r b . Given the nature of work, the Finance Ministry, W omen’ s
Ministry (in India, the Ministry of Women and Child Deve­
lopment) and the Planning Agency (Planning Commission for
India and ministries of planning in other countries) are critical in
this equation. In several countries one has witnessed the debate
as to where the key responsibility for g r b should be placed -
within the Finance Ministries or the W omen’ s Ministries or the
Planning Ministries. While there is no one mantra for this difficult
question, what can be said with confidence is that the involvement
of the m o f is critical, since it is mandated with the important
task of deciding the resource envelope for sectoral ministries.
Some instances of what other countries have tried out are as
follows: in Indonesia, for example, these three ministries along
with the Ministry of Home13have come together to constitute a
steering committee and have taken the lead as “ drivers”of g r b
in Indonesia. In Nepal, as part of broader efforts to institution­
alise g r b , a Gender Responsive Budget Committee has been
established within the m o f comprising representatives from the
National Planning Commission, Ministry of Women, Children
and Social Welfare, Ministry of Local Development and u n
Women. Global experience has shown that active involvement
of the m o f is one of the critical factors of success of g r b .
Putting the Cart before the Horse?
The manner in which the Indian initiative on g r b has panned
out appears to be a classic case of putting the cart before the
horse. Starting off with the g b s and the g b c s was perhaps not
the best way to begin. As the experience of g r b in other coun­
tries reveals, for g r b to be meaningful, it must necessarily
begin with purposive gender planning for each scheme/sector
- first by identifying the gender gaps in the sector and then
delineating prioritised actions points to address the gender
gaps. Scrutinising budgets and ensuring good quantity and
quality of budgetary spending should come in only after that.
Instead, as discussed in the previous sections, the current format
of the g b s has reduced g r b to nothing but an exercise with
numbers. With the formulation of the Twelfth Plan underway,
there is a massive window of opportunity to redraft the format
of the g b s and thereby chart a different course of action for
g r b . It would be timely to recommend the formation of a
committee to review the format of the g b s and suggest a more
appropriate one, which can concretely inform policymaking.
It is equally critical that the Twelfth Plan reflects on the
institutional architecture for g r b in our country. Clearly, the
g b c s have remained an exercise on paper, and failed to propel the
g r b agenda further. There is thus a pressing need to rethink or
reinvigorate these g b c s . Without a robust institutional mech­
anism to support g r b across the various line ministries, India
will not be able to harness the potential that g r b offers.
a p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 E3329 Economic & Political w e e k ly

N OTES
1 Australia was the first country to begin GRB in
the mid-1980 s. See Government of India (2007 a).
2 The Tenth Plan (2002 -07) stated the process of
dissecting the government budget to establish
its gender-differential impact and to translate
gender commitments into budgetary commit­
ments will be continued. The Eleventh Plan
(2007 -12) stated that gender budgeting and
gender outcome assessment will be encour­
aged in all ministries/departments at central
and state levels. See Government of India
(2002 , 2007 b).
3 In India, the initiative for gender-sensitive
budget analysis began during the Ninth Plan
period (1997-2002 ), with the adoption of the
Women’ s Component Plan to ensure that not
less than 30 % of funds and benefits flow to
women from developmental sectors. For a
critique of the WCP approach, see Das and
Mishra (2006 ).
4 The expert group on “ Classification System of
Government Transactions” was constituted
under the aegis of the Ministry of Finance,
Government of India in 2 003 . The expert
group called for the budget data to be present­
ed in a manner that the gender sensitivities of
the budgetary allocations of line ministries/
departments were clearly highlighted. See
Government of India (2004 ).
5 In the subsequent years, GRB principles have
been extended to the Performance and Out­
come Budget. Another strategy used by the
government was capacity development and
knowledge building. A large part of the GRB
work has focused on creation of knowledge
products including the production of a training
manual in 2008 as well several training initia­
tives undertaken under the leadership of the
MWCD. Following the initiative at the union
government level, several state governments
have also begun engaging with specific tools of
GRB. Some GRB activities have also been
undertaken at the level district and sub-district
level as well (Gender Sub Plans).
6 The road map outlined by the Ashok Lahiri
Committee included: (1) undertaking a review
of the public expenditure profile of relevant
union government departments through the
gender lens; (2) conducting beneficiary incidence
analysis; (3) recommending specific changes
in the operational guidelines of various deve­
lo p m e n t s c h e m e s s o as to im p ro v e c o v e r a g e o f
women beneficiaries of the public expendi­
tures; and (4) encouraging village women and
their associations to assume responsibility for
all development schemes related to drinking
water, sanitation, primary education, health
and nutrition.
7 ICDS provides a comprehensive package of
services targeting children in the age group of
0 -6 years, pregnant women, lactating mothers,
women in the age group of 15-45 years and
adolescent girls.
8 SCSP and TSP mandated that ministries must
earmark plan funds for the development of SCs
and STs in accordance with the proportion of
these communities in the total population -
16% and 8 %, respectively, at the national level
as of 2001 .
9 Realising the inadequacy in the implementa­
tion of SCSP and TSP, the Planning Commis­
sion constituted a task force chaired by Naren-
dra Jadhav to review, re-examine, and revise
the existing SCSP/TSP Guidelines in 2010 . The
task force found that the implementation of the
guidelines has remained inadequate and hard­
ly any ministry is showing its SCSP/TSP out­
lays under a separate budget head (major head
Economic & Political weekly IBEQ Ap r il 28, 2012
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2,225 and minor head 789 and 796 ). Moreover,
allocations shown by ministries are notional
and lack criteria/assumption, transparency
and uniformity in fund allocation. Hence, it is
impossible to quantify the total amount allo­
cated and/or spent by the central government
under SCSP/TSP. Taking into account the prob­
lems, the task force recommended that sub­
stantial reforms be introduced in the SCSP/
TSP from 2011-12 for central ministries/depart­
ments with a further aim to refine it from the
Twelfth Five-Year Plan, available at http://
planningcommission.nic.in/aboutus/task-
force/tsk_scsp.pdf.
10 The Five-Step Framework of GRB lists the fol­
lowing 5 steps: Step 1: Analysis of the situation
of women, men, girls and boys in a given sec­
tor; Step 2 : Assessment of the extent to which
policies address the gendered situation; Step 3 :
Assessment as to whether budget allocations
are adequate, in order to implement gender-
responsive policies; Step 4 : Assessment of
short-term outputs of expenditure, in order to
evaluate how resources are actually spent,
and policies and programmes implemented;
Step 5 : Assessment of the long-term outcomes
or impact expenditures might have (Budlender
et al 2002 ).
11 The Ministry of Women and Child Develop­
ment has proposed the formation of a Gender
Budgeting Directorate (GBD) which would
serve as the focal point for coordination, facili­
tation and support of gender budgeting acti­
vities across departments. However, this is yet
to be formed.
12 In the Philippines, the Gender and Develop­
ment (GAD) budget as introduced in 1996 . It
states that every government-related agency
must allocate at least 5% of its budget for gen­
der and development.
13 In Indonesia, the Ministry of Home is impor­
tant to this equation since it is playing an
important role in the recent efforts towards
decentralisation.
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indiabudget.nic.in/v0 l2 .asp)
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(Phase 2 Extensions), March, Phnom Penh,
Cambodia.
57
REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
Ladlis and Lakshmis
Financial Incentive Schemes for the Girl Child
T V SEKHER
A desk review o f 15 girl child promotion schemes relying
on conditional cash transfers across the states and
discussions w ith a few non-governmental organisations,
implementing officials and beneficiaries show up some
of the shortcomings. The eligibility criteria,
conditionalities and registration procedures need to be
simplified. Despite the pumping in of huge financial
resources, there is no field-level m onitoring to study the
impact of such schemes nor is there a grievance
redressal mechanism. An in-depth analysis would help
in assessing whether in the long run conditional cash
transfers could lead to a significant change in the
parental attitude towards daughters.
This study was commissioned by the United Nations Population Fund-
India at the request of the Planning Commission, Government of India.
I am thankful to Syeda Hameed, Vandana Jena, N K Sethi, Firoza
Mehrotra (Planning Commission), Sangeeta Verma (MWCD), Ena Singh,
Dhanashri Brahme, K M Sathyanarayana and Sanjay Kumar (United
Nations Fund for Population Activities), state-level programme officials
and NGOs for useful discussions and suggestions.
T V Sekher (tvsekher@gmailcom ) is with the International Institute for
Population Sciences, Mumbai.
58
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T
he introduction of the conditional cash transfer schemes
( ccts) is a marked departure from the traditional ap­
proaches in social programming. Through the provision
of financial incentives to poor families following the fulfilment
of certain verifiable conditions, c c t s seek to provide short­
term income support and at the same time promote long-term
behavioural changes. They, therefore, have the potential to
become an effective means of channelising the limited re­
sources to the poor and socially disadvantaged sections; more
specifically to girls and women. With persisting gender in­
equalities in India, the girl child is at a disadvantage and faces
discrimination at every stage of her life - sex selection, infanti­
cide, little or no access to education, lack of healthcare and
nutrition, child marriage, and teenage pregnancy. The condi­
tionality linked cash transfer attempts to correct such discrim­
inations. These programmes represent a shift in the govern­
m ent’ s approach of focusing on the supply-side to a demand-
driven approach. Experiences from various countries illustrate
that the conditional cash transfer programmes were successful
in increasing enrolment in school, improving immunisation of
children, and raising household consumption levels. This is
true for poor and low income countries as illustrated from the
experiences of Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Nicaragua ( ifp r i
2002; Briere and Rawlings 2006; Son 2008; Fajth and Vinay
2010). Poor mothers received financial incentives conditional
to their promoting certain activities on behalf of their children.
In the Indian context, the adverse influence of negative so­
cial attitudes towards girls has left many girl children vulner­
able and disadvantaged. Their survival, education, healthcare,
development, security and well-being are a matter of national
concern. A significant impact of this discrimination is reflected
in the deterioration of the male-female ratio, particularly
among children. The 1991 Census indicated the worsening
trend in child sex ratio ( csr) and the 2001 Census revealed
that the situation was alarming in some states. The dwindling
number of girl children on account of increasing incidences of
female foeticide is a matter of great concern nowadays (Sekher
and Hatti 2010). Even after legislations such as the Pre-
Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act of 1994,
popularly known as the p n d t Act and many campaigns to pro­
mote the value of the girl child, the scenario has not improved
and in fact has further deteriorated as evident from the 2011
Census. Programmes and policies clearly state that it is neces­
sary to empower girl children in all aspects of life so that they
become equal partners with boys and enjoy freedom and equal
Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 BBSS Economic & Political weekly
 REVIEW OF WOMEN S STUDIES

opportunity. It is also realised that special measures are re­ welfare of a girl child. Discussions with a few non-governmental
quired to protect the survival and security of the girl child organisations ( n g o s ) and government officials implementing
from conception to birth, in infancy, and throughout the pe­ the schemes provided an overall idea about the functioning of
riod of her childhood. It is a fact that in many families, poverty each scheme. Interactions with few beneficiary families also
is the major constraint that prevents the raising and educating helped in gaining useful insights. The findings presented here
of girl children. Given the limited financial resources available rely heavily on the interactions with officials and the analysis
to these families, they would prefer a son to a daughter. With of the scheme-related available data at the state level.
this in mind and against the background of the deteriorating Though most of these schemes are steps in the right direc­
condition of girls as reflected in the worsening male-female tion, very little is known about their implementation and
ratio, the Government of India and many state governments effectiveness. Through a desk-review and interaction with gov­
have introduced innovative schemes of conditional cash and ernment officials and n g o s , this study examines operational
non-cash transfers. By providing a set of staggered financial aspects of 15 selected girl child promotion schemes across the
incentives to encourage the families to retain the girl child and states and gathers first impressions regarding the performance
of these schemes. The schemes selected for secondary review
Table 1: Girl Child Schemes: Number of Beneficiaries
Name of the Scheme Number of Beneficiaries are Dhan Lakshmi scheme of Government of India, Ladli
2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 scheme of Delhi, Ladli Lakshmi Yojana of Madhya Pradesh,
Dhan Lakshm i sc h e m e (Govt o f India) - 79,555 42,077 Bhagyalakshmi scheme of Karnataka, Balri Rakshak Yojana in
B hagyalakshm i sc h e m e (Karnataka) 1,23,789 2,97,764 1,44,749 Punjab, Ladli scheme of Haryana, Kanyadan scheme of Mad­
Ladli Lakshm i s c h e m e (M adhya Pradesh) 2,14,134 2,09,848 40,854 hya Pradesh, Girl Child Protection scheme in Andhra Pradesh,
Girl Child P rotection sc h e m e (Andhra Pradesh) 96,487 72,046 70,302 Indira Gandhi Balika Suraksha Yojana in Himachal Pradesh,
Ladli s c h e m e (Delhi) - 1,35,645 1,40,006
Mukhya Mantri Kanya Vivah Yojana of Bihar, Rajalakshmi
Balika Sam riddhi Yojana (Gujarat) 26,031 30,263 1,32,684
Balika Sam ridhi Yojana (HP) 7,955 13,031 17,038
scheme in Rajasthan (discontinued), Balika Samriddhi Yojana
Ladli S ch e m e (Haryana) 49,558 72,624 1,05,113 in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, Kunwarbainu Mameru
Balri Rakshak Yojana (Punjab) 62 53 62 scheme in Gujarat, Beti Hai Anmol scheme in Himachal
M ukhya Mantri Kanya Suraksha Yojana (Bihar) 4,75,220* Pradesh (initiated in 2010) and Mukhya Mantri Kanya Surak­
K unw arbainu M am eru sc h e m e (Gujarat) 8,762 6,775 7,628 sha Yojana of Bihar. The number of beneficiaries enrolled dur­
M ukhya Mantri Kanyadan Yojana (MP) 32,621 43,297 19,579 ing the last three years under each of these schemes is pre­
M ukhya M antri Kanya Vivah Yojana (Bihar) 1,57,256* sented in Table 1. The Ladli Lakshmi Yojana (mp), Bhagyalak­
Indira G andhi Balika Suraksha Yojana (HP) 152 318 233
shmi scheme (Karnataka) and Mukhya Mantri Kanya Surak­
"Total num ber of beneficiaries since inception.
Source: Compiled by the author based on state governm ent documents and discussions sha Yojana (Bihar) which have more than four lakh girls regis­
w ith officials.
tered within a span of three years, are indicative of the huge
to educate her, the ultimate objective of these schemes is to popularity of some of these schemes.
change the attitude and mindset of parents towards the girl
child (Government of India 2007). In most traditional Indian Intent and Objectives
families, girls are considered a liability and a burden. These The schemes that were reviewed had varying objectives and
schemes reiterate that by providing cash inflow to the girl’ s preconditions, upon fulfilment of which, benefits were pro­
family, the parents should feel that the very existence of the vided. In general, all schemes attempted to enhance the value
girl is an asset to the family. The conditional cash transfer is of the girl child in terms of her being considered as an asset to
subject to the completion of certain requirements such as birth the family. However, a review of the objectives of the different
registration, institutional delivery, childhood immunisation, schemes also reveals a multiplicity of outcomes expected from
school enrolment, completing school education, and delaying the scheme, leading to a somewhat diffused focus in achieving
marriage till 18 years. This would result in improvements in the original objective behind the provision of incentives -
the value of the girl child, more specifically measured through change in the perceived value of daughters in the eyes of the
improved sex ratio at birth (srb) and c s r , increased school family. For example, some schemes provide the incentive only
enrolment and attendance in primary, middle and high if the couple accepts sterilisation after two children, others
schools, and enhanced age at marriage. limit the incentive only to two girls, with a larger incentive for
This study was undertaken to examine the extent to which the first girl as compared to the second. Dhan Lakshmi is the
financial incentive schemes have contributed towards enhanc­ only scheme that provides incentive to all girls born in the
ing the value of daughters within a family. These incentive- family. Clearly, the intention behind some of the schemes is
based schemes aim at improving the value of the girl child on also to ensure smaller families and promote family planning
the premise that financial benefits would trigger behavioural alongside ensuring the birth of girls.
changes among parents and communities. In the long run such
initiatives hope to ensure the survival and well-being of girls. Eligibility
However, with very limited or no documentation/assessment Table 2 (p 60) provides the eligibility criteria to avail benefits
in place, the first task initiated under this study was to gather at different stages under each scheme. Apart from fulfilling
information about different incentive schemes aimed at the the eligibility criteria, the beneficiary families need to produce

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REVIEW OF WOMEN S STUDIES

Table 2: Eligibility Conditions to Avail Benefits Yojana in Madhya Pradesh, Ladli

Name of the Scheme Registration Immuni­ Family Anganwadi School Completion of 18 Years of Age
scheme of Delhi and Bhagya-
of Birth sation Planning Enrolment Enrolmenl Standard 10 and Unmarried
(Sterilisation) lakshmi scheme of Karnataka are
Dhan Lakshm i sc h e m e S - - S S y a few examples. The state govern­
(8th standard) ments are ready to invest huge
B hagyalakshm i s c h e m e (Karnataka) S S S s
amounts for implementing these
(8th standard)
Ladli Lakshmi sc h e m e (MP) S - s schemes. For example, the Madhya
- S S
(after 21 yrs) Pradesh government spent Rs 250
Girl Child P rotection sc h e m e (AP) s - S crore in 2007-08 for this scheme.
(12thstandard) ( a fte r2 0 yrs) Delhi spent Rs 87 crore in 2009-10
Ladli sc h e m e (Haryana) s - S S
and the Government of Haryana
Balika Sam ridhi Yojana s - - - S S -
Ladli S ch e m e (Delhi) y - - - S S spent Rs 52 crore for the Ladli
Indira Gandhi Balika Suraksha Yojana - - - - - - scheme in 2009-10 (Table 4, p 66).
M ukhya Mantri Kanyadan Yojana s - - - - - The Karnataka government had
Balri Rakshak Yojana (Punjab) y - - - - - earmarked Rs 358 crore exclusively
Beti Hai A nm ol sc h e m e s - - - - -
for the Bhagyalakshmi scheme for
Rajalakshm i sc h e m e (discontinued) y - - - - - 2010-11. The chief ministers pub­
Source: Compiled by the author based on documents of various schemes of state governments.
licly announced that money would
a set of documents to register for each scheme (Table 3). This not be a constraint in expanding these “ popular”schemes.
varies from birth certificate to income certificate to proof of Some governments are also seriously considering enhancing
undergoing sterilisation by any one of the parents. Most of the cash incentives to make the schemes more attractive. Hence,
these schemes are specifically aimed at people belonging to proper negotiations with financial agencies for ensuring the
the poor families (below poverty line ( b p l ) households). There promised terminal benefits is important, as the experience of
are a few schemes that are open to all categories of households the Rajalakshmi scheme which was discontinued in Rajasthan
irrespective of their education, income levels and caste. An is well known. Though it was attractive and many clients were
analysis of the c s r data from the 2001 Census has revealed hoping to reap its benefits, the Rajalakshmi scheme was dis­
that ratios are lower amongst the educated and affluent, continued in 2000 due to the perceived loss by the Unit Trust of
though rural areas are not far behind. Given this, it is critical India ( u t i ) . The premature closure of the scheme disheartened
to revisit the target groups under these incentive schemes the beneficiaries and people lost interest and faith in similar
based on the perception of the value of the incentive by differ­ schemes (Sharma et al 2003). Before terminating it, the state
ent income groups. Even for not so affluent households, the government should have considered alternatives such as
more immediate perceived benefit from not having a daughter investing in mutual funds, increasing the deposit amount,
may appear more tangible than the final benefit which will ac­ reducing the total maturity amount for tie-up with banks or
crue after their daughter turns 18. Only through a systematic other financial institutions.
evaluation can it be established if the incentives help to ad­ In most of the schemes, the terminal benefits can only be
dress both pre- and post-birth discrimination against girls. In availed when the girl completes 18 years of age and remains
other words, it is not yet clear whether these incentives ensure unmarried (Table 5, p 62). Discussions with the implementing
that girls survive once born and receive better care and atten­ officials provided very useful insights into the functioning of
tion or the benefits also ensure their birth itself. Table 3: Documents Required
Again, by limiting the benefit to two girls or by Name of the Scheme Birth Domicile Income Sterilisation Immunisation Marriage
Certificate Certificate Certificate Certificate Certificate Certificate
providing a larger incentive for the first girl, the
Dhan Lakshm i sc h e m e S - - S -
scheme inadvertently ends up valuing girls differ­
B hagyalakshm i sc h e m e (Karnataka) S S S -
entially depending on their position in the birth
Ladli Lakshm i sc h e m e (MP) S - S -
order. The eligibility criteria therefore potentially (withdrawn)
may lead to mixed perceptions about the intent of Girl Child P rotection sc h e m e (AP) S s -

the scheme. Ladli S ch e m e (Haryana) s - - S -

Balika Sam ridhi Yojana - - - -

Views o f Implementing Officials Indira G andhi Balika Suraksha Yojana - s - - -

Ladli S ch e m e (Delhi) s s - - -

Involvement of State Governments: It is inter­ M ukhya M antri Kanyadan Yojana (MP) s s _ -

Balri Rakshak Yojana (Punjab) s s - -

esting to note that most state governments took
Beti Hai A n m ol s c h e m e (HP) s s - - -
pride in implementing the scheme and publicising
Rajalakshm i s c h e m e (discontinued) - - - -
it as one of their biggest achievements. Many of
M ukhya Mantri Kanya Suraksha Yojana s - - -
the schemes are closely associated with the M ukhya Mantri Kanya Vivah Yojana _ s - -

respective chief ministers and sometimes even Kunw arbainu M am eru s c h e m e - - s - -

closely monitored by them. The Ladli Lakshmi Source: Compiled by the author based on documents of various schemes o f state governments.

60 April 28, 2012 vol xlvii no 17 DBS9 Economic & Political weekly

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 REVIEWOF WOMEN S STUDIES
the schemes. Most of the schemes are administered by state governments utilised the existing infrastructure and man­
governments through the department of women and child power (mainly i c d s or health workers). In most of these
development. Two schemes under review are sponsored by the schemes, the involvement of local panchayats, n g o s , and
department of health and family welfare in Punjab and wom en’ s groups was said to be limited. The scheme has been
Himachal Pradesh. Dhan Lakshmi is the only scheme which is largely implemented as a programme of the given department.
fully supported by the Government of India and is imple­ However, in some cases the local panchayat leaders and n g o s
mented as a pilot in n backward blocks from seven states. The have helped in popularising the schemes and identifying the
Balika Samridhi Yojana (b s y ) was originally initiated by the beneficiaries. State governments have also helped in the pub­
Government of India in 1997 but since 2006 it was taken over licity of the schemes by distributing certificates/bonds in mass
by the state governments. It was also observed that in some public gatherings at times, in the presence of the chief minis­
cases the state governments changed the name of the scheme ter. While fund allocation for the schemes has been substan­
and implemented it under a new name with additional finan­ tive in the initial years, proper monitoring mechanisms are
cial incentives. The b s y in Himachal Pradesh was discontin­ almost absent as are procedures for addressing grievances
ued in July 2010 and the state government launched a new of beneficiaries in most states. Progress has been reviewed
Table 4: Annual Budget and Expenditure (2007-11) through routine depart­
Name of the Scheme 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 ment level meetings. Some
Budget Expenditure Budget Expenditure Budget Expenditure Budget
of these schemes under­
Dhan Lakshm i s c h e m e (Govt o f India) - - 10 Cr 5.95 Cr 10 Cr 5 Cr -
went modifications with
B hagyalakshm i s c h e m e (Karnataka) 150 Cr 132.43 Cr 266.65 Cr 316.65 Cr 229.89 Cr 229.64 Cr 358 Cr
regard to the eligibility
Ladli Lakshm i s c h e m e (MP) 276 Cr 250 Cr 135 Cr 100 Cr 24 Cr 26 Cr 302 Cr
criteria, required docu­
Ladli s c h e m e (Delhi) - - 81.30 Cr 86.44 Cr 83.17 Cr 86.97 Cr -
mentation and the amount
Ladli s c h e m e (Haryana) 21 Cr 25.1 Cr 29 Cr 29.61 Cr 34 Cr 52 Cr 38.65 Cr
Balika Sam riddhi Yojana (Gujarat) 50 lakh 51.4 lakh 1 Cr 2.38 Cr 10 Cr 1.36 Cr -
of incentives provided.
Balika Sam ridhi Yojana (HP) 40 lakh 60.88 lakh 75 lakh 59.01 lakh 80 lakh 80.92 lakh - Officials feel that proce­
Balri Rakshak Yojana (Punjab) 1 Cr 9.48 lakh 50 lakh 24.26 lakh 60 lakh 12.13 lakh - dures and eligibility con­
M ukhya Mantri Kanya Suraksha Yojana (Bihar) - - 28 Cr 27.44 Cr 67 Cr 65.66 Cr 42 Cr ditions need to be further
M ukhya M antri Kanya Vivah Yojana (Bihar) 10 Cr 10 Cr 40 Cr 39 Cr 80 Cr 79 Cr 60 Cr simplified to make the
M ukhya M antri Kanyadan Yojana (MP) 19.20 Cr 19.57 Cr 26.18 Cr 25.98 Cr 25 Cr 14.88 Cr - schemes more citizen-
Indira G andhi Balika Suraksha Yojana (HP) 95 lakh 93 lakh 91.10 lakh 33 lakh 95.50 lakh 33 lakh - friendly and accessible.
Source: Compiled by the author based on documents of various state governments.
However, systematic moni­
scheme called the Beti Hai Anmol with similar objectives and toring remains an urgent need to allow proper implementa­
benefits as that of b s y . In many states such as Orissa, b s y has tion, gain a better understanding of bottlenecks and to obtain
been discontinued due to lack of funds. a sense of the overall impact. So far no review or evaluation
has been conducted to examine whether the financial incen­
Coordination between Departments: It is important to men­ tives provided have had an impact on the parental attitude
tion here that most of these schemes are implemented through and behaviour towards girl children.
the vast network of anganwadis and the Integrated Child De­
velopment Services ( i c d s ) machinery. Successful implementa­ Beneficiaries and Civil Society
tion of the scheme also requires support and cooperation from The discussions with beneficiaries revealed that there were
other departments such as education, health, panchayats, etc. considerable delays in registration under some of the schemes
The officials responsible for implementing the schemes spoke as well as in the distribution of certificates. Some beneficiaries
about not receiving the necessary support from other govern­ stated that they had to pay money to the local functionaries to
ment departments, resulting in delays and difficulties. For ex­ get registered. Though, in a few cases, the officials admitted
ample, if the birth certificate is not received on time, it delays that those who were not eligible received benefits under the
the financial incentive to be received by the family following scheme, pointing to corrupt practices that prevent the benefits
the birth of a girl. Sometimes there are problems with finan­ from reaching the intended target group. Though random ver­
cial agencies like banks and the Life Insurance Corporation, ification is carried out by the district-level officials to examine
including delays in opening zero balance accounts. Lack of co­ the authenticity and eligibility of applicants, it is possible for
ordination between departments and financial institutions some to misuse the scheme in connivance with local officials.
has led to delays in issuing bonds/certificates in some states. For example, it was found that some of the beneficiaries of the
In some instances the infrastructure bottlenecks at the level of Bhagyalakshmi scheme are not from b p l households and the
banks, post offices and insurance companies also contributed parent of the girl child has not undergone sterilisation as
to unnecessary delay in providing financial assistance. required (Government of Karnataka 2010).
Nonetheless, one advantage of c c t s is that the money di­
Implementation, Allocation and Disbursements: According rectly reaches the households and beneficiaries, thus minimis­
to the information available, very little money is spent on the ing the possible leakages in the process. Some beneficiaries
administrative cost for implementing the schemes. Most state felt that the financial incentives provided have helped in

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REVIEWOF WOMEN S STUDIES
providing education for their girls. Some of them even stated
that girls are perceived as a lesser liability since the govern­
ment is meeting the cost of their education and marriage. This
perhaps means that the families appreciated the role of the
State in helping to offset the liabilities involved in educating
and marrying girls as opposed to the incentives being seen as a
way of recognising the value of their daughters. The n g o s and
wom en’ s groups felt that state governments are not able to uti­
lise their services for better implementation and a few n g o s
also believe that some of these schemes need to be better tar­
geted with focused attention to specific groups. For example,
under the Ladli scheme of Haryana, the cash incentives are
provided to all irrespective of caste or income criteria. In a way
this helps to reach out to all socio-economic groups as the data
does show a decline in c s r across the state. However, financial
incentives are likely to be of greater value to poorer house­
holds than affluent ones. Also given the quantum of benefit,
the scheme needs to take this aspect into consideration while
determining the eligibility criteria. Some n g o s also felt that
providing gifts in kind to the girl at the time of her marriage
may send out a wrong message to the community which may
perhaps perceive it as an implicit involvement of the state in
covering marriage related financial transactions.
Usefulness o f the Incentive Schemes
On the whole, both the government officials and the benefici­
aries did recognise some positive aspects of the incentive
driven schemes. Clearly, direct financial support for girls with
the funds being transferred to the bank account in the name of
the girl child was seen as a useful mechanism. Further, cash
transfer was possibly proving a motivational factor for at least
poor families to invest in the education of their daughters,
wherein the tussle is always about prioritisation of limited
resources for the son. There is a need to simplify the schemes
to further enhance usefulness and thereby expand reach. For
example, schemes such as Dhan Lakshmi and Bhagyalakshmi
can be simplified for operational purposes by cutting down on
the number of conditions attached at various levels of immuni­
sation and school attendance, as with every conditionality the
beneficiaries have to meet the corresponding documentation
and certification formalities and provide proof of fulfilment
(see Table 6, p 63, for Dhanlakshmi scheme). Likewise, domi­
cile certificate is mandatory for many schemes and poor mi­
grant families are likely to be excluded. Inflexibility in the tim­
ing of joining the scheme is also a major deterrent for availing
benefits among the illiterate families. Barring, the Ladli
scheme of Delhi, most others insist on registration of the girl
child within a year of birth.
A common complaint from the beneficiaries across states is
the difficulty in obtaining various documents required to reg­
ister such as birth certificate, income certificate, immunisation
certificate, school attendance certificate and sterilisation cer­
tificate. Officials and n g o s also point out that in some cases
money is paid by the beneficiaries to hasten the documenta­
tion. There is a need to minimise the number of cash transac­
tions per beneficiary. An option of clubbing together some of
the conditions and enhancing the incentive provided at that
stage could be considered. The emergence of panchayati raj
institutions ( p r i s ) at the local level provides an opportunity to
implement these schemes through local bodies. They are in a
better position to identify the beneficiaries, monitor the
progress of implementation and ensure the transfer of funds to
the rightful beneficiaries. Though some of the schemes pres­
ently involve p r i s and n g o s to a limited extent, there is a need
to formulate clear guidelines for their direct involvement and
active participation.

Table 5: Year of Initiation, Implementing Agency, Terminal Benefits and Financial Institutions
Name of the Scheme Yearoflnitiation Implementing Agency Terminal Benefit Financial
Age Amount Institution
Dhan Lakshmi sc h e m e (Govt o f India) 2008 D ept o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 1 lakh N ation alised Bank/
P ost O ffice
B hagyalakshm i sc h e m e (Karnataka) 2006 D ept o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 1,00,000 LIC
Ladli Lakshmi Yojana (MP) 2006 D ep t o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 21 years Rs 1,18,300 P ost O ffice (NSC)
Girl Child P rotection sc h e m e (New) (AP) 2005 D ept o f W om en D ev elo p m en t and 20 years Rs 1 lakh for o n e girl child and LIC
Child W elfare (in c a se o f tw o girl children)
Rs 30,000 for ea ch
Ladli S ch e m e (Haryana) 2005 D ept o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 96,000 LIC
Rajalakshm i sc h e m e (discontinued) 1992 D ept o f M edical, Health and Family W elfare 20 years Rs 21,000 UTI
Balika Sam ridhi Yojana 1997 D ept o f W om en and Child D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 6,700 (with m a xim u m N ation alised Bank/
(transferred to sta tes in 2006) rate o f interest) P ost O ffice
Ladli S ch e m e (Delhi) 2008 D ep t o f W om en and Children D ev elo p m en t 18 years Rs 1,00,000 SBI/SBIL
Balri Rakshak Yojana (Punjab) 2005 D ept o f Health and Family W elfare 18 years Rs 1 lakh N ation alised Bank/
P ost O ffice
M ukhya Mantri Kanya Suraksha Yojana 2008 Social W elfare D ep artm en t/ 18 years Rs 18,000 UTI Children's Career
State W om en D e v elo p m en t C orpora tion Plan G row th O p tion
M ukhya Mantri Kanya Vivah Yojana 2007 Social W elfare D ep a rtm en t 18 years Rs 5,000 Bank
Kunw arbainu M am eru sc h e m e 1995 Social Justice and E m p o w erm en t At m arriage Rs 5,000 Bank
D ep artm en t
Indira Gandhi Balika Suraksha Yojana 2007 Health and Family W elfare D ep a rtm en t At m arriage Rs 25,000 to o n e girl child Bank
or m aturity and Rs 20,000 to b oth in
c a se o f tw o girl children
M ukhya Mantri Kanyadan Yojana 2006 D ept o f Social Justice At m a rriage G o o d s w orth o f Rs 9,000 -
Source: Compiled by the author based on documents of various schemes of state governments.

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 REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
Table 6: Dhan Lakshmi Scheme Girl Child Schemes and Family Planning
State District Block
The acceptance of the terminal method of family planning is
A S e le c te d districts and blo ck s one of the eligibility criteria in many schemes. It also raises a
1 Andhra Pradesh K ham m am A sw a ra opeta
W arangal N arsam pet larger question: Why is family planning linked with girl child
2 C hhattisgarh Bastar Jagdalpur promotion schemes? It is possible that many poor families
Bijapur B hopa lpa ttn a m with strong son preference and who have only daughters
3 Orissa M alkangiri Kalimela (often more than two) are unlikely to be enrolled under the
K oraput S em iligu da
scheme. An appraisal of the Girl Child Protection scheme in
4 Jharkhand Giridih Tisri
K odarm a M arkachor Tamil Nadu (Srinivasan and Bedi 2009) observed that two
5 Bihar Jam oi Sono conditions of the scheme - sterilisation and “ no sons in the
6 Uttar Pradesh Rae Bareilly Shivgarh family”- need reconsideration as it may actually work
7 Punjab Fatehgarh Sahib Sirhind against daughters, forcing families to choose between the
Conditions Amount (in Rs) schemes (daughters) or sons. If the basic philosophy of these
B Financial b en efits schemes is to promote birth and survival of girl children par­
All girl children born after 19 N o v em b er 2008 and registered 5,000 ticularly from poor families, why restrict the benefits to only
Im m un isation
In 6 w e ek s 200
one or two girls? In other words, in reality many of these
In 14 w e ek s 200 schemes may attract those who do not have a strong son pre­
In 9 m on th s 200 ference. Most of the schemes are mainly focused on poor
In 16 m on th s 200 households, whereas son preference and daughter elimina­
In 24 m on th s 200 tion are widespread across different economic categories.
On co m p le tio n o f full im m u n isation 250 The girl child promotion incentive schemes can potentially
E ducation have far-reaching implications and therefore financial con­
On e n ro lm e n tto prim ary sc h o o l 1,000
straints should not come in the way of their implementation.
In class 1 + a tten d a n ce 500
It may be appropriate to consider a proposal wherein both
In class 2 + a tten d a n ce 500
500
the central and state governments jointly finance these
In class 3 + a tten d a n ce
In class 4 + a tten d a n ce 500 schemes through improved targeting of beneficiaries and at­
In class 5 + a tten d a n ce 500 tractive incentives. It is true that the promise of cash trans­
On e n r o lm e n tto seco n d a ry sch o o l 1,500 fers provided a sense of security and confidence among fami­
In class 6 + a tten d a n ce 750 lies to invest in girls.
In class 7 + a tten d a n ce 750
In class 8 + a tten d a n ce 750 Key Findings
Insurance m aturity cov er* 1,00,000 Study findings point to the need to simplify the eligibility cri­
* LIC will provide a lump sum of Rs 1 lakh per girl child on completing 18 years.
Cash incentives in classes 9 to 12 will be borne by the Ministry of Human Resource teria and conditionalities, and also the procedures of regis­
Development. tration under each of these schemes. Though year after year
Source: Ministry of W omen and Child Developm ent, Governm ent of India.
substantial financial resources have been directed towards
Plugging Implementation Gaps promoting these schemes, there is a lack of field-level moni­
The schemes are introduced with a specific set of objectives in toring. In the absence of a proper grievance redressal mecha­
order to have a desired impact. In many instances, it is too nism the challenges often multiply. In some states, the lack of
early to say whether such an impact is visible or not. This desk coordination across different sectors such as health, educa­
review of the select schemes has its own limitations. However, tion and social welfare is adversely affecting the programme
based on the available information and feedback from the implementation. The implementing officers complain that
officials, certain drawbacks in programme implementation have they do not receive the required support from other agencies,
been identified and suggestions to improve/rectify the prob­ resulting in delays and difficulties. In some states, the lack of
lems have been listed (Table 7, p 64). These observations will coordination between implementing departments and finan­
be useful in plugging the operational gaps, so that the benefits cial institutions (l i c , u t i , banks, etc) also led to delays in
from the existing schemes manage to reach the intended bene­ issuing bonds/certificates and dispersal of funds. In most of
ficiaries. However, a thorough assessment of the effectiveness these schemes, the involvement of the local panchayats
of the scheme and its impact can only be ascertained through (p r i s ), n g o s , and w om en’
s groups is rather limited. The p r i s
a detailed evaluation. Each of these schemes requires inde­ may be in a better position to identify the beneficiaries, mon­
pendent review and evaluation by taking into consideration itor the progress of implementation and ensure timely trans­
the views of beneficiaries, the local n g o s , panchayats and fer of funds. Some of the state officials highlighted the fact
functionaries. This will help in identifying the problems in that in many cases, the guidelines for implementation are
programme implementation; such as the need to simplify the not clearly understood and the staff is not oriented towards
eligibility conditions, the required number of documents, ways different aspects of the schemes. In India, the government
and means of involving n g o s , wom en’ s groups, panchayats, has greater familiarity in delivering physical goods and ser­
and the optimum utilisation of funds. vices to enhance well-being and has very little experiential

