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Van Osselaer Tine. Mystics of a Modern Time? Public Mystical Experiences in Belgium in the 1930s. In: Revue belge de
philologie et d'histoire, tome 88, fasc. 4, 2010. Histoire médiévale, moderne et contemporaine. pp. 1171-1189;
doi : 10.3406/rbph.2010.7974
http://www.persee.fr/doc/rbph_0035-0818_2010_num_88_4_7974
Résumé
Tine Van Osselaer, Mystiques des temps modernes ? Expériences mystiques publiques en
Belgique pendant les années trente.
Cet article est centré sur les journalistes et leurs recherches sur le terrain concernant une vague
de «mystique populaire » pendant les années trente. Transformant des expériences mystiques
individuelles en happenings publics, cette vague incita à la discussion, aussi parmi les catholiques
belges. En analysant ces débats, l’article examine les rapports et la correspondance de trois
journalistes catholiques sur un site en particulier, Lokeren-Naastveld. Documentant la culture
dévotionnelle vécue et les décalages en “ religious agency”, les témoignages de ces reporters
mettent en lumière leur interférence personnelle et leurs confrontations avec les autorités
ecclésiastiques et publiques. Leurs textes soulignent également comment ils essayaient d’étayer
ou de récuser des assertions d’authenticité et tentaient de situer les phénomènes dans la tradition
catholique et dans leur propre époque.
Dit artikel bestudeert het journalistieke veldwerk dat werd verricht naar aanleiding van een
Belgische golf van “ populair mysticisme” in de jaren dertig in België. Aangezien in deze reeks
individuele mystieke ervaringen tot publieke happenings uitgroeiden, was er stof tot heel wat
discussie, ook onder de Belgische katholieken. In dit artikel wordt nader ingegaan op deze
debatten en meer in het bijzonder op de rapporten en de correspondentie van drie katholieke
journalisten over een specifieke site, Lokeren-Naastveld. Hun teksten documenteren zowel de
geleefde devotionele cultuur als de bijhorende discrepanties in ‘ religious agency’ en brengen de
persoonlijke betrokkenheid van de journalisten en hun aanvaringen met de geestelijke en publieke
autoriteiten in kaart. Daarenboven geven ze aan hoe de reporters probeerden om opvattingen
over de authenticiteit van de gebeurtenissen kracht bij te zetten of te verwerpen en hoe ze
poogden de fenomenen te situeren binnen de katholieke traditie en hun eigen tijd.
Mystics of a Modern Time?
Public Mystical Experiences in Belgium in the 1930s
* The research of this paper was supported by BOF (University of Leuven) and Research
Foundation Flanders (FWO). I would like to thank Evert Peeters and Rajesh Heynickx for
their suggestions and James Chappel for his proofreading.
AL= Lokeren, Archives of Lokeren; AAM= Mechelen, Archives of the archdiocese of
Mechelen; ADG= Ghent, Archives of the diocese of Ghent; Processus= Processus circa
assertas apparitiones et revelationes; XL.1031. Apparitions= XL. Relations with recognised
cults. 1031. Apparitions in the district Naastveld.
(1) Although De Standaard had been created already in 1914, the first edition appeared
– due to the war – on December 4th 1918. The paper had a Catholic orientation, was linked
to the struggle for Flemish rights and had (together with Het Nieuwsblad) a circulation
of 50.000 (ca. 1935). Jan Boon was editor in chief since September 1929. Els De Bens
and Karin Raeymaeckers, De pers in België. Het verhaal van de Belgische dagbladpers.
Gisteren, vandaag en morgen, Leuven, Lannoo Campus, 2007, p. 39, p. 288; Theo Luykx,
Evolutie van de communicatiemedia, Brussel, Elsevier, 1978, p. 509-510.
(2) AL, XX. Police, 413/21, police-warrants, 1934, 158. Jean Philip Boon.
Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Filologie en Geschiedenis, 88, 2010, p. 1171–1189
1172 T. Van Osselaer
(3) AAM, Van Roey, Apparitions in Onkerzele and Etikhove, 10. List by Louis Wilmet
(27 May 1935) and the list by H. Didion. Although there were new attestations of apparitions
in 1937-38 (in Ham-sur-Sambre), the zenith of the series of Belgian events seems to have
been in the first half until the midst of the nineteen thirties. On the various sites of Marian
apparitions, see: René Laurentin and Patrick Sbalchiero, Dictionnaire des “apparitions”
de la Vierge Marie, Paris, Fayard, 2007.
(4) “L’affaire de Lokeren”, in La Libre Belgique, 10 August 1934, p. 3.