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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES -r ~ " ^ £ = -i i ■
== £ ~ ~ ----- -
Table 7: Girl Child Schemes - Problems in Implementation and Suggestions for Improvement
Name of the Scheme Limitations/Drawbacks
Dhan Lakshm i sc h e m e T oo m any con dition s.
(G ov ern m en t o f India) D ifficulties in o p e n in g zero b a la n ce a ccou n t in p o st o ffices or banks
in s o m e areas.
D elays in su b m ittin g p ro ject p ro p o sa ls from various sta te gov ern m en ts.
D elay in transfer o f fu n ds from cen tre to states.
No o pera tion a l p ro ced u re to d isp e rse th e cash in cen tives at th e sta te level.
G rievan ce redressal officer has n ot b ee n a p p o in ted in m o st places.
S o m e o f th e pilot b lock s are Naxal a ffected, th ere are d ifficu lties in
im p lem e n tin g th e sch em e.
D elays and p ro b lem s in g e ttin g birth certifica tes from th e co n ce rn e d
authorities.
Bhagyalakshm i In 25% o f th e cases, th e paren ts o f th e girl children had n ot u n d e r g o n e
sc h e m e (Karnataka) sterilisation.
Nearly 3 % o f th e b en eficia ries b e lo n g to th e a b o v e p o v erty line categories,
w h ich in dicated violation o f stipu la ted n orm s o f th e sch em e.
In 3% o f th e cases, th e n ece ssa ry d o cu m e n ts w e re n ot properly m ain tain ed
in th e con ce rn e d offices.
In a fe w cases, it w a s fou n d that p e o p le availed th e b en efits w ith ou t
p ro d u cin g a birth certifica te and did n ot atten d th e a n ga n w a d i centre.
A n gan w adi w ork ers d e m a n d e d b rib es from th e b en eficia ries for registration
D elays in issu in g th e in suran ce b o n d s to th e b en eficia ries
Ladli Lakshm i Yojana Explaining th e sc h e m e to th e p e o p le p o s e s a p roblem .
(MP) P e o p le are su sp iciou s a b o u t th e b en efits prom ised.
L engthy p ro cess o f th e c o m p le tio n o f dep a rtm en ta l form a lities and
colle ction o f d o cu m en ts.
In cid en ces o f corru ption are re p orted a tth e tim e o f registration
o f th e sch em e.
T im ely availability o f NSC.
D elays in registration o f th e ben eficiaries.
Ladli sc h e m e (Delhi) D elay in su b m ittin g th e a p p lica tion and lack o f essen tial d o cu m e n ts (in
sc h o o l g o in g and birth cases) prev en ted so m e from registerin g fo r th e
sch em e.
Lack o f coord in a tion b e tw e e n differen t sta k eh old ers like th e ed u ca tion
d ep a rtm en t and NDMC.
S h o rta ge o f sta ff and infrastructure at district level offices.
O fficers o f th e ed u ca tion d ep a r tm en t felt that p ro m o tin g th e s c h e m e w a s
n ot part o f their responsibility.
Ladli sc h e m e D eaths o f th e girls are n ot re p orted by th e parents, w ith th e result that th e
(Haryana) m o n e y d e p o site d in th e n a m e o f b en eficia ry ca n n o t b e returned.
Sin ce th e sta te has lim ited resou rces, th e central g o v e rn m e n t sh ou ld
su p p o r t th e sch em e.
Balika Sam ridhi Yojana Delay on th e part o f banks.
PRI fu n ction a ries d o n ot c o o p e r a te w ith th e im p lem e n tin g agen cy.
Im p lem en ta tion o f th e sc h e m e is lea d in g to o v erb u rd en in g th e ICDS
and a n ga n w a d i w orkers.
N eed to in crease th e a m o u n t o f post-birth gra n t from Rs 500 to Rs 2,000.
Balri Rakshak Yojana Lack o f pu blicity cam p a ign , p o o r p ro g ra m m e im plem en tation , lack o f
su fficien t atten tion and m o n ito rin g by th e health d ep artm en t.
Th e a m ou n t sp e n t u n der th e sc h e m e is m u ch less than th e m o n e y a llotted
by th e sta te gov ern m en t.
C h a n ge s in eligibility criteria n eed ed .
N eed to p o p u la rise th e sch em e.
Incen tives sh ou ld b e en h a n ced.
Very fe w b en eficia ries s o far
M ukhya Mantri Kanya A n ga n w a di w ork ers are n ot giv in g e n o u g h a tten tion to register th e
Suraksha Yojana right ben eficiaries.
M ore b en eficia ries ca n n o t b e en rolled d u e to sh o rta g e o f funds.
A m ou n t eligib le to th e b en eficia ry sh ou ld b e in crea sed substantially.
A n gan w adi w ork ers ask th e b en eficia ries for m o n e y to fill th e
a p p lica tion form s.
M any o f th e b en eficia ries have n o idea a b o u t th e sc h e m e and th ey are
so le ly d e p e n d e n t u p on th e a n ga n w a d i w orkers.
Block officials w e re c o lle ctin g m o n e y to p ro c e ss th e application .
P eriodic in cen tiv es m ay b e m o re attractive rather than giv in g o n e tim e
financial b en efit after a lon g gap.
M ukhya Mantri Kanya The p ro g ra m m e is n ot d em a n d -d riv en s o far.
Vivah Yojana Local officia ls g o in search o f b en eficia ries a ccord in g to th e b u d ge ta ry
allocation.
Th ere w a s c on sid era b le delay in receiv in g th e a m ou n t
D elay in o p e n in g an a ccou n t in th e bank.
Bribe paid to th e officials
64 April 28, 2012
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Suggestions
M inim ise th e con d ition s o f cash transfer.
Presently cash transfer for im m u n isation is giv en at six
sta ges. This can b e re d u ced to o n e sta g e (com p letion
o f full vaccination).
A p p oin t G rievan ce R edressal Officer.
In trodu ce in co m e criteria in ord er to b etter ta rge t th e
p ro g ra m m e to th e poor.
Issue g u id e lin e sfo r m o n ito rin g th e p rogra m m e.
Involve gra m p an ch a y ats in iden tify in g th e ben eficiaries.
Issue d irectio n s to th e bank s and p o st o ffic e s for o p e n in g
zero b a la n ce account.
Avoid delays in issu in g in suran ce b o n d s to th e beneficiary.
The con d ition s for u n d er g o in g sterilisation can b e relaxed.
A ction m ay b e taken a ga in st a n ga n w a d i w ork ers w h o
d em a n d b rib es for filling up th e registration form .
M easures m ay b e initiated to avoid d ela y in issu in g th e
LiC b on ds.
P roper verification o f d o cu m e n ts and m o n ito rin g to
avoid m isu se o f th e sch em e.
M easures m ay b e initiated in ord er to avoid dela y in th e
registration o f ben eficiaries.
PRIs sh ou ld b e in v olved in th e iden tifica tion o f th e
ben eficiaries.
B etter IEC c a m p a ig n s to crea te a w a ren ess a b o u t
th e sch em e.
N eed coo rd in a tio n b e tw e e n e d u ca tio n d ep a r tm en t
and ICDS for b etter im p lem e n ta tio n o f th e sch em e.
To avoid delay in registration d u e to lack o f d o cu m en ts,
p ro ced u r es m ay b e initiated to issu e certifica tes rega rd in g
birth and sc h o o l a tte n d a n ce in a h assle free m anner.
P roper m o n ito rin g o f th e p rogra m m e.
In crease th e incentive.
The in co m e criteria m ay b e in tro d u ced in ord er to ta rge t
th e p ro g ra m m e to th e p o o r and n eedy.
PRIs and th e urban local b o d ie s sh o u ld have a m a jor role
in th e iden tification and en ro lm e n t o f th e b en eficiaries.
M any sta te g o v e rn m e n ts d iscon tin u ed th e p ro g ra m m e after
th e cen tre s to p p e d a llotm en t o f funds.
Th e sc h e m e can b e taken up join tly by th e cen tre and
sta te go v ern m en ts.
To a ttract m o re b en eficiaries, th e sterilisation con d ition can
b e relaxed.
N eed for b etter pu blicity ca m p a ign s.
A m o n ito rin g m ech a n ism n e e d s to b e in place.
The a p p lica tion p ro ced u r e n e e d s to b e sim p lified (instead o f
civil su r g e o n at th e d istrict level, th e resp on sib ility can b e
given to th e low er level officials like taluk/block health officer).
N eed for an in crea se in th e a lloca tion o f funds.
C om pla in ts a ga in st a n ga n w a d i w ork ers and b lo ck level
officials n e e d to b e a d d ressed .
In corporate an addition al criterion that th e girl sh ou ld
rem ain u n m arried till 18 years.
Involve PRIs in p ro g ra m m e im p lem en tation .
M ore attractive financial a ssistan ce.
P assing o u t o f Standard 10 (m atriculation) can b e in clu d ed
as an eligibility con d ition to avail th e ben efit.
The delay in sa n ctio n in g th e a m ou n t n e e d s to b e a voided.
vol xlvii no 17 DDES Economic & Political weekly
Table 7: Problems in Implementation and Suggestions for Improvement (continued)
Name of the Scheme Limitations/Drawbacks
Kunw arbainu M am eru No evalu ation has b ee n d o n e to review th e p e rfo rm a n ce o f th e s c h e m e
S ch e m e sin ce 1995.
No m on itorin g m ech a n ism in place.
Indira Gandhi Balika Lack o f a d eq u a te publicity.
Suraksha Yojana No m on itorin g m ech a n ism in place.
M ukhyam antri P rob lem s in g e ttin g a g e certificate.
Kanyadan Yojana There w ere in sta n ces w h e re un der-a ged girls g o t m arried.
Girl Child P rotection In eligible ca n d id a tes are a d m itted into th e sch em e.
S ch e m e (GCPS) D ifficulties in g e ttin g d o cu m en ts.
No m on itorin g m ech a n ism in place
Source: Prepared by the author based on discussions with programme officials, NGOs and beneficiaries.
learning on providing and monitoring income transfers
closer to the point of impact (Prabhu 2009). In that sense,
the introduction of c c t s implies a formidable capacity devel­
opment challenge.
Reflections and Recommendations
These promotional schemes for the girl child could poten­
tially have far-reaching positive implications in enhancing
the value of a daughter within a family. Therefore financial
constraints should not come in the way of implementation of
such initiatives. The study discovered that the promise of
cash transfers provided a sense of security and instilled con­
fidence in these families to invest in their girls. Wherever
benefits were availed, to a large extent families ensured
birth registration, immunisation, school enrolment and de­
layed age of marriage of their daughters. It may be appropri­
ate to consider a proposal wherein both the centre and the
state governments jointly finance these schemes through im­
proved targeting and attractive incentives. Schemes aimed
at improving the value of the girl child and addressing the
decline in sex ratio may not meet these objectives in their
entirety if they target the b p l families alone. This could be
attributed to the adverse sex ratios across different economic
classes in the country. Majority have reflected on the need to
simplify the schemes to further enhance its usefulness and
thereby its reach too. For example, schemes such as the Dhan
Lakshmi and Bhagyalakshmi can be simplified for opera­
tional purposes by cutting down on the number of condition­
alities attached with various levels of immunisation and
school attendance. With every conditionality the beneficiar­
ies have to fulfil the documentation formalities to provide
the proof of fulfilment. Likewise, domicile certificate is man­
datory for many schemes and poor migrant families are
likely to be excluded from these schemes. Inflexibility in the
timing of joining the scheme is also a major deterrent for
availing benefits among the illiterate families. It was felt that
enhancing the cash incentives, simplifying the registration
procedures and perhaps minimising the number of condition­
alities would make these schemes more attractive. The multi­
plicity of outcomes expected to be achieved by a single
scheme, is likely to lead to a somewhat diffused focus in
achieving the original objective behind the provision of
Economic & Political weekly raiTOl a p r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17
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Suggestions
N eed to en h a n ce th e p re sen t in co m e limit.
E volve a m o n ito rin g p ro ced u re and gu idelin es.
N eed to p o p u la rise th e sc h e m e th rou gh b etter pu blicity
cam p a ign s, p ro p e r m o n ito rin g and h igh er incentives.
The eligibility criteria o f having n o m a le child at th e tim e
o f sterilisation can b e relaxed.
Th ere sh ou ld b e a con d ition that th e girl sh ou ld h ave p a sse d
at least stan dard 10 to avail th e ben efit.
T h orou gh verification is requ ired to avoid fake m arria ges and
child m arriages.
P roper verification to b e d o n e b e fo re issu in g th e certificates.
Evolve m on itorin g p roced u res.
incentives, i e, change in the perceived value of daughters in
the eyes of the family.
Though c c t s offer governments the scope to positively dis­
criminate in favour of girls, it is not clear how far c c t s have
led to a change in parental preferences and attitudes towards
their daughters. This desk review has helped to highlight the
operational challenges in the implementation of such
schemes. However, the effectiveness and impact of these ini­
tiatives towards ensuring desirability of daughters cannot be
absolutely established. An impact evaluation and an analysis
of beneficiary perspective would be undertaken in the sec­
ond phase of the study. An in-depth analysis would also help
in addressing certain unanswered questions on the percep­
tion of these families towards such schemes. Issues such as
perceptions regarding linkages between incentives and fam­
ily planning, differential incentives for the first and the sec­
ond daughter, marriage incentive and whether it helps to
value delayed marriage or only offsets marriage costs needs
to be explored. More importantly, such an analysis would
help establish whether c c t s could lead to a significant change
in the attitude towards daughters, in the long run.
REFEREN CES
Briere, B D L and L B Rawlings (2006): “ Examining Conditional Cash Transfer
Programmes: A Role for Increased Social Inclusion?” Social Protection
Discussion Paper; No 0603, Social Safety Net Primer Series, World Bank
Institute, Washington DC.
Fajth, G and C Vinay (2010): “ Conditional Cash Transfers: A Global Perspec­
tive”,MDG Insights,Issue No 1, February.
Government of India (2007): Girl Child in the Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-
2012), Working Group on Development of Children, Ministry of Women
and Child Development, New Delhi.
Government of Karnataka (2010): Ninth Round Sample Check on Selected Devel­
opmental Programmes - 2008-09, Directorate of Economics and Statistics,
Bangalore.
International Food Policy Research Institute (2002): Progresa: Breaking the Cyde
of Poverty, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington DC.
Prabhu, Seeta (2009): Conditional Cash Transfer Schemes for Alleviating
Human Poverty: Relevance for India, Discussion Paper No 1, United Nations
Development Programme - India, New Delhi.
Sekher, T V and Neelambar Hatti, ed. (2010): Unwanted Daughters: Gender
Discrimination in Modern India (Jaipur: Rawat Publications).
Sharma, R, R Goel and H Gupta (2003): “ Rajalakshmi - An Initiative for Improving
the Status of Girl Child in Rajasthan”
, The Journal ofFamily Welfare,49(T> 66-72.
Son, H H (2008): Conditional Cash Transfer Programmes: An Effective lool fo r
Poverty Alleviation?, Economics and Research Department, ERF Policy
Brief Series No 51, Asian Development Bank, Manila.
Srinivasan, S and A S Bedi (2009): “ Girl Child Protection Schemein Tamil
Nadu: An Appraisal” ,Economic & Political Weekly, XLIV (48), 10-2.
65
REVIEWOF WOMEN S STUDIES
Addressing Domestic Violence
within Healthcare Settings
The Dilaasa Model
PADMA BHATE-DEOSTHALI, T K SUNDARI RAVINDRAN, U VINDHYA
Women experiencing violence most often decide to
seek legal action only after the violence has escalated
and that too without having any documentary evidence.
The Dilaasa crisis centres at two public hospitals in
Mumbai since 2001 have been established out of the
recognition that the public health system is an
important site for the implementation of anti-domestic
violence intervention programmes. The crisis centres
therefore straddle both discourses of public health and
gender. The paper offers critical insights into the model
and its impact in terms of Usability to reach out to
women who are undergoing abuse and offer them
multiple services in one setting.
PadmaBhate-Deosthali (padma.deosthali@gmaiLcom) is with the
CEHAT, Mumbai. T K Sundari Ravindran (ravindrans@usa.net)
is with he Achuta Menon Centre for Health Science and Studies,
Thiruvaianthapuram. U Vindhya (u.vindhya@gmail.com) is with the
Tata Insttute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.
66
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T
his paper critically reflects on the Dilaasa model, a
health sector intervention for survivors of domestic vio­
lence. While the women’ s movement in India has been
engaged with the issue of domestic violence for over three dec­
ades now, with campaigns, legal advocacy and support/case
work being the predominant modes of engagement, violence
against women has not been seen as a public health concern.
This has been so, despite accumulation of evidence on the far-
reaching physical and mental health consequences of violence
of domestic violence (Jesani 2002; Bhate-Deosthali et al 2005).
The Dilaasa project - consisting of two public hospital based crisis
centres in Mumbai - represents the first such attempt in India to
work with the public health system. It was established through a
joint initiative of the Centre for Enquiry into Health and Allied
Themes (ceh at),1 a Mumbai-based non-governmental organisa­
tion ( n go ) and the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (bmc).
Originally established in a municipal hospital, K B Bhabha Hospi­
tal, Bandra in 2001, Dilaasa has since been replicated in three
more sites: another municipal hospital, K B Bhabha Hospital,
Kurla, Mumbai, at a medical college hospital in Indore and a
civil hospital in Shillong. The Mumbai-based crisis centres were
formally handed over by c e h a t to the staff of the b m c in 2006.
Since then, c e h a t has been providing mainly technical support,
and Dilaasa has been functioning as a project of the bm c.
The study is based on (1) an external evaluation of the
project carried out in 2010, and (2) an analysis of case records
of the centre from 2001 to 2006. The external evaluators
reviewed project documents such as annual reports, process
documentation of trainings, reports of the crisis centres, and
of the intervention research conducted; and carried out inter­
views with the staff of c e h a t responsible for the project and
the staff of the Bhabha hospitals at Bandra and Kurla. In addi­
tion, data from case records of survivors (2001-06) of the
Dilaasa crisis centre were analysed to understand their socio­
demographic profile, their entry into Dilaasa, and the type of
violence experienced by them.
This paper offers critical insights into the model and its
impact in terms of its ability to reach out to women who are
undergoing abuse and to offer women multiple services in one
setting. It makes the case for upscaling the model and for
bringing about changes in health policy to recognise the role
of health professionals and health systems in preventing
domestic violence and caring for survivors.
A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 ES2Z2 Economic & Political w e e k ly

1 Placing Dilaasa within the Women's Movement
“ When the women’ s movement burst forth onto the public
stage in the years following the Emergency, it did so most dra­
matically under the banner of ‘ violence against women’ ”(John
2008: 227). It was issues of rape and “ dowry deaths”that
galvanised formation of women’ s protest groups, bringing
violence against women as an issue into the public domain in
the 1970s. Internationally, the rise of the women’ s movement
in the 1960s brought to light this hitherto invisible problem,
which eventually led to its recognition as a major public health
issue and a violation of the human rights of women. Milestones
included the passing of the first resolution against violence
against women by the United Nations General Assembly in
November 1985; the formulation of “ Women’ s Rights as Human
Rights in 1993 with the adoption of the u n Declaration on the
Elimination of Violence against Women” ; and the appointment
of the u n Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women.
Since then, much has been done to gather evidence on the di­
mensions of the problem and to create awareness on the issue.
The Indian women’ s movement first drew public attention to
violence against women in the early 1980s when it organised a
campaign against the gender-biased judgment by the Supreme
Court in the case involving the rape of a young tribal girl,
Mathura, by policemen. The anti-rape struggle that began in
Mumbai with the establishment of the Forum against Rape in
1980 raised the issue of male violence for the first time in India
in addition to class and caste violence (Kumar 1993). The fol­
lowing decades witnessed agitations, mass campaigns, public
education, legal reform and advocacy to raise awareness about
domestic and sexual violence and eliminate them. Support
groups to provide help to individual women facing domestic
violence were started and services such as legal aid and shelter
homes were set up by autonomous women’ s groups and n g o s .
Legal strategies too were evolved such as the amendments to
laws on rape, the most significant being shifting the onus of
proof to the accused in cases of custodial rape; the amendment
made to Section 498A of the Indian Penal Code in 1983 that
formally recognised “ mental and physical cruelty to wives”as
a crime, the laws pertaining to dowry deaths and sati, the
Supreme Court guidelines for sexual harassment at the work­
place, and the introduction of the law criminalising sex-deter­
mination tests (Bhate-Deosthali et al 2005; Burte 2008).
Violence within the family drew serious attention through
dowry deaths or bride burning and later, the issue of battering.
It was also realised that women faced domestic violence that
were not necessarily related to dowry demands alone. Silence
and social stigma over the issue of domestic violence were
broken when women publicly fought against the abuse experi­
enced in the “ safe haven”of the home (Agnes 1990, 1992;
Kumar 1993; Burte 2008). The feminist slogan “ the personal is
political”was used to effectively demystify the “ private”space
of the home, making it possible for individual women to come
forward and share their agony and pain. The movement
brought to the fore the assertion that all women have the right
to violence-free lives and that domestic violence inhibits
women from realising their rights and full potential in all
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j - REVIEWOF WOMEN'SSTUDIES
aspects of their lives - in social, economic and political spheres.
The state also responded to the growing pressure created by
the sustained campaigns taken up by these groups on the issue
of violence. During the 1980s and 1990s, the establishment of
free legal cells, family counselling centres, family courts and
special cells at police stations initially formed in Mumbai, and
subsequently, in several places across the country, created many
spaces for victims of domestic violence. These have helped
individual women, and to a certain extent, sensitised the pub­
lic systems to respond to the issue of domestic violence.
In 2005, the landmark legislation, “ The Protection of
Women from Domestic Violence Act”(pw dva) was enacted,
making it the first significant law in India to recognise domestic
violence as a punishable crime, extending its provisions to
those in live-in relationships also, and to provide for civil
remedies such as emergency relief for the victims and ensur­
ing women’ s right to the matrimonial home, in addition to
legal recourse.
Defining domestic violence as “ any act that harms, injures,
endangers, the health, safety, life, limb or well-being of the
person or tends to do so” , p w d v a includes “ physical, sexual,
verbal, emotional abuse or intention to coerce her or any per­
son related to her to meet any unlawful demand for dowry or
any other property/valuable security”...[and] “ also have the
effect of threatening her or any person related to her”(pw dva,
2005). The act recognises public health facilities as service
providers and mandates that all women reporting after do­
mestic violence must receive free treatment and information/
appropriate referral to protection officers under the act. The
Act is the result of cumulative efforts made by women’ s move­
ment for a law that provides specific remedies for women ex­
periencing domestic violence, whereby they could approach
the state directly and get a protection order to stop violence in
the home without having to put the husband behind bars or
having to leave her matrimonial home to escape violence (Jaising
2002). Under the aegis of the Lawyers Collective that drafted
the bill, the implementation of this law too has been moni­
tored annually since it was passed and consistently drew
attention to the continuing challenges such as scarce budgets,
problems with nature of appointment of protection officers un­
der the law (contractual vs regular, independent charge vs
additional charge), lack of training of police and judges on the
law (Lawyers Collective and Women’ s Rights Initiative 2011).
While the women’ s movement’ s engagement with the prob­
lem of violence finds several forms, its interface with the
health system has been a complex one. In many instances the
women’ s movement has had to take an antagonistic stance
against the health system as, for instance, in its confrontation
against its role in the implementation of coercive population
policies, its lack of sensitivity in dealing with reproductive and
sexual health needs of women and the overall lack of gender
sensitivity within the system. At the same time, the move­
ment, in its attempts to sensitise the system, has highlighted
several lacunae in the existing health system, as for example,
drawing attention to the failure to document important
forensic evidence in the event of sexual assault, which severely
17 67
REVIEWOF WOMENS STUDIES
limits survivors’ability to attain justice. Working with the
health system becomes critical in the efforts to address domes­
tic violence against women for several reasons. Most often
women experiencing violence decide to seek legal action only
after the violence has escalated but they have no documentary
evidence to prove it. Health providers fail to document the
woman’ s history of victimisation as well as recent episodes of
violence, which are critical in divorce and criminal cases to
seek compensation. When women victims of violence present
themselves at the emergency room or other departments of
hospitals, they are usually treated for their physical symptoms
and no further probing is done. However, working closely with
the health system has not been among the strategies employed
by the women’ s movement in its struggle against gender-based
violence (Jesani 2002).
The Dilaasa centre, set up in 2001, seeks to address precisely
this gap. It has emerged out of the recognition that the public
health system is an important site for the implementation of
anti-domestic violence intervention programmes, for more
than one reason. Public hospitals are often the first contact for
survivors as violence of any form causes physical and/or psy­
chological trauma. Women survivors may or may not report to
domestic violence but will seek treatment. Furthermore, medi­
cal evidence forms important documentary evidence. There is
fairly extensive evidence that domestic violence has an impact
on women’ s health in myriad ways - both directly and indi­
rectly - and can lead to chronic debilitating conditions and
even death. Apart from injuries, disability, mental health con­
sequences of violence include feelings of anger and helpless­
ness, self-blame, anxiety, phobias, panic disorders, eating dis­
orders, low self-esteem, nightmares, hyper vigilance, height­
ened startle response, memory loss and nervous breakdowns.
Self-harming behaviour is also a serious consequence of
victimisation and includes refusal of food and drinking, suicide
ideation and attempts, and generally neglecting oneself and
one’ s health (who 2005; Campbell and Lewandowski 1997;
Heise et al 1994).
2 The Dilaasa Model
2.1 Dilaasa's Perspective on Domestic Violence
The ideological position guiding the Dilaasa project can be de­
scribed as twofold: (a) locating the importance of domestic vi­
olence as an issue within the larger societal context of gen­
dered inequalities and violence, and (b) pushing for recogni­
tion of domestic violence as a public health concern within the
medical context that is largely unresponsive to issues per­
ceived as falling beyond the medical purview. The Dilaasa
project, therefore, straddles both these discourse - of public
health and of gender - and represents an example of the con­
flation of the two, demonstrating its viability and achievability
in practice. The concept of public hospital-based crisis centres
is well-established globally, and lessons learnt from such cen­
tres in the United States, Malaysia and Philippines shaped the
conceptualisation of this project. In the context, in India,
which is presently witnessing weakening of national and local
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public institutions with the healthcare needs of those living in
urban low income settings getting marginalised despite a high
density of public and private healthcare providers and institu­
tions, Dilaasa’s venture is a modest attempt to plug this gap.
2.2 Organisational Structure and Mechanisms
Dilaasa was set up with the following strategic objectives:
(a) partnership of an ngo with the public health system,
(b) sensitisation of the public health system to domestic violence
and institutionalisation of domestic violence as a legitimate
public health concern, and (c) building the gender-sensitisation
capacity of the hospital staff.
The distinctiveness of this initiative lies in the fact that it
was conceptualised as a joint project in terms of human re­
sources and management. The team, consisting of profession­
als from cehat and the staff deputed by the public hospital,
was led by the medical superintendent of the hospital. All deci­
sions regarding the project on the policy or programme were
taken jointly by cehat and the hospital management, facilitat­
ing creation of a sense of ownership of the project among the
hospital staff.
Dilaasa was created as a department of the hospital so that
there could be clarity on the chain of command and decision­
making processes, and on the definition of roles of doctors,
nurses and social workers. Since the project director was the
medical superintendent of the hospital, it was possible for her
to make various systemic changes to integrate this programme
within the hospital setting. Her role in involving the hospital
staff unions, in deputing staff for training and subsequent
responsibilities, and in ensuring that other facilities and
resources were made available, proved to be vital to the con­
tinued functioning of the project. Within a few years, once the
concept was demonstrated and administrators and health pro­
viders were convinced that domestic violence was indeed an
important public health issue, an enhanced sense of owner­
ship of the project was seen from within the health system.
This attitude of the hospital staff is best demonstrated by the
fact that the replication of this centre was carried out by a core
group of another hospital out of a sense of deep concern for
women reporting at this hospital. Another hospital’ s core group
went beyond this and identified the poor management of sex­
ual assault and demanded support from cehat in improving
their response to the issue (Ravindran and Vindhya 2009).
3 Major Components o f the Model
The Dilaasa model comprises a public hospital-based crisis
centre for women which provides counselling services informed
by a feminist perspective to which women are referred from
within the hospital and from other health facilities. In its pur­
suit to provide comprehensive care at one place, Dilaasa liaises
with Majlis, a Mumbai-based legal services organisation for
legal support to Dilaasa clients; and with several shelters that
provide temporary or permanent shelter. Linkages with com­
munity-based organisations and/or mahila mandals too have
been established so that women coming to the centre could be
referred to them for local support and other needs if any. The
APRIL 28, 2012 VOL x l v i i n o 17 CEE3 Economic & Political w e e k ly

second major component of the model is training of health
providers and all other staff of the hospital.
3.1 Women's Referral to the Dilaasa Crisis Centre
Women are referred to the crisis centre not only from the casu­
alty, but also from the outpatient and inpatient departments.
This is because the casualty department deals mainly with seri­
ous injuries, and hence, could be tapping only a small propor­
tion of cases of violence. Cases coming to the outpatient de­
partment (opd) with less serious injuries could go unreported.
Doctors and nurses in all departments of the hospital have
been trained to ask screening questions and identify women
experiencing domestic violence. Women from o p d s are pro­
vided medical care, referred to casualty for medico-legal docu­
mentation and then referred to the crisis centre. If the woman
is admitted in the hospital, the counsellors are called to the
ward to speak to the woman concerned.
In addition, crisis centre staff visit the casualty department
everyday and make sure that all women registered as medico­
legal cases (m lcs) get the services of the centre. Referrals to
Dilaasa are also made from other hospitals and health facilities
of municipal corporation. Besides referrals, with increasing
publicity, women are now found to come on their own, after
having heard of the services provided by the centre.
Systems have been introduced to track the referral process.
The hospital’ s case sheet has been modified to stamp “ Referred
to Dilaasa”on the case sheets of women reporting injuries. The
hospital’ s management information system ( m is ) has been
modified to include a field in which casualty medical officers
can keep a daily record of women referred to Dilaasa. This
report is sent to the project director. When women present
themselves at the crisis centre, the counsellor first obtains the
woman’ s consent after explaining the services provided by
Dilaasa. An intake form is filled with details of the woman’ s as referring the woman to a shelter or finding a safe space with
socio-demographic characteristics and past history of violence.
This is followed by counselling.
3.2 The Counselling Process
There is a marked difference between the mindset of a woman
who steps into Dilaasa and another who may go to any other
counselling centre. A woman coming to Dilaasa has been
referred by a hospital staff when she comes to the hospital for
treatment and may not be prepared to talk about personal
issues, especially domestic violence. The time factor is another
distinguishing one which poses a challenge as women coming
to Dilaasa are rarely able to sit for more than 45 minutes unlike
other counselling centres where counselling sessions are long-
drawn. Their follow-up, therefore, depends on their first contact
with the centre. Dilaasa’ s counselling practice is embedded in a
strong feminist framework (Worell and Remer 2003).
Feminist counselling practice questions abuse; it provides
the necessary tools and strategies that equip women with
skills that facilitate healing and stop violence. While keeping
the individual’ s experience in focus, feminist counsellors strive
to provide a larger picture of how clients’ problems, fears, in­
securities, and negative self-cognitions are entwined with
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= ^ REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
patriarchal values and social constructions. This awareness,
coupled with an emerging voice and the skills to resist domi­
nant norms, allows clients to locate the source of their distress
not within themselves, but in the social context.
In addition to making connections between the personal
and the political, it is the creation of a space where women can
be heard with respect, sensitivity, genuineness, and without
being blamed. Women have overwhelmingly said that Dilaasa
indeed provided a non-threatening atmosphere which was
facilitated by counsellors, as revealed in the following excerpts
from interviews with the survivors.
I felt... like... I could share whatever problem I had with them and I
could get a direction, help from them for future, what I must do next.
...They [the counsellors] nicely heard everything I said. When they
were listening to me, thus, I also felt that I should tell them everything
that’ s happening with me. They also listened very well and explained
the steps ahead.
When two friends are talking, then they talk right from the heart. This
Dilaasa also makes you talk from your heart. I feel benefited by it.
I was very confident that all these things would remain confidential,
so I could talk freely (Counselling Impact Study 2004, c e h a t , unpub­
lished).
Safety assessment and planning form essential components
of counselling women facing domestic violence. In addition,
efforts to provide multiple sources in consonance with wom­
en’s needs are made as, for instance, there are referrals for medi­
cal help, preparation of a medico-legal statement and register­
ing of a police complaint if needed. The goals for counselling
are set up in consultation with the woman after an under­
standing of her expectations. An appointment for follow-up
counselling is fixed at the end of the counselling session.
Women who are afraid of returning home because of threat of
violence are admitted “ under observation”for a period of 24
hours, which allows time for working out the next steps such
relatives/friends. Extending her stay at the hospital also pro­
vides her necessary time and space to make a decision. Quality
control measures in place for counselling include case reviews
on a regular basis in the presence of an expert. The needs of
the woman user are at the centre of the functioning of the
crisis centre. Utmost importance is given to ensure the safety
of the woman user, to her healing, and adhering to the princi­
ple above all of “
doing no harm” .
3.3 Impact of Counselling
Interviews with survivors showed that they provided the most
positive feedback for the rapport the counsellors had been able
to establish with them and the counsellors’ability to make
them relax and open up. They appreciated that the counsellors
treated them with regard and without being condescending or
patronising; that they did not blame the woman for her prob­
lems; and that they validated the woman’ s experiences of abuse.
Till today I could not tell anybody what I had hidden in my mind that
how the people from my in-laws side are. They never allowed me to go
to the neighbours, not to any relatives nor even to my mother. That is
why I could not talk to anybody. I kept everything in my mind only.
After coming to Dilaasa and talking to [the counsellor], I opened up
69
REVIEWOF WOMEN S STUDIES =
my mind and told her everything and now my mind is relieved and I
feel my head has also cooled down. There are some incidents which
still make me cry when I remember them. But in that situation I think I
can come out.
I have suffered a lot and now onwards I have to be strong and carry on. I
have got three daughters. If I live in fear... for how many days can I live
fearing my husband? I have to face him so whatever I have to do should be
done with firm mind, at once... .1 have been suffering from this torture of
getting beaten for so many years. But now I cannot bear it any more. So I
am going to be strong and will not allow him to even touch me.
Now I have become very strong that I can talk. Fear has gone (Coun­
selling Impact Study 2 0 0 4 , c e h a t , unpublished).
While emotional support was the most frequently cited posi­
tive impact, the survivors also reported positive changes in
health status, more so in psychological well-being and less so
in physical health. They also reported changes in conscious­
ness - that women should not be blamed, should not accept
violence and that women are not fated to suffer silently.
I feel nice, w orry has reduced. I feel that somebody is there w ith me
[I feel] courage has come in me. I am not scared of anybody.
...After my marriage, my co-sister-in-law (Jethani) had told me that
women’s lives are like this only. We have to live like that! So that stuck
in my head. She had told me not to say anything back home, not to say
anything to my mother. That brings even more shame/defamation
(badnami). So that also stuck in my head. So I had never thought that
there exists any organisation where we can share our problems. But
now that I have discovered, I can now come here and open my heart...
It [the change in my thinking] is due to the fact that they [counsellors
at Dilaasa] explained things to me, that I have been able to move
ahead in life. Earlier I used to think, I have to live like this only but
now I do not think that way.
I felt it this way earlier, because all of them blamed me. ...M eaning
whatever I did they made me feel this way and they beat me. I felt like
this, ‘Yes, I have done something wrong.’ But later I thought, ‘No, I am
not wrong. I have not done anything wrong. They only forced things
[marriage] on me’.
...T ill my marriage I used to think that women must be wrong, they
are doing some mistakes. But now I know a woman is not wrong. So I
am sure that the violence I was facing was total injustice. I had not
committed any mistake why I should be blamed? I do not know about
other women. So the whole thing is wrong, unless she is pressurised a
woman w ill have no interest in spoiling the peace of the house (Coun­
selling Impact Study 2 0 0 4 , c e h a t , unpublished).
The intervention of Dilaasa in matters related to registering
of complaints with the police was also reported to be effective.
Women recognised the importance of registering complaints
with the police and of medico-legal documentation.
...It is for our safety also [to file n c and m lc ] . W hen there is nobody
then the help is available there only....Earlier I had no knowledge
about it (Counselling Impact Study 2 0 0 4 , c e h a t , unpublished).
Survivors also commented on the relevance of the model.
One gets two kinds of help - physical as w ell as mental. Here one
gets mental support that helps in increasing one’s self-confidence
and when one gets treatment for physical wounds, one must be
recovering fast.
Women in emergency receive treatment and services.
Medicines are provided, which saves cost and we do not have to travel
to another place for meeting lawyer and getting other help as every­
thing is available here.
The location provides more privacy, confidentiality and for women
who had restrictions on mobility or whose partners were suspicious, it
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was possible to come to the hospital (Counselling Impact Study 2 0 0 4 ,
c e h a t , unpublished).
However, women felt that counsellors’ suggestions for strat­
egies for the woman’ s safety - (e g, shouting aloud/moving out
of the house/holding the perpetrator’ s hand) were not very
practical and realistic. This was not necessarily because of the
counsellors’errors of judgment, but was more a reflection of
the dearth of options and resources for women in abusive rela­
tionships, particularly for women from low-income backgrounds.
Suggestions of temporary shelter were viewed as untenable. Ina­
bility of the crisis centre staff to undertake home visits was viewed
rather unfavourably since they felt this could have been an effec­
tive strategy to reduce/prevent further violence. Joint meetings,
the only intervention strategy used with abusers, were not fre­
quently employed by Dilaasa, but women’ s perception was that
counselling should focus also on the abusers.
The feedback provided also highlights major challenges
related to addressing domestic violence that are rooted in the
wider social context. These include deeply-entrenched and
negative beliefs about women, those living alone, the lack or
dearth of shelter and economic resources for women, the in­
sensitivity of agencies such as the police to the issue of domes­
tic violence, the inability of crisis centres to function as one
stop solutions for women in distress:
They [the counsellors] said they w ill arrange for my stay somewhere.
But in Mumbai one cannot get any place. So for many years I have
been staying w ith my husband for the house only. I am not at all im ­
portant to him. The room is in his name ...Only for one man we four
souls are suffering (Counselling Impact Study 2 0 0 4 , c e h a t , unpub­
lished).
It may not be within the scope of individual crisis centres to
find solutions to all these challenges, and a much larger effort
is needed to bring about changes in social perceptions, policies
and to in crease investm ents in interventions to prevent and
address domestic violence.
3.4 Training
Domestic violence has not been addressed as a public health
concern even within the medical and other health professional
curriculum, training and practice in medical settings. Conse­
quently, medical staff in hospitals are neither equipped nor
sensitised to the issue, posing a major barrier to running an
effective crisis centre. Detection of injuries arising from
domestic violence against women, providing treatment and
referrals to other related services such as counselling and legal
aid are all steps that need to be undertaken by medical staff
but these are seldom done. The dominant perception of health
professionals is of domestic violence as a “ personal issue”and
not within the domain of health and illness. The training mod­
ules for Dilaasa are designed based on this assessment of the
dominant view. The training prototype created by Dilaasa,
aims to build the capacity of hospital staff and systems to ade­
quately, sensitively and appropriately respond to the health
needs of victims and survivors of domestic violence. A two­
pronged training strategy was adopted, involving intensive
training for a “core group”within each hospital; and coverage
Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 EEE9 Economic & Political weekly

of all hospital staff to orient them to domestic violence as a
gender and public health issue as well as essential messages on
the role of health providers. The training was found to be most
effective when staff of the hospital or the “core group of train­
ers”conducted training for the rest of the staff. This facilitated
recognition by hospital staff of Dilaasa as their own pro­
gramme, and not as an n g o activity foisted from outside. The
core group was encouraged to become an inhouse team that
owned the project, had imbibed the perspective of the project,
acted as advocates within and outside the hospital for the
project and was responsible for preparing training modules
and training of all hospital staff. Active participation of male
doctors as core group members and key trainers is an impor­
tant ingredient in the success of the training. Gender-based
violence does not get relegated as a “ women’ s activity”
, but
gets acknowledged as a public health concern because of the
participation of male professionals. Ongoing inputs are pro­
vided for core groups to enhance their perspectives and skills,
for example, on topics such as improving quality of care and
patient rights.
Steps have been taken to institutionalise training through
the formation of a training cell for bmc, with experienced
members from core groups of different hospitals. The training
cell would eventually be responsible for planning and running
regular training sessions for orientation and for updating
knowledge and skills. The module for orientation of all hospi­
tal staff, developed by the core group has similar objectives
and topics as the core-group’ s training. The methods used vary
according to the comfort level and skills of the core group of
trainers. A three-hour orientation was conducted for all staff
of the hospital. Following this, the follow up training sessions
were also conducted to build skills for screening and gain
deeper understanding into domestic violence and its causes.
Inclusion of various cadres of hospital staff in the core group is
an imperative, and 100% coverage of all hospital staff with
orientation training is aimed for.
3.5 Design o f Training
The training process and content were planned with a view to
perspective-building, as well as developing knowledge and
skills for screening women experiencing domestic violence
and for counselling. Using a participatory methodology, with
concepts explained through stories, individual and group ex­
ercises and case studies, the emphasis was on understanding
domestic violence as an issue of power and control rather than
only looking for symptoms and providing medical care. This
also helped health providers to identify various forms of
domestic violence and its possible health consequences.
The training content was packaged to fit into the busy
schedule of the public hospital without compromising on qual­
ity and weakening its impact on trainees. The training of core
group was an intensive exercise that involves high quality
inputs from experts in the field and this requires at least eight
full days of training. At first this seemed impossible. Staff
could not be pulled out of the hospital routine even for a day at
a time. The training was conducted over a period of eight
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
months with one day of training every month. While doing
this, it was ensured that a large group was selected to partici­
pate in the trainers’ training, to allow for a substantial attrition
due to transfer or workload. Forty members were trained at
Bhabha Hospital in Bandra and a team of 12 key trainers even­
tually emerged.
If the training of core group was a challenge, the orientation
was even more so. The training had to be conducted without
disturbing any of the hospital functions and so the training
duration could be only two to two and a half hours. At times
these sessions were reduced to only one hour. In such times,
the trainers had to rely on their training skills and creativity in
changing methods, using posters to role plays to skits to sus­
tain the interest and involvement of the trainees. The training
workshop usually started immediately after the outpatient
services were over. The orientation training was compulsory
for all hospital staff, and participants were deputed for train­
ing by their departments, with the option of stating that they
were “ unwilling”to go for training. Most staff members chose
not to offend their superiors, so “ unwillingness”was rare.
3.6 Barriers Faced
Since medical training does not orient professionals to be
interested in the social dimensions of health problems, most
health professionals come with a view that domestic violence
is an issue that does not concern them. To make an impact on
such participants through mandatory training sessions of
about three to six hours in total is a formidable task. Another
issue is that every year there are some new staff joining the
hospital and orientation sessions have to be organised for
them. So the task is a never-ending one. This is clearly demon­
strated by the fact that c e h a t has invested in training of 88
staff as trainers but there are only 49 members currently in the
training cell. The ongoing training of core group members and
sustaining a core group in the hospital despite transfers/
promotions/workload requires lot of perseverance.
Getting resident medical officers (rmos) and interns to at­
tend the training is difficult. Their posting in the hospital is
only for a short period, but they are an important group to be
trained because it is they who actually manage the opds. The
introduction to Dilaasa was therefore included in their regular
orientation to the hospital. This ensured that all batches of
doctors were introduced to Dilaasa as one of the several
departments of the hospital.
3.7 Impact of Training
The impact of training was assessed by the evaluators through
a group discussion with a select group of health providers at
the two hospitals and also members of the training cell con­
ducted by the evaluators. From this discussion where the eval­
uators asked the group to reflect on the impact the training
had on them, it emerged that the key trainers seemed to be
convinced that domestic violence against women is indeed a
public health issue, and that addressing domestic violence is
a part of a health provider’ s responsibility. More than one
person could articulate with clear arguments why this was so,
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REVIEWOF WOMENS STUDIES
citing examples from within the hospital. Some illustrative
themes and excerpts from this discussion are presented here:
Making a Difference: “
If only I had spoken to her, if only I had
referred her to Dilaasa (from another hospital)” . This state­
ment was made by a trainer referring to how she had been
personally shaken up when a woman who had repeatedly
appeared at the op d complaining of headaches was admitted
later after she had made a suicide attempt consuming poison.
Luckily, the woman survived the suicide attempt and the
healthcare provider got involved with Dilaasa activities. Key
trainers were convinced that Dilaasa was a valuable interven­
tion and a worthy cause. For example, by providing a space for
the women to ventilate their distress, health providers were
able to detect suicidal ideation and prevent suicides. The staff
reported that they felt good about being able to make a small
difference in the lives of the women who approached them for
help. Some observed that another positive feature of the centre
was that currently Muslim women who formed a sizeable
population in the catchment area of the two hospitals were
also accessing the services of the centre. By rendering itself
accessible (through its publicity materials distributed in the
neighbourhoods nearby and placed in several places in the
hospital, and through word of mouth), the centre was thus
able to remove a key barrier to access to healthcare by specific
socially and economically disadvantaged groups.
The casualty record keeper told the evaluators that it was
only after the establishment of Dilaasa and the training that
hospital staff realised that they can do something to help
women survivors of domestic violence. He said that the Dilaasa
department was playing a very useful role. “ Now we can give
them moral support. Awareness of staff has increased.”He
said that because of the training, medical officers have begun
writing the exact identity of the assaulter in the m lc register,
rather than just mention whether it was assault by known or
unknown person. They have started referring the women
and stamp the register saying “ referred to Dilaasa”. He added
that women experiencing violence also came to other opds,
often repeatedly, and because of the training, doctors and
nurses were able to refer them to Dilaasa. When asked of what
use was this to the women, he said “ Women are confident that
the hospital people understand their problem and are willing
to help”.
Recognition in the Hospital: One person said that the train­
ing gave her a lot of confidence, and inspired her because it
was an opportunity to be a “ part of something different, some­
thing socially worthwhile” . Others mentioned that the train­
ing contributed to growth at a personal level. One trainer said
that when someone went beyond the call of duty to be involved
in work such as Dilaasa training, s/he usually earned the
respect of his/her colleagues.
Setting an Example: Two key trainers explained how they
sought to inspire the trainees in the orientation. One said that
he tapped on every person’ s desire to help others, and to be
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exceptional, do something extra over and above regular duties
as hospital staff. Another said that when trainees realised that
their behaviour with patients could have been more sensitive,
and it was within their capacity to help women in distress,
they became convinced of the need for Dilaasa and were ready
to do their part in the process. A matron explained how she
would discuss with trainees about how to make time within
their busy schedule to talk to women who had been admitted
after attempting suicide, and how just a few minutes of talking
to a woman in distress could make a big difference to her well­
being and safety.
A casualty medical officer who had recently attended an ori­
entation training was able to list all the major steps related to
what a health provider should do to help a woman survivor of
domestic violence. This is a pointer to the level of internalisa­
tion of the issue by the staff. This medical officer also empha­
sised the need for screening women beyond the casualty
department, because a significant proportion of women pre­
sented with signs and symptoms other than assault or injury.
He believed that the Dilaasa department in his hospital was
performing an important task. It appears from these excerpts
that the orientation trainings had played an important role in
sensitising the hospital staff and increasing ownership of the
Dilaasa project.
3.8 Strategies to Integrate Dilaasa within
the Hospital System
It was realised early on in the project that training sessions
alone were not enough to change the everyday practice of
health professionals. Even if they participated wholeheartedly
in the training and agreed that health professionals had a role
in helping women survivors of violence, they often found this
difficult to practice. Over the years several efforts were made
to facilitate the health providers’task in order to translate the
training and sensitisation into practice.
A department-specific list of signs and symptoms was pre­
pared as a tool to guide screening of women by doctors from
several departments. Ongoing discussions and regular interac­
tions were held with health service providers in the different
departments to reinforce the need for screening. In addition,
Dilaasa team members (and subsequently, hospital staff)
actively screened women in inpatient wards. This also served
to demonstrate how-to-screen for domestic violence to the staff,
especially nurses. The medical superintendent/project direc­
tor of Dilaasa made it mandatory for casualty medical officers
to report on the numbers they referred and those that they did
not refer to Dilaasa. The Dilaasa team followed-up this list to
track doctors who usually failed to refer and to have a dialogue
with them on referring women to Dilaasa for counselling.
Efforts were also made to publicise Dilaasa within other
health facilities and in the community by putting up posters
about Dilaasa in all opds within the two hospitals where the
crisis centres were established, and in all peripheral hospitals,
maternity homes and health posts; conducting poster exhibi­
tions once a month in different opds of Bhabha Hospital, Bandra
and organising meetings in the communities served by this
A p r i l 2 8 , 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 ™ Economic & Political w e e k ly

hospital in collaboration with n g o s working in these communi­
ties. All these efforts have been instrumental in increased referral
by hospitals, direct access by survivors and acceptance of do­
mestic violence as a public health issue by the hospital system.
4 Effectiveness of Public Hospital-based Crisis Centre
4.1 Evidence from Case Records
Dilaasa offers some important lessons on the suitability of a
public hospital as the setting for a crisis centre. This section is
based on the evaluation as well as analysis of case records of
1,357 survivors who accessed services from 2001 to 2006.
REVIEWOF WOMENS STUDIES
what they should do and 7% wanted financial support.
Amongst those who articulated a specific expectation, most
wanted help from the centre to stop violence in some way,
threaten the abuser, call for a joint meeting, “ tell him to
improve” , and so on. It is important to understand this
against the fact that most of the women may be speaking
out for the first time. When women find it difficult to even
label and state their ongoing experience as violence, it is
understandable that most of them may not have specific
expectations. It, therefore, poses a challenge for the centre
as the first contact becomes most critical in order to reach
out to women.

4.2 Survivor Profile 4.5 Type o f Complaint Reported by Survivors

Since public hospitals are used largely by people from the Around two-thirds (62%) of the women registered at Dilaasa
lower socio-economic strata, the survivor profile of Dilaasa too who had come to the hospital for treatment of a health com­
indicates a similar picture. On an average 250 women regis­ plaint, were screened for violence and referred to the crisis
tered each year in one hospital (Bhabha Hospital, Bandra) and centre for counselling. Thirty-eight per cent of the women
70 per year in Bhabha Hospital, Kurla which is fairly smaller came directly to Dilaasa for counselling services with no
with limited clinical departments and operates only for two specific health complaint.
days a week. These numbers are significantly large when com­ Amongst those reporting health complaints, 31% reported
pared to the numbers accessing counselling centres located in an assault, 16% had attempted suicide, 13% came for some
non-health settings in India that are said to register less than medical complaint and were referred to the crisis centre.
100 women in a year.2 Table 1 depicts the number of women Seven were instances of homicide, and three women reported
accessing the services of the two crisis centres. rape (Table 2). The women who were admitted in hospital
Table 1: Number of Women Counselled The centre is accessed after an attempted suicide were categorised by the hospital as
at Dilaasa Crisis Centres (2001-08) by large number of young “accidental poisoning” . As a result of active screening by
Year Crisis Centre 1 Crisis Centre 2
women. More than a third counsellors and nurses, it was realised that these were actually
2001 82 Not opera tion a l (36%) of the survivors dur­ cases of attempted suicide following experience of violence.
2002 185 Not opera tion a l
ing 2001-08 were in the The family had misreported it because of fear of legal pro­
2003 257 N ot opera tion a l
age group 18-25 years and ceedings. Medical com- Table 2: Type of Health Complaint Reported
2004 319 Not opera tion a l
40% were aged 26-35 plaints mainly included by Survivors at the Time of Referral
2005 264 Not opera tion a l Number PerCent
2006 250 80 years. Two per cent of sur­ reproductive health com­
A ssault 426 31
2007 221 80 vivors were less than 18 plaints (50 women),
A ttem p ted su icid e 207 15
2008 233 90 years old. Those women mental health complaints
M edical com p la in ts* 169 13
Source: Case records of Dilaasa 2001 -08. who were below 30 years (37 women), and ortho­
A ssault and a tte m p te d su icid e 16 1
appear to be most affected by domestic violence; these women paedic complaints (23 M edical com p la in ta n d assault 13 1
also come to the hospital for pregnancy, delivery and contra­ women). Eight per cent H om icid e 7 1
ceptive services and for healthcare for their young children. were pregnant when they R ape 3 0
Therefore, if there is routine screening and referral of all sought Dilaasa services. No health com p la in t 516 38

women who attend the hospital, there is scope for reaching out Besides them, 52% of Total 1,357 100

to women at a much earlier stage of the onset of violence than
would be possible through a stand-alone crisis centre which
women have to voluntarily come to.
4.3 Type of Violence Reported
Emotional violence was reported by almost all women (96%),
while 82% reported physical violence. About 71% reported
financial violence and 42% of the women reported sexual vio­
lence. Fifteen per cent of those reporting financial violence
reported that there were dowry demands. Of those reporting
sexual violence, 67% reported marital rape.
4.4 Expectations o f Survivors
Forty per cent of survivors wanted information on rights: they
wanted to know what their rights are, 25% wanted advice on
the married women re­ *The medical complaints included reproductive
health complaints (50), psychiatric complaints (37),
ported that they had orthopaedic complaints (23), BP/heart (8),
faced violence during TB/asthma (12), weakness (13) and other 15.
pregnancy. Although they were likely to have come in con­
tact with health professionals for pregnancy-related care,
they were not screened for domestic violence.
4.6 Referral Path
More than half (56%) the survivors were referred to the crisis
centre by health professionals. While 32% of these came from
casualty, 26% were screened in wards, 20% were referred by
staff from various levels of the hospital. Eleven per cent came
from the o p d and 3% from the inpatient departments, 8% came
from other hospitals or were referred by community health vol­
unteers employed by bm c. Ten per cent (10%) of the women

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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
came to Dilaasa after seeing the project’ s posters or pamphlets.
These have been put up in all departments of the hospital as
well as distributed to other municipal hospitals. The promo­
tional material is also distributed to all patients and their fami­
lies. This works in many different ways, survivor may read it
and come to the centre, a family member - father or brother -
may read about it and bring the survivor, reading the poster may
encourage the survivor to speak out about abuse to the doctor
and nurse which may result in a referral.
4.7 Number o f Years o f Violence before Detection
by Health Professionals
The presence of a crisis centre within a public health facility
coupled with active screening by health professionals facili­
tates the early detection of domestic violence, because women
who approach it for a health concern are referred to the crisis
centre. One-third of the women who sought services had faced
violence for less than two years. More than 50% women were
able to reach within six years of abuse. A significant propor­
tion (70%) of women who sought services within one year was
screened by health professionals (Figure 1).
Figure 1: Referral to Centre and Years of Abuse
120
Others Self Health system
100
80
60
40
Less than
■ ■ ■ ■
1-2
.
3 -6 6-10 10-14
1 year years years years years
Another important indicator of early detection of violence is
the fact that for many women Dilaasa is the first formal agency
that they have approached. Sixty per cent of the women had
never been to the police, while 40% had approached police
before coming to Dilaasa. These were largely women who
reported to Dilaasa after assault or had come to the centre
directly. These were also women who had faced abuse for
more than four to five years.
5 Challenges and the Way Forward
The model and experience of Dilaasa demonstrates that public
hospitals are indeed an important site for setting up crisis
intervention services dealing with domestic violence and can
play a critical role in providing services to women facing such
violence. Due to its location in a public hospital, it is accessible
to a large number of women, especially those from the mar­
ginalised groups. The trained staff are able to see the signs of
domestic violence amongst their patients and thus identify
abuse at an earlier stage. The location also makes follow-up
easier for women as they can come on the pretext of a hospital
visit. However, it represents an intervention that is possible
only at the secondary and tertiary level of healthcare system.
As it is not integrated with the other levels, follow-up care is
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constrained as there is no way to reach women until they come
back. It also relies on the commitment (often voluntary) of the
hospital staff to take on the tasks of training and referral in the
absence of a clear policy statement. It may have expanded to
several hospitals, but it rests on the commitment of the admin­
istrator and staff of that facility.
The consequences of violence on the health of women are
recognised in the definition of domestic violence itself given in
the p w d v a . The Act also mandates a clear role for health facili­
ties and health professionals that includes identification, pro­
viding information, documentation and referral. However, the
health departments have till date not issued any government
resolution or circular in this regard which is a serious lacuna
as the health system is the first contact for any survivor of vio­
lence. In their fourth monitoring and evaluation report on the
p w d v a , 2005, Staying Alive, 2010, the Lawyers Collective
notes the role health facilities can and should play citing Di­
laasa as an example. It is important that this is followed by the
necessary policy directions from the central and state health
departments. Such a government order or policy on the role of
health providers and health facilities in responding to domes­
tic violence will ensure that health managers, administrators
and doctors take this seriously.
There is a need to start similar crisis centres in public health
institutions all over India and the following are our recom­
mendations:
•Crisis centres can be ideally located within secondary hospi­
tals (200 plus beds) with a casualty department in cities or
district/rural hospitals more than 60 beds with casualty. Such
More than
hospitals are large enough to have sufficient workload without
the bureaucratic hurdles of a medical college hospital.
•Crisis centres can be created as separate departments within
14 years
a hospital setting. If this is not feasible, they could he placed
under the social work department or the nursing department
- both of which have “ caring”function within health facilities.
Locating it as a part of a clinical department would be a mis­
take since it would medicalise the issue. If there is no other
option, the department of obstetrics and gynaecology is
another possible site to locate the crisis centre. It is important
that the crisis centre is integrated into the routine functioning
of the health facilities rather than an add-on service. All levels
of staff can play significant roles, and, therefore, they should
be trained for enhancing their respective roles.
•Training of in-service personnel in domestic violence (and
other issues) should become part of the health system func­
tions, recognised as a vital activity, have dedicated staff and
an adequate budget, and carried out in a systematic and
methodical manner. Training cells such as the one in b m c may
be constituted with members from “ core groups”of hospitals
with crisis centres. These training cells would be valuable
resources for training other health professionals. People from
health departments are likely to be more receptive to hear
from their own ilk.
•In addition, social workers or their equivalent in all health
facilities with crisis centres should be trained in the pers­
pective as well as skills required in order to provide feminist
APRIL 28, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 17 nr!?! Economic & Political weekly

counselling to women facing domestic violence. They can play
a critical role in responding to immediate needs and preventing
further abuse and harm.
•Since women experiencing domestic violence may access a
public health facility at any level, there should be an integrated
system of screening and referral. At the primary care level,
auxiliary nurse midwives and medical officers may be trained
to screen and refer; at the secondary level, counselling serv­
ices as well as referral to legal and other resources may be pro­
vided. Initiatives to address domestic violence within health­
care settings would, therefore, have to systematically engage
with different levels of the healthcare system.
•While one cannot underscore the importance of training of
in-service professionals, it is critical that efforts be made to influ­
ence medical and nursing educators/educational institutions and
students to integrate violence against women into the curricu­
lum, so that those newly entering the system have some exposure
to the issue. At the same time, training on the new domestic vio­
lence law could form part of continuing medical education so that
medical professionals are made aware of the law and their role.
• Dilaasa has produced guidelines on the role of health
professionals in addressing domestic violence against women.
REVIEWOF WOMENS STUDIES
These guidelines could inform health sector policies related to
domestic violence and also be endorsed by professional asso­
ciations. Carrying out a sustained media campaign on domes­
tic violence as a public health issue, and on the role of crisis
centres based in public health facilities in providing support to
women survivors of domestic violence would go a long way in
influencing policymakers, health professionals, women and
society at large.
To conclude, while efforts such as providing services to indi­
vidual women survivors in the public hospital setting may
seem depoliticised, and a departure from the original advo­
cacy campaigns and political aims of the women’ s movement,
the problem remains of what is to be done when an individual
woman in distress seeks help. There is dearth of spaces where
women experiencing domestic violence can receive empa-
thetic support, where their experiences are validated and they
are not blamed for the violence perpetrated against them, fol­
lowing principles of feminist counselling. While campaigns
and advocacy are essential for eliminating domestic violence,
there is a need to underscore the importance of such spaces
and services for women in abusive relationships to rebuild
their lives and well being.

NOTES_____________________________________
1 CEHAT is the research centre of Anusandhan
Trust engaged in health research and policy
advocacy on right to health and healthcare.
2 Documentation of counselling practices across
the country (22 such services) indicates that
other centres receive less than 70-75 women
per year (Bhate-Deosthali, Prakash and Rege,
Feminist Counselling Practices in Domestic Vio­
lence, forthcoming).
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Agnes, Flavia (1990): My Story - Our Story of Re­
building Broken Lives (Mumbai: Majlis).
- (1992): Journey to Justice: Procedures to be Fol­
lowed in a Rape Case (Mumbai: Majlis).
Bhate-Deosthali, Padma, Prakash and Rege (forth­
coming): Feminist Counselling Practices in
Domestic Violence.
Bhate-Deosthali, Padma, Purnima Maghnani and
Seema Malik (2005): Establishing Dilaasa:
Documenting the Challenges (Mumbai: CEHAT).
Burte, Aruna (2008 ): Breaking the Culture of
Silence, Uniting to Fight Domestic Violence
(Mumbai: CEHAT).
CEHAT (2004 ): “Counselling Impact Study: Draft
Report” (Mumbai: CEHAT).
Campbell, J and L Lewandowski (1997): “Mental
and Physical Health Effects of Intimate Partner
Violence on Women and Children”, Psychiatric
Clinics of North America, 20 (2): 353-74-
Heise, L, J Pitanguy and A Germaine (1994):
“Violence against Women: The Hidden Health
Burden”, World Bank Discussion Papers; 255
(Washington DC: The World Bank).
Jaising, I (2002): Campaign for a Civil Law on
Domestic Violence 2002 : Update and Briefing
Note (New Delhi: Lawyers Collective).
Jesani, Amar (2002): “Violence against Women:
Health Issues Review of Selected Indian
Works”, Samyukta: A Journal of Women’ s Studies,
2 (2): 57-73-
John, M, ed. (2008 ): Women’ s Studies in India:
A Reader (New Delhi: Penguin Books).
Kumar, R ( 1993): The History of Doing: An Illustrated
Account of Movements for Women’s Rights and
Feminism in India 1800-1990 (New Delhi: Kali
for Women).
Lawyers Collective and Women’s Rights Initiative
(2011): Staying Alive, Fifth Monitoring and
Evaluation 2012 on the Protection of Women
from Domestic Violence Act 2005 , New Delhi.
Ravindran, S and U Vindhya (2009 ): External Eval­
uation Report of Dilaasa (unpublished).
WHO (2005): Multi-country Study on Women’ s
Health and Domestic Violence against Women:
Initial Results on Prevalence, Health Outcomes
and Women’ s Responses, WHO, Geneva.
Worell, J and P Remer (2003 ): Feminists Perspec­
tives in Therapy: Empowering Diverse Women
(New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons).

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 REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
Beyond Feminine Public Altruism
Women Leaders in Kerala's Urban Bodies
J DEVIK A , B IN IT H A V T H A M P I
The rapidly changing urban scenario seems to have
important implications for gendering governance in
Kerala. Thus, besides the different histories mediated by
caste and community, the spatial location of women
leaders in local governance appears to be of central
importance in shaping their agency. This article which is
based on the research about women leaders in local
governance in Kerala in 2005-10 explores the extent to
which success in local governance allowed these
women entry into politics and gave them a greater
presence within the public life. Generally it is seen that
successful women leaders are often the bearers of a
specific form of power that has been historically
associated with the deployment of sentiment and affect,
and ideal femininity, and that such power is understood
to be crucial to local governance as well. However, an
entirely different picture emerged from this study on
women leaders of urban governance. Besides gentle
power, successful women attribute their success equally
to knowledge - of official norms and procedures.
J Devika (devika@cds.ac.in) is w ith the Centre for Development Studies,
Thiruvananthapuram and Binitha V Thampi ( binithavthampy@google.
mail.com) is w ith the Indian Institute of Technology, Chennai.
76
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T
he 33% reservation offered to women in local bodies
has certainly provided women in Kerala with a major
opportunity to enter politics and public life since the
mid-1990s. There was much hope about the empowering ef­
fects this would produce in the national debate as well, strong
enough to convince sceptics (Ghosh and Lama-Rewal 2005: 7).
For instance, Susheela Gopalan of the Communist Party of India
(Marxist) (cpi(m)), well known for her efforts to organise women
and women workers, remarked in an interview in 1999 thus:
Initially I was against reservations but today there is no option.. .when
women become Panchayat members they acquire earning capacity
and become independent.. .They develop confidence and can be
trained as potential candidates for Assembly and Parliamentary elec­
tions in the future (Kumari and Kidwai 19 99 : 163- 64 ).
Has women’ s participation in local governance delivered on
this promise? Our research on women leaders in local govern­
ance in Kerala in the 2005-10 term was mainly driven by
this basic question (Devika and Thampi, forthcoming).1 We
focused on “ successful”women leaders - those who have not
only gained goodwill in their local communities, but also
converted this into durable support, evident in their ability to
return to power in later terms - and this choice was deliberate.
The reasons why women fail in leadership positions are rela­
tively better explored than the reasons for their success. We
feel that it is necessary to ask questions of the nature of
“ success”itself. It is too readily assumed that women’ s success
implies the decline of entrenched patriarchal gender norms.
As we were increasingly convinced in the course of our inter­
viewing, in the present case, success is often contingent on
women leaders’ conformity to entrenched gender norms, which
are not entirely disempowering, but part of a “ patriarchal
bargain”(Kandiyoti 1988: 274-90).
In Kerala, we found that successful women leaders are often
the bearers of a specific form of power linked to the deployment
of sentiment and affect which has been associated with
an ideal femininity since the late i9th-early 20th centuries
(Devika 2007). The same form of power has also been pro­
jected as crucial for the smooth functioning of local govern­
ance. This is perhaps only to be expected in a society in which
women are most often directed towards the domestic and the
sentimental as true domains of femininity which they may le­
gitimately claim, and from which they may derive resources to
make sense of and deal with the world in general. However,
besides “ gentle power” , successful women attribute their suc­
cess equally to knowledge - of official norms and procedure,
Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 DECS Economic & Political weekly

which is certainly not associated with sentiment and affect, but
with the rule of the state, clearly beyond sentimental considera­
tions. This advantage arises from the superior level of education
that women in Kerala often possess, and their practical experi­
ence of working in government institutions, often in positions
of leadership, such as that of the school headmistress or gov­
ernment official. Thus, it appears that the ground has been set
for the flourishing of a certain “ feminine public altruism”which
draws upon new elite gender norms, remains largely subservi­
ent to bureaucratic norms and rules, and rings quite differ­
ently from the militant class politics of the mid-to-late 20th
century Kerala. It was, however, clear from our research that
both these bring at best ambiguous and partial gains. Not only
is maintaining the dividing line between “ genteel”and “ docile”
behaviour tedious, it also traps women leaders in the role of
welfare distributors, and undermines their emergence as
leaders of local politics and development, besides making
them overdependent on rules and norms. The elite moorings
of “ gentle power”were also evident from its relatively poor
availability to dalit women.
However, an entirely different picture emerged from our
interviews with women leaders of urban governance. The
rapidly changing urban scenario seems to have important
implications for gendering governance in Kerala. In our inter­
views, we observed that besides the different histories medi­
ated by caste and community, the spatial location of women
leaders in local governance was crucial in shaping their
agency. Indeed, as Mary John (2007: 3986-95) remarks, the
study of women leaders in urban governance may perhaps
yield better insight into questions about women’ s entry into
and access to political power.
Urbanisation and Urban Governance in Kerala
Political decentralisation in Kerala in the mid-1990s coincided
with a spurt in urbanisation. The pace of urbanisation in Ker­
ala over the 20th century has been consistent but one of the
slow est in India, rising from 7.11% in 1901 to 18.78% in 1981
(Sreekumar 1993: 27). Metropolises were absent; agricultural
and trading activities dominated the urban economic environ­
ment (ibid: 58). Urban areas here were better dispersed spa­
tially, leading to a “rurban”pattern of settlement (ibid: 73-74).
However, this pattern was changing since the late 1980s, accel­
erating in the 1990s and after. Heightened urbanisation is linked
to the inflow of remittances from the Gulf which fuelled con­
sumption, leading to service-sector-led growth, the boom in
the house construction sector, which has hiked the demand for
real estate (Gopikuttan 1990: 2083-88; Sooryamoorthy 1997;
c d s 2005:44). Added to these was the emerging post-liberalisa­
tion national context which generated an intense thrust to­
wards reshaping the city-spaces throughout the country, in
which the prospective arrival of globalised capital and emer­
gence of neo-liberal policy frameworks of urban management
were key influences. These crucially informed the shape of
emergent decentralised urban governance in the mid-1990s
(Kundu and Kundu 2004:132-70) and this applies to Kerala as
well, which spelt out an urban policy in 2002 ( g o k 2002).
Economic & Political weekly BBQ April 28, 2012 vol xlvii no 17
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REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
Scholars have pointed out that some unique steps towards
democratising urban governance were evident in Kerala. For
example, parastatals were dismantled to make space for demo­
cratically-elected local bodies (Kundu and Kundu 2004:140);
unlike in many other states, ward committees were set up to
promote deliberation and consultation from below; Kerala
has also passed legislation to set up metropolitan planning
committees. However, the gains from these seem to be
ambiguous from a perspective critical of the new public man­
agement framework. As the literature on neo-liberal urbani­
sation in other parts of the world (Harvey 1989; Lovering
1995: 109-26; Werna 1995: 353-59) observes, such measures
tend to overlook the political dimension of social justice,
reducing questions about welfare and redistribution of re­
sources in urban space to technical issues dealing with mainly
physical aspects of life - social services, infrastructure, and
housing (Mahadevia 2005). Policy documents in Kerala display
an unmistakable neo-liberal perspective. The document
“Urban Policy and Action Plan for Kerala”( g o k 2002) notes
that urban bodies have been given the authority to formulate
spatial plans and therefore urban development authorities
have lost their significance - they have been abolished in five
towns. However, this does not mean a divergence from the
neo-liberal thrust of urban policy in India. It seeks to replace
the urban development authorities with the urban regulatory
authority, which is to be
entrusted w ith the responsibility to ensure private sector participation
in municipal services, avoid creation of monopolies in municipal serv­
ices, maintain quality of services, make sure that the cost of services to
the public is reasonable...[and] function as a forum for receiving com-
plaints/suggestions on all urban services. This authority w ill be given
statutory powers to enforce these objectives... (ibid).
The formation of master plans by urban bodies through con­
sultation does not necessarily indicate a shift since land
markets are largely in private hands (Kundu and Kundu 2004:
142). As confirmed by all our interviewees unanimously, the
most daunting task in heavily urbanising contexts is the
enforcement of building regulations, which are largely honoured
in the breach. There is also research that shows that ward
committees may not enhance democratic participation by
themselves. A study based on fieldwork in two city corporations
and two municipalities in Kerala (Thomas 2006: 138-200)
notes that the selection of ward committee members was
heavily influenced by the preferences of local politicians
(ibid: 167, 181). Moreover, the contractor-raj seems rampant
now in wards, where in the early phase of decentralisation
funds were made directly available to ward committees
which formed beneficiary committees to execute works (ibid:
170). Women’ s participation is low, and their presence is on
the strength of the positions they hold (such as that of the
local Kudumbashree self-help-group functionary) (ibid: 161).
Importantly, ward committee members reported that they
were rarely consulted by the municipal/corporation authori­
ties regarding the use of public land in their wards (ibid: 178).
They complained that there was no mechanism to solve
conflicting interests in wards and ensure equitable distribution
77
REVIEWOF WOMEN'S STUDIES
of resources. Those with political clout usually avail of the projects, such as the Kerala State Urban Development Project
benefits (ibid: 184). Empowering Committee and the Kerala Road Fund Board.
Cities and towns in Kerala are increasingly perceived as spaces
Neither High Politics Nor Local Governance meant for corporate and non-corporate capital (these are often
Reflecting on the effects of decentralisation in the field of in conflict) and their “ development”is often treated as synony­
politics in Kerala, we argue that, first, a key effect has been mous with the new urban management,2which has the dual
the division of political space into “ high politics”and “ local aim of setting up infrastructure for global capital and managing
governance” . The former is characterised by hyperactivity, poverty among the urban poor. Urban bodies, therefore, cannot
especially in political decisions and policy innovation, char­ focus exclusively on welfare, but have to accord priority to the
acterised by dramatic instances of state action undertaken by creation of urban infrastructure. Also, urban policy explicitly
leaders, including the dramatic ushering of political decen­ encourages private sector participation and this gives the notion
tralisation itself (called the “ big-bang approach” ). In contrast, of “governance”advanced in urban contexts a rather different
“local governance”is marked by governing-by-rule-and-pro- spin when compared with its connotations in panchayats.
cedure, and squarely under the supervision and guardianship This means that many issues that are perceived as more rel­
of several agencies such as the department of local self- evant to high politics than to local governance are of key sig­
government and the Ombudsman. Second, the modes of rule nificance in urban governance. Thus, in contemporary, urban
prominent in each are different: in high politics, political and governance in Kerala, we typically find a mix of bureaucratic
moral authoritarianism and use of force, if not violence, to control along with intense power struggles characteristic of
silence critics, is evident, whereas in local governance, there is high politics, which, however, increasingly rejects urban
a concession to working with the opposition. Third, the rela­ “ political society” , even those elements of political society
tion of each domain to capital is also different: while in high integrated closely with mass organisations of the dominant
politics leaders struggle to smoothly translate the earlier agenda of Left parties.3 While Kerala has put in place measures that
state-led large-scale industrialised development into approval seem to yield urban governance that is more democratic (like
for neo-liberal growth, the domain of local governance tries ward committees), a huge amount of business is transacted
out “ sustainable and small-scale development programmes” . through informal channels. Residents’associations, for example,
High politics, of course, remains the more powerful of the two have been given a prominent place in urban governance; how­
domains, since all major policy decisions, including those rel­ ever, it has been observed that “ they are actually quite strong
evant to local governance, are shaped within it. lobbies for the interests of their members, who are mostly
It must not be assumed, however, that these are watertight the middle- and upper-middle class. Though they have more
compartments. There are instances in which features of the access to local governments than any other organisations,
former are shared by the latter, especially in panchayats where usually they do not follow the formal democratic channels
earlier left militancy is somewhat more prominent, where the (gram sabhas, ward assemblies, etc) but have access through
styles and concerns of high politics overrides those of local informal channels to secure favourable decisions”(cses , crm ,
governance. The political spaces opened up in and through capdeck 2003: 39). There has also been much discussion in
the municipal councils and city corporations in contemporary the press of how building rules are being systematically
Kerala are also of an ambiguous nature, partaking of features flouted by the real estate players who have access to powerful
of both high politics and local governance. First, the ideal of figures in high politics and higher bureaucracy (Basheer 2006: 5;
the hypermoralised local community cannot be easily pro­ Bhaskar 2007). Given the high degree of political fragmentation,
jected on urban spaces as it is on village panchayats. As else­ municipal councils have been often rocked by no-confidence
where in the world (Stren and White 1989; Mattingly 1995), motions and heated politicking, especially when the ruling
urban spaces in Kerala too are being fragmented economi­ party had only a thin majority (Muraleedharan 2010:4). There
cally, politically and socially; mutually-incompatible interests is reason to think that welfare distribution in the urban local
- business interests, realtors, local middle-class residents, bodies serves to bolster political patronage.4
migrant workers and working-class poor - jostle for space in The councils’powers are also limited through multiplica-
urban wards. The evocation of “ community”in urban con­ tion/duplication of authorities in the wake of large urban de­
texts seems less related to democratising local governance so velopment projects such as the Asian Development Bank (adb)-
that the urban poor participate, and more to what has been funded Kerala State Urban Development Project.5 Both critics
referred to as the “ rhetoric of enablement” , which helps mobi­ (Raman 2010: 135-56), and more sympathetic commentators
lise resources (McCarney et al 1995: 91-141). Community often of the adb loan were critical of the conditionalities that it im­
refers to more exclusively middle-class residents’ associations posed. As a more sympathetic commentator argued,
(cses , crm , capdeck 2003), counted as “ community-based or­ the a d b ’
s financial plan, while desirable, lacks respect for the robust­
ganisations” , collaborators in current urban development ness of local democracy... Given the economic potential of the urban
projects (see The Hindu, 19 February 2008: 3). However, urban local bodies, the language of and the compulsions following from

local bodies too function under the department of urban affairs these clauses need modification (Oommen 2 0 0 7 : 737).

and the Ombudsman, and also have to take into consideration Further, as elsewhere, urban bodies in Kerala too are over­
of the decisions of bodies set up for various development loaded with new responsibilities and grievously understaffed

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 REVIEWOF WOMENS STUDIES
( g o k 2009: 83); they lack technical support for projects (Kundu urban governance as urban management, with all its elite and
and Kundu 2004; g o k 2009: 75, 145-46) which often need to civil connotations. Highly educated women with minimal
be produced in complicated formats required by the central links with politics appear to be fit to be the new urban manag­
government agencies ( g o k 2009: 30). The common lack of ers. “ And somehow, city governance is identified with a mid­
clarity on town planning and problems with implementing dle-class issue. That is why women like me, with more con­
building rules as well as identifying the nature and sites for tacts in the middle class, were chosen.”
urban welfare, are present in Kerala too ( g o k 2009: 145-46). However, almost without exception, all our interviewees
In short, urban governance in Kerala seems to offer plenty of from highly urbanised areas agreed that higher education
loopholes and opportunities for patronage and corruption. alone was of limited value in confronting the actually-existing
From the above discussion, it is evident that the urban urban scene (an exception was a chairperson of a relatively
scenario is an extremely challenging terrain for women, espe­ new, still largely rural municipality). The more one’ s educa­
cially those who have no experience at all in “ high politics”
. tion prepared one for public life, the better, they said. Thus,
Neither “ gentle power”nor “ knowledge of the rules”seems to lawyers felt that their experience in law practice not only pre­
be of much use, at least by themselves, in urban governance. pared them better to deal with urban politics, it also made
Rather, the ability to negotiate with local politicians, increase them appear less vulnerable than others. One of the lawyers
influence and connections with powerful groups and seize remembered:
emergent opportunities seem all-important for enduring suc­ W hen I entered municipal governance, I was already a practising
cess - or perhaps even for sheer survival. lawyer of many years’ experience and held superior degrees in law.
This paper is based on our interviews with 11women leaders But the truth was that I knew little about governance. I had to ask my
junior-most staff about what the Kudumbashree was, I had no clue
in urban governance from the past term. They range from lead­
about the abbreviations that were commonly used to refer to officers
ers regarded as “ highly successful”to those considered “ utter and various committees... But nobody dared to climb on my head or call
failures” . Eight were chairpersons of municipal councils (out me ignorant. Somehow, they never noticed that I was so ignorant -
of 18 such posts reserved for women in the past term and two and that, I feel, was because I was an experienced professional in law.

mayors of city corporations). We also interviewed an ex-mayor. This was, indeed, in sharp contrast with the experience of
The most striking feature of this group was the remarkably another woman leader of the same Kochi metropolitan area, who
high educational achievements of its members. A good number had been a schoolteacher. She had worked in administration
were lawyers and professors; almost all (with the exception of and knew the basics of office management. Yet, she was con­
one dalit woman leader, who had been a worker) were from sidered, in the early days, to be “ inexperienced”and hence faced
middle-class or affluent backgrounds. This is perhaps not sur­ more of interference from both local politicians and officials.
prising given the present identification of urban development The narratives of women leaders in urban governance
with urban management. Age-wise, most of them were above reveal a different relation to “ gentle power”- even when
30 and below 60; those who had young children were sup­ endorsed, those who favoured it did feel that it could be used only
ported by other female members of their families. Spouses selectively and strategically, and not as a “ natural”capacity.
(with one exception) were well-educated and well-placed, They, thus, differed from many “ successful”women leaders of
and/or with considerable influence in “ high politics” . Though panchayats, who associated it with the “ naturally feminine” .
many reported to be not interested in re-election, some who Many reasons were cited: the urban poor are far more frag­
reported thus did contest the 2010 elections to local bodies. mented than the rural poor; beneficiary lists in urban areas
The urban areas in which they held their terms were also di­ are often means of the local councillor’ s political patronage,
verse, ranging from towns that retain many rural features, to and trying to bring about transparency through patience
fully-urbanised municipalities. and persuasiveness is near-impossible. Though some of our
interviewees did attempt to exercise gentle power, they
Neither G entle Power' Nor k n o w led g e o f the Rules' granted it largely strategic and limited value. As one of our
A majority of our interviewees were conscious of their middle- interviewees remarked:
class moorings. While many of them came from families with The officials, well, they are pretty sharp and quite wily. The secretary
explicit political sympathies, they themselves had remained is powerful and one should be careful not to antagonise powerful offi­
apolitical or at the fringes of mass organisations, pursuing pro­ cials. So you need to be gentle, “soft” (mayatthil nilkkanam). But you
fessional careers. But they regarded their middle-class status also give the message that if necessary you w ill be tough, and that you
know the norms and procedures.. .The vice-chairman is usually a pow­
not as an anomaly, but as a feature that political parties recog­
erful local politician and much senior to you. Again, do not make ene­
nised as valuable in the context of changing notions of urban
mies of him. But never be totally dependent - yet give the impression
governance. A leader from one of the municipalities in the that you are taking his views on everything.
Kochi metropolitan area pointed to a political change that she
felt had occurred over the past 40 years. In the 1970s, the Left The exceptions to the above are, however, interesting pre­
trade unions were an invincible force in Kochi; they could cisely because their experience seemed to reveal the limited
“ hold the place to ransom, if they wanted” . But things have value of gentle power. To quote one of them:
changed now. The clout of the unions has decreased consider­ I had contested as an independent supported by a political front, and I
ably, and this seems to coincide with the rise of the notion of felt, early on, that I should preserve my neutral image. It worked well.