(5) Marlène Albert-Llorca, “Les apparitions et leur histoire”, in Archives des sciences
sociales des religions, vol. 116, 2001, p. 53-66, esp. p. 64; Sandra Zimdars-Swartz,
Encountering Mary. From La Salette to Medjugorge, Princeton, Princeton University Press,
1991, p. 5.
(6) Robert Orsi, “Abundant history: Marian apparitions as alternative modernity”, in
Historically Speaking, vol. 9, 2008, p. 12-16, esp. p. 14; Robert Orsi, Between Heaven and
Earth. The Religious Worlds People Make and the Scholars who Study Them, Princeton,
Princeton University Press, 2005, p. 2-4, p. 12 and p. 51.
(7) Ann Taves, Religious Experience Reconsidered. A Building-Block Approach to the
Study of Religion and Other Special Things, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2009,
p. 5 and p. 14.
(8) “ (…) wellicht het wonderlijkste mystieke schouwspel (…) dat België ooit beleefde”.
AAM, Processus, BIVb: letter of Alfons Opdecum to the bishop of Ghent, 5 August 1934.
Mystics of a modern time? 1173
Still, in order to frame the fieldwork of these Catholic reporters, this article
will first elaborate on the newspaper coverage on the 1930s series in general.
(9) William Christian, “Afterword: Islands in the Sea: The Public and Private
Distribution of Knowledge of Religious Visions”, in Visual Resources, vol. 25, 2009, 1-2,
p. 156.
(10) David Blackbourn, Marpingen. Apparitions of the Virgin Mary in Bismarckian
Germany, Oxford, Clarendon, 1993, p. 20 and p. 360-362; Christian, “Afterword: Islands”,
art. cit.
(11) E.g. Pardaf II, “Celle dont la presse cléricale ne parle pas : la Vierge de
Rochefort”, in Le Peuple, 31 August 1933, p. 2 ; “De socialistische pers drijft den spot met
de godsdienstige overtuiging der geloovigen”, in De Standaard, 18 January 1933, p. 1-2.
On the Belgian press in the interwar period, see De Bens and Raeymaeckers, De pers in
België, op. cit., p. 37-43.
(12) William Christian, Moving Crucifixes in Modern Spain, Princeton, Princeton
University Press, 1992; Anna Maria Zumholz, “Die Resistenz des katholischen Milieus:
Seherinnen und Stigmatisierte in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts”, in Irmtraud Götz
Von Olenhusen, eds., Wunderbare Erscheinungen: Frauen und katholische Frömmigkeit
im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Paderborn, Schöningh, 1995, p. 221-251.
(13) E.g. in the discussion on the apparitions in Heede (1937-40). Anna Maria
Zumholz, Volksfrömmigkeit und katholisches Milieu. Marienerscheinungen in Heede,
1937-40, Cloppenburg, Runge, 2004, p. 458. On the reaction of the Spanish and German
press, see: William Christian, Visionaries: The Spanish Republic and the Reign of Christ,
Berkeley, University of California Press, 1996, p. 152; Michael O’Sullivan, “West
German Miracles. Catholic Mystics, Church Hierarchy, and Postwar Popular Culture”, in
Zeithistorische Forschungen, vol. 6, 2009, 1, p. 1-16 and p. 4.
1174 T. Van Osselaer
Reporting almost from the onset of the events, the influence the Belgian
press accounts had on the public opinion was deemed so considerable that the
bishops and Roman nuncio felt obliged to interfere. On October 30th 1933
the bishops circulated a statement for the clergy concerning the “marvellous
interventions” that the “public rumour” attributed to the Virgin Mary such as
apparitions, visions and predictions. All texts, including articles in periodicals
and newspapers, treating these events ex professo had to be subjected
to the censorship of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, as they were regarded as
pertaining to “religion” and “morals”. Those printed without the imprimatur
(a guarantee of their orthodoxy and morality, not their scientific truth) had to
be considered forbidden (14). Rome’s confirmation of the bishops’ guidelines
followed in 1935 as the Roman nuncio C. Micara addressed a letter to
the archbishop (25 March) listing the decisions the Holy Office (Sanctum
Officium) had taken on January 9th 1935. He stated that the publications on
these events (books, booklets, articles) were forbidden and added that the
Belgian bishops had to do their best to makes sure that the directives they
had published in 1933 were strictly observed (15). Nonetheless, articles on the
series continued well beyond October 1933 as new apparitional sites (e.g.