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REVIEWOF WOMENS STUDIES-------
I also gave a lot of respect to the leader of the opposition who is a very out that she was relatively junior in the party compared with
experienced councillor and that served me very well, though my own the chairmen of the standing committees. “ That does not
party colleagues were sometimes uncomfortable. But you have to
matter if you have strong connections in places where the
carry w ith you a large number of councillors, so I could not pay atten­
tion to their discomfort!... I have also been very respectful to senior
party does not have any. That makes you indispensable” .
politicians w ithin our party... They treat me like a sister.. .and the m l a She said:
here, he is from the other front, he too has been extremely well-
W hen I first became councillor, I took care to see that my work did
disposed towards me. He has helped us w ith many things...and I am
not focus exclusively on my ward. I saw to it that my ward was
almost like a daughter to him.
well-provided, but I gradually acquired a lot of experience working
Commenting on another woman leader who has been gen­ on general issues relevant to the municipal area as a whole, which

erally judged an utter failure, she linked this failure to her made me indispensable to both fronts. I also gained a large number of
contacts w ith both ordinary people and those in positions of influ­
unwillingness to exercise gentle power: “ She was always
ence. I was already very successful in my profession which involved
too stern, too openly confident of her abilities...she never meeting a lot of people. This gave me a lot of confidence in dealing
would even bother to smile at officials or show respect to party w ith my own party as well ...and I have stood as firm as a rock on
leaders... That made her very unpopular!”However, she did many issues.. .my advice to ladies is - ‘stay utterly firm when you have
admit that male leaders did not have to project themselves taken a decision about which you are completely convinced’. Do not
step back even an inch. Stepping back only makes you look like a
thus; this was because “ our society is still unprepared to accept
paavam (docile person).
a woman leader” . And it did become apparent that gentle
power actually brought unstable gains. In a later interview, This leader, who has excellent connections with all sections
she admitted this, speaking of her experience of unexpectedly of people in her municipality, including businessmen, power­
losing the 2010 elections to the same municipality (quite un­ ful community leaders, and religious organisations, was also
like the panchayats, where women who exercise gentle power insistent that alliances have to build on “ negotiations”and not
do get re-elected frequently). She had been too successful in on gentle power, which, she felt, “ reminds them all the more, that
her deployment of gentle power - “ they (her own party work­ this is a woman, a ‘ paavam’ ” . Her first act as the leader of the
ers) felt I had established myself without their help...so they municipality was to distribute copies of the Municipality Act to
allotted me a ward where I had a slimmer chance of winning. all the members. “ I told them that I know this Act well, and I
They set up things so carefully that I did not even have a slight expect them to know it well too. We have to work by it, and not
doubt until four days before polling. And they succeeded” . by what the officials may say. The chairperson has executive
Her party had lost power in her municipality by a very narrow powers - the power to make an official do something which he
margin of seats but elements in the local party wanted her out says cannot be done.”
“even at the cost of the party losing power - since I would She was also keen to stress her distance from all possible
have cooperated with whoever who won to ensure that all manifestations of gentle power. She was not intimate with
the projects that I had initiated be successfully completed” . welfare beneficiaries - “ I think it is my duty to listen to them
Another interviewee who vouched for the efficacy of gentle very, very carefully. We are public servants and owe them that
power in overcoming defections and no-confidence motions respect. But I do not listen to their sorrows - that will immedi­
from rebel members of her own party is, however, now ately relegate me to the paavam woman’ s status” . Again, deal­
completely out of politics, and does not contemplate any kind ing with opposition members successfully, she said, had noth­
of public life. ing to do with being gentle: “ do not be a paavam, be fair.
Women think that they need to assert themselves only when
Negotiating for Connections necessary. That is an illusion. Be firm from the very beginning,
It appears that women in urban politics need means other than but be utterly transparent and fair in all dealings with the op­
gentle power, like the ability to negotiate shrewdly - quite position. Convince your own members - and stay firm - that
similar to the situation in high politics. Women in high politics being unfair will only make things difficult for us.”This seems
negotiate actively for connections, and also take advantage of to have worked for her, judging from her success in the present
strategic opportunities and family and other connections. elections and acceptance as the unquestioned leader of her
Successful women leaders of urban bodies draw on both these party in the municipality.
styles. The first was well-illustrated by the experience of a But connections were perceived in other ways as well, as
highly successful woman leader of a municipality who has “ family”connections. In this case, women leaders had power­
been elected unopposed from her ward a second time in the ful male kin in political parties, sometimes in positions that
2010 elections - and her party managed to retain power de­ enabled them to negotiate with the opposition informally. The
spite massive setbacks throughout the State. This leader also husband’ s experience in politics and local governance was cru­
stressed the importance of building alliances across political cial, often to the rise of women leaders of less-urbanised mu­
fronts, but rejected gentle power entirely. Knowledge of the nicipalities. The leader of the least-urbanised municipality in
rules was prescribed as the best way of dealing with officials, our sample claimed that she relied entirely on her party to
while negotiating alliances and networks with more groups in build connections for her; the metaphor of the extended family
civil society and business, she felt, was the best way to deal was frequently used by her to refer to the party. Indeed, this
with local politicians, especially party colleagues. She pointed leader, who was formerly a leader of women’ s self-help groups,
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was keener to talk of their activities than about her role as urban
leader. However, such submissiveness is relatively rare among
urban leaders compared to the panchayat leaders.
The importance of building connections through multiple
routes was also evident from the experience of a woman leader
with relatively less experience in politics, the mayor of a major
city corporation. Anti-corruption, transparency and efficiency
measures may be high up on the urban governance agenda,
but even this or other tasks cannot be performed without ade­
quate political support. Such failure or “ inefficiency”gets
quickly translated into gendered accusations of women’ s vised by a number of bodies, often constituted by politicians
inherent incompetence at dealing with complex situations.
She told us:
The corporation’s problems did not spring up suddenly. The issue of
waste disposal, the traffic congestion, the City Centre getting over­
crowded - all these are old .6 But media and other politicians behave as
if they were new issues, and as a woman’s failure. But I have tried to
intervene effectively in people’s issues. In this office, earlier, people
could come only via agents. That is not the case today.
This leader sought to build a political base through improv­
ing administrative efficiency, by efforts to reduce corruption,
but this did not rescue her from gendered accusations of in­
efficiency. In a rapidly-urbanising city like Kochi, anti-corruption
measures may be regarded as relatively less complex than
others like waste management, which she failed to resolve,
and this was related to her inability to garner enough political
support. This was read in gendered terms, she observed, as
the “ inadequacy of an inexperienced woman” . The mismatch
between the demands of urban politics and those of the new
urban management is such that what were deemed upper
middle-class woman leader’ s merits may end up being per­
ceived as her weaknesses. Thus, this leader’ s highly-educated
status came to be perceived as a disadvantage which predis­
posed her to elitism.7
The other feature vital to success in urban areas relates to
leaders’ability to grasp the changing urban scenario and the
increasing stakes in it of the private sector on the one hand,
and the middle-classes on the other. Most of our interviewees
were uncritical of the new urban management agenda - and
this is not surprising, given their middle-class, relatively apo­
litical backgrounds. Thus, one of them proudly reported that
she had got all the roadside hawkers off the road: “ I used to be
very particular... would even stop my car, get out, and scold
hawkers who plied their carts on the main roads...” . Indeed,
the most successful ones in urban governance swam with the
tide. Commenting on the losses to the cpi(m) and the Left
Democratic Front ( ld f) in the 2010 panchayat elections, one of
them argued that it was because the party failed to see that
people perceived “ development”differently: “ People are not
interested in welfare anymore. For them, development means
roads, large bridges, buildings, modem amenities. We have to
work towards that and borrow large sums, if necessary.”In
contrast, less successful leaders were reluctant to borrow large
sums. One of them admitted that she had streamlined
welfare distribution and made it transparent; however, this
went unnoticed: “ Welfare, after all, is distributed to individuals.
Economic & Political w e e k ly E3353 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17
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REVIEWOF WOMENS STUDIES
What people count are the more visible things. They felt that
we had done nothing - why? Because, we did not build a
town hall, a stadium, or large buildings.” 8The poor financial
condition of her municipality prevented her from hiring
consultants; because of this, they failed to secure key central
funds. Some interviewees did identify welfare distribution as
the most satisfying responsibility, but notably, they were usu­
ally of relatively less-urbanised municipalities.
But it is also important to see that urban governance is not
high politics: leaders in urban governance are closely super­
powerful in high politics and senior bureaucrats. A woman
leader of a highly urbanised municipality in central Kerala
complained vehemently about how urban bodies had to seek
“permission”from “ innumerable officials, officers, clerks, i a s
officers, and who else...” :
This was about the solid waste recycling plant project which was
approved and about to be tendered. W hen we approached the k su dp
[Kerala Sustainable Urban Development Project] office, they said that
the empowered committee had to take a decision. This committee
ordered that the tender should be routed through the Kochi Corporation.
We were not even consulted; we were told after the decision was
taken! This was unacceptable to us, and I protested quite strongly on a
public platform where senior politicians and bureaucrats were
present. But they were unwilling to re-examine the decision. This
caused us such distress - 1 had to be in and out of the Kochi Corpora­
tion, goodness knows how many times, to get it done!
Further, it is important to note that in the present context of
intense political fragmentation, it is all the more difficult for
political leaders, male or female, to build political bases
among city populations.9 And the middle-class backgrounds
of these leaders do not seem to be translating into special
influence on the urban middle-class. Political fragmentation
often leads to all sorts of unexpected coalitions which prove
insurmountable. The frustrating experience of trying to set up
waste-recycling plants in city areas which almost all women
leaders from more urbanised municipalities recalled, indi­
cated this. The experience of trying to find land for this pur­
pose was described as truly harrowing. Many interviewees
reported that this turned many of their ardent supporters into
enemies almost overnight, and when support was not forth­
coming from all sections of the municipal council, the project
would simply have to be dropped.
In this complex scenario, dalit women appeared clearly dis­
advantaged, unlike in the panchayats where many of them did
surmount a number of hurdles, including those of caste. The
two dalit interviewees presented two models of disempower-
ment. One appeared to be completely embedded in her local
party, and insisted that all decisions were taken in and
through the party, and she had little more to add except her
view that the “ party is like a family and we meet all our social
needs through it” . The other seemed quite unable to take
advantage of the fact that she became the chairperson because
the party which won the majority did not have a successful dalit
woman candidate. During the interview, she was continuously
interrupted and corrected by the vice-chairman. She seemed
to be disadvantaged by her relatively poor education, lack
81
REVIEWOF WOMEN S STUDIES = ee
of connections, and working-class status and seems to have
suffered considerable latent violence from both sides: the
ruling side, which wanted to keep her in check through the
vice-chairman, and the opposition to which she belonged,
which wanted to ensure that she would not make mistakes.
But her experience certainly does not represent that of dalit
women in urban governance in any general sense. There are
others, such as V Devayani, the (former) chairperson of the
Palakkad Municipal Council, who survived such a situation
quite adeptly. But it may also be that she had greater space for
manoeuvre, since the council was deadlocked without a chair­
person for long and Devayani was sworn in following a direc­
tive of the Kerala High Court to fill the post reserved for
scheduled caste (sc) candidates. She apparently remarked that
from being completely ignorant of urban governance, she
vaulted into high levels of self-confidence “the day I realised
how important my signature was”(Mathrubhumi, 28 July
2010: 4). Indeed, she left the Congress during the negotiations
around candidature in the 2010 panchayat elections, protesting
that the Congress had denied her a sc reservation ward to join
the Bharatiya Janata Party (bjp) (The Hindu, 1 October 2010,
Thiruvananthapuram edition).
Conclusions
As Mary John has noted, the relative neglect of women in
urban governance by scholars studying decentralised govern­
ance is a serious flaw because it is the urban scene “ that
includes many more dimensions of the political arena”(2007:
3992). Contemporary urban governance in Kerala, we find,
shares many key features of high politics while remaining
bound by the constraints of local governance. This produces
significant challenges for women leaders of urban bodies.
Unwillingness to engage with politics appeared to us to be the
surest recipe of failure in the urban scene. A women leader
of a municipality who had grappled hard with bureaucracy
complained thus:
I have no talent for politicking and these days, unblemished conduct
in politics seems to be of least value. I tried my best - was very con­
ciliatory to the opposition and insistent that I w ill not support corrup­
tion. But it was quite useless. Overcoming unwarranted interference
took up all my time and getting the bureaucracy to get something
done...that was another torture. I still remember how we were made
to run from one government office to another to get a project ap­
proved, and my pleas were useless. Finally, I got our vice-chairman
and some male members to come and they dealt w ith the issue in a
language only politicians can speak. Only then did the department
officials clear the hurdles without delay. I cannot speak that language,
and so this is not my field.
These skills and orientation are of value, too, in panchayats
undergoing rapid urbanisation in Kerala, which are not
few. Here, powerful processes of political fragmentation
often render councils unstable. Diligence in welfare distribu­
tion pales into insignificance as a useful strategy for building
a political base; rather, a set of very different skills emerge
as vital for not just success, but survival itself. These include
the skill to negotiate with all the players in the political
field, to summon support from a range of diverse political
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sources other than one’ s own party, to draw upon diverse
forms of social capital (in Bourdieu’ s sense), and to put
together the technical expertise to access funding for infra­
structure projects.10
Access to powerful politicians in high politics and the ability
to negotiate across parties is also vitally necessary even in the
panchayats, when the panchayat leader, male or female, seeks
to get beyond welfare distribution and intervene seriously in
local development priorities (Sharma 2009: 123; Devika and
Thampi, forthcoming). In Kerala’ s village panchayats, we
found that women are less likely to possess these skills. How­
ever, wherever development continues to be perceived largely
as welfare distribution, women who exercise gentle power and
knowledge of the rules continue to gain popularity, with
strong chances of re-election. But rapid urbanisation does
mean that women will increasingly have to face the challenge
of governing urbanising spaces. It appears that women leaders
do not always fail. Perhaps it is befitting to end this paper with
a quote from an interview with a highly successful woman
leader, who had to not only keep the opposition on her side,
but also curb the intrigues of her party colleagues, without,
however, letting the constant internal struggle for power spill
into the public:
Now I do know that I am absolutely necessary for the survival of my
party here; so I am hardly challenged directly. But one must always
remain alert. I have always been careful to follow the rules myself
and so no one has yet got a chance to attack me personally. Now,
recently, I had been abroad for 14 days. I took permission from the
government through proper channels but did not hand over charge to
the vice-chairman, because I was coming back w ithin 15 days (and
there is no rule that I should do this unless I exceeded the 15-day
lim it). Now, some of the hostile press caught hold of this and kicked
up a fuss - that I had left for a long period w ithout handing over
charge to the vice-chairman. They apparently asked him, who told
them that I was away - but he did not bother to tell them that I would
be back really soon. Now, that is the kind o f hidden missile aimed at a
successful woman! It looks minor but can damage our moral authority
to take to task the shirkers and rule-breakers in the municipal office!
I took it in my stride, though. As soon as I came back I clarified my
position, but when asked why the vice-chairman did not reveal this, I
did not take the bait! They, of course, wanted to probe whether there
is a hidden power struggle in the municipality. But I wanted to convey
a message to this vice-chairman, someone from my own side, that I
did see his game only too w ell and that I knew how to put him in his
place. And so I responded, ‘the vice-chairman is on the best terms
w ith me; if your intention is to provoke us, it w ill not work. He com­
m itted a mistake perhaps, and that is probably because he is not very
fam iliar w ith rules generally, and the M unicipal A ct....’
NOTES______________________________________________________________
1 Our research involved semi-structured, open-ended interviews with 75 vil­
lage panchayat presidents, 12 block panchayat presidents, and two district
panchayat presidents, besides the leaders of urban bodies discussed in this
paper-all women. We also interviewed more than 58 women politicians of
different parties. We sought to record and interpret these rich narratives,
in their emergent and historical contexts and also read them along with
quantifiable data from the field, which told us much about how this new
generation perceived of “politics” and “welfare”. This paper draws upon
our book New Lamps for Old? Gender Paradoxes in Political Decentralisation
in Kerala (New Delhi: Zubaan, forthcoming).
2 See, for example, the discussion on the blog Kochi Now\ http://www.forum.
kochinow.com/, accessed 15 November 2010.
3 This was not so a few decades back. The organised working class, into which
many political societies had been integrated, was a powerful presence in
APRIL 28, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 17 M l Economic & Political w eekly

cities like Kochi and Kozhikode, which is now
in decline. See, Noronha 2006 (pp 1-22).
4 See Thomas (2006); GoK (2009). GoK (2009)
notes that in urban bodies, the chances of ben­
eficiary lists being transparent look slimmer:
[in] the absence of city/town level data
bank, ad hoc lists are prepared in several cases
for every scheme often in a partisan manner
favouring those who line up behind the ward
councilor/member or those who are with the
ruling party” (p 146).
5 This refers to the approximately $1,000 million
loan from the Asian Development Bank routed
through the Government of India to be repaid
in 25 years, aimed at modernising government
programmes, fiscal reform, power sector re­
forms, and the Kerala Sustainable Urban
Development, Environmental Improvement
and Poverty Reduction Programme (Raman
2010: 140).
6 See Suchitra and Venugopal (2009 ). The
former mayor, C M Dinesh Mani, had been
severely reprimanded by the ombudsman for
inefficient waste disposal in Kochi ( The Hindu,
“Corporation Officials Non-Committal about the
Next Move”, 13 February 2004 , Kochi edition).
7 It may be interesting to compare the political
biography of Mercy William, the mayor of Ko­
chi in the last term, with that of C Jayan Babu,
her counterpart in Thiruvananthapuram. W il­
liams was the Head of the Department of Soci­
ology at St Theresa’s College, Ernakulam, and
head of the Board of Postgraduate Studies, Ma­
hatma Gandhi University. Her husband is a
businessman and her parents were govern­
ment employees. She did not have prior experi­
ence in politics. In contrast, Jayan Babu is a
full-time politician with local roots, a high-lev­
el functionary of the CPI(M). He first contested
and served as a councillor in 1988 and was the
mayor during 1988-89 and chairman of the
Trivandrum Development Authority in 20 00 .
The lags in road construction as part of the
KSUDP did generate accusations of inefficiency
against him, but the discourse was strikingly
non-gendered.
8 It has been argued that urban poverty in Kerala
has been grossly underestimated in the official
urban poverty ratios (Patnaik 2oio: 42-53).
9 T Devi, a senior CPI(M) leader, spoke to us
about her work as the only woman among 50
members in the Kozhikode urban body in 1979.
She spoke of how she organised the urban poor
deprived of basic services, led militant protest
for water and other amenities, and organised
squatting on government land (despite the op­
position of local leaders) to build a strong base,
especially among poor women there. Such a
possibility is rare now with urban politics be­
ing fragmented and the political priorities of
all parties now shifting mostly away from the
issues of the urban poor.
10 The 2011 move to separate urban and rural
local governance in Kerala generated consid­
erable protests from the LDF and their sup­
porters (Nair 2011: 4). Whatever the reasons it
is clear that there is a perceptible difference
between the ways in which leaders of urban
and rural governance comprehend the notion
of development.
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83
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Administering Goods and Services Tax in India
Reforming the Institutional Architecture
and Redesigning Revenue Agencies
P R A V E E N K IS H O R E
The long process of introducing a comprehensive Goods
and Services Tax at the national level has thrown up
many complex challenges. The question of the nature
and structure of the agency for administering and
collecting the g st is one of the most crucial ones. It
appears that the existing institutional and organisational
structure with multiple departments (one at the union
and one in each of the states) would be maintained for
collection of what is essentially a single tax (though with
two components), thereby severely eroding most of the
expected benefits of a national g st as well as putting a
heavy burden on taxpayers. The influence of the
bureaucratic complex and power politics of the
organised civil services as well as a lack of political will
are the major reasons for such a possible outcome. The
need is to move towards a harmonised, modern and
professionally managed national revenue agency for g s t
with a proper safeguard mechanism for preserving the
fiscal federal nature of India and its states.
Praveen Kishore (praveen.irs@gmail.com ) is currently director.
Integrated Child Development Services, Bihar.
84
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I
ndia has been working to introduce a comprehensive Goods
and Services Tax ( g s t ) for almost a decade, though the wait
now seems perennial. However, one thing that appears
reasonably certain at this point of time is its inevitability despite
so many roadblocks, g s t as a tax policy and economic reform
package is in itself a huge area and is not the focus of this study.1
Instead, this article is more about tax administration and (re)
organisation of revenue agencies for effective and efficient
operationalisation of the proposed g s t as it is widely recognised
that “tax administration is tax policy” , especially for developing
countries. This applies even more so in the case of diverse, fed­
eral and competitive democracies like India. Fiscal federalism
in India is tilted towards the union with important tax powers
lying with the union government and with a constitutional
mechanism for mandated rule-based devolution of tax revenue
to states, which share major expenditure responsibilities.
The institutional framework of revenue administration con­
sists of two large union revenue agencies as well as a large
number of state- and local-level revenue agencies which coexist,
more of less oblivious of each other’ s existence. Against this
backdrop, an integrated, modernised and harmonised revenue
administrative architecture is a sine qua non for successful ex­
ecution of an ambitious tax reforms agenda, especially g s t .
However, the emerging administrative architecture for g s t
appears to be a severe compromise due to the overarching
landscape of the bureaucratic complex and power politics of
the Indian civil service as well as a lack of political will. If not
tackled, it could lead us to a situation where most of the envis­
aged benefits of the proposed g s t would be severely eroded.
1 Fiscal Federalism and Revenue
Collection - Union and States
The world over, tax systems have undergone significant
changes during the past two decades as many countries,
including India, have undertaken comprehensive tax reforms.
Though the evolution of the Indian tax system was motivated
by international concerns, yet in some ways it is different and
even unique (Rao and Rao 2006: 4). Unlike most developing
countries, which were guided in their tax reforms by multi­
lateral agencies, Indian tax reform attempts have largely
borne a domestic brand (ibid). They have been calibrated in
response to changes in the development strategy over time
while keeping in tune with the institutional arrangements in
the country (ibid). The reforms of the past two decades have
Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 lasiYi Economic & Political weekly

Figure 1: Share of Major Taxes in been remarkably succe­
Government's Total Tax Revenue in 2008-09 ssful in many respects.
Personal
Other income tax Yet, a lot more still needs
to be done, especially
on the institutional and
organisational front. It
would be instructive to
have an idea of the
shares and trends in
revenue collection by the
Other union and state govern­
central
2% Service ments separately.
tax 6% 11% Figure i gives the per­
Source: Compiled from Governm ent o f India (2010):
E c o n o m ic S u r v e y 2009-10, Ministry o f Finance, Chapter
centage share of major
3,and Reserve Bankof India (2010): S ta te F in a n c e s: A taxes in the national
S tu d y o f B u d g e t s o f 2009-10, Chapter 3 and Appendix.
revenue collection for
2008-09. It can be seen that six taxes yield the bulk of tax reve­
nue forming around 85% of the total. Out of these, five are lev­
ied and collected by the union government contributing around
two-thirds of the total tax revenue collected by all levels of gov­
ernment (union, state, local/municipal). In 2010-11, income
taxes (individual income tax and corporate income tax), which
are levied by the union government have contributed to 37% of
total revenue (and this proportion is increasing continuously)
whereas the remaining 63% is contributed mainly by “ con­
sumption taxes”levied both by the union (excise duty, custom
duty, service tax - 28%) and the states’(value added tax (vat),
entertainment tax, etc, 35%) ( g o i (2011), Economic Survey
2010-11, Table 3.3, 3.11). In Figure 1 “ other state/local taxes”
include local and municipal taxes like property and house tax,
entertainment tax, etc. Looking at the data of the past 30 years,
we notice that the relative shares of union and state govern­
ment taxes in total tax collection has remained almost stagnant
at around two-thirds and one-third, respectively. Though large-
scale systematic reforms of union level tax policy and structure
started in 1991, the share of the states has only marginally
changed. This has happened due to the dynamic nature of taxes
levied by the states, mainly being retail sales tax / v a t which are
dependent on economic activity and growth.
States spend more than half of the total combined expendi­
ture while collecting around one-third of revenue. The differ­
ence is largely met by mandated transfers of union tax revenue
to states. Thus, the states’own tax revenue constitutes only
around 60-64% of their total tax revenue, the rest being trans­
fers from union government tax revenue as per the formula of
the finance commission. Out of their own tax revenue, the
major source of tax for states is sales tax/vAT, which has been
contributing around 60-65% of total states’tax revenue over
the years. Due to the predominance of sales taxes, any attempt
to improve the revenue productivity of the states’tax system,
therefore, is inextricably intertwined with the reform of the
sales tax system and in this respect, the recent reform of mov­
ing towards a destination-based v a t has been extremely
important (Rao and Rao 2005: 39). The gradual move from
sales tax towards v a t has been the groundwork for eventual
move towards a comprehensive nationwide g s t .
Economic & Political weekly BECS a p r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17
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Disaggregating state tax collection data state-wise gives us
interesting insights especially on institutional and organisa­
tional capacity. There are considerable variations among states
in terms of their revenue productivity and efficiency. Whereas
on the one hand, we have states collecting between 10% and
12% of state g d p as taxes (Karnataka, Delhi, Tamil Nadu), on
the other there are states which collect less than 5% of their
g d p as taxes (Bihar, West Bengal, Assam, north-eastern states)
(rb i 2010 - Statements 18 and 19; g o i 2009 - Table 4.13). On
the whole, the economically more advanced states have high
tax-GSDP ratios, whereas poorer and less developed states
have low tax-GSDP ratio. One factor behind this could perhaps
be that underdeveloped states also lack the institutional and
administrative capacity to tax revenue resources. However,
making such simple conclusions may be naive. There could be
other important socio-economic and political reasons behind
such a diverse performance. In any case, it is widely believed
that state-level tax departments are on the whole less efficient
and effective than union agencies.
In such a scenario, the widespread differences in adminis­
trative capabilities of different states’revenue agencies and
the difficulty of carrying out institutional reforms of these
agencies due to various political-bureaucratic reasons can lead
to a situation where they become a bottleneck for any
wide-ranging tax policy reform at the national level like the
envisaged g s t , which requires considerable harmonisation
between union and state governments not only in the tax base
and the tax rate, but also in tax administration.
2 Attractiveness o f Goods and Services Tax in India
There are many differences in the way v a t (or g s t , as we now
tend to call such taxes) are understood and implemented
around the world. Nevertheless, there are certain common
characteristics of such taxes which can help us in understand­
ing and analysing various related issues, v a t is a tax on con­
sumption, paid ultimately by the final consumer. The tax is
generally levied on a broad base (as opposed to, for example,
excise duties that sometimes cover specific products). The sys­
tem is generally based on tax collection in a staged process,
with successive taxpayers entitled to deduct input tax on pur­
chases and account for output tax on sales. In general, many
countries with v a t impose the tax at all stages and normally
allow immediate deduction of taxes on purchases by all but
the final consumer ( o e c d 2006: 6). The main feature of v a t /
g s t is their neutrality, irrespective of the nature of product
and services, the structure of the distribution chain and the
technical means used for its delivery.
It is widely felt that for operation of a common market, India
needs a unified g s t levied nationally. Further, administra­
tively a centrally administered v a t / g s t is highly suitable for
federal nation states. Within the constitutional assignment of
tax powers in India and the current political environment,
however, a purely federal v a t is not considered feasible even
though it may be considered desirable (Rao 2008: 3-4). The
power to levy sales tax/vAT constitutes the most important tax
powers of Indian states. Further, the power to levy this tax is a
85
SPECIAL ARTICLE z = _ z
“ power”in itself and not just revenue power and taking this
away will grievously reduce states’ fiscal autonomy.
It is widely agreed that g s t is a major improvement over the
present system due to many reasons. The excise at manufactur­
ing level gives rise to definitional (“ what is manufacturing?” ) tive state governments with their own structures, processes
and valuational issues (cost of production or the value at which
the tax to be levied) and makes its effective burden dependent
on the supply chain (Poddar and Ehtisham 2009: 3). As per the
constitutional arrangement, the state government cannot levy
taxes on services. This makes it difficult to tax goods supplied in
a composite form bundling both goods and services. Further, with
high buoyancy in service taxes, there has been demand from
states that they should also have express power to tax services,
which today forms almost 50% of India’ s g d p . Another problem
in the present system of indirect taxation is tax cascading. The
whole structure has become quite complex, with high compli­
ance cost, inefficiency and administrative lacunae (ibid: 13).
Due to all these difficulties, the basic objective of g s t reform
has been to establish a tax system that is economically efficient
and neutral in its application, distributionally attractive and
simple to administer (ibid: 11). The task force on g s t of the
Thirteenth Finance Commission noted that a conventional g s t
cannot be implemented without the states losing their fiscal
autonomy (Government of India 2009a: 3). However, this does
not appear to be politically feasible since revenues from state
v a t account for substantial proportion of the states’ revenues.
Therefore, a solution has been found within the existing fed­
eral framework where both levels of governments would have
concurrent powers to tax domestic trade in goods and services
(ibid: 4). Thus, it has been agreed that India will have a dual
g s t - a concurrent levy to be imposed by the centre/union (to
be called the Central g s t - c g s t ) and state governments (to be
called the State g s t - s g s t ) separately on the same base and
implemented by multiple statutes. However, the basic features
of law such as chargeability, definition of taxable event and
taxable person, measure of levy including valuation provisions,
basis of classification, etc, would be uniform across these stat­
utes as far as practicable ( g o i 2009b: 14). g s t would be paid to
the accounts of the union and state government separately,
which will also require utilisation of input tax credit paid for
union or states separately (ibid: 14). Within this broad frame­
work, further progress on the actual design of process, struc­
ture, rules and regulations as well as institutional and organi­
sational mechanism has been proving quite difficult.
3 Institutional Structure o f Revenue Agencies in India
The Indian federal structure has uniquely shaped the way
revenue organisations have taken root in India. At the fore­
most, the division of tax powers between the union and the
states has made it imperative to have three layers of organisa­
tion, first at the union level, second at the state level, and third
at the local level, though the last is the least developed. Further,
states in India being large independent politico-administrative
units as well as sociocultural entities with democratic form of
provincial governments, each state has its own institutional
structure, administrative machinery and large bureaucracy.
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Thus, we have union government tax departments which func­
tion under overall control of the Union Ministry of Finance as
well as tax departments under each state government which
function under the ministry/department of taxation of respec­
and bureaucracy. In addition, there are local-level revenue
agencies (mainly urban municipalities) which have been
entrusted with the responsibility for collection of some specific
local taxes mainly house property, entertainment, etc, by the
state governments. Thus, the overall macro-institutional struc­
ture is somewhat akin to “ type of tax”model,2where different
levels of government are responsible for different types of
taxes and have established separate agencies for this purpose.
The broad concepts of taxation economics and the suitability
of different types of tax instruments for different levels of
government3can be found broadly applied in India.
The upshot is a multiplicity of revenue agencies in India,
where taxpayers often have to deal with different revenue
agencies for different types of taxes. It has often the effect of
unnecessary fragmentation of tax management systems, dupli­
cation of functions and inconsistent treatment of legal as well
as accounting issues, increased compliance cost, difficulties and
even increased harassment of taxpayers. The need for a mod­
ern and taxpayer-friendly revenue agencies for g s t assumes all
the more importance against this backdrop. From a taxpayer’ s
point of view, it is always desirable to have a single revenue
agency taking care of all tax liabilities. In not for all taxes, one
agency for g s t would be the minimum which most of us would
agree to in principle. A consideration of the present system and
institutional structure are important because it broadly deline­
ates, in some sense, a landscape in which any redesign idea can
be constructed administratively and politically within the larger
sociopolitical, institutional and organisational environment.
At the union level, there are two large government organi­
sations, each separately responsible for administration and
collection of “ direct taxes”(being taxes mainly on income
and wealth) and another responsible for management and
collection of “ indirect taxes”(being taxes mainly on con­
sumption and production). There two departments function
under the overall control of two boards called the Central
Board of Direct Taxes ( c b d t ) and Central Board of Excise
and Customs ( c b e c ) . These boards are responsible not only
for overall supervision and control of the field departments,
but are also entrusted with all policymaking and decisions in
the areas of union taxation.
These agencies function through their line organisations,
field offices, and innumerable specialised bodies often called
directorates. The line departments are organised in matrix
form along (territorial x functional x taxpayer) axes in differing
fashion and at different levels. The c b d t and c b e c together are
one of the largest organisations of the union government
employing as many as 1,30,000 people with a presence in more
than 1,000 locations having more than 1,200 offices across the
length and breadth of India.4 These organisations are an inte­
gral part of the Government of India and are staffed by perma­
nent government employees. The highest levels of these
APRIL 28, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 17 0329 Economic & Political weekly

organisations are manned by professional permanent bureau­
crats of the Indian Revenue Service (irs ).
At the state level there are generally a single tax department
entrusted with management and collection of states’ taxes. For
all state governments, as sales tax/vAT forms the single largest
source of tax revenue, the departments are generally called
sales tax or v a t or commercial tax department and are respon­
sible not only for sales tax/vAT but other taxes like the
entertainment tax, entry tax, luxuries tax, and professional
tax, etc, as and when levied. However, some specific activity
taxes like excise on alcoholic liquor, taxes on vehicles, stamp
duties, land revenue, etc, are assigned to the respective line
departments which are otherwise in charge of such functions.
In many states, some of the taxes belonging to the state list like
taxes on land and property have been assigned to local level/
municipalities and are thus administered by them.
State-level tax departments are an integral part of the state
government machinery and are staffed with permanent gov­
ernment employees of the respective states. The middle levels
of these organisations are filled with state civil servants and
the higher level are managed by both state civil servants as
well as professional bureaucrats of the Indian Administrative
Service (ias). The state-level tax departments are compara­
tively smaller with an obviously limited jurisdiction within the
physical boundaries of the respective states. As the states vary
in size, the state agencies do as well considerably, employing
anywhere from 1,000 to 13,000 employees. The organisational
structure of state-level departments is simpler, with basically a
(territorial x functional) structure. Generally, the department
is headed by a commissioner or secretary/principal secretary
who has a secretariat with middle and lower management
level support officers and staff. Then, there are field offices,
quite similar to that of union government offices. Often the
designation and hierarchies are also similar like commi­
ssioners, additional/joint commissioners, deputy and assistant
commissioners, tax officers, inspectors, assistants, etc, but the
span of control and reporting relationships may vary. Further,
these do also vary across different states.4
4 Question of Efficiency and Harmonisation
am ong Multiple Revenue Agencies
An appropriate strategy for tax reform would first involve
studying the tax structure and setting appropriate policy goals,
and then modifying them in the short term by taking cogni­
sance of the associated administrative problems. If the ordering
is reversed, and administrative consideration became the bind­
ing constraint in tax reform, which by its very nature is a longer
term process, the tax system is likely to play only a very limited
role in achieving economic policy objectives (Shome 1995). As
often happens in India, it is the administrative bottlenecks
which start playing the dominant role in directing tax policy.
Organisational structure and operational requirement as
well as reorganisation of the two union government agencies
have always been on the agenda of the various tax reform ini­
tiatives. Though it has mostly been tackled as part of larger tax
reform initiatives, started by the union government in the
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
early 1990s, in themselves the agencies have seen major
changes in structure, process and organisation of not only
human and infrastructure resources, but in almost all the ar­
eas of tax administration. As a result, there have been some
significant changes in tax administration machinery, with
some far-reaching consequences. The historical change in rela­
tive share of direct and indirect taxes is a case in point. If we
Table 1: Staffing and Revenue Collection of Union Government
Revenue Agencies_____________________________ _________________
Organisation Staffing/NumberofEmployees Tax Tax
Total Senior Junior Support Collection Collected
Staffing Officers Officers Staff (Rs billion) Per
(2008-09) Employee
(Rs million)
CBD T/incom e tax d ep a rtm en t 61,300 3,000 6,000 52,300 3,382 55.17
CBEC/central excise and custom s 67,400 2,500 10,000 54,900 2,695 39.98
1,28,700 6,500 16,000 1,07,200 6,077 47.22
Total
The num ber of employees has been rounded o ff to nearest hundreds. The numbers
are those of "sanctioned posts" as against the "working strength" being the num ber of
employees actually w orking/em ployed at a particular point in tim e. Over past few years,
there has been severe shortage of staff in CBDT going to the extent o f as much as around
20% for some of the cadres. The situation of CBEC has also not been much different.
Source: Compiled from Government of India, Ministry of F \ n a n ce:E c on om ic S u r v e y 2009-10,
A n n u a l R e p o r t o f M in istry o f F in a n c e 2 0 0 9 - W a n d C o m p t r o lle r a n d A u d ito r G e n e r a l o f In dia:
A u d it R e p o r t o f I n c o m e Tax a n d C en tra l E x cise a n d C u s t o m s of various years, and personal
knowledge of author.
look at the relative figures for tax collected per employee for
these two agencies, we find the direct tax agency to be more
efficient, as shown in Table 1but again, this has happened only
recently and may not reflect the whole story. There has been a
wide-ranging technical upgradation programme, increasing
use of information technology for improving the service to
taxpayers and for taxpayer management and automation of
routine processes, etc, in both the agencies. As a result, these
two agencies are better managed, more efficient and effective
than most of the state-level tax agencies, with few exceptions,
where reform efforts have not been very effective due to
various reasons.
There are wide-ranging differences among revenue agencies
of different states not only in terms of their potential for revenue
collection but also in terms of size and operational efficiencies
which can roughly be measured in terms of tax collected per
employee, though there are other measures also, like cost of
collection, which we will examine briefly. Although data in this
respect is not readily available, the calculation has been made
for seven medium/large states for which some information
could be accessed as given in Table 2 (p 88). We can see wide
variations in the tax collected per employee from as little as Rs 1.8
crore to as much as Rs 4.8 crore. It must be noted that the high­
est figures are lower than the figures for the all-India average of
the Income Tax Department (itd). It is indicative that most of
the state-level tax agencies are less efficient than union agen­
cies. However, some states like Gujarat, and Tamil Nadu can be
considered as better managed. The short comparison also points
in the direction that the economically more developed states
are able to generate more taxes per employee, which may not
always be linked to the efficiency of their tax departments.
To have some more analytics, we can look at another impor­
tant and popular measure of administrative efficiency and
operational effectiveness - the “ cost of collection”. It is roughly
17 87
SPECIAL ARTICLE
defined as expenditure incurred on collection of taxes as g s t administration: How to coordinate and design a well-

percentage of tax collection. Table 3 gives these figures for integrated operational and administrative structure with so
central departments and two state agencies. many diverse institutions across the nation having widely varying
For the income tax department, the cost of collection has capabilities, structure, organisational cultures and histories?
been decreasing continuously and significantly for the past dec­ As of now, there is minimal coordination and cooperation
ade. But all this may not be due only to an improvement in ad­ between union and state-level revenue agencies as well as
ministrative and operational structure. On the c b e c side, which among various state-level agencies, all functioning independ­
is much more relevant here for the g s t question, there has been ently in virtually their own silos. Here, a pertinent question
an improvement in the cost of collection but its precise reason would also be as to whether there is actually a need for multi­
Table 2: Staffing and Revenue Collection of Few State ple agencies to administer and collect a comprehensive nation­
Government Tax Departments wide g s t ? As the excise/service tax wing of c b e c and state-
States Staffing/Number of Employees Tax Tax
Total Senior Junior Support Collection Collected
level revenue agencies (vAT/commercial tax departments)
Manpower Officers/ Officers Staff (2008-09) Per would have a similar tax base and would require similar
Managers (RsCrore) Employee
(RsCrore)
processes and even organisational structure, it would not
Andhra Pradesh 9,500 130 2,090 7,280 35,700 3.76 make much sense to have two agencies for the same function,
Bihar 3,020 80 440 2,500 6,300 2.08 leading to duplication on many fronts.
Gujarat 5,000 180 490 4,330 24,200 4.84
Tamil Nadu 10,400 150 2340 7,910 34,500 3.32 5 Single or Multiple? Envisaging Revenue
Uttar Pradesh 13,000 29,100 2.24 Administration for Indian GST
M adhya Pradesh 4,700 130 650 3,920 8,500 1.81 Although the task force on g s t of the Thirteenth Finance Com­
The numberofemployees has been rounded offto nearest 100.The numbersarethose
of "sanctioned posts" as against the "working strength" being the number ofemployees
mission has come up with an administrative architecture for a
actually working/employed at a particular point in time. proposed dual g s t , it is too sketchy and has only concentrated
Source: Compiled from websites of state governments' commercial tax or sales tax
departments, tax collection figures from Reserve Bankof India (2010): State Finances:
on a few issues like registration of taxpayers, the g s t invoice,
A Study of Budgets of 2009-10, statements 18,19. periodicity of g s t payments and on the administrative struc­
ture of g s t (Government of India 2009a: 49-53). The thrust of
Table 3: Cost of Collection for Union Government Revenue Agencies
and Some State Tax D ep a rtm en ts_____________________________ the administrative recommendation is on maintaining two
Organisation Cost of Collection (as % of Tax Collection) in the Year separate entities for the operationalisation of g s t at the union
1999-2000 2005-06 2009-10
and state level. Thus, it has been recommended to have two
CBD T/incom e tax d ep a rtm en t 1.83 0.86 0.71
departments/agencies, one for the union and one for each
CBEC/central ex cise and cu sto m s 1.71 1.37 1.21
state g s t under the control of union and respective state gov­
Tamil Nadu com m ercia l tax d ep a rtm en t <1 0.71 0.83
ernments. These agencies would be separately responsible for
M adhya Pradesh com m ercia l tax d ep a rtm en t 0.85 1.00
Sources: (1) Compiled from Government of India, Ministry of Finance, A n n u a l R e p o r t
functions like assessment, enforcement, audit/scrutiny, etc, of
o f M in istry o f F in a n ce 2009-10 a n d 2010-1 7, A d m in istra tiv e H a n d b o o k o f i n c o m e Tax their respective portion. However, it has also been recommended
D epartm ent-2011,and C o m p tr o lle r a n d A u d ito r G enera/ o f India: Audit Report o f Income Tax
of various years.
a n d C en tra l E x cise a n d C u s t o m s
that all the processes and procedures would be the same under
(2) Compiled from Government ofTamil Nadu, Commercial Tax Department, Demand No 10, both c g s t and s g s t . This appears to be a contradiction. It
Policy Note 2011-12 and of 2006-07, as well as Government of Rajasthan, Commercial Tax
Department, A n n u a l A d m in istra tiv e R eport, 2010-11.
becomes salient when we closely examine some of the
harmonised operational structures envisaged and discussed.
needs to be further researched. A lot of reduction in the cost of •The jurisdiction between the union and state agencies needs
collection may be due to policy improvement in tax design and to be properly divided and operationalised. If it can be done in
the resulting growth in tax collection as well as buoyant such a manner that a taxpayer has an interface with only one
economy. The data for states are difficult to find, and only two agency, it will be ideal. Instead of having one agency, the alter­
states could be compared. The fact that Tamil Nadu is a better- native - though much more difficult to operationalise on vari­
managed state is again reflected here with its cost of collection ous other considerations - is to have a jurisdictional division
always below 1%. However, it has almost been stagnant over between the two agencies on some economic criteria like turn­
the past decade. Madhya Pradesh could be a typical state with over threshold, etc, (ibid).
an archaic institutional and operational structure. Its cost of col­ •All the procedures under c g s t and s g s t need to be uniform.
lection has, in fact, increased during the past five years. Further, It is important to have a common information technology
the cost of collection may also be misleading in one sense. The infrastructure, and this can be done only at the national level.
low cost of collection may point towards a low level of adminis­ It would also be desirable to have taxpayers’ information net­
trative and infrastructural capacity of the agencies which has work (on the lines of i t d ’s t i n ) and it should be shared between
the effect of increasing the cost of compliance for the taxpayers the union and the states. All the information should be stored
as has been pointed out in many studies (Chattopadhyay and in a common data base. Some progress has been made in terms
Das-Gupta 2002). Nevertheless, the cost of collection figures as of devising a g s t network ( g s t n ) to be set up on the line of
well as collection per employee definitely point towards a larger itd ’s t i n (Government of India 2011). There is also a plan to

administrative malaise as well as procedural and operational provide three core services to taxpayers through a common
issues which the nation faces in moving towards a harmonised web portal - registrations, tax returns and tax payments (ibid).
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•Various processes and activities like tax payment, transac­
tion reporting, etc, should ideally be made through combined
payment and transaction reporting statements, and such
documents should again be common.
•Tax return filing should also be common. Further, audit be­
ing an important activity for ensuring compliance, it would be
ideal if both levels of agencies have a structure whereby the
same taxpayers are not subject to a simultaneous audit by both
the agencies.
•There should be a common taxpayer’ s registration and iden­
tification base. The taxpayer identification number of i t d
(called p a n ) is already being used by the central excise and it
can easily be accepted and modified for the dual g s t model.
This appears to be the plan also under the g s t n (ibid).
• There is need to have a common and standardised g s t
invoice system as an invoice forms a primary source of infor­
mation and is essential for effective control and enforcement
as well as audit of the g s t .
•As the tax base would be common, it would make sense to
have a common appellate structure and similar other authori­
ties like for advance ruling, etc.
All the above signposts/recommendations suggest that if
these types and levels of harmonisation are achieved, why
then have two separate agencies? It effectively means admin­
istering and collecting a g s t through a single department.
Thus, the best organisational design for administration of
the g s t would be to have a single agency/department at the
national level for this “ tax type”, with further operational divi­
sions on functional (taxpayer management and bulk opera­
tions, assessment and audit, enforcement, etc), regional (for
different states, group of small states), and/or taxpayer seg­
ment (companies, partnerships, individual traders, manufac­
turing, service, etc) criteria in essentially a matrix structure
spread all over the country. This will ensure the maximum
level of operational ease and efficiency, as well as better tax­
payer services through a single agency structure for what obvi­
ously is a single tax (though it is shared between union and
state government).
Nevertheless, there are some other administrative and
policy issues, like the establishment of an apex level g s t council
for policy and high administrative level coordination between
different states and the union government, etc, which are
essential to preserve the fiscal federal nature of our country.
What would be the structure, functions, membership, roles
and responsibilities of such a council has not yet been agreed
upon, this obviously being a contentious political issue. Fur­
thermore, how and in what manner should interstate trans­
actions be treated and taxed is still not fully resolved despite a
broad agreement on the i g s t . The rates of taxation, the reve­
nue sharing between union and states, framework for exemp­
tion, thresholds and composition are some of the issues still be­
ing debated at the highest level. Despite all this, the attractions
and merits for a single agency in charge of collection of the g s t
do not diminish. In any case, the projected roll-out date of the
g s t regime from 1 April 2012 may have to be extended in light
of such contentious issues and the still elusive consensus from
Economic & Political weekly COES Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o
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—-" = = = — ■ —: SPECIAL ARTICLE
some state governments (most of which are governed by par­
ties other than the one in power at the union level).
6 GST/VAT Administration in Other Countries
There has been a worldwide trend towards some sort of v a t /
g s t and it would be instructive to note as to how some of the
countries have managed the administration of a reformed tax
regime. In countries with two or more layers of governance,
various political economy factors come to play an important
role in such decisions and some compromise has to be achieved.
China has recently moved towards a centralised v a t regime
where revenue is shared with the provinces. It has been en­
sured that provinces get as much revenue as under the previ­
ous arrangement, plus a share of the increment (Poddar and
Ehtisham 2009). In effect, the levy as well as collection are
both administered by a central authority. Australia also has
introduced a g s t . There g s t is a single national levy and all
g s t revenue is collected by the centre. Subsequently, a state’ s
share is returned to the respective states. In Canada, we have a
system called the harmonised sales tax, where the tax is levied
at a combined federal and provincial rate in the three partici­
pating provinces. Tax design and collection are controlled by
the centre, but provinces have some flexibility to vary their tax
rate. The revenues collected are shared among the participat­
ing provinces on the basis of consumer expenditure data for the
participating provinces (Rangarajan and Srivastava 2007). In
Germany and Austria, the tax design is controlled by the centre,
but states collect the taxes. This has led to incentive problems
and a tax administrative measure has been found to be used for
realising tax policy goals (Poddar and Ehtisham 2009).
In Mexico, the establishment of a v a t at the centre replaced
the state sales tax, but had to be part of a political economy
compromise that assured the states an automatic share of the
revenue generated from all federal taxes (ibid: 17). v a t was in­
troduced in Mexico as a federal tax mainly to harmonise taxes
between federal and local governments by substituting more
than 300 local taxes with v a t (Jose et al 2008). Brazil is a highly
fiscally decentralised state and, historically, v a t has been the
most important tax source for state governments in Brazil. How­
ever, it has posed difficult horizontal tax coordination prob­
lems. It has been observed that though state and local sources
of revenue must be preserved, some limitation on sub-national
government taxing powers is unavoidable (Burki et al 2000).
The various problems related with decentralised v a t in Brazil
have often generated demands for its federal administration.
All these examples show that there is a tendency towards a
centralised administration/collection machinery for g s t / v a t ,
which is important and required for achieving a national-level
efficiency and common market objectives as well as for mini­
mising all sorts of distortions. A national g s t holds a great
appeal from the perspective of establishment and promotion
of the common market in India but the political realities of
India are different and it is now certain that India is not going
to have a single national g s t , but a dual g s t . Due to this very
factor, the need for administrative harmonisation at the
revenue agency level assumes even more importance as
17 89
SPECIAL ARTICLE
harmonisation at the tax base and the tax rate level would be
hard to come by in the Indian federal structure.
7 The Bureaucratic Complex
and Politics of GST Administration
Despite these strong indicators pointing towards the desir­
ability of a single g s t administrative agency at the national
level, the actual movement has been in the opposite direction.
It is well understood that the important question of role and
responsibility of union and state governments on policy issues
related to the g s t base, tax rate, etc, are significant for a truly
federal structure, its relation with an effective and efficient
collection mechanism and collection agency is quite weak.
Therefore, it is quite possible to have a single, professionally
managed g s t agency/department at the national level respon­
sible for only administration and collection of g s t (theoreti­
cally, both state and union components, which in practice
is merely a numeric division). However, the final proposal is
for maintaining two sets of agencies responsible for collec­
tion of union and state g s t and administration of related
activities separately.
The reasons clearly have to do much with political impera­
tives rather than issues of technical soundness and efficiency.
The g s t policy is being discussed and debated at the highest
political level and obviously the question of fiscal autonomy of
states and their ability to raise revenue independently has
played a decisive role. Therefore, though it may technically
have been more attractive to have a unified g s t , the consensus
has emerged for a dual-GST to be “ levied”both by union and
state governments separately. However, on the administrative
architecture issue, question of how separable are the power to
“ levy”g s t and its operationalisation for “ collecting”this tax has
not got due attention. It has happened largely due to the pres­
ence of a strong state-level bureaucracy and its rivalry with the
union bureaucracy. As we have noted earlier, state-level tax
agencies are dominated by ia s officers at the highest level and
state-level civil servants at the junior level. On the other hand,
union excise and custom duty administration is dominated by
i r s of officers at the senior level and junior officers (of the un­
ion government) at the lower level. Therefore, without basi­
cally examining what could have been the most efficient and
effective way of “ collecting”a dual g s t , the question has been
approached on the presumption that both these wings of the
government would continue to exist (in the background, the
existential threat to entrenched bureaucracies, the threat of
their erosion of power and privileges, etc, has played its part),
thus making impossible any meaningful examination of this
crucial issue. However, implementation of g s t through two
departments in charge of simultaneously administering it over
the same base may substantially nullify any envisaged benefits
of this ambitious tax policy reform.
This basically means that although there are considerable
gains to be made by having a single agency to collect/adminis-
ter a dual g s t , it may not be politically feasible. Despite efforts
to the contrary, this may ultimately lead to a situation where
there would be significant administrative inefficiencies, higher
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compliance cost and where taxpayers would be forced to deal
with two departments for compliance of even a single tax.
Consider, the worst situation where a g s t payer would be pay­
ing g s t twice, once to the union agency and then to the state
agency, maintaining two sets of records, filing two g s t returns
and dealing with two agencies at each and every stage of com­
pliance - a truly disappointing scenario! Therefore, the issue
of having two separate agencies for collecting what is essen­
tially a single tax has to be faced squarely.
Highly harmonised dual-layer separate revenue agencies at
the union and state level often offered as the way out though
certainly an improvement over the status quo is only a second
best solution. Even to achieve this, the level of commitment
and efforts required are considerable. The extent of harmoni­
sation required to achieve a satisfactory level of operational
results is truly significant. This has to be in terms of resource
sharing and common processes and procedures - not only
shared infrastructure and information technology platform
(obviously there should be a single tax return form and a tax
payment system, and preferably a joint audit and scrutiny
mechanism), sharing of information and tax base through
common architecture, cooperation and coordination at diffe­
rent levels, but also sharing and utilisation of human resources
across the agencies especially at the higher level so that profes­
sional expertise in tax administration in compliance and
enforcement operations, etc, can be effectively utilised. How­
ever, this is easier said than done. Obviously, it would face
resistance from bureaucracies, more from the i a s cadre. Being
generalists, their claim to be able to manage state revenue
agencies as expert tax professionals is not easy to digest.
Despite this, as they are powerful not only in state but also in
union governments, it would not be easy to get the tax profe­
ssionals to manage all tax agencies.
An important step towards a modern, effective and efficient
tax administration is the management of revenue agencies by
professional civil servants, who have specialised knowledge,
experience and expertise in handling revenue functions. There­
fore, it makes perfect sense to have a cadre of professional civil
servants which will be responsible for running revenue agen­
cies not only at the national level but also at the state as well as
local/municipal levels. In revenue agencies, like in many other
organisations, at the higher management and strategic levels,
the role and responsibilities of revenue administrators start get­
ting complex, wider and involve more of supervision, mentor­
ing, communication across levels and agencies as well as across
boundaries of agencies, departments and ministries. On the
other hand, the core operational level involves more of special­
ised (and some routine) functions where such a broad ap­
proach and exposure may not be so crucial. Accordingly, the
personnel structure of the revenue administration should be
designed in a manner so that the top managerial level can move
across agencies, tax types, functions, and most importantly
across types of governments (the union, state and local/
municipal) whereas the operational core remains more focused
on its core-competency. The present structure at the union level
is some what like this: i r s officers are able to move across
Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 ra n g Economic & Political weekly

functions and regions (though limited across tax-types) and
junior and lower level employees specialise in one or few
functions and are assigned to a single region/state.
The practice in states at present is different for higher level
officers, who move from, for example, the public health depart­
ment to the tax department, two totally unrelated functions
which often require different levels of expertise, exposure and
outlook. This system does not make much sense and has been
prevalent only due to political reasons and the historically
dominant positions of the ia s in government. The often cited
claim that the highest level functionary should be a “ general­
ist”rather than a “ specialist”does not carry much weight in
the modern world where governments have come to perform
highly complex functions. The world over, it is the “ specialist”
manager who is in charge of overall supervision and direction.
The need for functional specialisation of different “ branches”
of services has been recognised and recommended by the Sec­
ond Administrative Reform Commission which has come out
in favour of “ domain”specialisation by different branches of
civil service (Government of India 2009c).
8 Conclusions
gst being a single tax to be shared between the union and the
states, its best operationalisation could be achieved through a
single national agency/department in charge of collecting g s t
and implementing policies of the state and union governments.
The g s t so collected can conveniently be apportioned and dis­
tributed among the respective governments. The tax policy
SPECIAL ARTICLE
and other coordination mechanism can be taken care of by
establishment of the g s t council and other institutional struc­
tures. Any harmonisation with multiple agencies would not
mean much unless it is of a very high level, which will effec­
tively make multiple agencies redundant. However, looking at
the complexity of issues involved, a start could be made with
the second best option of harmonisation and coordination in
some crucial areas. That this is not an end in itself but only the
first stage in a gradual move towards a single revenue agency
through one higher benchmark to another which should be
clear from the outset. In this endeavour, some of the union
territories could be the starting point for having a unified
agency for collection and administration of g s t .
The design of appropriate institutional and organisational
structures is crucial for the success of g s t reforms. In such a
vision, the lynchpin of success would be a highly professional
and motivated human resource, nationwide information tech­
nology architecture, processes and procedures, work flows and
systems compatible with the g s t structure and a high level of
harmonisation with other revenue agencies especially i t d .
Another important issue would be to integrate, align and
reform the revenue administration and civil services structure
with more efficient forms of organising government bureauc­
racies on professional lines. Only then the seemingly conflict­
ing objectives of all revenue administration - efficient, con­
venient and citizen-friendly taxpayer service delivery, on the
one hand and effective compliance, enforcement and deter­
rence mechanism, on the other - can be achieved.

n o tes ________________________________________________
1 There are a amount of studies and literature
available on GST/VAT as a tax instruments, its
ideal and optimal design feature, its effect on
economic activities, its desirability vis-a-vis
other instruments of taxation, etc. We are surely
not entering that territory.
2 Generally, three models for design of revenue
agencies are recognised. Under the “type of
tax” model there are separate endogenously
multi-functional, self-sufficient agencies/
departments for each major type of tax. Under
“functional model” tax administration organises
its work in logical groupings of core functions
that encompasses all taxes. Under “taxpayer
segment” model the revenue administration is
organised around important segments of tax­
payers on the assumption of different charac­
teristics, need and compliance behaviour of tax­
payer segments. These three models have been
discussed in detail in Chapter 2 of OECD (2008).
3 A detailed analysis of such technical issues can
be found in Parthasarathi Shome, ed. (1995):
Tax Policy Handbook, Fiscal Affairs Depart­
ment, IMF, Washington DC; especially part II.
4 Annual Report of Ministry of Finance, Govern­
ment of India 2009-10 and CAG of India: Audit
Report on Direct Taxes, Audit Report on Indirect
Taxes (various years). The numbers are only
approximate. Strictly speaking, they would be
the third largest department, the first two be­
ing the Indian Railways and Indian Posts.
R E F E R E N C E S _______________________________________
Burki, Shahid Javed, Perry Guillermo ed (2000 ):
Annual World Bank Conference on Development
in Latin America and the Caribbean 1999, The
World Bank, Washington DC.
CAG, Comptroller and Auditor General of India
(2010): Audit Report on Direct Taxes, 2009 and
of previous years, New Delhi.
- (2010): Audit Report on Indirect Taxes, 2009
and of previous years, New Delhi.
Chattopadhyay, Saumen and Arindam Das-Gupta
(2002): “The Compliance Cost of Personal
Income Tax and Its Determinants”, National
Institute of Public Finance and Policy, New
Delhi, December.
Government of India (2009 ): Report of the 13th
Finance Commission, Ministry of Finance, New
Delhi.
- (2009 a): Report of the Task Force on Goods and
Services Tax, Thirteenth Finance Commission,
Government of India, New Delhi.
- (2009 b): “First Discussion Paper on GST in
India”, The Empowered Committee of State
Finance Ministers, Ministry of Finance, New
Delhi.
- (2009 c): Report No 10 of 2nd Administrative Re­
form Commission, Refurbishing of Personnel Ad­
ministration - Scaling New Heights, New Delhi.
- (2010): Annual Report of Ministry of Finance,
2009 -10, New Delhi.
- (2011): The IT Strategy for GST - Report of the
Empowered Group on IT Infrastructure for GST,
Ministry of Finance, New Delhi.
Government of India: Economic Surveys of 2010-11,
2009 -10, 2005 - 06 , 2001- 02 , 1996-97 and 1991-
92, Ministry of Finance, New Delhi. These and
Economic Surveys of other years are available
online at www.indiabudget.nic.in
OECD, Centre for Tax Policy and Administration
(2006 ): International VAT/GST Guidelines,
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development, Paris, France.
- (2008 ): Tax Administration in OECD and
Selected Non-OECD Countries: Comparative
Information Series - 2008 , Organisation for
Economic Cooperation and Development,
Paris, France.
Jose, Pagan, Soydemir Gokce and Tijerina-Guajar-
do Jose (2008 ): The Evolution of VATRates and
Government Tax Revenue in Mexico, Contempo­
rary Economic Policy, Vol 19, No 4 , October
2001.
Poddar, S and Ahmad Ehtisham (2009 ): “GST
Reforms and Intergovernmental Considera­
tions in India”, Ministry of Finance, Govern­
ment of India, Working Paper No 1/ 2009 -DEA,
March.
Rangarajan, C and D K Srivastava ( 2007 ): “Fiscal
Transfers in Canada - Drawing Comparisons
and Lessons”, Working Paper, National
Institute of Public Finance and Policy, New
Delhi.
Rao, Govinda and Rao Kavitha (2005 ): “Trends and
Issues in Tax Policy and Reform in India”,
Working Paper, National Institute of Public
Finance and Policy, New Delhi.
Rao, Kavitha (2008 ): “Goods and Services Tax in
India”, National Institute of Public Finance and
Policy, New Delhi, Working Paper 2008 -57,
November.
Reserve Bank of India (2010): State Finances: A
Study of Budgets of 20 09 -10, Mumbai.
Shome, Parthasarathi, ed. (1995): Tax Policy
Handbook, Fiscal Affairs Department, IMF,
Washington DC.

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SPECIAL ARTICLE
Who Is the Community in Community Radio?
SAVITA BAILUR
Despite the enthusiasm for community-owned radio, a
movement which has been steadily gaining pace since
the implementation of new legislation of 2006, we are
yet to find an understanding of who the community is in
community radio. Through an extended case study, this
analysis shows how "community participation" is
constantly shifting. It presents three arguments:
"community" is not a discrete entity; communities are
dynamic; and communities are cognitive constructs.
Savita Bailur (s.bailur@lse.ac.uk) is a research associate at the London
School of Economics, London.
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ollowing the decision of the Supreme Court in 1996 that
F the “airwaves are public property” , and the implemen­
tation of new guidelines for non-governmental orga­
nisation ( n g o ) -owned community radio in November 2006,
the movement for community radio has been rapidly gaining
momentum in India. In 2011, it was estimated that 82 com ­
munity radios were operational in India, with a further 121
having signed the “ grant of permission agreement”with the
Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.1 It is frequently
stated that community radio is the most relevant form of
media for socially excluded groups, due to its lower techno­
logical cost (both of the station and receiver sets), low literacy
levels required, and therefore, relatively low barriers to entry
and participation (Girard 1992; Gumucio Dagron 2001;
Noronha 2003; Pavarala 2003a; Gumucio Dagron and
Tufte 2006).
For these reasons, community radio is considered a critical
medium for development and social change (Melkote and
Steeves 2001; Noronha 2003; Tacchi 2005; Gumucio Dagron
and Tufte 2006; Pavarala and Malik 2007). The unfailing
emphasis is that for community radio to be relevant, contex­
tual and sustainable, it must be owned by the “ community”
(Pavarala and Malik 2007). Undoubtedly, one of the key chal­
lenges to this is that completely community-owned radio is
still non-existent in India, as a Letter of Intent to the Ministry
of Information and Broadcasting has to be issued by educa­
tional institutions or n g o s . A second challenge is one that we
argue here is little discussed in community radio literature in
India. Namely, who constitutes the community in community
radio and how exactly does community participation occur?
Based on eight consecutive months of fieldwork in 2006, and
return visits in the ensuing three years, this paper decon­
structs how community is formed and unformed, and partici­
pation is equally fluid in a donor-established community
radio station, which we will anonymise here as “ Avaaz”. It is
argued that more acknowledgement needs to be made that
community is not a discrete entity, that communities, and
therefore, participation are dynamic, and finally, that com ­
munities are cognitive and performed. First, a brief overview
is given of how community is seen in community radio. This
is posited against the broader discussion and deconstruction
of community both in sociology and development. Our three
theoretical arguments are then presented. The case of Avaaz
and the methodology used to research it are introduced next.
Finally, we provide examples to substantiate our theoretical
stance on community, and provide relevant conclusions and
recommendations.
Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 DECS Economic & Political weekly

1 An Overview
1.1 The 'Community7in Community Radio
Numerous authors write that only community participation and
ownership will lead to relevant programming, sustainability of
community radio and empowerment of the local community
(Girard 1992; Gumucio Dagron 2001; Tacchi 2003; Tacchi 2005;
Lewis and Jones 2006; Fuller 2007; Pavarala and Malik 2007).
a m a r c (the French acronym for the World Association of Com­
munity Radio) defines community radio itself as “ a non-profit
station, currently broadcasting, which offers a service to the
community in which it is located, or to which it broadcasts,
while promoting the participation of this community in the
radio” .2Fuller (2007) states that ownership and control of com­
munity media is rooted in and responsible to the communities
they serve. Rodrigues states that “ empowerment, conscientisa-
tion and fragmentation of power result when the men, women
and youth gain access to and reclaim their own media”(cited
by Tacchi 2005). According to Pavarala and Malik (2007) “ com­
munity radio helps to put the community members in charge of
their own affairs”(ibid: 18). Gumucio Dagron states that com­
munity radio “ has to think locally first in order to consolidate
cultural identity and reflect needs”(2007: 206).
Pavarala (2003b) is one of the few to provide a detailed case
study on a community radio in India (Chala Ho Gaon Mein),
but concludes
...conscious efforts should be made by all the community reporters to
involve as many villagers as possible in programme production as it
has been observed that those villages which have contributed to pro­
gramme content also tend to be more committed audiences (p 2197).
There is an emphasis on preservation of local language, cul­
ture and identity (Gumucio Dagron 2007). Volunteers with
dedication (Dunaway 2002) and collective community owner­
ship (Salazar 2007) are called for. Pasha states that “ a local
radio station must be flexible and spontaneous to enable itself
to function as the mouthpiece of the local community”(1997:
12). There is a particular emphasis for marginalised groups such
as women and tribal groups to use community radio to give
them a voice (Pavarala and Malik 2007; Aleaz 2010). Yet,
within such statements lie several challenges: what (or who) is
the community in community radio? Pavarala (2003a) defines
community as “ a territorially bound group with some common­
ality of interest”(p 2166). What is local language, culture and
identity, as called for by Gumucio Dagron? Is collective com­
munity ownership ever possible? What are the processes by
which a local radio station comes to function as the mouthpiece
of the local community? In other words, what are power strug­
gles in the community in enacting community participation?
As Hoccheimer (1993:473-86) asks, “ who serves whom? Who
speaks for which community interest? Who decides what are
the legitimate voices to be heard?”(ibid: 480).
1.2 Debates on Community and Community Participation
Participation in community radio is specifically seen as “
activities
related to involving people directly in station programming,
administration and policy activities”(Prehn 1991: 259). In
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
theory, community radio listeners are the producers, manag­
ers, directors and even owners of stations (Girard 1992: 2). As
seen above, there is a tendency to view community media as
owned by a holistic community. However, in the fields of soci­
ology and development, it is argued that community is a sym­
bolic construction rather than a given (Cohen 1985; Cleaver
2001; Cooke and Kothari 2001). Some state that the homogeni­
sation is a form of government surveillance and control from
colonial times when community was a constructed “ other”
to be governed (Dar and Cooke 2008). It is argued that this
holistic entity conceals discrete interest groups and power
dynamics such as race, religion, class, caste and gender (Gujit
and Shah 1998; Botchway 2001; Cleaver 2001; Mosse 2001).
Authors caution that emphasis on community participation,
local empowerment and building social capital underplays
local inequalities and power relations. It is also stated that in
light of caste and class hierarchies in south Asian cultures,
community is a particularly complicated, and perhaps unach­
ievable, entity (Tharoor 2000; Jodhka 2001).
Sociological debates also critique the notion of a holistic
culture or identity. It is argued that one’ s affinity to culture is
relational (Featherstone 1995), while Tajfel and Turner (1979)
have spoken of social identity theory, where culture is itera­
tively and dynamically performed against shifting reference
points, including ethnicity and religion. Therefore, it is accepted
that a constructivist notion of community and local culture
may provide a useful shorthand, but is reductionist and static
(Sihlongonyane 2009), particularly in today’ s globalised,
dynamic “ scapes”(Appadurai 1990). One may speak of the
“Muslim community of Bangalore” , but within this created,
holistic “Muslim com m unity” , there will be further networks
dependent on neighbourhoods resided in, friendships made,
schools and universities attended, and so on. In short, a geo­
graphically bounded community may exist but comprises
other multifarious networks.
Admittedly, there is some acknowledgement of these frac­
tures and frictions within community, and therefore, “ commu­
nity participation”in community media literature. Pavarala
and Malik (2007) note that there needs to be further under­
standing of what this term means. It has been argued that
because of the connotations of a holistic community in com­
munity radio, other terms should be used such as “ alternative
radio”or “ citizens’radio”(Lewis 1993; Tacchi 2003; Fuller 2007).
Challenges in community participation in community radio
have been documented, for example, attempts at appropria­
tion by pentecostal and evangelical churches on community
radio in Guatemala and Bolivia (Gumucio Dagron 2007) or be­
tween different groups of women in a female community radio
in the United Kingdom, as opposed to treating “ women”as a
holistic group which need to be empowered (Mitchell 2002), or
local politicians trying to use a UNESCO-supported community
radio in Benin as their propaganda machine, having donated
to it (Dlamini 2004). Instead of community media reflecting
a holistic, specific, local culture then, it is more likely to fit
in with Appadurai’ s (1990) conceptualisation of a dynamic,
global “ mediascape” (Jayaprakash and Shoesmith 2007).
17 93
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Similarly, it is not a given that community media should only slum is constructed of multiple networks based on actors’self­
discuss local issues - in their research, Jayaprakash and concerns and awareness of repercussions on themselves. The
Shoesmith (ibid) find that listeners and producers of Ooty consequence of belonging to multiple networks then is that we are
Radio Station are not interested in representing “ , always assessing which networks bring us more value. There­
local culture”
for example, programmes of local methods of agricultural fore, in terms of participation, this will also always be dynamic
production because “ if it is local, it is not new”(p 49). as actors reassess which networks they belong to, which bring
Therefore, we put forward three theoretical elements here: value to them and whether it is worth participating or not.
first, community is not a discrete, holistic entity which will
uniformly “ participate”in community radio; second, commu­ 1.5 Communities are Cognitive
nities are dynamic, and finally, communities are cognitive and Finally, we argue that communities are not static, objective
performed entities. These arguments may seem self-evident, entities because they, like all relationships, are mental constructs.
but it is believed that they are insufficiently discussed in dis­ This is illustrated by an example given by Cialdini of the financier
cussion groups or policies in India, or even in community radio Baron De Rothschild when petitioned for a loan by an
literature (including in past papers in this journal) where com­ acquaintance, who replied to the latter: “ I w on’t give you a
munity radio is largely seen as a panacea for communities loan myself... I will walk arm in arm with you across the floor
deprived of “ voice”, in a battle against the Ministry of Informa­ of the stock exchange and you will soon have willing lenders
tion and Broadcasting or mass media. In the following sections, to spare”(1989: 45). Simply the association of being with
we first deconstruct these three theoretical elements, before Rothschild is considered enough to make others think that the
applying the case of Avaaz. potential borrower is trustworthy. A network is temporary and
ephemeral because according to Strathern, it is no more than
1.3 Community Is Not a Discrete Entity “the tracery of heterogenous elements...or string of circum­
It has been argued that although an attractive proposition, stances, held by social interactions...in short a hybrid imag­
community is not a discrete entity (Cohen 1985; Cleaver 2001; ined in a socially extended state”(1996: 521). A network is
Cooke and Kothari 2001; Sihlongonyane 2009). Instead, it is temporary because events may occur which weaken or
more useful to turn towards how social relationships are strengthen it, as illustrated by Kapferer (1972). It is also tempo­
formed within and through networks (Wellman 1983; Well­ rary because it is subjective, as network construction is the
man and Berkowitz 1988; Kilduff and Tsai 2003; Marin and result of individual cognitive maps (Weick and Bougon 1986).
Wellman 2010). Actors in networks are bound together Network membership may not only be constructed on the
through homophily, that is the interaction with others who basis of which networks, individuals feel they belong to, but
share similar goals and values to themselves, which itself is a also which they feel they do not belong to. A famous example
subjectively interpreted criteria (Louch 2000; McPherson et al of this is given by Gino and Ayal (2009) in a controlled experi­
2001). Therefore, we seek to belong to networks where we feel ment where students cheated more when they saw those from
our interests will be served. We may even adhere to long de­ their own university cheating, but not when they saw those
funct values in the desire to belong to networks (Emirbayer from a rival university cheating (because they felt they were
and Goodwin 1994) and avoid ostracisation. However, be­ above the rival university and did not follow these values).
cause different networks bring us different benefits, we also This is linked to ideas of how we perform in different social
belong to multiple networks, and this multiple network be­ contexts, as discussed by the American sociologist Erving
longing may result in conflict when the goals of different net­ Goffman (1959). The next section introduces the case of Avaaz
works clash, and one goal is more important than another before analysing it through these three constructs: communi­
(Human and Provan 2000). We may belong to a community ties as networks, communities as dynamic entities, and com­
then, but multiple spider webs of relations exist within this munities as cognitive and performed constructs.
overall grouping.
2 The Case of Avaaz
1.4 Communities are Dynamic The case of Avaaz has been anonymised here in order to pro­
As we belong to multiple networks, the argument follows that tect those who were working there at the time, although it is
this network belonging is always dynamic. Menjivar illustrates understood that first, it may still be recognisable from the few
how networks of immigrants from El Salvador in the United details given, and second, a weakness of the anonymisation is
States are welcoming to new immigrants, but shrink during that much detail has been lost. This raises larger questions of
times of financial crisis (Menjivar 2000). Kapferer (1972) analyses research ethics (protecting research subjects) (Dodson and
how at times of strike action in an Indian owned textile factory in Sterling 2010) versus reliability (Hammersley 1992). These are
Zambia, network allegiances shift, according to who the workers complex issues which deserve further discussion on living
think is more important. Zachary documented goal conflict in research subjects such as contemporary community media
a karate club, where the club president and club instructor dis­ (Sterling and Rangaswamy 2010), but are beyond the scope of
agreed over the price and type of karate offered, subsequently this paper.
dividing the club (Zachary 1977). Similarly, Chatterjee (1998) Avaaz is a community radio which was already narrowcast­
shows how what appears to be a cohesive community in a Kolkata ing through n g o s in 2001, when it was given support from a

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 eeeeee SPECIAL ARTICLE

donor agency in 2002. This support included a new studio, as interviewer, interpreter and interviewee, etc) and how they
well as four computers for i t teaching, a printer, photocopier wish to be perceived.
and scanner. There was also in theory an internet connection for
radio browsing, a technique previously employed in Kothmale 2.2 Networks o f Participation in Avaaz
Community Radio in Sri Lanka, where the d j could look up As mentioned above, Avaaz illustrated community participa­
information online and broadcast it over the radio (Noronha tion by not only recruiting studio managers and volunteer staff
2003), but it is unclear whether this ever worked at Avaaz. Two from the village in which it was based, but also by establishing
n g o s were involved in assisting the operationalisation of a management committee drawing from the 12 s h g s in the
Avaaz, made anonymous here as Jaan (a development n g o ) village. In network terminology, it could be said that this net­
and Maatu (a media n go ) . The main aim of Avaaz was to com­ work was “ goal directed”(Kilduff and Tsai 2003) with a com­
bine new and traditional technologies to produce relevant mon goal of creating a community radio constituting local
local content, in local languages to improve the quality of life content represented by local people. Shivani, an early project
for people in rural communities, especially in poorer house­ manager, emphasised the “ access to all”mantra which made
holds. In order to be sustainable, Avaaz solicited support from Avaaz “ a casteless, genderless place” . However, this goal
already existing local self-help groups (shgs) as well as the directed network on establishing Avaaz overlaid existing net­
local panchayat, and it was located in an accessible area next works of religion, caste and family feuds. Shivani illustrated
to the village bus stop. The management committee comprised this with an example of religion: “ I did play devil’ s advocate
representatives from the s h g s , and staff and volunteers were and said if you want to play a prayer song, does it have to be a
recruited from the local catchment. All the latter were in­ Hindu song every day? What about the Muslim community?
tended to participate in programme design, content, produc­ And they said no, the Muslim community can come in and sing
tion, management and evaluation of Avaaz. their song every Friday... this was the time of the whole Babri
masjid event, there was a lot of tension” . It is seen therefore
2.1 Research M ethodology how the opening prayer song is heavily influenced by religious
An overall extended case study approach (Burawoy 2009) was allegiances, and there is no one holistic community, but rather
pursued while researching Avaaz. This involved a pilot visit in a division into the Hindu and Muslim community (and the
2004, eight consecutive months at Avaaz in 2006, and subse­ “ spokeswomen”for the “ Hindu community”create a holistic
quent brief research trips in 2007, 2008 and 2009. Interpreters “ the Muslim community”as it serves to justify their decision, a
were used in this period, because while I had a basic under­ point which we will return to in discussing how communities
standing of the local language, I was not fluent in it. Interviews are cognitive). Similarly, when Bhavana, one of the volunteers,
recounted here are with Guru (the centre manager, employed was asked of her time at the station, and if there were any
by Jaan), Shivani (the ex-project manager, employed by Maatu issues of caste, gender or religion, she replied “ nothing like
and the donor), Ramesh (the subsequent project manager, em­ that, even the backward castes used to come, they used to
ployed by Maatu), and past and present staff and volunteers. mingle with us” . Narratively, her inclusion of “ even [italics
One specific analytical method was that of narrative analysis. added] the backward castes”implies an extension to these
This refrains from treating interviews as hard data, and castes which is not usual. The distinction “ they used to mingle
instead sees the storytelling itself as revealing in how inter­ with us [italics added]”illustrates an underlying delineation
viewees see themselves and others (Riessman 1993; Czarni- of “ them”and “ us”.
awska-Joerges 1998). In narrative analysis, what is critical is The argument that a “ goal directed”network of Avaaz over­
the construction of the plot (defined as an original state of af­ laid existing networks was also illustrated by the example of
fairs, an action/event, and a consequent state of affairs or Sheila, another Avaaz staff member in 2006. In early inter­
resolution) (Riessman 1993; Boje 2001). Who includes what views, Sheila had stated that “ giving awareness is important.
and who omits what (a process Riessman calls selectivity). Information is important. It is good to help others” .Yet, later in
How does the passage of time influence the story (Ricoeur fieldwork, still in 2006, she came subdued to work one day.
1988; Levine 1997; Cunliffe et al 2004)? What is a storyteller’ s Her elder sister had been suffering a difficult pregnancy and
“cognitive resolution” (Chafe 1990) as to why something on birth, it was discovered that the baby’ s oesophagus and tra­
happened, and what their role was in the story? Therefore, chea were fused. She said “ we talk about information on
in what way does the story result in the storyteller’ s self health, we are the ones who keep telling other people to listen.
making (Bruner 2003)? For these reasons, narrative analysis But none of this is worth anything if you don’ t have m oney” .
complements the perspective of performance and cognitive Sheila’s comments and cognitive resolution showed how her
constructs of community, as we see how interviewees use very real family challenges affected on how much she believed
the relevant “ social dialect”(Casey 1993) depending on how the value of her work.
they see themselves, the circumstances in which they narrate Finally, the idea that participation in Avaaz (particularly on
their story (where the interview takes place, who else is programmes raising awareness about corruption or local
present, how soon after the event it takes place as time itself middlemen) was influenced by actors’membership of other
is a subjective entity and cognitive resolution may have networks was made by Guru, the centre manager: “ poorer
occurred in that intervening time, the relationship between people do not want to get involved. Because supposing they