Onkerzele, Etikhove) and phenomena (e.g. bleeding crucifixes) caught the
journalist’s attention. Catholic reporters such as Jan Boon, however, took care
to limit their print accounts to the “journalistic side of the events (all that can
be seen and heard by the common onlooker), as has been prescribed (…)” (16).
A closer look at these articles on the wave published in (Catholic,
socialist and liberal) Belgian newspapers indicates that even though there
were reports on a wide variety of events, much of the media response focused
on what all these phenomena had in common: their devotional and public
character. In commenting on the commercial exploitation of the series, the
articles published in Het Laatste Nieuws (17), a liberal newspaper, stirred
the same theme as those of the socialist press (De Vooruit, Le Peuple) (18).
Their criticism – albeit mild in the liberal press – of the “superstitious fair”
consisting of little booths selling postcards with the pictures of the visionaries
on them was nothing new (19). The disapproval echoed that of the critics of
Lourdes who had also questioned the sincerity of commercialised religion
and considered it as a sign of corruption (20). The allusions to the hysteria and
neurosis of those involved were not new topics either. These afflictions had
become associated with mysticism, especially since the end of the nineteenth
century thanks to the work of Charcot in La Salpêtrière (21).
In addition, the socialist and liberal journalists of the Belgian press adopted
a “linear narrative” of (secularised) modernity (22) and regarded the kind of
piety on display at the various sites as out of date and “befitting the Middle
Ages” (23). They did not understand how the pilgrims that were visiting these
sites “in this time of radio and electricity, of plane building and other scientific
achievements” could “live in an atmosphere as if there are miracles brewing
every day and the apparitions might occur every moment” (24). Referring to
“apparitional fever”, “epidemic of apparitions”, “religious fanaticism”, and
“collective religious psychosis”, the liberal and socialist newspapers left no
doubt about what kind of piety they believed to be on display there (25). The
terms mysticism and mystic – primarily used in the francophone newspaper
Le Peuple – always seemed to have a ring of exaggeration and irrationality to
them and were used in pairs such as “troubled mysticism”; “mystic ardour”;
“mystic fever” and “collective/overstrained mysticism” (26).
(27) Jan Boon, “De kinderen van Beauraing”, in De Standaard, 9 January 1933, p. 1,
similarly: Paul Halflants, “À propos des faits de Beauraing”, in La Libre Belgique,
2 January 1933, p. 1.
(28) “Vlaanderen is verachterd, het leeft nog in de middeleeuwen omdat het blijft
gelooven. Zij, de socialisten, zijn de lichtdragers van de nieuwen tijd, dat zijn nu eindelijk de
cultuurmenschen die ‘t verachterd Vlaanderen komen ophelpen en vooruitstooten op den weg
der nieuwe idealen”: J.H., “Lezers schrijven ons over Beauraing… Het Serpent tegenover
“de Vrouw”?”, in De Standaard, 6 February 1933, p. 3. Similarly on the compatibility
of the supernatural and the modern world: H.C., “Que se passe-t-il à Beauraing?”, in La
Métropole, 15 January 1933, p. 10.
(29) Jan Boon, “De kinderen van Beauraing”, in De Standaard, 8 January 1933, p. 1;
Jan Boon, “Beauraing”, in De Standaard, 11 January 1933, p. 1-2.
(30) “ (…) dat ook hield van de veroveringen van dezen tijd, en in alles het tegendeel
van de “kwezels” die den blijden en oprecht katholieken geest in zoovele dorpen en steden
verpesten”: Jan Boon, “Beauraing”, in De Standaard, 11 January 1933, p. 1-2.
(31) E.g. events on the pilgrimage to the Marian shrine in Oostakker: Henk De
Smaele, Rechts Vlaanderen. Religie en stemgedrag in negentiende-eeuws België, Leuven,
Universitaire Pers Leuven, 2009, p. 267.
Mystics of a modern time? 1177
(32) AAM, Processus, BII b 1, letter of Jan Boon to Mgr. Tessens, 4 August 1934. La
Libre Belgique was in fact the successor of Le Patriote (1884-1915); the paper had adopted
the title during WWI. The circulation of this Catholic newspaper reached 80.000 (ca. 1935).
De Bens and Raeymaeckers, De pers in België, op. cit., p. 455; Luykx, Evolutie van de
communicatiemedia, op. cit., p. 509.
(33) De Gazet van Antwerpen (created in 1891) aimed to be a cheap Catholic
newspaper for the Antwerp region. Its circulation amounted to 100.900 ca. 1935. De
Bens and Raeymaeckers, De pers in België, op. cit., p. 391; Luykx, Evolutie van de
communicatiemedia, op. cit., p. 509.
(34) ADG, Onkerzele, letter of Cappelle to Mr. and Mrs. Vermeiren, 8 September 1934.
The article referred to: “Sprokkelingen”, in Gazet van Antwerpen, 30 August 1934. De
Morgenpost was initiated by De Standaardgroup in Antwerp in 1921; the newspaper lasted
until 1940. De Bens and Raeymaeckers, De pers in België, op. cit., p. 288; Luykx,
Evolutie van de communicatiemedia, op. cit., p. 514.
(35) “Ordonnances épiscopales”, in Les Annales de Beauraing et de Banneux, vol. 42,
15 September 1934, p. 3.
(36) “De “verschijningen” in Lokeren”, in Het Laatste Nieuws, 16 November 1933,
p. 2.
1178 T. Van Osselaer
started to move and bleed and the rumour spread that the girls, joined from
time to time in Naastveld by visionaries from other sites, had stigmata (37).
Causing discussions even within Catholic families (38) and among the
Catholic clergy (39), the Lokeren series triggered various reactions. Advocates
of the events believed them to be the continuation of the teachings that had
been promoted at the site in Onkerzele. The re-embodiments of Christ’s
passion and the playful apparitions of the Jesus-child symbolised, in their
opinion, the necessity of suffering for a Christian life and the return to “a
simpler, more childlike life, along the principles of Saint Anthony and Saint
Theresa”. The opponents, on the other hand, deemed the visionaries’ joyful
scenes with the child Jesus “burlesque” and feared they might compromise
religion. Similarly, the visionaries’ falling down into the mud during their
Stations of the Cross was far from being appropriate and, in their opinion, it
ridiculed their faith) (40).
The rather sceptical local population reacted with scorn and occasional
violence to the pilgrims and the sick that turned up in Lokeren in the hope
of being cured. One anonymous note, for instance, urged the mayor and
aldermen to send all these people home, “if not I will order myself to shoot
them all on the spot” (41). Still, the adherents of the events persisted and did
not take the reproaches of the inhabitants to heart. Tensions rose and after
skirmishes between the pilgrims and their opponents on 31 July 1934, the
local government realised that even the increased police attention could not
stop the hostilities. They asked the owner of the site, Mr. Mistler, to close it
down for the public and decided that no gathering would be allowed of more
than five people (42). The phenomena continued, however, although no longer
on the avenue of Mr. Mistler, but in the backyard of a neighbouring house
where one had to pay an entrance fee to be able to attend and take a seat on
the specially-built tribunes.
The reaction of the bishops followed at the end of August 1934
as publicly announced miracle cures failed to materialise and tensions
increased. In a letter read in all the churches and chapels of the diocese
of Ghent on 2 September 1934 the bishop of Ghent declared that the
events in Lokeren-Naastveld did not have a supernatural character and he
(37) ADG, Onkerzele, report on Jules De Vuyst; letter of De Beer to the bishop of
Ghent, September 1934; AAM, Processus, BIVa, letter of P. C. Borromaeus Vandewalle,
29 May 1935.
(38) See e.g. a letter of W. Sebruyle (?) in which he states that families are torn apart
on these matters and the ecclesiastical hierarchy has to take a firm stand. AAM, Processus,
BIVb, letter of W. Sebruyle (?), 14 July 1934.
(39) See e.g. the positive response to the site in: AAM, Processus, BIVb, letter of Karel
Van de Vyvere, priest-missionary of Scheut to Mgr. Coppieters, 25 July 1934.
(40) “(…) une vie plus simple, plus enfantine, aux principes de St Antoine et de Ste
Thérèse”. “Ordonnances épiscopales”, in Les Annales de Beauraing et de Banneux, vol. 42,
15 September 1934, p. 3.
(41) “Zooniet gelast ik me ze ter plaatse neer te schieten”: AL, XL.1031. Apparitions,
anonymous note to the mayor and aldermen, s.d.
(42) AAM, Processus, BIVb, copy of a letter of the mayor Raemdonck to Mr. Mistler,
1 August 1934. AL, III. Council meetings. 12. Reports (years IV-1976), 2 August 1934.
Mystics of a modern time? 1179
prohibited the faithful to visit the site (43). His letter, shocking as it was to
the adherents, was a relief to some of the priests. One of them even wrote
to the bishop declaring that he would be “happy to read it, it is completely
to my liking” (44). Obeying their bishops, the faithful stayed away and the
visionaries decided not to return to the site until the predicted miracle cures
had taken place (45). Nonetheless, abandoning the site was not the end of the
Lokeren episode: there were a series of bleeding crucifixes and miracle cures
in its aftermath and the supporters of the site remained actively engaged in
its promotion (46).