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SPECIAL ARTICLE
complain about the richer people, and later the richer people himself as one of “ all the good people” , he shows himself as
offer work, they will not support them if they have complained someone who no longer wished to belong to the network of
before”. Even though, according to Ramesh, the Maatu project Avaaz. Instead, his focus on the camera theft as a primary
manager, attempts were made to preserve anonymity such as experience (Riessman 1993), illustrates how he uses it to place
polls and vox pops, people were reluctant to participate in himself along with Suresh, Divya and Rajendra in the smaller
such programmes for fear of repercussions (Emirbayer and network, bound by more honourable ties and stronger values
Goodwin 1994; Chatterjee 1998), unless it was already clear against theft, against the larger network of the management
they did not belong to these. committee and Nikhil.
The third seminal event, the departure of Divya, again
2.3 Dynamic Networks in Avaaz illustrates the fracturing and changing networks of participa­
It is, of course, understandable that between 2001, when the tion in community radio. Once again, the actual circumstances
centre is said to have started, and 2006 (the start of our are not clear, due to conflicting accounts. According to Shiv­
research), participation in Avaaz had morphed continuously. ani, Divya wanted to leave for a higher paid job, but unable to
As illustrated by Kapferer (1972), Menjfvar (2000) and Zachary do so, she decided to withdraw her resignation. When this was
(1977), network membership changes because of seminal not approved, Shivani remembers that Divya began “ mobilis­
moments. This was also the case in Avaaz. One event recounted ing opinions against the radio station... it came to the point
by Shivani was that of a volunteers strike as a result of one of where the mc [management committee] were seeing it as Guru
the shg members storming into the centre to demand the and Shivani versus her, and they were on her side” . Once more,
broadcast of her as yet unedited programme. The volunteers this suggests that networks were fracturing, cliques forming,
found the episode disturbing, and went on strike until their and where once an overall network working on Avaaz was
respect and security was assured. However, in an illustration constructed, now the radio station was being seen as Guru and
of the influence of time over narrative (Levine 1997), R icoeur’ s Shivani versus Divya and the management committee. If the
fiction effect (Ricoeur 1988) and Riessm an’ s selectivity (1993), representatives of the mc were meant to be from the commu­
it is notable that none of the volunteers mentioned this when nity, if they saw the radio station as “ being seen as Guru and
interviewed. Shivani” , then this would illustrate a lack of community par­
A second seminal event in Avaaz was the theft of a digital ticipation (although it should be remembered that this was
camera by one of the volunteers. According to Shivani and Shivani’ s own narrative: once more, the mc members inter­
Guru, the event was not considered particularly relevant, but viewed were silent on this matter, except that “ Guru is not
the panchayat was insistent on punishment and the two from here”and therefore did not understand the village).
boys implicated were held overnight in a cell. The camera was The fourth seminal event which again appeared to divide
recovered in bushes nearby. Again, the actual circumstances networks and therefore participation was the live recording of
surrounding this were never clear as varying narratives were the village gram sabha which was played on the radio. At the
told. According to Shivani, “ next day, a group of 20 or so start of the establishment of Avaaz, Ramesh from Maatu stated
volunteers came to the centre. They said we will never volunteer that “ it was one of the villages where the panchayat willingly
for you again, and we will make sure nobody in this village said, okay, you can take the building, you don’ t have to pay
ever volunteers for you again” . Again, selectivity emerged rent, and the people were very excited” . According to him, one
when interviewed in 2006, most of the volunteers who were of the early ideas was “ like fertilisers are being given for free,
there at the time did not mention this. Only one, Anand, stated or a special fertiliser is being given, we broadcast that infor­
that “ there had been some problem with Nikhil and Kamal and mation. Something government is giving out, something that
after that, people began leaving... when people left no one else these guys don’ t know about and we are the link” . The use of
went and the centre became quiet”(although note, the explicit the phrase “ we are the link”is particularly inoffensive, and so
mention of the theft was omitted). the idea of working together rather than against (i e, belong­
However, one strong account came from Arun, a volunteer ing to the same network). However, in 2002, when the annual
and subsequent studio manager at the time of the theft. gram sabha meeting was recorded live, “ the panchayat had a
According to him “ after the camera was found, the person who big fight”(Guru). Further events caused further fractures: an
stole it was reappointed. I was disappointed .... [H]e had annual Jamma Bundi which again the radio station raised
robbed, and if he served in [Avaaz], others will learn to rob. As awareness about, but the panchayat “ changed the date and
long as he is there, I will not go back there. We kept asking the they did not tell us”(Guru), and the 2005 live broadcast of
management committee not to employ him, but they did” . local elections. According to Guru “ we go from Avaaz and they
Arun’ s narrative thus illustrates a moving away from the goal openly say, every Prime Minister is corrupt, every chief
directed network of Avaaz workers. He added “ all the good minister is corrupt, why do you want to talk about us only?” .
people left at this time, first Suresh, then Divya, then Rajendra, Therefore, although initially Ramesh perceived homophily
then me... we kept asking the management committee not to (Louch 2000; McPherson et al 2001), it is clear this is no longer
employ Nikhil, but they did” . The composition of the narrative the case (according to Guru and the panchayat), and in fact,
illustrates his self-making (Bruner 2003): by distancing him­ the latter feels victimised as they are only part of a larger
self from the person who committed this theft, and including corrupt system.
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 SPECIAL ARTICLE
Other critical events occurred during fieldwork in 2006. this in the case of Sheila. For Divya, the turning point ap­
Through August and September 2006, the only live Avaaz peared to be when she attempted to leave. In 2004, she had
broadcasts were to the outlying Ambedkar colonies, where placed herself in a benevolent, somewhat hierarchical position
loudspeakers had been placed. One evening in late September, of helping others and educating the rural people to the level of
a young boy mentioned that “ somebody had the cables” . Onethe urban. However, in 2006, instead of standing apart from
of the loudspeakers was also missing. Later that evening, cele­ “the community”as she had done in 2004, she stated the reason
brations for the Ganesh Chaturthi festival began in the village. she had been asked to leave was because she did not make “ in­
A pick-up truck with a loudspeaker system paraded through novative programmes” . She asked “what is innovative? I live in
the local area, accompanied by much festivity. Rumours began the village - how innovative can I be? I am a simple village girl” .
circulating that it was the same loudspeaker which had been Thus, we can see how Divya cognitively changes positions,
stolen. When asked if this was the case, one of the revellers from outside the community, to inside it, and constructing her­
jokingly replied “ it is ours only”playing on the concept of own­ self as “a simple village girl”when it is helpful for her.
ership and therefore, their right to do whatever they wished It is also interesting how community membership was
with the equipment. In contrast, when Guru brought up this frequently invoked to justify whether programme content was
issue many months later, he complained “ it is not their prop­relevant or not. We saw it above when the Hindu community
erty to do that” : a marked deviation from the original rhetoric decides what a constructed “ Muslim community”should do,
of community participation and ownership. even though crosscutting networks existed between these two
One final event involved Rani, one of the Avaaz staff, who “communities” , e g, the s h g members were also neighbours,
was being harassed by a young boy calling her daily at the had children who went to the same school, were babysitters
station during fieldwork. After one call, she decided to go for each other, etc. Similarly, Jagadish, the first i t teacher,
home for the day. Her father visited in the afternoon, stating complained that the original content was “ blade, blade, blade
that it was no place for young women, and that Rani would be [boring]... am also boring here are only. So I know how the
leaving. Although Rani had until now somewhat successfully community people like, I know” . Even though Jagadish now
negotiated multiple network belonging, two of which were the lived in the state capital, he considered himself as belonging
family network and work network, the goals of these two clash from there. In contrast, although Guru had lived and worked
(Human and Provan 2000; Kilduff and Tsai 2003) and it is no in the area for 11 years, it was often pointed out that “ he was
longer beneficial for her to be part of the work network. Thus, not from here”and therefore, did not understand the village,
even though Ramesh had stated that one of the attempts to and therefore, political processes which affected participation
make the centre “ community owned”was its location next to (even though, as seen above, he had illustrated an understand­
the bus stop and therefore “ very, very accessible”, despite theing of why people were reluctant to speak out). Similarly, the
fact that we encountered Rani several times at the bus stop acting panchayat president stated that “ they only want to
next to the centre, she did not re-enter the premises. This, and complain about us... nobody from that centre understands our
the above examples of the volunteers strike, camera theft, de­ village” , even though all the volunteers and staff (including
parture of Divya, division from the panchayat and loudspeaker Guru, who lived behind the centre) lived in that village or out­
theft lead us to the argument that community inclusion and lying ones. Thus, even though in this case the panchayat and
exclusion is also a matter of perception, i e, cognitive. Avaaz staff geographically constituted the same community,
the first half of the definition of community used by Pavarala
2.4 Cognitive Communities in Avaaz (2003) (“ a territorially bound group” ), they did not, as seen in
In the above perspectives, it has been argued that communi­ the research, represent a community in the second half of his
ties comprise multiple networks, and are therefore, dynamic definition (“ with some commonality of interest” ), as they did
as an individual’ s aims might begin to differ from the aims of not perceive themselves as having the same goals. Yet again,
the network. However, changing network membership is not in an illustration of how dynamic networks, and therefore
simply an action. In most cases, as argued above (Weick and communities, are, it was observed that in the preparations for
Bougon 1986; Cialdini 1989; Strathern 1996; Gino and Ayal a Republic Day parade in 2007, the panchayat and the centre
2009), this network membership is cognitive and therefore, worked together putting differences aside, because once more
performed (Goffman 1959). Initially for example, most of the this was a common goal.
Avaaz workers saw themselves as distinct from the larger un­ Perhaps the individual who illustrated the greatest cognitive
educated community. According to Guru “ we are supporting construction in and out of different networks was Guru. As
the community... everything the community does” . Sheila saw seen above, he frequently distanced himself from the commu­
herself as “giving awareness”to “ others” . In 2004, Divya men­ nity, which he was merely supporting. Returning to discuss
tioned “ the large difference between rural and urban people” the retaining of Nikhil, he stated: “ even Nikhil, I did not want
and how “ we are helping change that” .“ Giving awareness is to take back. Till this day, I oppose his inclusion, but commu­
important. Information is important... we tell others boil nity decided” . This multiple network membership, however,
water nicely, keep your house clean” . Yet, through the course of was not without discomfort for him. His uncertainty and
research, all three individuals showed their concerns about this attempts at cognitive resolution emerged in his narrative with
goal-focused network of Avaaz. The baby’ s death illustrated statements such as “ we, that is they, Jaan” , showing him

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unclear as to whether he belonged to Jaan or not. However, a
visit by a Reliance mobile phone salesman (to use the centre as
a sales point) also illustrated Guru’ s attempts to benefit from
this multiple network membership, shown in the following
conversation:
Reliance salesman: “ What can we do for you, so that we can
make this happen?”[For the centre to be
an outlet for Reliance mobile phones.]
Guru: “ Give me some money, we are so happy” . nity in community radio. However, the main point of this
Reliance salesman: “ That is there” .
Guru: “ Some incentive, anything, like 50 phones
we sell, we get a motorbike .”
[Guru and salesman laugh]
Guru: “ I am thinking, I am helping, getting in­
formation, i c t s to the people. So 50
phones, one bike. 100 phones, one car.”
Reliance salesman: “ This will be a costly thing for us”.
Guru: “ We want people to get a connection, to
get i c t s ”.
Reliance salesman: “ So, it is not only upliftment of the com­
munity, it is also upliftment for you”.
[Guru and salesman laugh]
Guru: “ I am also community, no? I’ m joking.”
As seen, Guru first constructs himself as helping “ the peo­
ple”but when his “ upliftment of the community”is gently
mocked, he constructs themselves as part of the community,
as it is more beneficial for him. This and the examples of the
changing perceptions of Sheila, Divya, the panchayat, and
how Arun chooses not to see himself as part of the Avaaz
network after he believes it condones the camera theft (al­
though note how Guru himself attributes this to the “
commu­
nity”), all illustrate how communities are dynamic because
they are cognitive creations.
3 Discussion and Conclusions
It could justifiably be asked what the benefits are of such a
somewhat theoretical discussion on what constitutes commu­
paper is that there is an insufficient deconstruction of the
complexities of community in community radio literature and
discussion in India. Too often we see a binary distinction in
community radio between an oppressive government or mass
media and wholesome community radio (Pasha 1997; Mitchell
and Baxter 2006). Instead, it should be understood that the
processes of community participation in community radio
are no different to any other participatory and democratic
processes, in illustrating the cleavages, power struggles and
temporary alliances which come together, but also disinte­
grate. For this reason, we can only emphasise the need for
more detailed case studies on community radio in India, which
are all too rare (see for a few examples, Aleaz (2010), Pavarala
and Malik (2007) and Slater and Tacchi (2003)). An extended
case method and narrative analysis were understandably
a luxury of doctoral research, but if at all possible more
thought needs to be given to qualitative and ethnographic
style research in community media, where we listen to what
people say, and therefore, their understandings of community
and “ participation” .

Environment, Technology and Development:

Critical and Subversive Essays
Essays from the Econom ic an d Political Weekly
E d it e d By ROHAN D'SOUZA
Many political battles, policy initiatives, academic debates and our understanding of the world in general have been shaped
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NOTES
1 Community Radio India (2011). “ Community
Radio India: Sharing Capacity, Empowering
Communities”retrieved on 5 February 2012,
from http://communityradioindia.org/.
2 AMARC (2011): “ World Association of Commu­
nity Radio Broadcasters”, retrieved on 4 March
2011, from http://www.amarc.org.
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
The Ghost in the Machine
Deconstructing Forest Policy Discourse in Bangladesh
N IA Z A H M E D K H A N , B A R B A R A H A R R I S S - W H I T E
By examining Bangladesh's principal forest policy
documents from a discourse perspective, this study
argues that the State's policy response to the "problems"
and "development of the forestry sector" has been
rhetorically loaded but politically cautious, covert and
calculated. Under the conditions of governmentality,
the policy prescriptions are presented as technical
instruments for promoting efficiency in the forestry
sector. The power and politics inherent in this exercise
are constantly cloaked; yet these are pervasive,
and find expression in their ability to serve certain
practical purposes.
The research which informs this paper was supported by a
Commonwealth Academic Staff Fellowship offered to the first named
author by the Commonwealth Scholarship Commission in the United
Kingdom. An earlier version o f the paper was included in the Queen
Elizabeth House Working Paper Series, University of Oxford (Khan
2009). The usual disclaimer applies.
Niaz Ahmed Khan (niaz.khan@yahoo.com ) teaches development
studies at the University of Dhaka, Bangladesh, in addition to being a
Senior Commonwealth Fellow, Oxford Department of International
Development, Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford.
Barbara Harriss-White (barbara.harriss-white@qeh.ox.ac.uk) teaches
development studies, Oxford Department of International Development,
Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford.
100
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1 Introduction
A
dapting the famous metaphor from Koestler (1967),
Shore and Wright (1997) viewed and explored policy
as the “ghost in the machine” , and argued that: “[pol­
icy] is the force which breathes life and purpose into the ma­
chinery of government and animates the otherwise dead
hand of bureaucracy”(ibid: 5). In this essay, we attempt to
shed light on the much spirited ghost of forest policy within
the bureaucratic machine in Bangladesh by examining offi­
cial policy discourse.
Bangladesh’ s official forest policy is expressed in two key
government documents produced under the purview of the
Ministry of Environment and Forests ( m o e f ) : the National For­
est Policy ( n f p ) 1994 ( g o b 1995), and the Forestry Master Plan
( f m p ) : Main Plan 1993-2012 ( g o b 1994).1 The research re­
ported here is based on an examination of these two texts.
The research presented here is significant for a number of
reasons. First, research on forest policy in Bangladesh is strik­
ingly limited.2The existing literature is predominantly techni­
cal in nature and a discourse analysis of forest policy has not
been done before. Second, the last two decades have wit­
nessed an upsurge of appreciation of the various forms and
tools of discourse analysis to understand development prac­
tice.3Any attempt to contribute to this global body of knowl­
edge, especially the sharing of experiences and observations
from the South, is a worthwhile exercise. Third, the general
significance of policy and associated discourse analyses are
now unequivocally established. Shore and Wright, among
many others, make the case as follows:
Policy has becom e an increasingly central concept and instrument in
the organisation of contemporary societies. Like the modern state (to
which its growth can be linked), policy now impinges on all areas of
life so that it is virtually impossible to ignore or escape its influence.
...Policy language and discourse provides a key to analysing the archi­
tecture of modern power relations (Shore and Wright 1997:4,14).
Fourth, within the tradition of discourse analysis, “ policy
documents”as analytical material have received special schol­
arly attention.4This paper contributes to the sub-field.
This essay is organised in four sections. The following
section reviews the key literature on policy as discourse
and the associated analytical tools. Section 3 examines
Bangladesh forest policy texts from a discourse perspective.
In the last section we recapitulate our main arguments
and argue for increased research in this relatively under­
explored topic.
a p r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 ImiVi Economic & Political weekly

2 Policy as Discourse
Although Gasper and Apthorpe have convincingly argued that
“discourse analysis of policy-stating - arguing and - justifying
provides a rewarding way to consider development policy”
(1996: 1), the concept of “ discourse”and the method of “ dis­
course analysis”defy a universal definition, such that the
range of definitions suggested are bedevilled with idiosyncrasy
(Potter and Wetherell 1994; White 1994). Based on a sub­
stantial review of literature, Gasper and Apthorpe (1996: 2-6)
collated the major contemporary uses of the term “ discourse” :
(i) as an ensemble of ideas, concepts and categories through
which meaning is given to phenomena; (ii) as an extended
stretch of language or an extended discussion within a parti­
cular intellectual framework; (iii) as conversation, debate,
exchange; (iv) as practice and theory - material activity which
transforms nature and society and the modes of thought that
inform this action; (v) as a modernist regime order of know­
ledge and disciplinary power.
In the broad theoretical realm of “ policy as discourse” , the
tradition of “genealogical and discursive”approaches to the
understanding of policy occupies a special place, and the
works of French philosopher Michel Foucault manifestly stand
out.5 Lemert and Gillan summarise Foucauldian views on
discourse related to policy thus:
Roughly put, discourse is simply language practiced.... However, as a
more inclusive instance of language use, its analysis is limited neither
to the customary elements of linguistics (semantics and grammar) nor
to linguistic’ s basic units (the sentence, the proposition). Discourse,
therefore, is susceptible to analysis in relation to the other aspects of
social life: politics, culture, economics, and social institutions (Lemert
and Gillan 1982:129-30).
Foucault approached policy as governmentality. Govern-
mentality refers to a series of regulatory strategies that are
heterogeneous, indirect, and concerned with the operations of
power in modern society (McNay 1994:117-18).
The analysis of governmentality, Foucault argued, requires
an examination of political technologies as this is one major
“tactic”by which power is exercised without making it too
obvious. “ Political technologies”are rational, modern struc­
tures, systems and relationships of government that have dis­
ciplinary effects, and that provide for the methods by which a
political problem is recast as a scientific or technical one (ibid:
113-17; Fernandez 2008: 52-53).
Since the 1980s, the new policy literature drawing on Foucault,
especially on his ideas of “ governmentality”and the associated
“tactics”such as “ political technologies”has offered new traject­
ories of analyses, further elaborations and empirical insights. One
dominant theme within these later works is pioneered by Schaffer
(1984)6 who viewed public policy as political practice. Lamb
elucidates Schaffer’ s view:
...public policy [is] a political process, a process of struggle not only
about content of policy - good vs bad, as it were - but also about the
agenda or the terrain of policy discussions: who controlled it, how and
why? (Lamb 1985: 515).
In this context, Schaffer coined the term “bureaucratics”to
refer to the “
politics of bureaucracy”, and suggested “
policy is
a matter of bureaucratic”(Schaffer 1984: 185-86). Besides
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
exploring these themes, the new wave of policy studies draws
our attention to a number of other aspects of the analysis of
policy as discourse, some of which are particularly relevant to
the purpose of this study.
First, while examining policies as discourse, one needs to be
aware of the critical “ role of language...to understand the
ways in which the choice of a set of words, concepts, symbols,
stylistic devices and arguments operates to frame, legitimate,
and/or contest policy”(Fernandez 2008: 53).
Second, as noted above, policies often entail a depoliticising
effect arising out of the use of “ rational”and “ scientific”lan­
guage to legitimise policy decisions and intervention by domi­
nant institutional apparatus (Gasper and Apthorpe 1996;
Escobar 1995; Ferguson 1990; Harriss-White 2002; Schaffer
1984; Wood 1985a).
Third, in the formulation and practice of policy, some lin­
guistic and stylistic devices are used. A careful examination of
these devices is crucial, because these produce meanings in
policy discourse:
•Framing concerns the construction of “ problems”to be tack­
led by the intervention, and its logical relation to the genera­
tion of “ solutions”proposed. In the framing exercise, a partic­
ular structure of arguments about policy problems and solu­
tions is presented, and “ alternative arguments and problems/
solutions are foreclosed”(Fernandez 2008: 53).
•Development policy discourses often use tropes - figures of
speech, where words are not used in their literal sense, for ex­
ample, use of metaphors in descriptions: “ describing] some­
thing as something else, to imply a similarity”(Gasper and
Apthorpe 1996: 7). Use of tropes often serves the political pur­
poses of creating deliberate fuzziness, where tropes are sub­
ject to multiple meanings and where they mask the political
elements in the subject concerned.
•Policies also often adopt a storytelling or narrative structure
which wrap selective information, definition and views of
problems, solutions and priorities, and serve as a medium for
communicating and making accessible a framework of mean­
ings of that particular discourse (Apthorpe 1986; Gasper and
Apthorpe 1996; Roe 1989,1991).
•Labelling is a “ way of referring to the process by which pol­
icy agendas are established and more particularly the way in
which people, conceived as objects of policy, are defined in
convenient images”(Wood 1985c: 343).
• Similarly, keywords are used as banners and slogans in
support of the intervention and actions proposed by a parti­
cular policy. Another related style in policy discourse involves
polar words or binary couples to refer to and construct “ prob­
lems”and propose “ solutions” 7 (Apthorpe 1996; Gasper and
Apthorpe 1996).
Fourth, the mainstream rationalist public policy model views
public policy as a dichotomous linear process with two distinct
but sequential phases: “ The process begins with a decision or
a sequence of activities which culminate in a decision. The
decision also constitutes a ‘ policy’. Then there is a break. On
the other side of this divide is ‘policy implementation’ ”(Clay
and Schaffer 1984: 3).
101
 This dichotomy provides for the deployment by policymak­
ers and bureaucrats of escape hatches - justification provided
for known causes of policy failure - and a host of other mani­
pulative procedures to shirk responsibility for the outcomes of
these policy practices.
In our (re)reading of the forest policy of Bangladesh we have
had to be selective in the use of these theoretical and analytical
ideas, tools and considerations. For reasons of tractability, in
particular, this research explores the following core concepts:
•Concepts and manifestations of “ governmentality”and its
associated tactics, notably “ political technologies” .
• The process and consequences of “ depoliticisation”
, and
the apolitical representation of (essentially political) subjects
in policies.
•The application of rhetorical, linguistic and stylistic devices
and their effects on the construction or description of politics
in policy documents.
Our choice of these three themes is influenced by two fac­
tors. First, they constitute the core of the mainstream (espe­
cially Foucauldian) analysis of policy discourse as a political
process. Second, they can be studied through an examination
of policy documents and secondary literature. They inform
our exploration of the policy documents at the core of this
paper, and we summarise findings relevant to them in
the conclusion.
3 Re-Reading Bangladesh Forest Policy as a Discourse
In this section, we deconstruct Bangladesh forest policy dis­
course. Its “narrative structure”is that of a policy “ folktale”
(Roe 1989, 1991). In their 1996 paper, Gasper and Apthorpe
(1996: 9)8outline the standard sequence of such a “ folktale” :
A problem (often a ‘ crisis’
) is encountered; it will be ‘
solved’through
the epic endeavour of a hero (the project/policy), who faces and over­
comes a series of trials (constraints), and then lives happily ever after.
In the case of Bangladesh forestry, the logic of the narrative
flows as follows:
Presentation of a (grave) “ Crisis”= > requiring (immediate and ur­
gent) “Solution”= > the form must be a (technical, apolitical) “ Inter­
vention”= > the intervention will require certain “ Preconditions”to
be met = > it must be led and managed by “ Technically Qualified Ex­
perts”and “ Specialists”= > once the intervention is planned and for­
mulated, its actual “
Implementation”process will have to be separately
prepared and executed.
In this narrative order, we examine the key purport,
phases and underlying message of forest policy discourse
in Bangladesh.
3.1 The Plan, the Protagonists and Their Legitimacy
In its introduction, the f m p has the following to say about the
key authors and actors in the planning exercise:
Plan preparation was by a 26-man team of local counterparts, national
and international consultants spanning a 20-month period from Octo­
ber 1991 to May 1993. Ministry of Environment and Forests seconded a
part time Project Director, four fulltime and four part time counter­
parts. Three long-term counterparts came from the Bangladesh Forest
Department and one was from the Department of Environment.
Bangladesh Forest Research Institute provided two of the short term
102
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counterparts and Bangladesh Forest Industries Development Corpora­
tion two. Bangladesh Consultants Ltd and the Food and Agriculture
Organisation of the United Nations fielded six and three national
consultants, respectively, fao has also provided two international
consultants while Sandwell Inc and Reid Collins Ltd supplied seven
specialists, including the Team Leader (g o b 1994:1).
Evidently, the f m p has been an exclusive performance of
“ specialists” , “ consultants”and “ counterparts” . The institu­
tional “ partners”in this exercise were the Asian Development
Bank,9 United Nations,10 and Government of Bangladesh.
Those who the document term “ counterparts”are in fact
career government officials, a good number of whom are for­
estry specialists themselves.
So f m p was developed by a group of technical experts with
virtually no institutional involvement of other social interests:
non-governmental organisations ( n g o s ) , pressure groups,
lobbies, forest-dependent rural communities and indigenous
peoples, academics and/or researchers. There is no evidence
to suggest any involvement of political parties at any stage of
policy formulation.
The n f p document arose from the suggestions and recom­
mendations of the team responsible for formulating the f m p .
The f m p contained detailed analyses of policy and provided
the draft policy text to the government. Subsequently, the gov­
ernment endorsed the draft text and its recommendations,
and formally announced the policy ( n f p ) . Except for cosmetic
editing, the content and spirit of the n f p are drawn from the
f m p . In the n f p preamble, its genealogy is explicit:
In the...draft Forestry Master Plan proposals/suggestions have been
put forth to amend the National Forestry Policy 1979 after detailed
examination and evaluation of it in light of demand of the time and
overall prevailing conditions in the forest sector... [I]n the light of the
above mentioned proposals and suggestions [made by f m p ] National
Forestry Policy 1994 has been formulated (g o b 1995:1-2).
Although the government is quick to claim authorship of
both documents ( n f p and f m p ) , a careful reading of the tex­
tual evidences reveals otherwise. The opening sentence of the
f m p reads: “ [The] Government of Bangladesh, assisted by
[the] Asian Development Bank and the United Nations Devel­
opment Programme, is preparing a long term plan to preserve
and develop the nation’ s forest resources”( g o b 1994:1). In the
first two paragraphs of the n f p , the government claims to have
“ formulated”the policy, but subsequently, in paragraph 9,
the document reads: “ the government has expressed desire
to adopt the following things as a part of the National Forest
Policy”( g o b 1995: 2, emphasis added). The “ following things”
refer to the draft texts prepared and forwarded by the f m p
consultants for “ adoption”by the government.
Notwithstanding such claims by the government, the plan
and the policy were mainly authored by a group of inter­
national and national consultants and experts, and the role of
government was reduced to endorsing and formally approving
a document already drafted.
In many parts of the two texts, policies are portrayed as “ most
essential”for the resolution of “ many problems”in the “ for­
estry sector” . Both f m p and n f p argue that the “ development”
A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l XLVii n o 17 E3253 Economic & Political w e e k l y
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

of the forestry sector therefore calls for the formulation of essentialist, prescriptive style continues “ to call not just for
“appropriate”plans and policies by the government. Without virtuous policy means but provision of its prerequisites for suc­
the government’ s active interest and intervention, these cess”(Gasper 1996a: 160). These prerequisites are prominently
documents tell us, the “ development”of the forestry sector featured in f m p and n f p , and serve, as we discuss ahead, not
and the “ tackling”of grave “ problems”is simply “ not pos­ only to expand state power, but also to mask accountability.
sible” . The f m p further claims that one main reason for the
dismal condition of the country’ s forestry sector is because 3.2 The Crisis
governments have neglected it: “ Bangladesh’ s forestry has Bangladesh’ s forest “ crisis”is labelled as loss of forest cover; it
traditionally received very little government attention and is explained by a growing population and ineffective enforce­
as a result the policy, legislation, forest industries, research ment of law. Here are some relevant excerpts from the docu­
and forest institutions and management are not effective” ments ( f m p and n f p ) :
( g o b 1994: 30). Historically, a rapidly expanding population, combined with inade­
Examples of this “ peculiar privileging”(Ferguson 1990) of the quate management undermined the forest resources of Bangladesh. In
role of government and government policy abound in both docu­ the interest of the health and welfare of the Nation, therefore, it is
ments. Under the spell of what Ferguson terms govemmentalist necessary to reverse the trend of forest resource depletion and to pro­
mote expansion, conservation and sustainable management of this
assumption, it is argued that, “ whatever changes have or have not
valuable resource (gob 1994: 37).
happened in [the country] are to be explained by reference to gov­ Forest went unprotected because of population pressure on one hand
ernment policy; .. .stagnation is due to government inaction and and lack of law enforcement on the other (ibid: 13).
‘development? results from ‘ development? projects”(ibid: 36-37). ...abnormal and quick depletion of forestry resources owing to numer­
A policy and the particular solution that it entails (solving ous socio-economic factors... (gob 1995:1).

the crisis in the forestry sector through development scenar­ Despite considerable ambiguity and value judgments, the
ios) are then presented as inevitable and essential; the possi­ essence of the “ crisis”is distilled as: “
forest resource deple­
bility of any other alternatives or choices are removed, leaving tion” ,“deforestation” ,“dwindling resource” , etc. The crisis is
just one “ appropriate path” . Schaffer (1984:185) warns about exacerbated by other related “ problems”such as “ inadequate
the implications of this style of policy argument: management” ,“ lack of scientific management” , and “lack of
There is seductive danger in any discourse about public policy which appropriate policy/guidelines” .
presents its practices as inevitable and unproblematic. That, after all, In the n f p ’s framing of the problem of “ forest depletion”or
obstructs the question of responsibility, either for not pursuing alter­ “deforestation” , some facts and information are deliberately
natives, or for what is discussed and what is done. included and others are excluded. “ (S)ocio-economic factors”
For some, however, there are clear advantages from the appear once12 and are not developed. Studies of Bangladesh
“danger”of the “ govemmentalist assumption”and “ policy forestry have identified some of them, including:
privileging” . First, this style of policy practice helps make a ra­ •Organised commercial logging by a powerful alliance be­
tional case for justifying government intervention in a neutral tween private loggers, local government officials, political
and apolitical fashion through “ various forestry projects”- the party bosses and other public officials mainly from the forest,
solutions to the problem of “ forest resource depletion” . Sec­ police and land revenue departments;
ond, policies are presented as “ appropriate”and “ essential”. •Widespread corruption, complicity with the commercial ex­
Evidence of this phenomenon, what Gasper calls prescriptive ploitation of forests, and inefficiency on the part of the govern­
essentialism11 can be found in the n f p and f m p . Third, this ment agencies, especially the forest department;
Table 1: Selected Examples of Political Technologies Observed in the NFPand FMP
The Problems Conceived Examples of the Issues Cloaked Technical Strategies Proposed

"D eforestation";
"D ep letin g fore sts" etc.
"D eficien cy in forest
adm inistration";
"In a dequ a te
m a n a g e m e n t"
"U n orga n ised " pu blic se c to r
fore st in dustries
"Lack o f p e op le's
participation "
G overn m en tal corru ption and con n ivan ce; th e alliance a m o n g st th e
v este d in terest g ro u p s o f political elites, logge rs, local g o v e rn m en t
offices; historical p ro c e ss o f sta te - sp on so red com m ercia lisa tion and
th e resultant alien ation o f forest- b a sed local com m u n ities.
D ise m p o w erin g d estru ction o f custom ary/traditional rights
(of forest- b a sed com m u n ities) by law and bureaucratic discretion-
ex p a n sion o f bureaucratic re g im e and turf; failure o f th e forestry
in stitutions to learn and a d o p t pa rticipatory w ork in g sty le and p o p u list
values; elite value orien tation o f pu blic officials.
M isuse o f th e historical pu blic su b sid ies and patron isation p rov id ed by
th e state; political and external in flu en ces on th e w ork in g o f th e
industries; w id esp re a d in efficien cy and corruption; tu rf ba ttle a m o n g
various industries, and b e tw e e n in dustries and their con trollin g
("reporting") m inistries.
D evising rules and p ro ced u res for defin in g, categorisin g, and con trollin g
various "ta rget g ro u p s" w h ile distrib u tin g th e b en efits and services;
political p ro c e sse s at w ork in th e day-to-day w ork in g o f such "grou ps";
structural dy n a m ics o f B angladeshi so cie ty that regu late local p eop le's
a ccess to d e c isio n s and u se o f pu blic resou rces; class differentiation;
p a tro n a g e d y n a m ics as th ey a ffect resou rce distribution, etc.
"A fforestation"; "reforestation "; "p la n n ed plan tation "
in various ty p e s o f land; "reservation", "silvicultural
im p rov em e n t" for m o re produ ction , etc.
"S cien tific m a n a gem en t"; "S ou n d m a n a gem en t";
"S u sta in ed m a n a gem en t"; "stren gth e n in g th e forest
d ep artm en t"; "esta b lish m en t o f n ew social forestry
d ep artm en t"; "a m en d m en t/ p ro m u lga tio n o f laws,
rules and regulations", etc.
M aking th e in dustries "profit o rie n ted b u sin e ss" by
follo w in g th e prin ciples o f "free m arket econ om y ",
"n ew te ch n o lo g y " and "e c o n o m ic rationalisation in
in puts and outputs".
E xpansion o f "participatory forestry " "in v olv in g ta rget
g ro u p s" th rou gh various su ch "m e ch a n ism s" as "grou p
form ation", "land ten u re/ lea se a greem en ts", "b e n e fit
sharin g sch em es", "se e d / se e d lin g s supply", "inputs",
"w o m e n involvem ent", "creditfacilities", "m ark etin g
fore st products", etc.

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SPECIAL ARTICLE
•Complicated land tenure and record management systems;
•Historical enmity between forest-based local societies and
the government agencies they encounter;
•Progressive weakening of local rights, exclusionary policies,
and the imposition of stringent regulation of policing and
reservation;
•Custodial and authoritative modes of public forest manage­
ment ( b r a c 1986; Khan 1998a; Rasul 2007).
Analysts have often revealed the tendency of policy dis­
course to frame problems in a particular way to suit certain
institutions or interests, to mask political elements, and distin­
guish some aspects of a situation rather than others (see
Gasper and Apthorpe 1996: 8; Hajer 1993:45). Throughout the
f m p and n f p many examples of such political technologies
maybe observed (Table 1, p 103).
The f m p and n f p continue to promote the commercialisa­
tion of forestry. Equipped with effective political technologies,
this process is masked by rational and technical language and
embellished with tropes. For example, instead of “ revenue
maximisation”through the systematic commercialisation of
forestry practices and products, the n f p chooses to declare:
“ the management of forestlands will be brought under profit-
oriented business” .13Profit-oriented business is not only a figu­
rative trope; for all practical purposes it gives a free licence to
the government forestry institutions to go all-out for commer­
cialisation and revenue optimisation. In the same vein, the n f p
stipulates to “ bring state owned forest based industries to com­
petitive and profit-oriented management system under the
free market economy” .14 Here, the phrase “ free market econ­
omy”connotes the forces of supply and demand. It conven­
iently masks the political, historical, non-economic and extra­
market processes that influence and regulate the performance
of public sector forest industries. Examples of these processes
include: patronage by ruling political elites and other political
influences on industry, endemic governance inefficiency and
corruption, subsidies and protection provided historically by
the state to the industries, and the impact and effects of gov­
ernment policies - notably the official ban of extraction of tim­
ber jeopardising regular flow of raw materials ( b r a c 1986;
Khan 1998a; Rasul 2007).
Besides framing the major “ crisis”in the above terms, the
documents point out a number of other associated “ problems”
and their possible “ solutions”through means of polar words
and binary couples. Frequent references are made to “ forest
depletion”as the problem, and “ massive afforestation”as the
solution. Other examples include:
•“ Wastage in extraction and processing of forest products”
=> “ modern and appropriate technology” .15
•“ Tribal people ... grab[bing] the forestland at will”= >
“Impart [ing] ownership of certain amount of land through
forest settlement process. The rest of the forestland [to be]
brought under permanent protection” .16
•“ Scarcity of wood in the country”= > “ Ban on extraction of
timber”and “ ban on export of logs” .17
As Gasper and Apthorpe noted, “[n]othing seems more bold,
resolute and brilliant than to put things sometimes literally
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into ‘black’and ‘ white’ , and then to proceed wholly on
dualism’ s face values”(1996: 7). However, nearly all of the
above simplistic, binary assumptions and practices can be, and
in some cases have already been, challenged. Let us examine
just one item in the list: the “
land-grabbing tribals”.
Government documents have historically blamed forest-
dependent indigenous communities, “ tribals”, for “
grabbing
forestland” for shifting cultivation which degrades forest
resources.18 We now have growing evidence from various
parts of south Asia to refute this simplistic argument.19 One
cogent conclusion comes from Rasul in his detailed study of
the impact of forest policy changes in eastern Bangladesh:
Indigenous people have widely been blamed for degrading South
Asia’s montane forest resources through the practice of shifting culti­
vation, yet [historical] studies reveal that indigenous people used for­
ests in a sustainable way for centuries until external intervention...
Shifting cultivation is not solely responsible for deforestation. Many
factors including national policies and laws are responsible for this
situation. The process of deforestation originated during the British
colonial period, with the pursuit of revenue generation through na­
tionalisation forests, weakening traditional institutions and alienat­
ing indigenous people from traditional forest management (Rasul
2007:153,160).
Notwithstanding this regional and local evidence, the gov­
ernment has continued and further extended these policies.
Although they fail to stand up to the stated goal (addressing
the “ problems”of wood, illicit logging and encroachment/
deforestation), they contribute to the rationality of govern­
ment, or to adopt Foucault’s terminology, governmentality, by
providing the raison d’
etre for the forest department and other
relevant government agencies (the police, for example) to
remain active and present in forests through such actions as
pursuing “ offenders”,“enforcing”the rule, and, more gener­
ally, “
keeping things going [and] still being here tomorrow” .20
3.3 Eden and the Epic Endeavour
The f m p builds two “essential development scenarios”of the
country’ s“future”of forestry vis-a-vis the “ present day or sta­
tus quo conditions and practices” . The scenarios represent the
end result (“ solution”) of government policies and actions:
“High Development”and “ Optimum Development” . These are
the “Eden”where the n f p and f m p ’s proposed “ epic endeav­
our”will lead all forest interests to “ live happily ever after”
(Gasper and Apthorpe 1996: 9). The f m p explains:
Scenario 1represents the low development alternative and Scenario 2
the high development option. Scenario 1 adds additional money and
peoples and retains existing systems, technology, institutional struc­
tures, working methods, laws and regulations, but allow a slight
change in any of these areas. Scenario 2 represents optimum develop­
ment and adopts relevant new technology, incorporates necessary in­
stitutional changes to achieve goals and targets (gob 1994:15-16).
“Adopting”one of these “ development scenarios” , we are
told, is “absolutely essential”, if the country’s“ forestry sector
in crisis”is to have any chance of “ development”(ibid: 15-17).
In prescribing “solutions”,a “management perspective”is also
clearly noticeable in the documents. Most problems are posited in
a way which can be “ managed”and call for “ rational”managers,
“experts”who can manage. In discussing the “ problem”of
Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 [3253 Economic & Political weekly
shifting cultivation by “ tribals”
, the f m p ( g o b 1994: 41), for These “ preconditions” are suffused with naivety and ro­
example, notes: “ ...the problem is manageable, if approached manticism. Reviews of the political economy of rural Bangladesh
rationally”. Similarly, in both the documents, repeated references point to the near impossibility of achieving such ambitious and
are made to “ scientific management” ,“sustained resource man­largely unrealistic conditions. The structural and institutional
agement” ,“ sound management” , etc. Indeed, the term “scientific
characteristics of the rural socio-polity in Bangladesh inhibit the
management”originated in the early years of the formation of the “equitable distribution”of “ benefits and services”arising from de­
forest department in British India in the 19th century, and has velopment programmes, constrain any attempt to “ fulfil the basic
ever since been consistently used as a keyword in forest policy and needs of people” , and pose formidable challenges for any “ partici­
plan documents, most commonly in the “ forest working plans” .21
patory5’ initiative. They are now well documented and known.22
In sum, to reach Eden the endeavour takes the form of the Some of the features of Bangladesh’ s political economy that have
“deployment of development”(Escobar 1995; Ferguson 1990), direct relevance to the forestry sector include:
which characteristically cleaves asunder the roles of planning •Highly unequal access to natural and political resources;
and implementing, and packages problems (many of which •an absence of alternative employment opportunities;
are political rather than technical in nature) in technocratic •gross inequalities in social structure;
and managerial terms. This is the way sociological and politi­ •severe competition among unequal contenders for scarce re­
cal ignorance construes objects for development interventions. sources, largely within a pervasive framework of “ patroncli-
In so doing, a “ rational”and “ scientific”institutional appara­ ent”and “ caste/status”alliances;
tus creates an avenue for the exercise of its power. •a complex network of social relations that cut across differ­
ent status groups and social classes;
3.4 The Trials and the Preconditions •lack of internal cohesiveness and only a residual degree of
Reaching Eden is not easy; the endeavour calls for tests, trials solidarity in villages.
and many preconditions to be fulfilled. Development policy Indeed, recent studies of social forestry in Bangladesh have
discourses, as noted earlier, not only call for “ virtuous policy presented convincing empirical evidence to show how these
means”but also the provision of its “ prerequisites for success” social and political conditions thwart the performance of so­
(Gasper 1996a: 160). cial forestry as a “ participatory programme” .23
The n f p proffers five such “ preconditions for the develop­ Given the sociopolitical ground realties, the “ precondi­
ment of the forestry sector”( g o b 1995: 3). Without meeting tions”and “ constraints”mentioned in f m p and n f p remain
these “ preconditions” , it is argued, “development”will not be abstracted, and face formidable problems in their own realisa­
“forthcoming” . The conditions are: tion. Why are these still pursued in the texts? At least two pur­
(i) The provision of “ several commodities and services which poses may be served.
are essential for fulfilment of the basic needs of the people” . First, they are posed as “ preconditions”and “ constraints”on
(ii) The “equitable distribution of benefits among the people” . which the performance and “ delivery”of the policy depends. If
(iii) The “ creation”of “ scope of peoples participation in affor­ these are not realised, the government (and relevant planners and
estation programme” . protagonists) will attribute policy failure to the non-realisation of
(iv) “Long-term political commitment” . these preconditions. This may serve as escape hatches. Indeed,
(v) The “ installation of] sound management of forestry re­ evidence of “ escape hatches”pervades policy texts (Table 2).
sources”and “ conserving the production capacity of these Second, the preconditions justify and warrant intervention
resources”(ibid: 3). by the government and associated development agencies.

Table 2; Examples of Escape Hatches Found in the FMPand NFP

Areas of Failures/Constraints/lnadequacies Mentioned Escape Hatches

In effectiv e pro tectio n O u tda ted law s/regulation s; len ien ce in law application ; n ot en o u g h "regu la tory devices"; "lack o f
e ffectiv e policy"; "in a d eq u a te m anpow er".*
[In adequacy in] m ass a w a ren ess ca m p a ig n "In a d equ a te m a n p o w e r (in th e forest departm en t)"; "sh o rta ge o f sta ff in terested and
[conscientisation] qu alified in ex ten sion m eth od s"; p e op le's "cultural barriers"; "poverty". **
[Limited] W om en 's in v olvem en t "Traditional barriers in B an gladesh culture to full participation o f w o m e n in s o c io - e c o n o m ic activities".
D ep letin g fore st "Already ex trem e and rapidly in creasin g p op u la tion pressure"; "harm ful" activities o f "land gra b b ers"
and "encroachers". ***
[Lack of] lon g-term d e v e lo p m e n t o u tlo o k o f th e se c to r Lack o f "lo n g term political co m m itm en t".* * * *
[Low] d e g r e e o f participation "N o explicit g o v e rn m en t p o licy and/or legal gu id elin e to su p p o r t participatory d e v e lo p m e n t in forestry";
"gra ssroo ts g ro u p s have to c o n n e c t w ith NGOs, pu blic se c to r en tities and private se c to r
com p a n ie s as n ecessary". * ****
U n produ ctive u se o f u n classified sta te forests# "E xisting tribal rights c lo u d in g land ten u re situation"; "political situation " n ot favourable;
"tribal p e o p le gra b th e forest land at will". *** * * *
* FMP (GoB 1994:30-33,37-38,47); NFP Statements 6 and 20 (GoB 1995).
** FMP (GoB 1994:41-47); NFP Statements 7 and 20 (GoB 1995).
* * * FMP (GoB 1994:30-33,37-38,47); NFP preamble, Objective 6, Statement 20 (GoB 1995).
* ** * NFP Precondition 4 (GoB 1995).
* * * * * FMP (GoB 1994:42-43).
# FMP (GoB 1994:47).
* * * * * * FMp (GoB 1994. 4 1 - 4 7 ); NFP Statements 7 and 20 (GoB 1995).

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SPECIAL ARTICLE
They are a list of things or an agenda for action for the “ devel­
opment of the forestry sector” . Things that call for “
creation”
(of scope for participation), “ distribution”(of commodities
and services), “ installation”,“provision” , etc. And the govern­
ment’ s forestry institutions are “rationally”suited to carry out
these actions.
3.5 The Heroes and the Redeemed
The “ deployment of development”calls for rational, scientific
and technical problem-solving interventions which are best
handled by relevant experts and managers in the government.
Throughout the policy documents, the government’ s role is
thus portrayed as crucial, indispensable, immanent, and as
the champion of public interest.
In order to perform such roles, a case has to be made for
“strengthening”and “ capacity enhancement”of the relevant
government institutions, n f p and fm p suggest a wide array of
provisions to “ strengthen”the forest department and other
agencies associated with it. Examples of these provisions
include the following:
Forest department will be strengthened in order to achieve the goals
and objectives of National Forest Policy. A new department called ‘ De­
partment of Social Forestry’ will be established.24
The implementation of n f p will be supported by strengthening educa­
tional, training and research organisations. This will contribute to for­
estry sector development.25
A special emphasis is placed on updating existing laws and
formulating new “ laws, rules and regulations” .26Such punitive
legal instruments have served to expand and fortify the ad­
ministrative power and authority of the public forestry institu­
tions. They have fuelled conflicts between forest staff and
local forest-based communities (Khan 1998a; Rasul 2007). The
fm p however puts up an entirely different but “ rational”and
altruistic justification: “ (a) viable efficient legal system is very
important for effective implementation of policies and
achievement of policy objectives”( g o b 1994:119).
The n f p lists some 29 activities (in the policy statement sec­
tion) for “ development of the forestry sector” . Most of these
activities are to be carried out by the government. They are
typically described by phrases such as “ tree plantation” ,“ mas­
sive afforestation”and “ special afforestation” .
Frequent use of keywords like “ afforestation”immediately
makes the role of technical experts (foresters) relevant and
rational: afforestation is best done by “ foresters” .Additionally, by
referring to the large volume or scale or specialised nature (“ mas­
sive”,“ special” , etc) of the operation, a case is made for calling in
a large, specialist institutional apparatus (that is, the government
in general, and the forest department in particular).
Implicit in the above “ statements”of n f p is also the assump­
tion that only the government forestry organisations have the
necessary technical expertise and specialised inputs that are
not substitutable and generously offered to the public “ in the
greater interest of the nation” . forestry sector”has been rhetorically loaded but politically
On reading these texts, one is thus left with no ambiguity as to
the identification of the “ heroes”- the institution® in charge:
the government, more particularly, the forest department and
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its associated agencies. The fm p declares its stance on the mat­
ter in no obscure terms: “ [The] focus was” , we are told, “
on
institutional factors - policy, education and training and
administrative structures”( g o b 1994:1).
Where do “ people”fit into the scheme? They are, as we shall
see in the following paragraphs, the “ target”of development
to be redeemed by the heroes. These “ targets”are described in
the documents by means of various labels: “ groups” ,“benefici­
aries” ,“ landless” ,“ poor”,“ tribal”, etc. They are “ recipients”,
“clients” ,“
claimants”or “ participants”of the forestry develop­
ment programmes. Put differently, as Wood (1985b: 355-56)
noted, people are transformed into objects of intervention.27
An examination of the use of such labels in the documents
reveals some interesting features.
First, the “target group”labels are used in a way that presents
these groups as isolated and compartmentalised entities (for
example, “ tribals”
,“ resident population” ) and takes no cogni­
sance of the deep-rooted structures and relations of patronage,
exploitation, dependency, poverty and oppressive power that
cut across these entities. Presenting the “ targets”as delinked
from these sociopolitical and economic structures and rela­
tions serves a purpose for the forestry institutions and the
government as a whole. As Wood explains in another context:
In most programmes in Bangladesh, this delinking enables the poor to
be recognised as fragmented objects of a policy of partial interven­
tions - the recipients of skill training, credit and services, ghettoed
into small scale, income generating activities, an entrepreneurial
m odel in which significant success could only possibly be enjoyed by a
few and thereby absorbed without overall structural change (Wood
1985b: 470).
Second, the target group terminology also has visibility
(Escobar 1995) and legitimacy (Wood 1985a). The moral
imperative of reaching out to various “ disadvantaged target
groups”helps legitimise the intervention of the “ forestry
sector development” .
Third, labels also play a role in facilitating access (for exam­
ple, Schaffer and Lamb 1974) by imposing and determining
rules and regulations, characteristics of categorisation and
functions of the potential recipients (Wood 1985a, 1985b).
Fourth, labels and mechanisms are also a lever for the
government’ s management of “ institutional scarcity” . The
resources and means (for example, inputs such as seedlings,
parcels of land, services like technical advice, training) are
extremely limited compared with the need. So, “ mechanisms”
are required to manage the “ problem”(of resource scarcity
and the ever-increasing demand) and their “ operation”(that
is, the management and distribution of the goods and ser­
vices). These reinforce the case for state control.
4 Conclusions and Further Research
The preceding discussion shows that the Bangladesh state’ s
policy response to the “ problems”and “ development of the
covert, measured and cautious. This becomes clear as we
return to the core themes (governmentality and political tech­
nology; depoliticisation; and rhetorical and linguistic devices)
A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 EEC9 Economic & Political w e e k ly

introduced in the second section. Throughout the reading of
the policy texts these themes have manifested themselves
vividly. Our principal results may be summarised as follows:
Governmentality and Political Technologies: Under the
conditions of governmentality, policies are devised and pur­
sued to serve certain systematic discursive and practical pur­
poses, notably: as classificatory devices to categorise and
name target groups and services rendered; as narratives to jus­
tify (or condemn) a particular scenario and course of action;
as political technologies to depoliticise and shape “ target
group”conceptions and the distribution of limited services; as
escape hatches to hive off difficult questions of responsibility
and accountability; and as levers to muster and wield power
on the part of the state.
Depoliticisation and Apolitical Representation: The con­
tents and subjects of the policies are systematically depoliti-
cised. As part of a discursive regime, policies and plan pre­
scriptions are construed as technical instruments to promote
efficiency and effectiveness in the forestry sector. The power
and politics inherent in this exercise are constantly being
masked; yet they are pervasive, and find expression through
labels and targets which shape and limit bureaucratic prac­
tices. The moral and ideological imperative of reaching out to
the poor (“ people’s participation”,“social equity”, etc), is pre­
sented in a way which justifies both intervention by the state
and the techno-bureaucratic management of “ problems”that
“constrain people’s participation”.
Rhetorical and Linguistic Devices, and Their Sm oothing
Effects: Policy texts calculatedly use various rhetorical devices
and discursive formations that function to empower some (for
example, public forestry officials) and silence others (for ex­
ample, “ land grabbers”and “ encroachers” ). This process is re­
inforced by the use of various tropes and target-group termino­
logy which helps to legitimate this particular style of develop­
ment intervention. The model of “ forestry development”pro­
posed in the “ development scenarios”derives its irresistibility
SPECIAL ARTICLE
by creating fields of visibility around the “ target groups”as
“problems”to be solved and acted on. The domination of
the state-led institutions is thus protected and bureaucratic
power is fortified.
In its style and purport, forest policy discourse and the as­
sociated exercise of policy formulation may ultimately “ con­
tribute to [the] depoliticisation and the bureaucratisation of
the society”(Schaffer 1984:186). Here we have shown exactly
how the development process is depoliticised and bureaucra­
tised. As Evers (1987) observed in his major work on “ the bu­
reaucratisation of societies in south-east Asia” : equipped with
political technologies and bureaucratics, policy discourse has
relevance and implications for both the processes of “ spread of
formalised, rational administrative procedures”and “ the ex­
tension of government control” . Indeed, a small literature on
forest management in south Asia has already pointed to the
processes and effects of bureaucratisation in many parts of the
region (Khan 1998a; Poffenberger 1990).
Three research questions immediately suggest themselves.
First, the process of bureaucratisation is reinforced in an era
when it confronts market ideology and pressures to commod­
ify in general, and acute limits to the state’
s regulative and de­
velopmental capacity in Bangladesh in particular. How and
why is this possible? Second, the political technologies, depo­
liticisation and rhetorical devices revealed here have pro­
ceeded apace in Bangladesh in an era where development dis­
course has been extensively deconstructed internationally.
Why has it been possible for forest policy discourse to be so
unresponsive to the international critique? Third, why is forest
policy so reluctant to engage with the lived realities of forest
dwellers and their exploiters in Bangladesh? There has been
no research apart from this on the subject of forest policy dis­
course in Bangladesh. The three research questions with
which we end deserve immediate attention from development
academics and activists. At present, the ghost in the machine
looks well settled in Bangladesh (Wood 1985c), and it there­
fore makes sense to call in critical policy analysts - “ ghost-
busters”- to shed light on the ghost, and unravel its “ shadow
across reality” .

n o t e s _____________________________________
1 Hereafter, FMP or the Plan.
2 See Khan (2009) for a review of literature on
Bangladesh’ s forest policy.
3 See, for example, Apthorpe (1986,1996,1997),
Clay and Schaffer (1984), Crush (1995), Fern­
andez (2008), Gasper (1996a, 1996b), Gasper
and Apthorpe (1996), Potter and Wetherell
(1994), Seidel and Vidal (1997), Shore and
Wright (1997), Schaffer (1984), Van Dijk (1990),
Wood (1985a, 1985b).
4 See, for example, Pain (1996), Seidel and Vidal
(1997) and Shore and Wright (1997).
5 For example, Foucault (1975,1977).
6 Also Clay and Schaffer (1984).
7 For an obvious example: “ underdevelopment”
as the problem, and “ development”as the
solution.
8 See also Apthorpe (1986).
9 ADB Technical Assistance # 1355-Bangladesh.
10 UNDP/FAO # BGD/88/025.
11 Essentially, “
to hold that a policy measure is
inherently appropriate”(Gasper 1996a: 157).
12 In the preamble (GoB 1995:1).
13 NFP, Statement 10 (GoB 1995).
14 NFP, Statement 15 (ibid).
15 NFP, Statement 13 (ibid).
16 NFP, Statement 20 (ibid).
17 NFP, Statement 18 (ibid); FMP (GoB 1994:
13 -14 ).
18 See, the “Forest Working Plan”documents; for
example, Ahmad (1938) and Cowan (1923).
19 For example, Adnan (2011a, 2011b, 2011c),
Chhauchhuak (2004), Kerkhoff and Sharma
(2006), Rasul (2005), Roy (1997).
20 Lynn and Jay (1983: 116) cited in Shore and
Wright (1997:10).
21 See, for example, Ahmad (1938) and Cowan
(1923).
22 See, for example, Blair (1978, 1982), Jansen
(1986), Khan (1989), Tepper (1976), Van Schen-
del (1981), Westergaard (1985), White (1992),
23 See, for example, Ahmed and Laarman (2000),
Akhter (2008), Chowdhury (2004), Khan
(2008a, 2008b).
24 NFP, Statement 27 (GoB 1995).
25 NFP, Statement 28 (ibid).
26 See FMP (GoB 1994: 6-8, 119-20); NFP, State­
ment 29 (GoB 1995).
27 Also see Apthorpe (1986).
R E F E R E N C E S _______________________________________
Adnan, S (2011a): “Mechanisms of Land Alienation
of the Indigenous Peoples of the Chittagong
Hill Tracts”, Oxford University CSASP Work in
Progress Paper 14 (http://www.southasia.
0x.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0005/37364/
CHT_Land_Study.pdf).
- (2011b): “Resistance to Land Grabbing by Poor
Peasants and Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh:
Implications for the Agrarian Question”
, Oxford
University CSASP: Work in Progress Paper 15.

Economic & Political weekly E3359 a p r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 107

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v o l x l v ii n o 17 E3359 Economic & Political weekly
 MONEY MARKET REVIEW
Inflation Traded In
EPW RESEARCH FOUNDATION___________
The Reserve Bank of India’
s 1 Introduction
monetary policy for 2012-13 has
had to be framed at a time when
the economy is facing multiple
risks - inflation at an elevated
level, a deterioration in the
external sector and fiscal laxity.
The r b i ’
s aggression in cutting
the repo rate by 50 bps is
therefore inexplicable. The
posture taken by the r b i is
fraught with the risk of fuelling
inflation rather than propelling
growth, meeting government
borrowing at a lower cost rather
than providing a fillip to
investment demand and of
exacerbating the weaknesses
surfacing in the external sector.
The EPWRF team led by K Kanagasabapathy
and supported by Anita B Shetty, Vishakha
G Tilak, V P Prasanth, R Krishnaswamy, Shruti
J Pandey, Pallavi Oak and Sharan P Shetty.
Economic & Political WEEKLY ragCT APRIL
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T
he monetary policy statement by
Reserve Bank of India (rbi) Gover­
nor Duwuri Subbarao for 2012-13
assumes critical significance at this junc­
ture for two reasons. First, it sets the tone
of policy for 2012-13 as a whole and will
generate expectations that would be dif­
ficult to reverse in the short run. Second,
the policy has been announced at a time
that the Indian economy is facing multi­
ple downside risks, namely, persistent and
sticky inflation at an elevated level, a
weakening external sector in terms of a
widening of the current account deficit,
a depreciating currency and declining
reserves position, and fiscal laxity pos­
ing the challenge of managing a huge
additional borrowing programme.
There seems to be no reason to
become complacent about any of the
downside risks. The extremely dovish
action of cutting the repo rate by 50
basis points (bps) has no doubt pleasantly
surprised the market as much as the ear­
lier cumulative cuts in cash reserve ratio
( c r r ) by 125 bps. The stock market
responded favourably immediately after
the announcement. Trades in bench­
mark government securities have shown
an easing of rates by above 10-15 bps.
This would generate expectations about
further rate cuts though the forward
guidance indicates that the scope for any
more easing of policy rate is limited.
Combining the intensity of c r r cuts
and the repo rate cut within a short span
of about four months ever since a pause
to tightening stance was announced, the
stand taken by the r b i should be now
termed as no less than an “ aggressive
easing”of policy. The hawkish posture
reflected in the macroeconomic review
released a day earlier and also in the
assessments of downside risks in the
policy statement make the nose-diving
and dovish policy action on the repo
inexplicable.
28, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 17
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It is argued here that the policy
posture taken by the r b i is fraught with
the risk of fuelling inflation rather than
propelling growth, meeting the gov­
ernment borrowing at a lower cost
than providing a fillip to credit growth
and investment demand and exacerbat­
ing the weaknesses surfacing in the
external sector.
1.1 The Inflation Illusion
The real gross domestic product (gdp)
growth projection is 7.3% for 2012-13,
that is in alignment with the post-crisis
trend growth. The post-crisis period was
characterised by a very tight stance of
monetary policy. If a growth rate of
around 7% was sustained in that tight
environment, then with an aggressive
easing of policy, one should expect the
growth to be at least equivalent to the
budgetary projection of 7.6%. With infla­
tion expected to remain sticky around
the current levels, then the policy action
seems to only trading in inflation for a
very modest pickup in growth.
The official wholesale price inflation
data for every month come in the guise
of provisional numbers, followed by
revised numbers after a lag of about two
months, For instance, as of April, only
provisional inflation numbers are avail­
able for February and March 2012, which
stood respectively at 6.95% and 6.89%.
This gives an impression that not only
has the inflation rate followed a declin­
ing trend, but it has also ruled below the
psychological level of 7% at the end of
the fiscal year. But an examination of the
track record of the provisional and actual
numbers would reveal that the provi­
sional inflation data have consistently
created an illusion of inflation being
milder than what it actually is. This illu­
sion persists over time, since not much
publicity is given to these changes, and
people focus on current numbers how­
ever inaccurate it may be in the light of
revised lagged data. While this illusion
is not as off the mark as it was in the
case of industrial production numbers,
the trend shows clearly that there is a
consistent downward bias in provisional
inflation numbers.
109
MONEY MARKET REVIEW

Table 1 and Graph A illustrates the 6.5% portending a 50 Graph A: Inflation (Y-o-Y): Actual and Provisional (%)
final (actual) and provisional annual bps reduction over a 11 -------------------------------
inflation estimates during August-Janu­ year-end inflation of
ary 2011-12 for which period the compar­ 7% for March 2012.
ative figures are available based on the However, the down­
new series (base year 2004-05). If the side risks such as the
deviation of the provisional from the current upward pres­
actual numbers is purely due to a statistical sure on food and min­
discrepancy, the normal expectation is eral prices, the impact
8/2011 9/2011 10/2011 11/2011 12/2011 1/2012 2/2012 3/2012
that these errors or differences would be of an increase in serv­
randomly and normally distributed with ices and other indirect taxes, highly vol­ met out of borrowed funds, in particular
an average of around zero. But this was not atile global crude prices and the over­ from the r b i through its Liquidity Adjust­
the case. The provisional numbers had a hang of suppressed oil inflation make ment Facility ( la f) which was rather
downward bias on an average by 23 bps the projection appear a bit ambitious. passively operated practically without
and for the latest period of November 2011 The r b i itself has admitted to the sticky any prudential limit whatsoever.
to January 2012 the bias had widened to nature of inflation at current levels. A tentative projection of an incremen­
a range of 27 to 35 bps. Therefore, there is tal basis, based upon the assumptions of
a high probability to believe that the year- 1.2 Investments Likely the r b i on deposit and credit growth and
end inflation for 2011-12 is not below to Crowd Out Bank Credit investment in s l r in the same propor­
7.0%, but is around 7.2% which would As has been acknowledged, there has tion as in 2011-12, and with no net invest­
become evident only after two months. been a shift in the composition of bank ment in non-SLR assets, the incremental
The r b i in its recently released mone­ assets from credit to statutory liquidity credit and investment to deposit ratio
tary policy has projected wholesale price ratio (slr) investments. The c r r cuts thus would work out to 117.8% for 2012-13.
index (wpi) inflation for March 2013 at far seemed to have helped the conduct of This may not be technically feasible
Table 1:Y-o-YInflation: Actual and Provisional (%) government borrowing programme rather without a continued open l a f window
(Provisional (Actual over Difference than increasing the supply of credit. Table 2 supplemented by open market purchases,
over Actual) Actual) (Percentage Points)
shows that between April 2011 and March to support credit and investment growth.
Aug-11 9.78 9.78 0
2012, banks invested in s l r securities to the A continued and passive accommoda­
Sep-11 9.72 10 0.28
extent of 33.8% of incremental deposits. tion of the banking system under l a f at
Oct-11 9.73 9.87 0.14
Nov-11 9.11 9.46 0.35
The incremental credit flow also accounted a lower cost is fraught with the risk of
Dec-11 7.47 7.74 0.27 for as much as 96.2% of an increase in expanding liquidity beyond reasonable
Jan-12 6.55 6.89 0.34 aggregate deposits. The incremental limits with attendant risks of adding to
Feb-12 6.95 credit and investment deposit ratio inflationary pressures.
Mar-12 6.89 worked out to a very high 126.8%. This With lower interest rates, deposit
Provisional data for 2004-05 (base year) series is available only
indicates that obviously the incremental accretion might further slow down.
from August 2010.
Source: Compiled by EPWRF. investments and credit by banks were Banks would prefer to invest in govern­
Table 2: Projected Bank Credit and Investments (Amount in Rs crore) ment securities in an environment of
Bank Credit Aggregate Deposit Investments (SLR) Non-SLR Total Bank Credit + southward moving interest rates for
Total Investments
trading profits. With tightening of provi­
O u tsta n d in g A m ou n t
2010-11 39,42,083 52,07,969 15,01,619 1,93,660 56,37,362 sioning requirements, including capital
2011-12 46,11,630 59,03,660 17,36,640 1,71,520 65,19,790 and liquidity requirements under Basel
Increm ental o v e r 2010-11 6,69,547 6,95,691 2,35,021 -22,140 8,82,428 hi coming into effect shortly, banks
(96.2) (33.8) (126.8)
would be further encouraged to build up
2012-13* 54,04,830 68,48,246 19,16,000 - 73,20,830
Increm ental ov er 2011-12 7,93,200 9,44,586 3,19,270 - 11,12,470 risk-free assets in the form of a govern­
(84.0) (33.8) (117.8) ment securities portfolio. The worsening
Figures in brackets are percentage to aggregate deposits. SLR: Statutory Liquidity Ratio. non-performing credit portfolio would
* Projected by EPWRF.
strengthen this tendency.
Table 3: Money Market Activity (Volume and Rates)
Instruments March 2012 February 2012
Daily Average Monthly Range of Daily Average Monthly Range of 1.3 Complacency about External
Volume
(Rs Crore)
Weighted
Average Rate (%)
Weighted Average
Daily Rate (%)
Volume
(Rs Crore)
Weighted Average Weighted Average
Rate (%) Daily Rate (%)
Sector Vulnerability
Call M on ey 14,429 9.05 8.34-11.77 10,321 8.90 8.45-9.15 As the r b i governor has mentioned,
N otice M on ey 3,549 9.52 7.92-13.14 3,121 8.79 7.50-9.20 today’ s situation is no doubt different
Term M on ey @ 300 - 8.40-13.50 289 - 8.00-10.75 from the 1991 crisis period and the coun­
CBLO 38,557 8.51 7.05-12.04 32,392 8.41 7.09-8.69
try is much more resilient. But it does not
M arket R epo 11,493 8.71 7.00-10.98 11,698 8.56 8.31-8.65
Range of rates during the month. -: not available.
dilute the real gravity of the situation.
Source: www.rbi.org.in. and www.ccilindia.com Graph B (p 111) juxtaposes the trends in

110 Ap r il 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 E3259 Economic & Political weekly

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A ll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

the current account deficit, inflation rate
and the fiscal deficit of the central gov­
ernment during 1986-87 to 1992-93 and
during 2006-07 to 2012-13. The similari­
ty of the situation and the build-up of
vulnerability is rather striking. In some
respect, the current situation seems to
be slightly worse. The improvement in
some indicators around 1991 was due to
the International Monetary Fund ( i m f )
loan. How resilient India will be in the
current situation to overcome adverse
trends, only time will tell.
1.4 In Sum
Overall, given the downside risks, and
the kind of bullish expectations an
aggressive easing of policy stature is
likely to create in financial markets, a
rate cut of 50 bps at this juncture does
appear premature.
2 Money, Forex and Debt Markets
The last month of the financial year
2011-12 proved to be rather stiff one for
financial markets after they recouped in
February on the back of optimistic glo­
bal developments. March began with a
sudden spurt in oil prices overseas hurt­
ing domestic market sentiments and
exerting inflationary pressures. How­
ever, encouraging industrial production
numbers for January at 6.8% (which
have since proved to be a false signal
later after they were revised to a shock­
ing 1.1%) raised hopes for renewal in
investment growth. The surprising 75 bps
cut in c r r encouraged market participants
to hope for more softening measures from
the r b i . Still, dismal advance tax pay­
ments by corporates for the last quarter
of 2011-12 once again underpinned mar­
ket sentiments. In the second half of the
month, the budget announcement did
not change the cynical outlook about the
domestic economic prospects. Moreover,
the proposed General Anti-Avoidance
Rule ( g a a r ) in the budget alarmed for­
eign investors and they began to unwind
their exposures in the Indian market
fearing tax liability for capital gains.
Overall, the system faced a liquidity
outflow of around Rs 94,000 crore in
March. Bank credit expanded by around
Rs 3 lakh crore while an increase in the
same amount of aggregate deposits during
Economic & Political weekly DBS9 Ap r il 28, 2012
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MONEY MARKET REVIEW
March adequately leveraged Graph B: External Vulnerability - Illustrated
4.70 ----------------------------------------------------------------
the situation. However; r b i
credit to government and
central government is cash
balances with r b i caused an
outflow of Rs 48,000 crore
each during the month. In
addition, the governm ent’ s
market borrowing continued
in the last month of the fiscal
and absorbed Rs 26,000
crore while banker’ s depos­
its with the r b i took out
Rs 33,650 crore. However,
inflows through net for­
eign assets by more than
Rs 56,000 crore relieved
the system to some extent.
2.1 Money Market
Despite a 125 bps cut in c r r
in two tranches in 2012, the
liquidity situation in the
system remained tight owing
to advance tax outflows in
mid-March. The situation
worsened further with the
fiscal year approaching a
close. Widespread liquidity
shortage in the system put
a huge burden on short­
term money market rates
in March and overnight
money market rates moved
upwards from the begin­
ning of the month and weighted average and market repo increased by 10 bps and
one-day rates stayed above the repo rate 14bps, respectively, over the review period.
of 8.50%. Towards the end of March, Following heightened dependence over
call rates hardened significantly and short-term money market instruments in
crossed 9% levels and touched their March, the daily trading activity in the
high of 11.77% on 30 March. During overnight segment galloped 40% com­
March, the weighted average call money pared to the previous month. The daily
rates hardened by 15 bps to 9.05% com­ traded turnover in notice and the term-
pared to the previous month. money segment also increased by 14%
Similarly, the notice money market and 4%, respectively during March over
displayed a sharp rise in its daily rates and February. The volumes in the c b l o market
the weighted average rates increased by also increased by 19% over the period
a substantial 72 bps to 9.52% in a period while, owing to a sharp rise in the
of one month. Renewed uncertainty over weighted average rates, the market repo
monetary easing and crucial liquidity segments showed a marginal decline in
stress kept the rates in collateralised its daily turnover (Table 3, p 110).
instruments like collateralised borrow­ As per the latest available data from the
ing and lending obligations ( c b l o s ) and r b i , the issuance of certificates of deposit
market repo more volatile and they ruled ( c d s ) by scheduled commercial banks
in an upper range during the same period. increased during the fortnight ending
Weighted average daily rates of c b l o 24 February 2012 and amounted to
v o l x l v ii n o 17 111
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MONEY MARKET REVIEW

Rs 38,800 crore. The outstanding amount during the month and ended at 72.74 account deficit has also gone up on the
crossed Rs 4 lakh crore in February after points on 30 March. back of higher oil prices this fiscal year.
a span of three fortnights. However, Despite Fitch downgrading the out­ These twin deficits, combined with
c p s issued by corporates amounted to look of u k ’s sovereign rating to negative, high inflation, have drastically affected
Rs 31,420 crore for the fortnight ending the pound sterling advanced by 1.4% investors’appetite for Indian assets,
15 February 2012 but the outstanding against the dollar while, rising hopes of especially equities. Thus, domestic equi­
amount declined by more than Rs 44,000 recovery in the euro area kept the euro ty markets turned bearish and the b s e
crore to Rs 1.05 lakh crore for the same positive versus dollar. Asian currencies Sensex lost 348 points in one month.
fortnight. The discount rates for c d s exhibited mixed performances, while Following all these negative develop­
ranged between 9.30% and 10.65% while most of them depreciated against the ments, the Indian rupee depreciated by
c p s rates ruled between 7.15% and 12.30% dollar, hurt by rising crude oil prices. a harsh 4% against the us dollar during
in the respective review periods. This was also reflected in the 67 bps fall March over February.
According to the trading platform - in the j p Morgan Asian dollar index (a The rupee-dollar exchange rate began
Fixed Income Money Market and Deriva­ spot index of emerging Asia’ s most actively the month on a very negative note hurt
tives Association ( f i m m d a ) - c d s recorded traded currency pairs valued against the with rising crude oil prices hovering above
a twofold rise in the average daily trad­ us dollar) in March (Table 5). $125 per barrel. Fearing a tardy growth
ed volume during March over February. On the domestic front, market partici­ of the Indian economy on the back of a
However, the daily trading activity pants welcomed the liquidity-boosting massive setback to the Congress Party in
in c p s declined 27% during the same 75-bps c r r cut. The focus on the inflation crucial state elections, the rupee depre­
review period. data, especially after the recent spikes in ciated continuously for five days in a row
The passive approach of the r b i to global crude oil prices, prompted the showing a 3.27% fall and slid below
inject funds through its l a f repo win­ central bank to withhold key policy rate Rs 50.57 versus the dollar on 7 March.
dow resulted in banks borrowing more cuts in March. Budget 2012-13, keenly Persistent dollar demand from oil
than Rs 1.55 lakh crore on a daily aver­ awaited by local and foreign investors importers coupled with weak local share
age basis in March. The r b i injected the alike, which was announced on 16 March market also weighed on the rupee.
highest ever Rs 2.02 lakh crore on 30 also had some adverse impact as the Thereafter, the local currency suddenly
March. In addition, it conducted addi­ finance minister proposed g a a r which bounced back from 9 March, propelled by
tional repo on 30 and 31 March. Further­ dampened the senti­
Table 5: Foreign Exchange Market: Select Indicators
more, r b i continued with its purchase of ments of portfolio inves­ Month Rs/$ Reference Appreciation (+)/ Fll Flows BSESensex USDollar Index
securities in its o m o window and tors. After pouring Rate (Last Friday Depreciation (-) (Equity+Debt) (Month-end (Month-end
of the Month) of Rs/$ (in %) (in $ million) Closing) Closing)#
released Rs 35,600 crore in March. record funds in past Oct-2011 48.82 0.21 634 17,705 70.52
Despite all this, borrowers also availed three months, the over­ Nov-2011 52.17 -6.41 -586 16,123 72.37

Table 4: RBI's Market Operations (Amount in Rs crore) seas investors turned Dec-2011 53.26 -2.05 4,195 15,455 73.33
Month/Year OMO LAF Net (Average Daily cautious in Indian equity Jan-2012 49.68 7.20 5,087 17,194 72.60
(NetPurchase(+)/Sale(-)) Injection (+)/Absorption(-))
Oct-2011 6 50,708 and debt markets and Feb-2012 49.07 1.26 7,164 17,753 72.14

Nov-2011 9,446 91,719 invested just $387 mil­ Mar-2012 51.16 -4.09 387 17,404 72.74
#: Nominal Major Currencies Dollar Index.
Dec-2011 33,687 1,12,599 lion in March, compared Source: www.rbi.org.in,www.bseindia.com,www.sebi.gov.in,www.federalreserve.gov.
Jan-2012 34,772 1,28,471 to $7,164 million invested
Feb-2012 20,690 1,33,547 in February. Investors Table 6:Average DailyTurnover inthe Foreign Exchange Market* ($ billion)
Mar-2012 Month Merchant Interbank Spot Forward Total
35,600 1,55,162 have also been worried Sep-2011 15.1 -(11.2) 44.8 -(3.8) 29.6 -(2.3) 30.3 -(9.0) 59.8 -(5.8)
Source: RBI's W e e k ly S ta tis tic a l S u p p le m e n t.
about the loss of the Oct-2011 12.6 -(16.7) 40.0 -(10.6) 26.7 -(9.8) 25.9 -04.4) 52.6 -02.1)
of the marginal standing facility ( m s f ) growth momentum as Nov-2011 12.3 -(2.2) 41.0 (2.5) 26.6 -(0.3) 26.7 (3.07) 53.3 (1.4)
during several days in March and bor­ well, with the investment Dec-2011 11.2 -(8.4) 35.6 -(13.2) 22.8 -(14.2) 24.0 -(10.0) 46.8 -02.1)
rowed more than Rs 24,000 crore in climate weakening due Jan-2012 9.9-(11.9) 38.7 (8.6) 22.8 -(0.3) 25.8 (7.4) 48.6 (3.7)
aggregate (Table 4). to policy uncertainty Feb-2012 11.1 (12.5) 41.3 (6.8) 25.8 (13.4) 26.6 (3.1) 52.4 (7.9)
and a widening fiscal *:Figures Includes trading in FCV/INR and FCY/FCY.
in brackets are percentage change over the previous month.
2.2 Forex Market deficit. The current Source: RBI's W e e k ly S ta tis tic a l S u p p le m e n t, various issues.
The United Sates (us) dollar strength­
Table 7: Details of Central Government Market Borrowings (Amount in Rs crore)
ened against most currencies from the Date of Auction Nomenclature of Loan Notified Amount Bid-Cover Ratio Devolvement on YTMat Cut-off Cutt-off Price
beginning of March as rising us Treas­ Primary Dealers Price (in %) (Rs)

ury yields backed by signs of a strength­ 09-Mar-12 8.24% 2018 R 3,000 2.29 nil 8.34 99.51

ening economy enhanced its safe haven 8.79% 2021 R 6,000 1.86 nil 8.27 103.42
8.83% 2041 R 3,000 2.68 nil 8.62 102.22
appeal. Following an overall recovery in
Total fo r March 2012 12,000 2.17 nil 8.37 102.14
the us currency, the us dollar index
Total fo r February 2012 49,000 2.08 nil 8.33 103.2
[Nominal Major Currencies Dollar Index
R: Reissue.
(March 1973=100)] improved by 60 bps Source: RBI press releases.

112 APRIL 2 8 , 2 012 VOL XLVII NO 17 D m Economic & Political weekly

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 MONEY MARKET REVIEW

s liquidity boosting 75 bps c r r cut

r b i’
and the release of better than expected
up data for January. However, the
euphoria in the forex market was short­
lived as the rupee once again took the
depreciating counter from 14 March as
importers’demand for the greenback
exerted additional pressure. After the
budget on 16 March, the domestic rupee
recovered by 19 paise, but sharply
reversed its gains and depreciated con­
tinuously until 30 March, except on 27
March. The proposed g a a r issue by the
finance minister in the budget had an
effect on portfolio investors’sentiments
and the rupee shed more than 100 paise
against the dollar from 20 March onwards.
The market ignored the eased norms
and some tax concessions to access foreign
capital through external commercial
borrowings ( e c b s ) and ended at Rs 51.16
per dollar as on 30 March showing a
4.39% depreciation over February.
Following a sharp rise in crude oil prices
and the widening current account and
fiscal deficits, the forward premia across
three tenures hardened substantially
during the beginning of March. The
grim external outlook had an adverse
impact on premia and the near-month
premia spiked to the highest 11.69% on
26 March. However, the one-month
premia eased towards the end of the
month and ended at 8.68% on 30 March
showing a 1.5 percentage point fall over
29 February. Similarly, the three-month
and six-month premia also hardened from
the beginning of the month, tracking the
steady fall in the rupee but softened sig­
nificantly towards the end. Both the ten­
ures moved in tandem and eased by 125
and 76 bps and ended at 8.91% and
7.56%, respectively on 30 March.
The uncertainty in the forex market
prompted a hgher turnover during Feb­
ruary. The daily trading in different
segments of the forex market improved
by 8% in February compared to the pre­
vious month. The highest rise in turno­
ver was reported by merchant and spot
markets while inter-bank and forward
transactions also recorded 6.8% and
3.1% improvements in turnover over the
period (Table 6, p 112).
The revival in trading activity was
observed in the currency derivatives
market during March, following uncer­
tainty prevailing on the external front.
The movement in the rupee against other
currencies also influenced a volatility
in the forex market. The domestic
exchanges reported a 15% rise in their
aggregate turnover over one month
while the aggregate daily average turno­
ver crossed Rs 30,000 crore during March.
Segment-wise, futures turnover increased
by 15% while, options trading improved
by 6% during the month on daily aver­
age terms, u s d - i n r contracts continued

Table 8: Secondary Market Outright Trades in Government Papers - NDSand NDS-OMDeals (Amount in Rs crore)
Descriptions March 2012 Previous Month Three Months Ago Six Months Ago
Last Week (30) First Week (2) Total for the Month (February 2012) (December 2011) (September 2011)
AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM
1 Treasury Bills 14,047 10,730 40,438 17,780 35,227 27,761
A 91-Day Bills 4,290 8.99 5,487 9.02 21,206 8.94 9,462 8.84 13,588 8.54 21,065 8.31
B 182-Day Bills 2,937 8.90 3,128 8.78 7,731 8.81 763 8.81 9,918 8.51 2,787 8.35
C 364-Day Bills 6,820 8.59 2,115 8.74 11,501 8.64 7,555 8.53 11,721 8.41 3,909 8.348
2 GOI D ated Securities 43,655 8.60 18,168 8.27 1,51,957 8.44 3,08,879 8.26 4,42,147 8.58 2,45,522 8.35
Year o f (No o f
M aturity Securities)
2012 (4) 1,739 9.77 186 9.09 3,788 9.46 965 8.77 3,805 8.62 1,003 8.32
2013 (2) 70 8.07 136 8.09 520 8.16 80 8.37 822 8.27
2014 (8) 5 8.24 200 8.08 850 8.16 105 8.06 265 8.23 266 8.26
2015 (6) 264 8.34 65 8.23 471 8.30 486 8.13 984 8.44 1,067 8.32
2016 (3) 291 8.61 241 8.32 990 8.42 1,460 8.24 976 8.42 997 8.33
2017 (4) 401 8.60 22 8.32 1,963 8.43 687 8.23 2,304 8.51 5,405 8.33
2018 (5) 2,101 8.58 938 8.35 7,534 8.47 18,020 8.25 41,070 8.47 12,051 8.34
2019 (2) 6 8.72 0 8.43 7 8.67 17 8.29 130 8.46 25 8.34
2020 (4) 1,519 8.69 50 8.29 4,140 8.66 13,429 8.42 7,805 9.59 1,590 8.97
2021 (4) 29,865 8.54 9,813 8.21 1,02,738 8.39 1,48,850 8.19 1,99,127 8.50 1,74,377 8.32
2022 (3) 159 8.58 57 8.37 1,120 8.44 571 8.29 9,490 8.55 42,386 8.41
2023 (2) 1 8.58 2 8.51 0 8.41 1 8.65
2024 (1) 5,714 8.56 5,818 8.30 22,486 8.39 1,11,538 8.30 1,52,133 8.63
2027 (3) 378 8.63 71 8.51 885 8.57 2,088 8.49 3,938 8.86 4,218 8.57
2028 (2) 0 8.60 17 8.60 1 8.62 1 8.51
2030 (1) 730 8.71 398 8.59 2,028 8.64 7,387 8.57 11,096 8.75
2032 (2) 7 8.55 21 8.48 79 8.55 436 8.52 113 8.65 231 8.58
2034 (1) 1 8.15 3 8.57 6 8.45 1 8.55 2 8.49 4 8.51
2035 (1) 2 8.57 2 8.57 0 8.46 2 8.92
2040 (1) 93 8.67 166 8.57 690 8.60 418 8.55 4,514 8.94 1,076 8.63
2041 (1) 311 8.69 113 8.59 1,988 8.63 1,895 8.56 4,315 8.74
3 State G ovt S ecu rities 1,478 8.74 879 8.61 4,364 8.67 4,659 8.69 2,337 9.15 2,328 8.57
G rand total (1 to 3) 48,967 1,25,431 3,31,022 4,86,660 2,04,295 3,05,738
(-) Means no trading YTM= Yield to maturity in per cent per annum. NDS = Negotiated Dealing System. OM = Order Matching Segment
(1) Yields are weighted yields, weighted by the amounts of each transaction. (2) Trading in 2026,2036 to 2039 are negligible.
Source: Compiled by EPWRF; base data from RBI and CCIL.