Louis Wilmet (54)
Louis Wilmet had a rather unfavourable opinion of the case and believed
that the events in Lokeren were caused by either hallucination or deception.
He based his outlook not only on the persons who were involved but also on
the form and message of the incidents. Even though he complained about
the difficulties he had in obtaining a good observation spot – in his opinion
this was due to the fact that one of the supporters of the site, Van Son, was
preparing a book on the events himself and feared Wilmet’s competition – he
was able to interview some of the people involved (promoters and visionaries).
The reports he sent to the archbishop linger on the difficulty the promoters
of the Naastveld site seemed to have with discerning true (i.e. Marian) from
false (i.e. diabolic) apparitions. Interviewing a religious who had tried to
perform an exorcism on one of the visionaries, Wilmet remarked that natural,
supernatural and even diabolic causes were suggested and that in the opinion
of this capuchin it was hard to differentiate between them. Wilmet did not
understand why the promoters of the site did not make the diabolic deception
public and to him, their silence became one of his arguments against the
Lokeren case.
Another reason why he was not convinced of their truth was the close
interference of Joseph Mistler: a man who had left his lawful wife and now
cohabitated in Lokeren with another one and had a son with her. To make
matters worse, one of the “visionaries”– a term Wilmet always wrote in
quotation marks when referring to Lokeren – Elisabeth Cornelis, had been
staying at the house of Mr. Mistler: “a detestable habitation for a girl of
15!” Moreover, the girls had declared that both the archbishop Van Roey
and the bishop of Ghent, Mgr. Coppieters, were soon to be punished for
their mistrust and had announced miraculous cures that never took place.
After observing how the supporters of the Lokeren site commented favour-
ably on the apparitions in Ezquioga (Spain, 1931-34) and claimed that the
pope, who had condemned the Spanish site in December 1933, already
regretted his decision, Wilmet concluded: “In short, all chitchat of people
wrapped up in apparitions and mystical things they of course think to know
more about than the authorities in charge… Chitchat, in any case misplaced
in Catholic milieus and running the risk to create some ‘Action Française’”.
Wilmet could only pity the supporters of the site and encouraged the ec-
clesiastical hierarchy to put a stop to the events before they would turn
religion and all celestial apparitions to ridicule (55). Wilmet’s unfavourable
opinion on the Lokeren message and messengers thus refers to one of the
major tension points in the relationship between ecclesiastical authorities
(54) Louis Wilmet was a painter, journalist, essayist and novelist (1881-1965) and
published – with the approval of the ecclesiastical hierarchy – a book entitled Beauraing,
Banneux, Onkerzele in 1933. He contributed i.a. to Revue générale, Le XXe siècle, La Libre
Belgique. Camille Hanlet, Les Écrivains belges contemporains de langue française, 1800-
1946, vol. 2, Liège, Dessain, 1946, p. 811-815.
(55) AAM, Processus, BII, reports of Louis Wilmet on 15 July 1934 and 21 August
1934. The nationalistic monarchistic movement the Action Française had been condemned
by the pope in 1926. Jacques Prévotat, L’Action Française, Paris, Presses Universitaires
de France, 2004.
1182 T. Van Osselaer
Germaine De Smet (57)
Although faced with the same ‘facts’, Jan Boon’s and Germaine De
Smet’s conclusions were very different from those of their fellow reporter.
Both considered the possibility of the devil’s interference at the site. Boon
saw the devil at work in the hatred of the local population, as it was in his
eyes no longer “natural” and drove them to sing songs such as “Vivan Satan”.
Something, he remarked, one “does not even hear in the rudest socialist
environments” (58). Germaine De Smet, who “by higher order” had to “follow
the events” in Lokeren, later referred to the smell of burned flesh at the
site and hinted that if Mary did not have an ulterior goal for denying their
healing, it might have been the devil’s doing that the announced miraculous
cures did not take place (59). Although she was not so happy about the Mistler
home situation either, she was convinced that Mary had her reasons for this
choice – most probably to bring them to a Christian life – and that it was not
their task to cast the first stone. Elisabeth, however, was laudable in every
aspect: the visionary girl was modest, pious (yet not sanctimonious), decently
dressed and employed by good Christian people (60).
De Smet’s argumentation on the Lokeren events is particularly illustrative
of the importance of sensory impressions in experiencing the divine presence.