Economic & Political w e e k ly HESS A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 113

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MONEY MARKET REVIEW

their dominance in the futures segment no further o m o was anticipated. But, calendar also notified a higher aggregate
and garnered 96% of the market share ahead of tight liquidity conditions the amount of borrowing for each auction
as in earlier months. The turnover in r b i conducted one more o m o auction on throughout the first half of 2012-13.
other three products remained negligible. 30 March purchasing securities worth Total traded volume on the n d s and
Among the exchanges trading in cur­ Rs 4,528 crore though the aggregate n d s - o m during the period had declined
rency derivatives products, the National ceiling was worth Rs 10,000 crore. Prev­ by 50% to Rs 1,56,922 crore over the
Stock Exchange (nse) witnessed similar alent tight liquidity conditions however month. Overall yield increased by 17 bps
trading activity as recorded in the pushed cut-off yields up in each segment to 8.44% over the month. The top five
previous month but sustained its domi­ of the primary market, viz, central gov­ securities contributed 89% towards total
nance with a 53% market share. How­ ernment securities, State Development turnover. Those securities were 8.79%
ever, the Multi-Commodity Exchange Loans (sdls) and tb s. 2021, 9.15% 2024, 7.83% 2018, 8.19%
(m cx-sx) reported a 20% jump in its In March, the one and the last auction 2020 and 8.97% 2030. About 67% or
trading and contributed 46% towards for 2011-12 was scheduled on April 9, Rs 1,01,284 crore of turnover had come
the total currency derivatives turnover, reissuing three securities, namely, the from the 8.79% 2021-10-year bench­
influenced by the recent Bombay High 8.24% 2018, 8.79% 2021 - the 10-year mark security alone (Table 8, p 113 and
Court judgment favouring m cx - s x over benchmark security - and 8.83% 2041 for Tables 9 and 10).
s e b i relating to the equity trading issue. Rs 12,000 crore. The auction secured a During the month, in all, 20 states
The United Stock Exchange (use) also bid cover of 2.17 times the notified issued s d l s for an aggregate amount of
reflected revival in trading and reported amount in aggregate and overall, the Rs 21,261 crore with a higher bid cover
a 29% increase in turnover but man­ yield moved up marginally by 2 bps to at 1.77 times and also higher overall
aged to garner just 1% of market share 8.37% (Table 7, p 112). cut-off and weighted yields. Andhra
during March. Higher than expected gross borrow­ Pradesh, Haryana, Kerala, Bihar, Jam­
ing for 2012-13, kept secondary market mu and Kashmir and Nagaland issued
2.3 Central Government Securities yields firmed up in the first half of state loans twice while Gujarat and
The borrowing programme for the new March. In the second half also, yields Punjab tapped the market thrice. Except
financial year began on 3 April with remained firm against the
Table 10:Yield Spreads (Weighted Average) - Central Government
devolvement for two securities out of backdrop of a front loaded Securities (basis points)_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
four set for a Rs 18,000 crore auction. borrowing programme Yield March 2012________ Previous Three Six Months
o m o auctions were conducted twice, on during the first half of SPreac*inkPs___________ Last Week First Week Entire Month Month Months AgoAgo
1 Y ear-5 Year 53 - 34_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 7 14 6
2 March and 9 March, purchasing gov­ 2012-13, to the extent of
5 Year-10 Year -2 5 1_ _ _ _ _ _ _ 6 4 8
ernment securities worth Rs 10,776 crore 64%, announced b y r b i
10 Year-15 Year 5 14 13_ _ _ _ _ _ _ 20 31 16
and Rs 11,554 crore, respectively. With in consultation with the 1 Year-10 Year 51 - 34_ _ _ _ _ _ _ 13 18 14
completion of the borrowing programme, central government. The Source: As in Table 8.
Table 9: Predominantly Traded Government Securities (Amount in Rs crore)
Descriptions March 2012 Previous Month Three Months Ago Six Months Ago
Last Week (30) First Week (2) Total forthe Month (February 2012) (December 2011) (September 2011)
AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM AMT YTM
GOI Dated Securities
6.85 2012 375 11.46 27 8.97 745 10.41 236 8.74 2,235 8.67 639 8.35
7.17 2015 164 8.25 60 8.22 340 8.25 486 8.13 824 8.44 991 8.28
7.59 2016 180 8.31 470 8.32 1,379 8.24 964 8.42 970 8.31
7.99 2017 399 8.61 20 8.33 1,714 8.44 575 8.23 1,011 8.50 2,477 8.36
8.07 2017 0 8.41 0 8.40 191 8.35 72 8.21 1,103 8.54 2,802 8.32
7.83 2018 2,100 8.58 638 8.31 6,578 8.47 17,245 8.24 41,023 8.47 12,041 8.34
8.19 2020 1,349 8.58 50 8.29 3,480 8.47 11,842 8.25
7.80 2021 556 8.68 108 8.31 1,144 8.56 1,228 8.26 19,154 8.49 1,74,374 8.32
8.79 2021 29,309 8.54 9,705 8.21 1,01,284 8.39 1,47,521 8.19 1,39,600 8.55
8.08 2022 10 8.59 37 8.37 73 8.39 152 8.30 5,370 8.53 9,931 8.40
8.13 2022 143 8.58 20 8.36 1,041 8.44 419 8.29 4,105 8.58 32,390 8.41
9.15 2024 5,714 8.56 5,818 8.30 22,486 8.39 1,11,538 8.30 1,52,133 8.63
8.26 2027 25 8.67 28 8.52 109 8.54 486 8.48 722 8.87 562 8.57
8.28 2027 353 8.63 37 8.50 757 8.57 1,590 8.50 3,197 8.86 3,656 8.57
8.97 2030 730 8.71 398 8.59 2,028 8.64 7,387 8.57 11,096 8.75
8.28 2032 7 8.55 21 8.47 39 8.50 424 8.52 113 8.65 218 8.58
8.30 2040 93 8.67 166 8.57 690 8.60 418 8.55 4,514 8.94 1,076 8.63
8.83 2041 311 8.69 113 8.59 1,988 8.63 1,895 8.56 4,315 8.74
Total (All Securities) 43,655 8.60 18,168 8.27 1,51,957 8.44 3,08,879 8.26 4,42,147 8.58 2,45,522 8.35
(-) means no trading YTM = Yield to maturity in percentage per annum. (1) Yields are weighted yields, weighted by the amounts of each transaction.
Source: As in Table 8.

114 A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 DDB3 Economic 8c Political w e e k ly

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 MONEY MARKET REVIEW

Table 11: Details of State Government Borrowings (Amount in Rs crore) In contrast to dated securities, due to
Date of Auction Number of Total Amount Bid-Cover YTMat Cut-Off Weighted Average demand for short-term securities in the
Participating States Accepted Ratio Price (%) Yield (%)
06-Mar-12 10 11,067 1.72 8.95 8.90 market, the traded volume of t b s across
13-Mar-12 5 2,610 2.88 8.98 8.95 maturities jumped up more than twice at
20-Mar-12 5 1,216 2.26 9.03 9.01 Rs 40,438 crore over the last month. The
29-Mar-12 12 6,368 1.21 9.17 9.07 major contribution in this leap was from
Total for M arch 2012 32 21,261 1.74 9.02 8.96 182-day t b s , followed by 91-day t b s . The
Total for February 2012 16 15,088 1.44 8.74 8.71 yield hardened for 91-day and 364-day
Source: RBI press releases.
maturities to 8.94% and 8.64%, respec­
Table 12: Auctions of Treasury Bills (Amount in Rs crore) tively, while it remained unchanged for
Date of Auction Bids Bid-Cover Cut-off Weighted Cut-off Weighted 182-day t b s at 8.81%.
Accepted Ratio Yield (%) Average Yield Price (Rs) Average Price
(%) (Rs)
A: 91-Day Treasury Bills 2.5 Corporate Bonds Market
29-Feb-12 8,000 2.15 9.06 9.06 97.79 97.79 The amount raised by privately placed
07-Mar-12 8,000 3.26 9.06 9.02 97.79 97.80
issues on the n s e plunged by 64% dur­
14-Mar-12 8,000 3.68 8.98 8.94 97.81 97.82
ing the period to Rs 7,672 crore. A total
21-Mar-12 8,000 3.12 8.98 8.98 97.81 97.81
of 45 issues struck the market against
28-Mar-12 8,000 2.56 9.02 8.98 97.80 97.81
69 in February. Central government
Total for M arch 2012 40,000 2.95 9.02 9.00 97.80 97.81
97.83
undertakings dominated the issuance
Total for February 2012 44,000 2.00 8.94 8.91 97.82
B: 182-Day Treasury Bills volume, raising Rs 4,976 crore with
29-Feb-12 4,000 2.57 8.75 8.73 95.82 95.83 coupons ranging from 9.25% to 9.72%.
14-Mar-12 4,000 3.11 8.66 8.64 95.86 95.87 Three central government undertakings,
28-Mar-12 4,000 3.06 8.66 8.64 95.86 95.87 namely, n t p c , n h p c and Power Finance
Total for March 2012 12,000 2.91 8.69 8.67 95.85 95.86 Corporation tapped the market. The
Total for February 2012 12,000 2.70 8.69 8.66 95.85 95.86 highest coupons were paid by cor­
C: 364-Day Treasury Bills porates in a narrow range of 11.50% to
07-Mar-12 4,000 4.93 8.45 8.42 92.23 92.25
12% (Table 13).
21-Mar-12 4,000 4.85 8.40 8.40 92.27 92.27
The Rural Electrification Corporation
Total for March 2012 8,000 4.89 8.42 8.41 92.25 92.26
tapped the market through a public
Total for February 2012 8,000 4.43 8.51 8.49 92.18 92.19
Source: RBI's press releases. issue of tax free, secured, redeemable,
non-convertible bonds for an amount of
Table 13: Details of Private Placement in Corporate Bonds
Rs 1,500 crore with the option to retain
Institutional Category No of Issues Volume in Range of Range of Maturity in
RsCrore Coupon Rates (in %) Years over-subscription up to an aggregate
Banks/FIs 6 2,309 9.50-11.00 3 to 10 amount Rs 3,000 crore. This issue
Central un derta k in gs 34 4,976 9.25-9.72 3 to 20 opened on 6 March and closed on 12
C orp ora tes 5 387 11.50-12.00 1.1 to 10 March. These bonds were divided into
Total for M arch 2012 45 7,672 9.25-12.00 1.1 to 20 two series, series one with 10-year
Total for February 2012 69 21,332 9.00-11.60 1 to 10
maturity and 7.93% coupon, and second
Source: www.nseindia.com.
series with 15-year maturity and 8.12%
Punjab, which witnessed a lower cut-off crore with higher yield at 8.84%, coupon.
yield in the second auction, all other over February. A public issue by Muthoot Finance for
states witnessed increased cut-off an aggregate amount of Rs 500 crore
yields in successive auctions. Absence 2.4 Treasury Bills opened on 2 March and closed on 17
of the central government in primary A continuous build-up of pressure on March. These are secured, non-converti­
auctions after the initial few days in the yields of 91-day treasury bills ( t b s ) was ble debentures. For these bonds, four
month provided the added space for witnessed during the month. For 182- different maturities were available, for
states during the month. Cut-off yields day maturity, the overall yield remained two-year maturity the coupon was 13%,
ranged from 8.92% to 9.49%. The flat while it dropped in the case of 364- for three-year and five-year maturities
accepted amount was the lowest at Rs 5 day maturities. The total amount raised the coupon offered was 13.25% and for a
crore for Nagaland while the highest though 91-day t b s was worth Rs 40,000 maturity of 5.6 years, 13.43% coupon
amount was raised by Maharashtra crore during the month, whereas the was offered.
for Rs 2,424 crore. In the auction on issuance amount remained the same for Turnover in the secondary market was
29 March, state loans of three states, 182-day and 364-day t b s at Rs 12,000 recorded at Rs 53,440 crore during the
namely, Bihar, Manipur and Sikkim and Rs 8,000 crore each, respectively. month, fim m d a reported turnover worth
remained unsold (Table 11). Turnover The bid cover improved across maturi­ Rs 25,316 crore closely followed by the n s e
of s d l s had gone up by 69% to Rs 7,379 ties, over the period (Table 12). reporting turnover worth Rs 24,667 crore.

Economic & Political w e e k l y IBiBB A p r i l 28, 2012 v o l x l v ii n o 17 115

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 EPW Research Foundation

The point-to-point inflation rate based on wholesale price index for March 2012 eased to 6.9% from 9.7% a year ago. But the index of manufactured food products hardened from 2.4% to 5.9% and the overall
food index, including primary food articles, also hardened from 6.8% to 8.5%. Inflation rates of minerals and fuel and power continued to rule high at elevated two-digit levels. The overall inflation rate on a
monthly average basis for 2011-12 stood relatively high at 8.8%, though it had moderated from 9.6% in 2010-11.
Macroeconomic Indicators ________________________________________ ________ ___________
Variation (%): Point-to-Point
Index Numbers of Wholesale Prices*
Weights March Over Full Financial Year
(Base Year: 2004-05 = 100)A
2012 Month 2011-12 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06 2004-05@ 2003-04@
All Commodities 100.0 159.8 0.9 6.9 9.7 10.4 1.6 7.7 6.7 5.7 5.4 5.4
Primary Articles __ 20.1 206.3 2.4 9.6 13.4 22.2 5.4 9.6 12.8 4.3 1.7 1.7
Food Articles __ 14.3 196.8 2.3 9.9 9.4 20.6 8.0 5.6 13.2 5.0 3.8 3.8
Non-Food Articles __ 4.3 189.1 1.3 -1.2 27.3 20.4 0.6 16.3 10.6 -3.5 -7.0 -7.0
Minerals __ 1.5 343.0 4.1 28.6 15.2 37.9 -2.8 28.2 13.8 18.5 - -
Fuel & Power 14.9 174.0 0.5 10.4 12.5 13.8 -3.4 7.4 1.1 17.3 10.4 10.4
Manufactured Products __ 65.0 142.2 0.4 4.9 7.4 5.3 1.7 7.1 6.3 3.5 5.0 5.0
Food Products ___ 10.0 153.7 0.2 5.9 2.4 15.1 6.3 8.4 4.3 2.4 1.9 1.9
Food Index (computed) ___ 24.3 179.1 1.6 8.5 6.8 18.5 7.3 6.7 9.6 3.9 3.0 3.0
All Commodities (Monthly average basis) 100.0 155.9 - 8.8 9.6 3.8 8.1 4.7 6.6 4.5 3.7 3.7
A The date of first release of data based on 2004-05 series wef 14 September 2010. @ Full fiscal year variation is based on 1993-94.
* Consequent upon the decision o f the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) held on 24January2012, weekly releaseof Wholesale Price Index (WPI) for the commodities/items under the Groups "Primary Articles" and
"Fuel and Power" is discontinued with immediate effect. WPI shall, henceforth, be released on a monthly basis only. The last Weekly WPI forthe week ending 14January 2012.
Variation (%): Point-to-Point
Cost of Living Indices Latest Over Over 12 Months Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
Month 2012 Month 2011 2010 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06
Industrial Workers (IW) (2001=100) 1992 0.5 7.6 8.8 7.6 8.8 8.8 14.9 8.0 7.9 6.7 5.3
Agricultural Labourers (AL) (1986-87=100) 6212 0.5 6.3 8.6 6.2 9.0 9.1 15.8 9.5 7.9 9.5 5.3
Note:Superscript numeral denotes month to which figure relates, e q, superscript 2 stands for February.
Variation
Money and Banking (Rs crare) 23 March Over Month Over Year Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
2012 2011 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09
Money Supply (M,) 7347530 121260(1.7) 843980(13.0) 843410(13.0) 900840(16.1) 896790(16.0) 807920(16.8) 776930(19.3)
Currency with Public 1031310 15330(1.5) 112090(12.2) 119480(13.1) 151730(19.8) 146700 (19.1) 102043 (15.3) 97040(17.1)
Deposits Money with Banks 6314410 105190(1.7) 733580(13.1) 725790(13.0) 749430(15.5) 750230(15.5) 707606(17.2) 683375 (19.9)
of which: Demand Deposits 700210 32870(4.9) -17710(-2.5) -22640(-3.1) -50(-0.0) -310 (-0.0) 129281 (22.0) 10316(1.8)
Time Deposits 5614200 72320(1.3) 751290(15.4) 748430(15.4) 749480(18.2) 750540(18.2) 578325 (16.4) 673059 (23.5)
Net Bank Credit to Government 2348210 21610(0.9) 444520(23.4) 364320(18.4) 234500(14.0) 313580(18.8) 391853 (30.7) 377815(42.0)
Bank Credit to Commercial Sector 4950280 223460(4.7) 714050(16.9) 713610(16.8) 744830(21.3) 744000 (21.3) 476516(15.8) 435904(16.9)
Net Foreign Exchange Assets 1514260 52300(3.6) 126290(9.1) 120920(8.7) 106510(8.3) 111880(8.7) 367718 (-5.2) 57053 (4.4)
Banking Sector's Net Non-Monetary Liabilities 1479340 176510(13.5) 442390(42.7) 356810(31.8) 186310(21.9) 274130 (32.2) -9050 (-1.1) 94672 (12.4)
of which: RBI 591490 53920(10.0) 228570(63.0) 223140(60.6) 61280(20.3) 66710(22.1) -86316 (-22.3) 177709 (84.5)
Reserve Money (6 April 2012)* 1387500 -18570(-1.3) 124290(9.8) -39740(-2.8) -113610(-8.3) 50420(3.7) 220240(19.0) 168582(17.1)
Net RBI Credit to Centre 484400 -20850(-) 208040(-) -44280(-) -117670(-) 134650 180680 151589
Scheduled Commercial Banks (23 March 2012)
Aggregate Deposits 5903660 88190(1.5) 695690(13.4) 695690(13.4) 715140(15.9) 715143(15.9) 658716 (17.2) 637170(19.9)
Demand 622800 26360(4.4) -18900(-2.9) -18900(-2.9) -3900(-0.6) -3905 (-0.6) 122525(23.4) -1224 (-0.2)
Time 5280860 61840(1.2) 714590(15.6) 714590(15.6) 719050(18.7) 719048(18.7) 536191 (16.2) 638395 (23.9)
Investments (for SLRpurposes) 1736640 -8290(-0.5) 235020(15.7) 235020(15.7) 116870(8.4) 116867(8.4) 218342 (18.7) 194694(20.0)
Bank Credit 4611630 204110(4.6) 669550(17.0) 669550(17.0) 697290(21.5) 697294(21.5) 469239 (16.9) 413635 (17.5)
Non-Food Credit 4530330 206020(4.8) 652530(16.8) 652530(16.8) 681500(21.3) 681500(21.3) 466961 (17.1) 411825 (17.8)
Commercial Investments 171520 -3760(-2.1) 23920(16.2) 23919(16.2) 29529(25.0) 28872 (24.5) 11654(11.0) 10911 (11.4)
Total Bank Assistance to Comml Sector 4701850 202260(4.5) 676450(16.8) 676449(16.8) 711029(21.5) 710372 (21.4) 478615 (16.9) 422736 (17.5)
Note: Government Balances as on 31 March 2011 are after closure of accounts.
* The value of column 2011-12 correspond to 2012-13 and those of 2010-11 correspond to 2011-12 and 2009-10 to 2010-11; Government Balances as on 31 March 2012 are before closure of accounts.
Index Numbers of Industrial Production February* Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year Averages
(Base 2004-05=100) Weights 2012 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07
General Index 100.00 174.9(4.1) 168.7(3.5) 163.0(8.1) 165.4(8.2) 152.9(5.3) 145.2(2.5) 141.7(15.5) 122.6(12.9)
Mining 14.157 134.8(2.1) 1I26.5-(2.1) 129.2(5.8) 131.0(5.2) 124.5(7.9) 115.4(2.6) 112.5(4.6) 107.6(5.2)
Manufacturing 75.527 186.5(4.0) 179.3(3.7) 172.9(8.7) 175.6(8.9) 161.3(4.8) 153.8(2.5) 150.1(18.4) 126.8(15.0)
Electricity 10.316 145.1(8.0) 148.4(8.7) 136.5(5.4) 138.0(5.6) 130.8(6.1) 123.3(2.8) 120.0(6.4) 112.8(7.3)
* Indices for the month are Quick Estimates.
Fiscal Year So Far 2011-12 End of Fiscal Year
Capital Market 2009-10
13 April 2012 Month Ago Year Ago Trougfi Peak Trough Peak 2011-12 2010-11
BSE Sensitive Index (1978-79=100) 17095(-13.2) 17814 19697(10.5) 17095 17597 15175 19702 17404(-9.8) 19445(10.9) 17528(80.5)
BSE-100 (1983-84=100) 9050(-11.8) 9401 10262(8.7) 9050 9296 7805 10262 9164(-8.6) 10096(8.6) 9300(88.2)
BSE-200 (1989-90=100) 2132(-12.2) 2212 2427(8.4) 2132 2190 1824 2427 2158(-8.8) 2379(8.1) 2200(92.9)
S&P CNX Nifty (3 Nov 1995=1000) 5207(-11.9) 5430 5912(11.1) 5207 5359 4544 5912 5296(-8.5) 5834(11.1) 5249(73.8)
Skindia GDR Index (2 Jan 1995=1000) 2368(-26.5) 2457 3222(11.2) 2311 2405 1875 3441 2316(-26.5) 3151(9.3) 2883(134.2)
Net Fit Investment in (US $ Mn Equities) - period end 110530(7.4) 109587 102943(31.8) - - - 110465(9.1) 101454(31.5) 77159(43.1)
February* Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
Foreign Trade 2012 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06 2004-05
Exports: Rs crore 121040 1274840(27.0) 1003785(33.2) 1118823(32.3) 845534(0.6) 840754(28.2) 655863(14.7) 571779(25.3) 456418(21.6) 375340(27.9)
US$mn 24618 267410(21.4) 220241(39.0) 245868(37.5) 17875K-3.5) 185295(13.6) 163132(29.0) 126361(22.6) 103091(23.4) 83536(30.8)
Imports: Rs crore 195595 2069643(35.3) 1529295(24.4) 1596869(17.1) 1363736(-0.8) 1374434(35.8) 1012312(20.4) 840506(27.3) 660409(31.8) 501065(39.5)
US$mn 39782 434160(29.4) 335502(29.7) 350695(21.6) 2883731-5.0) 303696(20.7) 251654(35.5) 185749(24.5) 149166(33.8) 111517(42.7)
Non-POL US$ mn 27122 301599(24.9) 241491(33.9) 249006(23.7) 201237(-4.2) 210029(22.2) 171940(33.5) 128790(22.4) 105233(37.1) 76772(33.2)
Balance o f Trade: Rs crore -74555 -794803 -525510 -478047 -518202 -533680 -356449 -268727 -203991 -125725
US $mn -15164 -166750 -115261 -104827 -109621 -118401 -88522 -59388 -46075 -27981
* Provisional figures._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Foreign Exchange Reserves (excluding Variation Over
gold but including revaluationeffects) 6April 8 April 31 Mar Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
2012 2011 2011 Month Ago Year Ago 2012-13 2011-12 2011-12 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08
Rs crore 1343070 1243121 1353370 27400 99950 -10300 -2163 108086 73038 -57826 33975 359500
US$mn 263088 282271 264538 60 -19183 -1450 3372 -14361 19208 18264 -57821 107324
Figures in brackets are percentage variations over the specified or over the comparable period of the previous year. (-) not relevant.
[Comprehensive current economic statistics with regular weekly updates, as also the thematic notes and Special Statistics series, are available on our website: http://www.epwrf.in].

116 A P R IL 2 8 , 2 0 1 2 V O L X L V II N O 17 Economic 81Political w eekly

 STATISTICS

Secondary M arket Transactions in Government Securities and the Forex M arket - Weeks Ending April 6/13,2012
1 Settlement Volume of Government Securities (G-Sec) Transactions
Week Ended 13 April 2012 6 April 2012 15 April 2011 2012-13* 2011-12**
Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume
ofTrades (Facevalue ofTrades (Facevalue ofTrades (Facevalue ofTrades (Facevalue ofTrades (Facevalue
in Rscrore) in Rscrore) in Rscrore) in Rscrore) in Rscrore)
Outright Trades 10821 92366 2748 29368 3255 27644 13569 121734 6883 60043
Repo Trades 664 74810 313 37083 295 37518 976 111843 863 136833
Total 11485 167177 3061 66450 3550 65161 14545 233577 7746 196876
Daily Avg Outright 2164 18473 1374 14684 1085 9215 1938 17391 983 8578
Daily Avg Repo 111 12468 104 12361 74 9379 122 13980 96 15204

2 Type-wise Settlement Volume of Government Securities Transactions (FV in RsCrore)________________________ 3 Top 2Traded Central Government Dated Securities
Outright Repo Outright Repo Outright Repo Week Ending 13April 2012
Central Government 78286 25485 20619 9783 23285 26637 Security Description Value %Valueto
State Government 2585 668 2557 492 646 183 (Rscr) Total
Treasury Bills 11495 48657 6191 26808 3713 10698 9.15% GS2024 41722 53.29
Total 92366 74810 29368 37083 27644 37518 8.79% GS2021 24842 31.73

4 Category-wise Outright Activity -Market Share (%) 5 Category-wise CBLOActivity - Market Share (%)
Buy Side Sell Side Buy Side Sell Side Buy Side Sell Side BuySide Sell Side BuySide Sell Side
Foreign Banks 24.34 26.84 30.65 34.65 26.90 32.44 1.01 21.24 1.22 12.15
Primary Dealers 23.94 28.11 19.57 27.31 14.54 30.94 0.03 4.42 0.02 4.84
Public Sector Banks 21.68 20.05 14.66 11.21 27.10 12.41 12.82 36.01 10.27 29.95
Private Sector Banks 15.86 15.30 12.53 20.57 15.96 1.44 16.40 4.17 14.31
16.57
Cooperative Banks 5.08 4.90 1.14 1.20 2.58 1.56 3.45
1.86 2.55 1.50
Others 3.76 1.67 12.43 1.85 21.10
0.05 13.00 0.05 0.87 0.41
66.5U 2.27 61.84 7.48
Mutual Funds 3.26 2.99 3.34 2.47 8.21 4.92
l/.y/ 0.00 16.66 0.00
Ins Cos 1.61 1.50 3.34 2.47 3.48 0.71 A £3
4.03 1 AA1\
Z .50 L 6.73
FIs 0.48 0.27 1.05 0.12 0.38 0.09
6 Intercategory-wise - Market Share (in %) 7 Market Share in Outright Settlement Volumes (%)
Reverse Repo Reverse Repo Reverse Repo 13Apr 2012 6 Apr2012 15Apr 2011
RepoTrades Trades RepoTrades Trades RepoTrades Trades Top 5 29.08 31.48 29.21
Public Sector Banks 13.42 4.19 14.89 22.03 3.33 6.41 Top 10 46.75 49.98 44.10
Ins Cos 12.56 0.00 19.68 0.00 11.74 0.00 Top 15 57.58 63.59 56.07
Mutual Funds 52.24 0.00 47.03 0.00 62.91 0.00 Top 20 65.80 72.03 64.75
Private Sector Banks 9.73 14.03 8.43 10.48 10.78 27.76 8 Per Cent Share in Activity: Forex
Foreign Banks 7.17 43.96 5.85 45.21 8.25 28.63 13Anr 2012 6 Apr 2012 15Apr 2011
Primary Dealers 4.44 37.77 2.55 22.03 2.75 31.83 Top 5 31.78 34.06 32.41
Cooperative Banks 0.43 0.06 1.54 0.25 0.24 5.37 Top 10 52.94 55.25 55.56
Others 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Top 15 68.59 69.57 72.50
FIs 0.01 0.00 0.03 0.00 0.00 0.00 Top 20 78.91 79.91 83.56

9 Trading Volumes in the Collateralised Borrowing and Lending Obligation (CBLO)

Week Ended 13 April 2012 6 April 2012 15 Apr 2011 2012-13* 2011-12**
Number of Volume Number of Volume Number of Volume Number of Volume Number of Volume
Trades (FVin Rscrore) Trades (FVin Rscrore) Trades (FVin Rscrore) Trades (FVin Rscrore) Trades (FVin Rscrore)
Overnight 3611 263713 973 56244 2501 252927 4374 309172 4965 498211
Term 3 41 537 27357 2 50 539 27388 455 33801
Total 3614 263753 1510 83602 2503 252977 4913 336560 5420 532012
Average 602 43959 503 27867 626 63244 614 42070 602 59112

10 Settlement Volume of Forex Segment

Week Ended Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume
of Deals (US$mn) of Deals (US$mn) of Deals (US$mn) of Deals (US$mn) of Deals (US$mn)
Cash 1110 16299 544 7106 538 7750 1654 23404 1444 20764
Tom 1854 23334 814 8921 920 10878 2668 32255 2294 26579
Spot 46106 46018 22004 25288 25738 28842 68110 71306 55970 64825
Forward 480 2957 684 5793 418 4447 1164 8750 1386 14505
Total 49550 88607 24046 47108 27614 51917 73596 135715 61094 126673
Average 9910 17721 12023 23554 6904 1112 10514 19388 8728 18096

11 Tenor-wise Forward Trades

Tenor 13 April 2012 6 April 2012 15 April 2011
Number Value Per Cent to Number Value Per Cent to Number Value PerCent to
of Deals (US$mn) Total Value of Deals (US$mn) Total Value of Deals (US$mn) Total Value
<30 days 103 1871 63 192 3782 65 158 2842 64
> 30 days & < = 90 days 53 322 11 76 842 15 118 1046 24
> 90 days & < = 180 days 39 270 9 49 998 17 88 280 6
> 180 days &< =365 days 40 462 16 25 171 3 50 258 6
> 1year 5 32 1 0 0 0 4 20 0
Total 240 2957 100 342 5793 100 418 4447 100
* Data pertains to 1April 2012-13April 2012. ** Data pertains to 1April 2011-15April 2011.
Source: Clearing Corporation of India Limited (CCIL).

Economic & Political w e e k ly 0EE3 A p r i l 2 8 , 2 012 v o l x l v i i n o 17 117

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 STATISTICS
Secondary M arket Transactions in G overnm ent Securities and th e Forex M a rk e t - M arch 2012
1 Settlement Volume of Government Securities Transactions (Amount in Rscrore) 2 Netting Factor (Rs crore) 3 Instrument-wise Break-up of Securities Transactions (Rscrore)
Outright Repo Daily Average (Outright) Daily Average (Repo) a Securities b Funds a O utright Trades b Repo
Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Gross Net N etting Gross Net N etting Treasury
Central Govt Treasury State Central Govt State
of Trades of Trades ofTrades ofTrades F acto r(%) F acto r(%) Dated Bills Govts Dated Bills Govts
Mar-2012 25947 229346 2615 279377 1297 11467 105 11175 793499 305636 6 1 .4 8 804876 173454 7 8 .4 5 193341 30549 5457 143565 132578 3234
Mar-2011 28271 203244 2489 393484 1285 9238 96 15134 1002699 453668 5 4 .7 6 1011143 248513 75.42 323122 69732 630
176078 22204 4962
2011-12* 412266 3488203 29806 3763877 1732 14656 102 12934 11011992 4139464 62.41 10996999 2191680 8 0 .0 7 3099108 345237 43859 2186877 1554121 22878
2010-11* 332540 2870952 27409 4099284 1346 11623 93 13943 11078385 4883399 5 5 .9 2 11233653 2561298 7 7 .2 0 25 5 2 1 8 1 275095 43677 3253965 832632 12688

4 Tenor-wise Settlement Volume of Central Government

Dated Securities (Rscrore) 5 Intercategory Member Turnover Activity for NDS Reported Outright Trades of Central Government Securities: March 2012
Year Mar-2012 Mar-2011 2011-12* 2010-11* BuySide of the Foreign Private Primary Public Ins Cos Others Coop Mutual FIs Total Market Share (%)
2010 0 0 0 (0.00) 15050 (0.59) Transactions (%) Banks Sector Banks Dealers Sector Banks Banks Funds Mar 2012 Mar 2011
2011 0 1142 4592 (0.15) 29145 (1.14) Foreign Banks 24.88 45.05 7.67 10.43 11.01 0.08 0.26 0.61 0.00 100.00 38.45 44.79
2012 4976 2449 25471 (0.82) 60805 (2.38) Private Sector Banks 27.61 23.70 23.65 10.95 8.80 2.27 1.83 1.20 0.00 100.00 27.85 17.26
2013 66 794 3642 (0.12) 33020 (1.29)
Primary Dealers 46.24 43.12 1.47 4.36 3.11 0.00 0.84 0.87 0.00 100.00 13.41 16.38
2014 709 206 3827 (0.12) 21049 (0.82)
2015 489 9284 13277 (0.43) 209633 (8.21) Public Sector Banks 43.16 27.58 9.96 10.68 3.77 0.47 1.11 3.27 0.00 100.00 11.21 11.27
2016 454 46 24698 (0.80) 130760 (5.12) Ins Cos 32.83 9.27 38.87 0.00 15.92 0.14 0.66 2.32 0.00 100.00 5.03 2.67
2017 1634 10159 32676 (1.05) 172460 (6.76) Others 16.44 33.23 11.30 11.77 17.16 0.80 5.69 3.62 0.00 100.00 1.84 4.25
2018 7001 102 202991 (6.55) 1001 (0.04)
Cooperative Banks 5.71 12.08 31.46 11.18 8.41 0.73 30.41 0.00 0.00 100.00 1.31 2.40
2019 11 216 420 (0.01) 2530 (0.10)
2020 5011 5505 48390 (1.56) 836112 (32.76) Mutual Funds 46.30 22.22 20.37 9.26 0.00 0.00 1.85 0.00 0.00 100.00 0.90 0.97
2021 128979 98 1648742 (53.20) 720 (0.03) FIs 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
2022 1255 133364 429722 (13.87) 907250 (35.55) Sell Side of the Private Foreign Primary Public Ins Cos Mutual Coop Others FIs Total Market Share (%)
2023 9 21 2286 (0.07) 2069 (0.08) Transactions (%) Sector Banks Banks Dealers Sector Banks Funds Banks Mar 2012 Mar 2011
2024 36881 190 544722 (17.58) 4829 (0.19) Private Sector Banks 19.28 50.60 16.89 9.03 1.36 0.58 0.46 1.79 0.00 100.00 34.23 20.82
2025 0 1295 178 (0.01) 1388 (0.05)
Foreign Banks 25.02 31.12 20.17 15.74 5.37 1.36 0.24 0.98 0.00 100.00 30.74 41.05
2026 211 504 4355 (0.14) 9575 (0.38)
2027 Primary Dealers 48.41 21.69 1.45 8.21 14.35 1.35 3.02 1.53 0.00 100.00 13.61 18.88
1161 8157 40706 (1.31) 75180 (2.95)
2028 17 16 63 (0.00) 171 (0.01) Public Sector Banks 32.82 43.19 6.30 12.89 0.00 0.90 1.57 2.33 0.00 100.00 9.29 10.91
2029 0 0 1 (0.00) 0 (0.00) 48.39 4.83 9.14 0.00 1.26 3.61 0.00 100.00 8.75 1.76
£H Ins Cos 28.02 4.76
> 2030 2087 0 29474 (0.95) 0 (0.00) Cooperative Banks 36.41 7.19 8.04 8.89 2.38 1.19 28.41 7.48 0.00 100.00 1.40 3.55
°© 2 2031 0 0 1 (0.00) 0 (0.00)
Mutual Funds 27.03 18.92 9.46 29.73 9.46 0.00 0.00 5.41 0.00 100.00 1.23 2.28
cro o\ 2032 75 517 8426 (0.27) 18432 (0.72)
N> Others 84.49 4.34 0.00 6.99 0.94 0.00 1.28 1.96 0.00 100.00 0.75 0.75
oo
I? NJ
2033 0 0 1 (0.00) 0 (0.00)
FIs 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
o 2034 4 55 38 (0.00) 805 (0.03)
2035 1 62 131 (0.00) 197 (0.01) 7 Market th a re n f Ton Five ffatea n rv-w kel (%) 1(1 S ettlem ent Vnliim e n f Fnrev 5enm «nt
2036 30 391 54 (0.00) 900 (0.04)
Categories Coop Foreign Public Private Mutual Primary Segment lorai ieniemeni volume uaiiy /werage
o 2037 0 0 1 (0.00) 0 (0.00) Banks Banks Sector Banks Sector Banks Funds Dealers
2038 0 0 1 (0.00) 0 (0.00) Number Volume Volume Number volume Volume
X Mar-2012 61.48 78.18 44.71 84.68 61.49 77.79
< 2039 2 6 21 (0.00) 78 (0.00) Mar-2011 55.59 83.87 46.95 70.18 66.27 83.57
ofTrades (US$ mn) (RsCrore) ofTrades (US$ mn) (Rs Crore)
2040 498 1499 19121 (0.62) 19020 (0.75) Mar-2012 109042 424862 2123142 5452 21243 106157
z 2011-12* 61.15 75.91 51.48 74.43 68.01 82.38
o 2041 1779 u 11081 (0.36) 0 (0.00) I//U3
H 2010-11* 62.05 83.05 48.99 74.60 66.49 84.80 Mar-2011 95676 389465 1762834 4349 80129
n Total 193341 176078 3099108 (100.00) 2552181 (100.00) 2011-12* 1283178 4642573 22199612 5579 20185 96520
8 Market Share of Top n' Members (%)
6 Type-wise Settlement Volume of Government Securities Transactions 2010-11* 1150037 4191037 19160153 4792 17463 79834
Tnn S Tnnin TnnIS Tnn?n
uutrigni Repo
Mar-2012 32.56 51.45 63.68 71.66 11 Settlement Volume of Collateralised Borrowing and Lending Obligations (CBLO)
rroprietary Constituent Proprietary Constituent Mar-2011 32.05 46.87 57.44 65.92 Segment vsvcimyiu Term Total
Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume Mar-2010 34.62 50.27 59.91 67.58 Number Volume Number Volume Number Volume
ofTrades (Face Value ofTrades (FaceValue ofTrades (FaceValue ofTrades (FaceValue
3 in RsCrore) in RsCrore) in RsCrore) ofTrades (Rs Crore) ofTrades (RsCrore) ofTrades (Rs Crore)
7 m a iA C i^iia ic v i iv p /ii /^ c^u iiiic 9
n in RsCrore)
9P Mar-2012 22197 204960 3750 24387 2171 242274 444 IU4 Mar-2012 11495 776883 2806 172673 14301 949556
T3 Top 5 Top 10 Top 15 Top 20
O 12340
Mar-2011 23435 176230 4836 27014 2064 348261 425 45223 Mar-2012 92.30 96.16 98.05 98.91 Mar-2011 10099 956191 2249 167025 1123216
2011-12* 374378 3081915 37888 406288 24258 3329686 5548 434191 Mar-2011 88.59 95.70 98.11 99.05 2011-12* 118699 9481527 25250 1673901 143949 11155428
2010-11* 296730 2581614 35810 289338 22085 3663628 5324 435655 Mar-2010 86.12 92.82 95.65 97.04 2010-11* 121286 10516301 24097 1743444 145383 12259745
W
Figures in brackets are percentages to total. * Data pertains to April-March.
Source: Clearing Corporation of India Limited (CCIL).
 S h a r in g S p a c e
Human-Animal Conflicts
in Indian Sundarban "* ^ i
ENVIRONMENTAL
STUDIES

Chandan Surabhi Das

Sunando Bandyopadhyay

IS B N : 9 7 8 -8 1 -8 0 6 4 -2 1 0 -4 PB IS B N : 9 7 8 -9 3 -8 0 0 3 6 -3 1 -1 PB IS B N : 8 1 -8 0 6 4 -1 18 -X HB

Price:? 300 US$14 UK£10 Price:? 120 US$5.50 UKC4.25 Price:? 500 US$22.95 UK£16

RECENT CONTEMPORARY ISSUES AND

TECHNIQUES IN GEOGRAPHY
DEVELOPMENT OF

MANAGEMENT

Edited By
Ranjan Ba&u •Sukta Bhaduri

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Earth Surface Satvesh C Ghakrabortv

Forms And Processes

geomorphological approach

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nciranivStirka r

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April 28, 2012 Regd No MH/MR/West-238/2012-14
Posted at Patrika Channel Sorting Office, Mumbai 400 001 on every Monday-Ttiesday. Registered with the RNI Under No 14089/66

TATA

Smiles that tell

a thousand tales!
In o u r o p e r a tio n s , w e a r e b l e s s e d to b o n d w ith s o m e v ery s p e c i a l p e o p le . P e o p le n o t d a u n t e d b y o d d s , b u t w ith th e p a s s i o n
a n d p e r s e v e r a n c e t o o v e r c o m e th em . In d o i n g so, th e y a l l o w u s to w o r k w ith th e m to s u p p o r t liv e lih o o d g e n e r a t io n a n d
e n v ir o n m e n t p r o te c t io n , t o c r e a t e e d u c a t i o n a n d h e a lth in frastru ctu re. *

A b o v e all, th e y h e lp u s fulfill o u r g o a l to b e a c o m m i t t e d c o r p o r a t e citizen . True t o th e tra d itio n o f th e Tata G roup.

Mr. Sujit Soren ofG opalpur village in

Miss Sonal Natwarbhai, from the Virpura Village in Sanand, East Singhbhum district o f Jharkhand. He was the
Gujarat. Sonal used to sit on the floor and study. Today she and more than 250 first in the village to a d op t water conservation
other students benefit from the classroom facility upgradation initiative o f techniques o f the Gram Vikas Kendra society o f
Tata Motors. The Company has a holistic approach to improving the access to
Tata Motors. Today, the village boasts o f perennial
and quality o f education. The company supplements its infrastructural support
irrigation for abou t 100 acres an d abou t 10,000
to schools with training o f teachers and extra-curricular activities or students.
fruit an d timber generating trees. ^

Mrs. Rohini Bhanudas Wadekar o f Pune in

Maharashtra. A widow with three children, she was
trained to becom e self-dependent with technical
skills by Tata Motors'Grihini Social Welfare Society.

Mr. Vinod Pachpute o f Vasuli

village in Pune district o f
Maharashtra. A diploma holder in
Mr.Jowahar Ram Paswan ofBaranimdih mechanical engineering, he is also a
Mohalla ofChaibasa district in Jharkhand. trustee and an alumni o f the
Today, he is an employee ofNavJagrat Bhamchandra High School in the
Manav Samaj. It became possible when the village - the only one in the vicinity
Mr. Man Singh Murmu o f Baijnathdih village in East
NavJagrat Manav Samaj, supported by covering seven villages. Tata Motors
Singhbhum district o f Jharkhand. With mostly infertile
Tata Motors, intervened to manage his helped set up the school and
land holdings, Mr. Murmu and other residents found
leprosy and found him a jo b with a continues to support it. About 600
meeting both ends difficult. Tata Motors helped him
permanent income. Today, Mr. Paswan students have passed through its
lead change by beginning a tree plantation drive.
intervenes to bring comfort to others. portals till date.
Today, Baijnathdih has a forest o f income-generating
trees, and a Forest Protection Group to nurture its
economic turnaround.

Tata Motors' Sustainability Programme. Striving for Sustainable Change.

TATA M O T O R S www. tata m otors, c o m

120

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