Referring to the smell of burned flesh at the site and to the exceptional voice
of Elisabeth during her visionary experiences, De Smet’s comments indicate
how also somatic sensations could contribute for some to a feeling of
authenticity. As Monique Scheer has indicated, these sensory impressions are
always socially embedded: “Wenn wir unserem Körper und Körpern anderen
Aufmerksamkeit schenken, hängt unsere Wahrnehmung von historisch und
kulturell spezifischen Körperkonzeptionen ab, d.h., was wir über seine
(68) Jan Filip Boon (1898-1960) was editor in chief of De Standaard, author of most
of the articles published in his Catholic newspaper on the “mystical” events in Belgium, of
a book on Beauraing and some occasional contributions to Les Annales de Beauraing et
de Banneux. Gaston Durnez, “De Vlaamse gentleman en de kinderen van Beauraing”, in
Gaston Durnez, De Standaard. Het levensverhaal van een Vlaamse krant 1914-48, Tielt,
Lannoo, 1985, p. 285-302; Paul Wouters, Jan Boon. Een biografische studie vanaf zijn
geboorte tot zijn benoeming bij het N.I.R. (1898-1939), (Unpublished master’s dissertation),
University of Leuven, 1981.
(69) AAM, Processus, BIVb, letter of Germaine De Smet to the bishop, 3 August 1934.
AL, XL 1031. Apparitions, letter to the mayor Raemdonck signed i.a. by Germaine De Smet
and Jan Filip Boon.
(70) AL, XL.1031. Apparitions, letter to Raemdonck, 18 August 1934, 20 August 1934;
AAM, Processus, BIIIb3, letter of Jan Boon to cardinal Van Roey, 20 August 1934.
(71) “Ik heb tijdens reizen als journalist volksoproeren gezien in verscheidene steden
bij ons en in het buitenland. Nooit heb ik iets gezien of gehoord wat als losbarsting van
beestachtige razernij ook maar de minste vergelijking verdient met deze ontploffing van
haat voor Maria.” AAM, Processus, BIVb letter of Jan Boon to Mgr. Coppieters, 2 August
1934 and his report on the events on July 31st 1934.
(72) “Wie de extasen (…) van nabij heeft gezien (…) kan niet meer twijfelen dat
zich daar op Naastveld bovennatuurlijke gebeurtenissen voltrekken die spoedig een we-
reldweerklank zullen vinden” AL, XL.1031. Apparitions, letter of Jan Boon to the mayor
Raemdonck, 3 August 1934.
Mystics of a modern time? 1185
an indecent detail”. In his opinion these girls had a gift that even the greatest
actresses in the world did not necessarily master (73).
As for the religious ideas proclaimed at the site, Boon eagerly embraced
the new devotions referred to in the visions such as the cult of the Sacred
Head as seat of the Divine Wisdom. This devotion, promoted also at the
Onkerzele site, had not been approved by the ecclesiastical hierarchy (and
never would be) (74). Nonetheless, Jan Boon carried around an image of
the Sacred Head – which he conflated with the Sacred Face – attached to
his rosary (75). Encouraged by the girls’ visions to incite prayers to Mary
Mediator, Jan Boon and the supporters of the Lokeren site, also bolstered
a devotion – actively promoted by the late Belgian archbishop Mercier –
that had only recently (April 1921) been approved by the Holy See (76). In
this respect, the allegedly divine confirmation of new teachings during the
visionaries’ experience, the Lokeren site resembled what had happened in
Lourdes where the 1854 dogma had been confirmed by Mary’s appearance
as the ‘Immaculate Conception’ in 1858 (77).
While to Louis Wilmet the girls’ false announcement of miracle cures
became an argument contra their truthfulness, Jan Boon turned the prediction
into an argument pro: they had only shown the girls’ “childlike and innocent
good faith” (78). Boon had in fact been so convinced of the veracity of the
prophecies that he had contacted the bishops and warned them that they were
going to be punished for their scepticism (79). He had thereby sought the help
of the bishop of Namur and warned him against the media’s misguidance. “In
Lokeren-Naastveld the Divine Hand is writing the most wonderful pages ever
unrolled on our soil since 1932-Beauraing. Please do not believe anything
that has been written about it in the papers, the Infernal Liar is at work there
to slander the most sublime that Mary ever did for our country” (80). Boon’s
attempt to rally the support of the bishop is illustrative of the often ambivalent
(73) “het zijn meisjes dus met rokken. Zij storten bij elken kruisweg neer, driemaal,
onder het kruis (….) en geen enkele maal was er ook maar het kleinste indécent détail.”
AAM, Processus, BIVb letter of Jan Boon to Mgr. Coppieters, 2 August 1934 and his report
on the events on July 31st 1934.
(74) See e.g. its explicit condemnation in 1938. “Nova devotio arcenda”, in Monita ad
clerum, vol. 7, 15 June 1938, p. 6.
(75) AAM, Processus, BIVb, report of Jan Boon sent to the secretary of the diocese of
Ghent (9 August 1934).
(76) Jan De Maeyer, “De wending van de kerk naar het volk (1884-1926)”, in Het
aartsbisdom Mechelen-Brussel. 450 jaar geschiedenis, vol. 2, Antwerpen, Halewijn, 2009,
p. 101-171 and p. 154-155. References to Mary Mediator, i.a. in AAM, Processus, BIVb,
letter of Jan Boon to Mgr. Coppieters, 28 August 1934.
(77) Monique Scheer, Rosenkranz und Kriegsvisionen. Marienerscheinungskulte im
20. Jahrhundert, Tübingen, Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde, 2006, p. 14.
(78) “Bonne foi enfantine et innocente”: AAM, Processus, BIIb4, letter of Jan Boon to
canon Barette, 27 August 1934.
(79) AAM, Processus, BIIb1, letter of Jan Boon to Mgr. Tessens, 4 August 1934; BIVb,
letter of Jan Boon to Mgr. Coppieters, 5 August 1934; copy of a letter to Mgr. Heylen
included in a letter of Boon to Mgr. Van Roey, 9 August 1934.
(80) “Te Lokeren-Naastveld worden op dit oogenblik door een Goddelijke Hand de
meest grandiose bladzijden geschreven die op onzen bodem sedert 1932-Beauraing zich
ontrolden. Geloof a.u.b. niets van wat daarover in de bladen verscheen, daar is de Helsche
Leugenaar aan het werk om het subliemste van wat Maria aan ons land heeft gedaan te
bekladden”: AAM, Processus, BIIb, 9 August 1934.
1186 T. Van Osselaer
attitude that the lay supporters adopted towards the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
In this respect his behaviour was similar to what Michael O’Sullivan noted of
the supporters of twentieth-century German sites: “Despite their confrontation
with institutional authority, it was the blessing of Church officials that
these Marian pilgrims deeply craved” (81). Shocked by the prediction of the
dooming future punishment of the Belgian bishops, Boon did not only want
their blessing, he also desired their salvation. Commenting on the harsh
letters he wrote to the archbishop and the bishop of Ghent, he later noted:
“loving and venerating these bishops, I wanted to help to save them” (82).
Notwithstanding the justification he afterwards gave for his actions, the tone
of his letters to the bishops was rather harsh as he held the bishop of Ghent
and the mayor of Lokeren responsible for the fact that some of the Biblical
stories were relived in this new setting as their directives had “driven Mary
and Jesus into the stable” (i.e. after the prohibition of gathering on the avenue
of Mr. Mistler). In addition, it was the mockery of the Lokeren site by their
priests that had incited the local people to take on the role of the Jerusalem
crowd on 31 July 1934 (83).
However, after the announced miracle cures did not take place and Jan
Boon had been warned by his pastor that the archbishop wanted him to refrain
from further commenting on the series, he willingly gave in and promised to
cease all publications on the Belgian series as long as the archbishop desired.
Moreover, as he stated later, after the bishop’s letter condemning the Lokeren-
Naastveld site had been made public, he also tried to repair the respect for the
bishops that in his opinion had been endangered by the diabolic intervention
at the site (84). In spite of these claims of obedience, however, not yet a full
year later, Boon was mentioned among the members of a lay brotherhood
focusing on the bleeding crucifixes and regarding that “perpetual miracle”
as the “celestial approbation of their independence towards the ecclesiastical
authority”. When reminded that it was up to the Church and not to simple
devotees to make assertions about religion, the group members responded
“that it is better to obey the Holy Virgin than the bishops” (85)!
Concluding
Boon’s collisions with the Belgian ecclesiastical hierarchy, his publication
ban and attempts to get back into the bishops’ favour indicate that the
Belgian series of “popular mysticism” formed a challenge for the harmony
among Belgian Catholics. The debates on the phenomena thereby underpin
Ann Taves’ statement that experiences could become a source of theological
reactions on which the attention lingered: gazing at their bodies, the presence
of the supernatural could be assumed (90). No remarks were made by any of
the journalists on the fact that it was girls who were reliving Christ’s passion.
Apparently they fit rather easily into a tradition in which the presence of
the divine could be read from (female) bodies, open to the ‘gaze’ of others
(often medical and ecclesiastical authorities) (91). In addition, the girls’ public
announcements of their reasons for suffering (e.g. to save Lokeren or the
bishops) turned their Ways of the Cross into a part of the Catholic tradition of
vicarious (physical) suffering: by voluntarily bearing these pains, they were
atoning for the sins of others (92).
The case study of the Lokeren site therefore indicates that the Belgian
1930s series was a public mysticism set on a stage on which the spectators,
journalists, local inhabitants and promoters played a far from passive role.
The extensive media coverage thereby demonstrated that the series was a
combination of elder traditions (apparitions, ecstasy) and new elements
(covered by mass media, attended by large crowds, commercialisation).
Similarly, the journalists evaluated the events by referring to the two
temporalities they were considered part of: their own ‘modern’ age and the
allegedly ‘timeless’ Catholic tradition. Even though the ‘modernity’ of the
visionaries and ‘modern’ verification methods could underpin authenticity
claims, the credibility of the events still build extensively on their similarities
with previous phenomena. Likewise Catholic journalists, the modern opinion
makers, still looked for the support of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, the
authority of old. Consequently, the public mysticism of the 1930s had to fit
both: tradition and its own time.
(90) As one spectator commented on his witnessing the ecstasies of Elisabeth Cornelis:
“Even though I personally do not see the Holy Virgin, I very clearly sense Her presence in
that creature that can be read as an open book”. “Al zie ik persoonlyk de Heilige Maagd
niet, ik bespeur allerduidelykst hare werkelyke tegenwoordigheid in dat wezen dat voor my
open ligt als een boek”. AAM, Processus, BIVb: letter of Karel Van de Vyvere to Mgr.
Coppieters, the bishop of Ghent, 25 July 1934
(91) Sofie Lachapelle, “Between Miracle and Sickness: Louise Lateau and the
Experience of Stigmata and Ecstasy”, in Configurations, vol. 12, 2004, p. 77-105; Marie
Pagliarini, ““And the Word Was Made Flesh”: Divining the Female Body in Nineteenth-
Century American and Catholic Culture”, in Religion and American Culture: A Journal of
Interpretation, vol. 17, 2007, p. 213-245; Paula Kane, ““She offered herself up”: the victim
soul and victim spirituality in Catholicism”, in Church History, vol. 71, 2002, p. 80-119.
(92) AAM, Processus, BIVb letter of Boon to Coppieters, 5 August 1934.
Mystics of a modern time? 1189
Abstracts
Cet article est centré sur les journalistes et leurs recherches sur le terrain concernant
une vague de « mystique populaire » pendant les années trente. Transformant des
expériences mystiques individuelles en happenings publics, cette vague incita à la
discussion, aussi parmi les catholiques belges. En analysant ces débats, l’article
examine les rapports et la correspondance de trois journalistes catholiques sur un
site en particulier, Lokeren-Naastveld. Documentant la culture dévotionnelle vécue
et les décalages en “religious agency”, les témoignages de ces reporters mettent
en lumière leur interférence personnelle et leurs confrontations avec les autorités
ecclésiastiques et publiques. Leurs textes soulignent également comment ils
essayaient d’étayer ou de récuser des assertions d’authenticité et tentaient de situer
les phénomènes dans la tradition catholique et dans leur propre époque.
Mystique - dévotion - catholicisme - Belgique - expérience religieuse
Dit artikel bestudeert het journalistieke veldwerk dat werd verricht naar aanleiding
van een Belgische golf van “populair mysticisme” in de jaren dertig in België.
Aangezien in deze reeks individuele mystieke ervaringen tot publieke happenings
uitgroeiden, was er stof tot heel wat discussie, ook onder de Belgische katholieken.
In dit artikel wordt nader ingegaan op deze debatten en meer in het bijzonder op de
rapporten en de correspondentie van drie katholieke journalisten over een specifieke
site, Lokeren-Naastveld. Hun teksten documenteren zowel de geleefde devotionele
cultuur als de bijhorende discrepanties in ‘religious agency’ en brengen de persoonlijke
betrokkenheid van de journalisten en hun aanvaringen met de geestelijke en publieke
autoriteiten in kaart. Daarenboven geven ze aan hoe de reporters probeerden om
opvattingen over de authenticiteit van de gebeurtenissen kracht bij te zetten of te
verwerpen en hoe ze poogden de fenomenen te situeren binnen de katholieke traditie
en hun eigen tijd.
Mystiek - devotie - katholicisme - België - religieuze ervaring